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Full text of "Report on the settlement of the land revenue of the Sultánpur district. [With] Accompaniments"

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A 




60001 8278W 



REPQE T 



ON THE 



SETTLEMENT OF THE LAND REVENUE 



OF THK 



SULTA^PUR DISTRICT. 



Br A, F. MILLETT, Esq., C.S,. 
Settlement. Officer. 





LTJCKNOW: 

PRINTED AT THE O0DH GOVERNMENT PRE»9, 

1.87 3. 

d2l. . PL . 2 lit?. 






&o. 19HR. o* 1877. 

RESOLUTION. 
Revenue Department. 
Dated Naini Tal, the 10th September, 1877. 
Read : — 

The final report on the settlement of the Sultanpur district, with the Officiating Com- 
missioner's (Lieutenant- Colonel I. F. Mac Andrew's) communication No. 1893, 
dated 29th July, 1873. 

Resolution. — The final report on the settlement of tbs 
Sultanpur district is submitted by Mr. Millett, C.S., Officiat- 
ing Settlement Officer. 

2. The settlement survey was conducted and completed 
bv Colonel Perkins, and more than half 
of the district was assessed by that offi- 
cer before he made over the settlement 
to Mr. H. B. Harington, by whom the 
i-emainder* was assessed. The assess- 
ment was completed on a uniform system. 

3. The field survey under the Settlement Officer was 
preceded by the revenue siirvey. The results of the two 
surveys tally fairly in the two items most important — total 
area and total cultivation. In total area there is a difference 
of only 2 per mille. In cultivated area the difference is 3*7 
per cent.* and is explained by the greater minuteness of the 
field survey, which excluded uncultivated patches overlooked 
in the blocks of the revenue survey. 

4. The description of the care with which all the details 
of the survey Were Checked on the spot by the Settlement 

Officer and his assistants is satisfactory.! 

Several of the other settlement reports 
under the consideration of the Lieutenant-Governor make no 
mention of the Settlement Officer's labours ill the examination 
and check of his survey areas, and it is to be feared that not 
so much attention was always paid to this very essential part 



* Fi*., tahsil Amethiand 
pargana Sultanpur, 430,7 44 
acre* 1 , out of 1,005,205, 
t>ara. 24, Cdmniissidner's 
reriew. 



f Para. 375 of report. 






2 SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 

of the assessors' duties as their value demanded. The cost 
of the survey was slightly in excess of the provincial average, 
but very considerably less than in the other districts of the 
division. 

5. The proportion of the total area under cultivation 
in Sultanpur is exactly 50 per cent. The area culturable is 
returned at 17 per cent. 

In neighbouring districts the proportions are : — 

Cultivation. Culturable, 
Fyzabad ... ... ... 55 ltf 

Bara Banki ... (>4 12 

Lucknow ... ... ... 54 20 

Hae Bareli 50 22 

Partabgarh ... ••• ... 49 14 

6. Mr. Millett remarks* that it is curious that the 

lowest revenue has been reached in the 
parts of the district with the highest 
percentage of land under cultivation. This is a coincidence 
that has been very commonly found in Oudh. The most 
careful and successful tillage probably requires a larger area 
of waste for the support of the farm stock, andTrigh farming 
is a necessary consequence of the density of population* 
Which the district shares with the rest of southern Oudh. 

The culturable area is about the average in extent, but 
is described as for the most part inferior 

t Paras 393-94. . .. , r 

' in quality, f 

7. Of the area returned as unculturable, however, more 

than half is occupied by 
i^^'iT'ftSS- ... .-co groves and jhile. The area 
unao ... 5*65 Gonda ... 2-53 under groves is 9 per cent. 

Bara Banki ... 4*90 Bahraich ... 8*68 ^r xi^ fL** ~ «*.,*„ ^v *U^ ,i:„ 

Bae Bareii ... 7 co sitapur ... 2-7i ot * he entire area ot the dis- 
Partabgarh ... 770 Hardoi ... 1*94 trict, that under water 8 per 

SultaDpur ... 900 Kberi ... 8*37 / mi *• , • , • .-• i_ r . 

Statement IV., Beremie Report, 1373-74. Cent. I U6 district IS the best 

Wooded,| and its lands the 
best irrigated in the province. Fyzabad and Partabgarh 
alone have a larger area in jhil, but in no district is irrigation 
so extensive. The following are the statistics of irrigation 
and manure in southern Oudh, according to the several set- 
tlement returns. 



land. 


land. 


78 


17 


. ... 76 


35 


72 


32 


• ••• dO 


28 


• ••». Lij 


28 


. ... 44 


18 


47 


17 



SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 

Percentage in cultivation of- 
Dislrict. Irrigated. Manured. 

Sultanpur 

Bae Bareli... 

Partabgarh 

Fyzabad 

Bara Banki 

Lucknow ... ... ... 

Unao ••« 

8. The remarkable difference between Sultanpur and 
its neighbours, Rae Bareli and Partabgarh, in the extent to 
which the cultivated lands are manured, has not been notic- 
ed either by the Settlement Officer or 
* Para. 410. ^ Commissioner. Mr. Millett speaks* 

of the habit, common among villagers, of using cow-dung 
for fuel. But the habit is not peculiar to Sultanpur, and, 
like the other districts of the division, it has a very small 
urban population to consume fuel. The interdependence of 
density of population and the area under manure has been 
* *r. v very generally observed, but the details 

tSee statement No. v., . J °. . J . , . ' , . j . 

page xxvi. of appendices. given in the statements appended to the 

report show no relationship whatever 
between them.f For example, pargana Sultanpur, with a 
population of 644 to the square mile, is said to have 17 per 
cent, of the cultivation manured ; while the adjoining par- 
gana of Chauda, with only 558 to the square mile, has 23 
per cent, manured. Again, in the Mohanganj tabsil there 
are two parganas — Simrota and Mohanganj — of almost the 
same size and almost the same population [606 and 591 per 
square mile respectively], but the former is returned with 10 
per cent, of the cultivation manured, the latter with 20. Mr. 
Millett has rightly remarked that manure is a greater factor in 
productiveness than even irrigation, and therefore rents and 
eventually revenue must be largely influenced by any varia- 
tions in the extent of its application to cultivation, From the 
revenue rates, which the Settlement Officer, proceeding upon 
the prevailing rent-rates, finally imposed upon these parganas, 
it is quite certain that the manure returns are inaccurate. 
Thus, in the examples taken, Chanda, although it has also a 
slightly higher percentage of irrigation, is charged with a 
revenue of Rs. 2-1-4 per cultivated acre ; while in Sultanpur 
the rate is Rs. 2-1-9. Mohanganj is shown as having 8 pe? 



4 SULTANPUB SETTLEMENT KEPORT. 

cent, more of irrigation and twice the manured land of Sitnrota, 
but Simrota pays lis. 2-2-10 per acre, Mohanganj Rs. 2-2-3. 
Mr. Millett says* irrigation data alone presented any difficulty 
# in the classification of the soil. It is 

almost impossible to conceal irrigation. 
The compilation of correct manure data is a matter of much 
greater difficulty and uncertainty. 

9. Soils were arranged by the officials of the field 
6urvey according to order in three classes. No uqiform 
system could indeed be prescribed for this classification to 
auit all the districts of the province ; but the difference in 
the principle of division in the several districts is consider- 
able. In Lucknow and Unao, soils were classed according 
to their natural character, as dumdt, matjdr, and bhiir, In 
Rae Bareli they were classed according tp their position in 
the village, as goind, manjahar and uparhar. In Sultanpur 

there were put into the first clnssf the 

richly manured and well-watered goind 

lands ; in the second class all manured land not irrigated, and 

all other good land; in the third class all the poor soils. The 

% statement v., coi. 3i, proportion of first class in the cultiva- 

page xxv. of appendices. t i 0Q i s g { ven as 2Q per cent. J This is 

another indication of inaccuracy in the manure return. 

JO. The district is described broadly§ as consisting 
a p™ » „* ««nf 0* three belts — a river belt along the 

§ irara. 8 or report. i i *• • *-• •• i P 

banks of the Gumti, its northern boun- 
dary, a bleak and ravine-cut tract, the dreariness of which 
is only sometimes relieved by mango groves ; a central belt of 
highly cultivated and well wooded villages, rich in landscapes 
08 picturesque and varied as a level country can display; and 
on the extreme south a lake belt of rice-lands interspersed 
with large arid plaips and swampy jhils. 

No statistics are given of the area of these several belts, 
but it may be gathered from the statement inserted in page 
213 of the report, that the river belt is but a small one, and 
that the lake belt covers somewhat more than a half of the 
whole area of the district. 

11. The district is very thickly peopled. The census 
hows 596 spuls tp the square mile ; only three districts in 
Qudh have a denser population. Rae Bareli alone exceeds it 



SULTAN£UR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 



in the proportion of Brahman and Rdjput residents. Of all 
the southern districts, Unao alone has so small a proportion of 
the market gardener castes. Ten per cent, of the population 
is Muhammadan. 

12. The taldqdari tenure is not so predominant as in its 

* The details of the settlement returns are not to be trusted i nimediate neigh- 
perhaps in all the following particulars, except the Actual bours.* But in 
number pf taluqdari villages, but the following statemeut is , ' ., c 
compiled from them :— the taluqas OI 

this district, as 
throughout the 
whole of the Bis- 
w a r a division, 
statements IV. 
and VII. show 
that under-pro- 
prietary rights 
survive in very 
scant proportion. 
The Bachgotis, 
the Bandhalgotis 
the Kanhpurias, 
and the Bhalesul- 





i 


** ftp *. J 4 P 
** 1 *_ * « • . . 






1— J 


J T3 


W fi * A O 

« * "S *9 *C 

-J - c8 3 »" 
£ -i«3 8 P. 




Diatrict. 


i. o 


I* m 






0«~ 


$ 


£ 




ttultunpur ... 


53 1 J* 


i 

15 




Pari abgarh, 


ti& i 14 


11 




Kae Bareii ... 


69 


6 


10 




Lucknow .,. 


25 


14 


9 




Bara Banki 


53 


16 


9 




Fyxibad „, 


66 


36 


Not complete, but not less than 
40 per cent. 



tdns have chieftaincies, whose history is traced by Mr. Millett 
t Pages 136-182 of the with industrious enthusiasm to a very 
w° rt - considerable antiquity. f 

The district appears thus to be one rich in population 
and water supply — half of it in the occupancy of proprietary 
communities, half under hereditary taliiqdars. 

J 3. The system pursued in the assessment was the not 

uncommon one in Oudh of a compromise between rent-rates 

and rent-rolls. The Settlement Officer, with the help of his 

assistants, formed average rent-rates for the three classes of 

AAn A ^ soil, into which the village areas were 

Para- 440 et sea. report. i. 7, , , , . ° nM 

Para, is, Comimi8ioner , s divided by his surveyors. Ihese areas 

TSSl 876 of report. ™™ teste ?> J and the r ^t-rates applied. 
T If the resulting assets corresponded with 

the admitted rent-roil, the rent-roll was accepted, and the 
| Para. 447 of report. assessment made on it.§ If the rent- 
Para. 25, Commissioner's roll assets were not equal to the rent- 
rcrjew - rate assets, the rent-roll was so far 



6 SULTANPDR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 

u* Par r u 0, Colonel . ? er " revised that average rates were put upon 

kins, Iuhona report (ap- lf , ; 7 , , £t f 

peodix to Commissioner's all sir and rent-free land. a He then 
reTiew ) dealt with the mean or not, as the nature 

of his notes might be, and took that as the basis of assess- 
ment." Such was roughly and generally the method of 
assessment. 

14. In the description of the details of this method the 
report is deficient. The reporting officer in this, as in most 
of the settlements in Oudh, was not the officer who made 
the assessments, a consequence of the litigation connected 
with the record of rights, which has so prolonged the most of 
them. Any defects in the assessors' notes it is generally dif- 
ficult to supply. Mr. Millett has made an industrious and 
painstaking compilation from Colonel Perkins' memoranda, 
but he had himself no experience in assessment at the time, 
and his account of the assessment procedure has buen greatly 
augmented and improved by the Commissioner (Colonel Mac- 
Andrew) in the course of his review. 

15. Colonel Perkins began hia assessment operations 
iM , ^ after survey by a general inspection • 

* Pars. 437 of report. ,. , iTi j i_* ? j- -j ^.u r 

Paras.16,17, i8,ofreTiew. which enabled him to divide the area ot 
i.. p ? f ?' J 8 Cplone * ** er " assessment into a series of groups, each 

kins' Inhona report (ap- . . . , f © r ' 

pendix to Commissioner's characterized by its peculiarities of agri- 
review^ cultural advantages or disadvantages. 
Three main groups have already been mentioned — the river 
belt, the central belt and the lake belt; but the villages of 
the district were eventually arranged, as the assessment 
proceeded from tahsii to tahsil, iu 19 circles. 

16. Rates for each circle were then framed upon local 
enquires made by Colonel Perkins and his assistant: all the 

t Para. 1 7, Colonel Per- information about the compilation of these 

kins' inhona report. rates is contained in one paragraph.! 

" In each manor (mauza) visited, we carefully enquired mto 

nrevailing rents on each class of soil. Where rents appeared 

ligh, I invariably made a rule of ascertaining how long they 

'. lave been in force. My belief is that the rates adopted are 

ttlow the present average, and even below the average of 

rates which prevailed before annexation." It would have been 

satisfactory to know the breadth of the enquires on which these 

rates were based, and in what proportion the rents of the 



SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 7 

several classes of cultivators entered into the compilations. 
Further than that, Mr. Millet says generally that exceptionally 

high and exceptionally low rents were 

* PaKL 432 of report - eliminated ;* the report is silent on these 

points, and, as pointed out by the Commissioner, there are 

occasional inconsistencies in the rates adopted which would 

t Para, so, Commis- have rendered some explanation desire- 

sioner's review. able.f The rates finally fixed for each 

circle are given in para. 441 of the report. In the rates for 
the better land there is considerable uniformity. The greater 
discrepancies are, as was to be expected, in the poorer lands. 

17. In calculating the jummas on these rates, consider- 
ation was, of course) paid to local peculiarities, and the rental 
so assumed was then compared with the jummabandi prepared 
t Para. 20, inhona re- by the village patw£ris, corrected for sir, 
p° rt ' rent-free and service lands.J 

Mr. Millett says that the jummabandis were found "nearly- 
useless, the entries in them being highly 
§ Para. 447, of report, imaginative,'^ The Commissioner, who 
reviews the report, had himself made an 
assessment in the adjoining district of Kae Bareli upon jum- 
mabandis corrected from village to village on the basis of its 
internal details, and without any reference to average rent- 
rates in the pargana or circle. He expresses an unhesitating 
dissent from Mr. Millett on the subject of the trustworthiness 
of jummabandis. He says that in a country where landed pro- 
perty is held as in Oudh* when the actual rents can be ascer- 
tained, they form the soundest and most reliable basis on 
which to assess the land revenue. In much that the Com- 
missioner says the Lieutenant-Governor cordially agrees, and 
the more so that his meaning is probably deeper than appears 
at first sight. In the first place, actual rents may be inor- 
dinately low in a particular village. But further and more 
particularly, in all areas, where the rent-roll iucludes in any 
considerable proportion the rents paid either by small land- 
owners on coparcenary sir, or by sub-proprietors on their 
privileged holdings, the actual rents are not full rents ; and 
any assessment based exclusively upon them, however sound 
in the sense of being easily paid, would sacrifice unreasonably 
a large portion of the legitimate dues of Government. This 
is not Colonel MacAndrew's meaning, for he himself cor* 



8 SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 

rected the privileged rents in each village on the basis of th<$ 
actual rents of unprivileged tenants. The determination 
however, of what would be the full rent in a village is often 
on the basis of actual rents, and even on the assumption of 
the landlord's trustworthiness, a matter of much difficulty. 
The area in it in tenant occupancy may be insufficient, or 
barely sufficient* to give any just indication of the real full 
rental of the privileged lands. In all such cases it is not only 
an assistance, but often a necessity, to travel beyond the jutn- 
mabandi for the determination of the assets and of the revenue!. 

18. It by no means follows that because two districts 
adjoins and even resemble each other in many agricultural 
relations, their circumstances will be uniform, and, for exam- 
ple, the rent-rolls of both equally complete and free of pri- 
vileged rents. The Commissioner has appended to his review 
the village details of assessment in a pargana of 169 mauzas.* 
# A . , He points out that in two only has the 

ppcn lx * assessing officer said that the jummabandi 

Was actually untrustworthy. The details, however, show that 
to an extent which was probably not approached in Rae Bareli, 
the jummabaudis were filled with lands, the actual rents of 
which were privileged and not full rents. In the first twenty, 
for example, of the villages of this pargana the jummabandi 
was "corrected" in eight of them to an amonnt from 15 to 48 

J>er cent, in excess of their nominal total. When three vil- 
ages out of twenty return a rental 37 per cent, lower than 
the sum which a moderate computation indicates as the real 
assets, it is not surprising that the local offiesrs felt more than 
in Rae Bareli, the need of the assistance of some general rates 
deduced from similar lands outside the village. 

This is no proof that the entries in these rent-rolls were 
in any sense imaginative. But it is quite evident from the 
figures of this pargana, that Colonel Perkins on the whole 
leaned more on his rent-rates than on his corrections of the 
rent-roll. In the 169 villages of the pargana the gross assets 
are by rent-rates Rs* 2,31,161, by the corrected rent-rolls 
Rs. 2,34,717. The actual revenue assessed is Rs. 1,11,270; 
which is Rs. 690 more than that given by the rent-rates, and 
Rs. 6,088 less than that given by the corrected rent-rolL 
The corrections were large, they were roughly made- There 



SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT BEPOBT. 9 

can be little doubt that bad Colonel Perkins possessed and 
used the laborious but most useful analysis of rent, which 
Colonel MacAndrew introduced in Rae Bareli, bis corrections 
would have been made with greater confidence, and formed 
a closer guide to his assessment. As it is, it seems that Mr. 
Millett is in truth so far right, and that Colonel Perkins, as a 
general rule, felt most reliance in the indications of his rent- 
rates. 

19. Comparing the rates on soils with those found from 

actual rents to prevail in Rae Bareli,* 

am. review. ^^ a j gQ noting that, where ver rent- rates 

gave a result in excess of the rent-roll, a deduction of 10 per 

t Par*, as of review. cent - ^ ar bad seasons was habitually 

made,f Colonel MacAndrew expresses 

t Para. 87 of review. h j g opini(m that the asse ssment OUght to 

be decidedly low.J The experience of the last four years 
justifies the opinion. 

20. The revision of the assessment has increased 
the land-revenue in this district from Rs. 8,29,598 to 
Rs. 10,99,111. The incidence is Rs. 2-2-9 per acre of cultiva- 
tion. In the two other districts of the division, the incidence 
of the revised revenue is Rs. 2-6-4 and Rs. 2-3-3. But in 
Rae Bareli, the former, the increase in the revenue is only 
24 per cent. ; while in Sultanpur the rise is 38 per cent, and 
some consideration is necessary to the very much larger area 
of coparcenary land. 

21. Since the assessment was made, the district bound- 
aries have been materially altered. It has parted with the 
three parganas of Inhona, Mohanganj and Rokha Jais to the 
district of Rae Bareli, and with pargana Subeha to the dis- 
trict of Bara Banki. On the other hand, it has received from 
Fyzabad the four parganas of Surharpur, Aldemau, Sultan- 
pur-Baronsa, and Isauli- trans- Gumti. The land-revenue of 

§ Current demand for the district, as so re- constituted, is 
1876 - 76 - Rs. 11,66,372.§ It has parted with par- 

ganas in which the Deputy Commissioners of the districts 
they now belong to report no difficulty in the collection of 
the revenue- It has received parganas in which the arrears 
of revenue are very heavy. For those arrears the settlement 
under review is, however, by no means responsible. The 



10 SULTANPUfi SETTLEMENT BEPOBT. 

heavy flood of September, 1871, seriously affected a large 
area of the Sultanpur district, but in no year have the balances 
been such as to cause any misgiving as to the pressure of 
the demand. 

22. The balances in under-proprietary mah&ls to which 
Colonel MacAndrew refers in his review are almost entirely 
in the part of the present district assessed by the Settlement 
Officer of Fyzabad. They have now been nearly all got in, 
but as they do not belong to the area under consideration, it is 
unnecessary to discuss here their causes, their results, or 
their remedy. 

23. There is some evidence as to the incidence of the 
revenue in the management of several estates during the last 
six years under the provisions of the Encumbered Estates' 
Act. There are seven estates under Government manage- 
ment within the area under report. Of these, however, there 
are two, Korwdr and Hassanpur, of which the former has the 
bulk of its land in the parganas received from Fyzabad, aod 
the latter nearly half. Unless, therefore, the statistics for 
the portion in Sultanpur proper given in statement VII. of 
the report may be trusted, there are no present means of dis- 
criminating the profits of the estate in that portion. 

The other five estates lie wholly in the area under report. 
The following statement shows their gross rental, and the 
proportion actually borne by the land revenue and cesses, 
assumed to be 52£ per cent.: — 







Land revenue, 


Ptrantage 


Estate. 


Grost rental. 


cetses and local 


of the 






rate. 


laiUr. 




Es. 


Es. 




Bhud&rgaon 


... 18,764 


9,768 


535 


Partabpur 


... 13,413 


7,181 


53-6 


Shahgarh 


... 21,086 


10,821 


514 


Jamu 


... 33,041 


15,724 


47-6 


Mahona ... 


... 49,698 
1,36,002 


22,099 


44-4 




65,593 


48-2 



The two first estates, though taldqas, are held by sharers, 
and in both cases it is only a share that is now in charge of 



SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT, 11 

the Deputy Commissioner, The coparcenary holdings and 
the coparcenary quarrels have had their effect on the nominal 
amount of the rental. 

24. On the result of the award of rights upon the con- 
dition of the people having interests in the soil — a point which 
Colonel Mac Andrew justly estimates as of highest import- 
ance in the description of a settlement— the report has little 
to say. Mr. Millett mentions that the stringent provisions 
of the Sub-settlement Act were fatal to the vast majority of 
sub- settlement claims. In the interests of the ex-proprietors 
themselves this is not to be regretted. It is admitted that 
these claimants, while refused sub-settlement, have been 
treated with great liberality in the concession of sir holdings,* 

At> lra - . and there can be no question in the 

* Para. 158 of report. ,. , . ~ • ^ - 

light of our present experience, that, 
however disappointed at the time, they were then settled in 
a tenure of much greater permanency and comfort. The 

Lieutenant-Governor notices with satis- 
t statement vi. faction the large number of cases in 

which claimants of every other form of 
sub^ tenure were successful in their claims, f 

25. Mr. Millett speaks of the people of his district as a 
bold and manly race, but unthrifty and poor. He antici- 
pates, however, a prosperous future, and mentions as augury 

± Paras. 53-57 of report at ^ e rate °^ * nte rest in rural loans 
has already fallen a half.J It is to be 
hoped that in this assertion he is correct, for there could be 
no sounder evidence of the advancement agricultural classes. 

26. The cost of the settlement was Rs. 4,54,756, and 
has been the lightest in southern Ondh, except Unao. 

27. The Lieutenant-Governor now sanctions, subject 
to the confirmation of the Government of India, without he- 
sitation, the revised assessment of the revenue for 30 years 
from the date of its introduction into the several parganas . 

28. The care and industry with which Colonel Perkins 
and his assistant controlled the operations of the field survey, 
and the judiciousness of the assessments made by him, and 
afterwards, on the lines laid down by him, by Mr. Harington, 



12 SULTAKPUB SETTLEMENT REPORT. 

deserve the cordial acknowledgments of the Lieutenant-Go- 
vernor, Mr. Millett has submitted on the whole an excellent 
report He had little, if any, concern with the assessment, 
and His Honour is indebted to the careful and practical ana- 
lysis of Colonel MacAndrew for the full description of the 
principles of the assessment. But throughout his compilation, 
and particularly in his account of the history of the dis- 
trict, Mr. Millett has shown most commendable assiduity and 
interest. 

By order, &c, 

G. E. ERSKINE, 

Persl. Asst. to Bis Honour the Lieut.- Govr., 

9 and Chief Commr. for Oudh. 



ERRATA. 



Obvious errors in ordinary words have not been jncluded in 

this list. 




10 
10 
13 
17 
18 
20 
20 
29 

.30 
31 



34 
35 

» 
36 
37 
59 
64 
76 

»» 
88 



93 
96 



6 

Note 



22 
et passim 



16 
5 



Dundpiir, 
Jounpur, 
Deshah 
J&min-i-tawarikh, ... 



13 

»> 
20 



37 
42 

et 
49 

et 
77 
80 
81 



Note 
86 

» 

87 

89 
134 
142 



186 



197 



et 'passim i Siniraut£, 
„ Inhauna, 

18 Bhalgawan, 

19 Narain, 
1 Munj, 
9 \ ti accented in the Arabic 

passim ( article, 

list Mohowa, 
„ Azadiracha, 

4 ready, 

\sim Ain.-i-Akbari, 

Elliott's Supplementary, 
11 Rasomia, 
33 Mussalmans, 
passim Kshattria, 

24 Kaith, 
passim bazar, 
24 kachhdri, 
32 Watt's, ... 

7 Kusa, ... 

8 Kua&pura, 
„ Kusabhawanapura, 

20 Karoudia, ... 

4 Unchganw, 

5 alumni, ... 
18 Magni Mogolis, 

26 Shia, 

13 Salar, ... 

27 four hundred, ... ... 

33 dlk, 

passim jaghfr, ... 

„ Mafi, ... 

18 Pundarik, Kirat, ... 

19 Draviras, 

20 Yavanas, 

21 Chinas, Sakas, ^. 

22 Sak, Pahlav, Parad, ... 
„ Chinas, ... 

23 Taljangh£, 
„ Daradas, Chasae, ... 

19 Aswia, ... 

'passim Sakas, ... 



Daudpur. 

Jaunpur. 

Deohah. 

J ami 'u-t-tawarikh. 

Simrota. 

Inhona. 

Bhatgawan. 

Naraini. 

Mung. 

u unaccented. 

Mhowa. 

Azadirachta. 

reedy. 

A'in-i-Akbari. 

Elliot's Supplemental. 

Rawannia. 

Musulmans. 

Kshattriya. 

Kayath. 

bazaar. 

cutcherry. 

Watts'. 

Kusa. 

Kusapura. 

Kusabhawanapura. 

Karondia. 

Uchchagaon. 

alumni. 

Magni Mogolis. 

Shi'a. 

Salar. 

four. 

'alk. 

jagir. 

Mu'afi 

Punderik, Kerat. 

Draviras. 

Yavanas. 

Chin, Sakas. 

Shuk, Pahluv, Parad. 

Chinas. 

Taljungh. 

Deradas, C'hasas. 

Asura, 

Sakas. 



( ii ) 



Page. 



9/ 

98 
109 
133 
154 
156 
159 
170 
178 
178 
194 
208 
214 
215 
246 



Paba. 



206 
208 
208 
Note 



et 
320 

it 
348 
363 
364 
393 
428 



Line, 



35 
5 



passim 

38 

passim 

28 

2 

26 

4 

9 



et passim 
523 19 



Fob. 



Kasu, 

descendants, 

Veharas, ... 

Goinati, ... 

C. A. Elliot, 

Sudan Rai, 

Thakur, 

Saadat, ... 

Prasu 

Bhainsaulian, 

Kishen, ... 

tank they had were, 

Kunkut, 

jamdbandi, 

jam£, 

Serishtadar, 



Read. 



Ea8iL 

of the family. 

Viharas. 

Gomati. 

C. A. Elliott. 

Sudah Rai 

Thakur. 

S'aadat. 

Prasii. 

Bhainsaulian. 

Kishan. 

task were. 

Kankut. 

jam'abandi 

jam' a. 

Sarishtadar. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 



Statistics. 



Para. 



Section I— Physical Geography. 

Boundaries, configuration, area, ... 1 

81ope and watershed, ... ... 2 

General appearance, ... ... 3 

Rivers and streams, ... ... 4 

Lakes, ... ... 9 

Climate, • ... ... 10 

Hatural productions ; vegetable, ... 13 

Mineral, ... ... 19 

Animal, ... ... 20 

Section II. — Administrative arrangements. 

Fiscal divisions, ... ... 25 

Tahsil, ... ... 26 

Parganah, ... ... 27 

Mehal, ... ... 31 

Village, ... ' ... 32 

Police, ... ... 33 

Postal arrangements, ... ... 35 

Education, ... ... 40 

Section Ill—Population. 

Settlement census, ... ... 44 

Provincial census, ... ... „ 

Density of population, ... ... 45 

Classification according to creed, ... 46 

Christians, ... ... 47 

Musulmans, ... ... 48 

Hindus, ... ... 49 

Classification according to occupation, 50 

Class distribution, ... ... 51 

numerical distribution, ... ... 52 

Character of people, ... ... 53 

Their condition, ... ... 54 

Section IK— Agriculture. 

No distinctive local system, ... 59 

Harvests, ... ... „ 

Botation ; fallows, ... ... „ 

Agricultural implements, ... ... 60 

Plough-cattle, 61 

Agricultural operations, ... ... 64 

Section F.— Traffic. 

Communications, ... ... 68 

The river Gumtf, ... ... 69 

.Roads, ... ... 71 

Bazars, ... ... 76 

Objects of traffic, ... ... 78 

Exports and Imports, ... ... 79 

Manufactures, ... ... 80 



Paba. 

Section VI. — Towns, Shrines, Fairs, Places 
of Interest* 

Towns or qasbahs, ... ... 81 

Sultanpur ; the Civil Station ; 

Gora-barik, ... ... „ 

Jais &c, ... ... 85 

Nasirabad, ... ... 88 

Inhona, ... ... 89 

Subeha, ... ... 90 

Sathin, ... ... 91 

Kishni, ... ... 92 

Jagdispur, ... ... 93 

Hasanpur; ... ... 94 

Shrines and fairs, ... ... 95 

Sita-kund, ... ... 96 

Dhopap, ... ... 97 

Paparghat, ... ... 99 

Sagra, ... ... 100 

Debi Lohramau, ... ... 101 

SetBarah, ... ... 102 

Other fairs, ... ... 105 

Places of Interest, ... ... 106 

Ganaur, ... ... 107 

Bikhar, ... ... 108 

Arjunpur, ... ... 109 

Arju, 110 

Eathot, ... ... Ill 

Section TIL— Tenures. 

Classification ; (a) origin ; (b) incidents, 
Tenures according to origin, 

Modes of acquisition, 

Conquest, 

Occupation, 

Accession, ... ... 

Transfer, 
Tenures according to incidents, 

Proprietary and Sub-proprie- 
tary, 

Proprietary and Quasi-pro- 
prietary, 
Classification followed, 
Proprietary right ; existence of private 
right in land, 

Equivalent to dominium of 
Roman law, 

Internal economy of estates, 

Cultivated lands, ... 

Uncultivated lands, 

Manorial dues, 

Proprietor's relation towards 
the state, 

And towards his tenants, ... 
Proprietary tenures ; sub-classified, ... 
Superior proprietary tenures, 

a aiuxa, ... ... 



112 
113 
114 
115 
116 
117 
118 
127 



128 
129 



Grant, 

Zemindari, 

Pattidari, 



130 

»> 
131 
132 

133 
136 
137 

n 

138 
149 
150 
152 



11 



CONTENTS. 



Para. 



Bhyacharah, 


152 


Partition, 


153 


Inferior proprietary tenures, 


154. 


Sub- settlements, ... 


155 


8fr, 


156 


Quasi-proprietary tenures, ... 


161 


Jaghir, 


162 


Milk, 


163 


Aima, 


164 


M'afi, 


165 


Sankalp, 


166 


l'arorl)ari, 


174 


Birt, 


175 


Marwat, . ... 


176 


Maintenance, 


177 


Occupancy, 


181 


Purwa foundation, 


182 


Groves, 


183 


CHAPTER II. 




HI8TOBY. 




Section I — General History. 




1. Abobigines. 




Aborigines, General theory, 


184 


Another theory, ... 


186 


Aborigines Scythio, 


1S9 


But not identifiable wit)) any 




distinct tribe now existing 




in this district, ... 


190 


Character of Aborigines, ... 


191 



2. The Bbahmanic Period. 

The Hindus ; their relation to the 
Aborigines, ... ... 192 

Their colonization of eastern 
Oudh, ... ... 196 

The Sultanpur district part of the old 
Hindu kingdom of Ayodhya, ... 199 
And for a time on a political 

and religious frontier, ... 200 
Effect on character of people, „ 
Foundation of Kusapura (Sultanpur) 
according to tradition, ... ... 202 

3. The Buddhist Pbbiod. 

Sultanpur in the kingdom of the 

Buddhist kings of Kapila, ... 204 

The town of Kusapura (Kasapura) 
founded by the Kas ? ... ... 206 

Vikramaditya succeeds the Buddhist 
Kings, ... ... ... 209 

Finds Oudh a desert, ... 210 
Identical with Kadphises of 
ancient coins, .., ... 213 



Paba. 



215 

218 

220 

221 

223 
224 
227 



Inaugurates the Kshattriya 

colonization of eastern 

Oudh, 
Driven out of Oudh by Kanak 

Sen, ... 
Sultanpur part of the kingdom of both 
Vikramaditya and Kanak Sen, 

And afterwards of the Guptas 

of Magadha, ... 
A second time on a religious 

and political frontier, 
An independent state, 
In the kingdom of Kanauj, 

4. Tui Mahomedaw Pesiod. 

Mahomedan conquests give an impe- 
tus to Kshattrija colonization of 
eastern Oudh, ... ... ... 228 

First Mahomedan invasion under 
SyadSalar, ... ... ... 229 

Earliest Mahomedan settlements in 
this district, ... ... ... 235 

Sultanpur conquered by the Mahorue- 
dans, ... ... ... 236 

And as part of Oudh under 
Mahomedhii Governors, 238 
Sultanpur only partly in Oudh, ... 241 
The whole of it (except one 
parganah) under Ald-ud- 
din Khilji, ... ... 243 

Who, however, has no place 
in local tradition, .. „ 

Sultanpur in the ttharki kingdom of 
Jaunpur, ... ... ... 245 

In the Moghal empire, ... 247 
Under the Sur kings, ... 248 

Again in the Moghal empire, 251 
Under the Nawab Wazirs, ... 253 
A third time on a political 
and religious frontier, ... 257 

5. The British Bulb. 

Annexation, ... ... 260 

Mutiny,... ... ... 262 

Section II. — Clan Histories. 

Introduction, ... ... ... 268 

TheBhars, 269 

TheTiars, 276 

The Raghbansfs ... ... ... 278 

The Bachgotis, ... ... ... 281 

Hindus of Kurwdr, ... 29 L 

Khanzadas of Hasanpur, ... 292 

Khanzadas of Maniarpur, ... 302 

Rajkumars, ... ... 311 

Bajwars, ... ... 314 

Bachgotis of Asal, ... 316 

The Bandhalgotis, 318 

Ametluor Udiawan, ... 322 

Early collateral branches, ... 330 

Later collateral branches, ... 331 

Tikri, 332 






CONTENTS. 



HI 



Paba. 


Paba. 


Shahgarh, 


835 


Manure, 


410 


Kannu- Kasrawan, 


339 


Produce, 


411 


Gangoli,... 


343 


Spring crops, 


412 


Bihtah, ... 


344 


Rain crops, 


413 


General remarks,... 


349 


Special crops, 


414 


The Kanpurias, ... 


358 


M iscellaneo us, 


420 


The Bais, 


359 


Yield and seed, 


422 


Simrota, 


360 


Diminished productiveness of 




Udiawan, 


361 


soil, 


424 


Gandeo (Garen), ... 


362 


Rents. How determined, ... 


427 


The Bharsaiyans, ... 


363 


Ren ts in kind, 


428 


The Mandarkyas,... 


364 


Money rents, 


429 


The Bhale-Sultans, 


367 


Data collected and tabulated, 


434 






Assessment. Method of — 


435 






Fundamental principle, 




CHAPTER III. 




Formation of circles, 


437 






And classes, 

Classification of soils for as- 


438 


Settlement. 








sessment, 


439 


Arrangement of subject, 


371 


Rent rates, 


440 






Gross rental, 


447 


• Section I. — Adjustment of Boundaries, 


Government demand, 


449 






Assessment of Waste &c, ... 


450 


V illage boundaries, 


372 


Assessment. General result, 


454 


Parganah boundaries, 


373 


Demand light though enhan- 








ced, ... 


458 


Section II. — Survey. 




Jamas, as a rule, readily ac- 








cepted, 


459 


Survey twofold, 


374 


Remissions, 


»» 


Khasrah Survey ; Instruments used,... 


» 


Assessments. Past and present, 


461 


Unit of measurement, 


>j 


Akbar's settlement, 


462 


Preparation of shajrah. and 




Moghal and British assess* 




khasrah, 


375 


ments compared, 


463 


Verification of shajrah, 


» 


Nawabi assessment, 


468 


And of khasrah, ... 


376 


British assessments, 


469 


Cost of khasrah S urvey, 


377 


Assessment. Date of declaration, 


470 


Scientific survey. 


378 


Period, 


>» 


Comparison of the two surveys, 


379 


General. Settlement T'alukdari, 


471 






Range of qabuliats, 


>» 


Section III. — Assessment, 




Section IV. — Record of Rights. 




Results of survey data for Assessment, 


381 






Comparison of local with provincial data, 


382 


Part I,— Judicial. 




Comparison of parganah with district 








data, 


383 


Opening of Settlement Courts, 


472 


Soils, Chemical classification, 


384 


Suitors at first slow to appear, 


473 


Relative fertility, 


385 


Subsequent increase of litigation, 


474 


Sub-classification, ... 


389 


Checks imposed on it, 


475 


Classification of lands, 


391 


Total amount of litigation, 


476 


Groves and Waste, 


393 


Judicial staff, 


477 


Irrigation, Sources, 


395 


Procedure, 


478 


Water-supply, 


»» 


Character of litigation, 


479 


Wells, 


396 


Classes of cases. Village proprietorship, 


480 


Tanks, 


400 


Sub-settlements, ... 


481 


Mode of irrigation, 


401 


Sir, 


486 


Area irrigated in a day, 


405 


Hereditary leases, 


489 


Preference of well irrigation, 


406 


Right of occupancy, 


493 


Number of waters required, 


407 


Extent of *' under-proprie- 




Construction of wells how far 




tary " rights decreed, 


494 


due to expenditure of capi- 




Shares 




tal by landholders ? 


408 


Birt and Sankalp,... 


407 



IV 



CONTENTS. 



Faba. 
Fast II.— Fobmatiok oi tei Becobd. 



Arrangement of Records, 

Judicial volume, 

Settlement volume, *** 

Boundary Records, 
Surrey Records, ... 



498 
499 
600 
503 
504 



fairing Records, 



Section V.— Miscellaneous. 



Officers, 

Cost of Settlement, 

Conclusion, 



Faba. 
. 615 



518 
524 
525 



ADDENDUM TO CONTENTS. 



List of Statements and Appendices. 



Statement 


I 


Comparison of Revenue and Field Survey, 


... 


Paob. 


ii. 


M 


II 


Cost of Settlement, ... 




» 


iv. 


*• 


III 


Census Return, ... 


... 


»» 


viii. 


It 


IV 


Tenures, ... ... ... ... 


... 


a 


xviii. 


n 


V 


Assessment, ... 


... 


it 


zzli. 



VI 

VII 

VIII 

VIII A. 

IX 



AlTENDEK 



X 
A 
B 
C 



Judicial work, ... ... — 

Ownership and Rental of T'alukas, 
Rural Police, 

Cultivated Area and Rental, ... 
Distribution of land according to clans, 
Form for tabulation of Assessment data, 
Assessment details, parganah Jagdispur, 
Result of Assessment Appeals, 
Land revenue balances, 1868-1878, 



XXX. 

xxxii. 
xxxiv. 

xxxviii. 

xlii. 

xlvi. 

ii. 

x. 
xiv. 



From 



To 



Sib, 



A. F. MILLETT, c. a., 

Settlement Officer, Sultanpur. 

The COMMISSIONER 

Rii Barel£ Division. 



I have the honor to submit herewith a report on the 
settlement of the land revenue of the-Sult&npur district. 

2. It is divided into three parts. The first describes 
the present condition of the district ; the second sketches its 
past history ; the third gives a detailed account of the various 
operations connected with the work of settlement. 

3. I have also the honor to submit, in accordance with 
instructions with which it is accompanied, the Inhaund tahsil 
report by Lieutenant Colonel J. Perkins, showing the appli- 
cation of the method of assessment adopted to the first tahsil 
which came under settlement. 



I have the honor to be, 
Sir, 
Your most obedient servant, 

A. F. MILLETT, 

Settlement Officer. 



CHAPTER I. 



SECTION I.— Physical Geography. 

- The Sult&npur district, in the sense in which that term is 

definitive of a settlement jurisdiction,* 
«nd^L d,l^ieB, ^s 1 "** 011 is bounded on the north-east by the 

river Gtimti, on the south by the dis- 
trict of Prat&bgarh, and on the west by that of R&i BarelL 
In general outline it bears an approximate resemblance to a 
right-angled triangle, its easternmost point (latitude 26°2 / , lon- 
gitude 82°21') being the apex, its south-western corner (latitude 
26° 10', longitude 81°24 / ) the right angle and the line of the 
Giimti (latitude 26°2', longitude a2°21' to latitude 26°40 / , lon- 
gitude 81°24') the hypothenuse. Its area is 1,570 square 
miles.t 

2. With the exception of a gradual and scarcely percep- 
. x , , tible alope from north-west to south- 

Slope and watershed. i«*/» • ni i i • 

east, its surface is generally level, being 
broken only by nallahs and ravines by which its drainage is ef- 
fected. Its watershed is identical with that of the Gtimti 
and Sye rivers : starting from a point nine miles west of 
Haidargarh in the Bara Banki district, it passes a little to the 
south of Jais and Sult&npur, its altitude above mean sea level 
being there 351 and 352 feet respectively and thence onward, 
to Ddndpur some miles east of Prat&bgarh. 

3. The various parts of the district present by no means 

an uniform aspect; the scenery of 

General appearance. . . * ^ 7 , . - . «£ . 

many spots on the Gumti is exceeding- 
ly pretty, but its immediate neighbourhood is for the most 
part a bleak and ravine-cut tract, the dreariness of which is 



* The use of this qualifying expression is rendered necessary by the difference that 
at present exist between the local jurisdictions of the Deputy Commissioner and Settle- 
ment Officer. When settlement operations first commenced, they were identical, and 
they continued to be so until the year 1869, when a general re-constitution of districts 
took place. The jurisdiction of tne Deputy Commissioner was then; altered to bring it 
into conformity with the new territorial arrangements, while that of the Settlement 
Officer was left unchanged. Whenever the term " district" is employed in this report,, 
it bears the latter signification. 

t This includes two outlying villages of parganah Chanda, viz. r Laohipatti and Har~ 
harpur, together covering 379 acres. 

A 



2 sultInpub settlement report. 

sometimes relieved only by mango groves and single trees, 
and sometimes even these are wanting : the road from Lack- 
now to Jounpur again traverses, nearly throughout its entire 
length in this district, highly cultivated and well wooded vil- 
lages, rich in landscapes as picturesque and varied as a level 
country can display ; while, in strong contrast with this fertile 
range, there lies on the extreme south a broad belt of rice lands 
which, interspersed with large arid plains and swampy jhils and 
marshes, possesses the dismal and uninteresting character 
peculiar to such vicinities. 

4. Not a single river, unless rain streams be dignified 
_ ^ with the name, intersects the interior 

Rivers and stream*. /» , , j • * • i n • 1 • * j t 

of the district. It is skirted, however, 
for a considerable distance by the Gtimti 

5. The Gtimti takes its rise from the Fuljar T£l in an al- 
luvial tract between the rivers Deshah or Gurrah and Gh£gra 
in the district of Shahjehdnpur ; it has a mean south-easterly 
direction, but its course is often extremely sinuous, a feature 
from which its name is sometimes with questionable accuracy 
supposed to have arisen.* It first touches this district on the 
west, and then flows along its entire north-eastern border, at 
the opposite extremity of which it enters the district of Joun- 
pur. Within these limits, its bed is generally regular and 
consists of a superficial stratum of clay overlying an inferior 
one of sand. The former is usually about five or six feet in 
depth ; the latter is more uneven ; in some places it is of im- 
mense thickness, in others it has been penetrated and found to 
rest on a second kankar-dotted formation of clay of yet unas- 
certained dimensions. In some places, however, the regula- 
rity of the bed is broken by large and curious kankar reefs, 
the most remarkable of which is in the vicinity of the civil 
station where it nearly bars the passage of the river.t 

• If this derivation were accurate, the name should be Ghumti. The absence of the 
h might perhaps be explained by the extremely evanescent nature of that letter, but the 
correct Sanskrit name is well known, and is not Ghumti but Gomati. The Gumtf is 
mentioned in the Vishnu Purana, under its Sanskrit name (Asiatic Society Journal I. IV. 
1865). It is also referred to in the following passage of the Jamm-i-tawarfkh (a. D. 1310). 
" Afterwards the waters of the Gang&, the Kahab, the Kuhi and the Sarju unite near the 
41 city of Barf," for General Cunningham says that the Kuhi is undoubtedly the Gumtf, 
the union of the Sarju with the Gumtf being a fable (Elliott's History of India I. 49, 60). 
Later Mahomedan writers, e. g., Babar and Ab-ul-Fazl, call it Kodf or Godf. In the 
Tarfkh-i-Feroz Shahf it is called the Eowah (Ell. III. 307). 

t There is a second reef higher up the river. The kankar there stands prominently 
in a block above water but is not continuous. 



sultXnptjr settlement report. 3 

6. The water of the Glimti is sweet and wholesome but 
not always clear, often being, after rain has fallen, of a muddy 
yellow color, probably attributable to the nature of its bed. 
Its banks differ greatly from each other; the right bank is gene- 
rally lofty and abrupt, pierced here and there by ravines hol- 
lowed out by the scour of rain-floods ; though in some places, 
strips of low-lying land intervene between the ordinary stream 
of the river and the high-level ; the left bank is low, and the 
land behind it, on the Faizabad side, ascends by a very gentle 
and gradual incline. Its affluents, individually insignificant, 
are numerically important, and fed by them, its stream is 
liable to great and sudden changes. The degree to which it 
may be affected by this cause in the rainy season will be seen 
from the following particulars. From November to June its 
ordinary breadth is under 200, and its depth about 12 or 13 
feet, its velocity being then about two miles an hour, and its 
volume about 5000 cubic feet ; in the heavy floods of last Sep- 
tember, it attained a depth of 48 feet, its velocity increasing 
to close upon four miles an hour, and its volume, where it 
flowed through the embankments of the new pile bridge at 
Sultdnpur to more than 100,000 cubic feet; all this time 
moreover an escape was open to it in the inundation of the low 
lands on its left bank for a distance of a mile or more. 

7. Of rain streams, the most important are the Kdndu, 
thePill, the Tenghd and Naudhla. The Kdndti takes its rise in a 
morass in the village of R&pur, parganah Simrautd, and, in 
the upper or western portion of its course, skirts the Inhaund 
parganah, being there a shallow stream known by the name 
of Naya. Further on, near Jagdispur, it becomes a small river 
with rugged banks, and is then called the K&ndti. Under 
this name it proceeds onward to the Gtimti, into which it ul- 
timately empties itself, forming during the last portion of its 
course, the boundary between the Isaulf and Jagdispur par- 
ganahs. The Pili Nadi becomes in the rains a considerable 
stream, but at other times consists of a string of disconnected 
jhils and swamps. Their ramifications cover a great portion 
of the south of Ch&nda, but where they commence it is impos- 
sible to say ; not apparently anywhere in this district. They 
appear rather to belong to a vast system, and to be continu- 
ous with other similar ones in R&i Bareli, the connection being 
maintained by those in the Alnethf and Mohanganj parganahs. 



4 sultInpue settlement report. 

8. The Tenghd is so called from a village of the same 
name in parganah Amethi, where it is spanned by an old 
masonry bridge erected about half a century ago by Mir Ghii- 
Um Husein, the Ndzim of the period. In the first portion of 
its course it consists of two branches, the village of Shuklpur 
being the point of bifurcation. After flowing south-east for a 
distance of five miles from that village, it crosses the border 
of the Prat Abgarh district, and falls eventually into the Cham- 
raurf, a tributary of the Sye. The Naudhfa Nadi first appears 
in the village of that name in parganah AsaJ; for some way it 
holds a course parallel to one of the branches of the Tenghd, 
but ultimately unites with the main body of that stream, at 
the point where it discharges itself into the Chamrauri. Both 
the Tenghd and the Naudhfa are streams of some consequence, 
as their channels are deep though narrow, and form the outlet 
for the superfluous waters of extensive series of jhlls. 

9. One of these series, known as Jhfl Lodhai, commences 

in mauzah BhaJgawan and stretches 
through Godwan toNardin is a distance 
of thirteen miles where the lacustrine formation ceases, and 
is succeeded by one of the branches of the Tenghd. A second 
series is composed principally of the "Rdjah's Bandh," a dam 
of great magnitude in the village of Katra Rdni, thrown up, 
between twenty and thirty years ago, by Rdjah Bishesar 
Singh of Amethi. The name, though, strictly speaking, it 
refers to the dam itself, is commonly given to a vast sheet of 
water several miles in length, the collection of which is in 
great measure due to it. Below the bandh the line of jhils is 
resumed, and goes on until it gives place to the second branch 
of the Tenghd. This branch is naturally of less importance 
than it formerly was owing to the interception of so much 
water by the Rdjah's Bandh; but it proved extremely useful, 
when that embankment burst two years ago, in carrying off 
the tremendous quantity of water which was then set free, and 
which for a time caused a partial inundation of some of the 
adjacent villages. The jhils connected with the Naudhia 
Nadi may be traced back from the head of that stream to the 
village of Bisdra in the Isauli parganah. From the latter, as 
far as Dhamaur, it is called Jhfl Naya, the remaining portion 
of it being known as Bandh Bujhwd. Two other jhils only 
require separate notice. One, Masiawan Tdl, may almost be 
pronounced an offshoot of Jhil Lodhai, the two having a point 



sttltAotur settlement report. . 5 

of convergence in the village of Go&wan. Munj Tdl is a shal- 
low lake occupying the greater portion of a village in parganah 
SimrautA, about 1,500 acres in extent, to which it gives its name. 
Its margin only is usually cultivated ; but when its contents 
are not exhausted by irrigation (for which purpose it is exten- 
sively used by the villages in its proximity) it bears a crop of 
summer rice. The piscary is valuable. It is famous also for 
its wild fowl ; and this was the consideration, perhaps, which 
induced Nasir-ud-din Haidar to build a house upon its banks; 
but scandal, with its busy tongue asserts that some fair Rosa- 
mond was the game of which he came in quest. The village 
long since ceased to be a royal residence, and nothing but the 
ruins of Nasir-iid-din's house now exist to show that it for- 
merly enjoyed that honor. 

10. The climate, judged by a tropical or sub-tropical 
^. x standard is mild, temperate and heal- 
CLmate - thy. From October to June westerly 

winds prevail, and during the first four of those months, are 
dry, cold, and bracing, more particularly after rain, of which 
there is almost invariably a slight fall about Christmas. To- 
wards the end of February they begin to increase in force, 
their temperature becoming higher, and by the end of March, 
if not earlier, the " hot winds" usually set in. These, however, 
are much less trying than they are in many places further to 
the west. They do not begin for some hours after day-break, 
and seldom last long after dark, while they occasionally cease 
for several days together. In these intervals, which become 
more and more frequent as the hot weather progresses, a moist 
east- wind takes theirplace. About the middle of June, the rainy 
season commences, and, with occasional breaks of greater or less 
duration, continues till the end pf September or beginning of 
October, sometimes, but not often, lasting till the middle of 
the latter month. The wind during this period scarcely ever 
leaves the east. The annual rain-fall as shown by the average 
of the last three years is 54708 inches, of which 48*16 inches 
fell between the 1st June and the 30th September and 6*548 
inches during the remainder of the year. 

11. The end of the rainy season is the most unhealthy 

portion of the year; the forms of sick- 

ise»se». negg then prevalent' are diarrhoea, 

dysentery, cholera, rheumatism, and fever. Small-pox is not 



6 sultInpub settlement report. 

uncommon, it more usually appears in the cold weather. The 
same may, however, probably be said of every other part of 
India, and if the district does not enjoy any special immunity 
from epidemics, it is at least not more than usually subject to 
them. From endemic diseases it is altogether free. 



12. The thermometer has a wide range ; in the nights of 
the cojid weather it falls below freezing 
qmpera re. point, in the days of May and early 

part of June it rises, in the shade, to 1067. I subjoin a state- 
ment showing the temperature at different periods of the year; 
though of course, taken by itself, the thermometer is, as an in- 
dex of the various degrees in which atmospheric changes make 
themselves felt by the human constitution, imperfect in pro- 
portion to the number of atmospheric influences which tell 
upon the latter while they produce no effect upon theibrmer. 





Standard thermometer in shade. 


Month. 






Mean. 


Highest. 


Lowest. 


January, 


70-0 


78-8 


59-2 


February, 


78-0 


88-2 


65-8 


March, 


791 


96-2 


75-2 


April, ... 


961 


105-2 


82-9 


May, 


101-9 


109-5 


87-2 


June, •»• 


961 


106-7 


81-5 


July, 


87-5 


95-8 


80-5 


August, 


88-7 


96-3 


78-2 


September, 


86-4 


94-2 


76-8 


October, 


85-9 


91-8 


77-5 


November, 


78-6 


84*8 


72-8 


December, ... 


71-4 


79-5 


63-2 



sultAnpur settlement report. 



Natural productions, — 1 . Vegetable. 



The folia 
tardea! names of 
ed:— 

Mango, 

Jamun, 

Mohowa*, 

Aonla, 

Gular 

Kathal, 

Bel, 

Kaitha, 

Nim, 



Banyan, 
Pakhar, 



list will show the bo- 
trees here mention- 



Mangifera Indica. 
Syzygium Jambolana. 
Bassia Latifolia. 
Emblica Officinalis. 
Ficus Racemosa. 
Artocarpus Integrifolius. 
JSgle Marmelos. 
Feronia Elephantum. 
Azadiracha Indica. 



Pipal, 



13. The natural productions of the district belong chief- 
ly to the vegetable world. Of 
woods and forests, though none 
now remain, tradition tells of 
the existence within the last 
sixty years. One large tract 
of dense jungle, it is said, ex- 
tended in an unbroken stretch 
from the residence of the Rdjah 
of Amethi quite up to the pro- 
vincial road to Lucknow ; and 
the Bhadaiyan jungle, also, 
which even after the mutiny 
covered more than a thousand 
acres, is said to have been the 
remains of an extensive wood, 
patches of which are still to be 
found in villages far removed 
from Bhadaiyan. The only tree 

covered tracts of spontaneous growth at the present day are 
dh&k jungles. These, however, cannot be called forests of 
which they lack the statelinessand density : Seen in the twilight 
at the season of the year their leaves are gathered for fuel, 
their crooked trunks and branches present the appearance of 
a number of gaunt, weird figures in all sorts of grotesque 
and fantastic attitudes. 

1 4. The absence of forests scarcely furnishes matter for 
regret. If they have come under the axe, it is because it is 
more profitable to cultivate the land they occupied ; and a 
satisfactory substitute for them, devoid of their unhealthiness, 
ia to be found in the large and noble groves with which the 
district is plentifully studded. Two or three well known sin- 
gle groves are over fifteen acres in extent ; and, elsewhere, 
separately planted ones combine to fill an area of more than 
half that size. 



Ficus Bengalensis. 

Ficus Venosa. 

Ficus Keligiosa. 
Cotton tree, Bombax Malabaricum. 
Dhak, Butea Frondosa. 

Babul, Acacia Arabica. 

Sissu, Dalbergia Sissoo. 

Tun, Cedrela Tuna. 

Asok, Jonesia Asoca. 

Teak, Tectona Grandis. 

BilatiNim, Millingtonia. 



15. The trees most in favor for groves are the mango, 
the j&mtin, and the mohowd, interspersed now ahd then, es- 
pecially near village sites, with an aonld, gtilar or kathal ; the 
mohowd is also often found alone or in clumps of two or three 
in open spots, as are the bel, the kaitha and the nim. Grand 
old solitary trees of immense magnitude, the banyan, the 



8 sultXnpur settlement report. 

pdkhar and the pfpal, planted, perhaps in the days of Bhar 
supremacy, here and there form a prominent feature in a 
village landscape ; and the cotton tree and the dMk are at one 
season of the year rendered conspicuous for a long distance 
round by the brilliancy of their profuse and gaudy blossoms. 
The tamarind and the palm, which affect damp and feverish 
localities, are comparatively rare in the district ; such as there 
are lie principally near old Mahomedan qasbahs. The b&btil 
is common everywhere. The sissti and the tdn, though they 
seem to thrive with very moderate care, are only found in 
the civil station and in road-side avenues planted from nur- 
series at that place. The asok, the teak and the millingtonia, 
are of recent introduction, and must, with regard to this dis- 
trict, be at present considered garden trees. A teak raised 
from seed sown a few years ago is now eighteen feet in height, 
and has a fine straight stem with a girth at its thickest part 
of eighteen inches. It is already valuable for its handsome 
foliage, but, as it takes from sixty to eighty years to come to 
maturity, it will be time enough two or three generations 
hence to base an opinion on it as to whether trees of its class, 
could be profitably grown in this climate for their timber. 

16. Agricultural produce is so intimately connected 
with the technical portion of this report that it would in- 
volve needless repetition to dwell upon it here ; the subject 
will be adverted to hereafter. 

1 7. Of horticultural produce a great variety is to be found 
in the public gardens at Sultinpur and also in many private 
ones. Most sorts of European vegetables will thrive m the 
cold season, though fresh seed requires to be imported annu- 
ally for them ; the cabbage, cauliflower, beetroot, carrot, and 
tomato reach great perfection ; the artichoke, asparagus, and 
celery, the pea, and various sorts of beans, though inferior to 
to the former, are still of a very fair quality : brocoli and 
brussels sprouts have been found to succeed but are not com- 
monly grown ; lettuces and cress last during the greater por- 
tion of the year. The vine and the strawberry have been 
cultivated with considerable success ; the pine apple grows, but 
has never yet borne fruit; whether it is capable of being made 
to do so, is, I think, an open question. There are lichi, apple 
and pear trees in the Sultiinpur gardens, but their fruit is of 
little value. The orange, lemon, guava and custard-apple, the 



sultAnpur settlement report. 9 

peach, pomegranate, the plantain and the kamrak, are more 
common. They are to be met with in private gardens 
all over the district, into which, indeed, many kinds not only 
of fruit but of vegetables also have already found their way. 
It is probable that with these examples of the possibility of 
successful cultivation before their eyes the more skilful agri- 
cultural castes will soon venture to make the experiment of 
field cultivation with many of the more hardy vegetables. 
The potato is already ceasing to be uncommon ; I have seen 
unenclosed fields of it in Mohanganj, Chdnda, and Isaulf. 
Some classes, however, are said to have a prejudice against 
it, which need not create much astonishment, as the same is 
said to be the case in England. 

18. Of ornamental trees and plants a very long cata- 
logue might be given ; but it is enough to say that they range 
through every diversity of size, shape and hue, from the 
flamboyant to the lily. In the cold season they are supple- 
mented by numerous English annuals, which are exceedingly 
pretty for a few months, but look weedy and unsightly as 
seeding time approaches. 

19. Kankar, a carbonate of lime, containing silica and 

oxide of iron, is the only mineral pro- 
duction of the district, in nearly every 
part of which it is found in great abundance. It lies at a dis- 
tance of from a few inches to 3 or- 4 feet from the surface, in a 
stratum of about the same thickness. It is of four sorts; 
bichdd, black in appearance and a first-rate road metal ; mat- 
tid, a lighter softer kind, with which a quantity of clay or 
earth is always intermixed ; patthrid, a sandy, stony metal ; 
and chatdn, a hard yellow metal good for roads, which neither 
mattid nor patthrid, is. The kankar reefs of the Gumtf have 
been already mentioned ; some of these contain a fossil for- 
mation of a yellow color, from which excellent lime is to be 
obtained. A bed, about five acres in extent and about four 
feet from the surface, of mult&ni matti or Armenian bole, an 
earth used for dyeing purposes, which has been recently found 
in parganah Chdnda, may perhaps be worthy of notice. 

20. Very few wild animals infest the district, and even 
3 .. . those, with the exception of wolves, 

are rather mischievous than danger- 
ous. Wolves haunt the neighbourhood of ravines ; nflg&es 

B 



10 sultAnfur settlement report. 

are found in a few of the denser jungle tracts ; wild pigs are 
comparatively scarce : sugarcane fields, furnishing at once 
both food and shelter are their favorite resort — " the wild- 
hog's ready home ;" jackals are ubiquitous ; monkeys are not 
numerous, but where they do take up their abode, commit 
sad depredations on the crops. It is worthy of remark that 
deer and antelopes, so common in other portions of the pro- 
vince, have no place whatever in the zoology of this district ; 
for the absence of the black antelope marked forbidden 
ground to the Hindus of Manu's age, when it is certain Sul- 
t&npur was in their occupation. This may indicate the for- 
mer presence of the animal ; but, if so, it does something 
more also ; it exemplifies the desuetude Manu's precepts have 
fallen into ; for when the black antelope became extinct, the 
Hindiis should have forsaken the unhallowed tract : they have 
not hitherto deemed it incumbent on them to do so.* 

2 1 . Game of various sorts, the hare, wild-goose, partridge, 
quail and wild-duck being the most common, is plentiful in 
the cold weather ; fish is found in large quantities both in the 
river and in large tanks and jhils. The mullet and the rohii 
are held in most esteem ; the former which is particularly 
fine, is confined to the Giimti, the latter is more general. 

22. Of useful animals there are few indigenous breeds, 
and what there are, are miserably poor. The horse is altoge- 
ther wanting; the nearest • approach to it is the ordinary 
wretched pony of the country ; the standard of excellence of 
horned cattle, the buffalo excepted, is similarly low ; the supply 
of the better sort of these animals is kept up by importation. 
Horses may often be purchased of itinerant dealers who pay 
occasional visits to most towns of any consequence ; but the 
husbandman who wishes to renew his team of oxen generally 
prefers to undertake a journey to one of the great cattle dep6ts 
and there make his own selection. N&np&ra, Dorahr&, and 
Khairigarh are the places he most commonly resorts to. 

23. "There are three descriptions of produce "says a 
" French writert which man may demand from cattle, besides 
" the manure, the hide and the offal, namely their labor, their 



* Manu n. 17, 24. 

t Rural Economy of England, 31. 



SULTiNPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 11 

" milk and their flesh. Of these three, the least profitable is 

"the first, the French agriculturist requires labor 

" from his cattle in preference to everything else, the British 
" agriculturist looks chiefly to the milk and the meat." The 
Indian agriculturist, different from both, contents himself 
with the labor of the ox, and the milk of the cow ; it is only 
where non-Hindti communities reside that the flesh of those 
animals becomes a source of profit. Their hides, indeed, in 
the first place supply all local wants, and any surplus there 
may be is carried to some neighbouring bazar, to be thence 
forwarded directly or indirectly to Calcutta or Bombay, and 
form an infinitesimal quota of the immense number annually 
exported from those places. The labor demanded from the 
ox is to carry the pack-saddle, and draw the cart and plough. 

24. Of sheep and goats large flocks are often kept with 
the principal object of obtaining the valuable manure they 
afford. When used for this purpose they are folded on the 
land the manure is required for ; and the owner receives his 
remuneration in kind, a goat or sheep being thought a fair 
return for the loan of the flock for a night. The goat is fur- 
ther useful for its milk, and the sheep for its wool which is 
manufactured into coarse blankets for the wear of the village 
population. Both of these animals are slaughtered to a 
limited extent for food. The indulgence is sometimes, indeed, 
restricted to festive occasions, and even then is invested with 
a sacrificial character ; but if it is not more common, it arises 
as much from the comparative expensiveness of the diet as 
from the vegetarian propensities of the Hindiis. 

SECTION II. — Administrative arrangements. 

25. For fiscal and general administrative purposes, the 
Yiac9l * district is divided into parganahs and 

tahsils. Their relative position is 
most briefly and satisfactorily explained by reference to the 
map, and the table given in para. 30. 

26. The tahsfl, as a local division with fixed boundaries, 
T , fl is a modern innovation ; and, as com- 
pared with the parganah, an artificial 

one. It is simply an arbitrary aggregation of a few parganahs, 
the number of which may be varied at pleasure, without 



12 sultInpur settlement report. 

causing much inconvenience or confusion. It has no counter- 
part whatever, that I am aware of in Akbar's arrangements, 
the dastur,* the nearest to it, being rather a district. An 
approximation to it came into existence in the constitution 
of the chakl&t by SAad-ul-lah Kh&n, Minister of Shah Jeh&n, 
and its formal re-introduction in the time of S&adat All Kh&n. 
There were then also Tahsild&ts eo nomine, but their jurisdic- 
tions were scarcely analogous to the present tahsils. 

27. The parganah, on the other .hand, may lay claim to 
^. considerable antiquity; it is usually 

arganaa. believed to have succeeded a still older 

division, the tappah, which must itself have been in common 
use for some length of time, as the recollection of it still sur- 
vives in various familiar names4 though, in all other respects 
it has loi^g been obsolete. The parganah, on its first intro- 
duction, became to the tappah what the tahsfl is now to the 
parganah, the former usually consisting of two or more of the 
latter ; and, in old documents, the two divisions may be found 
mentioned together, though their co-existence was probably 
never recognized officially. 

28. The exact date of the creation of the parganah is 
uncertain, Sir H. Elliott says that the name means " tax-pay- 
ing land ," and mentions instances of its use in a. d. 1210, and 
again in a. d. 1350 §. Mr. C. A. Elliott, in the chronicles of 
Undo, shows that it is possible the parganah was constituted 
by Shah&b-tid-din Ghori, and the use of the word in the early 
years of the thirteenth century favours the supposition. It 
occurs in Babar's Memoirs; but, on the other hand, is not ex- 
clusively employed in the Aln-i- Akbdri, where the term mehal 
is often used as its equivalent. || 

29. The co-extensiveness of a parganah with the posses- 
sions of a clan or individual family has often formed the sub- 
ject of remark, and in its convertibility with mehal here illus- 
trated lies a very possible explanation of the circumstance ; for 
it suggests that the parganah was not only tax-paying land, 

* The dastdrs, however, were very unequal in size : e. g. the Sarkar of Oudh contain- 
ed three dasturs, of which one contained nineteen mehals, and the other two one each. 
(Professor Blockmann's Ain-i-Akbari. Text 352). 

f Elliott's Supplementary Glossary Chakla. 

t For example, Tappah A sal, a name often given to the parganah.. 

§ Elliott's Supplementary Glossary Sarkar. 

|| Ibid. 



sultInpur settlement report. 13 

but that, like the mehal, it was a separately assessed and se- 
parately possessed parcel of such land; in other words, that it 
was founded on the distribution of property at the time of its 
creation.* Dr. "W. Oldham seems to take a somewhat simi- 
lar view when he says that "in the early days of Mahomedan 
" Empire parganahs appear to have been clearings or cultivated 
" spaces in the forest, occupied generally by a single, but some- 
" times by more than one fraternity or clan ;"t and Mr. C. A. 
Elliott thinks there is no doubt that if they are attributable 
to Shah&b-tid-din Ghori, they are based on still more ancient 
divisions which he found already in existence.^ Further con- 
firmation of the theory I follow lies in the fact, of which 
numerous examples might be found, that parganah limits have 
often been expanded or contracted to suit the growth or decay 
of private estates. § 

30. The following table shows of what parganahs and 
tahsils, the Sultdnpur (settlement) district is now composed, 
together with the tappahs, mehals and chakl&s out of which 
they have been developed. 

31. The term mehal has long been extinct, as expres- 

sive of territorial division ; and I ques- 
tion whether, in that sense, it ever 
took any great hold upon popular favor. It is still, however, 
in ordinary official use to denote the individuality of estates 
held under separate revenue engagements. With this signi- 
fication, it forms the revenue sub-division of the parganah, 
and is, indeed, the unit of revenue responsibility. It forms 
also the point where official fiscal arrangements become 
merged in private land tenures ; for each mehal is represent- 
ed by one or more lamberddrs or head-men, who possess a 
double character : on the one hand, they are private persons, 
members of the proprietary body of the mehal, raised to 
their representative position, in conformity with rules spring- 
ing out of the past customs of the family ; on the other hand, 



* It is simply going one step further back to say that the parganah succeeded the 
tappah as the latter even more than the former corresponded with the limits of clan or 
family domains. 

t Memoir of the Ghazipur District 51. 

t Compare para. 

§ See para. 305 of this Report, which gives an example in the history of Maniarpur; 
and para 252, under the words Jais and Jalalpur-Bilkhar. See also Chronicles of Undo 
105,106. 



14 



sultAnpur settlement report. 



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sultAnpur settlement report. 15 

they are invested with a quasi-official position, inasmuch 
as they have delegated to them the duty of collecting the 
revenue payable by their co-sharers, and are primarily 
responsible to the State for its collection. 

32. As the mehal is the unit of fiscal sub-division of 

the parganah, so is the village or town- 
^ e * ship the unit of local sub-division. 

The townships, says Elphinstone,* are the indestructible 
atoms, from an aggregate of which the most extensive Indian 
Empires are composed, just as Creasy says the Anglo-Saxon 
townships were the integral molecules out of which the 
Anglo-Saxon State was formed.t 

33. With respect to Police jurisdictions, thanah circles 

take the place of the fiscal arrangement . 

of parganahs. Their boundaries some- 
times, but not always, coincide : in the district as it stood 
SuitSnpur. previous to July 1869 eight thanahs 

^ nda - corresponded to twelve parganahs ; and, 

Mohanganj. in the changes which then took place, 

jfciSmar. ' symmetry was again subordinated to 

RSpur. " convenience and utility ; the princi- 

MusafirKhana. ple act ^ upon wajg thafc eacll ^fogg 

should report to the nearest thanah subject to any modifica- 
tions which might be caused by the local topograhy of the 
country. 

The Police force consists of two branches ; the regular, 
belonging to a provincial establishment, and the rural, 
which is purely local. The first is partly distributed at the 
thanahs, partly employed as jail and treasury guards, and 
partly held in reserve at head quarters. By way of supplement 
to Statement VIII. it becomes necessary to furnish the 
now somewhat antiquated, and, otherwise rather useless 
information, that the regular force allotted to the district, to 
which that statement refers consisted of 491 men, giving an 
average of one to 1,901 of population. 

34. The Rural Police or village chaukfd^rs, were at the 
time of settlement 2,664 in number, or one to every 354 of 

* Elphinstone 4th Edition 62. 

t Greasy's English Constitution 46. 



16 sultAnpur settlement report. 

population. Each of them had his separate fixed beat exten- 
ding over an average area of 377 acres, for the watch and 
ward of which he received the rather meagre stipend of 
Us. 1-15-6 per mensem, supplemented only by such volun- 
tary presents as the villagers chose to make him. A clause 
has been inserted, however, in the revenue engagements land- 
holders have 'signed conveying the threat of Government in- 
terference, wherever it may become necessary, and this will 
probably induce those concerned to give their serious atten- 
tion to the subject. A large majority of the chaukfd&rs 
belong to the Pasi and other low castes ; but a Brahman now 
and then condescends to fill the post with very questionable 
advantage I believe to the village he honors with his 
services. 



35. Postal arrangements, on a somewhat limited scale, 
^ were established soon after the re-occupa- 
tion of the province ; they were, how- 
ever, almost entirely restricted to the conveyance of the mails 
to and from outlying thanahs and tahsfls, and the extension of 
regular postal communications throughout the interior of the 
district was deferred till the present settlement, being one of 
certain specific objects for which provision was then directed 
to be made. Settlement Officers were charged with making 
the requisite arrangements, the main principles laid down for 
their guidance being that the thanah and tahsil officials should, 
as far as possible, be relieved of postal duties, that a system 
of independent rural offices should *be established, and that 
there should be a postal delivery in every village. 

36. Simultaneously, therefore, with the introduction of 
the revised assessments into any parganah or tahsil, a postal 
scheme satisfying the above conditions was introduced therein, 
and at the end of last year was in operation throughout the 
whole district, with the exception of parganah Ch&nda. The 
working of the scheme was originally placed in the hands of 
the District Officer ; but a few months ago, with, a view to 
the improvement of the postal service, the District Post 
Establishment throughout the province was re-organized as a 
separate institution, and the control and management were 
formally transferred to the Chief Inspector of Post Offices in 
Oudh. 



SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 17 

37. Certain modifications of previously existing arrange- 
ments naturally suggested themselves in the substitution of a 
single homogeneous scheme for one composed of sections con- 
structed independently of each other,* and at different 
periods, to keep pace with the revision of assessments. The 
system, as it at present stands, may be briefly thus described. 
There is an Imperial office at the civil station, which forms 
the connecting link between the internal and external postal 
line3 ; and rural offices have been fixed at the head quarters 
of each tahsil and at such other places within it as offer the 
most convenient sites, in all eleven in number, viz. Rasomid, 
Amethf, Gaurfganj, Piparpur, Mus&fir-kMna, Jagdispur, 
Kishni, Gaura-J&mun, Kddipur, Dostpur and Koribh&r. At 
Khair&bad, Hanumanganj and Miinshiganj offices have 
recently been abolished; at these places letter-boxes will 
continue to be kept up. 

38. The neighbouring stations with which Sult&npur 
is connected by Imperial lines are those of Allahabad, Luck- 
now, Faizabad, and Rdi Bareli, communication with which 
is effected by means of foot-runners ; any more expeditious 
means of transit for the mails being still among the desiderata 
of the future, and dependent on the requisite developement 
of correspondence, with a concomitant increase of the postal 
revenues. The transmission of mails from one rural office to 
another, is carried on by the same means. For the supervi- 
sion of the road establishment the appointment of a Sub- 
Inspector is in contemplation. For the delivery of letters, 
each office has attached to it the requisite number of peons 
or rural messengers; to each of these a separate circle is allotted, 
within which it is his duty to distribute the incoming 
letters he received from the post-master. He is also furnish- 
ed with a " travelling letter-box" so that he may, at the same 
time, collect any letters intended for outward despatch* 

39. The agency employed is of a mixed character, partly 
Imperial and partly local. The Imperial office at Sult&npur 
has been already mentioned ; others were placed some years 

Xat Jagdispur and Dostpur ; and others have recently been 
ed experimentally at Amethi and Musdfir-khdna. f All 
charges connected with these are met from the Imperial reve- 

* Some were drawn up by the Settlement Officer of Faizabad ; some by the Settle* 
m«nt Officer, of Sultanpur. 

C 



18 sultAnfur settlement report. 

nues. The local agency consists of all but that just described ; 
the income from which the cost it entails has to be defrayed 
is derived from two sources, viz. the special cess levied ex- 
pressly for this purpose, and a subvention from the Imperial 
revenues regulated by the number of police stations in the dis- 
trict, the last remnant of the system which has now been 
superseded. 

40. Educational, like postal, interests have received 
M _, .. f due attention in the revision of assess- 

4. Educational . , . . , , , 

ments ; and provision has been made 
for the levy of a school cess of 1 per cent, on the Govern- 
ment demand. 

41. The district contains in all 71 schools. Of these 
the principal is the High School at the civil station. It is 
attended by 176 scholars. Instruction is afforded in it in 
four languages, viz., English, Urdu, Hindi, and Persian, to- 
gether with a variety of other subjects ; the standard it teaches* 
up to, is that of the Entrance Examination of the Calcutta 
University. Next in importance comes the Town School of 
Jagdispur, the only one of that class in the district. Then 
come the village schools of which there are 69. In these, 
of course, a lower standard is aimed at, and the curriculum 
embraces fewer subjects than in the High School ; but their 
usefulness and suitability to the requirements of the village 
population is manifested by the fact that they attract more 
than two thousand students. This class of schools at the 
outset entails a good deal of trouble and expense for building, 
training teachers &c., so that they must be established gradu- 
ally ; and as those now in existence come into full working 
order, some augmentation of their number will take place. 

42. The total number of persons who attend the Go- 
vernment schools is 2,457, of whom about one-sixth are 
Miissalmans and the remainder Hindus. Of the total popu- 
lation of the district, the Mahomedans compose one-tenth 
only, so that here as elsewhere they pay more attention to 
education than the Hindus. 

43. I have purposely made my remarks on this impor- 
tant subject very brief. It has, except in respect of the 
school cess very little connection with the settlement ; and 
those who wish to study it more deeply will find ample op- 



sultInfur settlement report* 19 

portunity for doing so in the comprehensive and instructive 
reports of the Educational Department. However desirous 
of promoting the moral and mental improvement of the peo- 
ple the Settlement Officer may be, his more immediate con- 
cern lies with their material prosperity. 

SECTION III. —Population. 

44. A separate and independent census of each village 

was taken while it was under measure- 
emen census. ment ; and one was thus gradually taken 

of the entire district. It had the disadvantage of extending 
over the long period of three years. In February 1869, how- 
over, there was a general and simultaneous census of the 
_ . . , whole province. Regarding the compa- 

Provincial census, .. * n »■* i °,i S 

rative accuracy ot the two, there can be 
no question ; the preference must unhesitatingly be accorded 
to the latter. The results obtained from it have been set 
forth in an exhaustive report by Mr. J. C. Williams c. s., 
and I shall, therefore, dwell at less length on the subject 
than would otherwise be necessary. 

45. The district is very thickly inhabited. Mr. Willams 
^ ., . , x . shows that Oudh in density of popula- 

Density of population. .. ,, , i 

tion surpasses even the most populous 
countries of Europe ; and Sultdnpur, in respect of the average 
number per square mile, falls below three districts only of 
the province, while with regard to the number per cultivated 
acre it is equalled by Lucknow alone.* 

46. The total population of the district according to the 
Classification according general census amounts to 930,023. It 

*° creed - falls into three great classes, the num- 

bers of which are as follows : — 

Christians (Europeans and Eurasians), ... 83 

Mahomedans, 91,556 

Hindus, ... 838,384 



Total, *.. 930,023 



Mr. Williams' Census Report, page 27, 28 and Table No. 3. 



20 sultInpur settlement report. 

47. The Christians are very nearly all Government 
^ . A . employes. It will be seen that there 

Christians. ± m xi_ -**• 

are no natives among them. Mr, 
Williams accounts for this by the very probable supposition 
that they have been entered in the returns as Europeans 
or Eurasians. The error as regards this district, however, 
is, so far as I am able to say, limited to a single instance, 
that of one Matthew, a cobbler. 

48. The Miissalmans in all number rather less than 
„^ , one-tenth of the whole population. Of 



these again about one-fourth only belong 
to the Syad, Sheikh, Moghal and Path&n classes ; another 
one-tenth is composed of converts from the principal Kshat* 
trid castes ; and the remainder, of all the lower castes of 
Mahomedans. 

49. The Hindus still form the great bulk of the popu- 

lation ; and of the multiplicity of castes 
into which they are divided, the Brah- 
manic predominates not only in social importance, but also 
in numerical strength, forming no less than 14 per cent, of the 
inhabitants of the district. Next, in both respects, among 
the higher castes, come the Kshattrid clans aggregating 
8 per cent; and, after these, come in order the Vaisyd and 
the Blaith. Of the meaner castes, the Ahir contains the 
largest number, nearly 10 per cent, and is followed by the 
Cham&r and P&si. Gtijars are more common in Sult&npur 
than elsewhere in the province. 

50. Compared with the rest of Oudh, the district con- 
ciassification according to tains a large proportion of non-agxicul- 

occupation. turists ; and yet agriculturists amount 

to no less than 5 6 '9 per oent. Of the more skilful castes, 
Mtiraos are numerous, but Ktirmfs remarkably few. 

51. Miissalmans of the higher classes are to be found 
™ 4..-U ** on ly * n qasbahs. Hindii converts to 

Class distribution. 1 * / , * . . 

Islamism are intermixed with their un- 
converted brethren. Of the Hindus, the KshattriAs are with a 
few .exceptions lords of the soil : they lie in clans, and it may 
almost be said that each parganah has its own phylarchy. 
Brahmans and others are scattered about promiscuously; 
they own a village here and there, usually acquired by grant 
or purchase from a Kshattrid. 



' sultInpur settlement report, 21 

52. The population of the district is not altogether 

. . evenly distributed. Speaking broadly, 

numerical distribution. ^ riparian parganall8 are most densely 

peopled and the lacustrine the reverse : the former are well 
drained, the latter as has been seen, swampy and compara- 
tively barren, and so not habitable throughout, hence the 
less marked difference between the numbers to the cultivat- 
ed acre than between those to the total area in the two 
groups of parganahs. In the former, moreover, lie most of 
the large qasbahs of the district, not to mention the various 
marts, villages and hamlets established by persons whose 
business attracts them to the banks of the Gtimtl. 

53. The people are characterised by a bold and manly 

^ x M xl _ , spirit. " The natives say," remarks- 
Character of the people. A i en „ ,i , r/ . j 
^ r General Sleeman, " that the air and 

"water of Malwa may produce as good trees and crops as 

" those of Oudh, but can never produce such good soldiers. 

" This, I believe, is quite true. The Sult&npur district is in- 

" eluded in the Banodha division of Oudh ; and the people 

" speak of the water of this division for tempering soldiers, 

" as we talk of the water of Damascus for tempering sword 

" blades. They certainly never seem so happy as when they 

" are fighting in earnest with swords, spears and matchlocks. 

" The water of the Baiswdrd division is considered to be very 

" little inferior to that of Banodha, and we get our sip&his 

" from these two divisions almost exclusively."* 

54. Under native rule no man's property, or even life, 
_ . .... was safe for many days together ; Go- 

Their condition. , /» • i • j_ i ° /» «• t 

vernment omcials, instead of affording 
the protection it was their duty to, busied themselves only 
in their own enrichment, and became the most active op- 
pressors of the people. They kept up duplicate accounts, the 
one forged for the minister at Lucknow, the other genuine 
for themselves, and, in plain words, embezzled the difference. 
Under the plausible pretext, therefore, of collecting the just 
revenue of the State, they extorted as much as they possibly 



* Sleeman'a Tour through Oudh Vol. I. Page 197. An enquiry having been made 
in 1824, it was found that Banodha, contributed 15,000 men to our army (Ibid Page 17Q) 
At present, too, in the Sultanpur district alone a sum of about Rs. 36,000 is annually 
paid to military pensioners ; and this is considerably less than would have to be paid, 
Bad not numerous forfeitures taken place after the mutiny. 



22 sultAnpur settlement report. 

could from the landholders of every degree. Their immediate 
inability to pay was immaterial if a money-lender could be 
found to advance the requisite amount ; and in that case 
they were compelled to give their creditors a mortgage deed 
bearing the exorbitant interest .of 24 per cent, per annum. 
The example set by officials was readily followed by private 
individuals, and the consequence was that every zemind&r 
kept as many armed retainers as his means permitted, nomi- 
nally to repel force by force when necessary, but in reality em- 
ployed, as often as not, for purposes of aggression. 

55. Under such circumstances there was little induce- 
ment, even where the opportunity occurred, to attempt to ac- 
cumulate capital, and the result is that the landed proprietors 

* are now, as a rule poor, unthrifty, and deeply involved m debt. 

56. In sketching such a state of things in the past and 
present, it is natural to look also towards the future ; and here 
it is gratifying to find that theprospect is considerably brighter. 
The landholder, while conscious that, if he would retain his 
estate, the payment of the revenue assessed upon it is indis- 
pensable, also knows that that amount will not be exceeded ; 
he is confident, too, that no powerful neighbour will carry off his 
harvests and thus deprive him of the means of paying it : he 
finds additional safety in the ever increasing price of agricul- 
tural produce, and if, in an unfortunate season, he is ooliged 
to resort to the money-lender, he is charged no more than half 
the former rate of interest. For the relief and protection 
of the more important encumbered estates special measures 
have been taken. If, then, I have correctly described the 
causes of the present unsatisfactory condition of the proprie- 
tary classes, it may be concluded with moderate certainty, 
that a prosperous future will follow the altered circumstances 
in which they are now placed. 

57. The dwellings of the people are usually grouped to- 
gether in towns and villages; but single huts or houses are 
not uncommon. Towns are few in number; a short account 
of each of them will be found in the sixth section of this chap- 
ter. In some parts villages are large and at a distance from 
each other, as m the Mohanganj tahsfl, the unsettled state of * 
which, perhaps, led the inhabitants to band themselves to- 
gether in large bodies. for mutual protection. Further east, 



sultInpur settlement report, 23 

on the other hand, where shankallaps are numerous, and the 
shankallapdars have founded purw&s on their holdings, vil- 
lages are small and hamlets abound. In Ch&nda solitary- 
houses are pretty thickly scattered over the parganah. 

58. Domestic architecture is principally remarkable for 
its monotonous simplicity. The most common description of 
house consists of walls of puddled mud, and a roof of thatch 
or tiles. Even this is beyond the reach of all ; many an agri- 
culturist, is but the "monarch of a shed." On the other hand, 
a few substantial brick houses may be found here and there; 
they belong to the more wealthy landowners, to successful 
traders, or Mahomedans of the better classes. 

SECTION IV.— Agriculture. 

59. The local system of agriculture so far as my know- 

•«- j-x.. *• i i x ledge of that practised elsewhere en- 

No distinctive local system. ,,*> j. * i-i i . 

ables me to institute a comparison, 

possesses no distinctive character. Two harvests only are re- 

_ . cognized, the rabi or spring, and 

Harvests. , ,° , c ' , ,, r &> 

knarit or autumn : the crops proper 

to each will be subsequently described. The rotation usually 

_ . .. . ' followed is that of alternating a wet 

Rotation; fallows. . , , ttt'j-i /» n 

crop with a dry one. With fallows 
no regular course is observed, but the land obtains occasional 
rest by being left unsown for one or other of the two harvests. 

Land to be readily taken into cultivation must be natur- 
ally level ; that it is bihar, cragged, uneven or broken, is gene- 
rally enough to condemn it as unmanageable. The objection 
to it is that rain or any water supplied to it flows off too fast 
to be of any benefit, and the idea of attempting to overcome 
this objection seems to belong to an advanced phase of agri- 
culture. Occasionally, however, where there is no more than 
a moderate slope, cultivation is tried with fair success ; and, 
even where the change of level is somewhat abrupt, the device 
of terracing is resorted to, though it is principally to be seen 
close to village sites. 

Agricultural implements. G0 : Of the agricultural implements 

most commonly employed, the follow- 
ing is a list: — * 



24 sultAnpur settlement report. 

1. Hal, or Plough, 

2. Sar&wan, or Harrow, 

3. Koddli, or Hoe. 

4. Phard6, or Mattock. 

5. Ktirpf, or Weeding-chisel. 

6. Hassia, or Sickle. 

7. Moth, (or Pur), or Water-bucket. 

Two descriptions of ploughs are known, the latna and the 
piou ^ terai. They are both of the simplest 

. ° ug ' possible construction, and differ from 

each other only in the weight of the share, and the position of 
the khura.t Both of them are used in some parts of the 
district, but nowhere are they found together. This use of a 
single kind of plough in lieu of the multifold kinds in favor in 
England presents one of the strongest points of contrast be- 
tween the agricultural customs of the two countries, and the 
kind of soil which is held in most estimation in this district is - 
probably determined by its being that to which the single 
native plough is found to be best adopted. 

61. Oxen are the only animals employed to draw the 
pi h cattle plough. To those who are more fami- 

° ug ca e ' liar with the use of horses for this pur- 

pose, the latter may appear preferable, but it does not appear 
that the change would be advantageous. Oxen it is saidj " are 
"cheaper, they are maintained at less cost, their harness is less 
" expensive, and the dung they yield is much better than that 
" from horses. Horses are besides more subject to sickness, 
" and when sick or old they are useless. The horses requisite 
€t for a farm must be renewed every ten years ; where as the 
"requisite number of oxen may always be kept up without in- 
li curring fresh expense, for when they are no longer able to 
€t work, they are fattened for the market, and their value is 
€t obtained. A horse is not more docile than an ox, nor does 
" a team of the latter require more drivers than the former." 

* A distinction is also made between pakka and kacha ploughs, but this simply re- 
fers to the number of oxen used for them. The pakka hal has four bullocks to it, the kacha 
has two only. When four are available, theyareusedin pairs, the one relieving the other. 
More than two oxen are never yoked to the plough at the same time in this .district, 
though in some parts of India as many as eight are. (Elliott's Supplementary Glossary 
8. v. Hur.) 

f The kktira is an indented or notched part of the beam, corresponding to the copse 
or cat-head to which the yoke is attached by a leathern thong, called a nadah. ( Ibid.) 

$ Rural Economy of England. 



sultInpub settlement report. 25 

62. The recent introduction of hippophagy may have a 
tendency to place the two sorts of creatures more upon a par 
in the days of their superannuation, but in Indiar an equilibri- 
um has pro tanto long existed and has not now befen disturbed; 
there being, except in particular localities, no demand for beef. 
This, however, at the same time supplies an argument in favor 
of devoting the oxen of this country to the plough which is 
wanting in Europe, viz. that, that use is not made of them 
young or old in the former, which in the latter, is more pro- 
fitable than draught. 

63. The limited use to which they are thus put lies ap- 
parently at the bottom of the wretched condition of native 
cattle. " Habitual labour causes animals to become hardy, 
" vigorous and slow ; which like men given to laborious work 
"causes them to eat much and fatten little, to increase in bony 
< c structure (the local breed has a splendid development of 
" this quality) make little available flesh," (of this it has the 
minimum compatible with life,) " and that but slowly ..... 
" Bad food, want of care, absence of all precaution in the selec- 
" tion of reproducers, and probably also the drought, and the 
" heat of the climate — these complete what labour had begun."* 

64. Ploughing, usually the opening operation of culti- 
. . ;. . ' vation is not invariably so. In newly 

Agricultural operations. , , iiiii^i • r» » 

broken land the long hoe is first 
called into requisition, and after exceptionally heavy rains, 
a grass crop has to be scraped off the field before the plough 
wfll penetrate the ground. Nor, on the other hand, is the 
plough done with when sowing has taken place : in rice 
fields, on the first fall of rain sufficient to flood them after 
the appearance of the young plant above the surface, the 
plough is driven over them as if there was nothing in them. 
This curious process, so far from being injurious is said to 
ensure a larger yield. It is said to have the effect of uproot- 
ing and destroying weeds, while it also divides the rice- 
plants, which readily take, root again and thrive all the better 
for being so treated. 

65. The number of times a field is ploughed differs very 
widely according to the crop to be sown. Two or three times 

# Rural Economy of England 36. 



26 sultInpur settlement report. 

is ample for the inferior crops, twenty times or more is not 
thought too much for wheat and barley. " Bals b&nh" is the 
proverbial wa/ of expressing the utmost sufficiency of tilth. 

66. The harrow is regularly used for most crops, but 
for a few it is dispensed with ; the gram-field, for example, 
seldom sees a harrow ; the seed is sown broadcast among the 
unbroken clods. Weeding and cleaning are operations con- 
fined to rain crops and a few of the more valuable ones of the 
other harvest. 

67. The subject of irrigation and manure will be ad- 
verted to hereafter. 

SECTION V.— Traffic. 

68. The main channels of traffic are the river Gtimti 
. .. and the various roads by which the 

Communications. t • • A • •, .i i , i , /» 

district is intersected; but beasts of 
burden are extensively employed and these find their way 
from one place to another, little checked by the absence of 
roads. 

69. The Giimti will serve to connect the whole of the 
Th * GumtL northern and eastern boundary of 

e nver the district with the station of the 

Oudh and Rohilkund Railway at Jounpur. It is scarcely, 
if at all, used for passenger traffic, the neighbouring road 
being more advantageous for the purpose, the difference in 
length between the two being much the same as the sum of 
the lengths of several arcs and the sum of the lengths of their 
chords. For freight, however, where speed is a secondary 
object, it is much used, being navigable hereabouts for coun- 
try boats of 800 or 1,000 maunds burden. It should thus be- 
come a valuable feeder of the railway, unless all that is at pre- 
sent taken to the Jounpur market is required for the con- 
sumption of that vicinity. 

70. Other stations* of the same railway lie at an easy 
m . distance to the north, for communica- 
Sohlwai. tion with which there are many roads 
m* khddm easily traversable by wheeled carriage. 

pur- The Gtimti intervenes, but is pas- 

sable in many places. At ^mghdt a few miles north-east of 



sultInpur settlement beport. 27 

Jagdispur it is spanned by a lofty pile bridge consisting of 
fifteen bays. The platform is 16 feet in width and is support- 
ed by strut and straining beam trusses ; it stands at a height 
of twenty-four feet above the summer level of the water. 
At Sult&npur a similar bridge of somewhat larger dimen- 
sions is now in course of construction. Ferries are numerous. 

71. The principal road by which the district is connect- 

ed with the outer world is the Imperial 
high-road from Faizabad to Allahabad. 
It enters the district at the civil station, which it* crosses and 
running nearly due south passes into the Prat&bgarh district 
about twelve miles further on. It. is metalled and bridged 
throughout that distance. . : • .- 

72. All the other roads are unmetalled, but bridged 
where necessary ; and except when subjected to very severe 
trials, as in the case of the exceedingly heavy rains of last 
year* are usually fit for any sort of traffic. They are as 
follows. 

I. The Lucknow-JounpuT road. — This enters the 
district at a point two miles east of Haidargarh, and leaves it 
two miles east of Ch&nda, its total length within these limits 
being seventy miles, in the course of which, it traverses the 
qasbahs of Inhaun£, Nih&lgarh and the village of Saraiy^n, 
in which are the head quarters of the Mus&fir-kh&na tahsil. 
It leaves the x civil station, about two miles to the north, but 
is connected with it by three separate lines, (1) metalled from 
Amhat (2) also metalled from the point of its intersection 
with the Allahabad road, (3) unmetalled from Lordmau. 

II. The Sultdnpar-Rdi Bareli road. — This starts 
from Sultinpur, and skirting the large village of Dhamaur, the 
bazar of Gauriganj, and the qasbah of Jais, leaves the dis- 
trict about eleven miles from the last named place. 

III. The Faizabad-Rdi Bareli road. — This crosses 
the Gtimti over the Amghdt bridge, cuts the Lucknow road at 
Jagdispur ; it is thence continued to the Mohanganj thanah, 
and thence onward through the parganah of that name into 
Rdi Bareli. 

* That is the year 1871. 



28 



8CLT A5FCB SnTUXDFT RETORT. 



73. These cons ti tu t e as it were, load trunk line* and, 
the imperial road excepted, throw out lateral branches in 
various directions, regarding which sufficient particulars may 
be given in the following tabular form : — 



J 

1 


Main toad. 


Point of diver- 
gence. 


Direction. 


j 

\ Length 
in miles, 


1 


tackaow-Jounptir, 


Tnhanna, 


North-east to Aish- 
&*y 


11 


2 


Ditto, 


Ditto, 


Sooth to Moban- 
ganj where it joins 
the Fauabad-Rai 
Bareli road, 


10 


3 


Ditto, 


Jagdisptir, 


Nearly due south 
to Jais, 


14 


4 


Ditto, 


Musdfir-khina,... 


South-west to 
Gauriganj where it 
meets the Sultanpur- 

Rai Bareli road, 


13 


5 


Ditto, 


Lambhua, 


North toDeraghat, 


H 


6 


Ditto, 


Ghanda, 


South-west to Sai- 
fabad in the Pratab- 
garb district, ... 


4 


7 


Sultinpur-Rai Ba- 
reli, 


Sultanpur, 


West to Kurwar, 


9 


8 


Ditto, 


Near nnre*fth 
Dbamanr, 


South-west vid 
Amethi to Salon in 
zilla Pratabgarh, ... 


19 


9 


Ditto, 


Gauriganj, 


South-east vid 
Amethi to Pratab- 
garh, 


16* 


10 


Faizabad-Rai Ba- 
reli, 


Mobanganj, ... 

■ 

i 

] 


South-east to Jais 
connecting the Sul- 
tanpur-Rai Bareli, 
md Faizabad-Rai 
Bareli road, 


9 



74. If the map be examined, it will be seen that every 
part of the district is well supplied with roads with the excep- 
tion of a triangle lying between Sult&npur, Ch£nda and 
Amethi, within which they are conspicuous by their absence. 
The only route from Chdnda to Amethi is vid Sult&npur and 
this involves a detour of several miles. 



sultInpur settlement report. 29 

75. Though scarcely deserving the name of roads, village 
cart-tracks must not be altogether omitted. Numbers of them 
have been aligned and inequalities of surface partially remov- 
ed : they will in time, perhaps, prove a valuable addition to 
regular roads ; at present, however, they are only practicable 
for country-carts at once strong and lightly laden. 

76. Most villages of any consequence have their own 
~^ bazars, either permanent or periodi- 
cal. The latter are often nothing more 

than open-air markets held on certain fixed days of the week ; 
the former are often large walled enclosures, bisected by a 
road and lined with shops on either side, these local bazars 
are small but important media of commerce. Every village 
may be said to be affiliated to one of them, and each of them 
in turn is connected in its dealing with one or more of the 
larger centres of traffic. 

77. The principal bazars are as follows : — (1) Perkins- 
ganj at the civil station founded shortly after re-occupation by 
Colonel Perkins, Deputy Commissioner. One of the newest, 
it is nevertheless one of the most, if not the most flourishing 
in the district. A large trade is carried on here, and goods 
are brought for sale from a great distance. Its rapid growth 
has been favored by the extremely convenient nature of its 
position. It is in close proximity to the district kachh&i, 
the sadr tahsll and the thanah ; and is hence much frequent- 
ed by persons whose business takes them to those places. It 
is also little more than half a mile from the right bank of the 
Gtimti, so that if trade be slack here, unsold' goods can be 
easily placed in boats and carried by water to Jounpur. 
(2) Shukl-bazar, in mauzah Maueya-Rehmatgarh, parganah 
Jagdispur, founded about forty years ago by some members 
of a well to do Shukl family. It shares with Perkinsganj 
the advantage of being near the Giimtt (3) Drigbejaiganj 
more commonly called by the alternative name, Mah&r&jganj. 
It lies in mauzah Atrehta, parganah Simraut£; it was found- 
ed by the ancestors of the t'alukd&r of Chandapur. (4.) 
Gauriganj, called after the deity of that name, and founaed 
by Kdjah M&dho Singh of Amethi about 25 years ago. It is 
situate in mauzah EAjgarh a few miles east of Jais. (5) 
Shankarganj in mauzah Chatohan, parganah Mohanganj, 
founded by Bdjah Shankar Singh of Tilol about 30 years ago. 



3$ texr ijRrat; 



ek*** V> HaAMtpor. (7) fcijai^Wnr, i& raranA Sfc-flir, 
Mr^kMb MofoaiHgaft} aiM «i ?^n otd ; i» hm U* Bale 
i r^fv»rt^L Cottwaerdal &jn0iAeaaif*aA inA&cd foiid a 
**^>ndary r4M6n for it* fcrowiatraL A dispute abowt pvti- 
\mx> w** peftdiag at the tone, aad fc^i SoJdnaagpl 2ngh 
t&rsrted to d>i* artrtfee Uj prrsture the a^iwirA m hk share 
<>f thenrrte of the bazar. (*> AKgaaj m maniah UWhgaoo, 
OTgftftfth Soh6ftpjr, tooaded in 1262 ?„ by the rafadattr of 

78, The most wntttum 'A/pcta t£ tnfa aare gnd^ cctum, 

M _ molasses tear), *ak and native-doth; 

«***««* ^ retk J^ Shnkl barar and Alt 

ganj arespeetable trade in cattle may be added. 

70, JZxp/rU and Import* we almost identical with the 
article* just enumerated ; they- become 
ft********!***** ,>ne or the other accordingto the camp*- 
rati ?6 pricwprevailin gin this district and adjacent ones. Cattle 
form an exception ; the demand for the local breed is alto- 
gether limited to the district itself, 

80, Manufactures are even of less consequence than 
trade, Textile industry, of a very horn- 
"' ble kind, is common among the Kori and 

JuMM castes, It flourishes principally at Jala, where various 
sort* of cloth, plain and brocaded, are manufactured. A pecu- 
liar kiwi of muslin (tanzeb) is the most famous. In this 
the weavers have a curious art of in-weaving, at the time of 
manufacture, any design that may be suggested to them. 
Verses and sentences are most common, but these are varied 
to suit every creed and taste. Borne are passages from the 
korAn, others Hindi sldks, others a verse or two from the 
most instructive of T>t. Watt's moral songs and hymns. 

Banditti* enjoys a limited renown for its metal vessels, 
And other rough sorts of metal-work. Sugar and indigo are 
manufactured on a very small scale in parganah CMnda. 
Under native rule the manufacture of salt and saltpetre was 
largely carried on ; but it has now been discontinued. 



SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 31 

SECTION VI.— Towns, Shrines, Fairs, Places of Interest. 

1. Towns. 

81. Sultanpur, the civil station and Gord-barik. 

Sult&npur lies on the left bank of the 

Sultanpur, the civil ita- Gumti. in a little peninsula formed by 

turn, Gori-barik. , 7 . , , , r T . , . . * 

a bend in the river s course. Its history 
is so much interwoven with that of the district, that I will 
give here only the most prominent points in it. The original 
town is said to &ave been founded by Kus&, son of Rdma, 
and to have been named after him Kusapura or Kusabha- 
wanapura.* It subsequently fell into the hands of the Bhars, 
who retained it until it was taken from them by the Mussal- 
mans in the twelfth century. About seven hundred years 
ago, it is said, two brothers Syad Mahmud and Syad A 116- 
tid-din, horse-dealers by profession, visited eastern Oudh and 
offered some horses for sale to the Bhar Chieftains of Kusbha- 
wan pur, who seized the horses, and put the two brothers to 
death. This came to the ears of Alld-iid-din Ghorf, whose piety 
equal to his valour forbade him to allow such an outrage 
upon descendants of the prophet to pass unpunished, gather- 
ing a mighty host, therefore, he set out for Kusbhawanpur, 
and at length arrived and pitched his tents in Karoudia,then a 
dense jungle near the devoted town on the opposite side of 
the river. Here he remained encamped for a year without 
gaining any advantage over the beseiged; when, feigning to be 
weary of the fruitless contest and anxious only to obtain an 
unmolested retreat, he had some hundreds of palanquins richly 
fitted up, and sent them as a peace offering to the Bhars, pre- 
tending that they were filled with presents peculiarly suited 
to the taste of those for whom they were intended^ The cu- 
pidity of the Bhars overcame their caution, and they received 
the fatal gift within their walls. But suddenly, at a given 
signal, the palanquins were all thrown open by unseen hands, 
and out sprung a crowd of armed warriors, the very flower of 
AM-iid-dfn's army, who, thus takingtheir enemies unprepared, 
speedily put them to the sword. Kusbhawanpur was reduced 
to ashes, and a new town of Sultdnpur, so called from the rank 
of the victor, rose upon its ruins. 

* But see para. 206. ~ ~" " 

t This appears to have been a very favourite, and if all accounts be believed, a very 

often successful stratagem. For other instances of it, see £lphinstone 385 note; and 

Murray's History of India 189. 



32 sultJLnpur settlement report. 

82. Sult&npur is often mentioned by Mahomedan histo- 
rians, but only as the means of identifying the scene of a great 
battle which took place in its immediate neighbourhood ; nor 
can it, so far as I am aware, boast of having been the birth- 
place of any men of note. It was nevertheless, at one time, 
a flourishing little town, consisting of several mohallas 
or wards. But many years before annexation it became a 
military station, and cantonments were established on the 
right bank of the river in a village then known as Girghit* 
but now more commonly called by officials, Sult^mpur or 
Chh&onf-sark&r, and by the rustic population "KTampti" 
or the camp. From this period the importance of the 
old town began to decline, and its condition in the year 
1839 is thus described: — "The only supposed remains 
" of the Bhar city now extant are two brick wells, at 
" the south verge of the present town and about a mile 
"from the river, which still contain water, and a rising 
" ground (dih) called Majh&rgaon in the middle of the town 
" consisting of broken bricks, the remnants of the palace of 
" the Bhar sovereigns. On the summit of the dfh is a parti- 
" ally ruined fort, built by the "Sult&n Bddsh&h" and contain- 
" ing houses which are now occupied by the faujd&r and his 
" followers: there is also a mosque built by the Sultdn within 
" the town, and north-west of the fort. There are two or 
" three smaller mosques built by Syads, who are. chaudhris 
"of the parganah, and have salaries varying from Rs. 100 
" to 500 a month, besides rent-free lands for keeping the 
" revenue accounts of the parganah. The town having no 
" manufacture or trade, is in a decayed state, and contains only 
" 1,500 inhabitants, chiefly sipahis and personal followers of 
"the chaudhris with a few cultivators; and of this popula- 
" tion 1,000 are Mtissalmans. It contains many old brick 
" dwelling houses and a few new ones, among others a large 
" one now building by one of the chaudhris Mahomed Aii, 
" who was also the vakil or envoy of the Lucknow darbAr, 
" near the Commandant of the Company's adjoining canton- 
" ment."t The whole town was finally razed to the ground 
during the military operations connected with the re-occupa- 
tion of the province, in consequence of the inhabitants having 
been concerned in the murder of two British Officers at the 
outbreak of the mutiny. 

# The name of Girghit is still preserved in Girghitgh&t. 
t Dr. Butter's Southern Oudh, 141. 



sultInpur settlement report. 33 

83. Until 1837, the Sult&npur military force consisted 
of a regiment of native infantry, and a detachment of artillery, 
but in that year the latter was withdrawn, and thereafter until 
annexation, there were no guns or cavalry of any kind. * At 
annexation, the force was considerably increased; its conduct 
in the mutiny is described elsewhere.t On re-occupation, a 
detachment of a British regiment ~ was stationed here for a 
short time; and the recollection of the fact is now perpetuated 
by its lines, which lay about a mile or two south of those of 
the native infantry, having given a name to a tract now 
demarcated as a separate village, Gord-b&rik, or the white 
barracks. In 1861, all the troops British and native were 

. removed ; and Sult&npur ceased to be a military cantonment. 

84. .The present civil station occupies the site of the 
old cantonments. It lies "on the right bank of the Goomtee ri* 
" ver, upon a dry soil, among deep ravines which drain off the 
" water rapidly. The bungalows are on the verge looking down 
" into the river, upon the level patches of land dividing the ra- 
" vines. The water in the wells is some fifty feet below the 
" surface, on a level with the stream below." J This was writ- 
ten in the year 1849 ; there were then " no groves within a mile 
" of the cantonments ; and no lakes, marshes or jungles within a 
" great many miles, and the single trees in and near the canton- 
" ments few." — At the present time, owing mainly to the great 
interest taken by Colonel Perkins, while, deputy commissioner, 
in the improvement of the station, the unsightliness of the 
bleak ravines is hidden by the graceful foliage of the acacia ; 
and the roads, of which there is a plentiful supply, are lined 
on either side with rows of mango and other shady trees; 
while the public gardens, more than ten acres in extent, exact 
a just tribute of praise from all who visit them. A fine cutcher- 
ry has recently been erected, and immediately opposite to it is a 
church of modest dimensions, but no mean architectural beau- 
ty. Of the other public buildings the principal are the jail, 
erected on the site of and partly composed of the European 
Infantry barracks, the Government school, the charitable dis- 
pensary, and the police station. The Perkinsganj bazar has 
been already mentioned. Latitude 26*15, longitude 827. 



* Sleeman'a Tour through Oude Part I. 186. 

t See para. 262. 

t Sleeman'g Tour through Oude. 



34 SULTaNPUR settlement report. 

85. Jais is said to have been originally called Udyd- 

nagar, and to have been founded by 
a18, Ud&lik Muni, from whom it derived 

its name. As its prosperity increased, it attracted the notice 
of the Bhars, who, little reverencing the pious character of its 
occupants, turned them out and took possession of it. They re- 
tained it until Syad Sal&r's invasion, when it was one of their 
principal strongholds. The destruction of such a nest of un- 
believers offered an enterprise worthy of the crusading army of 
Islam; and a strong force was despatched against it under 
the command of Imdd-tid-din Khilif one of Syad Sal&r's gene- 
rals. The struggle is represented to have been Ions' and 
severe, and the Musulmans were more than once repulsed; but, 
having ultimately obtained large reinforcements, they defeated 
the Bhars, and extirpated or expelled them. They then 
took up their quarters in the conquered city, and changed its 
name to Jde-aish, the etymon of the one it bears at present. 
The meaning of this term is variously explained; some say it 
signifies the "place of an army," and alludes to the settlement 
of the Musulman military colony, in which sense it bears a 
close analogy to our own word Chester;* others say it means 
a "place of delight," and was so called in testification of the 
joy of the Mahomedans at finding a resting place after their 
long wanderings and warfare; others, again, giving it the same 
interpretation, think that it was adopted in compliment to the 
pleasing aspect of the surrounding country; and, if this be 
correct, it may be that as Udydna means a "garden," t the 
old name was an abbreviation of Udydnanagar, the "garden 
city,"J and that the new one was formed from it by the not 
uncommon process of translation. § A more improbable ac- 
count of the name than any of these yet remains to be noticed, 
which, ignoring the final t, makes Jais out of an emphatic 
expression of surprise and admiration, J&e-est ; it is a place ! 

86. Jais was parcelled out among the conquerors, who 
gave their names or those of their sects, (e. g. Sheikh&na, 
Syad&na) to mohaHas in which their descendants still reside. 

* See also para. 82 Kampu. 

f Ancient Geography 46. 

t Compare " Garden Reach." 

§ Thus Unchganw of the Hindus becomes Bulandshahar with the Musulmans 
(Ancient Geography para. 242). At the same time, the resemblance of Udyanagarto 
Udayapur should be noticed. As to the saintly Uctelik Muni, named as the founder, 
it is as probable as not that he is an imaginary being. 



i 



sultInpur settlement report. 35 

After their one great military feat of the capture of the city, 
their motto seems to have been " cedant anna olece," for they 
occupied themselves more in the peaceful pursuits of learning 
than in religious warfare, and Jais principally owes its fame 
to its distinguished alumni On one memorable occasion, 
when the sainted Ashraf Jeh&ngir honoured the city with a 
visit, nearly three thousand pupils came out to pay their res- 
pects. " It must have been a place of much greater impor- 
" tance," says Sir Henry Elliot,* "than it is at present to have 
" given name like Sankasya, Sringavera, Canouj and Srdvasti 
" to so many distinct families. Kusba Jaes is also mentioned 
" with distinction by the early Mahomedan authors, particu- 
" larly in the Lutaif-i- Ashrufee or records of the acts and 

" opinions of Ashruf Jehangeer In the Imperial Register 

" also it is mentioned as the chief town of a large pergunnah ; 
" and it may be questioned if at one time it was not even the 
" seat of a subordinate Government ; for in a book published 
" at Leyden in 1631, De Imperio Magni Mogolissive Indi4 
" ver&, the author Jean de L&et, divides the Empire into 37 
" provinces, of which one is Zesswal, or Jesswal ; and as there 
" is no other in his list which at all corresponds to Oudh, or 
" any other place in its neighbourhood, we may in want of 
" more certain information surmise that Jais might have been 
" intended.^ 

87. Seen from a short distance, the old city presents an 
imposing appearance ; it stands partly on a lofty eminence (erst 
it is said occupied by a frowning Bhar fortress) and partly on 
the slopes descending from it, while its environs abound in 
walled gardens and open mango groves, alternating with high- 
ly cultivated fields. It contains several mosques the most 
famous of which is the J&mi Masjid. Its erection is said to 
have been co-eval with the conquest of the city, and it is also 
said to have been built with the materials of a Bhar temple, 
on the site of which it stands ; but it bears no marks to show 
the truth of the assertion. A short time ago, a stone figure 
is said to have been laid bare by the rain in the court of the 
mosque ; and some Hindus of the neighbourhood, hearing 
of the circumstance, came secretly by night and removed it to 



* Elliot's Supplementary Glossary, Jyswar. 

t In the book referred to, however, " Jesual " is said to lie to the east of Patna and 
* writer in the Calcutta Review (October 1870, para. 346) identifies it with Rungpore, 



36 STJLtAnPUR 8ETTLEHENT REPORT. 

their own village, where it is now set up and worshipped. 
After the Jdmi Masjid, the most noteworthy building is the 
imdmbdra built in the year 1804 by one Sadik All, a " Kume- 
ddn," at a cost of a lakh and a quarter of rupees ; the roof and 
walls are inscribed with sentences from the kordn beautifully 
executed in ornamental characters. From a very remote age 
Jais has always been the residence of Government officials, and 
given its name to a parganah. Until the re-organization of 
districts in 1869, it held the head quarters of the Mohanganj 
tahsil, a police thanah and a Government school ; but it now 
has the last of these only. It contains 3,000 houses, and a 
population of 11,317. Latitude 26*15, longitude 8T35. 

88. Nasfrdbad lies 40 miles west of Sultdnpur, on the 

site of the old Hindu town of Pydgpur. 
*"* " One account of the origin of the present 

name is that it is taken, from Nasfr-tid-din Humaiun Shdh, 
father of Akbar, who built a fort in it; another is that Ibrahim 
Shdh Shark! built the fort, and called it after his grandson 
Nasir-tid-din ; a third is that one Syad Zakarrya, leaving 
Jais about three hundred years ago, settled in the 
village, and replaced its old name with one taken from his 
grand father Nasir-tid-dfn. The last of these is probably cor- 
rect ; the descendants of the Syad still occupy the qasbah. 
Nasirdbad has no history worth recording ; it has produced 
few persons of even local celebrity ; the best known are Dilddr 
All, a Shid Mujtahfd in the time of Sdadat AM, and Har- 
prashdd, Ndzim of Khairdbad, in the reign of Wajid All Shdh. 
A Government school having now been established in it may 
perhaps lead to its becoming more distinguished in this respect 
hereafter. There are 875 houses in the qasbah of which 162 
are of masonry. Population 3,420. Latitude 2612, longitude 
81-33. 

89. Inhona is situated on the Lucknow road, about 
-. midway between that city and Sultdn- 

ona ' pur. Itwasfoundedabouteightornine 

centuries ago, by whom is not known. Its name is a contraction 
of Indhanganw,andisderivedfromIndhan,a kind of wood, with 
which the village site was originally covered, and the common 
word "ganw." Inhona gave its name to one of the mehals of 
the old Oudh sirkdr, and was the head quarters of a tahsil 
until the re-arrangement of districts in 1869. Up to the same 
time it contained a police station also. It has a bazar, Ra- 



StTLTlNPUR SETTLEMENT BEPORT. 37 

tanganj, founded by Ratan Nar&in, tahsflddr, in 1863, in which 
grain, sugar, salt, molasses, and cloth of European and country 
manufacture are the chief articles of trade ; its traffic has con- 
siderably diminished since the removal of the tahsll and police 
station. There are nearly 1,000 houses in the town, but not 
one of them is built of brick. The only masonry building in 
the place is a small temple built about ten years ago. Popu- 
lation 3,974. Latitude 26'32, longitude 81-32.* 

90. Subeha is 52 miles north-west of Sult&npur. It 

consists of several detached portions, 
some on high and some on low ground 
on the right bank of the river Gurnti. In the time of Syad 
SaUr, it was the seat of a powerful Bhar chieftain, R&jah 
Sambhar, and was accordingly singled out for destruction. 
Two Sheikh officers Khw&ja Nizdm and Khwdja Bahr&m, with 
the force under their command, had the congenial duty dele- 
gated to them, and having defeated the Bhars, as a natural 
consequence, appropriated their domains. Subeha, with the 
territory adjoining, has since remained in possession of the 
Sheikhs and their descendants ; the present representative of the 
family is a sanad-t'alukd&r, so also was his predecessor 
Chaudhrf Sarfr&z Ahmad, who distinguished himself by his 
loyalty in the disturbances of 1857, in reward for which he 
had a large estate bestowed on him on the restoration of tran- 
quillity. A fort was built in Subeha by Mirzd Kuli in the 
reign of Asaf-iid-daulah, and it continued to be the residence 
of a Government tahsild&r until the year 1819. A few shops 
belonging to bakk&ls do duty for a bazar. Population 3,680. 
Latitude 26 # 38, longitude 81 '33. 

91. Sathin, or, as it iscalled in the Afn-i-Akb&rf, S&tanpur 

is prettily situated on the right bank of 
the river Gumti, about 40 miles north- 
west of Sultanpur. Popular tradition, following its usual 
course of crediting the Bhars with-the construction of every- 
thing of unknown origin, ascribes its foundation to Rdjah S&tan 
of that tribe ; it would be but a step further to another Satanic 
majesty of a race to which the Bhars are sometimes considered 
to have been akin, and the one derivation would, perhaps, be at 
least as accurate as the other. The judicially ascertained his- 
tory of the town is that it was given as " aima" some centuries 
ago to one Qazf Shah&b-ud-din, so that it is a reasonable as- 
sumption that it received the name of the grantee with the pre- 



38 sultInpub settlement report. 

fix qasbah, which it now generally bears, or the terminal affix 
" pur," which it has already been seen it formerly bore, and 
that its present name is neither more nor less than a contraction 
thereof. The various steps that lead from the one to the other 
are numerous but simple, and such colloquial corruptions are 
by no means rare ; the short name Amfn was once Abhimanya 
and Fubna is all that now remains of the quinquesyllabic 
Paundra Varddhana.t 

Qasbah Sathin is composed of lands formerly belonging 
to five villages inhabited by different castes, viz : — 

Bijaigarh (in which was a fort), ... ... Sheikhs. 

Tahpur, ... ... ... ... ... Ahlr. 

Baniahpur, ... ... ... ... ... Baniah. 

Bhadera, ... ... ... ... ... Joshi. 

Jagwdpur, ... ... ... ... ... Ahfr. 

It was the residence of a Government official until the 
year 1750. A bazar was founded here in 1849, which is 
frequented on market days by the villagers of the neighbour- 
hood to the number of 250 or 300. The town contains 537 
houses (one only of brick) which give accommodation to a 
population of 2,234. The principal inhabitants are Sheikhs 
and Syads. Latitude 26*31, longitude 81*44. 

92. Kishni is situated on the right bank of the river 
K . ., Gdmti, and occupies a high plateau sur- 

rounded by ravines which open on the " 
river, about 46 miles north-west of Sultdnpur. It was 

* Thus the unmutilated form of the name is Shahab-ud-dm. Its length is of 
itself enough to cause it to be slurred over and mis-pronounced by the illiterate ; rapidity 
of utterance to cause the absorption of the short syllables, and Shabdur is all that re- 
mains. The ah sound again is a veritable shibboleth to the villager while a com- 
mon Prakrit rule demands the assimilation in spoken language of the b to the following 
d. That the d should be changed into t is explained by their being kindred letters. 
With regard to the shortening of the vowels we have historical proof with regard to one 
of them at least that it has taken place within the last three centuries, and the same 
may be said of the interpolation of the h. At the same time Satanpur is not an un- 
common name, and I do not mean to say that it always has the derivation here given ; 
on the contrary, when an uncommon name is once disturbed, it has a tendency to gravi- 
tate as it were towards the nearest well known one, and this may account for the direc- 
tion that the corruption of the name has taken in the present instance. Sathin is not 
developed out of a single village, but formed by the aggregation of several previously 
existing ones. 

T Ancient Geography 337-480. Many familiar examples might be given of similar 
contractions in the pronunciations of English names e. g. Cirencester, Cholmondeley.— 
Brighton, which was originally Brighthelmstone, is an instance of such a contraction 
altogether superseding the full name. 



sultAnpur settlement report. 39 

founded about four hundred years ago, by R&jah Kishen 
Chand, ancestor of the Mandarkyas, whose capital it remain- 
ed until they lost their independence. Until 1750, it was 
the head quarters of the old Kishnl parganah. It contains 
532 houses, of which three only are of masonry, with a popu- 
lation of 2,297. The only building worthy of notice is a 
mosque built by a Q&zi Abdul Satwi, in the reign of Alamgir. 
Latitude 26*35, longitude 81 # 41. 

93. Jagdlspur; Chak Jangla; Nihdlgarh. The three 
Ja ^ w names here given are now used sjrno- 

ag pur ' nymously ; but Jagdlspur is the original 

village, Chak Jangla one of its component hamlets, and 
Nih&lgarh, a fort erected in Chak Jangla by Nihdl KMn, 
a Bh&le Sultdn Chief, in the year 1715. Nihdlgarh was 
besieged and taken in 1750 by Mirzd Latif Beg, tahsild&r, 
who took up his residence in it, and transferred to it the head 
quarters of the old Kishnf and S&tanpur parganahs. A small 
town as usual sprung up beneath it, winch, though itself of 
little importance, has thrown into the shade the older vil- 
lage of Jagdlspur ; it is no longer the seat of a revenue 
official, and the only public buildings in it are a Government 
school and a police station. Of its 562 houses, there is one 
only of masonry, which belongs to the principal inhabitant 
Bahnokand, a wealthy mah&jan, and proprietor also of $, 
small estate acquired very recently by purchase and mort- 
gage. A small bazar attracts the custom of the immediate 
neighbourhood. Population 2,593. Latitude 26*27, longitude 
81-40. 

94. Hasanpur, or Hasanpur Bandhtia,* lies 4 miles 

west of Sult^npur, a little to the 
north of the Lucknow road. It is 
the residence of the Hasanpur chiefs, by the most famous of 
whom, Hasan Kh&n, it was founded in the reign of Shir Sh&h. 
It stands on the site of a former village, Narwar, which probably 
derived its name from its proximity on the north to one of the 
deep ravines (nallahs) connected with the GtimtLt Thepresent 
town bears a poor and dilapidated appearance, but its pros- 
perity is seemingly on the increase, for thirty years ago its 
population numbered only 600, J whereas it now amounts to 

* Bandhua is the name of a village adjoining Hasanpur. 

1 1 believe I am here following the derivation of the name of the more famous Nar- 
war, given by General Cunningham, but I am in doubt on the point. 
+ Dr. Butters Southern Oudh. 



40 sultXnpur settlement report. 

4,338. A Government school has been established in it 
within the last few years, and this is the only public building 
it contains. Latitude 26'16, longitude 82'3. 

2. Shrines, Fairs, Places op Interest. 

95. It may seem odd to place shrines and fairs in the 
same category ; but there are few if any of the latter which 
have not a religious character attached to them.* 

96. Sitd-kuncL On the right bank of the river Giim- 

ti, immediately below the civil sta- 
tion, the place is still pointed out 
where the now deified Sitd is said to have bathed, while ac- 
companying her husband Rdma, into his self-imposed exile. 
In commemoration of that event a fair is held there twice a 
year (Jeth DasehrA and K&tik Piiranmdshi), to which the 
pious -Hindus of the neighbourhood throng to the number of 
fifteen or twenty thousand. The fair lasts for a few hours 
only, the visitors bathing immediately on their arrival, and 
then taking their departure. A few enterprising sweetmeat 
vendors from the Perkinsganj bazar find their way there, but 
otherwise no attempt is made at traffic, t 

97. Dhop&p, in the village of R&japattf. The triumph 

of R&ma's return from his long exile 
p * Vas clouded by the recollection of a 

great crime involved in the achievement of his principal ex- 
ploit, his victory over Rdvana, for he had thereby incurred 
the guilt of Brahmanicide. His spiritual advisers according- 
ly set to work to find the means of effecting his purification ; 

* Nor are such unions uncommon. Religion apart, the two main objects of a fair 
are amusement and traffic, and one or other of these not unfrequently manages to con- 
nect itself with religious edifices and occasions. The Friday morning prayers of the 
Mahomedans were considered to find an appropriate sequel in games and spectacles 
of various kinds. Feroz Shah is noted for having been in the habit of collecting at his 
palace on that day about three thousand performers, musicians, athletes &c, (Elliot's 
History of India III. 362). In England before the reformation very much the same ous- 
tom prevailed, and bull-baiting and other "gentle pastimes" of a like nature followed 
morning mass. The original sameness, notwithstanding the present difference, of mean- 
ing of the words holyday and holiday, tells its own tale j and the word fair is explained 
by Webster to be derived from " Latin feria, plural ferice days of rest, holidays, festivals, 
" because the fairs were generally held in the churchyard and even in the church, on holi- 
" days and feasts of dedication when the people resorted to the churches." The Jews 
similarly allowed room in the temple to the tables of the money-changers and the seats 
of them that sold doves. 

f In this part of the Gumti, between Siti-kund and Dhopap, there are said to have 
been at one time 360 places of pilgrimage ; but this is probably a mere local adaptation 
of a common fable. A similar story is told of a lake near Thanesar (Ancient Geography 
332), and the same number of temples is said to have been built at Ayodhya by Vikranuu 
difcya (Elliot's Supplementary Glossary, Chowrasee). 



sultAnpur settlement report. 41 

and a moral Bethesda, so to say, was discovered at a particu- 
lar part of the Gdmtl in the present village of Rajapattf, 
bathing at which was pronounced to be efficacious for the 
purpose. R&ma performed the enjoined ablution, and his 
guilt was thereby removed. The spot thus sanctified thence- 
forward received the appellation of Dhopdp, which being 
interpreted signifies the place that " cleanseth away sin." * 
Fairs are held here similar to those at Sitd-kund, but the Jeth 
gathering is somewhat larger. 

98. "The site of Dhop&p," says General Cunningham 
" is evidently one of very considerable antiquity, as the whole 
" country for more than half a mile around it is covered with 
" broken bricks andpottery. The place is said to have belonged 
"to the Bhar Rajas of Kusabhawanapura or Sult&npur, but 
" the only name that I could hear of as specially connected 
"with Dhopdp was that of Raja Hel or Hela"\ Close to 
Dhop&p are the ruins of an old fort, which as shown by a local 
investigation made by a native official a few years ago, in a 
suit between two landed proprietors, is commonly known as 
Garhd or Shf rgarh. Both these names point to its construc- 
tion, or re-construction, by the Stir king Shir Shdh, assisted 
very probably, as some accounts say, by his son Salem Sh&h. 
To them, also, is attributed the first erection of an old mosque 
in the neighbourhood, which was repaired by Safdar Jang, and 
subsequently used as a school, but now for some time alto- 
gether deserted. General Cunningham mentions several 
carved stones which have been collected by the people^ from 
the ruined fort,J and says that they point unmistakably to the 
existence at some former period, of a large temple at JDhop&p, 
probably one only of a considerable number at that place. I 
" obtained " says the same writer, " coins of many of the early 
"Mahomedan Kings* from Nasfr-tid-din Mahmtid Ghori 
" down to Akbar, but not a single specimen of any Hindd coin- 
" age, although I was informed that coins bearing figures are 



* Compare Mahabhadra, Ancient Geography 355. 

t Ancient Geography 401 ; and Asiatic Society's Journal I. IV. 1865. 

t Among the stones not particularized by General Cunningham is a carved one in'the 
river, to be seen only when the water is very low, and then worshipped by the people. 
It is called the Garh Rajah. The ornamental design worked upon it contains the lotus, 
so that it would appear to have belonged to some Hindu building. Another stone 
worthy of mention found at Dhopap bears a curiously arranged inscription. It forms a- 
perfect circle, each quadrant of which contains the kajima. The stone probably belonged 
originally to a Hindu temple, and afterwards to the now ruined mosque. 



42 sultInpur settlement report. 

" found every year during the rainy season," One particular 
coin of this kind is better remembered than any others by the 
villagers; it was picked up shortly after annexation, and is 
said to have contained the device of a cow on one side, and a 
flag on the other. 

99. Pdparghdt. — Safdar Jang having established his 
P4wu-eh£t. virtual independence of the Moghal 

parg ^ emperor determined to build a new 

capital. He selected as the site for it the high bank of the 
Gumtf overlooking Pdparghdt in the village of SMhpur, par- 
ganah Chdnda, and, but for the accident of a sickly season, that 
now comparatively unknown locality might have enjoyed the 
celebrity that afterwards fell to the lot of Faizabad. The con- 
struction of a fort was commenced and the walls had already 
risen to some height, when the emperor, receiving intelligence 
of this presumptuous act of his now independent, but still nomi- 
nal minister, sent him messages of congratulation, and a " khil- 
lat," to all outward appearance, suitable to his rank and digni- 
ty. The royal gift had been packed up with becoming care, 
and its acceptance does not appear to have struck Safdar Jang 
as incompatible with the rebellious attitude he had assumed. 
The box in which it was enclosed was opened with due cere- 
mony, when it was discovered that the emperor, with 
grim pleasantry, had selected as an appropriate gift an im- 
age of Marl Bhawdni ! That neither donor nor recipient vene- 
rated that goddess, mattered no more than that the Philis- 
tines regarded the ark with little reverence; the one was 
as fatal by its presence as the other, and the mortality which 
ensued in Safdar Jang's camp was perfectly appalling. The 
simple expedient resorted to by the Philistines does not ap- 
pear to have occurred to the modern sufferers, who adopted 
the more cumbrous measure of moving their whole army ; 
and Mari Bhawdni was left in undisturbed possession 1 The 
unfinished walls still exist, and the triumph of the destruc- 
tive goddess is celebrated by periodical fairs, held in the 
months of Kodr and Chait, which are attended by 10,000 
or 12,000 persons. 



100. Sagrd. — In the village of Bandhtia, in the Sultdn- 
g £ pur parganah, is a fine large masonry 

tank, on the border of which stands, 
what may be called, in comparison with anything to be found 



sultInpur settlement report. 43 

for a long distance round, an imposing pile of buildings. The 
tank was dug at the expense of one Bib& Sahaj R&m, a N&nak 
Sh&hi Fakir, a great miracle monger, and is thence known as 
Bdba Jio-k&-Sagr&. The buildings mentioned were the B&b&'s 
residence. He and his successors received several revenue- 
free grantsfrom officials in the King's time, and these have now 
been confirmed in perpetuity by the British Government. A 
large concourse of people, about 8,000 or 10,000, assemble at 
this tank at fairs held every year in the months of Katik, 
Chait and Jeth. 

101. Debi Lohrdmau. — In the village of Lohrdmau, 

DeMLohrfman. ?f£f na !*. Sultdnpur, is a shrine of 

JJebi, which is said to occupy the site 
of an old Bhar temple. There is now a brick shrine, enclosed 
by mud walls, but these were erected only twenty-five years 
ago by the zemind&rs of the village. Three or four hundred 
people collect here every Monday, and a much larger number 
twice a year in the months of Koir and Chait to worship the 
presiding goddess. 

102. Set Bardh. — In the village of Kutwa, a mile or 
Bet ^^ two south-east of the |Amgh&t bridge, 

nearly at the summit of a lofty mound 
overlooking the river Gtimtf stands a small shrine. In point 
of size it is very insignificant, but this is more than compen- 
sated by its extreme sanctity. It is dedicated to the " White 
Boar," one of the incarnations of Vishnu. It is reputed to 
contain a statue of the god, but such is not the case ; all there 
is to do duty for it is a small hollowed block of carved stone. 
In what its similitude to a boar consists it is difficult to say. 
There is perhaps a bare possibility that it represents the jaws 
of that animal as depicted on the Varriha coins, but even this 
is improbable ; and if it be the case, the figure to which it be- 
longed must have been of colossal proportions. All that the 
villagers can contribute to the explanation of the mystery is 
that the stone was picked up out of the river below, and en- 
shrined in the little edifice whic]i now holds it. I am disposed 
to conjecture that there once stood on the spot a famous temple 
of the boar-god, which was long ago destroyed ; but that, the 
memory of it having outlived its destruction, the present mo- 
dest substitute was erected; and when the stone was found, it 
was hailed as the return of the truant god. In the immedi- 



44 sultXnpur settlement report. 

ate vicinity are several brick-strewn, or rather brick-built 
mounds of various dimensions. The largest of them, that 
nearly touching the present village, and the only one of which 
I could learn anything, is said to have been the site of an 
old Bhar fortress. It is very probable that a town of consider- 
able importance once existed here, and the name of the village 
itself, luitwa, a colloquial corruption of kot, implies the former 
presence of some sort of fortification. 

103. On the peak of the same mound as the Set Bar&h 
temple, lies the tomb of a fakfr, who, after a life of mortifi- 
cation and penance, died here about five hundred years 
ago. Austerity and devotion, say the sacred books of the 
Hindtis, bring to those who practise them, with the re- 
quisite degree of earnestness, power to control and suspend 
the laws of nature ; and to this pitch of holiness did our fakir 
attain. The story is still told, to admonish the incredulous, 
how he walked at will upon the river, and the obedient waters 
rose not above his sandals. 

104. At this spot of twofold sanctity, a fair is held 
every year at full moon in the month of K&tik ; it lasts a 
day and night, and attracts visitors from a distance of twen- 
ty miles round to the number of 25,000. Vendors, of fruit 
and sweetmeats avail themselves of the occasion to turn an 
honest penny. 

105. The six fairs above described are the principal ones 
other fairs. of the district, and however little wor- 
thy of mention they may be, the others 

are still less so. Ample justice will be done them in a 
tabular list: — 

Name of village. Name of parganah. 

1. Ahirwd, Inhona. 

2. Janai, ' Simrota. 

3. Dharm6, Mohanganj. 

4. Harganw, Gaurd-Jamtin. 

5. Alampur, Rokhd-Jais. 

6. Kannti, Ametht 

7. Shamsheria, Amethi. 

8. R&ghipur, Ametht 

9. Pind&ra, IsauU. 



sultInpur settlement report. 45 

106. The following are the few places of interest th6 dis- 
™ , . , ■ trict possesses other than those de^ 

Places of interest. -i i i_ 

scribed above. 

107. Ganaur, parganah Isauli — In this village are- the 

ruins of what must once htfve been a 
anaur * vast structure. For a wonder, though 

its history is unknown, itisnot ascribed to the Bhars. The single 
fact I have been able to ascertain about it is that it was the 
house of an oilman. The ruins consist of some massive walls of 
masonry of immense thickness, and three or four pagoda shaped 
buildings of proportionately substantial construction. The 
latter are ornamented with beautifully executed scroll work 
engraved or rather moulded in the external surface of the 
bricks ; a portion of the design only is contained in each 
brick, so that to complete it two or more have to be placed in a 
particular relative position, a work of no small difficulty when 
they are once separated. In the roof of one of the buildings is a 
large spherical cavity, in which the oilman is supposed to have 
hoarded his vast wealth to protect it from the rapacity of his 
neighbours. Who this mysterious individual was, whither 
he went, how he disappeared, or when he lived no one seems 
to know. 

108. Bikhar, parganah Chdnda. — This village is said to 
Bik . take its name from the great Vikrama- 

ditya, Bikarmajft, or Bikram. On the 
border of one of the tanks in it, is a statue said to be that of 
the legendary hero, and worshipped by the people of the 
village. The head of it only is now visible, and even that 
is said to be gradually disappearing.* This is possible 
enough, and may perhaps be traced to natural causes, but 
this is too simple for rustic superstition, which discovers super- 
natural agency at work. Vikramaditya is said to be sinking 
into the earth with horror at the depravity of modern days ! 
As to the reason for the erection of the statue in the village, 
accounts are discrepant. One says it marks the scene of a 
battle in which Vikramaditya lost his life ; another that it 
commemorates an exploit of a devotional character. A cer- 
tain' fakir, by way of showing his veneration for Bhawdnf, 
cut off his head, and presented it as an offering to that god- 

* It is by no means certain that there is much more of the figure than is now 
visible. 



4G SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 

dess.* So unusual an act of piety deserved an appropriate 
reward at her hands, so she caused the head to return to his 
shoulders, and presented him with a buffalo-load of gold. 
The fakir distributed the gold in charity and repeated the 
same ceremony every day with the same satisfactory result. 
Vikramaditya heard of this, and his enterprising spirit at 
once prompted him to attempt the feat. He was no less 
successful than the fakir, and the statue is intended to bear 
witness to the circumstance. 

109. Arjunpur, parganah Chdnda. — Herearetheremains 

of a large fort, built by Salem Sh&h; it 
Arpnpur. long ago ceased to be occupied and little 

more than the foundations now exist. The walls are 
about three feet thick with bastions here and there, and enclose 
a large area now under cultivation. The fort is said to have 
been called Makarkold, and to have given name to the still 
existing village of Serai Makarkold, from a bazar at which 
place the inmates of the fort obtained their supplies. 

110. Arjii, parganah Chdnda. — This village contains a 

brick well, said to have been in exis- 
^ tence since the time of the Bhars. Here 

too, are found large bricks, nearly two feet in length, which 
are said to have formerly held a place in the walls of one of 
those Bhar forts, of which we hear so much and see so little. 
It is the only one of the kind to which I need allude under 
this head ; numbers of them are said to have existed in every 
parganah, but with a few exceptions nothing is known about 
them, so that an enumeration of their names would be 
tedious and unprofitable. 

111. Kathot } in parganah Sultdnpur. — The popular ac- 

count of Kathot is that after the capture 
of Kusbhawanpur by AlA-tid-din Ghorf, 
the Musulmans erected two fortresses. The principal one was 
Sultdnpur on the north of the Gumti, on the site of Kus- 
bhawanpur ; the other, a kind of outpost, was built a few 
miles from it on the south side of the river. Hence the latter 
came to be called by the Sultdnpur garrison, Kot-ut, or the 
fort on the other side, and Kathot is simply a corruption of 

* This is evidently founded on Buddha's famous Head-gift, regarding which see 
Ancient Geography 108*117. 



sultAnpur settlement report. 47 

the name so formed. This derivation may be nonsense ; but 
nevertheless Kathot is a place of undoubted antiquity. The 
remains of its old fort are still shown in a mound on the 
borders of the village of Jurapatti, and it gave its name to a 
parganah in the time of Akbar. It is not at all improbable, . 
therefore, that it was occupied by Mahomedans as early as 
the time of AU-ud-din, the conqueror of Sult&npur. 

SECTION VIL— Tenures. 

112. Tenures admit of two different classifications, ac- 

cording to the point of view from 

(b?^^^ i ° 1 ^ > (a) ° Hgin; w ^ c ^ tbey are regarded; the source 

from which they emanate, or the in- 
cidents by which they are distinguished. 

113. In the former case, the distinction lies between 

original and derivative tenures, mean- 
ja)jennres according to ing b ^ original those created by the 

unassisted act of a single party, and 
by derivative those to the creation of which the assent of a 
second party is indispensable. 

114. Roman jurists laid down that, according to ab- 
„, m ... stract principles of justice, property was 

Modes of acquisition. • i_ i • j.i_ ? * ~ 

acquirable in three ways ; occupatio, or 
the first occupation of a thing previously unappropriated, 
accessio, the natural increase of any sort of property already 
in possession; traditio, or voluntary transfer. In a settled 
state of society, original tenures are created in one or other of 
the first two ways, and derivative by the third. But, 
however, contrary it may be to abstract principles of right, it 
cannot be ignored that in Oudh, from the very earliest times 
to the introduction of British rule, yet another mode of estab- 
lishing a title was in vogue, and that to it may be traced in no 
small measure, the present distribution of landed property ; I 
mean private conquest ; in the classification I am now follow- 
ing, it must be placed side by side with occupation, as giving 
rise to an original tenure ; but it differs from it, in the very 
important particular that it is the appropriation of land already 
having arecognized owner. Thus, following not theory butfact, 
original tenures spring from conquest, occupation and accession, 
and derivative from transfer. 



48 SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 

115. To forcible acquisition, the Roman jurist allowed 

no place in the "law of nations;" and, in 
nques the Civil law, giving it the opprobrious 

name of rapina, he classed it as a delict; and so also it is regard- 
ed in Oudh under the present administration. Nor do I mean 
to say that the native Government, in any age, plainly recognized 
the right of private war ; but there is no doubt whatever that it 
was freely resorted to by all who were strong enough to carry it 
on with advantage to themselves, and to defy the efforts of the 
state to check their depredations. To keep to comparatively 
modern times, each Kshattriya clan has its story of how its an- 
cestors acquired their estates by yictoiy over the Bhars, their 
predecessors in the proprietorship; and much has been written 
by eye-witnesses to show how far might was right within the 
present generation. In one document executed a few years 
before annexation, which accidentally came under my notice, 
the writer ingenuously describes his property to be of three 
kinds, "bapans, molans, pilans," hereditary, purchased and 
acquired by force ! 

116. Occupation is expressly stated in the institutes of 
ft ^ ,. Manu to be one of the ways in which 

2. Occupation. , . *z i j • j_i_ 

ownership may accrue ; " land is the 
property of him who cut away the wood," or, in the words of 
the commentator, " who tilled and cleared it;"* and many in- 
stances may be found in which " jangal tardshf," " ban tornd" 
&c, are alleged as the basis of the present possessor's title. In 
the south of Oudh, however, there has been little scope for the 
exercise of this mode of acquisition for many generations past ; 
for, though large tracts of junglehave existed, they have been 
at least in the nominal possession of some powerful landholder, 
and very often left by him in that state for defensive purposes. 
It comes into play in a modified form in co-parcenary commu- 
nities, when the common land is so held that any sharer may 
take up as much as he chooses, and thereby becomes, either 
permanently, or until a general adjustment of holdings, ex- 
clusive proprietor of what he so takes up. 

117. Accession is, ips& natur&, both possible and ne- 

cessary in every state of society. 

3. Accession. W[th respect to the ^^ ft COI1 veyS to 

the produce of land and cattle, it is usually simple and incon- 

* Elphinatone's History of India 4th Edition page 21 quoting Mann, Chapter IX. 44» 



sultAnpub settlement report. 49 

testible ; and even in the form of alluvion, owing to the pau- 
city and comparative insignificance of the rivers of this district, 
it seldom gives rise here to those very complex questions, which 
now and then call for decision in other parts of India, I thus 
hesitate to say that any well defined usage prevails to regulate 
its effect upon the rights of riparian proprietors, where a 
sudden change takes place in a river's course ; the dhar-dhura, 
or deep stream boundary principle is not unknown, but I can- 
not say that it is invariably observed ; in cases of gradual ac- 
cretion, the new land unquestionably belongs to the proprietor 
of that which it adjoins. Further on it will be seen that the 
surveyor's recently made maps delineate water-covered bound- 
aries in mid-stream; so that it may not be superfluous to ex- 
plain that the course thus pursued does not rest upon any 
clearly ascertained local custom. 



118. The most common modes of transfer are (1) grant, 
"" (2) sale, (3) mortage, (4) gift, {5) in- 

er# heritance, (6) lease, (7) deposit. Of 

these, the first always conveys a right from a superior to an in- 
ferior, the last vice versd; the others are transactions between 
equals. 

119. Grants of land under various names and for v&- 

rious purposes have been common for 
many centuries, at least since the time 
of Manu : a copper tablet found at Faizabad tells of one made 
in this province by the great Jaya Chandra in the twelfth cen- 
tury. With a few exceptions,* the Mahomedan kings con- 
tinued the practice on the same scale as the Hindus ; and 
though, under the present regime, it has become much less com- 
mon, the introduction into the local dialect of the word grant, 
in the barbarous and cacophonous form "girant," shows that it 
has not altogether fallen into desuetude. Grants are made 
either by the ruling power to subjects, or by proprietors to 
their tenants. In the former case, a full and independent pro- 
prietary right may be conferred ; in the latter this never hap- 
pens, the terms of the grant invariably imply the continuance 



* Elliot's History of India III. 289. u Al£-ud-dfn refused to make grants of villages 
•• and paid his followers every year with money from the treasury. But when Sultan Firoz 
•' came to the throne he dismissed such thoughts from his heart and during the forty 
•' years of his reign, he devoted himself to generosity and the benefit of Musulmans, by 
" distributing villages and lands among his followers." 

a 



50 sultInpur settlement report. 

of a superior title in the grantor. He either fixes an annual 
rent to be paid by the grantee, whose dependent position is thus 
clearly marked; or he remits all demand upon the land, which 
he is only colnpetent to do so long as his connection with it 
lasts ; in particular instances, a specific service accompanies the 
tenure of the land. Deeds of grant often contain a clause to 
the effect that the subject of them is to be held for generation 
after generation (naslan b&d naslan, batnan bdd batnan); 
and it has been ruled by the Judicial Committee of the Privy 
Council that the absence of some equivalent expression signifies 
that the grant is purely personal. 

s 

120. Sales of real property have always been extremely 
, rare, and at the present time there is 

less disposition than ever to resort to 
them. The necessity for them is in a great degree obviated 
by the common practice of making grants, and it is scarcely 
too much to say that, Persian words aside, the village lan- 
guage contains no single term to denote a thorough, out and 
out sale. The nearest approximation to it is bechna ; but this, 
like the corresponding hybrid term bechndmah, is often used 
with respect to a mortgage, and it is only by employing the 
intensive form bech-ddlna, that the idea of perfect expropri- 
ation is obtained. For a corresponding noun, bai * has to be 
borrowed from the Persian language, and the formal execu- 
tion of such a deed is a luxury reserved for those whose con- 
ception of land tenures is tinctured with Mahomedan ideas. 
Ordinary village proprietors arrive by slow degrees at the 
conviction that their patrimony, however small, is insufficient 
at once to maintain them and their families in comfort, and 
to meet the legitimate revenue demand of the State. Not 
even under native rule, when the revenue demand rose 
rapidly if they were prosperous without falling in the 
same proportion when the reverse was the case, was it 
possible to bring this painful and unwelcome fact home 
to them. When they first began to find themselves 
embarrassed, they mortgaged one or two fields or ob- 
tained a loan from some momed Brahman by a Sankalp grant 
of a few acres. This went on and on until they got rid 

* Various compounds are also used, of which this word forms part, e. g. Bai bur£, 
but the Hindi factor means only mortgage. Its literal signification "is to be immers- 
ed," and so exactly corresponds to the Persian "ghark" or " mustagharrik" which 19 
also applied to mortgage. 



sultXnpur settlement report. 51 

piecemeal of all their cultivated lands ; and even then if left to 
themselves, they recognized no necessity for finally severing 
their connexion with their inheritance, although they might 
see no prospect whatever of redeeming the lien on it ; they 
would rather execute one cumulative mortgage of their entire 
share, waste and everything included, and then go off and seek 
service in the British army. But it might, and often did, 
happen that, when the revenue of a village was in arrears, 
the whole co-parcenary body, or several of the principal mem- 
bers of it were seized and thrown into confinement by the 
Government officer. If any of them were solvent, they would 
take advantage of the occasion to represent piteously to their 
captor that they always paid their own quota of the revenue 
punctually, and were suffering for the faults of their more un- 
thrifty sharers ; they would then offer to settle for them also, if 
only they would prevent the recurrence of the same difficulty 
by throwing up their shares in favour of those who paid up their 
arrears. Under such circumstances even a regular deed ot 
sale was not very often drawn up ; but, what amounted to 
much the same thing, the creditors obtained under the more 
ambiguous name of fdrigh-khatti, a formal renunciation of all 
their debtors' rights and interests. If all the sharers were 
alike insolvent, the revenue officer offered their village to any 
wealthy landholder who would satisfy his demand, and in 
such cases a deed of sale was often at once extorted from the 
defaulters in favour of the person from whom they received 
this forced accommodation ; or they were handed over to his 
tender mercies, which generally had the same result. But 
though under the pressure of official interference, such deeds 
as I have just described were, no doubt, occasionally executed, 
yet in perfectly free transactions among themselves, villagers 
hardly ever effected a permanent transfer of their lands. 

121. When sales are rare, pre-emption cannot be a com- 
_ x . mon custom. It is said to be a 

Mahomedan institution,* and, under 
its name of hakk-shafa, is certainly very little known to 
the uneducated. But it is not altogether foreign to 



* Pre-emption would appear to be one of the customs the Mahomedans borrowed 
from the Jews. It will be remembered how Boaz asked the kinsman nearer than he, 
whether he would purchase Naomi's parcel of land. Regarding the general principle 
see Leviticus XXV. 25. 



52 sultInpur settlement report. 

Hindd* law, and in such sales of land as did take place under 
native rule, not to say in mortgages also, a very similar practice 
prevailed. The transferee was, as a rule, a well-to-do sharer, a 
connexion of the village community, or their common money- 
lender and banker. An outsider might now and then have 
taken the place of one of the brotherhood, but there was at 
least a tacit acquiescence on the part of the rest. If the intruder 
rendered himself obnoxious to their dislike, without being too 
particular to find a legal name for the act, they simply turned 
him out or killed him. 

122. Of mortgages, according to Macpherson, there are 

three pure forms : 1, the usufructuary; 
gage ' 2, the simple mortgage; 3, the mort- 

gage by conditional sale kutkubala, or bai-bil-wafk All these 
three forms are familiarlyknown,andinthe eastern portion of the 
district, a fourth, purms&na, may oe added, exactly similar to 
that described by Mr. Carnegy, as existing in the adjacent par- 
ganahs of the Faizabad districtt: — " the terms usually are that 
" the mortgagee in possession enjoys a portion of the rent as 
" interest of the money lent, and the surplus rent is paid to the 
"mortgagor, under the denomination of Purms&na. Occa- 
" sionally the whole rent is absorbed as interest, the mortgagor 
" paying the Government demand." The exact converse of mis 
on the other hand, sometimes takes place, and the mortgagor 
is left in possession with a lease from the mortgagee. J 

123. Gift is a mode of transfer not much patronized ; it is 

a common weakness of human nature 
not to part with valuable property with- 
out some adequate consideration, and the Mahomedan gift, 
hibba-bil-iwaz, which contemplates such a return, unjustly cre- 
diting itself with aliberality which might be equally claimed by 
a sale, is less popular even than that form of contract. Among 
Hindus, gifts are almost limited to those cases, in which a child- 
less proprietor endeavours to ensure the succession of a son-in- 

* Elphinstone, 4th Edition, para. 21. In the passage he refers to allusion is only made 
to articles capable of being exported, but this is sufficient to show that the Hindus were 
acquainted with the idea of pre-emption. That it should not be mentioned particularly 
with regard to land in Manu's code, is of a piece with the scantiness of the references 
therein made to individual property of any kind in land. 

f See marginal extract, F. C's Settlement Eeport 1866, page 7. 

X I confine myself to a bare numeration of the kinds of mortgage locally known. 
The law on the subject is summed up in Act XIII. of 1866, and I need not re-open here 
the discussion how far that Act squares with local custom. 



sultInpur settlement report. 53 

law, or other connexion not the regular heir ; it is then often 
Stipulated that the donor shall be maintained until his death 
by the donee. 

124. In matters of inheritance, the regular classes of 
Mahomedans follow the Kor&n, and 
en ce ' Hindiis the S&stras modified more or 

less, as elsewhere, by local custom. Muslim converts more 
often than not adhere to the rules by which they were guid- 
ed previous to their change of faith. In the division of in- 
heritance according to the S&stras, * the eldest of two or more 
sons, of whatever caste, is entitled to a double share, and the 
next born to a share and a half, if, according to a learned 
commentator, they clearly surpass the rest in virtue and learn- 
ing. This rule in a modified form is still in full force among 
Kshattriyas; but, among other classes, has ceased to be observed. 
In one recent instance, indeed, the elder of two Brahman bro- 
thers claimed a two fold share in a sankalp, and based his 
claim on " supiiti," or filial piety; but this worthy, I rather sus- 
pect, had simply searched his scriptures more diligently than 
his fellows, and turned the knowledge so gained to account ; 
his acquaintance with the S&stras would of itself be sufficient 
evidence of his erudition, and would also help to make a very 
ordinary amount of dutifulness pass muster, so that finding 
himself in a position to assert the requisite excellence of charac- 
ter, he might very possibly, by the exercise of a little tact, con- 
trive to make an old and obsolete law, which rewarded it, over- 
ride less appreciative modern practice. Among Kshattriyas the 
extra share attached to primogeniture (jethansi) varies even in 
different families of the same clan ; the most common forms of it 
are those denoted by the fractional expressions ek-derh, one and 
a half, and siwde, one and a quarter. Next to these and little 
more than the conversion of the abstract siwde into the definite 
fraction of a bfgah, in accordance with the general mode of ex- 
hibiting shares, is that represented by the compound term nau- 
igdrah, nine-eleven (or igdrah-nau, eleven-nine,) the ratio 
between the two numbers showing the relative rights of senior 
and junior. Bare examples may be traced of the existence of 
the primitive habit of giving the eldest son a double share, 
but, on the other hand, the distinction in his favor has in 
some places become altogether obliterated. In many Kan- 

* Manu IX. 117. 



54 sultXnpub settlement report. 

puria families, a singularly complicated arrangement obtains, 
by which the special share is fixed at siwde dar siwde, or 
twenty-one to an ordinary share of sixteen. In co-parcenary 
estates, general opinion is adverse to widows and daughters 
getting shares ; but now and then, they do so without opposi- 
tion on the part of the next heirs. In t'alukas, female succes- 
sion is not at all uncommon. 

125. The lease, under the names of ihflcd and ijdra has 

long been generally known, and in 
aS0, common use. Assignment of leases 

never seems to have obtained, but the more objectionable kit- 
kina, or sub-lease, is not unusual. A single lessee sometimes 
takes up a large tract of land, and sub-lets it in small parcels ; 
a process, which like the multiplying- wheel introduced into 
machinery, to produce the greater effect from the motive 
power, has the result of extracting more than they would have 
otherwise to pay from the actual occupants of the soil. Leases 
and sub-leases are both occasionally given for short fixed 
periods, but oftener for an indefinite term ; and, in the latter 
case, they are allowed to run on so long as the contracting par- 
ties continue friends. The name patta istimr&H has now 
become familiar ; and possibly the tenure it describes prevailed 
in some parts of the province previous to annexation ; but I 
have not found a single well-authenticated deed of the kind in 
this district, and I do not believe the perpetual lease was 
known here, until it was introduced a few years ago in the 
cases alluded to in para. 180.* 

126. Deposit is a word now employed to describe a 
D . practice not uncommon under native 

ep0S1 ' rule, by which proprietors of small 

estates managed to protect themselves from the attacks of their 
stronger neighbours, and the oppression of Government officers. 
They put themselves under the wing of some powerful chief 
or person possessed of official influence, and, getting the reve- 
nue engagement for their villages made out in his name, left 
him to fight their battles for them. In return for this, they 
usually paid him a small percentage on their revenue, (which 

* In English leases, the term of years fixed is very often a multiple of ten minus one, 
the object being, I believe, to evade the higher rate of stamp-duty which the even num- 
ber would entail. In native leases, a somewhat similar practice is followed of fixing the 
rent payable at a multiple of ten plus one, and the reason assigned for this is that the 
odd number does not so readily admit of being tampered with. 



sultXnpur settlement report. 5 5 

they paid through him) under the name of hakk-u$-sai-o-mih- 
natdna, or other similar designation. There was always an 
implied understanding in such cases, that the depositor was at 
liberty to resume the independent management of his estate 
at pleasure ; and the more prudent took the precaution to have 
this plainly set down in writing, while they on their side exe- 
cuted a supurdndmah or deed of trust in favour of their 
adopted protector. 



127. According to their characteristic incidents, tenures 
„. A . are usually divided by European 

^Tenures according to «. ^.^ ^ proprietar y ^ sub . pro . 

_ . x . a . . prietary ; superior and inferior, or any 

Proprietary and Sub-propne- *,. •* ' ■£,. , /• • *i 

tary. other correlative terms of similar 

import being used to mark the 

'difference implied. In native ways of thinking also, a 

sharp line of distinction is drawn between two classes of 

tenures; but its position is between zemind&ri and 

_ . . * /v. ' non-zeminddrf, or full proprietorship 

Proprietary and Quasi-pro* ,, «■ j j • li p ri 

prietary. on the one hand, and rights ot all 

other descriptions on the other. In its 
primary meaning, the word zemind&rf is no doubt of wider 
signification, but I do not hesitate to say that it is now inse- 
parably connected, in the native mind, with the idea of the 
most complete and perfect ownership. Those most nearly 
concerned consider it to be the highest and purest form of 
tenure, and though they may be unable to expound its charac- 
teristic differentiae they unquestionably believe in its distinc- 
tiveness. 



128. In my remarks on this subject, I propose to 
m. , . . A . , ., follow the native method of classifica- 

Tne latter adopted as the .. ., , ., , , /» j. n • 

main classification. tion ; it has the advantage ot tallying 

very closely with that based on the 
means of acquisition ; for proprietary tenures alone are origi- 
nal, and quasi-proprietary ones are necessarily derivative. On 
the other hand, the subordinate position, which lies at the 
root of the other classification, is not essential to any tenures 
whatever ; it is an accident rather than an incident of those 
in which it is found. 



56 sultAnpub settlement report. 

129. Both theories, it will be observed, take for granted 
. . the existence of private right in land; 

pnetary ngn ^^ .^ ^ necegsar y fa nQ ^ ft^ ^j^ 

point is not universally conceded. It is discussed at some 
_ . x * . * • v* . length by Elphinstone, who arrives at 

Existence of private right in ,, ° f • xi_ j. V • t_j. • i» -i 

land. the conclusion that such a right is ful- 

ly acknowledged in the Sdstras* The 
strongest argument in support of this view, he pronounces to 
be that the king's share in the produce of the land is plainly 
limited and defined, so that there must consequently have been 
another proprietor for the remainder. The case, may I ven- 
ture to think, be put even yet more forcibly ; for even what 
the king received, he levied, not as a proprietor collects rents 
from his domains, but as a monarch collects revenue from his 
dominions ; the share of grain he took from the agriculturist 
is placed on precisely the same footing as the share of trinkets 
rendered to him by the jeweller. In recent times, though the 
moderate amount of produce payable to the State has some- 
times been arbitrarily exceeded, and the value of land thus re- 
duced to a minimum, there is still less doubt about the recog- 
nition of a private right in it, even in the worst days of the Na- 
w&bi. Government officials, it may be urged, not unfrequently 
set aside a zemind&r, or gave his village to an outsider; but, in 
the first place, they were careful to find some colorable excuse 
for such a course, and, in the second place, they generally 
silenced the person thus set aside by an allowance of money 
or rent-free land. If they intended to oust him permanently 
they treated him in the manner described in para. 120, a piece 
of gratuitous tyranny, if he was removable at will. The 
question is one capable of being argued at almost any length; 
but it appears to me that enough has already been stated to 
show that private property m land has always been plainly 
recognized, and that it has always been a transferable right ; 
that it has always been heritable also admits of no dis- 
pute whatever. In short, I doubt whether the zemindar's 
_ . . . . , . . . interest in his estate has in any par- 

Equivalent to dominium of ,. , ,, , , ., J *. . 

Roman law. ticular ever fallen short of the domini- 

um of Roman law, which under the 
various heads of usus, ifructus, abusus and vindicatio included 
the right of use, of enjoyment of produce, of disposal or aliena- 
tion, and of recovery by legal means in case of dispossession.* 

* Of course there is now no room for doubt on the subject of private proprietary 
right. T'alukd&rs have there gonads ; others have formal decrees against Government. 



sttltAnpur settlement report. 57 

130 In the exercise of this dominium, the zemind&r 
. . , r . . deals with his estate as if composed of 

Internal economy of estate. , ,. .. . ,. ., \,. . -, 

two distinct portions, the cultivated 
and uncultivated lands. The former he again subdivides into 
Cultivated landa. khdlisa, pure and unencumbered lands, 

™ e or those let at full rent to tenants-at- 

will, and riaiyati, favoured lands, or those held at easy rates 
on account of some special tenure. The latter comprise the 
sir of the co-parceners, and the sankalps, jdghirs and so on, 
held by persons without the pale of the proprietary body. Sir 
alone will be noticed here, the rest will be adverted to here- 
After. " Sir", it is said, * " is a Sanscrit word meaning plough. 
11 It was a frequent occurrence in Upper Hindostan and the 
" Panjab for the kardars and jaghirdars to exempt so many 
" ploughs from assessment in favour of particular individuals ; 
" and by village custom the revenue was apportioned on the 
" number of ploughs employed by each responsible person." 
The sir of each sharer does not lie ordinarily within a ring- 
fence, but consists of fields scattered about in different parts 
of the village ; nor is it always the same from year to year ; 
for many proprietors first endeavour to let all they can to ten- 
ants-at-will, and then take into their own cultivation as much 
as their stock permits of what remains unlet ; at other times, 
the contrary plan is followed, and changes then but seldom oc- 
cur in the proprietors' holding. Sir is often regarded as 
synonymous with khudkdskt, or lands held immediately by a 
zemind&r ; but it is sometimes sub-let to under tenants (shika- 
mi asdrrri) who differ from tenants of the khdlisa in that the 
village rent-roll takes no cognizance of their existence. This 
happens more especially where sir is fixed and clearly defined ; 
otherwise the individual who practises this manoeuvre, alone in- 
tercepts all the profit on a tenant's holding, which should, in 
justice, be divided among the whole number of co-parceners. 

131. Uncultivated lands consist of groves, lakes and 
jj ... . . f . tanks, the village site and waste land. 

Uncultivated lands. ~ * t P . . , , , . 

Groves may belong to zemindars, but 
may also be held by persons of other classes, and so may be re- 
garded as a special tenure. Lakes and tanks, except in rare 
instances, are the property of the zeminddrs, who dispose of 
the water, fish, and any spontaneous vegetable produce they 

* Oudh Settlement Report, September I860, page 8-9. 

H 



58 sultAnpub settlement report. 

may yield. Control over the village site and waste land is an 
almost inseparable accompaniment of the general proprie- 
torship of the village. The zemind£r has the power to grant 
and withhold permission to build houses in the homestead, 
the right to houses rendered vacant by the departure or death 
of tenants, and in some places the right to one-fourth of the 
value of the building materials, if a house be sold Waste 
land is commonly devoted to the pasturage of all cattle indis- 
criminately, without regard to the status of their owners, and 
sometimes an interchange of this accommodation takes place 
between several contiguous villages. Occasionally sponta- 
neous produce of various kinds gives a special value to waste 
land 

132. His receipts from land form the principal part of 
. . ... the income of the zeminddr : but he 

Manorial dues. , . • i-m , • 

also enjoys a nice little property m 
perquisites derived from non-agricultural sources. For exam- 

})le, he gets a loom-fee from the weaver, a hide from the 
eather-dresser fchamdr) and similar dues from other handi- 
craftsmen ; while one or two hundred rupees a year may be 
expected from a bazar of no great magnitude. From the 
meaner castes, also, on particular occasions, such as marriages, 
he obtains a goat, sheep or other small present ; and, more 
general than any of those yet mentioned, a fee called " bhent" 
is levied from agriculturists and non-agriculturists alike, on 
every occasion of a formal meeting (bhent) for purposes of 
business with the zemind&r or his agents. These little exac- 
tions are not claimable in our courts; but the strength of past 
custom still renders it possible for the zemind&r to levy them ; 
and this he is the more careful to do, because they are tests of 
his proprietary right, and the importance of attending to such 
points is becoming much more appreciated than it used for- 
merly to be. I heard recently of a t'alukddr declining most 
positively to allow a house to be built in one of his villages, 
solely because the applicant demurred to the payment of this 
" bhent/' and yet the sum demanded was one rupee only, 
and the t'alukcrar was ready, if he received it to provide wood 
and building materials worth three or four times the amount. 

133. In his relation to the State, beyond the punctual 
Proprietor's relation towards pa,yment of his land revenue, the ze- 

the state. mind&r was, under native rule, bur- 

dened with no special obligations. On the other hand, he 



StJLTlNPtflt SflWLEMflOT REPOfcT. 59 

Was equally devoid of special claims against it, with the ex- 
ception of one connected with his revenue engagement, and 
his proprietary status, viz., a certain allowance denominated 
hankar. So long as he held the management of his estate, 
and contracted to pay a fixed sum for it, this nankar usually 
took the form of a cash deduction from the amount so pay- 
able ; in small properties, no lands were directly specified as 
tmassessed on this account, while in large ones particular vil- 
lages were named*" When, as sometimes happened, an estate 
Was taken under direct management by local officers, if it was 
a small one, the zetninddr. usually retained his sir lands, which 
wete then assessed at a light rate ; if it was a large one, he 
was left in possession of his nankar tillages, of which the re- 
Venue was then remitted 

134. In other respects, however, the proprietor was 
Mtactly on & level With the rest of the community ; and, in 
this perfect freedom of the tenure from all conditions and 
restrictions, probably consisted its distinctive character ; for, 
in every other case, the possession of land was subject to 
some limitation of right, or contingent on the performance 
of some duty. At one time, indeed, that of Akbar, it seems 
that landed proprietors were required to provide a military 
force for the service of the State. " The zeminddrs of Ben- 
gal (who are mostly Koits)," says Ab-ul-Fazl,* ir furnish " a 
large body of cavalry and infantry besides elephants, guns and 
boats ; and, elsewhere, he estimates the zemind&ri troops, as a 
single branch of the royal army, at upwards of four hundred 
millions and four hundred thousand. But, according to the 
old Hindu law, it is not among landholders in particular that 
recruits for the* army are to oe found, but indiscriminately 
among those endowed with the necessary physical aptitude. 
How the matter stood even after the establishment of the 
Moghal dynasty is well exemplified by the distinction drawn 
in the following story between jrighirs and family estates. Mu- 
hammad Kh&n Stir, Governor of Jaunpur, and an enemy of 
Shir Kh&n (afterwards Shfr Shdh) sent to him to say that, 
according to the king's commands, his brothers were to have 
their proportion of the estate which he had hitherto unjustly 
withheld from them. Shir Kh&n returned for answer that 
Muhammad Kh&n was much mistaken it he supposed this 

* Ain-i-Akbarf, s. v. Subah Bengal 



60 SULTANPUB 8STTLEMKNT REPORT. 

was the country of Roh, where estates were to be subdivided, 
for that the land belonged to the king, which he disposed of 
at pleasure. That it was true family estates up to the pre- 
sent period were always divided equally among sons on the 
death of their father, but that no such distribution took: place 
in cases when districts were conferred for the support of troops, 
for the possession of which royal grants were made out, and 
given to him whom the King thought most fit to perform* the 
service. That as he himself had a personal grant from the 
crown for his estate, his brethren were entirely out of the 
question.* Even under Akbar's system, moreover, military 
service was in addition to the payment of a regular revenue, 
not the sole condition of the tenure of land ; and, if the prac- 
tice of exacting it was ever rigorously enforced, it certainly 
became obsolete long before annexation. 



© 



135. It is a peculiar coincidence, certainly, that the 
Eshattriyas or military class have long nearly monopolised 
proprietary right in land; but it is the commonly received 
opinion, not that they obtained that right by grant from the 
governing power, on condition of rendering subsequent mili- 
tary service ; but that they either won it for themselves "with 
their own good swords" on their re-migration to Oudh, or, 
if they owed their title to any other than themselves, it waa 
to the chief who assigned to them as a reward, if not as a right 
equal to his own, a portion of the territory conquered by 
means of their assistance. In Manu, also, though the mili- 
tary duties of Kshattrivas are plainly mentioned, they are not 
said to be associated with property in land ; and, though mili- 
tary divisions of the country are referred to, it is by no means 
certain that the troops derived their pay in any form or shape 
from the locality in which they were quartered, the adminis- 
tration and control of which, on the other hand, it is certain 
was not vested in their chiefs, but in a separate staff of civil 
officers. If, indeed, Manu's code anywhere contains the 
germ of the present system of land tenures, it is quite as 
possible that it is in the position of the civil officers, as of the 
military chiefs. If Kshattriyas now constitute the great 
majority of landed proprietors, in Manu's time they not only 
officered the army, but equally filled every department of civil 
government ; the nankar proprietors are now allowed in its 

* Brigg'a Feriakta, II. 104. 



SULTANPUH SETTLEMENT REPORT. 61 

nature bears some, perhaps only superficial, resemblance to the 
perquisites of the old civil governors ;* the paltry nankar, 
etymologically signifying subsistence money, and practically 
barely sufficient tor that purpose, allowed to the petty zemin- 
d&r, while holding under contract, seems to be a fit substitute 
for the king's share of " food, drink, wood and other articles," 
which formed the meagre emoluments of a lord of one town ; 
the sir, L e. as above explained, the plough lands of the 
shelved zemind&r, bear a curious analogy to the plough lands, 
the produce of which the lords of ten and twenty towns enjoy- 
ed ; and the more liberal allowance of one or more entire vil- 
lages made to large proprietors is exactly the remuneration of 
the lord of a hundred or a thousand towns.t At a later period, 
no doubt, service-grants came to be applied to the payment of 
troops, but when the practice came into vogue is uncertain. 
When it did, it was the government interest in the land alone 
that was conferred, and I know of nothing to show that the 
character of such grants was ever materially different from that 
of \heqabz\so common before annexation. Individual instances 
maybe discovered of their becoming hereditary , and of grantees 
usurping the rights of the lawful proprietors, but it cannot be 
said that any general movement of the kind ever took place ; 
nor, even when military service originally formed the basis 
of a tenure, did it often continue to be rendered after the ac- 
crual of a private proprietary right, 

136. As the zemindar's position involved no special 

duties towards or claims upon the 

^p^rietor'B relation towards State, so did it create no particular 

** ' mutual obligations between him andhis 

tenantry. In practice, indeed, they looked to him to protect 
them from the aggressions of others, and to settle their own 
disputes, either by passing an authoritative decision himself 
or appointing arbitrators for the purpose. § But this was sim- 
ply because they understood the futility of addressing them- 
selves to authorities, whose nominal functions were rarely ex- 
ercised, at all events so as to produce any perceptib le result. 

* See Maim VII. 1 15 &c. ~ "" 

t Elphinstone, 4th Edition, 74. 

t The qabz was of two kinds, the l&kalamf qabz, or pledge to collect and pay a cer- 
tain stun, for which the estate was held to be liable ; and waeuli qabz, or pledge to pay 
to the collector or troops the precise sum which the commandant may be able to collect 
from the estate put under him. Sleeman's Tour, I. 140. 

§ If a t'alukdar was applied to, with a modest diffidence, perhaps, of his own powers, 
he often addressed a letter to pandits, or the zemindars of one of his villages, requesting 
them to settle the dispute. 



62 stft/rlftfuR s^maiim Kftpottr, 

The State, however, by no means confessed that it delegated to 
private proprietors the duty of affording protection to ite 
subjects ; it made occasional and feeble efforts to enforce ite 
authority in this respect, the king himself listened to any 
complaints aggrieved persons chose to bring before him, and 
his minister issued peremptory but sadly unmeaning orders 
that due enquiry was to be made and redress afforded* So 
also did the State profess to make arrangements for the ad- 
ministration of justice, and a civil court was attached to 
the establishment of every N&zim. Thus there was no obliga- 
tion inherent in his position to make the zemincUtr render to his 
tenants assistance of the kinds just mentioned If they had 
any claims against him, which were not more properly met by 
the State, they vtefe simply for such trifling things as land in 
the village to build a house on, assistance in the shape of mate- 
rial in building it, fuel for burning bricks when they constructed 
a masonry Well, and pasturage for their cattle on the waste 
land of the village. 

137. As a subordinate means of classifying proprietary 
kmnitoa b. tenures, the division into superior and 

d^^L* 1 " 7 ro inferior may advantageously be folio W- 

. x x ed Theformerarecommoiuydescribed 

Snpenorpropnetorytennr*. toberffintf g^ 1 t'alukditf, 2 Z6- 

inind&rf, 3 pattiddri, 4 bhy&ch&rah. These are all zemind&ri 
alike, and no more than phases of the same tenure; but the dis- 
tinction here drawn between them is so well known, that I will 
not attempt to depart from it. The proportion in which they 
prevail in this district will be seen by reference to the tabular 
statement, (No. IV). given in the appendix. 

138. The taluka in the above sense includes the newly 
^ created Grant, to be noticed further 

on under this head ; and with it, is at 
present, no doubt, separated by a hard and fast line from every 
other species of tenure ; but this isolation is of recent origin, 
and owes its birth to the action of the British government on 
the re-occupation of the province. Before annexation the two 
terms t'aluka and zemindarf were as familiar as at present, 
but the former implied no better status than the latter. Es- 
tates in every way similar lay intermixed with each other, and 
while some received one denomination, the rest were known 
by the other. 

* Sleeman's Tour through Oude, L 179. 



sultXnpur settlement report. 63 

139. Regarding what constitutes a t'aluka two extreme 
theories have been enunciated. One, the patriarchal theory, 
makes the t'alukdir pater atque grinceps in his estate, and is 
thus clearly described by a writer m the Calcutta Review in the 
following passage : — " Talookas have been appropriately divid- 

" ed into two classes, \hepure and impure To 

" the invasions of the Rajpoots (a little prior to the middle of 
" the twelfth century) Mr. Thomason traces the foundation of 
u the existing proprietary ri^ht in land. The descendants of 
u each chief he tells us, multiplied till at length in some instan- 
" ces they displaced all other occupants of the land, or at 
" least assumed all the proprietary privileges. The members 
" he adds, were numerous, and each territorial subdivision is 
" marked by the prevalence of its own stock. These all trace 
" their origin to a single person who first conquered the 
" country." 

" Those whom we now call the pure talookdars, are the 
" chiefs descended from the leaders above referred to. They 
" may be the legal successors in a direct line of the original set- 
" tier, or they may be sprung from a junior branch raised to 
" power by favor, ability or the voice of the tribe ; but, of this 
" there can be no doubt, that these feudal lords, whom we found 
11 in possession, are the hereditary chiefs of important tribes, 
" whose position in the eyes of the people had become hallow- 
" ed by the memory of an extreme and not inglorious antiquity. 
" Whenever, thus, we meet with a dominant clan of Rajpoots, 
f ' with one or more acknowledged chiefs at its head, we may 
" rest assured that these have one or more estates which had 
" their origin in a, pure tcdooka" 

" But instances will be found, and these not of rare 
" occurrence where large proprietors have been formed at a 
" more recent period through the influence of official position, 
" or by favor of the ruling power. Such estates have been 
" designated impure talookas, and they are to be recognized by 
" the general absence of clansmen, and by the traceability of 
" the origin of the tenure. Even such talookas as these, how- 
" ever wfll also be found to be surrounded by the reverence 
"due to the prescription of ages."* 



* Calcutta Review June 1866. The Talookdaree Tenure of Upper India. 



64 8TJLTANPUIt SETTLEMENT REPORT. 

140. The opposite theory is thus explained : — " I con- 
sider/' says Mr. feenett,* " that the division of the class into 
" true and false t'alukd&rs puts the matter in quite a wrong 
" light. As a matter of fact, all were exactly the same in as 
" far as they were t'alukd&rs, middlemen put in by or forced 
" on the government superintendents of arbitrary collections 
" of villages, who as the central power grew weaker, were 
" being gradually and surely transformed into landed pro- 
" prietors. What has been called a true t'alukd&r differs from 
" what has been called a false t'alukdrfr, only in the fact that 
" while the former had been for centuries exercising an impe- 
" rium in imperio on the spot, the latter was an outsider 
" whose fortune, talents, or wealth had secured him the posi- 
" tion. Both were alike in being t'alukddrs, though they 
" differed in every other particular." 

141. The former of these views implies that there are 
wrapped up in the word "t'aluka" the ideas of original 
acquisition by conquest, chiefship of a clan, and possession of 
an estate for several centuries ; the latter on the contrary 
lays down that none of these are essentials of the tenure; the 
u t'aluka proper" is said to have come into existence within 
the last hundred years.t 

142. As to the earliest use of the words t'aluka and 
t'alukddr Mr. Benett mentions a grant of 1760 a. d., as 
containing one of them ; and, if they did not occur in deeds 
of more ancient date, their absence might lend some coun- 
tenance to the belief that they were words of recent introduc- 
tion ; but the title and tenure are traced by Mr. Thomason 
back to 1677 A. D., and mention of them even occurs in a 
deed of the year 1642 A. d., under the seal of the emperor 
Shah Jeh&n. J Again the word t'aluka itself is indicative of 
connection with property in land. It is derived from an 
Arabic triliteral root dlk, § the radical signification of which is 
love, affection, attachment, and thence adherence, depen- 
dence ; and a secondary meaning, in the same language, of 
ta'alluk a derivative form of that word, is a " landed estate," (a 
curious embodiment, I may remark, of the aphorism that 

• Family History of the Chief Clans of the Roy Bareilly district, para. 87. 

t Ibid, para. 86. 

+ Calcutta Review. Article above quoted. 

$ Richardson's Persian Dictionary. 



SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 65 

where the treasure is there will the heart be also). From 
this two things are evident ; one of which is, that the dis- 
tinctive characteristic of a t'alukdar is the possession of a 
" landed estate," the other is, that, as the word t'aluka bears 
that meaning in the Arabic language, it was introduced into 
India by the Mahomedans from abroad in the sense it now 
possesses, and was not coined by them to suit a peculiar reve- 
nue system found to prevail in Oudh. The word no doubt 
involves the notion of connection ; but it signifies not only the 
bond of connection, (which would appear to be the meaning 
assigned to it by those who consider the t'alukd&r to be a 
middleman) but also the thing connected, and with regard to 
land was, I myself believe, employed in the latter sense. 

143. The impression is nowadays very prevalent that 
the t'aluka is necessarily " one and indivisible." The incor- 
rectness' of this hypothesis is best demonstrated by the 
numerous instances that have come to light of estates beyond 
doubt t'alukas in name having been uniformly held by co- 
parcenary communities. Of this Amhat is a notable example ; 
many more might be found in this district, and Dr. Oldham 
mentions t'alukas in Ghazipur the owners of which were a 
brotherhood comprising hundreds and, in some instances, 
thousands of shareholders. The error consists in assigning 
to all estates so called a peculiarity that belonged to those 
only in which a " gaddi" existed. It has been rightly said* 
that the " title of r&jah and the tenure of r&j, though not 
" exactly synonymous, are somewhat analogous to the ternls 
" talookdar and talooka;" but they find yet more precise equiva- 
lents in Persian in rdis and riydsaL The riyasat represents 
the dominions of a chief or prince, the t'aluka the estate of a 
private individual. It is of the former only that impartibility 
is a characteristic ; and, if the latter tended to acquire it also 
in the last days of native rule, it was simply because it felt 
the influence of anarchy and misrule, a not uncommon effect 
of which is to transform estates into principalities. 

144. T'alukddri tenurea have again been defined to be 
those where there are " separate heritable and transferable 
" properties of a different and not the same kind, one being 
"superior and the other inferior." . . . " The superior in 
" this case is called the Talukd&r ; the inferior proprietors are 
"called village Zemind&rs, Biswahddrsor Mukaddams. The 

* Calcutta Review, June 1866 ; Article above Rioted. 



66 sultInpur settlement report. 

" ordinary form of such cases is where a powerful man, by patent 
" or grant from the supreme power, or by favor of the local offi-? 
" cers, or by voluntary act of the people themselves, has become 
" an intermediate person between the government and the vil- 
" lage proprietors." — But it is admitted nevertheless that "in 
" most large t'alukas it will be found that there are some vil- 
" lages in which there is no inferior right. These may be either 
"the original ancestral property of the T'alukd&r himself, or 
" villages in which he has purchased the inferior proprietary 
" right."* And this admission, unless it is to be supposed 
that one and the same t'aluka may be at once partly t aluk- 
dari and partly non-t'alukd£ri, seems to me to extend to this 
that, in the first place, twofold proprietorship was not an in- 
dispensable concomitant of the t'alukddrf tenure ; and that, 
in the second place, in accepting the description given of the 
" ordinary form of such cases," the hereditary possession of an 
estate, of whatever magnitude, by the person arbitrarily in- 
terposed between government and the village proprietors 
must in a large majority of instances be pre-supposed. For 
my own part, I question whether the word t'aluka is 
in any way expressive of the number or kinds of interests in- 
volved in it. Even wjiere a superior and inferior right co- 
exist, it manifestly does not always denote the former, as is 
apparent from the " dependent talooks," intermediate between 
the zemind&r and the tenant, alluded to in Act X. of 1859. 

145. An attempt has also been made to refer the t'aluka 
to a pecuniary standard ; it is, in this sense, an estate paying 
over Us. 5,000 ; but this is confessedly an arbitrary definition, 
and its defectiveness is acknowledged in the qualification that 
it is only to be acted upon when any doubt exists as to the 
customary designation of a landholder. Under native rule, 
estates were often called t'alukas which paid less than 
Rs. 5,000. 

146. The above considerations lead me to the belief that, 
before annexation, the t'aluka never constituted a distinct 
tenure, and that its name never had a more restricted mean- 
ing than " a landed estate," without reference to its character 
or constitution. That it was not applied to the smallest pro- 
perties, I am quite ready to admit, but neither is its English 

* Directions to Settlement Officers, paras. 98-99. 



sultInpur settlement report. 67 

synonym ; the owner of a farm of a hundred acres would pro- 
bably be deterred by fear of ridicule from dignifying it with 
the name of an estate, although the legal definition of the 
latter term might justify him in doing so. 

147. The origin of t'alukas is too wide a question for 
discussion here ; but I may go so far as to say that, notwithstand- 
ing the latitude I claim for their name, I am still of opinion 
that there is plenty of scope for their division into pure and 
impure. This conveniently marks the distinction between 
new estates of mushroom growth, and old estates, the gradual 
development of centuries. Parronu landholders are common 
to every age, but the possessors of what are here called im- 
pure t'alukas are not solitary specimens of that genus ; 
they rather form a conspicuously separate class, despised 
by their hereditary compeers, and not unlike one which 
existed in Roman society in the later days of the republic : 
I allude to that class of persons, who, availing themselves of 
the removal of the bar which had in earlier times separated 
patricians and plebeians, endeavoured to struggle into high 
offices of state which their ancestors had never held, and so 
earned for themselves the contemptuous sobriquet of novi 
homines, or new men. The rise of these impure t'alukas was 
nearly coeval with the foundation of the Naw&b Wazir dynasty, 
and forms an epoch in the history of land tenures ; it exercised 
an influence which soon made itself felt by the old hereditary 
proprietors, who thenceforward vied with their preceptors in 
developing the new land law. The growth of this pernicious 
system received a temporary check from S&adat -All Kh&n, 
but only to proceed with the greater rapidity and vigour under 
his faineant successors. Of the gigantic strides by which terri- 
torial aggrandizement was capable of proceeding during this 
period, no better example could be desired than that of the 
Arhethi estate. As an interesting illustration, also, of the way 
in which property changed hands during the same time, I may 
relatethe following incident in the history of the Kurw&r estate. 
When Mah&r&jah M£n Singh was N&zim of Sult&npur, the 
proprietors of ten villages (unconnected with each other) fell 
into balance. M&n Singh threw them into confinement, and 
contemplated making them execute deeds of sale in his favor, 
but the coveted spoil lay inconveniently far from his estate. 
The difficulty was not insuperable, however; M&n Singh's 
estate lay sufficiently close to the northern portion of that of 
Kiirw&r, near the southern extremity of which the villages in 



68 sultInpur settlement report. 

question lay : they were accordingly handed over to the Bdjah 
of Kurwar,who in turn made over to M&n Singh an equal 
number of villages in a more eligible position. 

148. I have said that the distinction between the t'aluka 
and other forms of the zeminddri tenure is of recent date ; 
it is no less substantial, however, than it is novel. Soon after 
the pacification of the province, the t'alukddrs were formally 
presented with sanads, or grants by which various important 
rights and privileges were assured to them individually; and 
the Oudh Estates Act (Act I. of 1869) is, so to say, a magna 
charta for their whole order collectively. They are thereby 
guaranteed an indefeasible, heritable and transferable superior 
title in every village in their estates; and, with respect to in- 
ferior rights, by means of other legislative enactments, they 
occupy a vantage-ground, which, as shown by recent investiga- 
tions, enables them to resist successfully the claims of a great 
majority of suitors. On the other hand, they are bound by a 
general obligation of loyalty to the State, and certain new and 
not very onerous duties towards their tenantry are imposed 
upon them. The more clearly to define this privileged class, 
a nominal list of its members has been officially prepared, and 
of this our courts are bound to take judicial notice. 

149. The word. " Grantee" has now a technical and 

special meaning in Oudh. It signifies 
" any person upon whom the proprie- 
" tary right in an estate has been conferred by a special grant 
" of the British government." The rights and liabilities of 
these grantees are in every respect identical with those of taluk- 
dirs. Their estates have in many instances been conferred 
upon them for good service during the mutiny. 

150. Zemind&ri, pattfddrf and bhy&ch&rah tenures dif- 

fer from each other only in the inter- 
chip 11 ' 1 ^ 1, v&ttidixl9 bhy *" nal constitution of the estates in which 

they prevail. The terms being pro- 
fessedly in a great measure arbitrary, I quote verbatim the 
description given of them in the well known work in which 
they are officially defined.* " Zemindaree tenures are those in 
" which the whole land is held and managed in common. . . . 
" Putteedaree tenures are those in which the lands are divided 
"and held in severalty by the different proprietors, each 

* Directions to Settlement Officers, paras. 92-3-4. 



sultInpur settlement report. 69 

€t person managing his own lands, and paying his fixed share of 
"the government revenue, the whole being jointly responsi- 
" ble in the event of any one sharer being unable to fulfil his 
"engagement. Imperfect putteedaiee tenures are those in 
" which part of the land is held in common and part in several- 
" ty, the profits from the land held in common being first appro- 
" priated to the payment of the government revenue and the 
" village expenses, and the overplus being distributed or the 
" deficiency made up according to a rate (or bachh) on the 

" several holdings Bhyach&rah tenures are puttee- 

" daree or imperfect putteedaree mehals held according to cus- 
" torn" as distinct from hereditary right. The terms thus em- 
ployed do not locally bear the particular sense here assigned 
to them, but the distinctions they draw are broad and easily 
intelligible, and perfectly adapted to the tenures of this district. 
At the same time, every variety of each of them and of their 
combination one with another may be found. 

151. The community of property, involved in the 
„ . 3 , , zeminddrf tenure, is a stage through 

Zemindari. -i • i i \ i mi 

which every estate must pass. The 
first step towards its dissolution is frequently made by the 
co-parceners taking up a small quantity of land as sfr. This 
is the thin end of the wedge, which ultimately splits the 
estate into pieces. No severalty of ownership is thus 
acquired, but, what is no slight advance towards it, severalty 
of possession commences. For a time, the sir holders may pay 
* . 11/JU full rent, receiving back their share 

Imperfect pattidirf. r „, ' ,, ° , ,. « 

^ of profit at the general audit of ac- 

counts. ' But this is a roundabout way of doing business, 
and a little dangerous, too, to the less important members 
of the fraternity, who are not quite sure of obtaining all that is 
rightly due to them. As the number of sharers multiplies, 
moreover, the aggregate amount of sir they hold increases, and 
the khdlisa lands cease to suffice for the payment of the revenue, 
so that such profits as are returned to them are simply part of 
what they pay on their sfr; ^ hile there is a strong feeling also 
oh the part of zemind&rs that it is derogatory to pay for lands 
in their separate occupation at the same rate as ordinary te- 
nants. Thus it is easy to comprehend why other methods are 
devised for levying each person's quota of revenue. A most 
obvious one is to leave the kh&lisa land common property in 
the hands of the general managers of the village for the 



70 BULtInPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT: 

receipts to be first appropriated to the payment of the govern- 
ment demand, and then supplement them to such an extent 
a* may be necessary by a rate on sir. The imperfect pat- 
tiddri tenure thus commences, regarding one form of which a 
few remarks are necessary. When the revenue demand 
varies, unless the increase or decrease is adjusted by alteration 
of the rents of cultivators, the sir rate must be variable; when 
the revenue is unchanged, the sir rate remains constant also ; 
and in the latter case, if the khdlisa is just sufficient to cover 
the general liabilities of the estate, each sharer holds his sir 
rent-free ; if it does not, he pays a fixed sum on it. Primd 
facte, then it would seem that the interest of all except the 
managers is limited, at all events as regards cultivated lands, 
to their sir, held perhaps at a quit-rent ; and " our own law 
" of limitation of suits provides that where all reference to 
"ancestral rights has been discontinued for 12 years* or 
" more recurrence to them under ordinary circumstances can- 
" not be claimed." But, theoretically, the less any sharer's sir, 
the greater the share they are entitled to of khdlisa to counter- 
balance the deficiency ; and, practically, as their debt to the 
State is held to be discharged when they pay their quota on 
their sir, it follows by implication that the less such actual 
payment in proportion to their ancestral share, the greater 
the amount they are always credited with out of the khdlisa 
collections. Thus it may be argued that the greater is the 
extent of their interest in, if not positive possession of, thekhili- 
sa; and, as this commences to be the case immediately fractional 
shares begin to be disregarded, it is difficult to see how that 
adverse interest is created in favor of others which is generally 
supposed to justify the law of limitation. According to the 
popular view of the case, such sharers as I am now speaking of, 
are on exactly the same footing as their managing represen- 
tatives; it is open to them to claim the separate possession of 
a perfect share at any time they please, and their doing so 
is one of the ways the perfect pattid&ri supersedes the imper- 
fect pattidari tenures. 

152. Regarding pattid&ri tenures enough is said in the 
definition above given. Bhy&ch&rali 

Pattfdarf. custom is said to have had its origin. 

Ehyfettrah. in the position of cultivating commu- 

nities under the native government. 
' *. Cultivators were then scarce, and each proprietor was bound 

* In Oudh it is only ueoeewy, to substitute " since 13th February 1844" for "12 
years." - ~ ' 



sultInpur settlement report. 71 

"to exert himself to the utmost to provide his family with 
" the means of support, and to add to the resources of the 
" community. Each person therefore cultivated as much as 
" he could, and contributed to the charges on the village 
"in proportion to the extent of his cultivation." This is 
unquestionably correct, so far as it goes ; but it was not scarcity 
of cultivators alone that gave birth to a bhyach&rah tenure. 
For instance, under the late government, a village, once 
cultivated, was sometimes condemned to lie waste for many 
years in consequence of share disputes ; after a time, as old 
animosities cooled down, or gave way to considerations of in- 
terest, the easiest way out of the quarrel was to agree that 
all former rights should be ignored, and a new starting point 
be made by a compact that each person should appropriate 
whatever his means permitted, until the whole village was 
brought under the plough. Again, the bhy&ch&rah tenure 
may be no more than a development of the zemind&ri or 
pattid&ri. Many causes conduce to destroy original equality 
of shares ; one constantly at work, mortgage, may serve as 
an example. Suppose a village containing four hundred acres 
of cultivated, and one hundred acres of uncultivated land, to 
be held by four brothers in separate and equal shares. One 
of them gets into difficulties, and mortgages fifty acres Qf 
cultivation and a grove to one of his sharers, thirty acres 
of cultivation to another, and the remainder of his share to 
the third. Under such circumstances, adherence to here.- 
ditary rights becomes unmeaning, and the bhy&ch&rah tenure 
is the result. The same sort of thing happened under na- 
tive rule, when, as sometimes happened, one of many co- 
parceners absconded, and the rest had to pay up his arrears. 
It was then usual for them to receive portions of the absentee's 
lands regulated by the amount they paid for him. 

153. In the partition of small properties, it is the ex- 
„ A . . ception rather than the rule, for each 

Partitions. , * . . , * , • ,, 

share to consist of a continuous tract ; 
equality being of more importance to the parties concerned 
than compactness, each strives to obtain his fair proportion 
of fields of good quality, regardless of their position ; and 
thus the interest of each person is represented by patches of 
land in every part of the village. This sort of partition is 
locally called khetbat. Even in estates containing more 
than a single village, the same course is sometimes followed, 
and hence arise those curiously intermixed properties, which 



72 STLTijTra srmrrnr exfoit. 

have, not without good rea^i^o. cb&ilned the name of " < 
plex inehals." Fortcna^ely. this prance is far from univer- 
sal ; and, when the dimensions of an estate admit of it, the 
apportionment cf entire viLIag-es to each sharer, (ganw-bat) 
finds more general favor. la such cases, one village is some- 
times retained in common, to preserve the recollection, I 
imagine, of the original unity ot the newly constituted pro- 
perties. 

154. Under native role, when villages were once in- 
i fe« nmmtarr m eluded in t alukas, they ceased to be 

iM^iutuT am. bome on th e official registers, and 

to have any separate account taken of them. They were 
placed on the same level as villages for generations in 
the possession of the t'alukdars, with whom the former pro- 
prietors were left to make whatever terms they could. Soon 
after re-occupation of the province, however, government, 
while granting sanads to the t'alukdars* announced its inten- 
tion to "take effectual steps to re-establish and maintain 
" in subordination to them the former rights as these existed 
"in 1855, of other persons whose connection with the soil is 
" in many cases more intimate and more ancient than theirs. 19 
It was declared at the same time, that " the only effectual 
" protection which the Government can extend to these in- 
" ferior holders is to define and record their rights and to 
''limit the demand of the t'alukdar, as against such per- 
" sons." In fulfilment of this promise, with respect to the 
class here particularly alluded to, two principal forms of sub- 
ordinate proprietary right have been recognized, viz. sub- 
settlement and sir. The rights of all others, t. e., of those 
whose connexion with the land is more recent then that of the 
t'alukd&rs, and often derived from them, have, with some mo- 
difications, been upheld according to the various compacts or 
grants by which they originated. Their nature will be des- 
cribed hereafter under the head of quasi-proprietary tenures. 
Sub-settlement and sf r, however, must be first mentioned. 

155. Sub-settlements mark those rare and fortunate in. 
s ivMiiLmum stances, in which, notwithstanding the 

inclusion of their villages in a t'aluka, 
the former proprietors managed to prevent the destruction of 
their proprietary right, and retained moderately continuous 

f possession, intercepting a substantial amount of profits. The 
ucky fow who thus •' the little tyrants of their fields with- 



Sir. 



sultXnpur settlement report. 73 

stood" are now recognized as under-proprietors, and their 
payments to the talukddr are so limited as in no case to ex- 
ceed seventy-five per cent of the gross rental. The single 
obligation their tenure imposes upon them is that those pay- 
ments be made regularly and punctually. The same may be 
said of their position theoretically before annexation. Some 
no doubt enrolled themselves among the military retainers of 
the t'alukd£r; but, even with clansmen, the service was 
in no way obligatory ; it was not universal, it arose from a 
purely voluntary agreement, and was remunerated by a money 
payment separately allowed to each man, and clearly specified 
and deducted in the village accounts. 

These drew not for theii fields the sword 
Like tenants of a feudal lord, 
Nor own'd the patriarchal claim 
Of chieftain in their leader's name. 

156. Sir has been already mentioned in connection with 
the internal economy of independent 
zemind&ri villages ; but it is of more 
importance as a distinct subordinate proprietary tenure ; and 
as before the adoption of the lease-compromise, " almost the 
" only under-proprietary right which in conformity with re- 
" cent rules, those holding under t'alukddrs had much chance 
11 of retaining under orders of Court. "* A t'alukd&r, before 
his action was trammelled by inconvenient laws, seldom allow- 
ed the proprietors of villages which came into his hands to 
remain in peaceful and undisturbed possession. In some 
cases, without mincing matters, he set them aside or ejected 
them immediately ; but this had the disadvantage attached to 
it that thepersons thus dispossessed often banded together to 
attack any one who might be venturesome enough to take 
their places. Where there was any danger of such consequen- 
ces, therefore, a gentler yet scarcely less sure process was 
preferred ; the rent of the village was gradually enhanced, 
until the unfortunate zemind&rs, finding it impossible to pay, 
were glad to withdraw from the risk and trouble of manage- 
ment. They were then, just as when they received such 
treatment from a nazim, awarded a certain quantity of sir or 
nankar lands.. These were frequently identical with what 
they had previously held under that name ; but they were not 
necessarily so, for an arbitrarily fixed amount was sometimes 
given in satisfaction of the claims of the whole brotherhood, and 

Financial Commissioner's Settlement Report, May-September, 1866. 



74 bultXkpub skttlkmekt report. 

divided among them in proportion to their shares or pattfs. 
Similarly, the rent of such lands might or might not be 
determined on the basis of the rate paid on them while held 
as part of an entire share, but this again was not invariably 
the case. Such an arrangement might prove a very bad bar- 
gain for the ousted zemind&r. Sir of the kind at present 
under remark was always held rent-free or at favorable rates. 
The commutation of a whole village, on the other hand, for a 
sir holding was, as above stated, often caused by the rent of 
the former being raised so high as to make it unprofitable. 
It follows then that, in such cases the rate paid on the latter 
was such as to leave little or no difference between it and the 
rent paid by ordinary cultivators. 

157. Sir holders, like those who were maintained in 
possession of whole villages, frequently entered into the service 
of the talukd&r ; but the extent to which this service was 
connected with their tenure is well explained in the statement 
that " it was plainly to the advantage of the t'alukd&r, who 
" must keep up soldiers, to employ as soldiers those men to 
" whom he would otherwise be obliged to make some allow~ 
" ance as representatives of a former proprietary body;" * it is 
here plainly shown how the pecuniary advantages those men 
enjoyed were not altogether traceable to military service. 

158. A novel feature has of late been introduced into 
sir tenures in the interest of certain unfortunates, who, other- 
wise entitled to sub-settlement, are nevertheless debarred 
from obtaining it by the arithmetical consideration of the pro- 
portion of the gross rental they would have a right to. Those 
who find themselves in this tantalizing predicament may de- 
mand to have their sir increased to one-fifth of the assessable 
area of the village, and hold it subject only to the payment of 
the bare Government demand on it. This rule is based on 
the theoretical amount of profit zemind&rs are entitled to ; and 
so far as my experience goes, it gives them, in most instan- 
ces, more sir than they ever held under native rule. 

359. I have hitherto been speaking principally of 
t'alukd&ri villages ; but it is not indispensable for a whole 
proprietary brotherhood to be ousted by a powerful stranger 
to make separate sir holdings spring into existence. Even 

• Settlement Holing No. 1. 



sultInpur settlement report. 75 

in independent villages, the possession of a share is fraught 
with trouble which the lazy and timid, sacrificing dignity 
to comfort, are willing to avoid. They accordingly make a 
perfect renunciation of their co-parcenary interest and in lieu 
thereof accept a few acres at a light quit- rent. A similar 
result is also often brought about by excessive subdivision 
of property. 

160, Together with their sir, ex-proprietors usually 
retain the groves planted by themselves and their ancestors. 
Tanks and waste pass out of their control together with the 

•management of the village, but the piscary and spontaneous 
produce are often left to them, and they always have irriga- 
tion rights at least equal to those of common tenants. 

161. Quasi-proprietary tenures originate in grants of 
- . . . ■ specific rights or interests generally short 

Quasi-proprietary tenures. i»/»n ° • , i • •!? -i /■ i 

r r of full proprietorship, either by the rul- 

ing power, or by the owners, past or present, of the estates 
in which they are situated. With respect to official grants, 
it will often be found that, with the exception of those made 
in recent times, they lie in groups, and not uncommonly 
close to the head quarters of Government officers. This 
may partly be attributed to the fact that those officers for- 
merly arrogated to themselves the right of making such 
grants ; but a wider reason is to be gathered from a passage 
in the Ain-i- Akb&rf, which shows that " those who possessed 
" Seyurgh&l had not their land in one place, but scattered in 
u various parts ; whereby the weak whose ground lay conti- 
11 guous to the kh&lisa, or to jageer lands, suffered material 
" injury and vexation. It was therefore commanded that all 
" the tunkhahs should be granted upon places contiguous to 
" each other : and accordingly particular villages were set a- 
"part and appropriated to this purpose, which regulation 
" afforded great relief/' Whether in imitation of this arrange- 
ment or not I cannot say, but it is certainly the case that a 
similar custom is often observed in private estates, and vil- 
lages may be found entirely made up of the holdings of 
sankalpd&rs and others. The land which formed the sub- 
ject of a royal grant sometimes lay within a t'aluka. In such 
cases the t'alukd&r's possession was seemingly ignored ; but 
it is more probable that he was the original grantor, and in 
some instances he certainly was so, while the royal firm&n, 



76 sultInpur settlement report. 

or subordinate officials patta, was a simple confirmation of 
his act, and a relinquishment of the revenue due to the State, 
of which the t'alukdAr then obtained a remission. 

Quasi-proprietary tenures 162. The most common quasi-pro- 
enumerated. prietary tenures are the following : — 

1. Jdghir. 7. Birt. 

2. Milk. 8. Marwat. 

3. Aima. 9. Maintenance. 

4. Maft 10. Occupancy. 

5. Sankalp. 11. Purw&s. 

6. D&r. 12. Groves. 

The j&ghir, under various denominations, is a tenure of 
j-^. very considerable antiquity. With 

" exceptions, of which that of the 

Begams of Oudh is a familiar example, it is connected 
with the performance of some service, for the remuneration 
of which in its various shapes, it is conferred alike by the 
king on the greatest of his subjects, and the pettiest land- 
holder on his retainers and domestic servants. In point of 
magnitude, it varies from several parganahs to a single biswah. 
The most dignified description of it is that held on account 
of military service, but it in no way differs in the essentials 
of the tenure from the little patches of land held by the 
watchman, potter or other village servants. The jdghir, is, 
in its inception, a purely personal grant, but as the son 
often succeeds to the post of the father, it has a tendency to 
become hereditary. Under native rule, even where the ser- 
vice was not thus continued, no immediate interference with 
possession occurred, especially in private grants. After a time, 
rent might be demanded from the heir of the j&ghird&r, and if 
he made no demur about paying it, there was an end of the 
matter ; tenants were none too plentiful, and the 'nature of 
their tenures was not very closely scrutinized. 

163. Milk is thus defined by Ab-ul-FazL* "Four 

Milt " classes of men have land and pensions 

" granted to them for their subsistence, 

" 1st, the learned and their scholars, 2nd, those who have bade 

" adieu to the world, 3rd, the needy who are not able to help 

"themselves; 4th, the descendants of great families who 

• Afn-i-Akbaxi, s. v. Seyurghil 



stjwInpur settlement report. 77 

"from a false shame will not submit to follow any occupa* 
"tion for their support. When a ready-money allowance 
" is given to those it is called wazeefeh ; and land so bestowed 
" is called meelk and muddulmash." Milk is always a royal 
grant ; and, though from the above definition, it seems that 
it may be bestowed on persons of any caste, in this district 
it is found in one or two villages only, and is there restricted 
to a few Mahomedans of the higher classes. Their tribal 
designation has in consequence been almost superseded by one 
derived from their tenure, and they are generally spoken of 
as Milkis. 

164. Aima, so far as I can ascertain, differs from milk, 

in name only; it is a very favourite 
way with small Mahomedan land- 
holders, who know nothing about the origin of their- title, 
to explain it by saying they received an aima grant ; but I 
have not been able to discover a single deed in this district 
which distinctly specifies the creation of this particular 
tenure. 

165. M'afi is a term of very wide signification, and 

includes all grants of land by whomsoever 
made, and to whomsoever given, free of 
rent and revenue. It includes milk, aima, and jlghir (if rent- 
free), but extends also to oth^r tenures with distinctive names, 
and embraces besides yet others which have no special deno- 
mination. 

166. Sankalp, (or as it is commonly pronounced Shan* 

kallap), in its primary meaning, signifies 
ap " a religious vow ; and so, as applied to 

tenures, denotes land dedicated to religious purposes. Such 
no doubt, was at first the exclusive character of sankalp 
grants, and in this phase they bore a close resemblance to the 
tvaqfoi Mahomedan Law, and the church-lands of Europe. 
In later times, however, when Brahmans began to regulate 
their lives less in accordance with the doctrines of the S&s- 
tras, and did not disdain to accumulate worldly wealth, they 
began to compete with the baniah class in the business of 
money-lending and usury. The original nature of the tenure 
then began to be lost sight of, and the loan of a sum of 
money by the recipient became a common preliminary of a 



78 bultXnpue simjanarr report. 

sankalp grant. The farce of investing the transaction with 
a religious character was still kept up; the receipt of a consi- 
deration was veiled by the omission of all record of it from 
the deed executed, and some unmeaning sentence was inserted 
about the grant being made from religious motives, and the 
repetition of prayers by the grantee for the spiritual welfare 
of the grantor.* But the real quality of the affair was that 
of an ordinary secular contract; it differed from a sale only 
in that in common with all (but royal) grants it created a 
double right in the land affected, instead of transferring the 
entire right in it unbroken from one person to another. 
Among sankalpddrs of this class are many pensioned 
soldiers of the British army ; during their absence from their 
villages they still looked forward " here to return and die at 
home at last/' and the commonness of the name Subahddr k& 
purwd tells a plain story of how their savings were invested. 

167. A third object in the bestowal of sankalps was 
the reclamation of waste and jungle. If the land remained in 
that conditon owing to the poverty of the proprietor, Brahmans 
were forthcoming who had sufficient capital to pay a small price 
for it, and bear the expense of its clearance and tillage ; if the 
difficulty lay in disputed ownership, the Brahmans, entrenched 
behind the privileges of their order, were safe from molestation 
by any troublesome claimant. The extent to which such pro- 
tection or its absence was felt under the king's government, is 
shown by the prosperous and flourishing condition of many 
small holdings of Brahmans and Gosh&ins exhibited by the 
recent survey as compared with those of their lay neighbours. 
Similarly in Europe in former times did religion provide the 
only chance of protection and security to cultivators. The 
possessions of the abbeys in Scotland, it is said,t were each a 
sort of Goshen, and the rest of the country one dark scene 
of confusion ; and this led to many acts of liberality to the 
church. King David the first, who particularly distinguished 
himself in this respect, was in consequence canonized imme- 
diately after his decease, which led to one of his impoverish- 
ed successors sarcastically calling him a " sore saint for the 
crown ;" but says Sir Walter Scott, " it seems probable that 
" David, who was a wise as well as pious monarch, was not 

* Thus the words Bishnprit (for the love of Vishnu) Kishnarpan (for the sake of 
Krishna), Bedarthi (for the sake of the Vedas) were and are still used ; together with 
the phrases " Sirkar k* asfs den;" " Sirkar ka isurbad karen, " 

t Sir Walter Seott's, Monastery Chapter L 



stjltInpur settlement report. 79f 

** moved solely by religious motives to those great acts of 
" munificence to the church, but annexed political views to 
" his pious generosity," and his liberality was in some mea- 
sure exercised on precarious frontier possessions which he 
sought to defend by placing them in the hands of ecclesiastics, 
whose property was safe notwithstanding the danger of their 
exposed position. 

168. Sankalps and the church-lands here mentioned 
differed in this, that the former were, as a rule, managed 
immediately by their owners, the latter were held by inter- 
mediate hereditary vassals or feuars. " Feus are small 
" possessions conferred upon vassals and their heirs held for 
"a small quit-rent or a moderate proportion of produce. 
" This was a favourite manner by which churchmen peopled 
€ f the patrimony of their convents and many descendants of 
*? such feuars as they are called are still to be found in posses- 
" sion of their family inheritances in the neighbourhood of 
"the great monasteries of Scotland." But, on the other 
hand, the sankalpd&rs to some extent combined in themselves 
the double character of the churchmen and the feuars ; by 
birth they belonged to the priestly order, while the descrip- 
tion given of the feuars may with some appropriateness be 
applied to them, for the feuars are said to have been com- 
paratively well informed, shrewd and respected for wealth, 
but less warlike than their neighbours.* 

169. At what period, the term sankalp first came into 
use in its present sense, I do not pretend to say ; but land 
was evidently given to Brahmans at a very ancient date. 
According to their own accounts, indeed, it was before the 
time of the Great War, for when Yudishthir gambled away 
his r&j some Brahman's lands are particularized of which a 
special reservation and exception was made.t In the B&- 
m&yana, on the other hand, when whole provinces were 
offered to Brahmans, they modestly declined the gift ; but, 
in this case, their reason for such unusual conduct was that 
they were unacquainted with the art of government, so possibly 



* I do not mean to say that the Brahmans lacked military spirit, but that like the 
feuars they were not often called upon to display it. 

t Wheeler's History of India 1. 181. In the following page it if suggested, howerer, 
that this is an interpolation. 



80 sultInpur settlement report. 

a distinction is intended to be drawn between the govern- 
ment of a province, and the private possession of land, for, 
in the S&stras, *a field is one of several things enumerated 
as suitable gifts from a student to his preceptor. 

170. I have compared sankalp to waqf and church- 
lands ; like them also it was hereditary, but with this im- 
portant difference in the mode of succession ; in them it de- 
volves on the spiritual successors of the grantee, in sankalp 
it goes to his lineal descendants. The contrast, of course, 
arises from the Hindii priesthood having the Levitical 
characteristic of being hereditary in the families of a certain 
caste, and yet more from many of its officest being hereditary 
in the same families, while this is not the case with that of 
the Christian and Mahomedan religions, and with respect 
to a large section of the former is rendered impossible by 
a law of enforced celibacy. In representing sankalps to be 
heritable, I commit myself to the further assertion that they 
are not resumable at the pleasure of the donor, and there 
is no doubt at all in my mind that they are not, even when 
no consideration has been paid for them. " A present to 
a worthy man," a character belonging by courtesy, at least, 
to every Brahman, and " the price of an entertainment," 
which is very much like the return given for " mihmdnf," 
are especially included by MacnaghtenJ among gifts not 
subject to revocation, and sankalp deeds often invoke a 
singular curse, which it may be assumed the donor would not 
needlessly lay himself or his descendants open to, on those 
who meddle with the grant ; if a Hindi! may he incur the guilt 
of eating beef ; if a Musulman may he undergo the defilement 
of eating pork ! In old grants to Brahmans, a clause is often in- 
serted indicative of intended perpetuity ; they are to be enjoyed, 
it is said, by the grantees, their sons, grandsons and posterity, 
as long as the sun and moon, and the ocean and the earth 
shall endure ; and a few phrases are added, in explanation of 
the awful spiritual pains and penalties to which the rash re- 
sumer renders himself liable. One of these runs that he who 
grants lands lives sixty thousand years in heaven ; but he 
who confiscates or resumes or allows others to do so, is doomed 
to hell for a like period !§ In the unsettled times which imme- 

* Mann, Chapter II. 246. 

t Guruship, for example. 

X Macnagaten's Hindu Law, page 140-2. 

§ Prinsep's Antiquities, I. 263-4. 



sultAnpur settlement report? 81 

diately preceded annexation, it would be vain to deny that 
sankalpd&rs were occasionally ousted ; but this can scarcely 
be attributed to a custom of resumption peculiar to the tenure ; 
similar treatment was dealt out to subordinate holders of every 
kind, and not least to those whose right was in no way derived 
from the superior proprietor. In one case as in the other, too, 
the dispossession was frequently resented ; if ejected Kshat- 
triya zeminddrs fought the usurper with his own weapons, 
Brahman sankalpdrirs endeavoured to combat force with 
superstition. They either maimed themselves, or took up 
their position at the door of their oppressor, and threatened 
to bring upon him the enormous guilt of Brahmanicide by 
starving themselves to death, if he refused them the redress 
demanded. 

171. Sankalps are heritable; whether they are trans- 
ferable in all cases is more uncertain. Theoretically they 
are not, for, in their purest form, they involve the condition 
of performing a service, which it is not, competent to every 
transferee to fulfil. But even if they were ever thus limited, 
it is doubtful whether the restriction was not removed at a 
very early age ; in one of the old land-grants above alluded to, 
it is said that the land thereby given is to be " enjoyed on 
" the terms usual with such grants ; they (the grantees) may 
" plough, cause to be ploughed, or give it away ;" and, in a 
second one it is said that the land given is to be " enjoyed in 
"full property as a perpetual inheritance."* With regard to 
modern local practice, there is no doubt that transfers some- 
times took place either without or in spite of the opposition 
of the zemindar grantors. I should hesitate to say, however, 
that such a right was so freely and constantly exercised, as to 
justify the broad assertion that all sankalps are necessarily 
transferable, and that they should be so declared by our 
courts ; it is an unquestionable and significant fact that, 
under native rule, both parties to such a transaction not unfre- 
quently went through the formality of obtaining the sanction 
of the grantor of the sankalp. 

172. As a common but not invariable usage, it may be 
stated that the price paid for a sankalp is one year's rent. 
If it is given rent-free, which is more usually the case in eleemo- 
synary and religious grants, no pecuniary consideration is paid 

* Prinsep's Antiquities, I. 256-261. 



82 sultInpub sfttlement report. 

for it. Where rent is stipulated for, it is nominally fixed in 
perpetuity under the name barbasti; it varies from As. 4 to 
Rs. 1 per village bigah, and the consideration is of the same 
amount This consideration is known by the peculiar name 
mihmdnl, hospitality, a name not always without significance, 
as such grants did sometimes originate in an entertainment 

!iven to the landholder while moving about in his estate.* 
am tempted, however, to wonder whether this hospitality 
was always as spontaneous as its genial name denotes, by the 
recollection that it was under the same " generous but impro- 
per" denomination that Theodoric, the Ostrogoth, appropriated 
to the use of his soldiers a great portion of the lands of Italy, t 

173. Sankalps are never given, eo nomine, by any but 
private individuals ; they never exceed a single village, and 
are more frequently limited to a few acres of waste land, of 
which a specified portion is to be devoted to the plantation of 
a grove, and the erection of a dwelling house. A provision is. 
also often made for irrigation from a particular tank ; J it is 
almost peculiar to grants of this kind, and the necessity for it 
is, perhaps, due to the circumstance that, the land having been 
previously uncultivated, its tenant could not have a customary 
right to water from any source, as was the case with other 
lands. In the eastern part of the district, where the Brah- 
mans are of the Sarwaria sect, sankalps are very numerous ; 
but, in the west, where the Brahmans are Kanaujias, and do 
not see any disgrace in the name of cultivator, they are very 
little known. Family priests and others receive small grants 
of rent-free land, but they are known by the broader name of 
m'afi. It has been said of birts, to be presently mention- 
ed, that embarrassed t'alukddrs would sell them several times 
over ; and nothing was more common than to see several claim- 
ants to the birt of a village each with his patta in correct 
form. The same is true of sankalps. . I have more than once 
met with cases in which two title-deeds have been produced 
by different claimants, and both of them admitted genuine by 
the donor. His explanation, not an improbable one, of the 
double grant, is that, at the time of the second, the person 
who took under the first was out of possession, and, perhaps, 
absent from the village. 

# The word zidfat (vulg6, ijdfat) is sometimes used as a synonym of mihmanf. 
t Gibbon, Chandos Edition, II. 439. 

X Compare with this the " springs of water" separately given by Caleb to hia daughter 
after he had given her land. Judges 1. 15. 



StJLTlNPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 83 : 

174. The word Dar or D&vi is derived from the root of 
_, , , the Persian verb, ddshtan, have, hold, possess, 

and signifies literally any sort of holding or 
possession ; and, in this sense, it is identical with the termina- 
tion of the words t'alukdari, zemindari &c. When used alone, 
however, it is applied more especially to lands received under 
a grant conveying a permanent sub-proprietary interest; it 
has a tendency to acquire the yet narrower meaning of the 
holdings of religious sects, but correctly includes marwat, 
birt and other grants of a purely secular nature. It is not in 
fact so much the name of a particular tenure, as a generic one 
for all tenures of the class above defined. As negative illus- 
trations of its meaning, it may be added that neither jaghir, 
which is entirely personal, nor mortgage, which contemplates 
temporary possession only, comes under the category of dar. 

175. " The meaning of the term Birt is a " cession." It 

" was the purchase of the proprietary 
" rights subordinate to the talukd^r on 
" certain conditions as to the payment of rent."* This is an 
accurate description of the tenure as found in this district, 
where birts conferred by favor, or " riaiyatf birts,"t to be met 
with in some parts of the province, are altogether unknown. 
Birts, it is said, are given for whole mauzahs or patches of 
land in mauzahs. The latter only are known in this dis- 
trict, and even these are of very recent origin, having been 
granted since annexation. They are very few in number, 
and peculiar to the Kiirw&r estate. I have no recollection 
of seeing mention in any of the pattas produced of the birty&'s 
right to "dyhak" or 10 per cent,Jor any provisional arrange- 
ment that if the birtyd threw up his holding " rather than 
"accept enhanced terms he was entitled to 10 per cent, on 
"the collections." Such conditions would be superfluous, 
as the pattas contemplate the birty&'s permanent possession 
at a fixed and invariable rent. 

176. The t'alukd£r, when he was also a military chief, 
Mk ^ L not only paid his soldiers while 

they served, but acknowledged also 
his liability to maintain the families of those who 
were killed in battle. This was done by a grant of land 

* Record of Rights Circular, para. 18. 
t Ibid para. 20. 
% Ibid 22. 



84 sultXnpur settlement report. 

called marwat or maroti, i. e., death-grant. It usually ran 
in the name of the deceased " and his children," and, in prac- 
tice, included his widow also. Under present rules it is held 
to be " t'alukd&r's ni'afi " and resuinable at will ; but for- 
merly it was a tenure much respected, at all events during 
the lives of the actual grantees ; and afterwards it was often 
allowed to ruu on like other tenures to their heirs although 
the latter possessed no actual right. It was one of the baits 
used by landholders to obtain recruits for the ranks of their 
military retainers ; and self-interest, if no higher motive, 
taught them to be careful how they kept faith with those 
to whom they gave it. 

177. Maintenance, strictly speaking, is a term applica- 

ble to all grants intended for the support 

Maintenance. P ,, ° . ,i i •* 

of the grantees ; recently, however, it 
has obtained a special signification. In estates in which the 
law of primogeniture prevails, it has always been the cus- 
tom for the head of the family to make provision for the sup- 
port of younger sons. Under native rule, this was done by 
the assignment of certain villages for the purpose, and these 
are now generally spoken of as maintenance villages. 

178. A family with its main stem and collateral rami- 
fications is often and not inaptly compared to a tree ; and in 
many cases these assigned villages helped to bear out the 
analogy by remaining part of the estate to which they be- 
longed, so that the younger branches of the family continued 
to draw sustenance from a common trunk. But, as in the 
banyan tree, branches throw down roots into the soil, and 
thus obtain a separate and independent existence of their 
own, even so cadets might become founders of new houses, in 
possession of distinct estates. This, General Sleeman, indeed, 
pronounces to be an universal custom ; and, though that is 
perhaps saying too much, he finds an unquestionably apposite 
illustration in the estate of the R&jah of Ktirw&r. At various 
times and in different generations several villages were long 
ago detached from it, and given to cadets or " bdbtis ;" and 
though they have now been again absorbed into it, the com- 
pleteness of the original separation is forcibly exemplified by 
the way the EAjah recovered them, viz., by a formal deed of 
sale executed by the said bdbus. 



sultAnpur settlement report. 85 

179. It is quite possible that, notwithstanding its ulti- 
mately taking place, no formal separation of these main- 
tenance villages was originally made. They were always 
given rent-free ; and so long as the t'alukd&r was not hard 
pressed for money, he allowed them to remain so ; or, if he 
attempted to get any rent out of them, he was very likely 
resisted in one way or another. But those only who were 
strong enough to cope with the Nazim's forces had any 
chance of escaping the payment of revenue ; this was a pri- 
vilege not accorded to the humble possessors of two or three 
villages. If the t'alukdar made or could enforce no demand 
against them, they could not be certain of similar forbearance 
from officials, who were not slow to avail themselves of any 
pretext for enhancing the revenue in any way they could. 
This, it may be objected, was an infringement of the t'aluk- 
d&r's rights, but unless he was able to make his resentment 
take a practical shape (in which case he probably did so) he 
was not always sorry to get rid of what not only yielded him 
no profit, but was an actual source of loss ; he found his con- 
solation in the remission, which he was sure to obtain, of the 
revenue he had previously had to pay on the lands taken 
from him. In other cases, the one or two villages younger 
brothers received speedily became the nucleus of a flourishing 
little estate, the owner of which became too powerful for the 
t'alukd&r to coerce, even if he had the inclination to do so. 
In other cases again, cadets obtained separate estates, which 
had never been in the ancestral one ; there was enacted on a 
small scale what formerly used to take place in Marw&r ; u a 
" few generations after the conquest, says Elphinstone, so 
" little land was left for partition that some of the raja's 
"sons were obliged to look to foreign conquest for an estab- 
" lishment."* The Bandhalgotis appear to have been the prin- 
cipal apostles in this district of this aggressive practice. Nor 
was the Mewdr system without imitators; " one set of descen- 
" dants of early ranas seem to have been superseded and in 
" some part dispossessed by a more recent progeny." 

180, Where maintenance villages became thoroughly 
detached from the parent estate previous to annexation, they 
are now regarded as independent proprietary tenures ; but, 
where they have been included in a t'alukddrf sanad, it is laid 

* Elphinstone, 4th Edition, page 251. 



86 sultAnpur settlement report. 

down that their possessors have not a full and perfect owner- 
ship in them ; on the other hand they have clearly been in con- 
tinuous and undisturbed occupation of them. It is, therefore, 
held that their position corresponds to that of perpetual lessees, 
and that it is by the creation of that tenure in their favour, that 
a due measure of j ustice is awarded to them. * * 1 1 is by heredita- 
" ry farming leases rather than sfr and nankar lands that relief 
" can in many cases be afforded to those who with strong equita- 
ble claims for consideration, have no case in law. The 

f ' principal cases under this head might be divided into two 
"classes; (1) where relatives of a t'alukd&r who had long held 
" leases were barred from sub-settlement because there had 
" never been any independent proprietary title, and (2) where 
" the ex-proprietors lost sub-settlement because they could not 
" in every particular comply with the conditions of Act XXVI. 
"of 1866 One eminent advantage in the hereditary fann- 
ying lease over the sub-settlement obtained under Act XXVI. 
" is that it preserves the relative position of the superior 
"and under- proprietor. In a village given in sub-settle* 
" ment the talukdar has virtually no proprietary rights 
" and a form of tenure that thus annihilates his authority 
" and status as a landlord is naturally highly distasteful to 
" him. With an hereditary farming lease the case is dif- 
" ferent, the t'alukd&r's position is maintained and at z he 
"same time the sub-proprietor has every right that it is fitting 
"he should enjoy and he infinitely prefers it to sepaiate sir 
"lands."* 

181. The principal form of this tenure is that created 
«. w - by the Oudh Rent Act in favor of ex- 

Right of occupancy. J . , , ., , , . 1t 

proprietors ; when they have lost all 
proprietary right, whether superior or subordinate, in the lands 
which they cultivate, so long as they pay the rent payable 
for the same according to the provisions of the Act, they 
have a right of occupancy, under certain specified conditions. 
But, like the perpetual leases given to the possessors of main* 
tenance villages, it has often been adopted, with the consent 
of the parties concerned, as a convenient way of defining the 
position of many for whom equity has demanded more than 
the law concedes, e. g., holders of marwat. 



• Financial Commissioner's Settlement Report, 1869, para. 37-38. 



sultInpur settlement report; 87 

182. Founders of purw&s or hamlets may and do be- 
„ , , , . Ions: to any class. They may be pro- 

Purwa foundation. . ® /» "11 j n 

pnetors ot a village, and may equally 
well belong to the meanest caste in it. The rights of the for- 
mer can never be doubtful, nor can those of the latter if only 
they protect themselves at the outset by a clear agreement. 
But, until within the last few years, unsophisticated villagers, 
who entered upon an undertaking of this kind, were content 
to rely upon any vaguely worded deed, or still worse, simple 
verbal permission. The descendants of these " rude forefa- 
thers of the hamlet " have since been in quiet possession of it; 
but, when their title comes to be enquired into, it will not 
bear sifting. For the protection of such persons, it has been 
enacted that, if they can show that in consideration of having 
founded such purwd or hamlet they have held therein within 
the period of limitation possession of any sir and nankar land, 
they will be recognized as under-proprietors in such land, 
subject to the payment of such amount as may be due by them 
to the talukd&r.* 

183. In connection with groves, I need do no more 

than refer to a very full discussion of 
the subject, contained in a printed 
Selection from Records, published two or three years ago. 



CHAPTER II. 



SECTION L— General History. 

1. Aborigines. 
184. The primitive inhabitants of Sult&npur and the ad- 
Aborigines, general opinion jacent country are said by tradition to 
concerning them. have been a tribe called the Bhars. 

Their character is painted in the most sombre colors. They 
are represented to have been dark complexioned, ill-favoured 
and of mean stature, intemperate in their habits, and not 
only devoid of any religious belief themselves, but addicted 
to the persecution of those who ventured to profess any. 
They are said to have possessed a few scattered and detached 
fortresses to serve as rallying points, but to have been other- 

• Aot XXVI. 1866* 



88 sultInpub settlement report. 

wise of nomadic and predatory habits, while their numbers 
are said to have barely sufficed to furnish a scanty population 
to the tract they occupied, 

185. The accuracy of the tribal identification, however, 
has of late been called in question, and I confess to participa- 
tion in the scepticism which has now begun to exist upon the 
subject : I think there is much to militate against the theory 
that the Bhars were aborigines. 

186. The Pandits of Ayodhya, again, divide the 

human species into fourteen original 
eory. races, of which eight are said to have 

been indigenous to Hindiistdn, and six to have inhabited coun- 
tries beyond its limits. As this arrangement professes to be 
based partly on the Sdstras, it may be expected that it coin- 
cides pretty closely with what is to be found in Manu.* The 
two lists run as follows : — 

Pandits. Mavu. 



Pundarik, Kirdt, 

Khas, Kamboh, 

Udar, Darwar, 

Haihai, Chinas, 

Sak, Pahlav, Pdrad, Darad, 

Tdljanghd, Barbar. 



Paundrakas, 
Odras, Drdviras, 
Kambojas, Y&vanas, 
Sdkas, Pdradas, 
Pahlavas, Chinas, 
Kir&tas, Daradas and Chasas. 



187. But are the Pandits correct in asserting any of 
these fourteen races to be aboriginal ? Manu does not say 
they were. In the Sastras, in the Mah&bh&rata, and else- 
where, the Kshattriya origin of some at least, where not of all, 
is clearly indicated ; and this suggests an answer in the nega- 
tive to be avoided only by the hypothesis that the Kshattriyas 
themselves were autochthonic. It might, indeed, be argued, 
and not without fair grounds, that the term Kshattriya is 
misapplied, on account of the strong improbability there is 
that some of the clans named were ever subject to the laws 

* In this section, I have followed somewhat closely a series of articles in the Calcutta 
Review on Benoudha, as the history of Sultanpur is necessarily to a great extout identical 
with that of the province of which it has always formed part. Elsewhere I have usually 
noted separately every quotation and reference ; in the present instance I confine myself 
to this general acknowledgment j a moment's reflection will, perhaps, be sufficient to explain 
the cause. It may be asked why I do not her*, as the history of the Kanpurias dispose of 
the subject by a simple reference j the reason is that, in the latter case, the iuformtion I 
have omitted is to be readily obtained from a recently published book in every public office 
in the province, whereas what I have here given in a condensed and collected form is scattered 
through a series of articles haying a wider scopo in different numbers of a work only to 
bo found in large libraries. 



sultAnpur settlement report. 89 

of the Brahmanic hierarchy ; but, if such be the case, it is 
also capable of explanation on the supposition that they 
were foreigners ; and no certain argument can thence be 
deduced as to whether they were aborigines or not. Again 
the Y&vanas and Pahlavas were unquestionably Aryans, and 
either strangers to the caste system, and so foreigners, or 
" errant Kshattriyas who had lost their caste ;" which brings 
me round again to the point from which I started, inasmuch 
as if they were indigenous, so must the Kshattriyas generally 
have been. 

188. With the authority of Wilson* for doubting whe- 
ther the institutes were put together before the 2nd century 
B. o. ; and taking into account the rapid spread of the doc- 
trines of S&kya Muni over the south and west of India, I in- 
cline to the view that we have in Manu nothing but an enu- 
meration of the most warlike or best known races of his day ;, 
who were, indeed, excommunicated so far as Hindti society 
was concerned, but whose " omission of holy rites and seeing: 
no Brahmans" was simply an euphemistic form of expressing 
their adhesion to Buddhism, or other rival creeds. The^ 
mention of them as Khattriyas is probably but an intima- 
tion of the rank in the Hindu social scale to which they 

would have been welcome if only they had cared 

to take it ; just as inlater times, Hodgson says the Kochh availed 
themselves of the convenient elasticity of the Kshattriya cord,, 
which was unhesitatingly extended to receive them. 

189. The writer just quoted in. general terms lays down. 

that all the aborigines of India are- 
Aborigines Scythic. north-men of the Scythic stem; and 
this, even on other grounds than those he relies on, is extremely 
probable. Unless Hindiistdn be regarded as the one cradle 
of the human race, or the theory o£ independent creations be* 
adopted, the earliest inhabitants, like the latest, must of ne- 
cessity have been immigrants; and, as the direction here in*- 
dicated is known to have been that from which until withia 
the most recent times the tide of invasion of Hindiist&n has. 
almost uniformly set,* it should on this account, if no other,, 
be looked upon as the most probable starting point of the: 
first comers. 



• See Macaulay's Essays* (Warren Hastings, II. 193). 



90 SULTANPUR 8KTTLEMENT REPORT. 

190. But to go further than this, and attempt to dis- 
But not identifiable with an 7 cover in any race now existing the un- 

separate tribe now existing m mixed descendants of the aborigines, I 
the district, greatly hesitate : I subscribe rather to 

the view that except in a few frontier districts, of which 
Sultanpur is not one, the autochthones are extinct or have 
been completely absorbed into the " composite people they 
have helped to form."* 

191. Nor, however accurately descriptive of the moral 

character of the Bhars popular legends 
Aborigines. Their charac- may be, does their application to the 
*"• aborigines appear to me to rest on any 

solid basis. It receives considerable support, indeed, from 
the Vaidik hymns, for they lead us to believe that the Aryans 
succeeded races morally and physically inferior to themselves, 
and that they acquired for them such a degree of scorn that 
they did not stoop to make themselves acquainted with, or, 
at all events, to allude to them by their distinctive designa- 
tions, or to take cognizance of their tribal individuality ; they 
found it sufficient for their limited intercourse with them to 
group them under such collective and opprobrious terms as 
Asuras, Daityas or Rakshasas. But, considering the violent 
animosity of the Aryans towards their predecessors, the truth 
of the picture may well be called in question ; nor, even as it 
is, is it many degrees darker than that of which the Aryans 
themselves furnished the original, when, four thousand years 
later, it fell to their lot to be pourtrayed by a Turanian.! It 
may even be surmised that the points of divergence would 
have been reduced within still narrower limits, if, in the latter 
case, as in the former, the delineator had more freely in- 
dulged a taste he occasionally displayed and disburthened his 
feelings in the hyperbolic strain common to hymns and in- 
vocations, instead of giving, as he did, a clear and concise nar- 
rative in uninflated everyday prose. For all the means, then, 
we have of instituting a comparison, there are no valid rea- 
sons for believing that this part of India was materially 
worse while under the dominion of the aborigines, than when 
it was described by the emperor Babar, between three and 
four centuries ago. $ 

* Annals of Rural Bengal. 

f See Babar's Memoirs, passim.^ 

X See para. 272, where regular cities belonging to the aborigines are alluded to. 



sultAnpur settlement report. 91 

2. The Brahmanic Period. 

192. The aborigines were succeeded by the Hindus, one 

of the numerous branches of the now 
to *: fi&J** rdati ° n wide-spread Aryan race, by whomthey 

were, in this part of India, reduced 
to complete subjection. On this point complete unanimity of 
opinion exists, but in what relation the conquerors and the 
conquered stood to each other ethnologically is still a vexata 
qucBstio. Did the primitive population succumb to an alien 
race nobler and worthier than itself, or did it differ from 
its successor only as one sept of a mighty clan differs from 
another ? was an indigenous plant uprooted to make way for 
an exotic, or were both alike offshoots of the same parent 
stem, the one degenerated under unsuitable conditions, the 
other developed in a corresponding degree under the in- 
fluence of a superior climate and more careful nurture ? 

193. Elphinstone suggests that the Hindiis were, per- 
haps, a local tribe like the Dorians in Greece ; or even no- 
thing more than a portion of one of the native states, a reli- 
gious sect, for instance, which had outstripped their fellow 
citizens in knowledge and appropriated all the advantages of 
the society to themselves.* There is no reason whatever, he 
says, for thinking that the Hindus ever inhabited any coun- 
try but their own ; and, if he admits the possibility of their 
having done so, it is only before the earliest trace of their 
records or traditions. Nor is the theory of community of origin 
for the Hindus and autochthones altogether foreign to Hin- 
du mythology. Beni, or Vena, son of Ang, ruler of Ayodh- 
ya> one of many unfortunates of the same kind, is said to 
have fallen a victim to the anger of the Brahmans. He 
died childless, but his corpse, after the fashion of the ashes of 
the Phoenix, gave birth to two sons, Nish&da orNekhad, sprung 
from his thigh, and Prithu from his right hand. fNekhad 
became the ancestor of the aborigines, and Prithu of the 
Solar race. 

194. A more recent author, on the other hand, in strong 
contrast with the above, writes " that our earliest glimpses of 
u the human family discldse two tribes of widely different origin 

* Elphinstone, 4th Edition, page 49. 
t Muir'a Sanskrit Texts, I. 301. 



92 sultInpub settlement report. 

" *struggling for the mastery. In the primitive time, which 
" lies even on the hoiizon of inductive history, a tall, fair- 
" complexioned race passed the Himalayas. They came 
" of a conquering stock. They brought with them a store 
<c of legends and devotional strains." And again, " the philo- 
" loger can only assert that a branch of a noble stock won 
" for themselves a home among numerous but inferior tribes, 
"and that before the dawn of history the children of the soil 
" had been reduced to villeinage or driven back into the 
"forqrt/'t 

195. It is necessary to notice the existence of these op- 
posite views, but the questions they raise are much too broad 
for discussion here. Whether the Hindus are to be identified 
with the children of the soil of Brahm£vartta, or whether 
they were the prototypes of the many invaders of that sacred 
territory ; whether their cradle lay on the banks of the Saras- 
wati, or whether, one of many branches of a race which 
penetrated to the furthest confines of the ancient world, they 
crossed the Himalayas before they reached the holy stream, 
it is equally possible to trace the " great Asiatic branch to two 
" foci not far apart and situated east and west of the Indus, ™ 
and by starting from the former, and following the historic 
lines which radiate from it eastward, we shall lose nothing of 
the special history of eastern Oudh. 

196. Manu particularizes three portions of Aryavartta 
_. .. , . ,. t L viz., Brahmdvartta, Brahmarshi, and 

Hindu colonization of eastern »r j L j j. j * , ,«• •.! 

Oudh. MadhyadesaJ, and invests them with, 

degrees of sanctity inversely propor- 
tioned to their distance from the Saraswati:§ and Elphinstone 
assumes that this classification involves the history of the ex- 
tension of the Aryan occupation. On this hypothesis, as 
" that country which lies between Himivat and Vindhya, to 
" the east of Vinasana, and to the west of Pry&ga, is celebra- 
" ted by the title of Madhyadesa, or the Central Region," 
it follows that it was not until their third great onward move- 
ment that the Aryans reached eastern Oudh. 



• The Italics are simply intended to indicate the points of contrast between ^W 
theory and that given in the preceding paragraph. 
t Annals of Rural Bengal page, 90-91. 
X Manu, Chapter II. 16 &c. 
§ Annals of Rural Bengal. 



sultInpur settlement report. 93 

197. In what character they first appeared cannot be 
stated with certainty. The usual opinion is that there came 
at once a colony or army numbering in its ranks all the social 
elements contained in the community of which it was an off- 
shoot ; but it has also been suggested that the main body was 
preceded by the analogue of the Jesuit and settler, and that 
proselytizing Brahmans, urged by zeal for the propagation of 
the Vaidik faith, were the first wave of a flood- tide of immi- 
gration, followed closely by a second composed of those who 
were actuated by still peaceful, but less unselfish motives — the 
auri sacra fames, and this view is not without support. In 
the tradition it is based on ( which has been somewhat gar- 
bled by the pandits, however,) it is said that it was in com- 
pliance with the solicitations of oppressed Brahmans that the 
Solar race first approached Ayodhya ; and, in the Mahdbhd- 
rata, we find, that it was with Brahmans (and no other caste 
is mentioned as being with them ) that the Fandavas sojourn- 
ed during their visits to Varan&vata and Ekdchara. In the 
latter of those places, too, an Aswia, not a Kshattriya, king 
was reigning ; and TV heeler confidently broaches the theory 
that, at that period, there were no Aryan principalities so far 
east even as the former. 

198. To what epoch, must next be asked, is to be as- 
signed the advent of the Aryan race into eastern Oudh ? It 
was, there is every reason to suppose, though there is no ab- 
solute proof, identical with that of the building of Ayodhya,* 
and with that also of the foundation of the so-called Solar 
dynasty ; so that whatever data there are for the determina- 
tion of the one will be serviceable with respect, to the others 
also. Now Ikhshv&ku is said to have been the first prince of 
the Solar race and to have been contemporary with Abraham. 
His claim to so great an antiquity has certainly been called 
in question, but as Wilson " thinks there is nothing to shock 
" probability in supposing that the Hindu dynasties and their 
u ramifications were spread through an interval of about twelve 
"centuries anterior to the great war", the theory just stated 
may, pending the acquisition of more conclusive aata, be ac- 
corded a qualified belief. 

• Mr. Carnegy says that Ikhihyaku, was the first king of Ayodhya, (Aldemau Report, page 
1). According to the Bamajana, the city of Ayodhya was founded by Manu, the progenitor 
of all mankind (Asiatic Society Journal, I. IV. 1865, page 242). As Ikhehvaku was son of 
Manu (Prinsep's Antiquities, Dynastic Lists) the two accounts agree pretty closely. 



94 sultInpub settlement report. 

199. Again respecting the extent of Ikhshv&ku's domi- 
SniOnpur part of the old nion, it is permissible to hazard a con- 
Hindu kingdom of Ayodhya. jecture. His capital lay on the extreme 
east of the Middle-Land, and was apparently, therefore, a 
border city ; his western frontier touched Brahmarshf, in 
which Kanauj was included, whence we may infer that, in 
that direction, he reigned as far as the left bank of the Ganges ; 
and as Pry&g was in the Middle-Land, that river may also 
have formed his southern boundary. From this it follows 
that from the period of its earliest establishment, the Aryan 
kingdom of Ayodhya included the whole of the territory now 
known as Sult&npur. For many ages from this time, 
moreover, it is only from the history of the former that it is 
at all possible to trace the fortunes of the latter. 

200. In Oudh, in common with other portions of the 
And for a time on a poii- Middle- Land, it was that, in after days, 

ticai and religious frontier. th e Brahmanic system was to reach its 

full development, an end, perhaps, in no slight measure fur- 
thered by the efforts of an hierarchy at Ayodhya. " In the 
" Middle-Land," says Dr. Hunter, " the simple faith of the 
" singers was first adorned with stately rites and then extin-? 
" guished beneath them. It beheld the race progress from a 
" loose confederacy of patriarchal communities into several 
li well-knit nations, each secured by a strong central force, but 
" disfigured by distinctions of caste destined in the end to be 
" the ruin of the Sanskrit people. The compilers of the land 
11 law recorded in the Book of Manu, if not actual residents 
" of the Middle-Land, were so closely identified with it as to 
" look upon it as the focus of their race ;" and says the same 
author, " the civilisation which is popularly supposed to have 
"been the civilisation of ancient India, which is repre- 
" sented by the Brahmanas and the Book of Manu was 
u in its integrity confined to the northern country termed by 
" Manu the Middle-Land." Following, then, the boundaries 
assigned by Manu to the Middle- Land, and, bearing in mind 
the vigorous growth to which Brahmanism there attained, I am 
led to the conclusion that, almost coincident with the present 
eastern boundary of Oudh, with Pry4g and Ayodhya, and 
Sult&npur, under whatever names, as border cities, there long 
existed an ethnic frontier as sharply defined as that which 
Dr. Hunter so graphically describes as having subse- 
quently formed the utmost limit of Aryan encroachment in. 



sultInpur settlement report. 95 

Bengal. In one rdspect, indeed, and that one of the greatest 
moment, there lay a greater difference between the two con- 
tiguous but antagonistic races in the former case than in the 
latter ; for, in proportion it may be assumed to the degree of 
development of Brahmanism was the bitterness of hatred it 
bestowed on its opponents ; and, so far as the formation of 
Effect on character of po- natural character is to be sought in his- 
puiatkm. torical events, to the " fierce shock of 

jarring contrasts" which the Aryans of the eastern border of 
the Middle-Land then had to sustain may, I conceive be in 
part, attributed that warlike disposition by which their 
descendants still continue to be characterised. 41 

201. Sultdnpur remained under the sway of the Solar 
princes until the time of Rama, who, following the same 
scale of chronology as adopted with respect to Ikhshv&ku, 
lived about the time of Solomon. For R&ma's kingdom was 
mightier even than his ancestor's : it stretched north and south 
from the Himalayas to the Ganges, arid east and west from 
Nimkhar to the Gandak. 

202. In connection with this period according to tradition, 
Foundation of Kueapura occurs the first mention of the town of 

(Suitanpur) according to tra- Sult&npur, under its old name of Ku- 
dition8, sapura. B&ma it is said had two sons, 

Kusa and Lava ; and to the first is attributed the foundation 
and naming of the town. 

203. Now General Cunningham states that ancient 
Oudh consisted of two parts, divided by the Gh&gra ; and that 
Lava, Kusas brother, is by the V&yu Purana assigned a king- 
dom (Sr&vasti) to the north of that river, t If, then, the above 

. tradition concerning Sult&npur were reliable, it might appear 
that the two sons of R&ma effected a partition of their father's 
kingdom, Lava getting the northern and Ku3a the southern 
portion, inclusive of Suitanpur. But, on the other hand, if 
local legends be believed, the metnory of the two brothers is 
perpetuated in the names of forts and towns in the Panj&b, 
in the Vindhya ranges, and in Behir ; and, unless we credit 
them with Alexander the Great's own love ot city founding, 
we may well doubt the story regarding Sult&npur. 

• See Chapter I. Section 3. 
t Ancient Geography, 406-9. 



96 sultAnpur settlement report. 

3. The Buddhist Period. 

204. " After R&ma," says Elphinstone, " as we hear no 
soiunpur in kingdom of " more of Ayodhya (Oudh), it is possi- 

the Buddhist kings of Ka- " ble that the kingdom, which at one 
pUft# " time was called Kosala, may have 

" merged in another ;" and this seems highly probable, but I 
venture to doubt whether " the capital was transferred from 
"Oudh to Kanauj." Brahmanic chronicles, indeed, would 
lead to the belief that the Solar line retained its power until 
shortly before the Christian era. But this is difficult to be- 
lieve. In the first place, it is known that about b. o. 600 there 
occurred a Scythian invasion, under a prince called Seshn&g, 
on a larger scale than had ever taken place before ;* and that 
he conquered and usurped the throne of the powerful kingdom 
of Magadha ; it is further known that Oudh was afterwards 
subject to his dynasty. As, then, he overran the whole of the 
north of India before he reached his future capital, it must be 
supposed that he traversed Oudh as well as other provinces ; 
and it is thus no more than a reasonable conclusion that it was 
at the period of his invasion and by him himself that it was 
deprived of its autonomy. 

205. Again, glance down the genealogical table of the 
Solar kings, and two well known names will be discovered, 
Saddodhana R&jah and Sdkya Muni, and " there can be no 
" doubt of the individuals here intended ; S&kya is the name 
" of the author or reviver of Buddhism." Now, it is a moot 
point whether the name of S£kya is not expressive of nation- 
ality rather than of individuality ; and S&kya himself is known 
to have been a personal friend of one of the earliest SeshnAg 
kings of Magadha. About this time, moreover, at least be- 
fore the Rdm&yana was written, Ajodhya received yet ano- 
ther of its many names, S&keta, which from the above consi- 
derations there need be little hesitation in referring to the 
S&kas,. an offshoot of the race of that name on the west of 
India, and to a Scythian origin. 

206. "What if I now attribute the foundation of pre- 
Kusapura (or Kasapura) Mahomedan Sultdnpur also to a similar 

founded by the Kae ? agency and date ? Its name, according 

to the Chinese pilgrim, is not Kusapura, but Kasapura, ana 
Babar Sh&h tells us that the hill country along the upper 

* Elliot's Supplementary Glossary, Gour. 



sultAnpur settlement report. 97 

course of the Indus was formerly inhabited by a race of men 
called Kas.* He conjectures that the first portion of the word 
Kashmir is nothing more than a corruption of their name ; and 
his translator adds a supplementary suggestion that these 
same K&s were the inhabitants of the Kasia Regio and Kasli 
Montes ot Plotemy, and that their dominion once extended 
from K&shghar to Kashmir. If, then, these two places are 
called after the K&s, why may not Kasapura have been also ? 
The geographical difficulty may be raised that, while Kasa- 
pura is in the east of India, the K&s lay on the extreme west. 
But so did the S&kas also, and their close proximity in 
that region, indeed, to the K&s shows how very possible it is 
that the latter accompanied them in their invasion of India. 
The known character of the S&kas strengthens the supposi- 
tion : they were equally ready to enter into an alliance with 
any tribe that served their purpose and to turn against their 
allies as soon as their common purpose was effected. If, then, 
S&keta derived its name from the Sakas, it is not at all im- 
probable, to say the least, that Kasapura took its designation 
from the K&s. 

207. Shortly before the time of Sdkya's father, also, we 
meet with the first royal " emigration " from Ayodhya ; and 
the legends of that place run that " after the expulsion of So- 
" lar race and the death of Nanda, Bindustir, the disciple of 
" S&kya or Gautama Bauddha, and others of his line held 
" sway. They respected the Buddhist priests, who it has 
" been affirmed were then masters of Ayodhya, and who re- 
" cognized these men as their nominal chiefs." All this surely 
suggests that the line of R&ma was expelled synchronously 
with the establishment of the Seshndgs in Magadha ; and 
that, either conjointly or separately, Ayodhya and Kasapura 
then came into the possession of Scythian princes, semi- 
independent vassals of that dynasty. 

208. The new rulers of Ayodhya and Sult&npur were 
thus descendants of Sdkya Muni. Hence, perhaps, the rea- 
son of their being described as Buddhist priests. The Vedas 
were now proscribed, and the " great or little Vehicle " usurp, 
ed their places. The recollection of this time is still preserved 
in numerous small Buddhist images scattered here and there 

* Bator's Memoirs, Introduction XXVII. 

N 



98 sultInpub settlement bepobt. 

about the district, and also in the names of several villages. 
Budhaiyan is a distorted form of Buddhavana, or Buddha's 
torest,* and, Mad&ra Bhdr and San&i Bhdr would appear by 
their names to have been the sites of Buddhist monasteries 
or Veh&ras. 

209. The Buddhist Princes held Ayodhya until the time 
Vikramaditja succeeds the of Vikramaditya. According to dy- 

Buddhist Kings. nastio lists, Sumitra, the last of them, 

and Vikramaditya were contemporaries. Tradition speaks 
to the same effect : it states that, slightly antecedent to the 
time of Vikramaditya, the Kshattriya race was recreated by 
the Brahmans to fight their battles against the Buddhists ;t 
it makes Vikramaditya belong to one of the recreated clansj ; 
and it places the age of Vikramaditya in close sequence to the 
supposed subjection of the Buddhists. § 

210. During their reigns, say the local legends, the 
Vikramaditya said to have whole of this part of Oudh became a 

found Oudh a desert. wilderness. This is a gloomy picture, 

however, and I am glad to find occasion for questioning its 
accuracy. To say nothing of the Maniparbat|| erected about 
this time near Ayodhya, was it a wilderness in which Buddha. 
preached for sixteen years ? was it a desert which the noble 
maiden Vis&kha, and her father, a rich merchant, selected for 
their residence when they emigrated from the capital of Maga- 
dha ? was it a jungle of which the Buddhist priests were 
lords ; in which the Buddhist kings fixed their capital ? In 
V less ancient times, when waste began to yield to cultivation, it 
" took the name of Benoudha, or the jungle of Oudh. With 
" this period the name of Vikramaditya is traditionally and 
" intimately associated, when Buddhism again began to give 
" place to Brahmanism ;" and elsewhere it is said that u Aju- 
" dhya was again traditionally restored, and Brahmanically re- 
" peopled through the exertions of Vikramaditya of Ujjain." 
In these two quotations lie, probably, the key to the whole 
mystery. The Brahmans, it is stated, having invited Bud- 
dhists to their aid against the Kshattriyas, did not fail to ex- 
perience the effect of their suicidal policy in the utter prostra- 

* Ancient Geography, pages 452-461. 
f Marshman's History of India, I. 17. 
% The Ponwar or Pramara ; see para. 281. 
§ Marshman, I. 19. 
|| Vaisabad Tehsil Beport, page 24. 



sultInpur settlement report. 99 

tion of their influence ; and it is not difficult to understand 
the feeling which would make them ignore the existence of 
the capital, or, at all events, preserve a discreet silence about 
its history at the time when the religion which superseded 
theirs prevailed. Ayodhya and Sultanpur probably existed 
as S&keta or Vis&kha and Kasapura, and were inhabited aa 
before ; or, if deserted, it was only in the sense they are now, 
with the head quarters of districts in their immediate 
neighbourhood ; but Brahmanism was at its lowest ebb ; they 
were Brahmanically desolate. 

211, But Ban-Oudha, is not the name itself conclusive ? 
Ant ex re nomen, aut ex vocabulo fabula narratur. Is it not 
to seek a Persian construction in an Indian word, to make the 
"jungle of Oudh" a translation of Ban-Oudha? If Ban or 
Ben in composition necessarily have the signification here 
given to it, it must be so in the word Beuares, which, on the 
contrary, we know to be a corruption of Var&nasi, formed by 
the combination of the names of two streams the Varna and 
the Asi. Here, then, is a precedent for reading Barn-Oudha 
for Ban-Oudha ; or, at least, regarding it as the more correct 
form of the name ; and, if I do so, it is to bring it more into 
accordance with its actual meaning, which I take to be the 
united provinces of Benares and Oudh. Tradition makes 
Banoudha to consist of the estates of twelve R&jahs, which 
says Sir H. Elliot, would make it include the whole of Bena- 
res and Eastern Oudh ; General Cunningham, by dividing it 
into Pachhim-r&th and Purab-r&th, gives it much the same 
dimensions ; while I find from Prinsep that this is not the 
only form in which the names of the two provinces appear in 
combination for, factor for factor, Banoudha is reproduced in 
K&si-Kosala # " The kingdom of Kausala or Kosala is well 
"known from the Buddhist authors to be modern Oudh 
u (Ayodhyaor Benares), the K&si-Kosala of Wilford." — Hence 
I regard the term Banoudha as descriptive rather of territorial 
extent than of the physical characteristics of a capital or pro- 
vince. 

212. Whatever the nature of the change effected in 
Ayodhya, material adornment or Brahmanical regeneration, 
it is universally allowed that it was in the time of Vikramadi- 
tya, and through his instrumentality, it was brought about. 
It is also generally believed, though a contrary opinion is not 



100 sultInpur settlement bipobt. 

wanting, that Vikramaditya of Ujjain is the one referred to ; 
and, in this view, the date of the event can be approxi- 
mately settled ; for, in strong relief to the fabulous particu- 
lars which form the bulk of his history, stands out the indis- 
putable fact that he established an era and that its initial 
year was b. c. 57. 

213. Now, Mr. Carnegy tells us that six or seven years 
„., ,. ., . , . ,_ ago, there was dug up in Ayodhyaa ves- 

Vikramaditya, identical with °i . • • • i_ j? 

KadphUeeof the anoient ooiue. sel containing an immense number ot 

old copper coins of the Indo-Scythic 
kings, Kadphises and Kanishka ; and Mr. Benett acquaints 
us with a similar fact regarding the district of Sultanpur. 
About Kanishka, more hereafter ; at present I confine my 
attention to Kadphises. His date is variously stated, but there 
is good authority for saying that the Ytichi dynasty, to which 
he belonged, were very powerful in the west of India in the 
middle of the first century b. c. It follows from this that 
Vikramaditya, and some member of the Ytichi line, who, un- 
less Vikramaditya's reign commenced only in b. c. 57, was 

very possibly Kadphises himself, were contemporaries. 

Who, then, was this king, whose coins bearing his 
image and superscription passed freely current in the time of 
Vikramaditya, and in the very province the restoration of 
which has so greatly contributed to the perpetuation of his 
name ? In what relation to each other did they stand % Were 
they foes, and did the Yuchf expel his adversary from Ayo- 
dhya rediviva ? Or were they friends ? Were they close 
allies ? Was the one but an alter ego of the other ? Was 
Vikramaditya Kadphises ? 

214. The question is one capable of lengthy argument* 
too lengthy to be given here in full ; but I may indicate cur- 
sorily various points which appear to bear upon the identifi- 
cation. The inauguration of the Samvat, Vikramaditya's. 
era, occurred during the time of the Kadphises dynasty, — pro- 
bably Kadphises himself was Vikramaditya's contemporary ; 
their dominions also appear to have been co-extensive. The 
capital of the one, Ujjain ( Yiichiyana ?) probably derived its 
name from the tribe, Ytichi, to which the other is known to 
have belonged. The one was descended from the Gandharvas, 
who dwelt upon the hills, but according to the fable was a 
Gardabha, of which I take Gadabha to be a colloquial form.;: 



sultXnpur settlement report. 101 

the other ruled the kingdom of G&ndharva, a hilly region* 
the name of which would, in the language of the coins, be- 
come Gadapha. The one is intimately associated with 
Banoudha, of which a synonym is K&si-Kosala, as perhaps 
also the inverted form of Kosala-Kdsi ; the other is shown 
by his coins to have been king of Kushang Kujala-Kasa. The 
one is reputed to have been the restorer of Ayodhya ; the 
coins of the other were freely current in that city at the time 
that restoration is stated to have taken place; which implies 
that, if it had ever been reduced to desolation, it had been re* 
claimed from that condition, and become a busy mart of com- 
merce; and that the coins in use in it were those of its restorer. 
These are my arguments ; and the conclusion I venture to base 
on a combination of them is that Kadphises and Vikramaditya 
were one ; that the great unknown of the coins — ces— is 
identical with the great unknown of Indian fable — the mo* 
numentum cere perennius. 

215. Vikramaditya was an usurper ; at least, I have 

never heard it asserted that he was the 

Vikramaditya commences the riffhtful O Wnet of Avodhy a. As a pre- 
Ksbattnya colonization off v • .«• , -, • z ± m oii x 

Eastern Oudh. hminary, then, to his restoration of that 

city, it was indispensable for him to 
acquire possession of it ; and it cannot be supposed that the 
Buddhist princes tamely acquiesced in his appropriation of it, 
and yielded without a blow. The picture that presents itself 
to the mind's eye is that of Ayodhya and its vicinity the 
theatre of religious war ; and I think we may discern therein 
the beginning, in eastern India, of those sanguinary and 
devastating wars which attended the revival of Brahmanism 
and its struggles with the creed of Buddha. 

216. " Ayodhya," says Mr. Carnegy " is to the Hindd 
u what Mecca is to the Mahomedan and Jerusalem to the 
§t Jew ;" and it is easy to believe that while it was in the hands 
of the Buddhists, it was regarded by the votaries of reviving 
Brahmanism much in the same light as Jerusalem was by the 
Christians of the middle ages of Europe, a holy city defiled 
by the presence of the infidel ; and thus Vikramaditya's 
expedition against it partook of the character of a crusade. 
Nor was it a religious movement alone that then took place : 
it was accompanied by another, a re-migration, similar is its 
nature to, the famous return of the Heraclidoe of Grecian 



102 sultInpub settlement report. 

history. Vikramaditya was a Ponw&r, a Kshattriya, and 
thus sowed, in eastern India, the seeds of a social as well as a 
religious revolution: — he and his army were the prototypes of 
the re-migrant Kshattriyas of later ages. The Brahmans, with 
cunning ingenuity, brought to bear upon the champions of 
their faith two of the most powerful influences that can act upon 
the human mind, patriotism and religion ; and the soldier of 
Vikramaditya, as he marched against Ayodhya, was animated 
with the reflection that he had in view the noble purpose of 
recovering at once — 

The ashes of his fathers 
And the temples of his gods. 

217. Vikramaditya reigned eighty years, say the Ayo- 
dhya chronicles; Kadphises, his numismatic counterpart, is 
by Lassen allowed just eighty-five years, a curiously similar 
period. The difficulty of so long a reign disappears in the 
atter case under the hypothesis that there were more kings 
}han one of that name ; and I think the same key may be 
applied to the solution of the same difficulty with respect to 
the former also : the octogenarian Vikramaditya probably re- 
presents the whole of the short Ytichi dynasty of Kapisa. 

218. Vikramaditya had many adversaries, to one Saliva- 

hana he had to resign the half of his 
Vikramaditya driven out dominions ; a N&ga tribe made further 

of eastern Oudh by Eanak , , °i- • i/L J* 

Ben. encroachments on them in another direc- 

tion ; but neither ot these appears to 
have ever got possession of Oudh. A more probable succes- 
sor of Vikramaditya, in this part of his empire, is to be found 
in the heir of him whom Vikramaditya had himself despoiled. 

219. Sumitra was the last of S&kya's dynasty, but not 
of S&kya's family : one of his proximate descendants was 
Kanak Sen of legendary celebrity. Now Prinsep conjectures 
that this personage is identical with Kanishka of the coins ; 
and, if we consult Lassen's list of Indo-Scy thic kings, we shall 
find that Kanishka belonged to a dynasty which succeeded 
the Yuchi ; the same and other authorities also will corro- 
borate the statement that it was Kanishka who, partly at 
least, took possession of the dominions of the Kadaphises. 
The same conclusion is pointed to by the fact that the coins 
of Kanishka are found in numbers side by side with those of 



StJLTlNPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 103 

Kadphises in Ayodhya, and Sult&npur and other parts of 
India also. Further the name of Kanishka occurs in the 
Tibetan works as a celebrated king in the north of India, 
who reigned at Kapila, a city at no great distance from 
Ayodhya ; and Prinsep describes this same Kanishka to have 
belonged to a S&kyan dynasty of Indian origin. Now refer 
back a few paragraphs, and it will be seen that a Sdka dynasty, 
ancestors of Sumitra, ruled over Ayodhya several centuries- 
before, and Buddhist works show that S&kya himself was 
born at Kapila, which thus appears to have been in their 
dominions, perhaps their capital. All these facts collectively 
amount to this that, numismatically speaking, the expulsion 
of the Yuchi Kadphises from Ayodhya was effected by the 
S&ka king, Kanishka of Kapila (a descendant of Sumitra), 
who thus for a time restored the Sakyan dynasty ; or, which 
is the same thing, speaking in the language of tradition, that 
the province of Banoudha was wrested from Vikramaditya by 
no other than the famous Kanak Sen. 

220. Sultdnpur was beyond a doubt included in the em- 

pire of both Vikramaditya and Kanak 
Buitinpur part of king- g en Kadphises and Kanishka. 

dora of Vikramaditya and n n_' • *j j • >i_ i j 

Kanak Sen. This is evidenced in the clearest manner 

by it having been so prolific a find-spot 
of their coins, to say nothing of the testimony of tradition. 

221. The next phase in the history of Sultdnpur is its 

absorption a second time into the em- 
And afterwards in the em. pjj. e f Magadha. Kanak Sen is said to 

pire of the Guptas of Ma- f / • i i> /• ^ n i.i 

gadha. have 'migrated from Oudh ; but there 

are forcible arguments in support of the 
belief that his exodus was directly attributable to the nascent 
power of the Guptas of Magadha. It was towards the 
close of the first century A. d. that that dynasty was 
founded ; nor are reasons for hostile collision between Kapila 
and Magadha far to seek. Even Brahmanical accounts 
admit that the later Solar princes embraced Buddhism, 
whence it may be inferred that it was the religion of 
Kanak Sen; and it is indubitable that Kanishka was a 
warm patron of the same religion. The Guptas, on tha 
other hand, were distinguished by their support of the religion 
of the Brahmans ; not only did they actively encourage it; 
but they signalised themselves also by the persecution of the 



104 sultInfur settlement report. 

professors of the creed of Buddha. Here, then, was a sufficient 
cause to induce one State to take up arms against the other ; 
more especially if it be remembered that the period under con- 
sideration was one notable for the prosecution of those wars 
of which we saw the commencement in the time of Vikrama- 
ditya. 

222. Again, General Cunningham, in speaking of Sr£- 
vasti, argues that from A. D. 79 to 319, it was a dependency 
of the Guptas, as the neighbouring city of S&keta is specially 
said to have belonged to them. " Princes of the Gupta race," 
says the V&yu Pur&na " will possess all those countries ; the 
" banks of the Ganges to Pry&ga and S&keta and Magadha." 
A fortiori then, will the same argument apply to Sultdnpur, 
not only in close proximity to Sdketa, but also intermediate 
between it and Pry&ga. 

223. To digress amoment. Saketa and Pry&ga are named 

, . together as border cities: Sult&n- 

8uHanpur a second time on a ° , , , . --fj. 

religious and political frontier. pur must nave been so, too. We 

have once already found them occu- 
pying that position, many ages previously ; but how great a 
change has been accomplished in the interval : now, as before, 
they separated rival religions and rival states ; but how dif- 
ferent the religious aspect of the country on either side of them ! 
In the first instance, they formed the eastward limit of 
Ikshv&ku's empire, and of the advancing tide of Brahmanism — 
of Brahmanism in its primitive pre-Buddhistic form, which 
in its full development was never destined to pass beyond 
them, while further east lay the various modes of superstition 
practised by the aborigines ; in the second instance, on the 
west, throughout the tract where Ikshv&ku had ruled of 
old, Brahmanism had been entirely supplanted by Buddhism, 
while on the east lay one of the principal centres of reviying 
Brahmanism. 

224. The subversion of the Gupta empire occurred in the 
„ , , . , year a. d. 319. If that event did 

st Sultanpur an independent ^ ot lead to the immediate indepen . 

dence of several petty states, it al- 
most certainly paved the way for their creation. For ex- 
ample, we know that, in the 5th century A. d. there was a king 
of Kapila not only autonomous, but of sufficient importance 
to send an embassy to China: and in the 7th century, accord- 



sultInpur settlement report. 105 

ingto Hwen Thsang, Tndia was split up into no less than seven- 
ty-two independent states. Of these Kasapura was one. 

225. The pilgrim's accuracy on this point has been 
challenged ; for the exact measurements of modern times show 
that there is not sufficient land to furnish forth so many king- 
doms of so large a size as he describes. It has therefore 
been conjectured that some of his seventy -two were subsidia- 
ry to and included in others. But I venture, with great diffi- 
dence, to entertain a somewhat different opinion. Lassen con- 
siders that Hwen Thsang's measurements must be received 
with caution, as is indeed apparent from the numerous alter- 
ations General Cunningham finds it necessary to make in them; 
and I think it more likely that Hwen Thsang was mistaken 
in the areas of individual states than with regard to the num- 
ber of states of which the country consisted: the second point 
admits of easy ascertainment, the second is much more diffi- 
cult. 

226. I accordingly follow Hwen Thsang's statement as 
to the independence of Kasapura in his time. I am inclined 
to believe also that it remained in that condition until the first 
Mahomedan invasion. At that period, the dominions of the 
R&jahs of Kanauj were no more extensive than those of their 
neighbours:* they do not appear to have stretched as far as 
Satrakh,t much less to Ayodhya and Kasapura. Then, too, 
it was that the power of the Bhars and other wild tribes reach- 
ed its highest pitch, and legends, the only authority we 
have on the subject, are unanimous in describing them to have 
divided their possessions into small states, perfectly unconnec- 
ted with each other, and Kasapura is among the best known 
of them. Such also is the picture of the country sketched by 
the emperor Babar in explaining the sort of opposition Sultan 
Mahmdd had to encounter: "All Hindustan was not at that 
" time subject to a single emperor : every raja set up for a 
" monarch on his own account in his own petty territories." 

227. Sult&npur yet continued for half a century longer 
8 \t& nart f th k* a *° ex * s ^ as a separate state. Chandra 

of Kanauj! 1 ' ° * mg ° m Deva the first of the powerful Rahtor 

princes of Kanauj then captured that 
city, and copper land grants discovered in recent times show 

* • Elphinstone, 4th Edition, 281. 

t If they had, Syad Salar, a friend of the Rajah of Kanauj would hardly have en- 
camped there, and Bent expeditions against the surrounding country ; soe para. 232. 



106 sultIkpub settlement report. 

that he and his descendants extended their sway over Benares 
and Ayodhya. Sult&npur must therefore have been annexed 
to and remained part of their empire until the overthrow of 
Jaya Chandra, the last and best known of their dynasty, by 
Shatoib-ud-din Ghori in a. d. 1192-4. 



4. The Mahomedan Period. 



228. From the time of Mahmtid of Ghaznf dates the 
MahomedaBconquestscause commencement of the Mahomedan 

the immigration of Kshattriya period ; the period, that IS, OI MahO- 
colonieamtoOudh. medan dominatioI1- But this is not 

the full extent of the social changes which the Ghaznavid and 
his successors brought about. I have attributed the beginning 
of the work of Kshattriya colonization to Vikramaditya, but 
this is far from saying he effected its completion. It progress- 
ed by very slow degrees until the Hindu kingdoms of the 
west of India were thrown into confusion by the attacks of 
the Musulman invaders ; and it then received a stimulus under 
the influence of which it continued to go on steadily for the 
next five centuries. " Almost all Rajpoot colonies in Oudh" 
says Mr. C. A Elliott, will be found to belong to "one of two 
" great classes ; and to owe their present position to the Ma- 
" hommedan conquest, either indirectly, having been induced 
" to leave their homes and to seek for liberty elsewhere by the 
" loss of their ancestral independence, or else directly, having 
" settled where we now find them as subjects, servants or 

" grantees of the Delhi Court The former class 

"dates between 1200a. d. and 1450 A. D. The latter from 
" 1450 a. d. to 1700 a. d. from Baber to Alumgir."* In point 
of date, at least, all the Kshattriyas of this district belong to 
the former of these two classes. Their history will be sepa- 
rately given in the second section of this chapter. 

229. The earliest Mahomedan invasion of this part 

First Mahomedan invasion of Oudh is locally believed to have OC- 

under Syad Saiar. curred as far back as the time of 

Mahmtid of Ghaznf , under the leadership of Saldr Mastid 



* Chronicles of Oonao, page. 80. 



sultInpur settlement report. 107 

Gh&zi, popularly known as Syad Saldr,* the nephew of that 
Prince : and, notwithstanding the silence on the subject of 
the early historians whose works are still extant, such was 
not improbably the case. The Mir&t-ul- Asr&r and the Mir&t- 
i-Masddl, which give detailed accounts of the expedition, 
though admittedly modern compositions, profess, it must 
be remembered, to follow a now lost work of an author, who 
was contemporary with the events and persons he described. 
Some weight must be attached also to the fact that the most 
prominent place in the pedigrees of numerous Mahomedan 
families in various parts of eastern Oudh, and in the Allaha- 
bad district also, is assigned to those who are said to have 
come to this country in the time of Sult&n Mahmtid ;t many 
of the Oudh families asserting that their ancestors actually 
accompanied SaUr Masud. 

230. Mahmtid himself, moreover, is said to have twice 
(a. h. 410 and a. h. 413) penetrated as far east as Benares, 
having on the first of these occasions, " made a few converts 
to the faith."| A similar limit is also said to have been 
reached a few years afterwards by Ahmad Nialtigin,§ a 
natural son, it is supposed of Mahmtid, who, crossing the 
river Ganges, at what point is not stated, marched down 
the left bank until he arrived " unexpectedly " at Benares 

231. From these two instances it is apparent that, 
either in or close upon the time of Mahmtid, the Mahomedan 
arms had been carried further east than Oudh ; and in after 
days, the main road from Dehli to Bengal crossing the 
Ganges at some ford not far west ? of the present city of 
Furruckabad ran through Jaunpur and Benares. || It is 
likely enough therefore that this was the route followed by 
Mahmtid, if not by his son also, in which case they must have 
traversed a portion of this province. Under these circum- 
stances, it is quite within the bounds of possibility, that 
MahmtixTs nephew, Sal&r Mastid, also led an expedition in 

* Regarding Syad Salar, See Elliot's Supplementary Glossary, Ghazee Meean. His 
tomb had already become a place of pilgrimage by the end of the 14th century, as shown 
in Elliot's History of India, III. 249-362. 

t See Mr. Carnegy's " Notes on Races," 63-64, 

X Ain-i-Akbari ; Sdbah Allahabad. 

§ Elliot's History of India, III. 123. 

U Calcutta Review, 1865. Article, Jounpore. 



J 08 sultXnpur settlement export. 

the same direction ; if not absolutely the first to do so, he 
was probably the first to make any conquests there.* 

232. Saldr Masiid, having incurred the bitter enmity 
of Mahmtid's wazir, whom Mahniud at the time deemed it 
prudent to conciliate, was told by his uncle that he must 
submit to a temporary absence from the court of Ghazni 
He accordingly requested and obtained permission to make 
an expedition into Hindustan, promising that he would wrest 
from the pagans the kingdoms then in their possession and 
cause the khutba to be read therein in the Sultan's name. 
Having collected an army of 1,100,000 men,t he set out on 
his journey ; and, after various exploits, reached Kanauj and 
pitched his tents for a while on the banks of the river Ganges. 
From this he marched to Satrikh, and, fixing his head quar- 
ters there, sent out armies on every side to conquer the sur- 
rounding country : Sal&r Saif-iid-din and Miyan Rajab were 
despatched against Bahraich; others against Mahona ; others 
against Gop&mau, and others against Benares and its neigh- 
bourhood. 

233. One day ambassadors arrived at Satrikh bearing 
this message from the Rais of M&nikpur and Karrah: — " This 
11 kingdom has belonged to us and to our fathers from time 
u immemorial. No Musulman has ever dwelt here. Our 
u annals relate that the emperor Zii-1-Karnain made an ex- 
u pedition against this country and reached Kanauj ; and 
u returned without having crossed the Ganges. Sult&n 
" Mahmtid, also, with your father, came as far as Ajmir, 

u Guzerdt and Kanauj, but, spared our country 

" You had better take the prudent course of retiring. " 

234. Now it chanced that, about this time, Saldr Sahti 
father of Saldr Mastid, arrived at Satrikh ; and letters 
having been intercepted, which showed that the princes whose 
threatening embassy has just been mentioned were endeavour- 
ing to effect an alliance with those of Bahraich against their 
common foe, he set out without delay against them ; and, divi- 
ding his army into two bodies, sent one against Karrah and the 
other against Mdnikpur. Both of those places were reduced, 

* The following account of Syad Satfr is taken from the translated extracts from 
the Mir&t-i-Martidi given in Elliot's History of India, II. 518. 
t Yaadah lak. 



SULTXnPUR SSTTLBIfENT BSFORT. 109 

and Salar Sahti returned in triumph to Satrikh, leaving Malik 
Abd-ullah in the neighbourhood of Karrah, and Mir Kutb 
Haidar at M&nikpur. 

235. During this period it probably was that the first 
Earliest Mahomedan settle- Mahomedan conquests were achieved* 

ments in this district aQ( j the first Mahomedan colonies 

planted in the western portion of this district. From the 
tenor of the message above quoted it may be gathered that 
the princes of M&nikpur claimed dominion over the whole 
tract which intervened between their capital and Satrikh, 
nearly the whole of which, indeed, was afterwards included 
in the M&nikpur Sirkar ;* and the chronicles of Jais and 
Subeha, towns which lay nearly on the line of march from 
one place to the other,t point to the time of Sal&r Masiid as 
that in which they were first visited by Musulmans. 

236. Sult&npur, in spite of the expeditions sent from 
Suitanpur conquered by the Satrikh against Benares and other 

Mahomedans. places to the east, appears, for some 

unexplained reason, to have escaped the fate of its neighbours 
Jais on the one side and Jaunpur on the other : — it may have 
been that its naturally strong position baffled for the time 
all the attempts of the invaders. J But be the cause what it 
may, the traditions current in its vicinity are singularly 
unanimous in omitting all mention of Syad Salar, and in re- 
presenting the Bhars to have remained masters of it, until it 
was captured from them by Ald-tid-din Ghori. 

237. The hero of this story, it will thus be seen, is iden- 
tified in popular belief with the founder of the house of 
Ghor ; but the identity is inadmissible, as the latter never 
oame near Oudh. It seems more plausible to look for the 
conquerer of Kusbhawanpur among the lieutenants, perhaps 
relations also, of a later prince of the same dynasty, Shah&b* 
ud-din, better known as Mahomed Ghorf. Shahab-tid-din; 
after defeating Jaya Chandra of Kanauj, with that keen at-* 
tention to reaping substantial results from his victory which 



* See para. 252, Sirkar Manikpur. 

t See paras. 85 and 90. 

t Ancient Geography, page 400. The site of Kusapura was no doubt selected by its 
founders as a good military position on account of its being on three sides surrounded by 
the river Gomati or Gumti. 



110 sultInpub settlement report. 

he usually displayed, set off to plunder the treasury of his late 
enemy at Asni ;* he thus arrived on the right bank of the 
Ganges, at a spot where that river now forms the boundary 
of Oudh, and after his departure thence marched on to attack 
Benares. The route he then pursued is not related, but it is 
at least incontrovertible that he had to cross over to the 
Oudh side of the river before he reached his destination. 
Now, in addition to the Sult&npur story that its captor was 
a Ghorf, Ayodhya contains " a tomb of Makhdum Shah Jur£n 
9t Ghori, a lieutenant, it is alleged of Shah&b-iid-din Ghori ;"t 
and coins belonging to the Ghori dynasty have been found 
near both of those places.! Jaunpur, also, with Benares, fell 
" finally under the sceptre of the Musulman when Shah&b- 
Ci tid-dln defeated Jaya Chandra ;"§ nor, though on the return 
of the Sultan to Ghazni, his lieutenant, Kutb-ud-din, fixed his 
court for some time at Asni, are any further hostilities 
asserted to have then taken place ; Kutb-tid-din was princi- 
pally employed in receiving the homage of the rais and 
chiefs whose power had been already broken. || It seems to 
follow, then, that the overthrow of all such fortified posts in 
south-eastern Oudh, as declined to admit that their own sub- 
jection was involved in that of Kanauj, (of which, as has 
been seen, they were dependencies) is to be attributed to the 
period of Shah&b-ud-din's progress from Asni to Benares or 
that of his homeward march. 

238. This view is further supported by the fact that, 
And as part of Oudh under about this time, the first mention is 
Mahomedan governors. made of a Mahomedan governor, (or 

commander-in-chief ) in Oudh, being indeed so far as I have 
been able to ascertain, the first instance in which allusion 
is made to that province by the Mahomedan historians. 
In relating the history of Mahomed Bakhtiydr Khilji, 
the author of the Tabaq&t-i-N&siri saysIT that " this Muham- 
u mad Bakhtiydr was a Khilji of Ghor, of the province of 
u Garmsir. He was a very smart, enterprising, bold, cour- 
" ageous, wise and experienced man. He left his tribe and 
" came to the court of Sult&n Muizz-tid-din, at Ghaznin, and 

* Elliot's History of India, IL 228. 

f Faizabad Tehsil Report, 27. 

t Asiatic Society's Journal, 238-250. 

§ Calcutta Review, 1865. Article Joonpore. 

(| Elliot's History of India, IL 224. 

% Elliot's History of India, IL 30$. 



sultInpur settlement report. Ill 

* was placed in the dfw&n-i-arz (office for petitions) but as 
c * the chief of that department was not satisfied with him he 
€t was dismissed, and proceeded from Ghaznin to Hindostan. 
" When he reached the court of Delhi, he was again rejected 
u by the chief of the diw&n-i-arz of that city, and so he 
IC went on to Badatin into the service of Hizbur-tid-din 
11 Hasan, commander-in-chief, where he obtained a suitable 
•' position. After some time he went to Oudh in the service of 
a Malik Sisdm-ud-din Ughlabak. He had good horses and 
u arms, and he had showed much activity and valour at many 
" places, so he obtained Sahlat and Sahli in j&gir." 

239. I have quoted this passage in extenso, because 
Mahomed Bakhtiy&r is himself credited by Elphinstone 
with the conquest of a part at least of Oudh ;• whereas, 
from the above passage, it looks as if he found the province 
under a Musulman governor, or at least in the occupation 
of a Musulman army, on his first arrival in it ;t and as if it 
was only by entering the service of the governor (who it 
may be remarked had been a companion of Kutb-tid-din in 
the Benares campaign, J and had on its termination been 
immediately appointed to a governorship — that of Kol), that 
he obtained a base of operations for his subsequent incur- 
sions into Beh&r. At a later period he may certainly have 
held the province, as, in the year a. d. 1202, " he joined the 
u auspicious stirrups and came to pay his respects from the 
u direction of Oudh and Beh&r."§ 

240. After Mahomed Bakhtiy&r's unsuccessful at- 
tempts to establish an independent eastern empire, and the 
consequent restriction of his dominion to Bengal proper by 
Shamsh-iid-dfn Altamsh, the rest of the territory previously 
held by him was parcelled out into smaller jurisdictions, in 
which may be traced, perhaps, the outlines of those ar- 
rangements which were afterwards more fully elaborated in 
the Afn-i-Akb&ri. Among them, Oudh became again|| a 

* Ferishta only alludes to Mahomed Bakhtiyar Khilji having subdued Behar and Ben- 
ml— not Oudh ; and the same is the case with respect to the authorities cited in Elliot's 
History, as also with the Afn-i-Akbarx (Bengal). 

t It is quite possible, moreover, that Hisam-ud-din was not the first : he may have 
been preceded by Makhdum Shah Juran Ghori, (See para. 237). 

t Elliot's History of India, II. 224. 1 am assuming that Malik-uMTmara Hisam-ud-dfn 
Ulbak and Malik Hisam-ud-din Ughlabak are one and the same. 

§ Elliot's History of India, II. 232. 

|| It had ceased to be so for a time apparently while it formed part of Mahomed 
Bakhtiyar' 8 Yiceroyalty of Bengal, 



112 TOLtXnPUR SETTLIMXNT REPORT. 

separate province ; it was first held ,by Nasir-tid-din, eldest 
son of Shamsh-tid-din* and in the next generation, reference 
is made to a " h&kim Oudh," the incumbent of the office 
being one Q&zi JaUl-tid-din ; and the recurrence of the 
title may be noted until after the accession of the Khilji 
dynasty. 

241. The Oudh here alluded to, it must at the same 
v * 4 . A « Arf . . A time be remarked, was very much 

Extent of Oudh at this period. 11 . , .,, . ,, ,r i . 

smaller in extent than either the king- 
dom of R&m Chandra had been in early ages, or than the 
Stibah to which it subsequently gave a name ; for contem- 
porary with the Qazi Jaldl-tid-din above named, Nasir-ud-din 
Mahm6d,t afterwards emperor, held the northern portion 
of the province, which constituted the separate district of 
Bahraich, and in the opposite direction where Oudh marches 
8uitanpur only partly in with Manikpur, their mutual boundary 
° ttdh - line most likely cut across the south- 

western corner of this district, excluding a large tract from 
Oudh, and placing it in Mdnikpur. 

242. These two governments being thus contiguous, 
the politics of the one were not unnaturally influenced by those 
of its neighbour ; and it is not surprising to find that when 
Malik Jdjd, a nephew of Ghaias-ud-din, rebelled against his 
Khilji sovereign in his government of Karrah, Amir All, J his 
contemporary in Oudh, participated in the revolt. One of the 
immediate effects of the defeat of the confederates, which was 
speedily effected by the royal forces, was the conferment of 
the government of Karrah Manikpur by the emperor on 
his nephew Ald-tid-din Khilji, who now first appears in the 
history of this district ; and, as he was chief among those 
whom the king delighted to honour, he soon became still 
more intimately connected with it by receiving a second 
grant, viz. of the government of Oudh — which had of 
course become vacant, in consequence of the rebellion of 
Amir Ali. 



* Elliot's History of India, II. 829. This Nasfr-nd-dni must not be confounded with 
the person of the same name mentioned in the succeeding paragraph, 
t Elliot's History of India, II. 844. 
; Also called Hatim Khan, (Ferishta). 



SULtInPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 113 

243. Ald-iid-din Khiljf was thus the first Musulman 

governor under whose rule the two pre- 
Ai£-iid.d£n KhiMf ■ two go- viously separate portions of the district 

vernments included the whole J . . r , *. , r . , . . , , 

district. were united ;* but he is nevertheless 

completely ignored in the annals of all 
parts of it alike. Whether rightly so or not is doubtful ; for 
Bat he has no place in it has been suggested that to him of 
local tradition. right belongs the honor of the exploit 

which is ascribed to his namesake of the Ghori dynasty,t 
which would make him the principal character in the prin- 
cipal event in the history of the capital. It would then, in- 
deed, almost seem that the Khiljis might pride themselves on 
having monopolised the annihilation of the Bhars of gultdn- 
pur. A Khiljf it was who dealt the first blow to their inde- 
pendence by the overthrow of Jais ; for a Khiljl has been 
claimed the honor of first conquering the region in which 
their principal possessions lay ; a Khilji again is said to have 
demolished their last remaining citadel, and thus effected 
their complete subjection. 

244. But I venture to think that it is quite possible 
the name has been correctly preserved as AU-iia-din Ghorf, 
being, as in the case of Jais, that of a person all but locally 
obscure ; and that, if, as is possible enough, the legend is in- 
accurate at all, it errs rather in the particular of confounding 
a private individual with a well known historical character 
rather than in that of substituting one distinctive designation 
for another : in the instance quoted, that of Jais,J it will be 
observed, the very word Khilji, which is here supposed to have 
been merged in that of Ghori, is seen to have been retained 
unaltered. Ald-tid-din Khilji, moreover, so far as 1 have 
been able to ascertain from the sources of information at my 
command, does not appear to have once visited Oudh, during 
the short period he was its governor, while it appears, after 
having been conquered by Musulman armies, to have been 
held by Musulman rulers, for nearly a century before his time. 
I have, therefore, told the tale as it was told to me, and 
assigned no more modern a date to the occurrences it narrates 
.than historical probability absolutely demands, i. e. the reign 

of Shahdb-tid-din.§ 

* Even then Chinda belonged to another government, however. 

t Ancient Geography, page 400 ; and Asiatic Society's Journal, L IV. 1865, page 270. 

X See para. 85. 

§ See para. 287. 

P 



114 sultAnpub settlement report. 

245. Whether Ghori or Khiljl was the victor, the 
thoroughness of the conquest is evidenced in the most con- 
clusive manner by the absence of any event connecting Sul- 
t&npur with general history until the dismemberment of 
the Delhi empire in the time of Mahmud Toghlak. 

Up to shortly before that period, the jurisdiction of the 

governor of Jaunpur had been limited 

Suitfopurpartof the king, to 'Jaunpur and Zufrabad' with such 

dom of Jaunpur. * , , i , j 111 

provinces to the eastward as were held 
neither by petty chiefs nor the lords of Lakhnautl ;* but, 
when in a. d. 1394, Mahmiid Toghlak deputed his wazir 
Khw&ja Jeh&n to that important charge, he invested him 
with the newly-created title of Malik-us-shirq, and at the 
same time extended his authority over the lower Doab, and 
the provinces on the left bank of the Ganges. When, there- 
fore, later on in the same year, Khwija Jeh&n, throwing off 
his allegiance to Delhi, assumed the emblems of royalty, 
Sultdnpur found itself again as in the time of R&roa, in the 
centre of an eastern empire, very much the same in extent 
as B&ma's, and at about the same distance, though in a 
different direction from the new capital, as it was from the 
old one of Ayodhya. 

246. The change of sovereignty does not appear to 
have produced any marked effect on the even flow of its in- 
ternal history ; and Sult&n Ibrahim, is, indeed, the only 
one of the Shark! dynasty who lives in local story. In this 
he figures among the most ardent of the propagators 
of the faith of Islam, and as the indefatigable cham- 
pion of the professors of that creed. That the tales told 
of him are exaggerated may be assumed ;t but they are, never- 
theless, pervaded by a vein of truth, and the reason for his 
being made the hero of them is not far to seek. Immediate- 
ly after ascending the throne, he had to hurry off from 
Jaunpur in the direction of Kanauj to join his army then 
encamped near the latter place on the left bank of the Ganges ; 
and more than one march and counter-march between the 

* Calcutta Review, 1865. Article Jounpore. 

t They are more numerous in R£i Barelf, but are not altogether wanting in this district. 
Thus he is said by some accounts to have built a fort in Nasfr&bad, (See para. 88); and 
another Btory states that Prash&d Singh, the Kanpuria chief, having attacked a Mahomedan 
tribe of that town, the Khatfbs, they appealed to and obtained the protection of 
Ibrahim. 



sultInpur settlement report. 115 

two places is on record ; so that it is quite credible not only 
that Ibrahim himself actually passed the spots, where there 
still lingers the recollection of his visit, but also that, when 
he did so, he had at his back forces sufficient in his estimation 
to cope with those of Delhi. 

247, The downfall of the Jaunpur kingdom was no more 
Establishment of the Mo- actively felt in this part of Oudh than 

ghai power. it s erection ; nor did any thing of note 

occur within the half century of Lodhl rule.* At the close 
of that period, however, Babar, who had elsewhere firmly 
established the Moghalt power, marched in person into Oudh ; 
crossing the Ganges in the proximity of Bdngarmau, he 
marched by Lucknow eastwards, and encamped on the very 
day on which his general Chin Taimiir Sultdn defeated the 
Afghan chief, by whom his power was contested in this pro- 
vince, "two or three kos above Oud, at the junction of the 
Gogar and SirwA." Here he halted some days for the purpose 
of " settling the affairs of Oud, and the neighbouring country 
" and for making the necessary arrangements." This halt of 
Babar' s demands attention, as it was the proximate cause of 
one of the leading events in the history of the Bachgoti clan : — 
the conversion to Islamism of Tilok Chand, nephew of the 
then chief of the clan,J whose descendants afterwards be- 
came premier r&jahs of Oudh. 

248, The temporary overthrow of the Moghal power, 

which occurred about ten years later, 
"* gs " and the establishment of the Stir dy- 

nasty in the person of Shir Shdh, must not be passed over 
in silence. They were fraught with results, material if not 
moral also, more important from a local point of view than 
any other of the numerous dynastic changes which had taken 
place since the fall of Delhi and Kanauj at the end of, the 
twelfth century. Shir SMh had, soon after Babar's death, 
made himself master of the province of Beh&r and of the 



* That is from the downfall of Jaunpur, when the Lodhf role commenced in Oudh to 
the Moghal conquest 

t Regarding the application of this term to Babar and his dynasty see, Elphinstone, 4th 
Edition, page 365. 

t The conversion is said to have taken place at Allahabad, so that it may not have 
happened till the following year, when Babar's camp was pitched in that place ; but it 
is improbable as he only halted there for a few hours. 



116 BULtXhPUB SETTLEldHT REPORT. 

important forts of Chundr and Rohtfo ; and though from 
motives of prudence, he bent for a time before the storm, 
and took shelter in the latter when Humaitin march- 
ed against him in a. d. 1538, no sooner did he find his 
enemy weather-bound in Bengal than he issued from his re- 
treat, took possession of Beh&r and Benares, recovered Chu- 
n£r, laid seige to Jaunpur, and pushed his detachments up 
the Ganges as far as Kanauj. So confident was he in the 
result of his future operations, that at this period he assumed 
the title of king. In a. d. 1539, he inflicted a decisive 
defeat on Humaitin, who fled to Delhi, and was occupied 
there for eight or nine months in repairing his losses ; and 
during that interval his conqueror contented himself with 
retaining his acquisitions in Hiudustdn, recovering posses- 
sion of Bengal and putting all his former territories into or- 
der. The renewal of hostilities still found him on the east 
of the Ganges, opposite Kanauj. It is not immaterial to 
add, that he had been accompanied throughout all these 
transactions by his son Salem Sh&h, who distinguished him- 
self as a soldier in his father's wars ; and was an improver, 
like his father, but in public works rather than in laws. 

249. The genuineness of the instances of Shir Sh&h's 
and Salem Sh&h's active interference in the affairs of this quar- 
ter of Oudh, may, therefore, be unhesitatingly admitted. 
Tilok Chand, the Bachgoti Musulman convert, was now dead ; 
but his grandson Hasan Khdn is said to have managed to in- 
gratiate himself with Shir Sh&h, and so to have carried still 
further that aggrandizement of his family, which his grand- 
father had commenced ; and as an example is ready at hand 
in Shir Sh&h himself of the success which might speedily 
be achieved by soldiers of fortune in such unsettled times, 
ready credence may be yielded to the statement. 

250. Careful of the interests of his followers, Shir 
Sh&h was no less so of his own ; and, for the more effectual 
protection of the latter, he is said, under the influence, per- 
haps, of his son's taste for public works, to have ordered the 
simultaneous erection of fifty-two substantial fortresses.* 
The ruins of many of these still exist and some of them are 

* A similar tale is ourrent in Rai Bareli, bat the forts are attributed to the Sharkf 
dynasty. Aa Shfrgarh, (See para. 98) and Salemgarh (mentioned in Faisabad Report 37) are 
•aid to be two of them, I think the Stir Dynasty is the more probable. 



sultXnpur settlement report. 117 

to be identified, no doubt, with the forts of burnt brick no- 
ticed in the Ain-i- Akbdrf. This fact corroborates, in an im- 
portant manner, the statement made by Elphinstone that 
" Akbar's Revenue system though so celebrated for the 
" benefits it conferred on India presented no new invention " 
but " was in fact only a continuation of a plan commenced 
" by Shir Sh&h,- whose short reign did not admit of his 
" extending it to all parts of his kingdom." 

251. The restoration of the Moghal power by Humai- 
Restoration of the Mo- tin might remain unnoticed, had not 

ghai power. hi s son Akbar left his famous institu- 

tions. In the systematic division of the empire into Subahs, 
of Siibahs into Sirk&rs and of Sirk&rs again into Mehals, 
which they gave rise to, Oudh was selected to furnish a name 
at once to one of each of those divisions. 

252. Sultiinpur formed one of the constituent mehals of 
SuiUnpur in Akbar's the Sirkdr of Oudh, and so of course 

timo « lay in the Stibah of that name. Nei- 

ther the Sultdnpur Mehal, however, nor the Sirk&r, nor even 
the Stibah of Oudh, included the whole of the tract known 
more recently by the name of Sultanpur. What has been 
vaguely and inferentially remarked regarding an earlier period, 
may be regarding the time of Akbar, more definitely and cer- 
tainly repeated, viz. that the whole of the eastern and much 
of the southern and western portions of the present district 
belonged not to Oudh, but to the Sirk&rs of Jaunpur and 
M&nikpur in the Stibah of Allahabad. 

Many of Akbar's Mehals admit of easy and certain 
identification with parganahs of the present time ; but, with 
regard to others, there is ample room for doubt, and I there- 
fore give in full three out of the four Sirkars just named, 
as described in the Afn-i-Akb&ri, together with what I be- 
lieve to be their modern representatives. The Jaunpur Sirkdr 
is shown by Sir H. Elliot to have contained Chdnda only 
belonging to Sult&npur, and it will therefore be sufficient to 
give so much of it as relates to that parganah.* 

* Sirkars Oudh and Lucknow follow the lists given in pages 10-12 of the Faizabad 
Tehsil Report^ amended where necessary ; many of the alterations are due to Mr. Carnegy 
himself ; others to Mr. J. Woodburn, c. s. ; the rest to me. For the notes on the Minikpur 
Sirkar I am alone responsible. 



118 



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124 sultAnpur settlement report. 

253. Sult&npur continued to be divided between the Sii- 
„ , , 3 . v ~ bahs of Allahabad and Oudh for about 

. 8ul tanpvr. under the xtawab , , . i*iiii* /».i 

Wazfr's dynasty, two centuries, or until the time of the 

Naw&b Wazfrs. The circumstances 
connected with the establishment of that dynasty throw some 
• of Saadat Ehin. little light on the state of affairs in Sul- 
n ime t&npur at that period. S&adat KMn, 

the founder of the line, was rewarded for his good services 
to the crown with the Subahdarship of Agra ; and in that 
post proved himself to be possessed of considerable adminis- 
trative ability. In the meantime, Oudh was in a state verg- 
ing on rebellion ; and, foremost among the refractory, was the 
ancestor of one of the principal landholders of this district, 
Mohan Singh, the Kanpuria Kdjah of Tilof, who had been in 
a chronic state of opposition to the local rulers, and appears 
to have been attempting to convert his private estates into an 
independent principality. Intelligence of this reached Delhi, 
and the emperor deemed it prudent to transfer S&adat Kh&n 
to Oudh. The new governor at once adopted vigorous 
measures for the restoration of tranquillity. He first endea- 
voured to induce the Edjah of Tiloi to make peaceful submis- 
sion ; but that chief turned a deaf ear to his advice, and he was 
at last obliged to march against him. S£adat Kh&n's army 
consisted of but 10,000 men, while that of Mohan Singh was 
just five times as numerous. Mohan Singh, however, was 
defeated and slain, and the other chiefs having lost their 
leader, speedily tendered their allegiance. 

254. Now, as in the time of Akbar, the possessions of 
the Kanpurias, broad as they are, stretch no further north 
and east than the old mehal of Jais did.* It would thus 
appear that Sdadat Kh&n's Stibah had been enlarged at the 
expense of that of Allahabad. On the contrary, what brought 
Mohan Singh into collision with Saadat Kh&n was that he 
claimed as his, and sought to annex to his estates in Manik- 
pur, Inhona and other parganahs belonging to Oudh, and thus 
owed fealty to S&adat Kh&n as well as the Subahd&r of Alla- 
habad, although he withheld it impartially from both. Again, 
with Jais on the west and with Ch&nda on the east, Saadat 



* If indeed in Akbar's time they extended so far ; for Jais was then held by various 
tribes (aqw&m mukhtalif ). 



sultXnpur settlement report. 125 

Khan had no concern. It was not till the reign of his suc- 
cessor that they ceased to be subject to a separate govern- 
ment,* when Safdar Jang, after engaging in a civil war with 
his sovereign, consented to make peace, on condition that he 
should be invested with the double Subahd&ri of Oudh and 
Allahabad.t 

255. Whether the name of Oudh simultaneously re- 
ceived an extended meaning is uncertain : probably not, for 
the inheritance of Safdar Jang was divided, and Allahabad 
and Oudh were separately held a while by Shujd-ud-daulah 
and Mahomed Kuli KMn. The integrity of the Allahabad 
Siibah did not commence to be threatened until Shujd-tid-dau- 
lah was compelled under the treaty of a. d. 1765 to cede 
the Sirk&rs of Allahabad and Korah to the emperor; and as 
the Sdbah was thus lopped of the part from which it derived 
its name, it is possible that what remained assumed the de- 
signation of the province to which it continued to be attach- 
ed. But this dismemberment was only temporary ; and the 
Nawab Wazlr recovered Allahabad and Korah (Rohilkand 
being added to them) by the treaty of A. D. 1775. I think 
it is doubtful therefore whether Jais, Chanda, and Kathot 
came to be considered part of Oudh proper until the Stibah. 
of Allahabad was finally broken up in the reign of S&adat AH 
Khdn, when a great part of it was ceded to the English. 

256. This cession by S&adat All KMn of a portion 
TO , Jt . wrU) , of his dominions was made with a 

InSaadat Alf KhaVa tome. , ,, , ,. 

view to ensuring the better manage- 
ment of the remainder. One of the measures adopted in 
order to give effect to that purpose was a complete re- 
organization of jurisdictions. The old and half obsolete 
arrangement of Stibahs and Sirk&rs was formally abo- 
lished and the province was divided into Niz&mats and 
ChakUs,J which continued to exist until the introduction of 

* Their union with Oudh under Ala-ud-din was temporary only. 

f Elphinstone, 4th Edition, page 651. 

+ Perhaps I should rather say constructed Nizamats out of previously existing Chak- 
las, for the latter was no new division (See para. 26). Mr. C. A. Elliott (Chronicles of 
Oonao, page 127) attributes the introduction of Nizamats to Safdar Jang ; but the popular 
view of the question in, this district is that it was due to Saadat AH Khan, and so it is 
in the neighbouring district of Rai Bareli. (See Rai Bareli Settlement Report : Dalmau). 
It is certainly against the supposition that Nizamats were not formed until after the treaty 
of 1801, that the list of Nazims commences at an earlier date ; but considering how 
commonly Nazim and Chakladar are used as synonymous it is very possible that one or 
two officials of the latter degree have been added to make the list commence with tho 
Fasli century, as A. D. 1793 is equivalent to 1200 Fasli. (Seo list in para, 259). 



126 sultInpur settlement report. 

British rule. The importance of Sultdnpur was now on the 
increase. The Nizdmats each comprised about a quarter of 
the province, and Sultdnpur was selected to give its name to 
one of them : in its widest sense it now signified a tract ex- 
tending from the Ghdgra on the north to the British district 
of Allahabad on the south, and from Jagdispur on the west to 
the boundary of the province on the east. 



257. Here, then, for the third time in its history, Sul- 
Suiubpur a third timeon tdnpur is found a political and religious 

a reUgiouA and political fron. landmark. Of the west the emblem 
tiel% was the crescent, of the east the cross. 

The masses of the people, indeed, in both directions were of 
the same persuasion : Brahmanism with them still reigned 
supreme. The distinction lay between the governing races, 
not the governed : on the west lay the kingdom of the Maho- 
medan and Asiatic, the vassal of the emperor of Delhi ; on 
the east lay the possessions of the Christian and European, 
subject to the Presidency of Bengal. 

258. The Nizdmats were subdivided into Chaklds; 
which, however, it was practically, if not theoretically, at the 
option of the Ndzim to disregard. Separate officers were 
usually appointed to each Chakid under "amdni" Ndzims; 
but otherwise only occasionally. An explanation of this dif- 
ference was once offered to me in the naive remjark that it 
entailed too great an expenditure to find much favour with 
revenue-farmers — a pretty instructive comment on one of the 
evils of the contract system. The Sultdnpur Nizdmat con- 
tained four Chaklds; viz., 1. Sultdnpur; 2. Aldemau; 
3. Jagdispur; 4. Pratdbgarh. 

259. Subjoined is a list of the Ndzims of Sultdnpur, 
from the date of the institution of the office until the annex- 
ation of the province: — 

1 Mirzd Sat£r Beg, . . 1793 to 1793 

2. Sital Prashfid, 1794 to 1800 

3. Rdjali Niwdz Shdb, 1801 to 1802 

4. Mirz&Jdni, - 1803 to 1805 

5. RAjah Jugal Kishor, 1806 to 1807 



sultInpur settlement report. 127 

6. R&jah Ni w6z Sh*h, 1808 to 1810 

7. FazlAliKhdn, 1811 to 1811 

8. MirKhud&Bakheh, 1812 to 1812 

9. Mir Ghul&m Husen, .. 1812 to 1814 

10. Ikr&m Muhammad Khfin, .. 1815 to 1817 

11. Mir Ghul&m Husen, 1818 to 1823 . 

12. Tdj-fid-din Husen Khfin, 1824 to 1827 

13. R&jah Darshan Singh, 1828 to 1834 

14. MehndfKh&n, 1835 to 1835 ' 

15. Mirzd Abd-ul-la Beg 1836 to 1836 

16. Kutb-tid-din Husen KMn, 1837 to 1838 

17. R&jah Darshan Singh, 1838 to 1839 

18. Mirzd Saffshikan Khdn, 1840 to 1840 

19. Atah Ullah Beg, 1841 to 1841 

20. Sheikh Husen Bakhsh, 1841 to 1841 

21. Wijid Ali Kh&n, 1842 to 1842 

22. Tdj-tid-din Husen KMn, . . 1843 to 1843 

23. lULjah IncM Singh, .. 1843 to 1845 

24. Kutb-tid-din Husen KMn, 1845 to 1845 

25. Rijah Mfin Singh, 1845 to 1847 

26. Wijid All KMn, 1848 to 1849 \ 

27. AghdAliKh&n, 1850 to 1856 

5. The British Eule. 

260. Towards the beginning of 1856, Oudh was annexed 
to the British Empire. " The revo- 

nnexa ion. „ j u ^ Qn wag accom plighed without the 

shedding of a drop of blood ; even where difficulty and 
" danger was apprehended, everything was quietly and pros- 
" perously accomplished. The Oudh troops were peaceably 
" disbanded, receiving from the British Government in ad- 
" dition to their arrears of pay either a gratuity or a pension 
" if they were not, as a large number were, drafted into a new 
" irregular force in the service of the Company. The people 
" generally gave no sign of discontent. A few of the trades- 
" men at the capital and others who had profited by the 
" licentious profusion of the court, declared their attachment 
" to the royal family ; but, if beyond this, there was any 
" regret at the extinction of the old dynasty of Oudh, there 
" was no intelligible expression of feeling/' 



t< 



128 sultAnpur settlement report. 

261. " The new system of administration which was 
" applied to Oudh wag identical with that which had been 
"found by experience to work so well in the Punjaub. A 
" mixed commission of soldiers and civilians was appointed 
" with Sir James Outram at its head ; and it was soon said 
" that the disorganized and distracted kingdom of Oudh was 
" fast subsiding into a tranquil, well-ordered province of the 
u British Empire/'* — But the calm was a deceitful one. 

262. " The station of Sult&npur was commanded by 

" Colonel S. Fisher, whose Regiment, the 
7# . " 15th Irregular Horse, was stationed 

" there, tbesides it, there were the 8th Oudh Irregularlnfantry, 
" commanded by Captain W. Smith, and the 1st Regiment of 
" Military Police, under Captain Bunbury. Apprehending an 
u outbreak of the troops, Colonel Fisher sent off the ladies 
" and children on the night of the 7th June towards Allaha- 
" bad, under care of Dr. Corbyn and Lieutenant Jenkins. 
u The party reached Pertabgurh safely, but there they were 
" attacked and plundered by the villagers. Three of the 
" ladies, Mrs. Goldney, Mrs. Block, and Mrs. Stroyan, with 
" their children, were separated from the rest, and were 
" taken to the neighbouring fort of Lall Madho Singh, at 
" Gurh-Amethee, where they were very kindly treated. 
" Madho Singh sent us in their letters to Lucknow, furnished 
" them with each comforts as he could procure himself, and 
" took charge of the articles which we wished to send : and, 
" after sheltering the ladies for some days, forwarded them 
u in safety to Allahabad. The rest of the party, joined by 
" Lieutenant Grant, Assistant Commissioner, found refuge 
" for some days with a neighbouring zemindar, and were by 
" him afterwards escorted in safety to Allahabad." 
. 

263. " The officers who remained at SultAnpur were 
€t less fortunate. The troops rose in mutiny on the morning 
" of the 9th of June, when Colonel Fisher, in returning from 
" the lines of the Military Police, whom he had harangued 
u and endeavoured to reduce to order, was shot on the back 
" by one of that regiment with a musket ball. The wound 
" was mortal, and Fisher was attended in his last moments 
" by the Adjutant of the corps, Lieutenant C. Tucker. The 

* Murray's History of India, page 724. 

t Gtubbin's History of the Mutinies in Oude. 



sultAnpur settlement report. 129 

" troopers of the regiment would not come near their 
" colonel ; but neither did they injure him. They, however, 
" attacked and killed the second in command, Captain 
" Gibbings, who was on horseback near the dooly in which 
" Fisher lay. The men then shouted to Lieutenant 
"Tucker to go; and finding it useless to attempt to stay 
%i longer, he rode off, and, crossing the river, found shelter in 
" the fort of Roostum Sah, at Deyrah, on the banks of the 
" Goomtee. There he was joined next day by Captain Bun- 
" bury, of the Military Police, and Captain W. Smith, 
u Lieutenant Lewis and Dr. O'Donel, of the 8th Oudh Irre- 
11 gular Infantry. Information was sent in to Benares of 
" their escape, and they were brought in by a native escort, 
€C which was immediately sent out by the Commissioner of 
u Benares, Mr. H. Carre Tucker." 

264. " Roostum Sah is a fine specimen of the best 
" kind of talookdars in Oudh, of old family, and long settled 
11 at Deyrah, he resides there in a fort very strongly situated 
" in the ravines of the Goomtee, and surrounded by a thick 
" jungle of large extent. It had never been taken by the 
" troops of the native government, which had more than 
" once been repulsed from before it. Roostum Sah deserves 
" the more credit for his kind treatment of the refugees, as 
" he had suffered unduly at the settlement, and had lost many 
" villages which he should have been permitted to retain. 
" I had seen him at Faizabad in January 1857, and after 
" discussing his case with the Deputy Commissioner Mr. 
" W. A. Forbes, it had been settled that fresh inquiries 
" should be made into the title of the villages which he had 
" lost, and orders had been issued accordingly. It is singu- 
" lar that Roostum Sah and Lall Hunwunt Singh in the 
" Salone district, who had both been severe sufferers by the 
" settlement proceedings, should have distinguished them- 
" selves by their kindness to British officers." 



265. u Thus perished Samuel Fisher, a man well known 
u in India, where he had made many friends and no enemies. 
" A keen sportsman, a splendid rider, he excelled in every 
" sport of the field ; while his kind and loving disposition 
" endeared him to all who knew him. Until . the day 

R 



it 



a 



130 SULTaNFUR settlement report. 

4t before his death, I had been in daily communication with 
" him, conveying and receiving intelligence. On the 10th 
" of June, no post arrived from Sult&npur, and we too surely 
" guessed the cause." 

266. u Besides Colonel Fisher and Captain Gibbings 
" two young civilians were unhappily also slain, Mr. A. 
Block, c. s., and Mr. S. Stroyan. When the mutiny broke 
out, they crossed the river, and took refuge with one 
Yaseen Khan, zemindar of the town of Sultanpur. This 
" man at first welcomed them ; but afterwards most basely 
" betrayed them. He turned both officers out of his house, 
" and then caused them to be shot down. This is the only 
" instance of like treachery on the part of a petty zemindar 
" in Oudh which came to our notice." 



267. " After getting rid of the European officers, tha 
" mutineers sacked and burned their houses. The three 
" regiments then marched for Lucknow. On the way, how- 
" ever, they heard of the discomfiture of the 3rd Regiment 
" of Military Police, which was on its march from Lucknow 
" to meet them; and turning to the right, took the road to 
" Duriabad. Thence they proceeded on to Nawabganj Bara 
" Bankee, which by the 27th of June became the rendezvous 
" of all the mutineers in Oudh." 

SECTION IL^Clan Histories. 

268. Apart from, and but seldom mixed up with the 
T ' , '. general history of the district, each 

Introduction. °, „ * t . ' 

clan of any consequence has its own 
private annals : and it is the object of this section to give 
a brief account of these " great old houses and fights fought 
long ago." 

The Bhars. 



269. The Bhars are commonly said to have been the 
The Bhars. aboriginal inhabitants of the district, 

and to have given way to various 
Kshattriya clans about the commencement of the Maho- 



SUItflNPUR SETTLEMENT REPOR*. 131 

medan period. For any importance they now possess, there 
would by no necessity to make even the remotest allusion to 
them. The recent census has elicited the fact that they have 
not altogether disappeared, but previously the common answer 
to my enquiries was that they were and are not. I must not, 
however, pass them over in total silence, inasmuch as tha 
Kshattriya annals make frequent reference to them, and it is 
sometimes supposed that Suitanpur was their capital 

270. I have expressed my doubts as to the Bhars being 
aborigines. It seems to me very possible that they have 
been so considered, only because they were found in occupa- 
tion of the country on the arrival of the Kshattriya colonists; 
And the latter, their self- constituted chroniclers, not knowing 
who preceded them, jumped to the conclusion that they never 
had any predecessors at all. The legends, at least, which 
make them autochthonic rest entirely upon their own intrinsic 
worth ; and not only is there. nothing in the earlier, if in any, 
of the Aryan records to corroborate them, but they are con- 
tradicted by specific instances derived from authority of the 
same nature as themselves. Throughout the Bahraich dis- 
trict, the Bhars are, by some accounts, said to have been 
preceded by the Gandharvas, * whom I am disposed to regard 
as anything but purely mythical ; in part of the Prat&bgarh 
district, they are said to have taken possession of territory 
previously occupied by a tribe called the Mongils, a remnant 
of which still remains ; and I shall presently have 'to notice 
a cluster of villages in this district, of which the residents, 
though themselves claiming kinship with their neighbours, 
are usually believed to have settled where they are anterior 
to the time of the Bhars. % 



271. Again, tradition says that, from the earliest times 
up to the Mahomedan period, the town of Sultinpur, or 
rather the old one of Kusbhawanpur, was a great stronghold 
of the Bhars, while, on the same testimony, we are asked to 
believe it was founded by the renowned Kusa, the son of 
Rama. A comparison of these two stories presents the triple 



* Unless my memory deceives me, the Bahraich district, according to local accounts 
was originally called Gfrandharban (Gandharva-vana)., 



132 8tTLTlKFUR 8KTTLEMEKT REPORT. 

difficulty of fixing a pre- Aryan seat of dominion in a city 
which did not come into existence until ages after the Aryan 
colonization ; of necessitating the supposition that the abori- 
gines retained their power unbroken, or but little diminished, 
throughout the long period of the ascendancy of an Aryan 
dynasty at Ayodhya ; and that, notwithstanding they thus 
resisted foreign aggression for three thousand years, at the 
end of that time, their power then being at its zenith, their 
empire crumbled to dust at the first shock of invasion, and 
they themselves were either exterminated, or driven to seek 
an asylum in hilly fastnesses and swampy jungles. This is the 
more remarkable that the invaders who achieved such mighty 
results were, according to tradition, the descendants of the old 
Ayodhya dynasty, and while fugitives from western India, 
and weakened by recent defeat, obtained a success which had 
been denied to their ancestors in all the plenitude of their 
power. 

272. One of these difficulties disappears if, in spite of 
its improbability, it is a historical fact, that some aboriginal 
chiefs still retained their independence in the time of Manu,* 
and the Rajbhars were the mass of the inhabitants of Azim- 
garh t and Jaunpur J in Rdma's reign ; but this one difficulty 
is only removed by the intensification of the other two. 
Another more perfect solution of the puzzle might be found, 
perhaps, in the ingenious suggestion that the Bhars were 
aborigines whom the Aryans had driven to the hills, and 
who, swarming down from thence not long after the beginning 
of our era, overwhelmed the Aryan civilization not only in 
Sahetan and other northern towns, but in Ayodhya itself. § 
But this is admittedly conjecture, of which it is at least a fair 
alternative that what is here described as a revival of bar- 
barian dominion was in reality the first appearance of the 
Bhars on the scene of local history ; and this, allowing per* 
haps a little latitude of date, is what I conceive to have ac- 
tually been the case. I incline to the opinion that, even if 
the aborigines subsequently preserved their independence in 
a few scattered tracts and towns, the termination of their 



* Elphinstone, 4th Edition, page 49. 

t Azimgarh Report, 

J Calcutta Renew, 1865 ; Article Jounpore. 

§ Chronicles of Oonao, page 27* 



sumInpur settlement report. 133 

separate existence as a dominant nation or people, whether 
brought about by expulsion, extermination or absorption, 
was co-eval with the first Aryan immigration ; that the Bhars 
were of foreign origin, and that they did not establish them- 
selves in eastern Oudh, at all events until after the downfall 
of Rdma's dynasty. 

273. The Bhars are usually considered to be of Scy- 
thian origin. The mystery of their presence in Sult&npur 
local annalists do not not attempt to fathom ; they not only 
keep silence on the subject, but when questioned, candidly 
admit their ignorance, expressing a doubt, perhaps, whether 
that incomprehensible race ever had any other habitat .Mr. C. 
A. Elliot, in his Chronicles of Oonao, says " that the district 
" of Bharaich is (if we may trust its traditions) their oldest 
" abode, and the name of the town of Bharaich is said to be 
" derived from them. From thence they spread southwards 
" through the districts of Fyzabad and Sultanpore." At the 
time of their greatest power, their occupancy extended from* 
Gorakhpur* to Bundelkhand, and from Ghazipur across the 
greater part of Oudh. Their territory was, like Italy not 
many years ago, split up into several petty principalities, 
perfectly independent of each other ; each chief exercised 
authority over his own sept and over that alone ; to no par- 
ticular one of them was conceded the hegemony of the rest. 
Their principal seats in this district were Sult&npur, Jais 
and Subeha, a brief account of each of which has been al- 
ready given under the names of those towns. By reference 
thereto, it will be seen that they were all separately held ; 
and* local accounts concur in divesting Sult&npur of the pre- 
eminence attributed to it of having been the metropolitan 
city of the whole people. It was, undoubtedly, a Bhar capi- 
tal, and an important one ; but it was not the capital, par 
excellence of an aggregate of several provinces united be- 
neath the same rule. 



274. The power of the Bhars was completely crushed 
with the downfall of their principal cities, though they still 
lingered on as a subject race. Mr. C. A. Elliot states that 



* Sir H, Elliot's Supplemental Glossary, s. V. Bhur. 



134 sultXnpur settlement report. 

it was in this district they maintained themselves latest, be- 
ing only finally extirpated in the reign of Alamgfr. This was 
not an uncommon opinion, I believe, before the census was 
taken ; but two facts have now been laid bare, by which it 
must be somewhat modified ; the first is that, as stated above, 
the Bhars are not yet wholly extinct in this district ; the 
second is that, while on the south of the Gtimti they may be 
counted by tens onlv, on the north of it they may be counted 
by tens of thousands.* At the same time, on this side of the 
river at least, all vestiges of their former rights were trampled 
out centuries ago ; for by Akbar's reign they had been super- 
seded as zeminddrs by Bachgotfs, Kanpurias, Bandhalgotis 
and other Kshattriya clans. 

275. I have endeavoured to bring my remarks about 
the Bhars into as narrow a compass as possible. I am far from 
under-rating their importance from an ethnological point of 
view ; but what I have said will show that their connection 
with Sultinpur was neither so peculiarly close nor lasting, as 
that more satisfactory materials should be obtainable here 
than elsewhere for the elucidation of obscure points in their 
history, or that any detailed notice of them would properly 
find place in this report. Under these circumstances, I have 
deemed it advisable to confine myself to saying only so much 
about them as may suffice to render allusion to them 
intelligible. 

The TfARS. 

276. The Tiars are now nearly an extinct race, but at 

one time, it is said, that the lords of the 
Sult&npur parganah were " like Niobe, 
all Tiars." They succeeded the Bhadaiyans, the conquerors 
of the Bhars and were in turn overcome by the Bachgotis, 
whose star is at present in the ascendant. This order of suc- 
cession is chronicled in the following doggrel lines : — 

Bhar mdr Bhadaiyan; 
Bhadaiyan m&r Tiar ; 
Tiar m&r Bachgoti. 

The Tiars gave their name to one of the old subdivisions of 
the parganah, viz, Tappah Tiar, and this, perhaps, rather than 
the entire parganah, was the extent of their domains. At, 

• See Mr. J. C. William*' Census Report, pages 96 and 109, and Statistical Table, IV 



sultAnpur settlement report. 135 

present, they have nothing more than a right of occupancy 
in a few acres in their old tappah. 

277. Regarding the Tiars very little is known. Mr. 
Carnegy considers them to belong to the Solar race ; * 
they themselves say they are descended from emigrants from 
Baisw&rd, who received a grant of the Bhadaiyans' territory 
from the R&jah of Benares. Nor is much assistance to be 
gained from their name. Local accounts say they built a 
fort in the village of Terai, and made it their head quarters, 
but Harkpur is usually considered to have been their prin- 
cipal village. Phonetic resemblance might suggest their con- 
nection with Tirhut or Tirabhakti, especially as their refer- 
ence to the Ifc&jah of Benares points to an eastern origin ;t 
but, on the other hand, Thornton mentions an influential 
class called Tiars J in Malabar, and I forbear, therefore, to 
offer any conjecture as to what their name denotes, or what 
ethnological relationship it indicates. 

THE RAGHBANSfs. 

278. The Baghbansis profess to be the lineal descend- 
*, ants of R&gho, an ancestor of R&ma. 

g an818. There are two colonies of them in this 

district, one in Simrota, the other in Sult&npur ; but neither 
of them is of much importance at the present time. 

279. The Raghbansis of Simrota once possessed half 
that parganah, which they say they obtained from some un- 
known king for some unknown reason at some unknown 
period of antiquity. They were robbed of their indepen- 
dence more than three centuries ago, and few of them now 
remain. 

280. The Raghbansis of Sultdnpur claim to have been 
settled in their present abodes ever since the time of their 
eponymous ancestor. For centuries they resisted successfully 
the threatened encroachments of the Bachgotis, and main- 
tained intact a frontier marked by a little nameless affluent 
of the Giimti. It was not till within the half century of 
disorder and misrule which preceded the annexation of the 
province that they succumbed ; and even now, though in a 
subordinate position, they retain no small portion of their 
ancient heritage. 

* Notes on Races, page 27. 

t Unless indeed one of Jaya Chandra's line be referred to. 

X In connection with this circumstance note the southern origin of the Bais, with whom 
the Tiars of Sult&npur claim kindred. 



136 



sxtltInpur settlement report. 



•2 



"8 






K 'J 



QQ 



21 



1 

1 

I 
f 







a a 5 »s s ai^ 8 « 



SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 137 

The BACHOOTfs. 

281. The Bachgotfs are an offshoot of the great Chauhdn 

tribe, the creation of which took place 
ac go s. about two thousand years ago, amid awful 

solemnities, under the following memorable circumstances, The 
Munis, or devotees, who have their habitation in the sacred 
Mount Abti, having been attacked by Daityas or evil demons, 
kindled a fire and assembling round it prayed for aid to Maha- 
deo. From the fire fountain issued successively the eponymous 
heroes of four Kshattriya clans. First appeared Prithwidw&ra, 
or Parih&r, next appeared Chaltik, and after him came Pra- 
mara, the ancestors respectively of the Parih&r, Solanki, (or 
Chaltikya) and Ponw&r R&jpiits. But all alike failed to ac- 
complish their destined purpose. " Again Vasishta seated on 
" the lotus, prepared incantations ; again he called the gods to 
•' his aid ; and as he poured forth the libation a figure arose, 
" lofty in stature, of elevated front, hair like jet, eyes rolling, 
" breast expanded, clad in armour, with his quiver filled, a bow 
" in one hand, and a brand in another four-handed, whence the 

" name Chauhan The Brahmins were made happy ; 

" of his race was Pirthf R&j (Prithora)."* 

282. On the defeat of that prince by Shah&b-ud-dinGhor£ 
and the subversion of the Hindi monarchy of Delhi, the 
Chauhdns in general, with little better fortune than their 
leader, were, it is said, singled out for especial persecution. 
In the dispersion of the clan which then took place, two bro- 
thers, Bary&r Singh and Kans Rai, descendants of Ch&hir 
Deo, Prithwl Raj's brother, fled from Sambhalgarh, 
and, wandering eastward, at last settled, about the year 1248 
A. d., in the village of Jamw&wan Ratan, in the Sult£npur 
parganah. Even here, however, they felt themselves unsafe, 
while they continued to bear the name of their proscribed 
race, so they deemed it prudent to adopt another to which 
they were equally entitled, and which they might own with 
equal pride. If they belonged to the stock of their four- 
handed progenitor, they belonged also to the gotr of their 
creative saint. They accordingly resorted to the device of 
concealing their lineal beneath their spiritual descent, and 



• Chronicles of Oonao, page 56, quoting an acoount translated by Colonel Tod. 

S 



138 8TJLTANPTJR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 

adopted the designation which they have since retained of 
Vasishtagotfs, colloquially Batasgotis, or still more commonly 
Bachgotis.* 

283. A second version of this story is that Bdna San- 
gat Deo, great grandson of Chdhir Deo, had twenty-one sons. 
Of these, the youngest succeeded his father, in consequence 
of an agreement to that effect made in his old age, when he 
married a bride of the Touhur clan, and of the house of 
Jila Pit tan. The other sons sought their fortunes in other 
parts. t Bary&r Singh and Kans Kai went to Mainpurl, and 
there joined the army of AlA-ud-din Ghori,| then starting from 
that place on an expedition against the Bhars, and thus 
found their way into Oudh. 

284. Both these accounts concur in attributing the ad- 
vent of the Bachgotis into Oudh to Mahomedan influence ; 
but the one declares they were driven before the invaders, the 
other that they were lea by them. It is in favor of the first 
that it leaves a space of fifty-five years between Prithwi R&j 
and Bary&r Singh, and thus accords with the common belief 
that the latter was a descendant of a brother of the former ; 
it also affords a possible explanation of the assumption of the 
name BachgotL On the other hand, there are grounds for 
casting doubts upon the tale of Bary&r Singh's flight from 
Musulman persecution. In the first place, there is a suspi- 
cious silence about the doings of Bary&r Singh's ancestors, 
during the fifty-five years interval Again, the independent 
legends of the Palwirs assert that they settled in the Faixa- 
bad district in 1248 a. d.,§ the very year, that is, Baryir 
Singh is said to have come to Oudh, and yet there is no 
pretence that they had rendered themselves particularly ob- 
noxious to the hatred of the Musulmans. Nor were the 
P&lw&rs the only settlers contemporary with the Bachgotis; 



*«m«f ttoft«*M»imtM**dtj Una (Ctoffer VUL lit) at* Mmcit <rf 

E»% T»Atoto feytoafr MMMMfeftl itttoctory km grim : »»d it mt to a*** ttotto 

****** v* tto -*• k*fe «i <*•*** Mn* Ofam CtoftarL35\ vide Y*m tod ■» 

<w»tix* fwfcgtkot Jk*qpfc » frl %» ka*. I«* ang^r ooHMcta^ \m li^iaik. to» « i « i> Tto 

f*K**N«K vtf ttottftm j* a* tattor tock Am tto «*v4 nini|i !■■ (T«t Ootid 1 

*Jbo**^<L t <cto »k v**CTrny <nto>k VaaaGctoMj 

<v £* Fksvotor vNE&*^* ^h«mmhskt Olawrr ffbiwtoi). 



$ $*t f>pMtoi £»tt*o»aM\ &tf*tU> Stt.IL — 'ITT ^iMfciwjiiMi 



sultXnpur settlement report. 139 

the thirteenth century, if clan traditions be believed, witness- 
ed numerous Kshattriya immigrations into Oudh ; and it is 
impossible to conceive that they sought refuge from Mahom- 
edan tyranny, for governors of that creed had been estab- 
lished in the province, since very soon after Prithwi K&j's 
overthrow.* Least of all, moreover, was the spot selected 
by Bary&r Singh calculated to secure that end ; for Jamw&wan 
lay within a mile or two of Kathot, which is said to have been 
made the head quarters of a Musulman officer simultaneously 
with the reduction of Sult&npur. Bary&r Singh would thus 
have been thrusting his head into the lion's mouth, a danger- 
ous experiment, which his character, as painted by tradition, 
forbids us to suppose he was incautious enough to attempt. 
On the whole, it seems more probable that Bary&r Singh was 
the friend of the Musulmans rather than their foe.t 

285. Shortly after his arrival in Jamw&wan, he chanced 
one day to be leaving the village accompanied by his servant, 
a Kah&r, when the latter suddenly perceived a serpent on the 
ground with a kharchilj perched upon its hood, and, unfortu- 
nately for himself, drew his master's attention to the sight. 
For the learned in such matters have pronounced this to be 
an infallible omen that the beholder will sooner or later wear 
a crown, and Bary&r Singh became indignant at the prospect 
of a low caste menial rising to such an exalted rank. With 
curious inconsistency, therefore, and proving by his very deed 
the vanity of the superstition by which he was actuated, he 
drew his sword and killed his companion on the spot. He 
then returned home, and complacently narrated the incident 
to Kans Rai, who taking a widely different view of it 
from his brother, left him in disgust, and went to Chandr- 
kona. § 

* See para. 238. 

t A short note may not be out of place here. Tradition attributes the foundation of 
Kathot to the time of Ala-ud-dfn Ghori, the captor of Kusbhawanpur. According to the ac- 
count given in para. 283, it was with Ala-ud-din Ghori, that the Bachgotis came to Jamwd- 
wan. Now, I have elsewhere given my reasons for thinking that the captor of Kusbhawan- 
pur was a contemporary of Shahab-ud-dfn Ghori, and Mr. Carnegy suggests that the A16-ud- 
din Ghori of Bachgoti story refers to a " later monarch of the same dynasty," of which I 
think none would be more likely than Shahab-ud-din. Again the Bachgotis of Pratabgarh 
say it was in 1252 s. (1197 A. d) that they came to Oudh. These facts all point to the 
possibility of the Bachgotis having come with Shahab-ud-din. 

Z The name of a bird. 

§ To the east of Bewah territory and to the south of the Kimur range between 
Sirguja and Suhagpur, there is a district called Chauhankhhand. The occupants trace 
their descent from the Mainpuri Chauh&ns, and call the district Chandrkona (EUiot'a 
Supplementary Glossary, s. v. Ohouhan). Local accounts say Chandrkona is near Gys« 



140 sultXnpur settlement report. 

286. At that time Rdm Deo, chief of the Bilkharya 
Dikhits, was the most powerful rdjah in this part of Oudh ; 
his capital was at Kot Bilkhar, some miles east of Pratdbgarh, 
but extended on the north-west beyond Jamwdwan.* Barydr 
Singh, now left alone, entered into his service, and, favoured 
by fortune, soon rose to be commander-in-chief of all the 
Bilkharya forces. He then divulged the secret of his Chau- 
hdn descent, and, being thus shown worthy of the honor, 
received the rdjah's daughter in marriage. Nor was this the 
limit of his prosperity. Rdm Deo, grown old and feeling his 
end approach, abdicated in favor of his son Dalpat Sdh, and 
retired to Allahabad to die by the side of the holy river; and 
Dalpat Sdh being a minor, Barydr Singh availed himself of 
the opportunity thus thrown in his way to seize the reins of 
government. News of this came to Kdm Deo's ears, and he 
despatched a letter to his son, advising him to have Barydr 
Singh assassinated, and so clear his path at once of so danger- 
ous a rival. This highly important missive, however, fell by 
accident into the hands of the intended victim, who acted, 
(mutatis mutandis, so far as was necessary in his own interest) 
on the hint it contained and had Dalpat Sdh immediately 
put to deatht. He then ascended the throne without opposi- 
tion, and thus founded the Bachgoti Rdj. 



287. Barydr Singh had four sons, Asal, Gungh^, Ghd- 
tam, Kdj, of whom the last is said to have been the youngest 
and by a different wife J from the other three. Rdj Sdh 
succeeded his father to the exclusion of his elder brothers ; 
Ghdtam received Barha, Mahrtipur and other villages in the 
Pratdbgarh district ; Gungh6 portion of parganah Chdnda ; 
and Asal, the parganah which still bears his name. 



288. Rdj Singh had three sons, Blip Chand, Isri Singh 
and Chakr Sen. The last, though again the youngest, obtained 
Bilkhar ; and as his descendants are confined to the Pratdb- 



* Some Brahmana in Asal assert that they received Sankalp grants from Rajah Earn 
Deo. 

t This tale is very much like one given in one of the episodes of the Mah&bharata. 

t Raj Singh's mother is said in the accounts given to me to have been a daughter oi 
Rajah Man Singh of Jaipur. 



stjltInpur settlement report. 141 

garh district they call for no further mention here. The for- 
tunes of the other two branches require to be traced in some 
detail. 

289. Riip Chand first went to Dikhauli, and afterwards 
to Kiirw&r, both in the Sult&npur parganah, of which his 
descendants now hold by far the greater part. Of his two sons 
J lira JRai and Nukat Rai, it is enough to say of the latter that 
he received Mahmtidpur Kat&wan, which is still in the hands 
of his posterity. With this exception, the history of Ktip 
Chand's line is continued in that of Jura Rai, the ancestor of 
the two principal houses of the Bachgotf clan, his two sons, 
Prithipat Singh and Jai Chand Singh, being the ancestors 
respectively of the Hindu Bachgoti Rijah of Klirw&r, and 
the Kh&nzdda Bachgoti of Hasanpur. 

290. These two brothers lived a little before the Mo- 
ghal conquest. * It would be highly interesting to know out 
of what extent of territory their separate estates were evolved ; 
but even tradition is silent on the point. All that is known 
about the clan up to this period is that it had already rendered 
itself notorious for its turbulence and attracted the notice 
of the historian on this account as early as the reign of 
Sikandar Lodf. t The first authentic information to be 
obtained regarding the westward extension of its territory 
is that by the end of the sixteenth century it had spread 
over the Isauli and Sult&npur parganahs, and was feeling 
its way still further west into that of S&tanpur or Sathin.J 
But this anticipates the course of events by more than half 
a century. 

291. Prithipat Singh's estate descended to his heirs in 

Th Bach tf fKurwar a direct ^ lne » anc * there is nothing to 
e g0 80 * record for several generations. " The 

even tenor of its history is indeed once only interrupted. 
Bdjah Hamir Singh died childless, and his widow de- 
clared her intention of adopting an heir to her deceased 
husband. B&bd Dunyapat and Bdbd Sukhr&j, who were 
next in succession, denied her right to do so, and, as she 
still persisted in her purpose, they resolved to settle the point 

* See para. 292. 

f Elliot's Supplementary Glossary. — Buchgotee. 

t Ain-i-Akbari. — I speak here only of their westward movements. They held 
other parganahs, Charida, Aldemau &c., aa well. I need not enumerate them alL 



142 sultXhpur settlement bepoet. 

of law at issue in a way more summary than commendable. 
Crossing the Gtimti, and proceeding to the fort of Ktirwdr, 
where the widow was residing, they seized her and put her to 
death. Babu Dunyapat then entered upon possession of the 
estate, and on his death without issue was succeeded by Isri 
Singh, son of Sukhrdj Singh, his brother and accomplice in 
the deed of blood just narrated. Since Isrl Singh's death the 
estate has been held by his son R&jah M&dhopratdb Singh. 

292. Jai Chand Singh's posterity have played a more 
The Bachgotf— Khlnzlda of conspicuous part in local history ; the 

Hasanpur. head of the family for the time being 

is still acknowledged as premier rdjah in this part of Oudh. 
Tilok Chand, son of Jai Chand, says tradition, was a contempo- 
rary of Babar, during one of whose eastern expeditions he 
laid the foundation of the future greatness of his house. 
Either taken prisoner in battle, or arrested as a refractory 
landholder, Tilok Chand fell a prisoner into Babar's hands. 
He was allowed to choose between the adoption of the faith 
of Islam with immediate liberty, or adherence to his old reli- 
gion with incarceration for an indefinite period. With 
many respectable precedents to guide him, he selected the 
former alternative, and was thereupon received into the em- 
peror's favor.* His name was changed to T&t&r Khdn, and 
with it he received the title of Kh&n Bahddur, or Kh&n-i- 
Azam. 

293. Tdtdr Khdn had three sons. One Fatah S3h, 
whose descendants still hold the Dhamaur ilaqa, was born 
before his father's conversion, and retained the name Bach- 
goti ;. the others, Bazi d Kh&n and JaUl Kh&n, were brought 
up as Mahomedans, and from their father's title coined 
themselves the new and pretentious name of Khdnzdda. . 

294. Of Bazid Khdn, nothing but the name is known ; 
but his son, Hasan Khdn, attained to greater eminence than 
any other member of his family, and in his time the prosperity 
of the EMnz&das reached its culminating point. Shir Sh&h,t 

* I here follow local tradition, but Sir H. Elliot says the Khanz&das must have been 
converted before the Moghal dynasty commenced, as we read of Bachgotfs with Musulman 
names before that. (Supplementary Glossary, Buchgotee). Perhaps the conversion was 
indirectly connected with the turbulence already mentioned in 8ikandar Lodf s reign. 

f ft may be noted that this is another of the periods daring which the Bachgotia 
distinguished themselves by their turbulence. 



sultInpub settlement report. 143 

it Is said, during his progress from Bengal to Delhi, chanced 
to make a lengthened halt at Hasanpur, or as it was then 
called Narwal, the head quarters of Hasan Khdn, who, fol- 
lowing the policy inaugurated by his grandfather of seeking 
advancement through the medium of court favour, welcomed 
his distinguished visitor with a sumptuous banquet, worthy of 
the rank to which he was aspiring and indeed had recently 
assumed.* Shir Sh&h was much gratified at this mark of at- 
tachment and respect ; and Hasan Kh&n, having now placed his 
foot on the ladder of fortune, soon mounted higher and higher. 

295. One day at court a question arose between the Bdjah 
of Rewah and Hasan Khan,t the latter boldly asserting his 
precedence, the former as positively rejecting his preten- 
sions. " How far then," said Shir Sh&h to Hasan Kh£n, 
" do your vast territories extend ?" " Whose but mine," 
promptly answered Hasan Khin, " is the very ground on 
which the royal palace stands? " Shfr Sh&h, amused at 
the quick reply, placed Hasan Khdn beside him and said 
that he should be thereafter styled "co-monarch of the 
supreme masnad,"| at the same time delegating to him the 
power to confer the title of rdjah on whom he pleased within 
the limits of Banoudha. And this last was by no means a 
barren honor ; for, theoretically at least, during the investiture 
the king-maker stands upon a costly dais, which is con- 
structed of a lakh and a quarter of rupees at the expense of 
the r&jah elect, and, the ceremony over, becomes the per- 
quisite of the occupant. § 

296. However, gratifying these tokens of favor to the 
recipient they were not likely to extinguish the dispute 
between him and his rival ; and it was agreed that the 
question at issue should be referred to the arbitrament of the 
sword. Hasan KMn, conscious of his inability to cope sin- 

• Elphinstone, 4th Edition, page 388. Shir Shin assumed the title of king before 
he had conquered his way as far west as Kanauj. 

f "Pae-takht Mdshih kis ke raj men hai ?" — It must be remembered that at this time 
Shfr Shah chanced to be at Hasanpur which appears to give point to the joke. 

t B&dsh&h-i-doem Masnad-i-afa. The last words are vulgarly corrupted into " Masan 
Dehli." 

§ Dr. Butter (Southern Oudh, page 160) says that the Rajah of Hasanpur is the de- 
scendant of the Rajahs of Benoudba, the last of whom gave his daughter in marriage to 
" Gauri Badshah." Dr. Butter takes this person to be Kutb-ud-din Ghorf ; but Shfr Shah 
also claimed to be a Ghorf (Elphinstone, 4th Edition, page 884 and 815 note) and the title 

of Badshah only commenced with Babar (see infra, para. 868). Is it possible that 

Shir Shah is the " Gourf Badshah" of the story and that Hasan Khan was the rajah who 
gave his daughter to him ? this would folly account for Hasan Khan's good fortune. 



144 . sultInpub settlement report. 

gle-handed with his antagonist, at once set himself diligently 
to work to obtain allies. With the Chauh&ns of Mainpuri 
he appealed to clan-feeling and the ties of kindred, and 
argued that it was incumbent upon them to strain every 
nerve to establish the Chauh£n's superiority over the Baghel; 
to Musulman chiefs he pointed out the merit of making com- 
mon cause with him, a convert to their faith, against the un- 
believer ; and by such means as these soon succeeded in col- 
lecting a vast army. This he led to the appointed rendezvous, 
but the lUjah of Bewah shirked the conflict, and failed to 
put in an appearance on the ground. The Khdnz&da accord- 
ingly returned in triumph, and rose yet higher in the favor 
of Shir Shdh. 

297. In the midst of a courtier's life, Hasan Khdn 
found leisure to pay considerable attention to his interests as 
a landholder. Not only did he found the present village of 
Hasanpur, but the estate which thence derives its name is 
said to have seen its palmiest days while it was in his pos- 
session. It may indeed be surmised that the overthrow of 
the Sdr dynasty caused him to retire into private life, for he 
is said to have died at Hasanpur. A little to the north of 
the Lucknow road, on the west of that town, may be seen a 
brick built enclosure of massive construction. In its present 
dilapidated condition it might be mistaken for the ruins of a 
small castle ; but it was built by Hasan Khdn as a family 
mausoleum, and his remains are said to have been the first 
deposited there. 

29 8. The mantle of Hasan Khdn does not appear to have 
fallen upon any of his successors; but there are signs that each 
of them, according to his ability, strove to maintain the dignity 
and honor of the family. Nor did they allow such sentimental 
considerations as kinship to interfere with the pursuit of 
this object. Fatah Sdh's line had, in the four generations 
that had elapsed since its commencement, done its best to 
struggle into importance, and had annexed among others a 
little ll&qa known as the " twelve Kanait villages.*' Upon 
these Zabrdast Khdn, of Hasanpur, long cast covetous eyes; and 
at last he determined to take possession of them. He accord- 
ingly attacked them with a large force, and, in the internecine 
strife which followed, much Bachgoti blood was spilled on 
both sides. Zabrdast Khdn remained master of the coveted 



sultInpur settlement report. 145 

tract, but to obliterate all recollection of the events connected 
with its acquisition directed that the name of the village 
which had been the scene of conflict, Kanait itself, should be 
no longer used, but should be for the future replaced by 
Sh&hpur. In yet another family quarrel did Zabrdast Khdri 
figure about the same time, but an account of it will bd 
more properly given under the history of Manidrpur. 

299. Roshan Ali KMn, son of Zabrdast Khdn, was the 
first to permanently injure the fair edifice which Hasan KMn 
had reared. At the outset of his career, indeed, his power 
was equal to that of his predecessors, and it might have re* 
mained so to the last, had he not rashly ventured to measure 
strength with Safdar Jang. He was killed in battle with the 
Nawdb, and the importance of the Hasanpur family thereby 
sustained a serious blow.* At that time their estate was in 
danger of being altogether broken up ; as for the next thirty 
years, during the nominal incumbency of Alf Bakhsh,t adopted 
son of Roshan Ali Kh&n, it was held under direct management 
by the officers of government. Ashraf Ali succeeded Ali 
Bakhsh ; but for five years afterwards a similar state of affairs 
continued, and it was not until A. d. 1809 that he obtained 
full control over his estate. This he retained for ten years 
only, when he died leaving two sons Husain Ali and Khair&t 
Ali, both of whoili afterwards ascended the gaddi 

300. Until Husain Ali reached his majority (in 1830), 
Hasanpur was again held under direct management ; in the 
following year he was admitted to engage for it, and thereafter 
continued to do so until annexation, with the exception of a 
Short break in 1837-38, the date J of which suggests that it 
may have been in some measure due to the circumstances 
described in the following story : — " Husain Ali was in 1836 
" when the circumstance referred to occurred, about twenty- 
" five years of age, and is an extensive zemindar, holding 
"much of the land which lies between his residence and 
< c Jagdfspur. It being known that his mother who resided at 

* Elliot's Supplemental Glossary, Buchgotee ? where Roshan All is called Dewan, 
bat says Sir H. Elliot most people deny the right of the Hasanpur Bandhua family to the 
title of Dewan, which they say belongs only to the Bilkharya family, and in practice it is 
certainly usual to give the title to the latter. (The present Hasanpur title is Rajah). 

t After Roshan Alf s death, his widow Bibi Jamaiyat Khan obtained a firman grant- 
ing her the Bhada ilaqa, forty-two villages, rent-free. They were resumed by Saadat Ali 
Khan in 1798. 

J It may be added also that the name of the government manager, Shere Ali, is the 
same as that of Husain Ali adversary. 

T 



lid sultAnpur settlement report. 

" Bandhua, a fort lying about a mile south from his residence* 
" Hasanpur, cohabited with a neighbouring zemindar named 
*' Shere Ali, and the father of her son-iu-law, Husain All 
11 resolved to put her to death, and one night attempted 
" to execute his intention by setting fire to her residence, 
" which he had surrounded with his armed followers. In the 
" smoke and confusion she escaped, almost naked, with her 
" daughter and another female relative, through an unguard- 
" ed breach in the wall of the fort and fled on foot to the can- 
fl tonment of Sult&npur as the nearest place of safety. Neu- 
" tralitv in all private quarrels being deemed essential to the 
" security of the British cantonments in Oudh, she was at first 
" refiised admission within the boundary pillars, but was ulti- 
" mately smuggled into the regimental bazaar, whence she 
" was on the point of being ejected, and would have been 
u murdered by her son, had not Shere Ali opportunely come 
" up with 300 matchlockmen and carried her off. Husain Ali 
" subsequently made another attempt on her life, and got 
" near enough to hack her palkl with his sword ; but she again 
11 escaped, and is now in a fort near Sikraura with Shere Ali, 
" who abandoned hiskdt (small fort), Jaisingpur, twelve miles 
" north-east of Sultdnpur, with his villages to Husain Ali, 
" who was expected to take possession of them at the expira- 
w tion of the financial year (20th June 1837)."* 

301. During the mutiny, Husain All took an actively 
hostile part against the English ; he was present at the battle 
of Sult&npur (22nd March J $58) where he commanded the 
infantry of the rebel army; he was accompanied by his son, who* 
lost his life in the battle. Not having so compromised him- 
self, however, as to be excluded from the be^iefit of the gene-, 
jral amnesty, he wa* on re-occupation maintained in pos- 
session of lus estate. He died in November 1860, and the in-, 
heritance devolved on his brother Khair&t All, who waa 
followed & 1869 by his son Mahomed Ali* th§ present 
f&jah. 

302. Bahdduir KMn, fifth in descent from Tatdr KMn, 

had two wives. By the 6rst marriage* 
oititJ^™^" ke had issue Ismail Khdn, who sue 

ceeded him, and by the second Hydt 
Khdn and Dalel Khdn. Some accounts state that the two 

* Dr. Butter's Southern Oudh, page 157. 



StJLt ANPtm SETTLEMENT REPORT. 1 if 

latter received an ildqa* Manidrpur, containing one hundred 
and nine villages as their share of the Hasanpur estate, 
while others contradict this statement. It Seeins ptobabld 
either that they attempted to fcdsert their right to & shard 
but without success, or that they obtained one, and were al- 
most immediately ousted. It Is, at least, certain that bitter 
enmity prevailed between Hydt Kh&n and £abrd&st Kh&n. 
grandson of Ismail Khdn, and that no other cause of quarrel 
is recorded j that Hydt Kh&ft was killed by Ismail Khdn, 
and that both Hasanpur and Mani&fpur lemamed in the hands 
of the latter. 

303. Hydt Kh&n left six sons, Daryd Kh&n and five 
others. Shortly after his death, Daryd Kh&n and one oT 
two of his brothers went by night to Hasanpur, determined 
to take vengeance on the murderer of their father, and steal- 
ing quietly into his fort found hizb alone and fast asleep. 
They now drew near to kill him ; but repenting suddenly of 
their design they spared his life ; at the same time to show noW 
far it had been in their power, they took up his turban, sword 
and slippers which were lying by his side, and left their owh 
instead. When he awoke in the morning, Zabrdast Kh&ti 
found no difficulty in identifying his midnight visitors, and 
was deeply moved by their generous forbearance. Deter- 
mined now to put an end to his feud with thenl, he set off 
for Daryd Khdn's house in Manidrpur, and to show his ap- 
preciation of the chivalrous behaviour of the latter went quite 
unattended. Daryd Khdn seeing him approach fled precipi- 
tately into the neighbouring jungle ; but £abrdast Khdn, 
resolved not to have his good intentions thus frustrated, 
sought an interview with Hydt Khdn's widow. Having re- 
lated to her the events of the preceding night, he urged that 
Daryd Khdn had already exacted a noble and sufficient 
vengeance for his father's death, inasmuch as he once had the 
culprit's life in his hands, although his natural sense of honor 
had forbidden him to play the part of an assassin. By these 
and similar arguments he gained the widow over to his cause, 
and by her intercession a reconciliation was effected with 
her sons also. Daryd Khdn took up his residence at 
Hasanpur, and was entrusted with the management of the 
entire estate ; and, at the same time, in conjunction with his 
brothers, received a grant of eleven villages for his sup- 
port. 



148 sxtltIspue srrTLEirorr report. 

304. These villages formed the nucleus of the present 
Maniirpur t'aluka. They received considerable additions 
even in the time of Daryd Kh£n, who took advantage of his 
influential position to enlarge his boundaries whenever the 
opportunity occurred ; but at his death, which happened 
about 1743 a. d., a partition took place among his sons and 
brothers, and the separate properties thus formed became 
small and unimportant. The majority of them were re-united 
by Boshan Zama KMn, who could show a rent-roll of 
Ka 3,50,000 ; and it was in his time that the consequence of 
Mani&rpur commenced 

305. Boshan Zama Khdn died in 1 8 1 8, and was followed 
by his brother Bas£wan Kh£n, who survived him but two or 
three years. Manidrpur then came into the possesion of Bibi 
Kahm&ni, widow of Boshan Zama Kh£n, and from that time 
until annexation, a period of more than thirty years, remained 
in the hands of female t'alukddrs. Under Bibi Bahm&ni 
it received several important accessions by what, to European 
notions, seem rather curious means. She is said to have 
intended to make the Chaklad&r, Mir Ghul&m Husain, her 
heir, "and he was fully aware of that interesting fact. He 
accordingly first handed over to her several villages in the 
Sultdnpur parganah in which her estate lay ; and afterwards, 
not content with this, began to draw upon the neighbouring 
parganahs of Asal and Isauli, simultaneously altering the 
boundary line between them and Sult&npur. 

306. Under such auspices there is no knowing to what 
extent Manidrpur might not have increased, but its prosperity 
received a sudden check by the untimely (or, perhaps, ma- 
ny thought timely) death of Mir Ghul&m Husain ; and Bibi 
Bahm&ni, deprived of her protector, appears to have fallen 
among thieves ; for it was in her time that the Gargbansis, of 
whom General Sleeman says so much, first obtained a footing 

. in the estate. Immediately after Basdwan Khdn's death in 
1821 a. d., Bibi Bahmdni "made Nihdl Singh, Gurgbun- 

. " see, of Seeheepoor, manager of her affairs. From the time 
" that he entered upon the management, NihdJ Singh began 
" to increase the number of his followers from his own dan, 
" the Gurgbunsees, and having now become powerful enough 
" he turned out his mistress and took possession of the estate 
" in collusion with the local authorities."* 

* 81eeman's Tour through Oude ; I. 142. The following account of the Maniarpur 
estate it in great measure taken from this work ; but partly also from local sources* 



stjltXnpur settlement report. 149 

307. In this he was not unopposed, for R&jah Darshan 
Singh who held the contract for the district interfered ; not as 
might be expected, in his official capacity and for the protec- 
tion of Bibi Rahmdui, but because he "wished to take advan- 
" tage of the occasion to seize upon the estate for himself. " 
Unable, however, as a public servant of the State to lead his 
own troops openly against his rival, he was compelled to se- 
cure the co-operation of a powerful t'alukddr, Bdbti Barydr 
Singh, of Bhiti, in the execution of his schemes. Nihil 
Singh was killed in a night-attack by Barydr Singh (1832), but 
Harpdl Singh his nephew was ready to take his place and 
continue the struggle at once. Even while Darshan Singh 
was in office he held possession of tho greater part of the 
disputed property, and when another Ndzim was appointed 
(1834), he recovered the remainder, still pretending to hold it 
for the rightful owner Bibi Rahmini. In 1835, Bibf Basdo, 
widow of Basdwan Khdn, succeeded to the estate ; but Har- 
pdl Singh, with great pertinacity, continued to force his ser- 
vices upon her until 1838, when Darshan Singh, a second 
time Ndzim, at last proved too strong for him. Next year 
Bibi Basdo resigned in favour of Bibi Sogura, who in 1843 
managed to get the estate transferred from the jurisdiction of 
the contractor for Sultdnpur to that of the "huztir tahsil ", 
and so held it till 1845. Mdn Singh who then had the con- 
tract got it restored to his jurisdiction, and put it in charge of 
his own officers, until, in the following year, having collected 
the greater part of the revenue due on it, he made it over to 
Harpdl Singh and Shioambar Singh, who put its owner into 
confinement and plundered her of all she had left. 

308. Bibi Sogura now summoned to her aid Rustam 
Sah and other Rd]kumar landholders, friends of her late 
husband. A fight ensued in which Shioambar Singh and 
his brother Hobddr Singh were killed ; and Harpdl Singh 
fled to his fort at Kaprddih. Bibi Sogura escaped, and fled 
to Lucknow, whence she got orders issued to Mdn Singh and 
all the military authorities to restore her to the possession of 
her estate and seize or destroy Harpdl Singh. The death of 
the latter occurred soon after, and the Gargbansf s then relin- 
quished their hold upon Manidrpur ; and though they subse- 
quently, with the connivance of a revenue-farmer, secured 
some portion of it for themselves, their connection with the 
so called management of it finally terminated on the death of 
Harpdl Singh. 



150 StJLTJbfPUR SKTTLEMINT BBPORT. 

309. In 1847, M&n Singh was superseded in the con- 
tract by Wdjid All Kh£n, who was commissioned by thd 
darb&r to reinstate Bibf Sogura, and brought her with him 
from Lucknow for that purpose. Soon afterwards, however, 
he made over part of her estate to his friend, Bakir Ali of 
Isauli, and another part to Ramsurup, son of Shioambar 
Singh, for a suitable consideration, and left one-half only to 
Bibi Sogura. After no little hesitation she agreed to accept 
this on condition that the revenue demand upon it should be 
considerably reduced. But not only was no remission made, 
but she was required by the N&zim to pledge all the rents to 
Husain All Kh&n, the commandant of a squadron of cavalry 
on detached duty under him. Bfbi Sogura again appealed 
to the influence of her friends at court, and orders were 
reiterated for her restoration to the whole of her estate ; 
but W&jid Ali Kh&n, completely disregarding them, made 
over or sold several villages to Raghbar Singh, uncle of If&n 
Singh, who killed Bibi Sogura's agents in the management, 
plundered her of all she had of property, and all the rents 
which she had up to that time collected for payment to Go- 
vernment, and took possession of the villages transferred to 
him. Wdjid Ali soon after came with a large force, seized 
the lady and carried her off to his camp and refused ail 
access to her. At last, when she became ill and likely to 
sink under the treatment she received, he made her enter into 
a written engagement to pay to the troops, in liquidation of 
their arrears of pay, all that he pretended she owed to the 
state, and handed her over to Ghaftir Beg, a commandant of 
artillery, in whose hands she fared much the same as in those 
of Wdjid Ali Kh£n. 

310. Aghi Ali, who superseded Wdjid Ali in 1849, 
directed that martial law should cease in Mani&rpur, bitt 
Ghaftir Beg and his artillerymen were too much for him, and 
refused to give up possession of so nice an estate, which, in 
spite of all the usurpations and disorders it had suffered, still 
possessed a rent-roll of a hundred thousand rupees a year. 
At this point in the fortunes of the unlucky Bibi Sogura, 
General Sleeman made bis tour through Oudh ; and, on 
hearing of his approach, Ghaftir Beg moved off with his cap- 
tive to Chandoli, where she was treated with all manner of 
indignity and cruelty by the artillery. The Resident re- 
presented the hardship of her case to the darbir, frith a con- 
sciousness, at the same time, that there was. a very slender 



SUI/rXtfPtTR SETTLEMENT BEPORT. 151 

chance of her obtaining any redress. She recovered her liberty 
at last in 1851, and, after surviving all her troubles and mis- 
fortunes, died at a good old age in 1866. She left her estate 
by will to B&bti. Akbar All Kh&n, who died last year ; and 
a female t'alukd&r, Bibi llahl Kh&nam, his widow, again 
holds Manidrpur. 

311. When Blip Singh migrated from Bilkhar to Di- 
The Bachgotfe; Rajku. khauli, his brother Asre Singh, ancestor 
mfa - of the R&jkum4r Bachgotfe, settled a 

little further to the east, in the same parganah, in the village 
of Pdre B&gh R&i. Almost immediately, however, he moved 
to Bhadaiy&n, which, standing in the midst of ravines 
and jungles, perhaps recommended itself as a suitable position 
for a fort, and here the head quarters of the R3jkum&rs-have 
since remained.* The next event in the history of his house 
is its colonization of Trans-Gdmti territory. Bijai Chand, 
eighth in descent from Asre Singh, had four sons, Jamaiyat 
Bai, Jio Nar&n, Jalip Rai and Harkarn Deo. Jamaiyat Bai 
remained in Bhadaiy&n; the others led colonies across the 
Gtimtf, whether they were followed in the two succeeding 
generations by Hon Bai, a son, and Madkar S&h, a grand- 
son of Jamaiyat Bai. " It is believed to be about 250 years 
"since the oflspring of Bary&r Singh, having become too 
" numerous to find room on the right bank of the Gtimti t 
" and powerful enough to encroach on the property of tha 
" their neighbours, crossed over to the left or Fyzabad bank, 
"and by degrees established six colonies. " Further allusion 
to these would be a work of supererogation on my part, th$ 
more so that a full account of them may be found in Mr. Car* 
negy's printed Aldemau Report, 

812. The house of Bhadaiy£n has little history that 
would repay perusal. It had the ordinary petty encounters 
with its neighbours, but none of them have been of sufficient 
interest to merit any detailed notice. An exception may, 
perhaps, be made in favour of the siege and destruction of the 
Bhadaiy&n fort which took place between thirty and forty years 
ago. This fort was defended by the then t'alukd&r Shiodya! 
Singh, against two chaklad&rs, both of whom fell during the 
siege. It was at last destroyed by the British troops under 

• The Kajkum&rs who are said to be descended from Eij Singh, •'. «., the same son 
of Baryir Singh as the Bachgotfe of Sultinpur, adjoin them and separate them from their 
more distant kinsmen, the Kajwars. 



152 sultXnpur settlement report. 

Colonel Faithfull, but re-built by Shiodyal Singh's son, Shan- 
kar Bakhsh, and maintained by him for some time in 1836 
against the chaklad&r, who at length took and demolished it.* 

313. The term R&jkum&r is commonly applied to the 
junior branches of all houses in which a r&j .exists : and thus 
there are R&jkumdr Bais and Rdjkumdr Kanpuria as well 
as Rdjkum&r Bachgotfs. And the only explanation I have 
heard of the last named being so called is in accordance with 
this practice, viz. that it is to distinguish them from their 
brethren, the Rajw&rs, who could once pride themselves on 
their chief being a r&jah. They are the only ones, however, 
with whom this distinction has superseded the broader appel- 
lation of the clan. 

314. Though confined to narrower limits than their 
m. t» i. u t> . / kinsmen of the line of R&j S£h, Gunghd 

The Bachgotfs ; Raiwars. -. . , , , , . J . ' . ? 

Singh s descendants, occupying, as they 
do, the greater portion of parganah Ch&nda, are still entitled 
to take rank among the principal families of the district. 
Gungh6 Singh had three sons, R&j Singh, Ganpat Singh 
and Harp&l Singh, the first and last of whom kept their old 
name of Bachgotf, and obtained lands in the Pratdbgarh 
district, to which their history belongs. Ganpat Singh had 
two sons, R&m Deo, and G&rab Deo ; from the former sprung 
the KMnz&das of Morainf, the latter is the ancestor of all 
the Hindti Raj wdrs. I have not yet said to whom this cogno- 
men is due; it would have been an anachronism, indeed, to apply 
it to any generation yet mentioned, for it originated only 
with Jamnibh&n, a son of G&rab Deo.t Jamnibh&n is said to 
have been distinguished both for martial prowess and intel- 
lectual ability, and, by a judicious use of these rare gifts, 
to have considerably extended the already large possessions 
of the Bachgotis. With the unanimous consent of his con- 
nexions he assumed the title of R&jah, and his immediate 
relations, in consequence of the dignity they borrowed from 
the circumstance, were thenceforward styled " Rajw&r." To 
his descendants, however, the name only remained, while the 
substance disappeared. In the very next generation his 
ephemeral principality was dissolved ; the ordinary law of 
partition was reverted to, and his son Kalidn S&h received 

• Dr. Butter's Southern Oudh, page 118. 

t The zemindars of Chinda were still called Bachgotfs when the Aln-i-Akbari was 
composed. 



SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 153 

the separate estate of G&rabpur. The remainder of his do- 
mains passed to a second son, Jagdis Rdi, in the third genera- 
tion from whom they were split up into three estates, Prat&b- 
pur, R&mpur and Sarai Kalian. 

315. Gdrabpur, Pratdbpur and Rdmpur are now of 
sufficient importance to have secured sanads for their owners; 
but the story of their growth is made up of wearisome details. 
The two latter are principally remarkable for the peculiarity 
of their tenures ; in the first place, though distinct in interest J 
from each other, they contain many villages common to both, 
in which sometimes there is a third and even a fourth sharer; 
in the second place, each of the properties thus curiously con- 
stituted is, though a t'aluka, in possession of a co-parcenary 
community. 

316. Regarding this portion of the Bachgoti fraternity, 
•«. i, i. t» # * . there is little to be said except that it still 

The Bachgotis. of Asal. «. -, ., , ^ ^., 

monopolises nearly the whole of the par- 
ganah, Asal, which it considers to be its birthright by inheri- 
tance from Asal Rai, who won it with the sword from the 
earlier Bais and Bhadaiyan occupants.* Either of their own 
free will, or because there have been no elder sons capable, 
by force or otherwise, of convincing their younger brothers of 
the advantages of a custom of primogeniture, they have all 
alike remained in a common level of obscurity. Their tradi- 
tions go back to a time in the distant past, when a single 
share in a partition was represented by six thousand bfgahs j 
but, at the present time, their villages are more minutely sub- 
divided, perhaps, than any others in the district. Their prin- 
cipal estates, of which the rest are mostly offshoots, are 
Tissundi, Kali&npur, Bh&da and Pfparpur. 

317. Under native* rule, the Bachgotfs of Asal were not 
a whit behind the rest of their olan in turbulence and audaci- 
ty ; and the following story is told as an illustration of their 
character. On the arrival of a new government official 
among them, they pointed out to him the tombs of various of 
his predecessors, disapproval of whose rule they had testified 
by successful armed resistance ; and, as an appropriate com- 
ment on this cheerful exhibition, requested him to carefully 

* TisBundi, for instance, contains 20 hadbast villages, of which 16 are said to have, 
been taken from the Bhadaiyan and the remainder from the Bais. 

U 



154 sultInpur settlement report. 

observe those monuments, and bear their import well in mind 
in the administration of his office ! 

THE BANDHALGOTf s. 

318. The Bandhalgotis, Badhilgotfs, or Banjhilgotfs, 

Th BandhaL? t£« according to their own account, are 

euandnaigo . Stiraj bans by origin, and belong to the 

5 articular branch of the clan now represented by the B£jah of 
aipur. About nine hundred years ago, Sudah Bai, a scion 
of that illustrious house, leaving his home in Narwargarh, set 
out on a pilgrimage to the holy city of Ayodhya. His route 
lay across the Amethi parganah, where, near the present village 
of Baipur, half overgrown with tangled weeds and briars, a 
deserted and dilapidated shrine of Debi suddenly presented 
itself to his view. The Bhars then held sway, and few ves- 
tiges anywhere remained of Hindti places of worship, so the 
pious pilgrim resolved to tarry awhile near the one accident 
had brought him to. Having performed his devotions, he 
lay down to rest, and in his slumbers saw a vision of the 
goddess of the fane, who disclosed to him a lofty destiny 
ordained for him and his descendants ; they were to become 
hereditary lords of the territory in which he was then a tem- 
porary sojourner. Prepared to further to his utmost the 
fulfilment of so interesting a prophecy he determined to abide 
thenceforth in his future domains ; and, relinquishing his un- 
completed pilgrimage, entered into the service of the Bhar 
chieftain. His innate worth soon manifested itself in many 
ways, and secured his elevation to the post of minister. His 
Bhar master now designed, as a crowning act of favour, to 
bestow his daughter upon him in marriage ; but a Surajbans, 
though he might condescend to serve a barbarian, might not 
sully his proud lineage by a mesalliance, and Sudah Bai con- 
temptuously refused the proffered honor. The Bhar chief, 
in offended pride, at once deprived him of his office, and he 
returned to Narwargarh. But his mind was ever occu- 
pied with thoughts of the promised land, and by way of 
assisting the tardy workings of fate, he collected a picked 
band of followers and marched against Amethi The Bhars 
were defeated with a great slaughter, and the Stiraj bans occu- 
pied their territory. Sudah Bai established a fort on the spot 
where he had seen the prophetic vision ; and included therein 
the ruined shrine, in grateful commemoration of the divine 
interposition in his fortunes which had occurred there. 



SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 



155 



Pedigree of the Bandhalgoti clan. 

Kalian Deo. 

Diwanagf. 

Sudh Singh. 

I 
SudahRai. 

DulahRai. 

Indraman. 

Kharag Singh. 

HariSah. 

DfwanSah. 

M^ndhata Singh. 



SdtS 



l or Bandhu. 



Manohar Singh. 



Rai Singh Rawat Sail Sagram Singh Raj Singh Ran Singh. Kunwar Singh 

(Naraini). (Barganw), (Kannfi). Udiawan (Amethi). (Himmatgarh). (Gfe&gott). 

Sri RAm Singh. 

1 

Salbflian. 

PalhanDeo. 



Dharamir 
(Tikri). 



I 



Sri Rim Deo. 
1 



Shah Mall 
(Barna Tikar). 



Ramsahai (Kasrawan) 



Dharmangat Singh* 
DulfpSih. 



Sultan Sah (Shahgarh). 



BikramSah. Lall'sah. 



LachmiNarain Tilok SahPrithamSah Sujan Sah. 
(Kannu). (Amerui). (Rajgarh). | 

DuHpSSh. 



Prig Sah (Kusara), 



HirdeSah 
(Jagdispur). 



Himmat Sah 
(Kohra), 



Tej Singh. 
(Amethi). 



Jai Singh 
(Amethi). 



| T 

Ajab Singh Abdhnt Singh. Pahar Singh 
(Amethi), (Amethi). 

Himmat'S&h. 



Gambhir Singh 
(Gangoli). 



Indra Singh 
(Gangoli). 



Barwand Singh. 



Man Singh 
(Amai)* 



Chatrapai Singh 
(Kasrawan). 



I 



Gdrda tt Singh. 
Drigpal S ingh. 



Prithipal Singh, 



Jai Chand Singh 
(Kannti-Kasrawan). 



Har C hand Singh. 

Dalpat Sah. Arjun Singh. 

I I 

Bisheaar Singh. Madho Singh. 

(Amethi). (Amethi). 



15& SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 

319. After the lapse of a few generations, the line of 
Sudah Rai threatened to become extinct, for M&ndh&t& Singh, 
sixth in descent from him, remained childless in his old age. 
In the village of Kannii, however, resided Kanak Mun, one of 
those mighty saints whose irresistible piety carried every- 
thing before it. To him M&ndh&td Singh poured out his tale of 
woe, and humbly invoked his aid ; nor in vain, for by dint 
of the saint's prayers and austerities the threatened calamity 
was averted. A son was born to M&ndhata Singh, and he 
was at first called Sut Sdh, but, when he was taken to be 
presented to the saint, the latter suggested that his name 
should be changed to one more expressive of the peculiar 
circumstances of his birth, and he was therefore re-named 
Bandhu. His descendants, to mark their recognition of the 
important place he holds in their history, have since called 
themselves Bandhugotfs, the children of Bandhti,or popularly 
Bandhalgotfs. 

320. In the next generation this surname belonged to 
a single individual, for Bandhii was blessed with one only son, 
Manohar Singh. From this time, however, the family began 
to increase and multiply. Manohar Singh had six sons, Had 
Singh, R&wat Sdh, Sagr&m Singh, Ran Singh, Kunwar Singh, 
and Rdj Singh, who are conspicuous as having been the first to 
divide between them the lands they inherited from Sudah R&i. 
A family quarrel, whether regarding the partition or not is 
uncertain, arose between them, and they agreed to refer the 
matter in dispute to Tilok Chand, the illustrious Bais chief- 
tain.* Tilok Chand who, say his panegyrists, was endowed 
with a happy faculty of settling every troublesome question 
presented to him in a facetious and off-hand way, at once 
hit upon the titular signification of most of the brothers' 
names. "Why," said he, " you all seem to me to be much 
" on a par, so divide your estates between you, and dignify 
" yourselves with titles corresponding to your names. Rai 
" Singh is already a Rai, R&wat Sdh a Rdwat, Kunwar Singh 
" a Kunwar, Ran Singh shall be Rdna, Rdj Singh shall be 
" Rdjah, and that Sagr&m Siugh alone shall not remain unti- 
" tied, I dub him Thdktir." A partition was accordingly made, 
and each brother, with the exception of the eldest, whose 
share was as usual larger than the rest, received fifty-six thou- 
sand bfgahs. The following were the estat es thus formed : — 

* It is worthy of remark that while the Amethi, Narainf and Barganw accounts ail 
concur in making Raj Singh to have lived seventeen or eighteen generations ago, the pre- 
sent Bais Rajah of Morarmau represents feimself to be seventeenth in descent from Tilok 
Chand (See Bais pedigree in "Chief Clans of Roy Bareilly District)." 



sultIkpur settlement report. 157 



Kai Singh, 
R&wat S&h, 
Kunwar Singh, 
Ran Singh, 
Sagr&m Singh, ..• 
Raj Singh, 



Narainl 

Barganw. 

Gangoli. 

Nan&wan. 

Kannti (Sagr&mpur). 

Udi&wan* and Bihta. 



It is important to notice that all of these lie on the 
south and east sides of the parganah. 

321. The distribution of titles here alluded to, or a very 
similar one, is I may remark common to many Kshattriya 
tribes. The Chandels divide themselves into four families, 
RAjah, Rdo, Rdna and R&wat, as also do the Gautums,t 
while the Amethias lay claim to the title of R6jah, Rdo, and 
Rdna.{ 

322. Of Manohar's six sons, Rdj Sdh, the ancestor of 

the present head of the Bandhalgoti 

<*% uSSS* of Ame * clan > { »> b y g eneral Co™™** said *? have 

been the youngest ; if the same evidence 
bestows on him the title of r&jah, it is solely because of an 
accident of name. But it was nevertheless from this very 
generation that his house began to take precedence of the 
rest. Raj Singh succeeded in adding to the share he origi- 
nally received those of his brothers Ran Singh and Kunwar 
Singh. So say the legends, nor is there anything to discre- 
dit them ; the circumstance is one which does not necessarily 
postulate any pre-eminence on his part. His two brothers are 
both said to have died childless ; and if at the time of their 
death, they were living in a state of union with him, he would 
have been sole proprietor of the triple portion. The lead thus 
obtained at the outset his descendants were probably enabled 
to keep, and even increase, by the fact (evidenced by the 
genealogical table) that for some generations there was a 
single heir to their estate, which tended to preserve its im« 



* The estate of Raj Singh and his descendants continued to be called Udia'wan until 
annexation ; but it is now so much better known as Amethf that I shall throughout call it 
by the latter name. 

t Elliot's Supplemental Glossary ; Chundel and Goutum. 

? Chief Clans of Boy Bareilly District, page 24. 



158 sultInpur settlement report. 

portance ; whereas it appears that in the collateral branches 
a contrary agency was at work in the destructive process of 
subdivision. It was not till the time of Sri R&m Deo, 
fourth from R&j Singh, that any troublesome younger sons 
required to be provided for. ft&m Deo had two brothers, 
Sh&h Mall who received the Barna Tikar estate, and Dhard- 
mir who received that of Tikri. 

323. The name of Dhardmir refers this event to the 
reign of Shir Sh&h.* As Tikri lies on the extreme east, and. 
Barna Tikar on the extreme west of the parganah, it would 
appear that, up to this time, the southern half of it only was 
in the occupation of the Bandhalgotis. About half a cen- 
tury later, however, the Ain-i-Akbari shows they had over- 
run the entire parganah ; nor are the traditions of the tribe 
inconsistent with the information thus obtained. R£m Deo's 
grandson is said to have received as his portion Kasr&wan, 
on the northern boundary of the parganah, while his great- 
grandson Sult&n S&h got Sh&hgarh, intermediate between 
Kasrdwan and the older estates. The full extent of Ban- 
dhalgoti conquest was now reached, and henceforward 
when new estates were required, they had to be formed by 
subdivision of those already in existence, until in process of 
time the " thirty-nine zemind&rs of Amethi" became a pro- 
verbial expression. 

324. Most of these changes were silently and gradu- 
ally accomplished, for the history of even the principal 
branch of the family is for centuries wrapped in impenetra- 
ble obscurity. A faint glimmer of light at last breaks in 
upon it in the time of Gtirdatt S&h, a little more than a 
hundred and twenty years ago. Gtirdatt S&h followed the 
then fashionable practice of defying the local authorities, and 
rendered himself so conspicuous in this respect, that in 1743 
the Naw&b Safdar Jangt deemed it necessary to march against 
him in person. Gtirdatt S&h shut himself up in his fort at 
Baipur, where he offered a successful resistance to the 
besieging force for eighteen days, (a period suspiciously like 
that of the Mah&bh&rata); and then, finding the post no longer 
tenable, made his escape into the neighbouring Rdmnagar 
jungle. The Baipur fort was now destroyed, and Gtirdatt 

• See para. 332. 

t The account given to me says Shuji-ud-daulah, but this raises a difficulty about 
dates. 



sultInpur settlement beport. 159 

S&h's estate underwent one of those temporary dissolutions, 
known as being taken under direct management. From this 
event, it is said, dates the establishment of the Amethf 
chief's head quarters at R&mnagar. 

325. Drigp&l Singh, son of GArdatt Singh, recovered the 
estate. He died in 1798, leaving two sons, Har Chand Singh 
and Jai Chand Singh. The latter became separate proprietor 
of Kannti-Kasr&wan, the former inherited the remainder 
of Drigp&l Singh's possessions ; and in the well known extent 
of his inheritance lies the first tangible clue to the progress 
of the Amethi t'aluka. From his father he obtained one 
hundred and fifty-three villages, and these alone he held 
until 1803. In the following year, however, having worked 
himself into the good graces of the Ndzim Sitalprash&d, 
he was allowed to engage for the entire parganah, with the 
single exception of Rdghipur. The present r&jah contends 
that he was thus put into possession of no more than had 
been taken from his grandfather in 1743 ; but there is no 
conclusive proof that such was the case, or that any of his 
predecessors had ever held the same position of authority. 
Nor did Har Chand Singh enjoy it long. In 1810, Sdadat 
All EMn, aided by his diwdn, Dyashankar, made a land 
settlement of the province ; large estates were broken up, 
and the respective portions of them settled with their right- 
ful proprietors. This measure led to the cancellation of 
Har Chand Singh's parganah engagement, and he was deprived 
of all but forty-eight rent-free villages. In the same year, 
very possibly chagrined at this degradation, he abdicated in 
favour of his son, Dalpat S&h. But the policy of S&adat 
All Kh&n was too strongly opposed to the spirit of the age 
to produce any permanent result, and before three years had 
well elapsed, Dalpat Sdh found himself in possession of all 
that his father had held before 1803. Arjun Singh, a se- 
cond son of Har Chand Singh, was then alive ; but forbearing 
to make any demand upon his elder brother, he succeeded in 
making a comfortable provision for himself by the indepen- 
dent acquisition of Gangoli, 

326. Dalpat S&h died in 1815, $nd the estate he trans- 
mitted to his heir, Bishesar Singh, was no larger than Drig- 
pdl Singh had held at the time of his death in 1798 ; almost 
immediately, however, it swallowed up several of its weaker 



160 sultXnpur settlement report. 

neighbours, of an aggregate bulk equal to half its own ; and 
then, as if worn out with the exhaustion consequent on such 
a mighty effort, remained in a state of torpidity for more 
than a quarter of a century. 

327. Bishesar Singh died childless in 1842, and the 
inheritance devolved on his cousin M&dho Singh, the present 
r&jah. The Amethl domains were thus augmented by the 
not inconsiderable estate of Gangoll, but it yet remained for 
them to receive their last and principal accession. In the 
year 1845, Mahdr&jah M&n Singh was appointed to the Sul- 
tdnpur Niz&mat, and the first events of his term of office por- 
tended but little good to the fortunes of the house of Amethi. 
The Mah&r&jah was not of a temper to possess the semblance 
without the substance of authority, and was prepared to make 
his power felt throughout his district. The ambitious young 
chief, on the other hand, was equally determined to shape his 
course exactly in accordance with his own notions of proprie- 
ty, and if necessary to resort to arms to prevent official inter- 
ference. Hostilities were the natural consequence of such a 
state of things, and a grand battle was fought in the year 
1845, between the forces of the N&zim and the t'alukd&r. 
It was followed by no decisive result, however, and the com- 
batants soon began to perceive that more advantage was like- 
ly to be gained by negotiation than warfare. A rrangements 
were entered into in the highest degree favorable to Mddho 
Singh ; and, in pursuance of them, he was in the same year 
admitted to engage for the revenue of the entire parganah, 
with the exception of a few estates which enjoyed the pro- 
tection of the " huztir tahsil." From this time he applied 
himself principally to the consolidation of his now immense do- 
mains. Those who readily bowed their heads to the new 
yoke were maintained in possession, unless they were so un- 
friended, or their credit was so poor, that they could not 
furnish the customary security for the payment of their rent, 
in which case they were without hesitation set aside. The 
recalcitrant had their villages either handed over to some ex- 
perienced lessee, accustomed to large and troublesome charges, 
or to the commandants of the N&zim's troops, who took a 
" qabz" of them. Kannti-Kasr&wan and Shrihgarh alone gave 
any serious trouble the proprietor of the former was not 
finally overpowered until after three years of stout resist- 
ance ; the latter, though it at first lost its independence, re- 
covered it a few months before annexation. 



sultXnpur settlement repxJ&t. 161 

328. In the laud- settlement which then took place, 
Amethi shared the fate of all large t'alukas, and was almost 
completely broken up, but only to be re-constituted in the 
following year immediately on the outbreak of the mutiny. At 
the commencement of the disturbances, Bdjah Mddho Singh 
distinguished himself by the protection and kindness he af- 
forded to some fugitives from Sultdnpur, who were endeavour- 
ing to make their way into Allahabad ; but afterwards he 
warmly espoused the rebel cause ; nor was it until the British 
army under the command of Lord Clyde was encamped before 
his fort that he tendered his submission. At the land settle-' 
ment which shortly afterwards took place, he was admitted 
under the terms of the general amnesty to engage for his estate, 
and it is now confirmed to him by sanad. It comprises three 
hundred and twenty-one out of three hundred and sixty-four 
villages in the parganah, and pays to Government a revenue 
of Rs. 1,69,776. 

329. The present owner of the Amethf estate is ordi- 
narily and correctly styled Rdjah ; but how long the title 
has been in the family I cannot pretend to say with certainty. 
Rdj Singh and his descendants may quite possibly have borne 
it for many generations ; there is no tangible proof that they 
did not, and as little that they did. Gtirdatt Singh, the first 
of those who lived recently enough to be well remembered, 
is sometimes spoken of as Bdbti, sometimes as Rdjah ; Drig- 
pdl Singh, his successor, appears to have assumed the more 
lofty title, but it is doubtful whether he ever obtained any 
popular recognition of his right to it. Har Chand Singh and 
Bishesar Singh were unquestionably Rdjahs : they are said 
to have formally received the necessary investiture from the 
Hasanpur chief. It is interesting to notice that the seal of 
the former ( in which he bears this title) was engraved in the 
same year apparently as he obtained the lease of the par* 
ganah. Dalpat Sdh, intermediate between Har Chand Singh 
and Bishesar Singh, is commonly called Bdbti, the explana- 
tion given of which is that during the time he held the estate 
his father Har Chand Singh, was alive, and that it would 
consequently have been a breach of etiquette for him to adopt 
the title of Bdjah. The present t'alukddr never troubled 
himself to get his claim to the dignity formally acknowledged 
by the Rdjah of Hasanpur ; before annexation it rested on his 



162 sultInpur settlement report. 

being the successor of those who had previously borne it ; it 
has now been admitted by the British government.* 

330. I now pass on to the history of collateral branches, 
The Bandhaigotfs : early col- which may be distinguished into those 

lateral branches. collateral to R&j Singh himself and 

those collateral to his descendants. Regarding the first a 
very few words will be sufficient. It has been seen that the 
estates founded by Ran Singh or Rdna and Kunwar Singh fell 
almost immediately into the hands of R&j Singh ; and it was 
only in the matter of time that those of Rai Singh and Sagr&m 
Singh experienced a different fate. By partitions, mortgages, 
and grants to Brahmans, they gradually dwindled into insigni- 
ficance; and what little of them then remained was included in 
the r&jah's general lease of 1846. Barganw alone has retained 
its individuality and some little importance up to the present 
time. This may be partly due to the fact that notwithstanding 
numerous partitions, no separate properties have been formed ; 
and thus, though a few heads may have now and then been 
broken in internal dissensions, a broad front has always been 
opposed to any aggression offered from without. At the 
same time, Barganw is not as large now as it once was, for up 
to nine generations ago, it included also Kohra-Mahomed- 
pur, which was then taken from it by B&bu Himmat S&h, 
ancestor of the present holders. In the mutiny the zemin- 
d&rs of Barganw rendered themselves a little conspicuous by 
evincing a disposition to be troublesome, and a body of troops 
had to be sent to their villages, where a large seizure of 
arms was made, after the zemind&rs pretended to have given 
up all they possessed. 

331. Of the estates held by the cadet branches of R£j 

TheBandhalgotfc; later col- Singh's house, four Only Tikrl, Shah- 
lateral branches, garh, Kannii-Kasrdwan and Gangoli 
are worthy of any special mention. 

332. The interest that attaches to Tikrf is connected 
n*. » ^ , ./ *m-*.> with the history of its founder, which 

TheBandhalgotfc of Tikri. . ,, * ij r! L- j j j. tyu 

is thus told by his descendants. JJna- 
r&mir received from his brother Rdjah Rdm Deo, a moderate 
sized estate of forty-two villages ; but he lived in stirring 

* Unless I am mistaken, he is mentioned under this title in some official documents 

Sroduced by his opponent in the Kaonu-Kasriwan case. In those produced by himself I 
o not think he is to styled. 



sultInpur settlement report. 163 

times, and, being of a warlike disposition, offered himself 
as an ally to R&jah Hasan Khdn, then preparing for the con- 
flict with Rewah. When the hostile armies were pitched 
in sight of each other, it was agreed that a general battle 
should be avoided, and that both sides, having appointed 
champions, should abide the issue of single combat. Dha- 
r&mir represented the ft&jah of Hasanpur, and, after a stub- 
born fight, in which he himself was covered with wounds, 
defeated and killed his adversary. In return for this signal 
service, Hasan Kh&n ceded to him five large villages, Sarwd- 
wan and others, intermediate between Tikri and Hasanpur. 
It reads like a tale of western chivalry that his valour was 
further rewarded with the hand of a Bachgoti bride.* 

333. Broken up by successive partitions on the one 
hand, and, on the other, hemmed in by territory on which 
encroachment was out of the question, the importance of 
Tikrl very soon declined ; its present dimensions are indicated 
by its second name, Athgawan. It was not indeed without 
difficulty that it managed to resist the attacks of others. 
About six generations ago Bdbti M&n Singh, brother of the 
then t'alukd&r, received as his portion the village of Amai. 
According to one account he obtained Tikri also, but it was 
not in possession of the donor, and it was therefore a condi- 
tion of the gift that he should forcibly establish himself in it. 
He did so, and the previous owners were driven out ; but 
they took refuge in the surrounding jungles, and watching 
their opportunity surprised Mfin Singh in Amai and killed 
him. This act of retribution has never been forgotten, and the 
name of the village in which it was perpetrated has become 
a forbidden word, Badlganw and other terms of similar import 
being usually employed in referring to it. 

334. This may explain how Tikri and many of its off- 
shoots continued independent until 1846. In the sweeping 
changes which then took place, they were re-absorbed into 
the parent estate ; but the old spirit of the ex-proprietors is 
yet but partially tamed, and if the rdjah holds any villages 
the acquisition of which has been of doubtful profit and ad- 
vantage, I am under the impression it is those to which I 
now allude. 

* This account, it will be seen, differs from that given by the Bachgotfs. I think 
it at all events exceedingly probable that this is the period to which the story of the Ban- 
dhalgotf being in the Hasanpur service must be referred. 



164 sultAnpur settlement eepoIit. 

335. Shdhgarh was founded by B&M Sultan S&h, 
The BandhaigotU of ShAh- brother of Bikram S&h. It derived 

fr th - its name from a fort he built, and 

called after himself. It is reputed to have consisted at first 
of one hundred and twenty-one villages, and to have been 
distinguished as " tafrik Sultdn Sdhi." If this story were 
only reliable, it would be of the greatest value in illustrating 
the growth of the Amethi t'aluka. It would seem to imply 
that a regular partition occurred, and to define the magnitude 
of an individual share. The idea of such a partition received 
some apparent support, also, from the fact that a few villages 
are rit>w divided in fractional shares between Amethi and 
Shdhgarh. But reference to the history of those villages 
shows that, up to a comparatively recent date, they were held 
by other proprietors, and that they tfere then divided into 
two distinct portions, one of which was subsequently in-^ 
eluded in Shdhgarh and the other in Amethi Again, Sul- 
t&n Sdh was one of f out brothers, and if a formal distribu- 
tion of shares took place, those of the three juniors should 
have been exactly equal, whereas it is not pretended that 
they were even approximately so. It is highly probable, 
moreover*, that the extent of Sultdn Sdh's portion is consi- 
derably exaggerated, for it does not appear that Shdhgarh 
with all its offshoots and acquisitions ever numbered more than 
one hundred and thirty-two villages. 

336. From 1803 to 1810, Sh&hgarh was with the rest 
of the parganah leased to R&jah Har Chand Singh, but wad 
again taken from him by the land settlement of the latter 
year. It then comprised no more than forty villages, and it 
had become only half as large again when, in 1846, it for the 
second time fell into the hands of the Amethi t'alukd&r, in 
the general lease he obtained from Mah&rdjah M&n Singh. 
To this summary mode of dealing with his estate, Balwant 
Singh, the proprietor, yielded anything but a ready acquies- 
cence, so to silence his opposition, Hdjah M&dho Singh seized 
him and held him in confinement. In this sorry plight he 
remained at the time of General Sleeman's tour. " Mahdoo 
" Persaud, of Amethee in Salone" writes the Resident "has 
" lately seized upon the estate of Shahgurh, worth twenty 
4t thousand rupees a year, which had been cut off from the 
" Amethee estate, and enjoyed by a collateral branch of the 
*' family for several generations. He holds the proprietor 



SULTAtfPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 165 

"Bulwunt Singh in prison, in irons, and would soon make 
" away with him were the Oude Government to think it 
u worth while to enquire after him." 

337. This passing allusion was not hy any means the 
extent of the interest the Resident took in the fortunes of the 
luckless Balwant Singh. On his return to Lucknow, he 
brought the matter before the darb&r, and, though some time 
first elapsed, ultimately succeeded in procuring the release of 
the captive and the restoration to him of his estate. These 
events happened at a critical juncture for Balwant Singh, 
that is about the end of the year 1855, for had they been de- 
layed but a few months longer, Sh&hgarh would have been in 
Amethf at annexation, and so must have remained permanent- 
ly incorporated with it. 

338. When gratitude goes hand in hand with self-in- 
terest it seldom halts, and it is not surprising, therefore, that 
Babu Balwant Singh was a warm adherent of the British 
cause during the disturbances of 1 857. He distinguished him- 
self by the good service he then rendered, and now holds the 
estate he recovered in 1855, with a title protected by a taluk- 
ddri sanad. 

339. The common account of the origin of Kannti-Kas- 
^ « ju i *< * rr * r&wan is that it was given in the year 

^^ndhalgotfaofKanuu. 1798 ^ a « chaur ^* to Bdb / J ai 

Chand Singh, brother of Har Chand 
Singh. It consists mainly as its name denotes of the two 
estates of Kannii and Kasrdwan. Of these the former was 
one of the six shares of the earliest recorded partition, but 
having gradually with the exception of a few villages become 
united with the share of R&j Singh, it was afterwards confer- 
red as a chaur&sf on Lachml Nar&in, second son of Bikram S&h, 
whose descendants are still resident in it. Kasr&wan, also said 
to be a chaur&si, has been already mentioned as having been 
given to B&bu R&msahai, a little previous to the time of 
Akbar. Whether in the year 1798, Kannii was in the hands 
of ft&jah Har Chand Singh is open to doubt, but it may be 
positively asserted that Kasr&wan was not. Kannti fell an 
easy prey to Jai Chand, but it was not till eight years after 

^— ■ i I. ■ ■ ■!. ■ i. ■% ■ i ■ iii i „f 

• See para. 340, note. 



166 SULTlNPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 

that he established himself in Kasr&wati, and even then it was 
with the assistance of his brother, at that time lessee of the 
parganah. These two estates together gave him but sixty 
villages, to which, before Har Chand's lease had terminated, 
he*&dded twenty-four more, thus completing the mystic num- 
ber implied in the word chaurdsi.* 

340. How long this numerical exactitude continued is 
not clearly ascertainable ; it is enough that the estate increas- 
ed considerably during the following thirty years. It then 
began to exhibit signs of approaching decay, and Lall Arjun 
Singh of Gangoli thought to find a fitting opportunity for 
making encroachments on it. He paid the penalty of the 
attempt with his life, for he was killed by Pyr&gprash&d, one 
of the sons of B&bii Jai Chand Singh. Pyr&gprash&d and his 
brothers now deemed it prudent to leave their homes and flee; 
but it would be erroneous to suppose that in so doing they 
were actuated by fear of the consequences of outraged laws, 
the breach of which they would have to atone whenever they 
were captured. It was simply that the N&zim at that parti- 
cular time was friendly to the interests of the Gangolf chief; 
in the very next year another person was appointed to the 
office, who, without the slightest scruple, re-admitted the 
fugitives to engage for their estate. 

341. The nominal inclusion of Kannti-Kasr&wan in the 
Amethi lease, in 1846, the proprietors quietly ignored. Rajah 
M&dho Singh accordingly availed himself of the influence of his 
friends at Lucknow to procure the issue of a sentence of out- 
lawry against them, coupled with the confiscation of their estate; 
and even these orders only took effect in 1849, when after a 
good fight in which they were worsted, they were convinced 
that further resistance would be unavailing. Thenceforward 
they became as thorns in the side of their victorious rival, who 
was compelled to fix military detachments here and there in 
order to check their raids. This desultory struggle was re- 
lieved by a single event of note ; in 1853, Rajah M&dho Singh 

• According to the Bandhalgotfs the second son of the Rajah of Amethf always 
received a " chaurasf," but there is no satisfactory proof of the custom. I think it pos- 
sible that the statement is based on Jai Chand's estate having at one time answered to the 
description. ' * There is no Ohowrasee, says Sir H. Elliot (Supplemental Glossary ; Chow- 
"rasee) even though it may have dwindled down to ten or twelve villages, of which every 
" originally component village could not be pointed out by the zemindars." This is not 
the case in Amethi; nor is Amethi among the numerous examples Sir H. Elliot gives. 



sultAnpur settlement report. 167 

contrived to bring about the deathofBikrmajit, a brother of 
Pyr&gprash&d, and thus in some measure avenged the death 
of his father Arjun Singh. 

342, At annexation the surviving brothers were for a 
while reinstated; but, though Bhagwant Singh, son of Bikrma- 
jit, did good service with Sir Hope Grant's force in the muti- 
ny, the restitution of his estate to him on re-occupation be- 
came impossible ; it was in the r&jah's possession at annex- 
ation, on whom it was, therefore, necessarily bestowed in per- 
petuity. The circumstances of the family, however, received 
no little extra-judicial consideration ; and the rdjah at last 
consented to make them a pecuniary allowance, on the under- 
standing that they should cease for ever to prosecute their 
claim to Kannti-Kasrawan. As they infringed this condition, 
the r&jah declined to fulfil his part of the engagement, and 
they then instituted a civil suit against him, the termination 
of which was that they were declared to have forfeited all 
claims arising out of the agreement on which they sued. 

343. Gangoli was, like Kannti, one of the estates formed 
««. « ^i u «*_ *> by the first known partition, which 

The Bandhalgotfe of Oangoli. r , . ,. , , r i • , ,V 

^ B almost immediately passed into the 

possession of the present r&jah's ancestor. After the lapse 
of some generations, it was given by Jai Singh, the head of 
the family at the time, to his brother, Indra Singh, whose 
descendants continued to hold it, (except from 1803 to 1810), 
under independent engagement with the local authorities 
until 1815. Lall Arjun Singh, son of R&jah Har Chand Singh, 
then appropriated it. The current account of this transaction 
is that it was given to him by his father as a chaur&si; but 
this slurs over the important difficulty of the so-called donor's 
want of control over it at the date of the alleged gift. When 
Arjun Singh took it, moreover, it consisted not of eighty-four, 
but ten ordinary villages ; its inadequacy for the support of a 
rajah's brother remained to be rectified by several subsequent 
accessions. The story of Arjun Singh's death has been already 
told in connection with Kannu-Kasr&wan ; he left to his son, 
Mddho Singh, the very respectable inheritance of one hun- 
dred and one villages, acquired during a short period of twen- 
ty-seven years. In 1842 R&jah M&dho Singh also succeeded 
his cousin Bishesar Singh in Amethf ; and his two estates be- 
coming thus blended together, the separate existence of Gan- 
goli terminated. 



168 SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPQRT. 

344. Occupying almost the centre of the Amethl p&rga- 
r«_ r> JL , i> *t>u* nah lies a cluster of villages, the prin- 

cipal of whjch is Bihta. The ex-pro- 
prietary residents style themselves Bandhalgotis, and their 
claim to do so, in the present day, «tt least, is generally admit- 
ted; but otherwise they are thorough Ishmaelites, debarred 
from all social intercourse with the remainder of the clan. They 
are, indeed, of all the Bandhalgotis the only ones who cannot 
point to the name of their ancestor in the general pedigree. 
As to their location in their present seats they talk vaguely 
of a grant of land they received from the emperor Akbar ; or r 
with more candour, admit that they know nothing whatever 
about it. The q&ntingoes say they represent a very old 
stratum of society, more ancient even than the Bhars, an 
acme of antiquity which their namesakes leave unchallenged. 
A tappah to which Bihta gives its name is unanimously re- 
presented to be one of the oldest possessions of the r&jah's 
family, and yet the residents claim to have held it in the yet 
more remote past. From all these facts it would appear that 
Ywith the single exception, perhaps, of the Bais of Udi&wan) 
the Bandhalgotis of Bihta are the oldest proprietary body in 
the parganah. 

345. This goes a very little way, however, towards ex- 
plaining who they are ; in the absence of all certain information 
it is permissible to supplement with argument the few facts 
we are acquainted with concerning them. In the first place, 
they share with Slit S&h's descendants the name of Ban- 
dhalgoti and yet are altogether unconnected with them. The 
inference is that either the former or the latter are miscalled, 
and that it is the former rather than the latter ; it is easy to 
understand why after their subjection they should endeavour 
to pass themselves off as kinsmen and equals of their conquer- 
ors, who, on their side, had little inducement to identify 
themselves with their defeated foes. But, if they be thus 
deprived of the name they now bear, it became necessary to 
furnish them with another, a not very simple task, perhaps, 
and yet not altogether a hopeless one. It is, under any cir- 
cumstances, a reasonable conjecture that their chief village 
was founded by them, and that it received their tribal deno- 
mination ; if the antiquity of their proprietorship be not 
over-estimated, it is further pvobable that it was the centre 
from which cultivation radiated, and gave its name to a larger 



suwAnpue settlement report. 109 

and larger tract, as the process of reclamation went on, until 
it extended to the entire parganah. Conversely, then, some 
clue to the now lost name of the tribe should be found in 
that of the parganah and their chief village. 

346. In their nresent state, Bihta and Amethi certainly 
bear little resemblance to each other ; but this does not 
show there has always been the same dissimilarity. In the 
first place, it is an almost invariable rule that a parganah is 
called after a village, and it should therefore be possible to 
find the site, occupied or unoccupied, of a former village of 
Amethi; but, unless my present speculation be correct, I 
have searched for this in vain* I know of no grounds what- 
ever for concluding that the Amethi of the maps marks the 
spot where the old village was ; it simply denotes the present 
head quarters of a tahsii. Again, the parganah is properly 
speaking not Amethi, but Garh- Amethi ;* and this points 
either to its containing two previously separate division* of 
that kind, or to a similar conjunction of two of its constitu- 
ent villages. In this instance, the latter seems the more pro*- 
bable, as there is never known to have been a distinct par- 
ganah of Garhd. A village of the name on the other hand 
is readily found ; and that it is the particular one wanted is 
rendered very likely by the fact that it contains "an old Bhar 
" fort in a commanding position overlooking a lake," while 
the existence of a brick fort in Garh- Amethi is expressly 
mentioned by Abul Fazl.t The eponymous village still re- 
mains to be discovered ; and in its absence Bihta appears to 
he the most promising field of search ; firstly, because Ame- 
thi being coupled with Garhd was presumably contiguous to 
it or at least in its vicinity, and Bihta, though it does not now 
adjoin Garhd, is within a very short distance of it, and, so far 
as known, the intervening villages are of comparatively re- 
cent creation ; secondly, because Bihta can boast an extreme 
antiquity, and thirdly, because it is known to have been a 
place of some importance, and the head quarters of a tappajbu 
That Bihta itself is identical with the missing village need only 
be doubted in consequence of the absence of nominal identity. 



* It ia called so in the Ain-i-Akbari and also in documents of comparatively re- 
cent date. 

1 1 take this Garha to be one of the fif ty-two mentioned ia para. 250. 

Y 



170 SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 

347. This brings me round again to the question whe- 
ther that identity did not once exist. What leads ipe to 
suggest this is that there are unmistakeable signs of both 
names having deviated from earlier known forms. Bihta 
alone is now the name of the village ; as that of a tappah it 
is also pronounced Bishta ; there is the high authority of the 
Ain-i-Akbari, on the other hand, for reading Ambahtf for 
Amethf.* Thus we have Bihta and Ambahti, which differ 
from each other only to an extent that may be explained by 
the hypothesis, that, in the former, an elision of the initial 
short syllable has taken place, a process by no means unpre- 
cedented^ Again if in the one case, sh has become a simple h 3 
the same may very possibly have happened in the other. 
And if these changes be made the names of village and 
parganah become respectively Ambishta and Ambashti. 

348. The first deduction from these arguments is that 
Bihta is neither more nor less than Amethi, the parent vil- 
lage of the parganah; the second is that the pretended 
Bandhalgotis of Bihta were originally Ambashtas, one of 
the mixed classes enumerated in Manu's code. 

It is somewhat opposed to this view that the Am- 
bashtas are mentioned in the Vishnu Pur&na, and are 
there said to belong to the north of India, t while atlases 
give a tribe Ambautoe in the same region, jBut next to the 
Ambashtas in the Vishnu Pur&na list come the Par&sikas, 
and these belong to the north also. At the same time, Ge- 
neral Cunningham says that the native name of the famous 
Prasti of Palibothra is Pal&siya or Par&siya ; and he gives a 
derivative form of the one Pal&saka, so that the correspond- 
ing derivative of the other is evidently Par&saka.§ 

Now I do not mean to assert that these two tribes are 
the same ; but I am, at least, warranted in saying that the 
presence of a particular tribe in the north or west is no argu- 
ment against the existence of its namesake on the east. 
That the Ambashtas in the latter direction alone were re- 



* Compare also the loss of the b in the word bamithd which is correctly 
bambhi (Elliot's Supplemental Glossary, Bumeetha). 

f Thus Arokhaj becomes Bokhaj (Ancient Geography page* 38). Compare the com* 
mon English word press-gang, which is an abbreviation of impress-gang. 

t Ancient Geography, page 8. 

§ Ancient Geography, page 454. 



sultInpur settlement report. 171 

ferred to by Manu I do not say ; on the contrary, it is by 
no means impossible that they were connected with each 
other ; for, whatever may have been the case regarding the 
Par&sakas, numerous instances might, I believe, be cited 
of branches of the same tribe being found at a very early 
period on opposite sides of India ; the Kambojas * of Cochin 
may serve as an example. 

349; The history has now been sketched of each divi- 
sion of the Bandhalgotis as given in 
The Bandhaigotfs; general or suggested by their own legends ; it 
remar 8 ' remains to notice what is to be ascer- 

tained concerning them from other sources. " Some twenty 
"or more generations ago," says Mr. Carnegy in his 
Notes, " there were two brothers in the service of the then 
" chief of Hasanpur in the Sult&npur district. Their names 
" were Kini\ P&nde and Chuchu P&nde. The first of these 
" formed an alliance with an Ahiran, and from this union 
"are descended all the Kanpurias. The other married a 
" Dhark&rin in the r&jah's service, and from her are sprung 
" all the Bandal, Badhil, or Banjhilgotis, including the great 

" chief who is third in rank in the province The 

" Bandhalgoti tribe on certain occasions still make offerings to 
" the implement of their maternal ancestor, the b^nkd or knife 
" used in splitting the bamboo. " 

350. A comparison of this account with that given by 
the Bandhalgotis themselves raises the question whether 
they are of Stirajbansf extraction, and settled where they 
now are after the conquest and expulsion of a horde 
of Bhars ; or whether they are of hybrid descent and owe 
the foundation of their fortunes to the service of their com- 
mon ancestor with the R&jah of Hasanpur. A third origin 
is assigned to them by Sir Henry Elliot, who says they are a 
tribe- of R&jptits of Chauh&n descent : but I do not know 
on what authority the statement rests, nor have I been able 
to find anything in corroboration of it. 

351. With regard to the theory which makes their 
Kshattriya status of local development, the Bandhaigotfs free- 
ly admit that one of their number was enlisted on the side of 



* Calcutta Review, No. CII, page 306. 



172 StTLTlNFtm SKTTLEMBNT REPORT. 

thd R&j&h of Hasanpur in his dispute with the Baghels ; and 
that in return for services then rendered a tract of land was 
made over to him by the r&jah. Again, while they describe 
their former home to have tJeen at Narwargarh, the town of 
Hasanpur was until the time of Hasan Kh&n, i e. } just until the 
synchronism in the annals of the Bandhalgotls and Bachgotis, 
commonly known as Narwal. And further, whereas the Ban- 
dhalgotls derive their name from Bandhu, there is contiguous 
to Hasanpur, a village named Bandhua ; and a slight eminence 
on the border of a tank between the two is still pointed out 
as the site of the residence of the Bandhalgoti servant of the 
r&jatu The story of the Dhark&rin alliance may seem to 
find some support in one form of the clan appellation, for 
Banjhilgotf is a very possible corruption of Banschilgoti, and 
though the exact word Banschil does not exist, a very simi- 
lar one, Batisphor shows that the bamboo splitting industry 
furnishes the basis of a caste distinction. 

$52. The reverse of the picture, however, is not quite 
blank. Whatever the source of the Bandhalgoti traditions, 
it is curious that in claiming kinship with the Jaipur family 
they should hit upon, as the home of their ancestor, the 
Very place it occupied before its removal to Jaipur ;* and the 
strangeness of the coincidence is enhanced by the fact that 
Sudah Rai's pilgrimage into Oudh agrees in date witht the 
Cachwaha migration^ The imputed veneration of the b&nkd 
or bamboo knife they explain away by a trifling modification 
of the name of the instrument for, 

Strange ! that such difference should be 
'Twixt Tweedledum and Tweedledee ! 

by the elision of the final vowel, the knife of the bamboo- 
cutter is transformed into the poniard of the warrior ! And 
herein, whether consciously or unconsciously, they furnish 
what is perhaps an indication of western connection ; for 
the poniard, the professed object of their reverence, is the 
symbol of Narwar,| the very State from which Sudah Rai is 
represented to have come. With respect to the Hasanpur 
grant, they assert that Dhar&mir was the recipient, and that 
he was not the ancestor of the whole clan, but a younger 



* Elphiastone, 4th Edition, page 213. 

t Thornton's Gazetteer, 8. V. Jeypur. 

t See list of symbols given in the second volume of Prinsep's Antiquities, 



sultIkpur settlement report. 173 

brother of the then chief, and founder only of a collateral 
branch, viz. Tikri ; even he, too, they say was the ally and 
not the servant of Rdjah Hasan KMn, 

353. Respecting the alleged Pdnde paternity of the 
Bandhalgotis, it may be noted that Bhusidwan, by some 
pointed out as their first resting place in Amethi, is still 
occupied by a Pdnde brotherhood ; and in Udidwan, one of 
their very earliest acquisitions, tales are still extant of a 
Pdnde proprietor, anterior to the Bais. The Ain-i-Akbari, 
moreover, peoples parganah Garh- Amethi with Bahrnangotis, 
no doubt identical with those now called Bandhalgotis. 

354. This, however, is the third inference it has been 
seen possible to draw from their chameleon-like patronymic ; 
and each of them in some measure neutralises the others. 
Regarding the termination " goti," also, the following points 
are I think worthy of notice. It is commonly said 
to signify the gote or gotra to which a tribe belongs. " Pro- 
" perly those only are gotes" says Sir H. Elliot " which bear 
u the name of some Rishi progenitor, as Sandilya, Bharad- 
" waj, Bushisht (Vasishtha), Kasyapa ; but it has become the 
" custom to call all sub-divisions of tribes, Gotes, and accord- 
cc ing to the Nirnye Sindh, there are no less than ten thou- 
u sand." Now so far as my information goes, notwithstanding 
this vast number of gotes, two Rdjput tribes only, the Bach- 
gotfs and Bandhalgotfs, have assumed them as their ordinary 
designation ; and these, by some odd chance, have contrived 
to settle not only in the same province, but also in immediate 
juxtaposition. This may, of course, be pure accident ; it may 
be something more. 

355. In the quotation given in para. 349, a common 
origin is assigned to the Bandhalgotis and Kanpurias. 
This does not profess to follow the traditions of those con- 
cerned, which make Chuchu, Chuch or Suchh, progenitor of 
the Kanpurias and ignore Kinii altogether. The only circum- 
stance bearing on the point that I can find is that Kdrih is 
the eponymous hero of the Kanpuria clan, and Kdhan Deo 
is the root of the genealogical tree of the Bandhalgotis. This 
may either be an indication of their common descent or it 
may have given rise to the story which asserts it. Again, 
the name of the parganah the Bandhalgotis now occupy has 



174 sultXnpur settlement report. 

suggested some connection between them and the Amethias ;* 
but all they have in common is that they both settled in 
places called Amethi ; the one happened to pick up a new 
name by doing so, the other did not. With respect to ma- 
trimonial alliances, the Bandhalgotis give their daughters to 
the Tilokchandi Bais, Rathors, Bhadaurias, and Bisens of 
Manjhauli ; and take the daughters of Bachgotis (of the less 
important houses), Durgbans, Bh&le-Sult&n, Raghbansi, 
Bilkharya, Jadbansi, and Bisens of M&nikpur, while there is 
reciprocity in this point between them and the Baghels, 
Garhwdrs, Chauh&ns of Mainpuri and Ponw&rs.t 

356. Regarding the localities in which Bandhalgotis 
are found, Sir Henry Elliot particularizes Banoudha and 
Bundelkhand, and says there are a few also in Haveli Gha- 
zipur. The first are evidently those of Amethi; regarding 
the others I have not been able to ascertain anything.^ The 
Amethi people are under the impression that there are name- 
sakes of theirs in the vicinity of Gupt&r Ghdt near Ayodhya, 
but local enquiry proves them to be mistaken in this respect. 
They are more correct in supposing that a Bandhalgoti colony 
lies a little further north, near Mank&pur. A trustworthy 
tradition ascribes their arrival in those parts to the commence- 
ment of the 14th century A. d., and at one time they appear 
to have enjoyed considerable importance ; but a Bisen has 
occupied their gaddi for six generations, § and they now retain 
few vestiges of their former greatness. As to their connec- 
tion with this northern colony the Bandhalgotis of Amethi 
make no positive statement ; they do not altogether disown it, 
but on the other hand they do not universally admit that 
it belongs to their fraternity ; some say it is an offshoot 
of the house of Naraini ; others profess ignorance as to 
its origin. Still further to the north, in the extreme 
west of Nepal, is a peculiar dis-Hinddized and degraded tribe 
called Bujhal Gharti ; their superstitions are %€ neither Bud- 
" dist nor Brahminic, but yet tinctured with an early Brah- 
"minism, which in its present state is either a rudiment of 
" something that has to be developed or a fragment of some- 
" thing that has fallen into decay."* If Mankripur was colo- 

* Elliot's Supplemental Glossary. — Amethias. 

+ This is what the Bandhalgotis say. I cannot vouch for its accuracy, 
i The only books I have been able to consult are N. W. P. Census Report and Dr. 
Oldham's Memoir of the Ghazipur district, which however should be amply sufficient. 
§ I am indebted to Mr. W.C. Benett for this information. 



sultAnpur settlement report. 175 

nized from Amethf, there is something more than the resem- 
blance of their name to Banjhilgoti to indicate that these 
Bujhal Ghartis represent a continuation of the same northerly- 
migration. 

357. I have now given such information as I have been 
able to collect regarding the history of the Bandhalgotfs. It 
is sufficiently clear on all but the two material points of their 
origin and antiquity. With respect to the latter, there is no 
inherent improbability in their statement that they settled 
in their present abodes as much as nine centuries ago. The 
account which makes the clan of mean origin gives it an exist- 
ence of more than twenty generations, so that their own 
annals, which make the present r&jah twenty-sixth in descent 
from the founder, may easily be credited. Now in private life 
a generation may be calculated as equivalent to thirty -three 
years,t so that Sudah Rai must have lived between eight and 
nine hundred years ago. To apply another test, Dhar&mfr 
lived in the reign of Shir Sh&h, so Sudah Rai, who is placed 
just twice as far back in the pedigree, must have lived about 
the beginning of the thirteenth century. About the same result, 
also, is arrived at by following the legend which makes Rdj 
Singh a contemporary of Tilok Chand ; if, indeed, it be not too 
dangerous to trust to light derived from such a historical will- 
o'-the wisjj as the Bais chieftain. Even according to the most 
moderate calculation, therefore, it may be concluded that, 
whether the Bandhalgotfs be of pure Stirajbansf origin, or a 
spurious tribe, " Nawd Chattrfs," as they are sometimes called, 
their settlement in the Amethf parganah must be referred to 
at least as early a date as the immigration of any of the ac- 
knowledged Kshattriya clans of the district. But as to their 
origin I forbear to express a decided opinion, leaving it an 
open question for those who choose to determine on the data 
I have furnished. I can only say of them as has been said of 
the Douglases that " we do not know them in the fountain, 
" but in the stream; in the root, but in the stem ; for we know 
" not which is the mean man that did rise above the vulgar." 

The Kanpurias. 

358. The history of the Kanpurias has been well and 
The Kanpurias fully told by Mr. W. C. Benett c. s. 

in his recently published "Family 
History of the Chief Clans of the Koy Bareilly District," and it 

* Latham's Ethnology, I. page 81. 
t Prinsep's Antiquities, I. page 251. 



176 suwJLnpur settlement report. 

is therefore needless for me to undertake the narration of a 
twice-told tale. I simply allude to the subject that it may 
not be supposed I am altogether oblivious of the existence of a 
clan which occupies four out of twelve of the parganahs of the 
district to which this Report refers to say nothing of their 
possessions elsewhere. 

The Bais. 

359. There is scarcely a parganah in this district in which 
^^ at one period or another, a Bais colony 

has not been established. In Simrota, 
before it was overrun by the Kanpurias, they shared the pro- 
prietorship with the Raghbansis ; in Ch&nda stories yet linger 
of their having intervened between the Bhars and the Raj- 
w&rs ; in Amethi, the Bais of Udidwan still retain some ves- 
tiges of their former rights ; the Bais of G&ndeo are still the 
most extensive proprietors in Inhonaand Subeha ; the Bh&le- 
Sultdns of Isauli and Jagdfspur claim descent from the re- 
doubtable Tilok Chand. 

360. The Bais of Simrota claim to have received fifty- 

The fid* of s* ta. ^ our v ^ a g es m *^ a * parganah in dowry 

inuo with a Chauhdn bride, from Prithwi- 

r&j of Delhi ; but, as the fortunes of the Kanpurias rose, 
theirs declined ; and they are now reduced to the possession 
of a couple of villages, though a few of them may also be 
found scattered here and there in cultivation of lands they have 
now ceased to own. 

361. The Bais of Udi&wan profess to trace their des- 
- D . . _.., cent from Tilok Chand ; but I have 

The Bms of Udiawan. , , . • /» • . /» 

searched in vain tor any point ot agree- 
ment between their pedigree and that of the Bais of Bais- 
wdri. Bijai Singh, their ancestor, they say, who lived when 
the days of Bhar rule were drawing to a close, married a 
Bachgoti girl of Asal ; and when taking her home to Bais- 
w&rd broke his journey at Udi&wan, in the Amethf parganah, 
then the head quarters of an estate of forty-two villages be- 
longing to a Brahman, Lakhander, P&nde. Bijai Singh was 
a favourite disciple of this Lakhander, who, being childless, 
induced him by a promise of heirship to render has stay per- 
manent. In due time he succeeded his Gamaliel, and, on his 



sultInpur settlement report. 177 

death, left his estate to his three sons, Son Singh, Bhdrat 
Singh and Ratha Singh, by whom it was divided into three 
parts (thokes), Son&ri, Bh&reta, and Tengha. How long 
the dominion of the Bais continued over Udi&wan is uncer- 
tain ; but it is now held by the Bandhalgotfs, and it is the 
general belief, corroborated by the Ain-i-Akbari,* that it 
was one of their very earliest conquests, effected many cen- 
turies ago. The Rdjah of Amethf, indeed, denies that his 
tribe was preceded by the Bais at all ; and says they were 
settled in the parganah by one of his ancestors, from whom 
they received a large j&ghlr for military service. They still 
occupy many villages in the Udi&wan il&qa, but their pro- 
prietary interest in it is now greatly circumscribed. 

362. About four hundred years ago, a body of Bais, under 
««. ,> . e r±i a the leadership of Bary&r S&h, set out 

The Bais of Gandeo. r g ^ , ,_ *f, . , J , , I 

from Gahu-Munj, (supposed to be some- 
where in the Muzafarnagar district) in quest of a new home. 
The greater part of northern India had by that time passed into 
the hands of Kshattriyas, and the Bais wandered to the neigh- 
bourhood of Inhona and Subeha, before they came to a place 
which would satisfy the object of their expedition. Here in a 
tract called G&ndeo, containing three hundred and sixty vil- 
lages, they discovered an ignoble community of Bhars and 
Dhobis still in the enjoyment of independence. The name, sup- 
posed to mark the spot where the famous bow Gandiva was 
dropped in his flight by one of the defeated heroes of the Great 
War, suggested reflections full of interest to the Hindus, 
and thus practical and sentimental considerations concurred 
in prompting the adventurers to select this as their abode. 
The reduction of the Bhars and Dhobis was speedily ac- 
complished, and the victors have since been known as the 
Bais of G&ndeo, G&reu, or Garhai. This commences and at 
the same time almost ends their history ; for the only other 
event in it worthy of notice is that, in the reign of Shir 
Sh&h, Bh&rat Singh, great grandson of Ban&r S&h, em- 
braced the Mahomedan faith, t 



* That is to say, the Bais are not there mentioned as zemindars, and the Bandhalgotfe 
are, which means that if the Bais had ever (as is usually believed) been independent zemin- 
dars, they had already ceased to be so. 

t Mr. Benett (Chief Clans of Roy Bareilly, page 24,) places this event in the reign of 
Humaiun, which is much the same thing. 

Z 



178 sultInfur settlement report. 

The Bharsaiyans. 

363. This name is simply a corruption of the word 
Th« Bhanaiyant. " BhainsauJian," or natives of Bhain- 

saul, whence the clan derives it ori- 
gin* While the Bais of G£ndeo were still at GahA-MAnj, 
Jaipdl Singh, son of Jagat Singh, Ghauhdn, was chief of 
Bhainsaul, in the Mainptirf parganah. He married a daugh- 
ter of the Gahu-Mtinj family, and the issue of this marriage 
was a son Karn Singh, who, with a band of followers, joined 
the expedition of Ban&r Sdh. Shortly after the location of 
the Bais colony in G&ndeo he married the daughter of one of 
their chiefs, Tipu R&wat ; and, there being no sons to stand 
in his way, succeeded to his father-in-law's estate, consisting 
of forty-two villages. Karn Singh had two sons, R&o and 
Kunwar ; of whom the former died childless and the 
latter had two sons, BAz Singh and Jit Singh. Jit Singh 
died without issue, and B&z Singh became Musulman, and 
received the title of Kh&n-i-Azam Bhainsaulian. His con- 
version is reputed to have taken place in the reign of Shir 
Sh&h, and his descendants are manifestly the Chauhdn-i- 
Nau-Muslim alluded to in the Ain-i-Akbari, as occupying the 
Inhona parganah. Fatah Bah&dur Kh&n, a descendant of 
B&z Singh, still possesses a t'aluka, Bhowa, consisting of 
twenty-four villages. 

The Mandarkyas. 

364. The Mandarkyas describe themselves to be Som- 
The Maadarkyaa. bansis, descendants of a chieftain Kishen 

Chand, the founder of the town of 
Kishni. "Mandala," they explain, in the Sanskrit language 
signifies an area of sixty-four kos, or one hundred and twenty- 
eight miles, and such was the extent of Kishen Chand's do- 
mains. He was thence styled " Mandalak," or lord of a 
Mandala, and his descendants Mandalakya, or, by contraction, 
Mandarkya. But the word Mandala does not appear to pos- 
sess the particular meaning here attributed to it ; it signifies 
any region or country, and in that sense, is of not unfrequent 
occurrence, as Kos4mbi- Mandala, Chola-Mandala and Garhd- 
Mandala ; but by itself it is altogether meaningless. 

365. I venture to offer another derivation of the name 
which has at least the recommendation of simplicity. The 
common pronunciation ot the name is Mararkya, but it has 
just been seen that according to the people themselves the 



sultXnpur settlement report, 179 

first r is an instance of the common colloquial practice of sub- 
stituting that letter for nd, and Mandarkyais the more correct 
orthography. They imply also that kya is a terminal affix 
only, and that the radical portion of the name is mandar. It 
is true they make kya an accumulation of two simpler affixes 
k and ya, but this difficulty is disposed of by the fact that 
they do not always use this combination, as often calling 
themselves Mandaraks as Mandar ky as.* NowM&ndarSdh 
is the name of one of their ancestors, second only in import- 
ance to Kishen Ghand himself, and this verbal coincidence 
leads me to think that the Mandarkyas take their name 
from their ancestor Mdndar Sdh, just as the Tilokchandi Bais 
are called after their ancestor Tilok Chand. 

366. The Mandarkyas are partly Musulman, and partly 
Hindti, the conversion of the former being attributed to the 
time of Shir Shdh. Their apostasy does not seem to have 
bettered their worldly prospects, for none of them ever ac- 
quired large estates. Hindus and Musulmans together they 
now hold but four villages, and the family is in the last 
stage of decay* 

The BhIle-SultIns. 

367. The Bh&le-Sultdns put the finishing-stroke, in 
#™_ «.*, ,n this district, to the work of Kshattriya 

The Bh£ta-8uU6n0. , . ,. ' , * TT ., %. 

colonization commenced by Vikramadi- 
tya. Between two and three hundred years ago, Kai Bardr,t 
son of Amba Rai, brother of the then R&jah of Mordrmau, 
commanded a troop of cavalry, recruited entirely from the 
Bais clan, in the imperial service ; and was deputed to exter- 
minate some troublesome Bhars, who, with a fort at G&jan- 
pur, in the Isauli parganah. held the surrounding country 
in subjection and grievously oppressed the inhabitants. 
Having accomplished his task, he returned to Delhi, and 
presented himself at the head of his troop before the 
emperor,. who, struck with their martial bearing, exclaimed, 
" Ao, Bh&le-Sultdn," Come spears of the Sult&n ! Such 
a compliment from such a quarter could not be too highly 
valued, and those to whom it was addressed permanently 
adopted the surname thus jokingly bestowed upon them, 

* According to the Hindis, moreover, the name of one of their clans Chalukya is 
formed by the addition of the termination kya to Chain. (See Chronicles of Oonao, page 56). 

t For a second account of Rai Amba and Rai Barar, (not unknown in this district), 
S«e Chief dans of Roy Bareilly District, pages 22-3. 



180 sultXxpur settlement report. 

whence the present name of the clan. It is almost needless 
to add that Had Bardr received a grant of the territory he 
had liberated from the Bhars' oppressive rule. 

368. Another story* runs that it was the link (bdri), 
and not the lance (bhdld), that the first Bhdle-Sultdns so 
dexterously wielded ; and that they received their Kshattri- 
ya-hood from Tilok Chand, as a reward for the diligence with 
which they performed their humble office in his service. A 
third more matter of fact account says that they are probably 
connected with the Balla, who are included in the Rdjcula, 
and were thet lords of Bhal in Saurashtra. But this lays 
the whole stress on the first factor of the name and leaves 
the other, an equally perplexing one, altogether unexplained. 
That it is a corruption there is little doubt. Tho Bhdle- 
Sultdns are either not mentioned by Abul Fazl at all, 
or they are the Bais Nau-Muslim of Sdtanpur. In either 
case, the suspicion is raised that they did not take their 
modern name until after the time of Akbar ; and if so, it 
hardly bears the ring of imperial coinage. " From this 
" time (1507 A. d.), says Babar, I ordered that I should be 
" styled Pddshdh ;" and from him downwards, this and not 
Sultdn, appears to have been the title affected by the Moghal 
monarchs. 

369. It is very probable that the Bhdle-Sultdns are the 
Nau-Muslim Bais of Sdtanpur, for they now occupy that 
locality, and Pdlhan Deo, great grandson of Rai Bardr, is 
said to have been converted to Islamism in Shir Shdh's reign ; 
and the only thing against this view is that the Gdndeo Bais 
may have held territory thus far east ; and as they, too, had 
a Musulman branch, they would then answer equally well to 
the description given. Assuming the Bhdle-Sultdns to be 
intended, we find them about three centuries ago between 
the Bachgotfs on the east, and the Mandarkyas on the west, 
and this agrees with their own traditions. The only discre- 
pancy is that the one locates them in Isauli and the other in 
Sdtanpur, which, possibly, means no more than that the 
new convert's branch of the clan was the only one then of suffi- 
cient importance to be taken notice of, and it is actually 
represented to be the only one settled in the Sdtanpur par- 

* Chronicles of Oonao, pages 68,62. 

t Elliot's Supplemental Glossary, 8. v. Bliale-Sultan. I may add that in the 
Ain-i-Akbari (Professor Blochmann's Text) a tribe Bhale is mentioned in the Hisampur 
parganah in the Bahraich Sirkar. 



sultInpub settlement report, 181 

ganah. For Rai Bar&r is said to have had four sons, R&j, 
Kunwar, Dudhich and Barm Deo ; the first of whom received 
D&dra, Pind&ra and other villages, the second N&ra, the 
third G&janpur, Haliapur and others, and the fourth, the 
father of Pdlhan Deo, the estate of Jagdispur. It must be 
borne in mind, however, that much of the territory here de- 
scribed was not in theij possession at so early a period, and 
had yet to be acquired. Regarding the details of their con- 
flict with the Bachgotis nothing is known, and the conflict 
itself even is forgotten, but the manifest result of it is that 
the Bachgotis were forced back before the growing power of 
their adversaries out of S&tanpur and Isauli into their 
older settlements in Sultinpur. The subjugation of the 
Mandarkyas, on the other hand, was reserved for Nih&l Kh&n, 
a descendant of P&lhan Deo. Nih&l Kh&n is the greatest of 
Bh&le-Sult&n names, and from the time of its owner dates 
the existence of a r&j in the tribe. He succeeded to an 
estate comprising the greater part of the Sitanpur parganah 
about the year 1715 ; but even this being insufficient for his 
ambition, he erected a strong fort, Nih&lgarh, on the out- 
skirts of his chief village, and, thus obtaining a good base of 
operations, began to plunder and annex the estates of his 
neighbours. This profitable and exciting occupation he car- 
ried on with great success for about thirty years, by the end 
of which time he had become master of nearly all that had 
hitherto been held by the Mandarkyas of Kishni. His 
career was at length terminated in 1745 by a quarrel with his 
cousin Maigal Kh&n, who had married the daughter of 
Husain Kh&n, risilddr and j&ghird&r of Inhona. Maigal 
Kh&n obtained assistance from his father-in-law and attacked 
Nihil Kh&n in his fort. Nih&l Kh&n was slain and Maigal 
KMn took possession of the Jagdispur estate. His tenure of 
it was very, brief, however; in 1750, he fell under the displea- 
sure of the tahsilddr Mirzd Latif Beg, who drove him out of 
Nih&lgarh, and established his own head quarters in it. The 
Bhdle-Sult&ns failed to recover it, and it has since been the 
property of the crown. Maigal Kh&n was succeeded by 
R&jah Arr6 Kh&n, who is principally remembered by land 
grants which he apparently bestowed rather liberally. After 
his death, his possessions were divided into several estates, 
the owners of which did still less to distinguish themselves. . 
370. The Bhdle-Sult&ns still hold the greater part of 
the Isauli and Jagdispur parganahs, and two of their estates, 
Mahona and Bhador, are sanad-t'alukas. 



182 



sultInpur settlement report. 



Pedigree af the Bhdle-Sultdns. 

Rai Barar. 

I 



Raj. 



I 



Martian 



Barm Deo. Dudhich, Kunwar Singh, 

Haliapnr, Gajanpur, 
Sadipur &c. 



Nari, parganah 
Iaauli. 



Rai 



Dadra, parganah 
Iaauk 



Lohang Rai 

Pindari, parganah 
Iaauli. 



Ragho Rai. 

Thaurf Nanak, 
parganah Jagdispur. 



Nianhar. 



PalhanDeo. (Nau-Mualim). 



HatamKhan. 

HigtarKhan. 

KhairatKhin. 

Munnn Khin. 



Mobarik Elian. 
Salem Khan. 



Pahar Khan. 
Deoganw. 



Parwez Khan. 



Mohabbat Khan. 
Badeganw. 



Lahras Khan. 
I 



Rustam Khan, 



k 



DariaKhan. 

1 



Sadi 



.1 



Arre* Khan. ) 

| Umar Khan. 

Bfbi Narbi. | 

| Nih&lpur, par* 

Pir Ghulam ganah Aide- 
Khan, mau. 

Mueammafc 
Zainab. 

M'and&r, widow of 

Wahid AH ofBar- 

aanda, parganah 

Jagdigpur. 



Nihil Kliin 
I 



Jamshed Khan. Makhdum'Bakhah 



Bar wand Khan. 

i 



Aehrafpur. 



Fazal Ali Khin 

Rijah AHBakhghKhin, 
Mahona. 



Khan. 

tfnchganw- 
parganah Jag 
dispur. 



MaigalKhin. 
Salabat Khin. 



Gujnion, par- 
ganah Jagdfepui 



sultAnpur settlement report. 183 

CHAPTER III. 



Settlement. 

371. The formation of a settlement has been authorita- 
t b'ect tively defined to consist of two dis- 

Arrangemen o su j . tinct operations : the one Fiscal, the 

determination of the Government demand ; the other Judi- 
cial, the formation of the Record of Rights : the various steps 
to be taken in the accomplishment of these objects being — 

1. The Adjustment of Boundaries. 

2. The Survey. 

3. The Assessment. 

4. The Record of Rights. 

The arrangement here indicated is obviously the most proper 
for me to follow in this portion of my report. 

SECTION I. — Adjustment of boundaries. 

372. The demarcation of boundaries having been carried 

. out by a department specially consti- 

^ e ^ **' tuted for the purpose, it would 

be beyond my province to give any account of that 
branch of operations. The results, however, require to be 
briefly noticed, as they paved the way for, and were indeed 
indispensable to, the farther prosecution of the work of settle- 
ment. According to the Summary Settlement list, the dis- 
trict consisted of 3,102 villages, but wherever it for any reason 
seemed expedient at the time of demarcation two or more of 
them were grouped together into one. Each newly formed 
village was then encircled and separated from those contigu- 
ous to it by a string of conical pillars erected, where the 
boundary line was straight, at intervals of 110 yards, and, 
where it was irregular, at every change in its direction. These 
pillars were connected in cultivated land by the dividing 
ridges of the fields which lay between them, and in waste by 
a shallow indented line about the depth of an ordinary furrow. 
They were ordinarily made of mud, but where any contro- 
versy arose, they were constructed of solid masonry. With 
water boundaries a different course was followed. Where a 



184 sultInpur settlement report. 

jhll or river separates two villages it is the custom for the 
riverain owners to cultivate rice down to the water's edge as 
far as they can plant it, each on his own side, and where a 
jhll is such that it does not dry up until about the end of Feb- 
ruary, each goes on planting " jethoa dh&n" till they meet in 
the middle. All that was done, therefore, in such cases was 
to draw a zigzag line backward and forward from one bank 
to the other, and erect a row of pillars at its angles on either 
side, so as to define the space subject to the custom described.* 
Where three or more villages met, a square masonry platform 
was erected on the point of common junction. For each of 
the villages thus demarcated a sketch map was prepared, 
together with an index explanatory of its lines and angles, and 
a deed of agreement respecting, the boundaries fixed was then 
taken from the various proprietors concerned. 

373. The arrangement of parganahs was next considered. 
_ . , , . Lists were drawn up of the villages 

Parganah boundaries. ., . . r 1 ,1 • •■• °. , 

they were to comprise, and their limits 
ipso facto determined by those of their outermost villages. 
The parganahs then formed generally coincided in extent with 
the divisions of the same name which had previously existed ; 
but in some instances two of the old ones were thrown into 
one, and in others the transfer of a few villages took place with 
a view to compactness of arrangement. 

SECTION II.— Survey. 

374. For the ascertainment of the interior details of 
a . ... each village the usual twofold survey 

Survey twofold. ,^> - . ,.„ , ,,«' 

was made : one the scientific, by the 
Revenue Surveyor ; the other, the " khasrah," on the Panj£b 

system, by the officials of the Settle- 
Khasrah survey; inatru- ment Department. In the latter, none 

mentsused. i j. xi. • l j. • j. j. 

but the simplest instruments were 

used ; distances were calculated by means of the chain (27^ 

Unit f ent English yards), and the measuring 

o measuremen . ^^ ^ ^^ ^ inches). The standard 

land measure adopted was the Shahjeh&nf bigah, which, 
being exactly five-eigths of an English acre, admits of easy 
comparison with that measure, and has also the advantage, 

* The same course was at first pursued by the Revenue Surveyor, but he subse- 
quently revised his maps, and substituted a dot-and-stroke line in mid-stream. 



sultXnpur settlement report. 185 

peculiar to itself, that the number of yards of which it con- 
sists is an exact square. It contains 3,025 English or 3,600 
Il&hi yards (of 33 inches) ; and its side is 55 English or 60 
Ilihi yards. The measuring chain was therefore exactly half 
that side.* 

375. This survey, with the exception of the actual 
, , . . manual labor of carrying the chain, 

Preparation of shajrah and -i«t_ n> j t • il « 

khasrak which was performed by mirdnas, 

was made in the first instance by 
amins, who were furnished with a plane-table and other ap- 
pliances necessary for the construction on the spot of a field 
map or shajrah and the corresponding register or khasrah. 
With a view to ensuring the accuracy of the total area surveyed, 
they were first required to prepare a satisfactory outline-map ; 
every portion of the boundary shown in it had to undergo the 
test of comparison with the corresponding line in the map of 
the adjacent village, and its production was made a sine qud non 
for the commencement of interior measurements. The amins 
were theoretically supposed to be at the time of their ap- 
pointment "thoroughly versed" in the system of measurement 
they were to apply ; practically it was found that, although 
a certain number could be collected from districts where they 
had had an opportunity of gaining experience, they were not, 
as a whole, an efficient set, and here accordingly, as elsewhere 
in the southern portion of the province, some time was lost 
_ .. .. . , . , in their tuition. Their work was su- 

Purincation of shajrah.. ., , . . t - , , 

pervised during its progress, and checked 
and examined after its completion, by munsarims (some of 
whom had at first like the amins to be instructed), and 
again counter-checked by either the sadr munsarim or 
his n&ib. Every village was ultimately visited by the 
Settlement Officer or his Assistant, when various practical 
tests were made of the accuracy of the survey and the 
records immediately based upon it. A flag-staff, for in- 
stance, was planted in some conspicuous place about the 

* The standard bigah has also the recommendation of agreeing pretty closely with a 
measure previously far from unknown. In nearly every village two measures are in 
common use ; the kacha or dehf, varying from Bis. 8 (standard) in some villages in 
Ch&nda to Bis. 10& in Amethi, and the pakka, invariably double the kacha. It will thus 
be seen that the Shahjeham and pakka bigah are nearly equal, and it is quite possible 
that the one owes its origin to the other. The kacha bigah may almost be said to be a 
colloquial mode of reckoning ; for in formal written transactions the pakka bigah is not 
uncommonly employed. It may be worth noting, as a coincidence, that the Shahjeham 
bigah is exactly equal to the old Roman " juger" (Hallam's Middle Ages, I. 160). 

2a 



186 StLfAKPtJIt SETTLEMENT ItEPOKT. 

centre of the village, and its bearings were then taken by 
means of the plane-table from several successive 'ch&ndahs' 
or surveyors' stations, as also of those stations from each 
other. This served to bring to light any error in the village 
circuit, the measurement with the chain along the ground 
of the distance from any of the stations to the flag-staff and 
of the same line with the scale upon the map, showed the 
general character of the interior survey, which was also more 
minutely tested by the separate measurement of the various 
fields lying within that space. 



376. The same opportunity was also taken for the exa- 
xr -n x. -Ai-i. x. mination of the entries in the khas- 

Venncation orkhasran. 11. i n 1 -.• n.i 

ran, both those descriptive of the 
shajrah and those which furnished additional information. 
The names of proprietor and cultivator were obtained from 
the villagers ; the quality of the soil, and of the waste land, 
and the nature of the crop on the ground were open to ocular 
observation. Irrigation data alone present any serious 
difficulty, and some ingenuity was occasionally necessary to 
discover whether a field was correctly entered as irrigated or 
not ; for proprietors were fully alive to the fact that the record 
of scanty irrigation would ensure a more moderate assessment; 
and, as it is just about the species and level of foresight to 
which the rustic mind is capable of rising to mislead the 
assessing officer with Such an object, they not unfrequently 
put themselves to great trouble to fill up wells, and obliterate 
the water-courses leading from them. These artifices were, 
perhaps> sometimes successful; but tell-tale circumstances 
were often to be found, e. g., the presence on the ground of 
crops for which irrigation was absolutely necessary, or of marks 
of the formation of the small plots into which irrigated fields 
are subdivided. 



377. The khasrah survey operations commenced in 
Coat of khasrah surve February 1863, and were brought to 

ey# an end in March 1866, the field estab- 

lishment having been at work throughout each year with 
the exception of the rainy season. The total cost amounted 
to Us. 62,791-2-2, which gives a rate of Us. 62-7-10 per 
1,000 acres. 



StfLTiNPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 



187 



378, The professional survey was made during the 
years 1862, 1863 and 1864 ; and from 
cien c urvey. time to time as it progressed maps 

were furnished by the Surveyor, showing the detailed vil- 
lage areas as determined by him. On receipt of them, they 
were compared in every particular by means of proportional 
compasses with the independently prepared shajrahs, and, 
where differences became manifest, they were reconciled by 
enquiry on the spot. This proved effective in some cases 
for the detection of inaccuracies in the amfn's records. 



379. The result of the two. sur- 

«ro°^Ss nofresult80f ^ ve y s M finall 7 accepted are thus 

shown : — 



two surveys. 



Survey. 


Total area. 


Cultivation. 


Revenue, ... 

Khasrah, «•• -.. ... 


10,07,324 
10,05,205 


5,25,434 
5,06,646 



That they do not exactly tally, even as to total areas, 
admits of easy explanation ; there are many circumstances 
e. g. 9 the broken and undulating surface of land bordering on 
the river Gtimti and on ravines, and the difficulty of measur- 
ing with perfect accuracy the dimensions of large sheets of 
deep water, which stand on the way of a perfect field survey, 
which present no obstacle where scientific assistance is avail- 
able. At the same time the difference in total areas is small, 
being about two per mille, or well within the margin (5 per 
<5ent.) allowed in this respect. 

380. If details be analysed, more marked discrepancies 
are perceptible ; but here, as a rule, greater reliability may be 
.claimed for the khasrah survev. Tins, with respect to culti- 
vation, renders an account oi each separate field, whereas the 
revenue survey, which deals with blocks only, now and then 
omits to take cognizance of uncultivated patches in the centre 
of a large area of cultivation, and consequently makes too large 
an entry under the latter head. Here and there again grass- 



188 sultXnpur settlement befort. 

covered plains have been treated by the revenue survey as 
cultivated, because, perhaps, the grass has to be periodically 
replaced. The same thing happens, too, with regard to very 
poor soil, on which fodder for cattle only is occasionally grown, 
which for assessment purposes, is more properly defined as 
culturable. The average variation between the two returns 
in respect of cultivated area is under 3 per cent., the greatest 
being as might be expected in the riparian parganahs. That 
the respective entries regarding culturable and barren do not 
coincide more closely is sufficiently explained by the absence 
of common rules for the two survey departments to guide them 
in their estimates of what should be so classified. 

SECTION III.— Assessment. 

381. The results of survey are in great measure the data 
„ 1x . . x , for assessment, and offer* therefore, the 

Results of survey data lor » . ... ,. * , . ' . 

assessment. means of transition from one subject to 

the other. 

382. In point of fertility, as judged by breadth of culti- 
„ ■ . . . vation (though not perhaps productive 

Comparison of local with .. ^ , ft * . \ r .. 

provincial data. capacity) both present and prospective, 

Sult&npur must be content to take a 
low place among the districts of Oudh. If the local and pro- 
vincial averages be placed in juxtaposition, it will be observed 
that, in both of the above respects, the former falls apprecia- 
bly below the latter.* 

In gauging the agricultural capabilities of the district 
other points must, no doubt, be attended to. Its markedly 
large proportion of groves, themselves capable of being brought 
under the plough, and its jhils, which contribute to the pro- 
ductive power of lands in their vicinity, must be thrown into 
the scale ; but there is still a residuum of impracticable barren 
soil more than 50 per cent in excess of the general average. 

383. "What is thus said of the whole district requires 
. . , x . modification with respect to some of its 

Comparison of parganah with ... . ± a i i ••% -i 

district data. constituent parganahs. A detailed 

examination of each would be super- 
fluous; full particulars are given in the prescribed tabulated 
statement; an instance or two will not be out of place to show 

* See page 189. 



sultInpur settlement report. 



189 



g 

5 

£ 






■g^jrarao'jj; 






Tiaanrg; 



TJ'b.M 



■Bt[1Bd 
pint epilog 



l e^qi9 aS^lHA 






*p3BS3BS«n£][ 



'possasBy 



-Q1&B& eiqumqjnQ 



*HOT^BA]lpD 



"B3JDU ttl UWW P^°X 



■^iin anmbs aod uot^tidoj 



-B9[im anjnbs m ^suy 



-BqBziiiiK J<> raq™*^ 






O 



3 



00 



or 



ITS 
6 



o 






CO 

1—1 



CO 









OS 
JO 



as 
O 



CO 
Ci 



O 
CO 

O 
<o" 



f 

H 

H 



3 



190 sultInpub settlement report. 

the range of variation. In Chanda and Isauli cultivation is 
as high as 56 and 60 per cent, respectively. Inhona, though 
now least cultivated, offers scope for the reclamation of waste 
to the amount of 23, and Asal to as much as 29 per cent. ; 
groves are most numerous in the west, but not a smgle par- 
ganah, Ch&nda perhaps, excepted, is badly off in this regard. 
The parganahs which lie on the western and southern boundaries 
of the district are conspicuous by forming a broad belt within 
which lies a majority of its tanks and jhfls, and it is a curious 
fact that three of these parganahs are prin- \ Simrota. 
cipally instrumental in raising the district > Rokhd- Jais. 
percentage of ' barren ' so high. It would ) Mohanganj. 
almost seem, and the appearance of the country bears out the 
idea that the tanks by means ot their in-flowing waters rob the 
wide surface by the drainage of which they are fed of all its ele- 
ments of fertility to concentrate and return them to a small 
and favoured tract on their immediate margin. 

384. Much the same sorts of soil are to be found every- 
Sriis. Chemical cUaaifioa- where; a classification based on their 
4io »- chemical composition, into mattyar, 

domat and bhur is widely and familiarly known, and has been 
adopted in the khasrah entries. " Clay and sand," says a writer 
on English agriculture,* " are the two chief ingredients in cul- 
41 tivated grounds, and according to the proportion one element 
gt bears to another, they are called argillaceous, loamy and 
*' sandy." The same distinction lies at the root of the native 
classification, so that the two sets of designations are synony- 
mous ; the composition and quality of the one set is shown by 
the remarks of the writer just quoted regarding the other. 

Clay enters into all good lands; in fertile soils from nine to 
fifteen per cent., and in barren soils from twenty to forty per 
cent. Loams are generally understood to consist of clay, sili- 
ceous sand, and carbonate of lime. Clay consists most gene- 
rally of 30 per cent, of argil and 70 per cent, of fine sand ; loam 
of the best kind contains an excess of sand amounting to 17 per 
cent., i. e., it is composed of 87 per cent, of sand and 13 per 
cent, of argil ; if the excess of sand be greater, it will form 
what is called a sandy loam; — if smaller, a clayey loam. 
Sandy soils extend upward from where barren sand merges 
into a soil to where the most sandy loam commences. 

* Donaldson's Agriculture, page 31. 



sultInpur settlement report. 191 

385. A sandy soil is, as might be conjectured, held in least 
m .,., , ., esteem. If most easily and cheaply 

Relative fertdxty of soda. cultivated> ft ^ the ^ productive. 

Not only so, but where the sandy stratum is of any depth 
it interferes with the construction of any but masonry-lined 
wells. Of the other two, domat is generally preferred to 
mattyar, of even the best quality. Tins is best understood by 
examination of the nature of clay the characteristic consti- 
tuent of mattyar. The cultivable quality of clay depends 
on two properties : the strong affinity of its base alumina for 
water, and its contraction under the influence of heat. A su- 
perabundance of it constitutes a soil too wet and cold for ve- 
getable life, while excess of heat rapidly contracts and har- 
dens it into a condition very injurious to the growth of plants.* 

386. There are not, I believe, in this district any soils so 
clayey as to be unmanageable by reason of excessive moisture, 
unless they are actually submerged ; it is their tendency to 
dry up and split which requires to be counteracted. Again 
clayey soils are stifl and stubborn and their cultivation de- 
mands much power and labour. The two great requisites, then, 
for the successful cultivation of clayey soils (as here found) 
are irrigation and exertion, and neither of these is to be ob- 
tained at all events without expense or personal discomfort. 
For domat, on the other hand, irrigation is less indispensable, 
and its cultivation involves much less trouble. 



387. Any preference there may be, then, for'domat over 
mattyar is directly traceable to indolence or poverty. I much 
doubt, however, whether there is really any greater preference 
than there is for mud huts in comparison with brick houses. 
It is an unquestionable fact that the former are more com- 
monly built; but, except perhaps in the single instance of 
Bhfile-Sult&ns, this proceeds I imagine not from deliberate 
choice, but rather from the want of it. Non cuivis homini. 
In both instances, the same material has to be manipulated ; 
in both the prevalent practice and there is nothing surpris- 
ing in it is to use it in that form which requires least 

trouble and outlay. 



* Donaldson's Agriculture. 



192 sultAnpur settlement report. 

388. As to the comparative productiveness of the two 
soils under circumstances most favorable to them both, i. e., 
let them both be ploughed, manured and irrigated to the ex- 
tent experience shows advisable, I entertain little doubt that 
mattyar would yield much more than domat. It should be 
especially suitable for sugar-cane and other constantly irrigated 
crops, as its proneness to cake and crack would be thereby 
obviated. Facts may seem primd facie to be against this 
theory : sugar-cane is least found where the soil is most argil- 
laceous. In the extreme west of the district it is scarcely 
found at all, and the explanation, offered is that the soil is too 
stiff; but this probably means only that it is so for the limited 
irrigation and simple agricultural skill and implements that can 
be brought to bear upon it. 

389. Of mattyar, and of that alone is any sub-classifica- 
'...*.. * ., tion taken cognizance of by the vil- 

Sub-classification of soils. ■* . u° • , x i_ i_-xi_ x 

lage agriculturist. I have hitherto 
alluded to that of the first quality ; the other sorts are poor 
and lack some of the essentials of fertility inherent in the 
best, or are vitiated by some mineral or other taint. Thus 
bijar and kanjdr, the names of which are usually supposed to 
be corruptions of be-zor and kam-zor, both words with a dispa- 
raging signification, do not repay cultivation except in the 
rainy season, when they are moistened and rendered ductile 
without expense ; they are then used for rice crops. Kapsahd, 
or kdbis, again is a poor species of mattyar ;* it is streaked 
with distinctive veins of a dirty reddish yellow colour, ap- 
parently connected with its inferiority as a soil. They may 
not improbably be ascribed to the presence of iron in some 
form, and if so its valuelessness is accounted for. The ferru- 
ginous quality is liable to be heated by the sun, while rains 
batter the soil into hard cakes, with serious injury to vegeta- 
tion.t These objections would appear to be partly open to 
counteraction by the use of leafy vetches which have in them- 
selves the means of breaking the power of both the sun's rays 
and rain showers before they strike the ground. 

390. Tikar or Hkar is mixed up with nodules of kankar, 
and, with lime substituted for iron, is somewhat similar to 
kapsahd. 

* It is also found, though less commonly, in domat. 
t Donaldson's Agriculture, page 127. 



SULTXnPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 193 

391. Lands, like soils, have their classification, their 
~ .- .. .. . situation being made the ground of dis- 

Classification of lands. .• ,. a j« i ±% • i , • 

tinctaon. According to their relative 
altitude they are liparhdr or bdngar, and khaldr or khddir; 
according to their distance from the village they are goind, 
majhdr, pdM. Uparhir shows itself to be a compound of 
iipar, above and hdr, a tract, and signifies " uplands," as also 
does bdngar ; Ichal&r and khddir have the converse meaning 
of lowlands. Goind is an ordinary word for a suburb, and 
hence imports inlying fields ; pdlii, derived from palld, border, 
margin, denotes outlying fields, and majhdr, retaining its usual 
meaning of middle or centre, is applied to lands intermediate 
between goind and pdlti. 

392. The Scotch have two expressions* in-field and 
out-field, which at first sight seem to answer exactly to goind 
and pdld ; out-field, indeed, is outlying land, but this does not 
convey its full meaning ; it is the name given to land only 
occasionally under the plough, which any tenant may take up 
and cultivate without leave and license, while in-field is land 
regularly cultivated. This leads to the mention of yet another 
native mode of classifying lands, which a similar idea seems to 
underlie, viz., hauli and/arc£a. For kauli, in practice applied 
to land of superior quality and so always under cultivation, in 
its primitive sense implies land held according to specified 
agreement, while far da is used as its ordinary converse ; and it 
is no uncommon thing for a tenant to take up, without the 
formal permission of his landlord, any patch of inferior or 
unbroken land, which may remain unlet at the commence- 
ment of the agricultural year.t 

393. Groves and waste land combine to occupy a consi- 
, derable portion of the district. Groves 

Groves and waste. , r , , _ , ~ , i_ 

alone amount to 9 per cent, ot the 
total area. Their presence of itself proclaims the fertility of 
the soil they stand in. But the waste land is for the most 
part as inferior in quality as it is abundant in quantity. All 
the large culturable tracts were demarcated as separate vil- 
lages and made the subject of grants shortly after re-occupa- 
tion, the principal being Kulwa in parganah Subeha,- Jungle 
R&mnagar in parganah Amethi, Grant Ktirw&r in parganah 
Sult&npur, and jungle Parstiiya in Asal. In former times, 

* Sir W. Scott's Monastery. 

f The rent is in such cases fixed by custom at half produce. 

2b 



194 sultAnpur settlement ueport. 

these jungles were required for defence and refuge, and had 
they not been, superstition would have offered a bar more or 
less effectual to their clearance : those who were rash enough 
to undertake the task they had were taught to dread the wrath 
of the sylvan deity whose solitude they profaned, and so do the 
credulous yet account for the sickness that frequently attacks 
newly cleared localities. But in these latter days, supersti- 
tion is at a much lower ebb than it used to be, and by the 
time settlement commenced, the work of reclamation had 
made considerable progress in the better kinds of land. 

394. Waste lands other than the above consist partly 
of tree and bush-grown jungle, and partly of bare tisar plains. 
The former comprises little more than the common pasture- 
lands of villages, and such small plots of jungle in the en- 
virons of the residences of t'alukd&rs as still remain, for in 
many such places, notably Bhadaiyan and Hasanpur, the axe 
and the hoe went busily to work almost immediately after the 
introduction of British rule. In Hasanpur alone, more than 
a thousand acres began to be cleared between annexation and 
the mutiny. TTsar plains form a large portion of the waste 
land and many of them are coated with a saline efflorescence, 
called 'reh/ which marks the most unmanageable soil the agri- 
culturist has to deal with. That they are absolutely barren 
maybe doubted, but their reclamation cannot be effected 
without considerable expense, which in the present condition 
of the people is tantamount to the same thing. 

395. Irrigation takes place from two sources, wells and 
, . ^ tanks, understanding by the latter, 

Irrigation; sources. "iaijj i j ii ± 

jhils and dams also, and all construc- 
tions of a similar kind, natural and artificial for the storage of 
water. Rain-streams are now and then, but very seldom used 
for this purpose, and the Gdmti never : the land on its right 
bank usually lies at too great an elevation above its surface, and 
where " intervals" occur, wells require to be of such a slight 
depth that it is more profitable to sink them than bring water 
from the river. In such places, indeed, artificial irrigation is 
sometimes considered unnecessary ; the land is, as in Egypt, 
rendered sufficiently moist by the overflow of the river, or the 
paradisaical system alone suffices, and heavy dews are depend- 
ed on to water the face of the ground. 



sultInpur settlement report. 195 

The water-supply is copious. Tanks cover 8 per cent, of 
j the total area, a high average even for 

aer-suppy. Oudh, and irrigate 203,463 acres. 

Where they are wanting, water is found at a mean depth of 
from 20 to 35 feet below the surface, and the survey shows 
the existence of 31,313 wells, which serve for 190,964 acres. 
The total area irrigated therefore amounts to 394,427 acres 
or 78 per cent, of that under cultivation, 

396. Of wells there are four or five varieties, but the 
w „ chief distinction usually made is be- 
tween brick-lined^ and unbricked or 
pakka and kacha. 

397. Pakka wells differ greatly in size and substanti- 
ality, according to the means of the persons who sink them, and 
the ends they are required to serve. When well-built, they 
last for centuries ; many may yet be seen which tradition com- 
monly if not accurately attributes to Bhar masons. Those of 
the best kind are now built with bricks of the ordinary size 
and quality, and where intended solely for agricultural purposes, 
are of moderate dimensions, about 4 to 6 feet in diameter, and 
where the water stratum is not very far below the surface, 
cost from Rs. 300 to 600. An inferior description of well 
is much in favor with the poorer classes, to whom its cheap- 
ness recommends it ; it is made with large curved bricks, the in- 
terstices being filled with mud as a substitute for cement. It 
is open to the objection that the bricks are liable to tumble 
out, and that, owing to their size, the displacement of one of 
them, as an immediate effect, disturbs several of the adjacent 
ones, and thus leads to the speedy collapse of the entire struc- 
ture. 

398. Kacha wells, in their simplest form, are complete- 
ly unsteened, and consist of a simple shaft sunk from the sur- 
face to the water-level ; but, where the subsoil is sandy, they 
are faced with broad hoops of matted rusa, to prevent the 
sand from shifting. The cost and durability of these wells vary 
very considerably, the more so that it commonly happens that, 
where the soil is soft, the water is near the surface ; and, where 
the soil is more firm, and so more difficult to dig, it is necessary 
to penetrate to a greater depth before water is obtainable. In 
the former case, kacha wells can sometimes be sunk for as little 



196 sultXnpur settlement report. 

as Rs. 2 or 3, bat they then seldom last more than a year or 
two ; in the latter, they cost more, sometimes nearly as much 
as pakka wells, of which they then in great measure have the 
durability. 

399. It might be expected that, where a kacha well once 
falls in, the experiment would not be repeated in the same spot, 
and yet it is very common to come across five or six shapeless 
pits in close contiguity, the sites of so many former wells. 
This is, I think, due to two causes ; one of them is that kacha 
wells are often the work of cultivators, who, even when mere 
tenants-at-will, have a great disinclination to change their hold- 
ings, and so have to make the best they can of their situation ; 
the other is that the wells, though lasting for a very short 
time, are found to have an unusually plentiful supply of water ; 
for all spots are not by means alike in this respect, and the 
greatest difference sometimes exists between places but a few 
feet apart. " There is a river in the ocean" says Maury,* and 
its waters evince a decided " reluctance, so to speak, to mingle 
" with the common water of the sea;" nor is it altogether homo- 
geneous in itself ; it has " threads of warmer separated by streaks 
" of cooler water." Maury again describes a system of oceanic 
circulation by means of currents, " the channels through which 
" the waters circulate, and the harmonies of old ocean are pre- 
" served." Similar phenomena may probably be found in sub- 
terranean waters, and the copiousness of a well be traceable, 
where there is no spring to feed it,t to its intersecting some 
such stream or current, or in some cases to the still more lucky 
accident of its having struck the confluence of two or more 
opposite ones. 

400. Tanks are sometimes faced with solid masonry, 

but these are few and far between, 
and are oftener than not memorial 
monuments in their original purpose. Tanks intended for irri- 
gation are simple excavations of the ground to the depth of a 
few feet and even these are comparatively rare. The dam 
(b&ndh) is the usual mode of constructing a reservoir, being 



* Maury's Physical Geography of the Sea, page 1, 47,149. 

t Natural springs, which in former times were abundant throughout Oudh, and 
which are still very numerous in Sarwar, the country beyond the Deoha, are now very 
rarely seen on the south-west side of that river.— Dr. Butter's Southern Oudh, 15. 



sultInpur settlement report. 197 

recommended by its economy and simplicity: advantage is 
taken of a natural slope, across which it is thrown to intercept 
the flow of water. 

401. In tank irrigation water is raised by means of the 
. , , . M . . .. ordinary shallow basket, (beri); a small 

Mode.of irrigation. • j x !• -l • ± • ± j./ 1 i 

" indentation being cut into the bank 

forms a small bay, on either side of which a man stands, 
and raises and lowers the basket by means of cords attached 
to its sides. Sometimes two baskets are thus worked, one im- 
mediately behind the other, but this is poor economy of labor, 
as it is estimated that the second raises only half as much 
water as the first. This process has sometimes to be repeated 
two or three times, where the field to be irrigated is much 
above the level of the tank* The exertion involved is very 
great ; twenty minutes at a stretch is thought sufficient for the 
same set of men. 

402. For raising water from wells, one method only is 
practised.* " This is very troublesome and filthy besides. On 
" the brink of a well they fix in strongly two forked pieces of 
"wood, and between their prongs insert a roller. They 
"then fasten a great water bucket to the long ropes, which 
" they bring over the roller; one end of their rope they tie to the 
" bullock, and while one man drives the bullock, another is 
" employed to pour the water out of the bucket when it reaches 
"the top of the well. Every time that the bullock raises it 
*' from the well, as it is let down again, the rope slides along 
" the bullock course, is defiled with urine and dung, and in this 
u filthy condition falls into the well." Sanitarists will be 
gratified to know that the filthiness here complained of is 
sometimes obviated by bullocks being dispensed with, and the 
bucket rope worked by men and women. 

The denkhll, or pot-and-lever system, so common in 
some parts is little in vogue here; its use is restricted to a 
few villages, and even in them to the irrigation of hot weather 
rice, and to places where water is very near the surface. 

403. From the place of supply to the place of irrigation 
water is conveyed in channels of greater or less depth and 
breadth, dug in the ground or in the tops of the ridges which 

• Btoart Memoirs, page 314. 



198 sultXnpur settlement report. 

divide cultivated fields. The simplicity of this style of thing 
is perhaps one of the points looked upon with contempt by Fer- 
gusson.* Lauding the Turanians, he states that artificial irri- 
gation was one of the special instincts of this old people, and that 
the "practical intellect" of the higher (Aryan and Semitic) races 
seems hardly yet to have come up to the point where those arts 
were left by the Turanians; irrigation works were instinctively 
performed by a Moghal. The Moghal, however, combined with 
the ability to construct them, the sense to perceive where the 
necessity existed for them. Accordingly thus speaks one of 
that race. " Though Hindostan has so many provinces, none 
" of them has any artificial canals for irrigation. It is watered 
" only by rivers, though in some places too there is stand- 
" ing water. Even in those cities which are so situated as to 
" admit of digging a water-course, and thereby bringing water 
" into them, yet no water has been brought in. There may be 
" several reasons for this. One of them is that water is not 
" absolutely requisite for the crops and gardens." Here, then, 
is no mean authority for the conclusion that the absence of 
aqueducts and conduits in greater number or on a more mag- 
nificent scale arises, not from the ignorance, but from the 
exercise of the " practical intellect of the higher races." 

404. Brought to the field where it is required for use, 
the water has still to be equally distributed among the small 
component beds or plots. This provides separate employ- 
ment for one man. Thus for well irrigation, where bullocks 
are used, three men are necessary : where bullocks are dispens- 
ed with this number is increased three or fourfold. In tank 
irrigation, three or at most five men are sufficientt, and no 
bullocks are wanted. The labourers are usually paid in food- 
grain, and there is something amusing in the way it is often 
given. A day's pay is \\ panseri, but the recipient does not 
obtain it all at once ; it is doled out to him at judiciously fixed 
times as if to sustain his strength (as was sometimes done for- 
merly under the infliction of torture) and make him work the 
better. 



* Fergusson's History of Modern Architecture, page 507. 

t That is, for one lift ; where there are more, ox course an extra number of hands 
is required. 



sultInpur settlement report. 199 

405. With bullocks, from five to eight standard biswahs 

Area irrigated in a day. * th °^ ht a g^° d dea J t0 . ™^t* in a 

day from wells : exclusively human 
labour will accomplish as much as ten biswahs. From tanks, 
less than two standard bigaha is not thought a satisfactory 
result. 

406. It will thus be seen that well irrigation is at once 
^ m s „ . . more expensive and less expeditious 

Preference for well irriga- ,, ,, { - , ■* ., r 1 , , 

tion. than that from tanks ; it would also 

. appear that well water should contain 
less matter conducive to the nourishment of plants than that 
from tanks ; and yet the former is usually preferred. * For 
this apparent anomaly various reasons have been assigned. 
One is that the more slowly water is supplied, the • more it 
sinks in and benefits the crop :t a second is that well irrigation 
is less uncertain, being less dependent on the annual rain-fall : 
a third J is that well water, rising from springs deep in the earth, 
retains in solution the salts it collects there, and these help to 
strengthen and invigorate the soil ; the principal one, I believe, 
(and the opinion is borne out by the enquiries I have made) 
is that the temperature of well-water is more equable. Irri- 
gation is almost entirely restricted to the coldest months of 
the year, and work then commences before dawn, so that much 
of the water a field receives is poured into it when the thermo- 
meter is not much above freezing point. The first water, 
moreover, is given when the plants are very young, and is 
consequently liable, if too cold, to chill them and so do them 
considerable harm. This danger is much diminished by the 
comparative warmth of well-water. 

407. The number of waters required differs with the 
-- . . . . , crop. Flax is unirrigated, gram almost 

Number of waters required. * •. , , •■ 9 ° • • , i 

so : wheat and barley are irrigated 
twice in some places, and this is traditionally sufficient, but in 
others a third water is ordinarily given. Where the supply 
is so scarce that more than two waterings are not usually 
possible, all-powerful custom perhaps prevents more even when 
an opportunity occurs. With sugar-cane the rule is that the 
soil must be kept sufficiently moist through the hot weather, 
and this necessitates irrigation every fifteen or twenty days. 

* Mr. Carnegy in his (printed) Settlement Report for 1863-64 notices that the same 
is the case in Faizabad. 

t Revenue Reporter, Volume III, No. IV, 1869. 
$ Oonao Report, para. 47. 



200 SULTJLbTPUB SETTLEMIHT RXPOBT. 

408. Jhfls and frequently tanks are considered natural 

Can*mc*» of well, haw ^Outages of the locsdity in which 

to dne to expenditure of cap. tney lie, and so for, at least, their pre- 
tai by landholders? sence does not suggest a light assess- 

ment of the fields they irrigate. With regard to brick wells, 
however, it is held that the indiscriminate imposition of full 
rates involves the danger of levying a tax on capital And so, 
no doubt, it does. But at the same time, some little caution 
is necessary in the application of this theory. It is well known 
that the construction of a vast number of fine wells is to be as- 
cribed to private munificence or the desire of the maker to per- 
petuate his name in the annals of his village.* Such a person 
is sometimes assisted by the proprietor with wood for fuel, tor in 
other ways, but not necessarily so by any means. He some- 
times bears the entire expense himsel£ If he be not a cultiva- 
tor, he reaps no benefit whatever from his work, beyond the 
" luxury of doing good." If he be, he certainly obtains a some- 
what more substantial reward, but even then he does not appro- 
priate all the profit arising from his outlay. He is entitled 
simply to first water, i. e. to irrigate his own fields first ; the 
surplus all goes to other tenants, and neither they, who thus 
obtain a better crop, nor the zemindar to whom they pay a 
higher rent than they otherwise would, has ever expended a 
single pice of capital. 

409. It is clear, therefore, that the existence of masonry 
wells is not per se a sufficient reason for any abatement of 
the fair revenue demand ; it is first necessary to be satisfied 
that they are the work of the proprietors themselves. Where 
they are so, and are made with the primary object of improv- 
ing estates they undoubtedly give a good claim to considera- 
tion, especially if the estates be smalL 

410. The quantity of manure available for agricultural 

purposes is smalL It suffices for no 
****** more than 17 per cent of the land un- 

der cultivation. It is much lessened by the habit, common 
with villagers, of using cow-dung for fuel — an evil unfortunately 

* The same may be said of not a few large tanks. Nor, under native rule, was the 
construction of wells and tanks confined to villagers. Officials, qabzdars and others, 
somet im es performed such acta of liberality in Tillages with which they had no more than 
a temporary connection. As an instance, I may state that a snhahdar in one of the ex- 
king's regiments spent as much as Ba. 900 in the excavation of a tank in a village mot far 
from SuHanpur. 

t See Inhona Report, pan. a 



stjltIotuh settlement report. 201 

on the increase. The large jungles which a few years ago fur* 
nished an almost unlimited supply of wood have now been 
cleared, while on the other hand, with increase of population, 
has arisen* an increased demand for fuel, and a quantity of what 
should be utilized as manure is thus withheld from agriculture. 
As a consequence of manure being so scarce, it is applied to 
irrigated lands- only r and as pointed out in one of the Panj&b 
reports, the result is to create a still greater difference between 
their productiveness and value and that of unirrigated lands 
than is caused by irrigation alone. 

411. The staple products of the district are the same 
^ _ everywhere ; in one place one may 

Produce. , J y r j • , -i J 

be more common, a second m another, 
but there is no difference of kind, 

412. The principal spring crops are wheat, bailey and 
s rin cto 8 pulses of various sorts. They are 

prm ° p * often grown separately,, but not un^ 

frequently together, the favorite mixtures being wheat and 
barley (gtijai, adhgehiin or adhjowa), and barley and the 
field-pea* The fields in which they are grown are either allowed 
to lie fallow in the rainy months, that period being devoted 
to their tiHage> or bear during that period a previous crop 
of common rice. The less important grains of this harvest, 
e. g. mustard of different kinds, safflower, and flax are 
seldom found alone ; they are confined to borders, or sown 
in parallel lines at distances of from six to ten feet apart in 
fields of pulse and barley ; for admixture of crops is sanctioned 
by Man/u,* and is carried on to an extent that would have 
mightily provoked the wrath of the Israelitish lawgiver.. 
" Thou shalt not sow thy field with mingled seed ; " " thou shalt 
" not sow thy vineyard with divers seeds," are the precepts of 
Mosaic law; here as many as five sorts of seed gram, kesar 
mustard, safflower r and flax may be seen together, and I can- 
not vouch for this number not being exceeded. Flax, certainly; 
may now and then stand by itself. It is, perhaps, the least 

E articular of all plants* and will thrive even in the almost 
arren patches at the foot of trees, which exclude the ray& 
of the sun during ^greater part of the day by their foliage, 
and absorb nearly all nourishment from the ground by their 
roots. This plant is grown for its oil-yielding seed only : 
the preparation of the fibre is little understood, and less 
attempted. One of the Sikandradfh rioters assured me on a, 

* Man* Chapter IX. 38, where the practice is mentioned and passes unrebuked. 

2c 



202 sultAnpur settlement report. 

chance visit to the village, that notwithstanding the advantage 
of three years tuition in one of Her Majesty's jails, and every 
disposition to turn the instruction there gained to account, 
he could not make the process of extracting the fibre remune- 
rative. The stalk accordingly becomes food for cattle. Ar- 
har is as it were, a connecting link between the two harvests; 
as a crop it must be counted with those of spring ; so far as 
the date of sowing and germinating goes it belongs to the 
rainy season. 

413. The chief rain crops are rice, (kunwdri dh£n or 
_. paddy, and jarhan, or transplanted 

rice), jow&r, and other cereals of a simi- 
lar kind, together with two or three sorts of pulses. A simi- 
lar intermixture of crops is made to that of the spring har- 
vest. Rice, however, does not belong exclusively to the 
rains. It is Protean ; if in one of its many species, kunw&rf, 
it is the earliest crop of the agricultural year, in another 
jethao or sdtM, it is the latest. Where tanks, without being 
top deep, retain moisture all the year round, they are sown 
about March with the latter kind of rice. It comes to matu- 
rity in the month of Jeth about sixty days from the date of 
sowing and thence derives its double name. Where it exists 
in large quantities it is a very valuable asset. 

414. Sugar-cane is but little grown by any class, or in any 
Special cro s parganah. By Bh&le-Sultdns not a 

pecm ^ crops * field of it is planted ; it is one of their 

eccentricities to exclude it from their agriculture. Ch&nda 
on the extreme east alone had the smallest right to be con- 
sidered a cane-producing parganah at the tune of survey. 
Sult&npur might perhaps be coupled with it ; it could boast of 
small patches here and there. With regard to this crop, 
however, it is material to bear in mind that its presence was 
known to mark superior soil, if not a superior village also, and 
that, as with irrigation, no pains were spared to hide the fact 
of its existence. In Ch&nda, at all events, there was the ex- 
perience of three-quarters of a century as a guide. Official do- 
cuments of that antiquity evidence at once the cultivation of the 
cane in the parganah so far back, and also of the imposition of 
a high rate of assessment on cane-producing land. It may, I 
think, be confidently expected that its production will consider- 
ably increase — if it has not already done so.* 

* For instance, in Dhamaur, parganah Sultanpur in the year of survey there were 
only Be. 2J of sugar-cane ; last year there were more than Bs. 20. 



sultInpur settlement report. 203 

415. To prevent the trespasses of cattle, a low mud- 
wall is occasionally thrown up round the sugar-cane field ; but 
a more productive fence often serves the same purpose, viz. 
the castor-oil plant. The plough cannot find its way properly 
into the extreme edges of the field, and in the portion thus but 
half-tilled a row of castor-oil plants is inserted. As it grows 
it furnishes an almost impervious barrier to any animal but 
the pig, which does considerable damage to the cane not only by 
feeding on it, but also by grubbing up the plants. The cane 
cannot be reached until the castor-oil plant has been demo- 
lished ; the loss of the latter is not very great if it is destroyed, 
it has accomplished its primary object ; if it is saved, it yields 
a crop of oil-seeds, in addition to the principal production of 
the field. This plant is also to be found in the immediate 
neighbourhood of villages, often inside the walls of unroofed 
and deserted huts ; otherwise it is never grown alone. 

416. Maize is rare as a field crop; about a sufficiency of it 
is grown to show the possibility of its cultivation. In gardens 
it is raised with ease, but pro tanto, it ranks with horticultural 
rather than agricultural produce. In the Chronicles of Oonao, 
Mr. Elliott relates a story that Viswamitra, a transcendently 
pious Hindii saint, whose date is a sad puzzle to chronologists, 
created Indian corn. Stripped of its mythical garb, this pro- 
bably signifies that that grain is not indigenous and that its ac- 
climatization was within the memory of tradition. Viswamitra 
was thus the Hiawatha of the province, who first tried the 
experiment of sowing the seed and watched its progress, 

Till at length a small green feather 
From the earth shot slowly upward, 
Then another and another ; 
And before the summer ended 



And then 



Stood the maize in all its beauty, 
With its shining robes about it 
And its long soft yellow tresses ; 

Made known unto the people 
This new gift of the great spirit. 



Its scarcity may thus be due to its foreign origin, and to 
the climate not being so perfectly suited to it as to lead to cul- 
tivators making it a common field-crop "which should be their 
food for ever." 

417. The cultivation of the opium-poppy is only per- 
mitted under licence from Government. The licensees receive 
an advance of Us. 6-6-6 per acre (Rs. 4 per blgah) and are in 



204 SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT/ 

return bound to make over to Government the entire produce 
of their holding, for which they are paid at the rate of from 
Rs. 4 to 5 per ser according to its quality. This crop is 
rather more common than elsewhere in the vicinity of Muskfir- 
kh&na and Jagdispur, but is nowhere in great favor in this 
district in comparison with adjacent ones. The total area 
under it this year does not exceed 5,500 acres; and its produc- 
tion is never undertaken except on a small scale, half-an-acre 
being as much as can ordinarily be managed by one person, 
and that is almost invariably near the village site. In the 
east, it is confined principally to Mur&is and Ahirs, but in 
the west, the Kanaujia Brahmans do not hesitate to enter into 
competition with them. To Sarwaria drones, the poppy would 
be a losing speculation, as it would not repay the expenditure 
hired labor would entail. It is most adapted to the circum- 
stances of large families living in a state of union, as the 
women and children, if not too fine to work, can perform the 
otherwise expensive operations of weeding, cleaning &c. 
Theoretically nothing else is grown in land devoted to its pro- 
duction, but where there is a hope of eluding the vigilance of 
the opium department, a sly crop of native spinach — "ek adh 
per p&luk" the delinquent calls it — is also ventured and 
gathered while the poppies are yet young. 

418. Tobacco is in many respects similar to opium; viz. 
in the area it covers, its position and uncommonness of culti- 
vation. It is all the better if the water it is irrigated with is 
somewhat brackish, and for this reason it is more widely 
grown in localities where well-water possesses that quality. 
Similarly it may now and then be met with in the deserted 
brick-strewn sites of old Bhar villages, the agriculturist finding 
an advantage in what the architect would consider a radical 
defect, the presence of saline matter in the bricks — not unusual 
in those made by villagers in this province. 

419. Side by side with opium and tobacco, vegetables, 
«culinary herbs and spices may be observed in nearly all large 
and many small villages. They occupy too little space to be 
taken cognizance of from an assessment point of view, but are 
not devoid of importance as suggestive of future possibilities. 
They are reared only by the most experienced classes of culti- 
vators; a great variety of them are usually grouped together 
in contiguous plots, and present the appearance of small market 
gardens. _ 



SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 



20T5 



420. Of miscellaneous and spontaneous produce, that of 

fruit trees, mhowd, jdmiin, aonld &c, 
is the most valuable and general. 

Lac, wild-rice, singhara, fish and grasses deserve mention, but 

are exceptional and of little importance. 

421. Of the various experiments that have from time to 
time been made, the most important are cotton, the date-palm, 
and China-grass or rheea. Cotton cultivation is shunned 
by the agricultural classes: the American variety appears 
from local experiments to be unsuited to the climate of this 
province. The date-palm is still in its infancy; but there 
are a number of young plants in the public gardens, which 
appear to be thriving well. Of China-grass there were several 
healthy plants in the jail garden last July; the most promis- 
ing had been protected during the hot-weather by grass 
mats, and had grown to the height of three or four feet; but 
the subsequent heavy rains were fatal to them, and they were 
all, without exception I believe, destroyed. 

422. The productive capacity of land is necessarily 
w „ , , , dependent on a great variety of consi- 

Yield and seed. j a- j/l j • ±* i x-j 

derations, the description and quantity 
of seed sown, the nature of the soil, the culture it receives, the 
number of crops demanded of it in the year. It is most fairly 
gauged by its average yield and this is shown for the principal 
grains in the following list : — 



Name. 


Seed per acre. 


Produce per 


Price, Sers per 








acre. 


rupee. 


Wheat (Triticum Hybernum), 
Barley (Hordeum Hexasticon), 


72 sers. 


15 maunds. 


14-8 


72 


»> 


15 „ 


18-6 


Pease (Pisum ArveDse), 


72 


»» 


16 


... 


Jowar (Sorghum Vulgare), 


3i 


»* 


13 


... 


Mung (Phaseolus MuDgo), 


64 


>» 


3 


12-7 


Mash (Phaseolus Roxburghii), 


64 


»> 


11 


14-10 


Moth, 


34 


»» 


9 „ 


... 


Bajra (Panicum Spicatum), 


34 


it 


8 




Oram (Oicer Arietinum), 


40 


ft 


11 


19-4 


Kodo (Paspalum Kora), 


6* 


ti 


^ » 


... 


Makra (Eleusine Coracana), 


34 


>» 


9 „ 




Kakun (Panicum Italicum), 


34 


y» 


5 » 


... 


Sanwan (Panicum Frumentaceum), ... 


34 


ji 


5 


*•• 


S&iwan, ... ... 


64 


»» 


13 




Til (Sesamum Orientale), 


2 


»» 


24 „ 




Arhar (Cajanus Indicus), 


34 


ft 


11 M 


19-9 


Sarson (Sinapis Dichotoma), 


i 


»> 


14 „ 


... 


flax (Limum UsitatisHimum), 


34 


>» 


24 „ 




Safflower (Carthamus Tinctorius), ... 


34 


>> 


14 ,, 




Jarhan (Oryza Sativa), 


26 


>» 


26 „ 


9-5 


Dhan (Oryza Sativa), 


51 


F> 


24 „ 


11-12 


Poppy (Papaver Somniferum), 
Tobacco, 


2 
2 


It 


14 „ 
40 . „ 


... 



206 sultXnpur settlement report. 

423. For all practical purposes, the comparative fertility 
of the soil of this district will be sufficiently exemplified by 
examining the data respecting any one of the crops here enu- 
merated, and wheat is the best one to select. This is some- 
times the second crop of the year, and it then, except under 
the most favorable circumstances, has a starved and sickly ap- 
pearance ; but more usually, the land intended for it is left fal- 
low during the rainy season, and hence is to be derived the 
true criterion : an acre, properly irrigated and manured, will 
yield between eighteen and nineteen maunds or twenty-five 
bushels (of 60 fos. each). Gpldsmith sings of halcyon days 
in England when " every rood of ground maintained its man ;" 
from the above calculation it will be found that the most pro- 
ductive wheat lands of this district furnish from the same area 
an allowance of about one pound per diem, or just the familiar 
"ek adh ser atta" of the beggar's petition. But the poet's 
imagination was probably more fertile than the soil he eulogized; 
at the present time, at all events, even in the rich county of 
Kent, the farmer would not be dissatisfied with a season which 
gave him an average out-turn of thirty-two bushels to the acre ; 
and the average for the whole of England does not exceed 
thirty, 

424. It is a common complaint with the cultivator now- 

adays that the productiveness of land 
Diminished productiveness has decreased under British rule, as 

though the cause lay in the change of 
government, and to a certain extent perhaps he has reason on 
his side. The frequency of destructive raids in the Naw£bf pro- 
vided a rough preventive of the evil of over -tillage, and the 
result was apparent in bumper harvests when the crops were 
allowed the chance of coming to maturity. That this was not in- 
variably the case, he is somewhat too apt to forget ; but he is 
not slow to admit the force of the argument when used 
against him ; and to confess that in a long series of years, the 
total out-turn of his holding may after all be greater under 
the present than the former system. 

425. And how far after all is the grievance genuine ? 
and how far is it novel ? It stands to reason that it must have 
been experienced, though not on so universal a scale, long 
before annexation, (for a few properties managed by one means 
or another to escape the effects of misrule), and its intensity 



SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 207 

must have been proportioned to the degree of order a t'aluk- 
d&r was able to maintain in his estate, and the degree of pro- 
tection he was capable of affording to his tenants. That it is 
now the burden of the cultivator's complaint is generally known, 
but it is not so well known that it was so many years before 
Oudh became a British province ; even in the year 1837 he 
sighed fondly over the memory of a yet more remote era of 
yet greater fecundity, and contrasted the then diminished 
reward of his toil with the more bountiful " produce obtained 
" before the great change in the climate and other influences 
" which had so unfavorably affected the agriculture of this 
" country." The peasant is like his betters, laudator terrvporis 
acti. It was my wish to give particulars regarding a few vil- 
lages, but buttai and kunkiit payments are very rare, and 
papers relating to them still rarer. 

426. In the statement given in para. 422, will be found 
the prices at the present time of the various sorts of grain. 
They require no comment here. 

427. That some practical use is made of the soil-classi- 
_ . , . . . , fication described in para. 384 may be 

Rents, now determined. , n , , r . , J ~ 

surmised from the wide currency of 
the terms employed ; but it is probable that that criterion is 
only adopted under very exceptional circumstances, e. g. f when 
new land is broken up and necessity first occurs for studving 
its nature. It is, at all events, certain that what is said of 
the Inhona tahsil* holds good for the remainder of the dis- 
trict, viz. that landlords and tenants in settling rents pay 
more attention to the reputed fertility of a field than the 
character of the soil. There hence springs a classification 
of fields, distinct from that of soils, founded on the number 
of crops they are capable of bearing in the year, into ek-farda 
and do-farda, or one crop and two crop fields. The quality, 
thus defined, mainly determines the letting value of the land. 
A second point, its in-lying or out-lying position, also enters 
into the computation, but in a subordinate degree. It is 
chiefly of importance in affording the means of sub-classify- 
ing do-farda lands. Ek-farda is ek-farda, and nothing more 
wherever situated ; so soon as it begins to be affected by an 
advantageous position it begins also to cease to be ek-farda. 

♦ See Inhona Report. 



208 sultAnpur settlement report. 

Do-farda, on the other hand, may be in-lying or out-lying; 
At the same time there is a tendency toward its becoming: 
identical with the former ; if it lies at a distance from the 
village, the tenants do not find it a great hardship to erect 
their huts either on or close to it, the formation of a hamlet 
commences, and the previously out-lying fields simultaneously 
become in-lying. 

428. Rents in kind (ghallai), or by appraisement of crop 
_ A . , . . (kunkiit), are comparatively rare, and 

Rents in kind. v , /» ' j i. x l 

when found may be taken as excep- 
tions that prove the rule of money rents. Where either of the 
former customs prevails, the full rent payable by an ordinary 
tenant-at-will is one-half of the produce. This, so far as my 
experience goes, is never exceeded ; on the other hand, it 
never falls below one-third on long cultivated lands. One 
possible reason for this is that where more favorable terms 
are conceded, money rents are not objected to. Rents in 
kind are mostly resorted to to shield the cultivator from 
too severe a loss ; and thus obtain in lands liable to drought 
and inundation. The fixed proportion of produce represents 
of course a fluctuating rent, which adjusts itself readily to 
every sort of season. The risk and uncertainty are thus 
shared between the proprietor and the cultivator ; both reap 
the advantage of a good harvest, both participate in the loss 
resulting from a bad one. The same protection is capable of 
being afforded to the cultivator by a low money rent and he 
will consent to pay one if it be fixed so light as to leave a. 
wide margin for contingencies of seasons. 

429. Money rents may thus be paid for even the worst 

lands, and they have consequently a 

Money rents. ' ., J ~ * •',. 

very wide range. Some rent-rolls 
exhibit fields capable of yielding no more than As. 6 or 7 per 
acre, while others or even the same, perhaps, show that a 
hundred times that amount may be paid. Neither of these, 
however, is an ordinary rent : they touch or nearly touch the 
maximum and minimum. 

430. The lowest rent is that of newly broken land of 
inferior quality : to procure the reclamation of such land, 
indeed, it is sometimes necessary to allow the tenant to hold it 



sultXnpur settlement report. 209 

rent-free for a year or two, and at the end of that time it will 
yield no more than As. 6 J- per acre (As. 4 per standard 
bfgah). If the land to be reclaimed be of a superior des- 
cription, it will bear As. 12f per acre (As. 8 per standard 
blgah) from the outset. Whatever the rent first imposed, 
it commonly increases in geometrical progression until the 
full letting- value is attained, which is usually in the third or 
fourth year, 

431. So again the highest rent is obtainable only under 
peculiar circumstances ; it is restricted to particular lands, 
which combine all the qualities natural and supplied neces- 
sary for the production of a luxuriant tobacco-crop. More 
than one village has a few fields of this kind yielding Us. 50 
per acre. Much lower than this, rents still high are levied 
on lands fit for poppy-cultivation or the growth of garden 
stuffs : these are sometimes worth Us. 20 per acre. 

432. If such exceptionally high and low rates as just 
described be eliminated, rents will be found to vary only from 
a little less than Re. 1 to about Us. 10 per acre; and this 
holds good regarding all parts of the district. In Amethf , 
indeed and there alone, slightly higher rates would seem to 
prevail on land possessed of no distinctive quality. This arises, 
perhaps, in a small degree, from the copiousness of the sup- 
ply of water for irrigation in that parganah ; but it is not 
the sole cause, for, if it were, the same phenomenon would be 
observable in Rokhd-Jais and other places equally fortunate 
in this respect. A more active one is to be discovered in 
rack-renting. For the last thirty years this process has been 
steadily carried on in the Amethf estate, more especially in 
the decade immediately preceding annexation, and many 
instances might be named of rents being doubled during the 
latter short period. 

433. In so far as they are traceable to such an origin, 
abnormally high rents must obviously be left out of account 
in the computation of a safe basis of assessment. With dif- 
ficulty and only partially realizable by the landlord they 
would lead to a jamd which the landlord would find it often 
difficult to meet. 

2d 



210 sultIkpub settlement report. 

434. The requisite data obtained were next tabulated 

for each village, so as to show at a 
^d*u collected and tabula*, glance everything illustrative of its 

character and value. A specimen of 
the form used is given in an appendix. 

435. The most important step then followed of fixing a 

.. , , system for the application of these 

Assessment, method of. j* . .. * r , , . 

data, or in other words determining 

the method of assessment This fell to the lot of Colonel 

- . . f . . . Perkins. The fundamental principle 

Fundamental principle. , i i i • • i • i • fi 

observed by him is explained m the 
following quotation from his report on the Isauli parganah : — 
" I have found no better method than the time-honoured one 
" of adopting actual rent rates as the best and safest guide to 
" the value of land." 

436. " In making a first regular settlement," — I conti- 
nue the quotation, — " without the help of patwdri's accounts 
" it is a work of some small difficulty to ascertain these rates 
" with any approach to accuracy." The course pursued in the 
solution of that difficulty is described in the following para- 
graphs. 

437. It was first determined whether the tract under 
« _.^ ^ . , consideration so differed in its various 

Formation ot circles. . ._. . 

portions m respect of sou, capabilities 
of irrigation or any other particulars, as to require to be dealt 
with piecemeal. Where this was found to be the case, circles 
of assessment were constituted, corresponding to the peculi- 
arities observed. In some instances no necessity for this 
existed ; but in others, it proved advantageous to extend the 
process by the formation of sub-circles. The general rule 
acted upon was to bring within the same category all villages 
similarly circumstanced irrespective of their number. These 
divisions where made were usually compact and well defined. 

438. In other places no tracts admitting of sharp lines 
And riinnm °^ separation existed, good and bad 

villages were promiscuously intermix- 
ed. Here the quality of individual villages was made the 
ground of distinction, and they were grouped in classes. 



sultInpur settlement report. 211 

439. For assessment, the khasrah classification of soils 
has been in great measure disregarded : 
Classification of soils for as- the reason will be apparent from para, 
sessmen . ^gj ^ They have been distributed into 

the " three natural classes into which they fall. The first 
" comprises the richly manured and well watered goindh 
" lands. Such of these as are not irrigated are included in 
" the second class. This class is formed of all the good lands 
" not included in the above, lands yielding wheat, barley, mil- 
" let, pulse and rice grown in the uplands and in fact all the 
" ordinary staples grown in soils known locally as do-farda, i. e. 
" capable of yielding two crops in the year. In the third 
'* class are comprised all the poor soils. . . . rice lands the 
" yield of which is precariously poor, or the light poor soils 
" and the high dry lands or soils mixed with kunker, and local- 
" ly called reekur and teekur &c. This class in fact consists 
" of the ek-farda lands, those in which rain-crops only can be 
" grown." 



440. This arrangement, it will be observed, coincides 
-^ closely with village custom, and ascer- 

tained rent rates, therefore, readily 
adapted themselves to it. The rates pavailing in each circle 
or sub-circle were separately and carefully examined, and 
where abnormally high or low ones came to light, enquiry 
was made as to the cause and the period they had been in force, 
so that they should not wrongly influence the general average. 
In the earlier assessments no separate rates were used for irri- 
gated and unirrigated lands "asa rule j" it was considered 
that practically only a small proportion of unwatered land 
would come into any but the third class, and where the extent 
of such land was considerable, the circumstances were duly 
weighed in fixing the jam&. In the later assessments, however, 
it proved convenient to depart from this course, and to insti- 
tute distinct rates for wet and dry land in the second and 
third classes. 



441. The rates thus determined for each circle, sub- 
circle or class are exhibited in the following list : — 



212 



SULTAHPTO SITTLKMBHT felPOBT. 



Tahafl. 



Parganah. 



Circle or dan. 



Bent rates per acre. 



Class L Class IL Class HL 



Mohanganj,* 



Amethi, 



ft •»• 



Soltanpor, 



Inhona, ••< 

Sabeha. 

Jagdiapur, ... 

Mohanganj, ... 

Bokhe-Jais, ... 
Simrota, 
Gsuri-Jamfm, 



AmetM, 



Asal, 



IaauH, 



Sultanpur, 



Chan da, 



Circle I, ... 
8ub-circle, ... 
Circle II, ... 



( Claw I, ... 

! Class II, ... 

j^ Class III, _ 

Class I, 

Class II, ... 

Claw III, ... 

r Circle I, ... 

Circle II, ... 

Circle III, ... 

f Claw I, ... 

Class II, ... 

Class m, ... 

Circle I. ... 

Circle II, Bm 

Circle IH ,„ 



Rs. A. F 

9 9 7 

8 
6 6 5 

9 9 7 

8 

9 9 7 
8 



Be. A. P. 

4 2 9| 

5 

3 3 2 

4 2 9 



Re. A. P. 
19 7 

2 6 5 
19 7 
19 7 



4 12 9 2 6 5 



6 6 5 
4 12 10 
3 3 2 

6 6 5| 3 3 2 



4 

2 6 

1 9 

1 9 



9 9 7 

•••{J 



3 2 



6 6 5 3 3 2 



6 6 6' 

6 6 6 

I 
6 6 6 



9 9 7| 

8 

I 

6 6 5 



6 6 5 



8 
8 ol 



< 1 9 
I 12 



r 



4 12 10 
4 12 10 

3 3 2 

4 12 10 

3 9 5 

6 6 5 

4 12 10 
3 3 

5 3 9 
3 3 2| 

5 3 9 
3 3 2 

5 3 9 

3 9 7 
5 6 7 

4 



3 3 
1 9 

12 

1 9 

i 12 



12 9 



6 6 5 3 3 

12 10 J 1 9 

? 12 



3 9 7 

2 6 5 

1 9 7 

2 6 5 
19 7 



4 

3 3 2 

2 

4 
2 
4 6 5 
2 6 5 



442. These rates it will be perceived are in harmony 
with the variations of the physical features of the district des- 
cribed in para. 3, for if tahsfl and parganah subdivisions be 
set aside, and the district treated as a whole, it will be found 
that, Isauli alone excepted, it falls into three main belts or 
circles as follows : — 



sultInpur settlement report. 



213 



Belt. 



River belt, ... 



Central belt, ... • 



Lake belt, ... 



Parganah. 



Subeha, 

Jagdispur, 

Isaulf, 

Sultanpnr, 

Chanda, 

Inhona, 

Subeha, 

Jagdfspur, 

Isauli, 

», 
Sultanpnr, 
Chanda, 
Mohanganj, 
Amethf, 
Asal, 
Chanda, 



Circle. 



Sub-circle, 

Circle I, 
Class III, 
Circle I, 

Circle I, 

,, II, 

„ H, 

„ III, 
Classes I and II, , 
Circle II, 
Tahsfl, 
Parganah, 
Ditto, 
Circle III, 



Rates. 



IU.A.P. 
6 6 5 



6 6 
6 6 
6 6 
9 9 

8 

9 9 
6 6 
6 6 
8 12 
8 
8 
8 
8 
8 



Ba.A.P. 

3 3 2 

4 12 10 
4 3 6 
4 3 6 

4 2 9 

5 
4 2 9 
4 
4 3 1 
4 12 10 
4 6 8 
4 12 9 
4 6 5 

.4 6 5 
4 11 3 



Rs.A.P. 

1 9 7 

3 9 7 

13 2 
3 11 

19 7 

2 6 5 
19 7 
2 

2 

1 13 10 

3 

2 6 5 

2 11 3 
1 9 7 

3 6 5 



Note. — Where two or more rates are given in the preceding table for any class or 
circle, or parganahs are divided into classes and not distinct circles, the average of rates 
or classes is given here. 

443. The question arises how far these rates are suitable 
for the whole period of this settlement. Have they risen or 
fallen within the period of which the history is known, or is 
there any reason to apprehend that any such change will hap- 
pen ? As a general rule, I think it may safely be said that no 
account need be taken of any such circumstance either in the 
past or in the future. In ordinary villages the rents of ordi- 
nary cultivators are now much the same as they have been for 
a long time, and as far as visible signs go, they are likely to 
continue so. It is only in special instances that rents show a 
tendency to vary. 



214 SOTJFjLhFUB BSTTLmiHT BXF0RT. 

444. A general enhancement of the rents of a whole 
village has in a few cases taken place, but it has proceeded 
from an equally wide cause. The village will be found to 
have been formerly thrown almost entirely out of cultivation 
in consequence of some share or boundary dispute, or the fre- 
quent and destructive forays of some powerful neighbour. The 
few who then ventured to take land in it held at light, perhaps 
almost nominal rents. It is now fully cultivated, and rents 
have risen again to the level of those in the adjacent villages. 

445. Individual cases of enhancement are generally due 
to personal or tribal causes. Service, even after its termina- 
tion, and high caste were under native rule common reasons 
for favorable rates ; but they are now comparatively disregard- 
ed ; the payments of a Kshattriya or Brahman no longer differ 
so widely as they did from those of the cultivator of more 
humble caste. These are the classes which now most feel the 
altered state of affairs. Nor is the change they experience 
limited to the enhanced rates they are now called upon to 
bear. Formerly they took up a certain amount of land at a 
certain rate and a lump sum was then fixed. From that time 
their holding was not again measured, and while they con- 
tinued to pay no more than at first, they clandestinely increased 
the amount of land in their possession. This little device 
might formerly remain for a long time unnoticed ; and even 
where suspected it was difficult to get at the land to define 
the extent of the trespass. In one instance, in a jam&bandi 
filed in the tahsil in 1859 A. d., I found against the name 
of a gosh&fn not the amount of land in his possession, but a 
note by the patw&rf that he could not ascertain it, as the 
gosh&n prevented his measuring it; he subsequently turned 
out to have about twice as much as his title-deed gave him 
any right to. All such doubtful cases were thoroughly 
cleared up when the survey took place, and proprietors then 
not only demanded a higher rate on the nominal holding, 
but insisted also that it should be calculated on the actual one. 

446. Such changes as these, however, have little concern 
with assessment. The lands in question have been rated at 
their full worth. Were they left to be held on the same terms 
as before, the direct and perhaps the only loss would be that 
of the proprietor ; the interests of the state would only be so 
far imperilled that its revenue becomes the less safe the more 
the proprietors' profits are intercepted by his tenants. 



sultXnpur settlement report. 215 

447. By means of the rent rates given in para. 446 was 

obtained one, the principal version of 

Gross rental, determination a gross rental. A Second WaS avail- 

of ' able in the jam&bandf s prepared by the 

village patw&rfs, corrected, where necessary, for sir, rent-free 
and service lands. It was never intended that more should 
be done with these than that should be taken into account, 
quantum vohantk They quite fulfilled the anticipations formed 
as to their w</rth. They were found nearly useless, the 
entries in them being highly imaginative. Nor could it be 
with safety concluded that the error lay in the direction of too 
low an estimate. In villages where claims to sub-settlement 
had been preferred, the jam&bandis filed previous to the pas- 
sing of the Oudh Sub-settlement Act, almost invariably 
exhibited an incredibly high rent-roll. The object of this was 
evidently to ensure a higher jamd being imposed upon the 
under-proprietors, in the event of their obtaining a decree. 

448. The usual parganah map was constructed affording 
a general conspectus of all the most important points con- 
nected with each of its component villages, and on very doubt- 
ful cases, a native officer was deputed to make a local enquiry. 
His investigation, assisted by the light thrown on the subject 
of it by known facts relating to adjacent villages, occasionally 
elicited points which had escaped the notice of the Settlement 
Officer or his Assistant, at the time of their visit, when there 
was no certain standard to test conflicting data by. As assess- 
ment progressed, also, it became possible to calculate a safe 
average rate on total areas of cultivation, all descriptions of 
soils taken together, and this was sometimes found a very use- 
ful check. 

449. The details above enumerated provided a safe basis 
. , , of assessment for the generality of 

Government demand. •<■« L ,, 1 ,. P. . y, 

villages; but local peculiarities received 
due consideration, and the rates elsewhere adopted were 
unhesitatingly departed from, to such an extent and in such 
a direction, as the distinctive circumstances of any particular 
case demanded. " The guiding principle borne in mind," says 
Colonel Perkins, " was that Government had a right to a fair 
" share of the rental defined to be as nearly as possible 50 
" per cent, on an assumed average gross rental, due regard 
" being had to the variation of seasons, to the circumstances 
" of the proprietors, and to the necessity for not enhancing the 



216 sultInpur settlement bepobt. 

u jam£ too suddenly. I have also ever held in view the very 
" sound principle laid down in para. 92, Section IV. of the 
" Sudder Board of Revenue's Circular Order No. I., that it is 
" an obvious dictate of justice and sound policy so to take the 
" portion to which Government are entitled, as to leave to 
" industry its full reward, and to inflict a penalty on neglect 
"and indolence. This wholesome instruction needs, how- 
" ever, to be tempered with discretion, for neglected cultivation 
" is often the result of guiltless poverty, or when traceable to 
" sloth, this may be but the torpor following on long insecu- 
" rity and oppression." 

450. From what has been said above it will be readily 

x .. apparent that there was little scope for 

Assessment of waste &o. ,f r . ... n . . * , 

the imposition of a heavy rate on waste 
land ; and much of it has accordingly been left unassessed for 
grazing purposes ; and where assessed, the rate is little more 
than nominal. In the Inhona tahsil it never exceeds As. 3 
per acre, and though elsewhere slightly higher, in no part of 
the district does it rise above As. 4. With respect to groves, 
it has been laid down that their preservation is of greater 
importance than the collection of revenue on the land they 
occupy, and up to 10 per cent of the total area, their exemption 
from assessment has been formally sanctioned. Where this 
limit is exceeded they have usually been taken into account ; 
but even then the demand is very light, and in some cases no 
notice has been taken of the excess. This is more particu- 
larly the case in large qasbahs, where groves, though in the 
aggregate numerous, are parcelled out among respectable but 
indigent Mahomedans, who would find it difficult to pay even 
the smallest tax on the land in its present condition, and' 
would therefore probably meet the emergency by felling the 
trees, and bringing the land under cultivation.* 

451. Of miscellaneous and spontaneous produce, mhow& 
alone is of consequence enough to be included among taxable 
assets. It is the only one of the numerous fruit trees found in 

* The following passage from the Afn-i-Akbarf is not without interest, m 
the Mahomedans here alluded to are m'aftdars.— "It frequently happened 
" possessors of Seyurghal planted their grounds with fruit trees which yieh" 
■• considerable profit ; upon which the officers of Government, wishing to 
" state, required a revenue from them. His Majesty was greatly ttinplaasr 
" duct of his officers in this respect, and commanded that no such reqv 
•' made."— Gladwins's Ayeen-Akbery I. 226. 




sultAnpur settlement report. 217 

nearly every village on which the landlord is entitled to a 
fixed due. Lac, wild-rice, fish and grasses, though in special 
cases they have required to be taken into consideration, are 
generally found in such small quantities as to render it no 
great stretch of liberality for government to forego its claim 
to share in them, 

452. It has been seen that in respect of rent rates the 
district falls into distinct circles or divisions. In point of 
assessable capacity, it admits of no such classification. Two 
circles, the exact counterparts of each other in all their physi- 
cal features, may be as unlike as possible in every other res- 
pect, the tenures prevalent in them may be dissimilar, the one 
may have had to bear a very oppressive summary jam&, the 
other a very light one ; in the one the circle rates may be 
steadily applicable, in the other some exceptions may be ne- 
cessary ; and there are numerous other circumstances which 
tend to prevent a perfect resemblance of one circle to another. 

453. It is accordingly useless by way of explanation of 
the different revenue rates obtained to proceed upon the 
basis of the rent rate circles. It will be more expedient to 
regard only the parganah incidence. This is, indeed, the 
course suggested by the form of the statement illustrative of 
the revised assessment, and of others supplementary to it. 
Were the class or circle classification adhered to, it would be 
almost necessary to re-cast the tenure population and other 
statements to bring them into accordance with it ; for they 
all bear more or less closely upon assessment. 

454. The general result of ihe revision of assessment 
A x n i > A h* 8 been to fix the land revenue for 

Assessment. General results. ., . , /» ,i • ..i , 

the period of this settlement at 
Us. 10,99,111-2-1. Its incidence on the whole district is on 
cultivation Rs. 2-2-9 and on total malguz&rf area Us. 1-9-5. 
These averages furnish a standard of comparison to which the 
incidence on individual parganahs may be referred. There 
are no very wide departures from them, and a few parganahs 
only call for separate remark. Inhona and Amethi are con- 
spicuous by exhibiting the highest rates on cultivation ; 
Gaurd-Jamtin and Isaulf for an opposite reason. In Inhojia 
the higher demand is justified by the natural character of the 
parganah. In Amethf, it has been seen that, though more than 

2e 



218 sultAnpur settlement report. 

ordinarily high rents may be sometimes found, they have not 
been allowed to influence the revenue rate, the heaviness of 
which is due to other causes. One of these is that the par- 
ganah contains a high percentage of land of superior quality 
and therefore able to bear the highest of ordinary rents ; a 
second which, indeed, in some measure explains the first is 
that villages and hamlets are thickly scattered over every 
part of the parganah ; a third lies in the nature of its tenures ; 
it is almost entirely t'alukddrf , and the t'alukd&rs are sole pro- 
prietors of a large majority of the villages in their t'alukas. 
Asal, though an adjoining parganah is rated much lower ; it is 
the very converse of Amethi in respect of tenures, and it is a 
further point of contrast between the two parganahs, that, 
while in the one the natural supply of water is abundant, in 
the other, though there is no lack of irrigation, it is in no 
small degree due to the construction of masonry-lined wells, 
in many cases by the petty zemind&rs, so that here was one 
of the cases alluded to in para. 409 in which it was justifi- 
able and necessity to make allowance for expenditure of 
capital. 

455. Still greater is the difference between Amethi and 
the parganahs on the opposite side to that of Asal. There the 
most highly and the most lightly assessed tracts lie in juxta- 
position. The low rates of Gaurd- Jamiin and Isaulf, however, 
are easily to be accounted for. They proceed principally from 
the diametrically opposite causes of excess of water and the 
dearth of it. Gaurd- Jamiin, though irrigation is in some parts 
scanty, is in others composed of low-lying lands, more than 
usually undrained and liable to inundation in very wet seasons. 
It may be added that the proportion of wheat is small, and 
that of land exhausted by double cropping large, and, although 
population is ample, it seems ill-arranged for purposes of agri- 
culture. Isaulf, on the contrary, is poorly irrigated through- 
out ; in many places it is deficient in reservoirs natural or ar- 
tificial, and while unbricked wells cannot be regularly used be- 
cause they do not last any length of time, brick ones are out 
of the question, for Bhrile-Sultdns have an hereditary prejudice 
against constructing them. It may be noted as a curious fact 
that it is this parganah, which bears almost the lowest reve- 
nue rate, that has the highest percentage of land- under culti- 
vation. 



sultInpub settlement report. 219 

456. Chanda is in many respects one of the most ad- 
vanced parganahs of the district and yet it is impossible to 
saddle it with a heavy assessment. Its tenures like those of 
the adjacent parganah of Aldemau are peculiar and complex, 
and, as will presently be explained, consideration of the Sum- 
mary jamd has caused the present one to be pitched lower 
than it would otherwise have been, 

457. Into the divergence between the rates on total 
malguzarf areas it is superfluous to enter. They follow those 
on cultivation subject only to such modifications as result from 
the greater or less quantity of culturable land which has to be 
added to cultivation to make up the total malguz&ri area. 

458. The Summary jamd was Es. 8,20,598-1-6 ; that of 

the present settlement, cesses includ- 
Demand light, though en- e d is Its. 11,27,362-8-5; so that the 

hanced. , ' . .,, • n *• /» 

enhancement is withm a traction ot 
38 per cent., varying from 25 to 43 in different tahsils. Still 
there is no doubt that the present assessment is essentially a 
light one,and the great rise which has taken place is to be at- 
tributed rather to the earlier demand being very moderate 
than to the later one being the reverse. The necessity for 
haste in the arrangements made on the annexation, and again 
on the re-occupation, of the province, and the insufficiency of 
the data then procurable led to many villages getting off more 
cheaply than they should have done. It is often these which 
have been most affected by the present settlement and their 
owners have scarcely any valid ground of complaint, if they 
are now at last called upon to bear their fair share of the 
public burdens. Enhancement, though general, has not been 
universal, for in no less than 291 villages have the Summary 
jamds been reduced. This is, of itself, a pretty sure sign that 
due discrimination has been exercised in the revision of assess- 
ments. 

459. The new jam&s have with very few exceptions 
T . ,., A , been readily accepted. Where obiec- 

Jamas readily accepted as a , • r r ja-l-l i 

rule. f tions have been urged they have been 

Remig . carefully examined, usually on the 

spot, and if they have turned out to 
be well founded, remissions, either temporary or permanent, 



220 



sttltInpur settlement report. 



Parganah. 


Period of post* 
ponement. 


TotaL 




5 years. 


10 years. 




Sultanpur, 

Chanda, 

IsauK, 

Bokh&Jais, 


'*470 

1,185 

855 


1,020 
7,660 

"*30 


1,020 

8,130 

1,185 

885 


Total, 


2,510 


8,710 


11,220 



have been allowed to such an extent as each particular 
case appeared to render necessary. 

460. Of the favour thus shown Chdnda has monopolised 

the lion's share. In 
many instances in 
that parganah, it was 
found that the capa- 
bilities of a village 
pointed to a jamd 
more than 30 per cent 
in excess of the one it 
superseded. So great 
a rise in the tax on 
property, held as in this parganah, would have been almost 
insupportable; as remarked by Colonel Perkins, " it is certainly 
" impossible for a numerous community of shareholders, whose 
" maintenance is almost entirely derived from land, to pay a 
" vastly increased demand and yet retain their social status. 
" Political expediency would condemn such an enhancement, 
" did not common humanity forbid it," and after reference to 
the Commissioner, a general reduction of As. 2 per acre was 
made in all villages so circumstanced. In exceptional cases, 
even this measure of relief barely appeared sufficient, and a 
portion of the enhanced demand was in addition remitted for 
a term of years.* 

Assessments. Past and present. 

461. A comparison of the demands of the state under 
British and native rule can hardly fail to be of interest, even 
if, as perhaps may be the case, the uncertainty that hangs 
about the matter of actual collections deprives it of any great 
practical utility ; and a synopsis of the various assessments of 
which any particulars are known is furnished in the following 
table : — 



* The term was generally five or ten years. Where the latter was fixed it was on 
the supposition that the present generation of landholders would mostly disappear with- 
in that time, and give place to another more broken in to the payment of a fixed and 
comparatively high demand. A remission oijive years sufficed theoretically for those 
whose estates comprised much waste land, capable of easy cultivation, 



sultInpur settlement report. 



221 



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222 sultInpub settlement report. 

462. The fifth column becomes necessary in consequence 
ail , ^, ^ of the changes that have taken place 

Akbar s settlement. ,-, i i» • i 

m the value ot coins and measures 
since Akbar's time. In what the difference consists has been 
so carefully demonstrated by Dr. W. Oldham, in his recently 

Eublished Memoir of the Ghazipur district that I cannot do 
etter than put myself under obligation to him for such of the 
results he has worked out as apply to Sult&npur. 

(1). A bigah was fixed by Akbar to contain 3,600 Il&hi 
gaz, 33 inches long. — (By reference to para. 374, it will be 
observed that this is exactly identical with the present stand- 
dard bfgah of the province of Oudh). 

(2). A rupee according to Wilson contained 175 grains of 
pure silver in Akbar's time. At present it contains 165 
grains. Akbar's rupee was, therefore, intrinsically worth 2 
rupees one anna of the rupees now current. 

(3). According to the prices current given in the Ain-i- 
Akbari, a rupee in the days of Akbar would purchase at the 
very lowest computation about four times the amount of agri- 
cultural produce that can now be bought for a rupee. 

(4). The present revenue rate, in proportion to the change 
in the value of agricultural produce, ought to be four times as 
great as it was in the time of Akbar. 

463. By the light of these explanations a fair compari- 

son may be made between the assess- 
Moghai and British assess. me nts of the Moghal and British 

ments without cesses. ^ , T , . °, , , , , 

Governments. It is thereby rendered 
apparent that all corrections and adjustments made, the latter 
is slightly the higher of the two. 

464. But the figures thus examined represent only the 
The same with cesses. net revenue demand. The comparison 

is incomplete unless cesses also be 
added. "Whatever technical difference there may be between 
them and land revenue, the zemindars, who have to pay both, 
are apt to draw little distinction between the two : the vital 
question to them is what is the sum total of the demands of 
the state. Akbar is credited by Abul Fazl with the remission 
of a number of odious taxes, and the only cess levied in his 



sultJSLnpur settlement report. 223 

time was one of 10 sers of grain per bigah, i. e. 16 sers per 
acre. This seems at first a mere nothing ; but its present 
value, one sort of grain with another, may be very moderately 
estimated at As. 10. The cesses now levied are as fol- 
lows : — 

1. Permanent cesses, road &c, ... 2^ per cent. 

2. Oudh local rate, ... ... ... 2^ „ 

3. Income-tax, ... ... ... 1 „ 

Total, ... 6 percent. 

465. These altogether amount to no more than about 
As. 2-1 pie per acre. If then cesses be added to jamd, the 
result is to turn the scale in favour of the present assessment. 

466. In making this comparison I have adhered strictly 

to the data furnished in the Ain-i- 
The same excluding one Akbari : but it is necessary to point 

doubtful parganah. ii_ • i i iT 

out how widely one parganah modi- 
fies the results obtained for the other eleven. The one allud- 
ed to is Isauli. The total cultivated area of this parganah, 
the portions of it in this district and Faizabad both included, 
is at present no more than 54,015 acres ; the revenue rate on 
cultivation is Us. 1-15-5. According to the Ain-i- Akbari, the 
cultivated land in it alone was of the enormous extent of 
1,043,805 acres, or about half that in the entire Lucknow 
Sirkar. Its assessment was as low as its cultivation was vast, 
being only As. 1-9 pie per acre, much below that of any 
other parganah in this district, and also much below the pro- 
vincial average, which was As. 12-8 pie. What the explana- 
tion of the difficulty about the size of the parganah may be, it 
is unnecessary to discuss here ; my present business is with the 
special rate. It may in all likelihood be referred to some 
special causes of whatever nature ; and in this conviction I 
proceed to show how the comparison stands, if Isaulf be ex- 
cluded from the calculation so far as the time of Akbar is 
concerned. The incidence of Akbar's revenue demand be- 
comes Us. 1-2-1 1, of which the present equivalent is Rs. 4-11-8. 
To this the 10-ser cess has to be added so that the 
Rs. 2-4-10 of the present day is the substitute of Rs, 5-5-8 of 
the Moghal settlement. 



224 sultInpur settlement repobt. 

467. Dr. Oldham gives a detailed explanation of the 

disproportion between the former and 
fcw ^Xf° n between ** present assessment of the Ghazipur 

district. He finds the causes to be 
seven in number. The first four of them are equally applica- 
ble to Sult&npur. The following is an abridgment of his re- 
marks. 

(I). The present revenue is rigorously enforced. In 
Akbar s time according to Abul Fazl there was a wide dif- 
ference between the settlement and the revenue paid. 

(2). In Akbar's time only the best lands were cultivated, 
and consequently the average out-turn per acre was greater 
than at the present day. 

(3). The population is now much increased, and the class 
of landowners, middlemen between Government and the actual 
cultivators, is larger. 

(4). There are now other sources of revenue : — viz. duty 
on spirits &c. In Akbar's reign the land revenue was almost 
the sole source of income for the state. 

468. The Nawdbl assessments were yet more nominal 
^ w „ , A L even than those of Akbar : but though 

The IN awabf Assessment. , • x i x 

not even approximately correct, as re- 
gards the sums actually obtained from the people, they repre- 
sent with some degree of accuracy what the government of the 

time considered a legitimate demand what they did not 

hesitate to collect, if they found it possible to do so. They 
are far in excess, in nearly every instance, of the demands 
now made, and though it is unascertainable what their exact 
incidence was, there is no doubt that it was heavier than at 
present, for the cultivated area they were levied on was un- 
questionably smaller. Some set off was certainly allowed in 
the officially recognized deduction of nankar, but, on the other 
hand, the jamd was liable to increase yearly at the pleasure 
of the N&zim, and the revenue payer had to be prepared to 
give douceurs to officials of every degree. 

469. One Settlement remains to be noticed, that of 1856 
«-xx, x * ,«./. .* A - D «* I* is likely to be numbered 

Settlement of 1856-57. v -n j/l ± 

by villagers among the most memor- 
able ever made, but its peculiarity arises from the modification 

* That of 1858-59 has been already noticed, see para. 458. 



otltXnpur settlement repoet. 



22$ 



of tenures it effected From a fiscal point of view it must be 
looked on as a temporary measure, and important only as the; 
first settlement made by the British Government, after its 
annexation of the province. 

470. The date of declaring the revised assessments in? 
each parganah is shown in the follow- 

Asaessment. Ebteof dec&ra. • „ ^u . 



I 



1 



I 



s 



I 



! 



a! 






Eh 



g 



I 



I 
1 



1 



I 



a 

o 

I 



| 

I 



i 



i 

3 

3 

o 



I 



I 

a 



Period of Settlement. 



471. 



They are to continue in force 
for a minimum- period of thirty 
years. 



Settlement t'alukcttrf. 



As a necessary consequence of Lord Canning^, 
policy in 1858-59, the settlement has 
been essentially t'alukd&ri, that is, the 
t'alukddrs have been admitted to engage for every village in 
their estate. Where subordinate rights have been found to 
exist, the sub-proprietors have been protected* by judicially 
decreed sub-settlements, and their rents have been judicially 
determined. The qabiiliats taken from proprietors range 
_ _ from Rs. 1,96,117 in the Amethf 

^ aige ° qa estate to Us. 10 in the tiny little village 

of Terai, in the Jagdf spur parganah. 

SECTION IV.— Record of Rights. 



Part I. — Jitdicial. 

The first intimation of the opening of the Settle- 
ment Courts was given by means of 
the prescribed proclamation on 26th 
January 1863 ; the parganahs it referred to, together with 
eorresponding information regarding the later notices issued,, 

■ 2* 



472. 



Opening of Settlement Courts. 



226 



sultAnpur settlement report. 



Are shown in the annexed table, where are shown also the 
dates of the principal orders by which the state of the judicial 
file has been from time to time affected : — 



Name of par* 
ganah. 


Date of Notification 
of opening of Settle- 
ment Courts. 


o 

| 
o ■ 

11 


11 Mi 

(Mi 

j3 « a o 

illl 


Introduction of stamp 
duty. 


•a 

■ 

11 

p 


Iuhona, ... 


26th January 1863, 






15th August 1868, 




Subehs, . , , 


Ditto, 






Ditto, 




Jagdiepur, 


Ditto, 






Ditto, 




Mohanganj, 


Ditto, 




CO 

00 


Ditto, 




Gaura-J&mfin, 


13th February 1864, 


00 




Ditto, 


□0 








HH 




i—i 


Rokha-Jais, 


13th May 1864, 


i 




Ditto, 


3 


Simrota, ... 

Isauli, 


4th Norember 1863, 
lathFebruarylSSl, 


J 

a 

O 

i 


J 


Ditto, 
20thDecemberl868, 


B 

B 
B 
B 

P 
1** 


Amethi , . % ■ 


24th August 1865, 




1 


1st January 1870, 




Awl, 


Ditto, 






Ditto, 




Ch&uda, ... 


23rd ditto, 






1st October 1870, 




Sultanpur, 


Ditto, 






1st January 1870, 





473. At the Summary Settlement of 1858-59, all claim- 
ants who appeared after a qabuliat had 
Suitors at first slow to ap. once been taken were referred to the 
pear * (present) Regular Settlement; and 

subsequently numerous claims in the District Courts termi- 
nated in the return of the institution-fee, and a similar reference. 
It might then have been expected that immediately on the 
announcement that the long promised courts had been appoint- 
ed, all classes of suitors would have been ready to flock into 
them, particularly as petitions of plaint were received on un- 
stamped paper. Such, however, was not universally the case ; 
and, as regard t'alukddri villages it was noticed in the first 



oultXnpur settlement report. 227 

Annual Report (that of 1862-63) that the importance was not 
duly appreciated of having rights judicially recorded. Vil- 
lagers very probably found it difficult to grasp the idea that it 
was necessary to enter a law court in support of rights and in- 
terests of which they were in undisputed possession ; and that 
it would redound to their injury to omit to do so. At the best, 
even in independent villages, the greatest immediate gain was 
the maintenance of the status quo, and while the system of 
record was yet too novel to be generally comprehended, the 
mere hope of getting that position stereotyped was insufficient to 
provoke even the litigiousness of the native character. It is, in- 
deed, a question, on the one hand, how far the entries made by 
the amlns — (to judge from the frequency of reference to them 
by parties to suits)— were calculated to have served that pur- 
pose; and, on the other hand, how far the great majority of 
under-proprietors (and proprietors, too, for that matter) would 
not have preferred to have their rights left unscrutinized alto- 
gether. 

474. In t'alukddri estates this reluctance to come into 

court was counteracted during the ear- 

Sui»equent increase of lit*. ii er y ears f settlement, by Settlement 

** ° n ' Officers, in accordance with the instruc- 

tions issued to them, taking the initiative, wherever there ap- 
peared occasion so to do, and using all available means for as- 
certaining where under-proprietary rights existed. Subsequent- 
ly, it was laid down that no pressure should be placed on under- 
proprietors* with the view of obliging them to go into court for 
the investigation and record of rights as against the superior 
holders ; and their not doing so should not operate to then* 
disadvantage, if at any future period they sued in the Civil 
Courts for the assertion of their rights. But by that time 
Khattionfs and Wajibularzes were in course of preparation, 
and the enquiries then made were instrumental in bringing 
many claims to light. The persons concerned may have been 
at first indisposed to come forward, they were still more so to 
run the risk of having their names omitted from a record 
which now contained those of many of their co-proprietors. 
In all classes of villages alike a considerable stimulus to litiga- 
tion was furnished by the extension of the period of limita- 
tion notified at the end of the year 1864 ; and another, and 
far more powerful one, by the Oudh Kent Act of 1868, a 
notice of ejectment frequently leading to a settlement suit. 

* Government of India, Foreign Department, 376 of 7th Deoember 1807- 



228 sultInfub settlement report. 

475. These united causes appear to have been quite suf- 
_. . . . .. ficient to keep up the stream of litiga- 

Checkt imposed on it. ,. -^ S . .. i x . jPm 

tion, so much so that it was ultimately 
found necessary to impose various checks upon it. The first 
of these, the distribution of revenue work between the District 
and Settlement Courts was at the time almost inappreciable ; 
but it was the beginning of the end, and was soon after fol- 
lowed by a more effective measure, the withdrawal of the 
exemption from stamp duty. The coup de gr&ce was admin- 
istered by the order directing that the Settlement Courts 
should be finally closed at the end of November 1870, except 
for the trial suits previously instituted in them. 

476. The total number of cases instituted from first to 

AM^^mrnf^HHMM^i lMt * S 26 > 043 > fe Ut *> theSe mU8 * 

A total amount of litigation, r iii^r*? i • i i_ • 1 

be added 435 which, having been 

once disposed of, were afterwards admitted to review, and 

, again brought on the file, about 250 under Book Circular 

I. of 1864, and 185 under Act XXVI. of 1866, making 

in all 26,478. 

477. By statement VI. it will be seen that the investi- 
„ * ,«*x, *^. ^ gation of these cases has been distri- 

Grades of Settlement Courts. P , - , ~ 

buted among four grades of courts; 
but this has not always been the number of officers simultane- 
ously employed in work of this description. Before the com- 
pletion of assessments fiscal duties were of primary importance ; 
they made great demands upon the time of officers of all 
grades, and judicial cases had to be temporarily laid aside. 
Nor has the strength of the judicial staff been uniform 
throughout : at first the two lowest grades did not exist at all; 
afterwards there was more than one court of each of those 
grades ; latterly there have been but three courts altogether, 
at one time there were seven. 

478. Settlement Officers were instructed that they were 
pro< ^ to be guided by the provisions of Act 

VIII. of 1 859 ; they were also told that 
they were not to tie themselves down too closely to playing 
the part of Civil Judges ; the procedure actually followed is a 
modified form of that laid down in the enactment above 
named. Complete [adherence to its provisions might have 
been possible, but it would, to say the least, have been 



sultInpur settlement report. 229 

fraught with great hardship to suitors. The rule regarding 
default, for example, is a stringent one ; it has only been 
carried out against those who have been guilty of a second or 
third failure to attend : it is purely punitive ; and its rigid 
^enforcement is hardly compatible with the settlement mode 
•of treating suits on their first institution. Plaints were re- 
ceived at any time after the issue of the proclamations men- 
tioned in para. 472, but allowed to lie over until their turn 
•came round. For some time endeavours were made to take 
them up parganah by parganah, but, as there was no authority 
for closing the file at pleasure, this was not quite practicable. 
Circular 47 of 1863, too, necessitated a different course, in 
requiring that claims to proprietary right and sub-settlement, 
in whatever parganah, should take precedence of all others, 
and has since mainly regulated'the order in which cases have 
been taken up. Arbitration has been little patronized. Un- 
less the arbitrators are closely watched, the process is tedious 
and expensive, while the award seldom gives more satisfaction 
than an ex cathedra decision. 

479. The fraudulent nature of the litigation in our 
_ . , .... u courts has often formed the subject 

Character of litigation. /. i t i_ r,,i i •. • • ° • 

of remark. I have little hesitation in 
saying that a very small percentage of the total number of 
claims has been absolutely groundless. Some few have been 
collusive ; but, where there has been a dishonest element, it 
has more often consisted in greater or less exaggeration of a 
fundamentally good cause of action, or in the misrepresenta- 
tion of a claim in some single particular to make it square with 
our laws. It is in the fabrication of evidence that fraud has 
been most freely resorted to : it does not appear to be thought 
at all shameful to suborn witnesses or forge documents ; nor 
does the folly of the latter, even when the forgery is palpable 
and clumsy, seem to be appreciated. In one case a series of 
jamdbandis, ranging over a series of several years was filed ; 
not the slightest pains had been taken to disguise the same-: 
iiess of ink or paper, and it was even found possible to piece 
together two papers which professed to have been written at 
widely different dates. Such a circumstance is suggestive, no 
doubt, of a criminal prosecution, but it is extremely difficult 
to bring home any charge of this nature to the guilty 
party, and an unsuccessful prosecution is more injurious 
than none at all. 



230 sultAnpub settlement report. 

480. For village proprietorship 1,970 claims have beei* 

instituted, which primd facie gives an 
cumm of <»M8. l. va. average of more than one per village. 

lage proprietorship. j U i ..*=* ' 

and would so imply a very question- 
able right on the part of those who were found in possession 
at the beginning of the settlement. It is, therefore, neces- 
sary to explain that aslis and dakhilis are classed indiscri- 
minately under this head, so that for comparison with the 
number of claims the number of villages must be estimated 
at 3,102. In non-t'alukd&ri mehals, moreover, the proprietor- 
ship has been invariably enquired into at the instance of and 
in the interests of Government, if the de facto occupant's title 
has not been challenged by any adverse claimant ; and, in 
some few instances, several rivals have contended for the same 
mehal. Thus, notwithstanding the number of cases investi- 
gated, but a slight change has taken place in the distribution 
of property. This may be due in some measure, no doubt, to 
the indefeasibility of sanad-titles, but this cause aside, changes 
are restricted to less than 4 per cent, of the village circles now 
demarcated. 

481. Sub-settlements are of two kinds, which differ from 

2. Sub-seuiements. each other toto orbe > according as they 

are in or out of t'alukd&rs' estates. 

rajNon-Vaiukdirf. The latter kind are neither numerous 

nor important. Beyond reference to the figures in the tabular 
statement (No. VI.) it is enough to say that they have been 
treated as subject to the ordinary limitation, and suitors have 
obtained the best terms they enjoyed within that period; 
where necessary, the jamd payable by them to the superior 
proprietor has been raised to the amount of the Government 
revenue plus the ordinary lumberd&ri fee of 5 per cent. 

482. T'alukddrf sub-settlements require more detailed 
a) T'aiukcuw remark, inasmuch as they have formed 

the subject of special legislation in Act 
XXVI of 1866. At the same time, not much more than one- 
half of those adjudicated upon has been affected by that Act* 
Of the total number of 1,639, 1,153 had been decided prior to 
its promulgation. Of these 323 had been decreed, but 830 
had been pronounced incapable of substantiation even under 
the rules then in force. It is true, that, after the cancellation 
of the Morar-KherA ruling by Circular 1223 of 1865, the 



sultInpur settlement report. 231 

minimum of possession within limitations was fixed at half the 
period between the inclusion of a village in a t'aluka and the 
annexation of the province, and that one of the chief provi- 
sions of Act XXVI. was thus foreshadowed ; but, on the other 
hand, an analysis of the 1,153 decisions shows that 513 belong 
to the western tahsils, in which sub-settlements had been most- 
ly disposed of before the circulation of the precedent referred 
to. Here, then, another explanation must be sought for. It 
probably is that the estates in that direction, belonging to the 
Rdjah of Tiloi and other Kanpuria chiefs, are of considerable 
antiquity, and that the t'alukddrs had thus abundant leisure 
under native rule to obliterate subordinate rights or at least to 
reduce them within rather narrow limits. It is also a histori- 
cal fact that those estates, in consequence of the constant feuds 
between their owners, were for many years in a very unsettled 
state and more than once changed hands. It was difficult, 
under such circumstances, for subordinate proprietors, unless 
they were very clever trimmers, to avoid becoming partisans 
of one side or the other. If this ensured them the protection 
of the chief they followed, it also rendered them obnoxious to 
the attacks of his opponent : an attempt to remain neutral was 
perhaps worse, leading as likely as not to their being driven 
out, and their lands being harried and burned by whichever 
party found the opportunity. In any case, it was beyond 
their power to maintain themselves for many consecutive 
years in the bare occupation of their villages ; h fortiori 
were they unable to undertake the management of them. 

483. Of the 323 claims decreed under the old rules, 185 
were admitted to review under Act XXVI. of 1866; their 
progress through the different courts need not be traced, the 
final result is that 26 were ultimately upheld. The remain- 
ing 138, though not reviewed, had, nevertheless, to run the 
gauntlet of appeal, when the same measure was meted out to 
them as to those reviewed : all but 56 of them collapsed. The 
result of the sifting of the 323 old rule decrees, then, was to 
reduce them to 82. Of cases decided for the first time since 
Act XXVI. was passed, 8 only have survived the process of 
appeal. The total number of sub -settlement decrees is 90. 

484. The Act has been so much criticised and discussed, 
that I shall do no more than state briefly the degree to which 
its principal provisions have come into operation in this dis- 



232 SULTJLnPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 

trict. The conditions requisite for a sub-settlement are (l) 
under-proprietary right (2) continuous possession by virtue 
of that right (3>) enjoyment of a clear share of profits. Fail- 
ure under the first of these conditions is not fairly chargeable 
to Act XXVI. If no sort of right whatever be made out r 
it is no peculiarity of Act XXVL that leads to the rejection) 
of a suit ; if any other right than that contemplated by the 
Act be found, it is governed by its own rules : it is only when; 
a particular form of right actually exists that Act XXVI. of 
1866 comes into play : its scope is restricted to " persons pos- 
" sessed of subordinate rights of property in t'alukas, i. e. the 
" right of a person who was in possession of the proprietary 
" right at the time the village was incorporated in the taluka." 

485. The destructive force of the Act lies in the rule 
concerning profits and possession. I am not aware of any 
case in which, all other points proved, the inability to prove 
that possession was held "not merely through privilege 
" granted on account of service or by favour of the t'alukd&r" 
has opposed any bar to a decree. The proof of a sufficiency 
of possession at all has been the stumbling-block to a great 
number of claimants. It has been held that evidence must 
be clear and conclusive, and that the onus probandi rests 
wholly on the plaintiffs. It is a still severer ordeal to prove 
the enjoyment of the requisite amount of profits, but the 
greater number of claims have broken down before arriving: 
at this stage. 

486. The total number of sir cases is 3,397, but the 

distinction which has been drawn be- 
tween the eastern and western tahsfls* 
with regard to sub-settlement must be maintained with re- 
gard to this class of cases. In the latter tahsils, owing to the 
early date by which sub-settlements were disposed of, sir claim* 
were also instituted early. They form a comparatively small 
proportion of the whole number above shown. This is intelli- 
gible from what has been said regarding the state of sub-pro- 
prietary rights in that quarter of the district. But the general 
prevalence of kham management has a tendency to develop 
distinct sfr holdings ; the general subversion of any species of 
right has a tendency to brmg out into stronger relief the few 
instances that have been preserved. Consequently, of 79& 
claims, 366 have been decreed. 



sultInpur settlement report. 233 

487. In the eastern tahsfls on the other hand, sub-set- 
tlements were much more backward, and sir claims did not 
come on the file till much later : few were instituted until 
warning was given that stamp duties were about to be intro- 
duced. It needed the powerful argument that delay beyond 
a certain period would entail all the expense of ordinary 
litigation on the dilatory to counteract that strength of hope 
which many disappointed claimants of sub-settlement seem to 
have retained about their ultimate success. Any men- 
tion of sir they generally met by replying that their claim to 
sub-settlement was pending m appeal, which frequently 
turned out to mean nothing more than that they had filed 
a second or third petition for review in the higher courts. 
They seemed to be under the impression that to discuss the 
question of sir might prejudice their more important claims. 

488. The greater degree of vitality possessed by under- 
proprietary rights, coupled with the fewness of sub-settlements 
in these tahsfls, furnishes primd fcboie grounds for expecting 
a still higher percentage of sir decrees in them ; more parti- 
cularly as they contain a large majority of the villages in 
which ' 10 per cent.' sir has been awarded ; but other causes 
have combined to form more than an even counterpoise; the dis- 
missals are to the decrees as 2 to 1. One of these is that the 
converse of what has been stated at the end of para. 486 holds 
equally good ; another is that this head includes not only claims 
to what may be termed sir proper, or the sir of ex-zemind&rs ; 
but also to lands claimed under that name by sankalpd&rs and 
others. This incorrect classification may sometimes be due to 
the petition-writer, who does not take the trouble to under- 
stand a claim or express it accurately ; but not unfrequent- 
ly, more especially in the Amethi estate, it i» traceable 
directly to the plaintiff ; it exhibits accurately the character 
he wished to appear in : a sankalpd&r or mortgagee rested his 
title on a grant of centuries ago, and alleged that, since the 
accrual of that title, he had held the land as zemind&ri sir, pay- 
ing at the same rate, and by the same method of reckoning 
as the zeminddrs themselves. This tale might easily be true, 
but it was open to considerable suspicion where the suit for 
sub-settlement had been dismissed and the defeated zeminddra 
were called in as witnesses. "While it did them no harm to sup- 
port the claims, it furnished them with an occasion of which 
they displayed little slackness in availing themselves, of injur- 

2a 



234 SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 

ing or at least annoying the t'alukddr. Not a few cases, 
indeed, were very probably instituted with no other than this 
amiable object, at the instigation of the ex-proprietors. It 
thus happens that in some villages nearly the whole cultivated 
area has been claimed as sir, and nearly the whole unculti- 
vated area as sayer. General experience alone is sufficient to 
show the inherent improbability of such claims : there has some- 
times not been a vestige of credible evidence to support them. 
They have of necessity been dismissed. Other sir claims have 
been compromised on the lease basis, others withdrawn in conse- 
quence of some private understanding, and to the same cause 
may, I fancy, be attributed some fraction of the defaults : one 
party offers terms out of court for which he would not volun- 
tarily suffer a decree to pass ; the other, willing not to prosecute 
his claim, yet hesitates to formally abandon it, and default 
is adopted as the 'golden mean/ These observations will 
explain at once how the number of claims in the one part of the 
district both actually and proportionately exceed those in the 
other, and how where they are more numerous they have been 
attended with less success. 

489. Claims to hereditary leases have been very few, 
. „ ... , much fewer than the decrees. They 

4. Hereditary leases. , , , , „ ,? 

have been decreed generally as a modi- 
fied form of sub-settlement, occasionally in lieu of "10 per 
cent, sir," occasionally also but rarely instead of ordinary sir. 
They may now be found in 72 villages ; the amount of profits 
the lessees enjoy varies from 10 to 25 per cent. On this sub- 
ject I need only repeat with such slight alterations as appear 
necessary the opinion I expressed in a recent report. It will be 
observed that these leases prevail much more in the Amethi 
and Sult&npur tahsils than the other two; the explanation 
being that, in the latter, the great majority of under-proprie- 
tary disputes had been finally set at rest before the lease system 
as a basis of compromise had found any advocates. 

490. Where large, sub-proprietary communities, of the 
turbulent and independent spirit which frequently seems to 
characterise those bodies in this part of Oudh, have held in 
their hands, for considerable periods, the entire management 
of their ancestral villages, and their claim to sub-settlement 
has broken down, I entertain but little doubt that this is very 
often the most satisfactory mode of adjusting the future rela- 



sultInpur settlement report. 235 

tions between them and the t'alukddr. In the Sultdnpur tah- 
ell, it has been adopted in many instances without any objec- 
tion on the part of those interested. So also in Amethf ; 
but in the latter it has not found universal favor. The diffi- 
culty lies, not as might be imagined, in the t'alukd&r's disincli- 
nation to concede a lease, (he is willing to do so in all those 
villages in which "10 per cent, sfr" has been decreed), but in 
the under-proprietors* positive refusal to accept it. They urge 
that they want only such sir, sayer, as the courts wilt have 
the goodness to decree them. 

491. If this represented their genuine aspirations, and 
if they would really abide by the arrangements made, it would 
be far preferable to define their sir once for all, and by circum- 
scribing their interest in the village within certain limits, 
leave the t'alukd&r free scope for the management of the re- 
mainder. But so far as I can ascertain this is not at all what 
the result would be. A certain rent having been fixed, the sir- 
holders might, or very probably might not, have the grace to 
pay it without dispute. But whether they did so or not, 
they would without delay proceed to take up other lands in 
addition to those decreed, for which they would resist any 
demand at all, on what would, if only true, be a very justifi- 
able plea, that the lands are not in their cultivation, and that 
they have nothing but what was Judicially decided to be 
theirs. I may instance a village in the Amethf estate, in 
which the r&jah tried the experiment of kham management 
during Summary Settlement. There immediately ensued a 
vast amount of litigation, the principal difficulty often being 
to determine the extent of the lands in the sub-proprietors' 
cultivation, and to ascertain whether it had been increased or 
not since the preceding year. It is, I am afraid only in the 
expectation of being able to follow such a course as I have 
described, that the sub-proprietors conceive sir to be more 
advantageous than a lease. 

492. Though this is probably the consideration which 
principally influences them, it must be admitted that their case 
is capable of appearing under a different aspect. It is impos- 
sible not to recognize as legitimate objections founded on ap- 
prehension of inability to meet the jam& demanded of them. 
Where the shareholders are numerous, and the village small, 



236 SfTLTlNPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 

these fears may rest on a very solid basis ; and in such cased 
it would indubitably be to the benefit of all concerned for sir 
to take the place of a lease with little prospect of stability. 

493. Of claims to right of occupancy there have been 
m ^ . m very few ; but where a sir claimant 

5. Right of occupancy. j^ ^^ to subgtantiat? ^ ^ ft 

has been ascertained whether he is entitled to a right of occu- 
pancy, and if so, it has been decreed to him. 

494. Up to this point I have confined myself to the 
Extent of under-proprietary consideration of the numerical propor- 

rights decreed. i[ 0J1 f under-proprietary claims de- 

creed. I now proceed to the more crucial test of examining 
the amount of land and profits enjoyed by the under-proprie- 
tors. It is somewhat astonishing to find that of 1,024 t'aluk- 
d&ri villages, sub-tenures are to be found in no less than 483, 
or nearly one-half; but these figures taken by themselves are 
deceptive. In the leased and sub-settled villages, indeed, 130 
in number, the proprietary profits, Rs. 77,239, are divided 
pretty equally between the superior and inferior sharers, a 
result partly due to the rule which makes a sub-settlement 
carry with it a high minimum of profit. In the sir and occu- 
pancy villages again, 353 in number, a still higher rate of pro- 
fit prevails on such land as has been decreed, but this is attri- 
butable to part of it being held rent-free, and the quantity of 
land decreed is small. To leave details and take all t'alukddri 
villages collectively, the total profits are Rs. 6,95,684, of 
which sub-proprietors intercept Rs. 73,359. 

495. Regarding share cases, the number is perhaps one 

of the most noticeable points. It is 
to be accounted for by the minutely 
subdivided state of property in many portions of the district. 
Of this it is a further result that the points in dispute have 
often been of a very complicated character. They have pos- 
sessed the redeeming feature of interest, for their investiga- 
tion serves to illustrate better than any other process can do, 
the practical working of the village customs by which the 
present condition of tenures has been developed. Where con- 
tested, they require patient investigation ; even if facts are 
not at issue, it is sometimes a very nice point to arrive at a 
just conclusion as to the status of a claimant : to decide whe- 



sultInpur settlement beport. 237 

ther his possession has extended to a perfect share, or been 
restricted to sir and sayer. In the latter case, a still greater 
enigma has often to be solved, whether the exclusion has been 
compulsory or voluntary, of the nature described in para. 151 
or that described in para. 159. For the leading principle ob- 
served has been that adverse possession only is regarded by the 
law of limitation : that, therefore, the mere fact of non-parti- 
cipation in the management of affairs, or even in profits and 
rendition of accounts, does not ipso facto bar a claim to be re- 
instated in the position of a sharer, if it can be shown that it 
was not consequent on forcible dispossession or permanent re- 
linquishment of right, but that the concentration of the manage- 
ment in the hands of one or a few has been permissive only and 
revocable at the will of the co-parceners. 

496. It has been ruled that restoration to possession in 
1264 f. did not restore a right otherwise extinct. But in 
those days, limitation-laws were little heeded ; if a long absent 
sharer then returned and agreed to square accounts with the 
person in possession of his share, much less objection was 
raised to his re-admission into the community than is now 
done. Any formal act, at that time or since re-occupation, of 
acquiescence has uniformly been respected, Some curious 
cases have occurred in which a whole village has been the 
bone of contention between two distant relations, descendants 
of a common ancestor. It has been clearly proved that, dur- 
ing the limitation period, possession has alternated between 
them, but that they never held together. It has been held, on 
the principle that the whole contains the part, that the posses- 
sion by each of the whole covered possession of the part to 
which he was entitled, and that the fairest way of settling such 
disputes is to divide the village between the litigants in pro- 
portion to their ancestral shares. 

497. The novelty of the tenure explains the paucity of 

BirtandSankal ^^ SU * te * ^ er6 ^ aVe ^ een H Only; 

** p# all have been decreed. Sankalps, also, 

are conspicuous by the excess of decrees over dismissals. 
Judgment has been actually confessed in several cases ; in 
others the defence has been little more than nominal ; even 
contested ones often did not go beyond the court of first in- 
stance. I have a suspicion that some sankalpd&rs have been 
decoyed or driven into court, the object being not to disturb 



238 sultAnfur settlement report. 

their possession, but to saddle them with a judicial order fix- 
ing their liability for rent. Titles disputed at the outset have 
often been acknowledged, where no demur has been made by 
the plaintiff to the rent demanded by the defendant. The 
difference between the number of defaults in t'alukd&ri and non- 
t'alukd&ri villages is striking. With regard to the former the 
observations on this point under the head of sir jnay perhaps 
be applicable. 

PART II. — The Formation of the Record. 

498. The records are drawn up and arranged according 
^^ to demarcated villages. They are of 
Amngemen o reoo . ^ q descriptions, the Judicial, prepared 

singly, and the Settlement, prepared in duplicate. Each of 
these is separately bound, so that there are three volumes for 
each village. When complete they are handed over to the 
District Officer, two (judicial and settlement) for the head quar- 
ters of the district and the third for the tahsil. 

499. The Judicial volume consists mainly, as its name 

. denotes, of the judicial files relating 
u to such rights as have been contested ; 

but it has also been selected as the most proper receptacle for 
the papers concerning the appointment of lumberd&rs, in which, 
though a purely executive matter, a quasi-judicial procedure is 
followed. The preparation of this volume is identical with the 
progress of judicial work detailed in paras. 472 to 497. The 
cases finished, all that remains is to stitch them up together 
and bind them. 

500. The Settlement volume is more varied in its con- 

tents ; it embodies all the results of 
emen vo ume. ^^ settlement operations. It consists 

of fifteen papers : — 

1. The Boundary Map. 

2. The Boundary Misl. 

3. The Shajrah or Field Map. 

4. The Khasrah or Field Book. 
. 5. The Shajrah Abadi. 

* 6. The Khasrah Abadf. 

7. The List of Wells. 

8. The Jamdbandf. 



sultXnpur settlement report. 239 

9. The Khattioni. 

10. Statement No. II. 

11. Statement III. or the ELhewat. 

12. The Qabtiliat. 

13. The Wajibularz. 

14. The Rent Schedule. 

15. The Final Kiibak&ri. 

501. All these documents have been prepared on paper 
of uniform size, except the maps, which are folded up and 
placed in a pocket in the cover of the volume. 

502. With the exception of the last, they all refer to 
one or other of the four heads detailed in para. 371. The 
two first refer to boundaries ; the next five to survey ; the 
eighth, tenth, twelfth and fourteenth to assessment ; the ninth, 
eleventh and thirteenth to the record of rights and liabilities. 
The last the final rtibakdri, is a concise summary of all the 
proceedings connected with the settlement of the village. 

503. The boundary papers are bound up just as received 

from the demarcation department with 
undary reco . ^ e exception that the map which pos- 

sessed the unfortunate peculiarity of being on flimsy bamboo 
{>aper, while "every document of the misl" (to which it be- 
onged) " was on strong paper" has now been rendered less 
perishable by being mounted on cloth. 

504. The survey records require no separate remark 

here ; enough has been said about 

Survey records. ,-• . ° .. • ,1 , . 

their preparation m the rough in para. 
375. Their fairing will be noticed presently. 

505. The jam&bandi, under the authority of the word- 
jam*b al * n £ of para. 3 of Circular 8-1870, has 

" been omitted from the second or tahsil 

volume. Had it been omitted from the first also, the value 
of the record would have scarcely been impaired, especially as 
the preparation of a rent schedule is required by Circular 38 
of 1869. 

506. The Khattioni has been strictly limited to the 
v . _ , detail of all such parcels of land, 

not bemg specific shares, as have been 
judicially decreed. In some of the parganahs in which work 



240 sultXnpur settlement report. 

commenced earliest, if the procedure indicated in para. 474 
showed aprimd facie case of right it was investigated, and if 
proved, recorded ; but since the cancellation of the Circular 
enjoining that procedure, it has been left to the option of 
sot disant proprietors to establish their claim regularly, or 
to submit to the omission of their tenure from the record. 

507, The most essential point, sometimes not an easy 

one, in the preparation of the khe- 
ewa ' wat is indubitably the correct ascer- 

tainment of the principle on which the lands are distributed 
in the village concerned ; this determined, any error that 
may creep into it is one of detail only, and admits of easy 
rectification : no efforts have been spared accordingly to 
ensure accuracy in this respect. In zemind&rf and pattiddri 
villages, due regard being paid to the custom of jethansf, 
the khewat is soon made when the genealogical tree is once 
produced. Where the bhy&ch&rah tenure prevails, it is pre- 
mature to call the khewat complete, until the khattionf is 
entirely ready ; in such cases, khewat and khattioni actu- 
ally progress pari passd ; the former is, as regards each per- 
son's holding, but an abstract of the latter. Where any ex- 
traordinary difficulty arises, where, for instance, the number 
of shareholders is excessively large, or, as in the Asal and 
Chdnda parganahs, tenures are of an unusually complex cha- 
racter, the khewat (and the khattionf) are prepared by a 
Munsarim or Moharrir on the spot. 

508. The khewat is "intended to define the amount of 
"the rights and interests of the several shareholders of an 
" estate ;" and in the generality of cases this intention has been 
fully carried out ; any question of right arising at the time of 
its preparation has been tried out, and the entry made in it 
regulated by the decision. Latterly, however, this has not 
been the case. Since the introduction of stamp duty such 
a course has been impossible, unless a case has happened to 
hj&ve been previously instituted : it has been necessary to direct 
the person dissatisfied to file a plaint on the proper stamp, 
and inform him that, on the production of a decree in his 
favor, the khewat will be amended. In the meantime, he 
has been recorded according to what he actually holds, and 
khewats will consequently be found which are records rather 
of de facto possession then of de jure ownership. For the 



sultXnpur settlement report. 241 

reference to a suit, on the institution of which a stamp is re- 
quired, is tantamount to requiring the outlay of a greater or 
less sum of money, unfortunately not always immediately 
forthcoming, and in such cases, the dispute has remained un- 
decided. Assuming the suit to be brought, but not within 
the short period between the withdrawal of the exemption 
from stamp duty and the total closing of the Settlement Courts, 
it has to go into the District Courts. The khe wat is in all proba- 
bility called for, and the worthlessness of a document liable to 
modification immediately after it is framed forms the subject 
of comment more or less sarcastic on the part of the presid- 
ing officer. 

509. That the procedure here described is likely to 
lead to any grave inconvenience, or that share claims cannot 
be just as well handled by the District as by the Settlement 
Courts I have no wish to imply : it is a point which remains 
for future determination. Perhaps the Settlement officials 
have sufficiently well performed their part if they have suc- 
ceeded in accurately delineating the system peculiar to each 
village ; and my sole purpose in alluding to the subject is to 
stave off from this department the accusation of a perfunctory 
discharge of one of the most important of its duties. 

510. The exact extent to which the remarks made in 
the two preceding paragraphs are applicable I cannot say : 
perhaps it is not very great ; it must be remembered, however, 
that khewats could not be commenced until proprietary titles 
to whole villages had been determined ; the investigation of 
share claims was expressly ordered to be deferred till khewats 
were taken up, and it sometimes happened that it was not 
till the attempt was made to impose an exact limit on a right 
before uncertain that the existence of a grievance came to be 
perceived ; in others words, many share claims would naturally 
be kept back until a very late stage of the settlement. At 
the same time, I need scarcely say that every endeavour has 
been made to bring disputants to an understanding, and an 
extra-judicial solution has been found of many such difficul- 
ties. 

511. It is worthy, I think, of special mention that khe- 
wats have been prepared in two sanad-held estates, to the in- 
clusion of persons whose names are not in the sanad. I speak 

2h 



242 sultXnpur settlement report. 

of Rdmpur and Frat&bpur. In R&mpur, the sanad is vague 
only, and runs in the name of " Kalka Buksh waghairah." 
It has been interpreted by means of Statement A, which is 
fortunately more explicit. The PratAbpur estate has for 
some time consisted of separate shares held under separate 
qabdliat, viz. Prat&bpur Ragon&th Singh, and Pratdbpur 
Baijndth Singh. It is to the latter only I refer, the former is 
subject to ordinary rules. Baijn&th Singh obtained a sanad, 
it included the name of one of his sharers, Zabr Singh, but 
not that of a second one, Jaggarn&th Singh. The non-sanad 
sharer on his part applied to be recorded as proprietor of a 
right of which he has all along been in actual possession ; the 
sanad holders, on their part, though not interfering with pos- 
session, long objected to the record, on the ground that it 
would be an infringement of the sanad. The matter was at 
last compromised on the basis that the non-sanad sharer 
should be entered in the khewat, but that it should be as sub- 
ordinate to the sanad holders, to whom, however, he should 
pay no more than 5 per cent, the ordinary lumberddri fee, in 
excess of the government demand. This is, I think, very 
fair. It maintains the individual excluded from the sanad in 
much the same position as he would have held had there 
never been one : while it at the same time protects the t'aluk- 
d&rs from the splitting up of their t'aluka, which it would have 
been at his option to make by partition or sale, if he had been 
admitted to share in the superior right. 

512. Ordinarily, a single khewat is sufficient for a single 
village, even where it is divided among different mehals : there 
is usually some common bond of connection between the res- 
pective proprietors springing from descent from the same an- 
cestor. All that is then necessary is to be careful to make 
an accurate apportionment of the shares: — it is very analogous 
to what has to be done in patti d&rl villages. Where, however, 
as sometimes happens, two or three distinct properties have 
been demarcated together, a separate khewat is indispensable 
for each of them. There are instances, also, where even in 
the same property a double khewat has been considered ad- 
visable, if not absolutely necessary : where there co-exist su- 
perior and inferior rights, and both are held by co-parcenary 
communities, whose methods of distributing shares are inde- 
pendent of each other, the construction of a single khewat 
would more often be a triumph of ingenuity than of practical 
utility. 



sultXnpur settlement report. 243 

513. The wajibularz has in all cases been prepared 

separately for each village ; not collec- 
ajl u ^ tively for t'alukas or other large 

mehals, where these exist. It was always contemplated that 
there should be separate ones for villages in which under-pro- 
prietary rights obtained, and some such are to be met with in 
every t'aluka. A literal adhesion to the printed instructions 
would, therefore, have led to the wajibularzes of some vil- 
lages being in their own misls and some in that of the whole 
t'aluka. This would probably have created some confusion. 
A single paper of this kind for an entire t'aluka, moreover, 
would be generally large and bulky, and its value would be 
much diminished by the difficulty of finding any part to which 
reference might be required. 

514. The wajibularz has been prepared for the most 
part in the village it refers to ; a Munsarim, where possible, and 
elsewhere a Moharrir, having been sent there for that purpose. 
It was his business to ascertain and record the information re- 
quired for its sucessive clauses : his work was afterwards 
checked by the Settlement Officer himself or one of his subor- 
dinates. It seems to me that the second clause of this paper is 
somewhat superfluous, the khewat often, if not always, gives 
all the particulars it professes to furnish, and simple reference to 
that paper would therefore be enough. If it be desirable, in 
order to preserve the completeness of the wajibularz, to have a 
full detail under this head, it might still be feasible to reduce 
the size of the less important volume by the omission of the 
khewat from it. Similarly, the place of the khattioni, 
where its purpose is to record small holdings only, might also 
be very well supplied in the same volume oy *imply giving a 
detail of the khasrah numbers against each of the holdings 
enumerated in clause 12 of the wajibularz. The omissions 
indicated have not been made, however, as they are opposed 
to the Circulars now in force. 

515. The preparation of the Survey Records in the 
_ . . , rough commenced, of course, simul- 

Fainng records. , o - «xi_ i t. j. 

taneously with measurements ; but 
some months elapsed before a sufficient number were ready 
to justify the appointment of an establishment for fairing 
them. It was, indeed, at first expected that the amlns them- 
selves would be capable of doing this for their own records ; 



214 SXTLtXnFUB SETTLEMENT REPORT. 

but their notions of caligraphy were generally found to be 
better suited to the rough than the fair copies, and Moharrirs, 
paid at contract rates out of the Amins wages, have had to be 
entertained for the purpose of supplying the omission. A 
similarly paid agency has been employed for the preparation 
of most of the papers, the cost of which is chargeable to 
Government ; but this method of remuneration is apt to cause 
difficulties to be slurred over and ignored, and the first copies 
of the more intricate papers have been drawn up by a salaried 
establishment. To this is entrusted, also, the duty of testing 
the work of the contract Moharrirs. 

516. Each paper, perfect in itself, has next to be com- 
pared with others containing similar entries ; it is only when 
they are all made to tally with each other and with the judi- 
cial file that the misl is accepted as complete. The import- 
ance of this work of examination and comparison can scarcely 
be overrated, though it finds no place in the monthly returns ; 
and, unless due allowance be made for it, it is in danger of 
being neglected to the no small detriment of the records. 

517. Fairing offices were first opened at Inhona for the 
tahsil of that name, and at Jais for tahsil Mohanganj ; and, as 
the area under settlement extended, others were fixed at 
Amethi and Sult&npur. Each of these was committed to the 
charge of a Sadr Munsarim, but, with a view to more efficient 
supervision, Inhona was made the head quarters of an Extra 
Assistant Commissioner, and the two tahsils of Inhona and 
Mohanganj placed under his superintendence. The Jais and 
Amethi offices existed but for short periods ; the former was 
amalgamated with that at Inhona in October 1866, and the 
latter with that at Sult&npur in January 1868. The Inhona 
establishment was maintained for some time after this ; it was 
not deemed advisable to break it up till the commencement 
of 1870, when it was absorbed into that at the Sadr station. 

SECTION V.— Miscellaneous. 

518. "When the Settlement commenced in February 1863, 

Colonel Perkins was Deputy Com- 
cers * missioner of the district, and was ac- 

cordingly, in conformity with the practice then generally fol- 
lowed, directed to assume the supervision of settlement 



stjltXnpur settlement report. 245 

operations. He was not relieved of the administrative charge 
of the district, however, and so was unable to devote his at- 
tention exclusively to his special duties, until the month of 
September in the same year. From that time he continued 
in charge of the settlement until his return to district work, 
as Deputy Commissioner of Faizabad, in April 1869, with the 
exception of twenty months (March 1866 to November 1867) 
during which time he was absent on furlough to Europe. 
His place was then filled by Mr. H. B. Sarington, now 
Officiating Secretary to the Chief Commissioner. From 
Colonel Perkins' departure for Faizabad dates my own tenure 
of the Settlement Officership. 

519. Captain Forbes was appointed to the district as 
Assistant Settlement Officer almost immediately after the 
commencement of operations ; and he continued to be the sub- 
stantive incumbent of that post until March 1868. During 
part of that period he was absent, however ; from early in the 
year 1865 to late in the year 1866, he was on leave to Europe 
on medical certificate, and Mr. W. H. Gibson, now Officiat- 
ing Deputy Commissioner of Hardui, was deputed to per- 
form his duties. He was also twice absent in charge of other 
Settlements, once at Pratdbgarh in January 1867, and again 
at Faizabad from May to December of the same year. To- 
wards the beginning of 1868 Captain Forbes was promoted 
to the Settlement Officership of Prat&bgarh. It then fell to 
me to take up the post left vacant by his promotion, and I 
continued to hold it until my appointment as Colonel Perkins* 
successor in the following year, when it was finally abolished. 

520. Since I assumed charge of the settlement, the fol- 
lowing officers have served in the department : Pandit Md- 
dhoper^had and Syad Mahomed Husain, Extra Assistant 
Commissioners, and Mahomed Abdullah and Chunf Ldl, 
Sadr Munsarims. Syad Mahomed Husain was transferred 
to another district more than two years ago. 

521. Pandit Mddhopershad was transferred to this dis- 
trict in December 1863 from Undo, where he had already 
gained for himself a high character for integrity and ability. 
This he has fully maintained throughout the long period he 
has been associated with the Sult&npur Settlement. Res- 
pecting his judicial aptitude it would be superfluous to do 



24& sultInfub sittlembnt mport. 

more than mention the special recognition of it implied in his 
investment with full judicial powers. He has throughout 
been entrusted with the supervision of the preparation of 
records, (at first in the two western tahsils, and latterly in all 
four) for which he is peculiarly fitted by his intimate acquaint- 
ance with every branch of Settlement work. 

522. Mahomed Abdullah possesses good abilities, and 
has gained great experience in revenue matters during a long 
term of Government service. He was first employed in vari- 
ous subordinate capacities in the Panj&b, where he retained 
the favorable opinion of his superiors, until he left for Oudh, 
on obtaining in the latter province a better appointment than 
he had previously been holding in the former. He then 
served for some years in the Pratdbgarh district and during 
part of that time acted as tahslld&r. He was transferred to 
this district in February 1869, and has since continuously 
acted as Sadr Munsarim. 

523. Of Mtinshf Chtini Ldl I hold a very high opinion. 
He was for sometime Serisht&d&r to the Settlement Officer, 
and in consequence of the satisfaction he gave in that post 
was appointed Sadr Munsarim. He is intelligent and indus- 
trious, well versed in law, and careful and accurate in its ap- 
plication. In the preparation of records, he was a zealous 
coadjutor of Pandit M&dhopershad, until he left the dis- 
trict last September on his appointment to a tahsild&rship. 

524. The total cost of the Settlement, everything in- 
n^f of ^ttunumt eluded, is Us. 4,54,756-12-6. To avoid 

Cost of Settlement. ... \ '., _ n 

repetition of details I may refer to 
Statement II, where an analysis of these figures will be 
found. Regarding the last column only have I any remarks 
to make. It shows that the cost of the Settlement is 41 per 
cent of the revised demand for one year. It appears to me 
that an equally, if not more, useful comparison lies between 
the cost of revision and the gross increase of revenue there- 
by effected ; by reference to this standard it will be seen that 
Government recoups itself in little more than a year and a 
half for all the expenditure that has been entailed by the re- 
vision of assessments. From discussion of the question whe- 
ther the cost of the settlement has been moderate or the re- 
verse, I have the good fortune to be absolved; a favorable 
verdict has already been passed upon the subject. 



sultXnpur settlement report. 247 

525. This report has the peculiarity, that, with its sub- 
ConduBion mission, the territorial division it refers 

on uBion. to will become obsolete. "With regard 

to the primary object of the report, this is fraught with no 
inconvenience whatever ; but it has this result attached to it 
that the statements submitted, some of which would otherwise 
be of great value for reference to all officers engaged in revenue 
work are now, quoad hoc, comparatively useless. This defect 
it was my wish and intention to remedy by preparing the state- 
ments alluded to as well for the new district as the old. But, 
unfortunately, the Faizabad Settlement is not sufficiently ad- 
vanced for me to obtain the requisite information concerning 
some of the parganahs received from that district, and my 
purpose has consequently had to be abandoned, or at all events 
deferred until the missing data are forthcoming. 

A. F. MILLETT, 

Settlement Officer. 



i) 



No. 2246. 

From 

The OFFG. SECY, to CHIEF COMMR, 

OUDH. 

To 

Colonel L. BARROW, c. b., 

Financial Commissioner, Oudh. 

Dated Lucknow, 11th May 1870. 

Sir 

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your 
letter No. 3728, dated 5th instant, enclosing the report of the 
Settlement Officer, Sult&npur, on the revised assessments of 
tahsil Inhona. 

2nd. — In reply I am directed to observe that, as final 
sanction will have to be given by Government, the Chief 
Commissioner does not propose to forward it on until the re- 
port of the whole district is completed. In the meantime, 
the Chief Commissioner is pleased to sanction the revised 
assessment, and to request that Major Perkin's report may be 
incorporated in that for the whole district and printed. 

I have the honor to be, 
Sir, 
Your most obedient servant, 
H. B. HARINGTON, 

Offy. Secy, to Chief Commissioner, Oudh. 



t 

Ifj 

lit! 






No. 1895 of 1873. 

From 

Lieut. Coll. I. P. MACANDREW, 

Ofpg. Commr., RAi BarelI Division. 

To 

The PERSL. ASST. to tme CHIEF COMMR., 

Oudh. 

Dated Rdi BareU, the 29th July, 1873. 

Sm*\ 

I have the honor to submit the Settlement Report of the 
district of Sult&npur which was received in this office on the 
17th March 1873. It bears no date upon it. With it is 
submitted the report on the settlement of the Inhona tahsil 
of the Sult&npur district, also without date. This report, 
which is by Lieutenant Colonel Perkins, appears to have been 
submitted to the Secretary to the Chief Commissioner on the 
5th May 1870 by the Financial Commissioner, but was 
returned, with the Secretary's No. 2246 of 11th May 1870, 
to be re-submitted with the general report. 

2. The general report is by Mr. A. F. Millett, who 
has taken very great pains with it and brought a great deal of 
research to bear upon the subject. The historical and statis- 
tical account of the district is very interesting, and no doubt 
will be most valuable as material for the Provincial Gazetteer, 
and it reflects the highest credit on the officer who has spent 
so much time in compiling it. Nevertheless, I am con- 
strained to say that the report, as a settlement report, is dis- 
appointing. 

3. The report is divided into three chapters, No. 1, 
Statistical, No. 2, Historical, No. 3, Settlement. My obser- 
vations must necessarily be only of a critical character, for I 
have no special acquaintance with the subject in Sultknpur, 
and I am only forwarding this report now because I do not 



( 2 ) 

see that the Chief Commissioner is likely to have this settle- 
ment reported upon by a more competent person within any 
reasonable time. As I have no means of criticizing the 
Statistical and Historical portions of the report, I intend to 
confine my remarks to the third chapter and section 7 of the 
the first chapter which treats of tenures. 

4. In his section upon tenures Mr, Millett divides them 
into several heads subordinate to two principal ones, " tenures 
according to origin," and "tenures according to incidents." 
The first is discussed under the following sub-heads at paras. 
113 to 126 of his report : — 

Modes of acquisition. 

Conquest. 

Occupation. 

Accession. 

Transfer* 

A discussion on such subjects as these presents no features 
peculiar to the Sult&npur district, and as it is probable that 
there will always be a difference of opinion regarding the 
origin of tenures I see no good in following Mr. Millett into 
a controversy on the subject. 

5. I think it necessary, however, to correct the impres- 
sion which his para. 125, on the subject of leases, is calculated 
to leave. I believe that the tenure, called " deposit " by Mr. 
Millett. mentioned in his para. 126, is found as he describes 
in a few instances in Eastern Oudh, but it is a rare and a 
special exception, not by any means a rule. The lease in the 
Naw&bf was optional with the superior ; but when a person, 
having an ancient or an acquired under-proprietary right 
was dispossessed of the lease, when, in fact, the village was 
held Kacha, as the local phrase is, an equivalent in sir or 
nankar was provided for the dispossessed lease-holder. Un- 
der the native rule the settlements were annual, and subor- 
dinate arrangements were always liable to annual modifica- 
tion, however many years they might run on without change ; 
under our rule we desire that the holders of subordinate 
interests should share in the stability which our settlements 
give to rights of all kinds, and these leases, formerly liable 
to arbitrary change, are now, whether under the name of 
sub-settlements or hereditary non-trapsferable leasee, fixed 



( 3 ) 

tenures. I can see now, however, that a great mistake has 
been made in not fixing the alternative sir in case of dispos- 
session ; for, though we do not allow the caprice of the supe- 
rior to eject the lease-holder at his pleasure, we have not 
provided for the case, which I regret to say is common iji the 
Sultdnpur district, of the lease-holder not paying his rent ; 
and, instead of the simple and easy procedure of the native 
system, we are forced to sale, or Government management, a 

Srocess which connot be carried out on a large scale and is 
ilatory and ineffective on any scale at all. Such is the true 
position of persons holding the management of villages subor- 
dinate to t'alukd&rs under native rule as compared with our 
own. 

6. Under the head of " tenures according to incidents " 
Mr. Millett, divides his subject into — 

Proprietary rights. 
Under-proprietary rights. 
Quasi-proprietary rights. 

I do not intend to follow Mr. Millett into his long discussion 
on proprietary right which appears to me to have little to do 
with a settlement report. Suffice to say that he admits it to> 
be in Sultdnpur what it is elsewhere. 

I. The right in the land of persona who hold it free ol 
revenue. 

II. The right in the land of persons who hold it subject 
to the Government demand alone. 

7. Under-proprietary tenures Mr. Millett conceives to- 
consist of subrsettlement and sir only, at least he so classes: 
these tenures alone, and he commits this mistake because he 
has allowed himself to invent what he calls 

Quasi-proprietary tenures.. 

These are enumerated by him as follows : — 



1. 


Jhagir, 


7. 


Birt. 


2. 


Milk, 


8. 


Marwat. 


3. 


Aima, 


9. 


Maintenance. 


4. 


M'afl, 


10. 


Occupancy. 


5. 


Sankalp, 


11, 


Purw&s. 


6. 


D&r„ 


12. 


Groves. 



( 4 ) 

It is only necessary to glance over this list to see how incor- 
rectly they are thus classed together. M'aft and groves may 
be either proprietary or under-proprietarv, and indeed groves 
may be merely an incident on condition of cultivating occupan- 
cy. Milk and aima are, I believe, always revenue free pro- 
prietary rights. Sankalp, birt, marwat, and purw&s (that is 
the right of the founders of purw&s) are under-proprietary 
rights beyond all question. Maintenance, if a right in land 
at all, only becomes so in consequence of a decree under a 
law defining it such as chapter VIII of Act I of 1869, Section 
33 of the same Act, or the general obligation under the com- 
mon law of men to support their wives and children, and the 
special obligation by custom of the t'alukddxs to support their 
relatives which custom however is ignored by our law. The 
nature of this custom will appear hereafter. Occupancy is 
a right created by our laws and decisions. I have never heard 
of a case in which occupancy was decreed on the ground that 
a man had made out a right to it irrespective of our law, and 
Mr. Millett, in his para. 184, says that the cases that have 
come under his observation are cases of compromise by consent, 
in which the Plaintiff claimed something more which the court 
could not grant, such as a right to marwat. I shall have occa- 
sion to speak of this afterwards. Mr. Millett has not stated 
what is the nature of the right of occupancy thus decreed, so 
I presume, it is the same as that under Section 5, Act XIX. of 
1868. 



D&r is a word new to me. Mr. Millett says it means any 
permanent sub-proprietary interest but is not a special tenure 
itself. It might therefore have been left out of the enume- 
ration. 



8. Jhdgfr is a tenure on which there have been numerous 
decisions, especially in the Lucknow district, and I believe, it 
has been there held, and correctly held, to be merely an 
assignment of the Government revenue, and to carry no other 
right with it either proprietary or under-proprietary. Some- 
times the proprietary right was found co-existent with that of 
jhdgir, but then it could be traced to a different origin. The 
jh&gfrs of the Baho Begam, and of the General Sahib in this 
division were unquestionably of this class. 



( 5 ) 

Mr. Millett has however mixed up with it service tenures. 
These are I know sometimes incorrectly called " jh6gfr." The 
correct name for them is that by whicfi they were known in 
the Settlement of the R&i Bareli district (ch&kar&na). 

These are pure service tenures, the right to hold the land 
ceasing with the cessation of the service, but as the service was 
hereditary usually so was the ch&kar&na too. Jhdgir, on the 
contrary, was by no means a service grant necessarily. It 
might be so or it might not. At any rate there is no occasion to 
invent such a description of it as quasi-pfoprietary. 

9. I think there is a good deal of error in Mr. Millett's 
notions about maintenance, and, as they are advanced in a 
report which is to be printed and circulated to the world, I 
deem it necessary to state what I conceive to have been the 
real state of affairs. His views are given in paras. 177 to 180 
of his report. In paras. 178 and 179, he gives a sketch of 
what he conceives to have been a general custom, but the 
simple fact that we found estates large and in the hands of 
single t'a!ukd£rs for the most part throughout the province, 
shows that the splitting process described by Mr. Millett 
could not be general. It is undoubtedly true that native 
opinion did not expect a t'alukd&r's younger sons to work for 
their bread, and that it was the custom for the father to 
assign villages for their maintenance., and that they held them 
rent-free. It is also true that, when the r&jah was a weak 
man and the Bdbli a strong one in the next generation, the 
Bdbti not unfrequently got a separate engagement with the 
Government and became an independent t'alukd&r. But 
then a similar action would go on in the B&bii's estate, and, 
were this process general, a few generations would have 
broken u]p all the large properties in Oudh. The real fact 
however is that, as a rule, in the next generation rent was 
exacted from these maintenance villages, probably a low one 
and for the life of the incumbent ; but in the following gene- 
ration it was increased while the holding became divided, 
and, from favored relatives of the t'alukdkr, the holders of 
these originally maintenance villages became ordinary clans- 
men in course of time. 

10. I also cannot pass over Mr. Millett's remark in 
para. 181, that the law would not concede a right to marwat. 
It is true that certain old circulars laid dQwn some stringent 



( 6 ) 

rules about what was called " t'alukd&ri m'afi," and directed 
that t'alukddrs might revoke their own gifts of rent-free 
or riaiyati land at pleasure ; but Lord Lawrence in the Foreign 
Department No. 302, dated 6th October 1864, set these orders 
aside, and directed that every claim was to be tried on its 
merits irrespective of any authoritative provincial declarations 
of the non-existence of any particular right, while sections 2 
and 7 of Act XVI of 1865, declare that all suits shall be 
tried under the provisions of the Code of Civil Procedure, 
and the. same principle has since been re-enacted in Act 
XXXII of 1871. I am therefore of opinion that it was 

3uite competent to the Settlement Courts, in Sult&npur to 
ecree marwats if the right |to them had been proved before 
them, and I regret to hear that they have not done so. 

11. I have remarked in para. 2 that I consider this, 
report disappointing. Its defects appear to me to be, first, 
that it does not give that close description of the mode in 
which the assessment of the land revenue was made in this 
district which would enable an officer about to engage in such 
a work to understand the Sult&npur system, and to adopt 
it or any part of it which seemed to him suitable to the dis- 
trict on which he was about to operate. Secondly it does 
not trace out, as I think a settlement report written at the 
close of a settlement begun nearly ten years before it should do, 
the result of the Judicial award of rights upon the condition 
of the several classes having interests in the soil, and on the 
(Jollection of the Government land revenue. 

12. I shall endeavour to the best of my ability, from 
other papers and data, partially to supply the first want. I 
may also find it possible to say something cm the subject of the 
collection of the revenue under this settlement ; but I cannot 
be expected to supply any information as to the condition of 
the people under it, as that requires time and opportunities, 
of local observation which I have not had 

13. There are three modes of assessing the land revenue 
in vogue on this side of India. These are — 

1st. — Assessment by rent rates. 
2nd. — Do. by rent-rolls. 
3rd. — Do. by estimate and valuation of produce. 



( 7 ) 

All three may be adopted where rents are paid in nioney, 
though the third would seldom be resorted to under such cir- 
cumstances. The second process is plainly inapplicable when 
rents are paid in kind. 

14. It is usual to correct these results so as specially to 
adapt them to the circumstances of each particular village, and 
there are two ways of doing this. First, to visit the village 
before any data for its assessment have been collected, to make 
notes as to soils, appearance and condition, and to use these notes 
subsequently to correct the results of the application of the 
process, described in the last para., which may be adopted. 
Secondly, to collect the data for assessment first, and then to 
visit the village, with the results of the application of any one 
of the processes described in the last para, before the officer 
making the village inquiry, and to correct these results from 
observation on the spot. I need hardly say that I consider 
the second to be much the better practice of the two. 

15. In order to explain as well as I can how the assess- 
ment was made in the Sult&npur district, I have selected the 
parganah of Jagdlspur as a specimen, because it is one of the 
three parganahs upon which Colonel Perkins himself has re- 
ported, and because of the two out of those three still in this 
division, Jagdfspur shows the greater variety, having been 
divided for assessment purposes into two circles and a third of 
several sub-circles, while the other parganah, Inhona, forms 
only one circle. 

16. Colonel Perkins, at para. 13 of his report, informs 
us that he began operations by a personal inspection, either 
by himself or his Assistant, Captain Forbes, of each manor 
one by one. 

The word manor is here evidently used for mauzah, as 329 
manors were visited, which is the exact number of demarcated 
mauzahs in the Inhona tahsil, aiid that is the area reported on 
by Colonel Perkins, # 

During this inspection notes were made "regarding soil, 
" facilities for irrigation, tod other matters worthy of note. " 
These officers "had no survey papers to assist in their 
" inquiries." 



( 8 ) 

17. The result of this inspection, as regarding the par- 
ganah of Jagdlspur, was to divide it into three territorial 
divisions. £!ircle No. 1 consisted of the "northern and south- 
" eastern parts of the parganah, water was found at a distance 
" of from 30 to 50 feet from the surface of the ground and a 
"lighter soil." 

Circle No. 2 consisted of the lands " in the southern and 
" north-western part of the parganah, where the soil was better 
" and the water only 18 to 26 feet from the surface." 

Circle No. 3 consisted of the sub-circles, which lay along 
the river Gtimtf and theK&ndti nallah, and "comprised mauzahs 
" which have peculiarities of soil and very little irrigation." 

18. In the course of their inspection the Settlement 
Officer and the Assistant Settlement Officer also formed rent 
rates. These rates were on three classes of soil into which 
the lands were divided — 

1st. — Goind. 

2nd. — Lands not goind yielding two crops each year. 

3rd. — Lands as above yielding one crop each year. 

No distinction was made, within those classes, between irriga- 
ted and unirrigated soils in the first instance, and the tahsils of 
Inhona and Mohanganj appear to have been assessed with- 
out separate rates having been fixed for wet and dry cultivation. 
Mr. Millett however reports, para. 440, that it was subse- 
quently found desirable to make separate rent rates for wet 
and dry cultivation in classes % and 3, and this was done in 
the other two tahsils of Amethi and Sult&npur. The rent 
rates fixed for parganah Jagdispur were the acre : — m 







Class I. 


Class II. 


Class, m. 


Circle 


I. 


8 


5 


2 6 5 


it 


II. 


9 9 7 


4 2 9 


19 7 


99 


III. 


6 6 5 


3 3 2 


19 7 



19. Besides the rental given by these rates, two other 
rentals were used. 

The first of these was the patw&ris' jam&bandf, corrected 
for sir, rent-free, and service lands. The second was thus 
ascertained in Colonel Perkins' own words. " In the course 



( 9 ) 

u of my local inquiries, I found that an average rent of 3 per 
" bigah all round gave a tolerably correct estimate of the 
" assets of a fairly cultivated estate, while 2-8 per bigah 
" applied with equal accuracy to estates next in order of fer- 
" tility : when much in doubt as to the capabilities of an estate, 
" I tested them with this general average rate/' 

20. It is not possible for me to give any opinion on the 
circles, unless I had an opportunity of personally examining 
the parganah very minutely. With regard to the classes 
however I may say that they appear to me exceedingly good 
ones, if they had been further subdivided into irrigated and 
unirrigated land. With this subdivision the classification 
into one crop land, two crop land, and goind, is about as good 
a one as could be hit upon, for it is a division in which an ex- 
perienced amin ought not to make a mistake, except perhaps 
as to the area of the goind which is easily corrected. Its 
only disadvantage appears to me to be that the lands forming 
Classes II and III would be scattered a good deal, and it would 
be therefore troublesome to test the several areas. There is 
however the very greatest difference in the rents of irrigated 
and unirrigated lands, both two crop and one crop. Jarhan 
rice land is one crop, for instance, and pays high rents, and 
sandy tracts of barren land are often two crop, having kodo 
and arhar sown together, or miing and b&jra. The rent of 
such land however is seldom above one rupee an acre, if so 
much. It will be observed that in Circle I, which is described 
as inferior to Circle II, the rates on the second and third class 
soils are higher. This is not explained. I am not at all sur- 
prised to find that as the settlement progressed it was found 
necessary to fix different rates for wet and dry cultivation, 
para. 440 of the report, as one rate would necessarily be low 
or it would be unsafe. With the exception of goind lands, 
the rates however strike me as'low compared with those which 
come out in the adjacent district of R&i Bareli They are 
given at para. 441. 

21. With regard to the actual jam&bandf rentals, Mr. 
Millett, para. 447, speaks of them with the greatest contempt. 
He says " they quite fulfilled the anticipations formed as to 
" their worth. They were found nearly useless, the entries in 
" them being highly imaginative/' 



( io ) 

Colonel Perkins also seems to have had a theoretic 
leaning that way, for he says, para. 14 of his report, that " the 
" native officials were unable to divest themselves of the notion 
" that the value of an estate must necessarily be tested by the 
" caste of the tenants and the rent paid by them." We shall 
see, however, that when he came to the actual work of assess- 
ment, he placed great reliance on these actual rents. I am 
of opinion that where the actual rents can be ascertained, in 
a country where landed property is held as in Oudh, they form 
the soundest and most reliable basis on which to assess the 
land revenue. The views expressed by Colonel Perkins above 
are enunciated at para. 65 of the Directions to Settlement Offi- 
cers, but throughout that work the leading idea is that villages 
belong to co-parcenary cultivating communities. Whether 
that was the case in the North West or not I do not pretend to 
say, but it is not the case in Oudh generally nor in Sult&npur 
in particular. Low caste men who pay the highest rates of rent 
are very rarely zemind&rs, When they are, a special settlement 
can be made to meet the case, but ordinarily they are tenants, 
and to let the jami down because they pay high rents is 
simply to put money in the pocket of the man between the 
Government and the cultivator. 

He will not fail to exact as high a rent as he can get 
whatever his jamd may be. 

22. It appears however that in Sult&npur the jamd- 
bandi rents were only corrected for sfr and rent-free land, 
which includes service, and the result of this, according to 
my experience, is that the rents would come out low. 

In the settlement of R&i Barelf, which was made on cor- 
rected jamdbandfs, and where the rents were very carefully 
analyzed and tabulated before the village was visited, I found 
at least as much land held at low and favoured rates as that 
held under the name of sir and rent-free put together. The 
causes were various, but these lands would all have passed at 
their low riaiyati rent in Sult&npur, and for this reason I con- 
sider that the rental there given from jamdbandis is low. 
I need hardly say that I totally differ from Mr. Millett, on 
the subject of the trustworthiness of jam&bandis. His opinion 
on this subject is not one entitled to much weight. The 
assessment of the Sult&npur district was completed before he 
got charge of it, and, if he assisted in the making of any 



( 11 ) 

assessment at all, it could only have been for a small part of 
one parganah, Chinda. It is one of the defects of this report 
that it does not point out the work for which each officer em* 
ployed is responsible. Experienced officers who have been 
engaged in making the greatly more careful assessments of the 
present day, have testified to the wonderful reliability . of the 
patw&rfs papers pretty generally, where they have really 
looked into the matter, and judging from the JagdispUr par- 
ganah, the Sult&npur settlement is far too much indebted to 
jam&bandis to allow such assertions to pass unchallenged. 

23» As regards the 3rd mode of ascertaining the rental 
of a village by the application of an average rental of Us. 3 a 
bigah, if the village be fairly good, and Rs. 2-8 if second class, 
I have no faith in it. 

If this Was at all to be relied on, why go to the trouble 
of making circles and classes, and having the responsibility of 
fixing the areas of each ? 

I believe that as a fact it has been very little used indeed. 
I have not seen a single instance of it in the parganah of Jag- 
dispur* 

24. So far I have been able to abstract from the reports, 
but When the question is asked how these data Were applied 
to arrive at the demand actually imposed on the people, the 
report is silent. To find this out I have selected the par- 
ganah of JagdispUr for reasons already given, and I nave 
tabulated the data of each village in that parganah in a form 
statement marked A, which I have the honor to submit, and 
which will, I hope, enable the Chief Commissioner to see how 
this settlement has been actually made. The figures in this 
statement are taken from the village assessment book . of the 
parganah, the remarks in which are in Colonel Perkins' own 
handwriting ; and the remarks in the statement are abstracted 
by me from those of Colonel Perkins to explain certain figures 
which seem to need it. Mr. Harington who assessed the tahsfl 
of Amethi and the parganah of Sultdnpur, assures me that 
he followed the system established by Colonel Perkins, and 
Colonel Perkins himself assessed the rest of the district. 

25. Colonel Perkins appears to have used both the rent 
rates and the jamdbandis, corrected as described in para. 22, 
in order to arrive at what he assumed as the basis of his 



( 12 ) 

assessment. If the two came out pretty nearly together he 
generally took something off the mean as a margin for bad 
seasons, and assumed what was left. If the rent rates were 
a good deal the higher, the statement generally shows a deduc- 
tion ; sometimes there were special causes for this, such as that 
the area of goind had been over estimated by the amfn, or 
the village had a smaller proportion of irrigated land than 
usual, for in this parganah there were no separate rates for wet 
and dry land. In addition, from this, and also from the 
amount given by the rent rates in villages where there were 
no errors of that kind, he usually deducted 10 per cent, to be on 
the safe side, and sometimes made a still further deduction 
for bad seasons. 

He then dealt with the mean as above or not as the 
nature of his notes, I presume, might be, and took that as the 
basis of assessment. 



26. It will thus appear that in this assessment the actual 
rents were used quite as much as the rent rates as its basis- 
In the whole parganah, which I have gone over carefully, 
comparing each village in the statement with the detailed 
statistics and remarks in the book, there are only two villages 
Nos. 99 and 154, in which the jamdbandi is said to be not trust- 
worthy, land having been omitted altogether. Colonel Perkins 
does not mention who the zeminddrs are in his assessment 
book, which is a serious omission. This information, as he 
gives the number of families in each caste, would probably go 
far to explain some of the reasons why the jamri-bandis are 
suspected. 

27. An assessment conducted on these principles may 
be expected to be decidedly low. I have before explained 
why I think the rent rates would be low (para. 20), and also 
why the rent-rolls would show a similar result (para 22). 
Their application in the manner described above would be a 
further precaution in this direction, and, when I consider how 
prominently the actual rents have been used, and the evident 
care in the village inspection which the very clear notes in 
the assessment book proves to have been taken, I feel per- 
fectly sure that the district of Sultdnpur has not been over 
assessed. 



( 13 ) 

28. It might appear from the above remarks that I am 
of opinion that the Government has not got its just due, and 
I certainly think that it has not got a full fifty per cent, of 
the rental. But in this I consider that Colonel Perkins has 
exercised a wise discretion. The increase in the demand, on 
this parganah, is 30 per cent, including cesses, and it was very 
difficult under native rule to get any revenue from this par- 
ganah at all. The increase in some of the individual villages 
is very great. No. 11 of the statement is raised from Us. 203 
to Us. 500, No. 21 from Us. 52 to Es. 155, No. 37 from 
Us. 516 to Rs. 1,610; No. 42 from Rs. 201 to Rs. 510, No. 64 
from Rs. 264 to Rs. 610, No. 95 from Rs. 568 to Rs. 1,435, 
and No. 106 from Rs. 25 to Rs. 155. These are specimens 
of the greatest changes, but doubling the old jamd was by 
no means uncommon. The increase on the whole district is 
38 per cent. 

29. There have been 100 appeals against the assessment 
of this district. Of these 86 have been rejected. 

In 13 cases the jamd has been reduced, 12 of them being 
at the recommendation of the Settlement Officer himself and 
one only without it, the total amount of reduction was 
Rs. 1,680. In the 24th case the jamd was not reduced per- 
manently, but it was made rasadf, being reduced for the 
first 10 years of the settlement. A statement marked B, 
is appended showing the appeals and their results. I have 
examined several of the appeal files and find nothing in them 
to remark upon. 

The data in the settlement books appear to me to suffice 
for a Commissioner to form an opinion in a case that may 
come before him in appeal. The statistical details on one 
page of the open sheet devoted to each village, though ample, 
are not well arranged so as to bring together and illustrate 
each other, but the remarks of the Settlement Officer are 
clear and to the point, and show how he came to his conclu- 
sions. The cause of the want of a general coherence through- 
out the arrangement of the statistics of the village was, no 
doubt, want of experience at the outset. It has been the 
curse of Indian settlements that each generation has had to 
begin anew. The old settlement reports of the North West 
and the Panj&b literally contain no information showing how 
the assessments were made. 



( 14 ) 

Mr. Prinsep's of Sealkot was the first that I have seen 
which attempted it, and it came out too late to be of use in 
Oudh generally, while it treated of rents in kind. The others 
were full of history, statistics, and disquisitions on culture, 
tenures and the social condition of the people, but never ad- 
dressed themselves to explain how the assessment was effected* 
Men did not therefore benefit by the experience of those who 
had gone before, and much valuable labor was wasted. I 
would recommend that, at the conclusion of the settlement 
of this province, a succinct account be drawn up of the vari- 
ous methods of assessment employed in the several districts, 
so far as the means of finding out exist, and that a volume 
be printed for future reference. If the Government of India 
was moved to require a similar record from the Lieutenant- 
Governors of the North West and the Panjab, future re-settle- 
ments would be made much easier in northern India. The 
Government of Bombay is very far before us in this respect. 

30. The new demand appears to have been promptly 
introduced into the several parganahs as their assessment 
was completed. 

The dates of introduction were as follows : — 



1864. 
1865. 
1866. 



1867. 



1869. 



November, 

December, 

May, 

June, 

February, 



July, 
April, 



May, 
April, 



Inhona. 

Subeha. 

Mohanganj, 

Jagdispur. 

Rokhd-Jais. 

Gaur £- Jamiin. 

Simrota. 

Isaulf. 

Asal. 

Sult&npur. 

Amethi. 

Ch&nda. 



In the earlier part of this term it seems to have been promptly 

paid. 

The balances shown by the Tauzis were at the close of— 
1863-64, Us. 2,321 



1864-65, 
1865-66, 
1866-67, 
1867-68, 



„ 714 
„ 1,682 
„ 26,806 
„ 34,907 



( 15 ) 
After this year the Tauzis show the bakdya balance thus : — 



1868-69, 
1869-70, 
1870-71, 
1871-72, 
1872-73, 



Balance. 

20,198 
6,754 
17,613 
28,791 
11,838 



Bak&ya. 

12,959 
35,650 
22,968 
77,064 
1,39,463 



During this time the following officers were Deputy Com- 
missioners of the district. 

Captain Hawkins. 
Major Shaw. 
Dr. Young. 
Mr. Kavanagh. 
Mr. Glynn. 

Major Shaw held the district up to November 1867 and he 
then left balance of Us. 62,014 on the 31st October, not 
counting the November kist. Mr. Kavanagh held in 1871-72. 
Dr. Young held it intermediately between them, and Mr. 
Glynn since Mr. Kavanagh's departure. 

31. The years 1864-65 and 1866 were years of drought, 
and yet they are the years which show the lightest balances. 
They were years in which the greater part of the district was 
under the summary settlement. It is a difficult matter to point 
out the reason why the balances have increased of late years, 
though no doubt the increased demand was distasteful, but it is 
clearly not from any pressure of the settlement. This will be- 
come manifest from the examination of the Statement marked 
C, which I have had prepared. It will be seen from this that 
the balances, in that part of the present Sult&npur district 
which formed part of the district of which this report treats, 
amount to Rs. 47,389-5-6 on the 31st March 1873, while 
that part received from Faizabad, and which is not treated of 
in this report, exhibits a balance of Rs. 1,03,912-5-7. When it 
is considered that the years 1870 and 1871 were years of 
floods and great agricultural losses, it will not appear extra- 
ordinary that there should lje a balance of Rs. 47,389 on 
parganahs paying a revenue of Rs. 7,43,438. I may mention 
that in making out these figures I have assumed the balance 
of the part of the parganah of Isaulf on the north bank of the 
Giimti, which was assessed from Faizabad, at Rs. 20,000, and 



( 16 ) 

that of the part in the old district of Sult&npur at Us. 2,693. 
This is a proportion rather more favorable to the Faizabad 
half of the parganah than the difference between the last 
year of their separation and the first of their union would 
warrant. I thought it useless to detain this report longer to 
get the exact difference, which, moreover, would have entailed 
great trouble as it is now treated as one parganah. 

32. It has been repeatedly put forward as a reason for 
the balances in this district that the t'alukd&rs cannot get 
their rents from their under-proprietary communities. This 
subject has greatly engaged my attention since I took charge 
of this division, and undoubtedly it is the case and requires a 
remedy, which has I trust been applied ; but the effect of this 
cause on the balances must be very small. 

A comparison of Statement No. 4 and that marked C 
will show this clearly enough. This allegation, as the Chief 
Commissioner knows, has been said especially of Amethi, but 
Statement C shows that on the 31st March 1873 there were 
no balances in Amethi at all. In the parganahs which are 
common to this report and the Statement C, leaving out 
Amethi, there are only 63 sub-settled villages, and, though 
the perpetually leased villages are not given in the return, 
yet they are almost entirely confined to the Amethi estate. 
It is true that 52 of these sub-settled villages are in parganahs 
Sult&npur and Ch&nda, which show the largest t'alukdari 
balances, but the t'alukas in which these balances exist are 
almost all under the Superintendent of Estates, and there are 
other and more patent causes for their difficulties than the 
recusancy of under-proprietary communities. 

33. These causes are the indebtedness of the t'alukd&rs, 
the mutiny and the action of our summary courts during the 
currency of the summary settlement, and former interfer- 
ence in Lucknow with the collection of revenue in t'alukas. 

34. The indebtedness of the t'alukd&rs is notorious, and 
the rigidness of our revenue system is much more trying to 
a man so situated than the more elastic native method. 
Besides this the creditor knows # his own power under our law, 
and uses it, while under native rule, when a settlement did 
take place, the terms of the bond were almost invariably com- 
promised. 



( 17 ) 

35. During the mutiny the whole country was disorgan- 
ized and covered with bands of armed plunderers. To hold 
their own and resist them, the t'alukdars called in their 
clansmen, and it is not to be supposed that in such times 
rack rente were demanded from the fighting men. With a 
demon of rebellion let loose over the country generally, the 
landlords would find difficulty in realizing their full rents. 
But when our rule was re-estabKshed and the demand on the 
t'alukddr became regular aud heavy, and we demanded even 
the arrears of revenue for the time of rebellion, if the mdlguzdr 
could not show that he had paid it to an agent of the rebel 
government, our courts would take into consideration none 
of these things. They refused to go into the question of 
rent, but upheld the rents of the past year, abnormally low 
for the reasons already given, and the pressure on the land- 
lords became very heavy and put them still further into debt. 
That this practice of our courts was a source of great difficulty 
I know for certain. I early found this out in Rdi Barelf, 
and induced the officer who was acting for me as Deputy 
Commissioner to open the question both of right and rent in 
the summary courts, when the case required it, and I believe 
that it had much to do with the regularity of the collections 
in that district; and, in 1867 or 1&68, I made a demi-official 
inquiry, by order of Sir John Strachey, then Chief Commis- 
sioner in the estate of the Rdjah of Amethi, in consequence 
of a complaint made to him by the Rdjah, and I found the 
same procedure on the part of our courts invariable. There 
is but little doubt that this added greatly to the embarrass- 
ments of the landowners arid made it much more difficult for 
them to meet their engagements, and Sultdnpur abounds in 
fighting men. 

36. The former interference in Lucknow with the col- 
lection of the land revenue in the districts is a fact not un- 
known to the Chief Commissioner. The t'alukddrs got into 
the habit of telling their own story at head quarters, and 
sometimes orders v ere issued in their favour without consult- 
ing the local authorities responsible for the collection of the 
revenue. The late Mahdrdjah Mdn Singh, on one occasion, 
issued a circular to his brother t'alukddrs, informing them that 
he had authority to tell them to be in no hurry with their 
revenue. The effect of this was to strengthen the continuacy 
of the t'alukddrs and to weaken the district administration, and 



( 18 ) 

had to be shortly followed, as might have been expected, by- 
some strong re-actionary orders. But it is easier to do such 
things than to undo them. 

37. The first of these evils has been met by the drastic 
remedy of Act XXIV of 1870, and though the managers 
are as yet inexperienced in this division, and have not yet got 
their estates fully in hand, they are gradually doing so, and I 
doubt not that the remedy will be effectual. If the t'alukddra 
so extricated should again involve themselves, the fault is their 
own and they will deserve their fate. 

The second is being remedied by the operation of the 
Oudh Rent Act. Much has been apprehended from the 
operation of the ejectment clauses of that Act, but guarded 
as they are, I think they have not in any way lowered the 
condition of the people, and they have enabled the landlord 
to impose a fair rent on lands assessed at their fair value, but, 
in many cases, rented much below it. The third evil is now 
happily a thing of the past, and with energy and firmness on 
the part of the district officer, and a consistent support and 
careful supervision on the part of the Commissioner, these 
balances ought soon to disappear. 

38. With these remarks and an apology for the short- 
comings of this letter, which under the circumstances will, 
I hope, be excused, I submit the report for the Chief Com- 
missioner's orders. I can recommend with some degree of 
confidence that the assessment should be sanctioned, and with 
reference to the Deputy Commissioner's remarks in his 
annual report on the state of feeling on this subject in his dis- 
trict, I would suggest that the promulgation of the early 
sanction of the Government may probably have a good effect. 

I have the honor to be, 

Sir, 
Your most obedient servant, 
I. F. MACANDREW, 

Qffg. Commissioner. 



EEVISED ASSESSMENT OP 
TAHS1TL INHONA. 

1st — The Inhona tahsil comprises three parganahs, 
namely, Subeha, J&gdispUr and Inhona. The two former 
extend to the river Grdmtt, Which, to the north and north-east, 
forms the boundary of the tahsfl, except at one point, where 
mauzah Palf includes lands on the left bank of the river. 
A nullah, shallow where it skirts the Inhona, pargaMh, but 
deepening as it fte&ifc the Giimtf, constitutes the southern 
boundary of the tahsfl, and separates it from the Mohanganj 
tahsil. This nullah, in the Upper or western parts of its 
course, is known by the iiaine of Naya, a term applied to 
most rain-streams. Near Jagdlspur, where the shallow stream 
has become a small river with tugged banks, it is known by 
the name of K&ndti. 



2nd,— The extreme length of the tahsil is 30 miles, and 
t^ its greatest bteadth from horth ta 

south is 18 miles. The total area far 
335 square iniles, or 218,991 acres, Subeha, to the west, 
has an area of 56,323 acres. Inhona south of the above com- 
prises 63,872, and Jagdispttr to th6 eastward of both covers 
98,796 acres, 

3rd. — The country is generally flat, but the ground is= 
->- . . . broken and occasionally undulating 

Physical aspect. ,, n , ,, j • ji • • •j. 

near the Gumti and in the vicinity 
of the nullahs which drain this portion of the district. In 
the southern portion of the tahsil swamps and ponds, though 
few of any great size, are common ; nearer the river and nul- 
lahs rain-water is rapidly carried off by the slope of the ground, 
and irrigation can be made from wells only. The aspect of 
the country is pleasing to the eye, fine groves of mango and 
other trees relieving the monotony of the dead level. In 
Inhona extensive " Usar " plains have an inhospitable look* 
but little of this sterile land is met with in the other parganahs,, 
where the unculturable waste consists chiefly of ravines and 
broken ground. 



( 2 ) 

ith. — The tahsil is crossed from east to west by the 
provincial road leading from Sultdn- 
pur to Lucknow. This road is bridged, 

but unmetalled. Branch roads lead to the principal ferries 

on the Gtimtl 



Roads. 



Towns and Markets. 

Souls. 
Inhona, ... 
Subeha, ... 
Nihaloarh, 
Kishni, ... ... 

Sathin, 



3,168 
3,520 
2,253 
2,354 
2,310 



5th. — The tahsil has no town; but Inhona, Subeha, 
NiMlgarh, Kishni and Sathin are 
places of some importance. The popu- 
lation is given m the margin. The 
chief gani, or market, is that known 
as ShuU-ka-bazar, situated near the 
Gtimti, north-east of Inhona. A 
trade in molasses and hides is carried on here. 

6th. — The population of the tahsil is dense. It amounts 
_ . .. . . to 169,280 souls, or 505 to the square 

Population, castes &c. ••■ J , xn i j- .i_ 

mile of country. Excluding the un- 
culturable area, and calculating the population only on the 
square miles of cultivated and culturable land, no less an 
average than 705 souls is obtained as shown in the state- 
ment given below. The chief tribes are Bais Chattels. The 
Bharsaiyans, who occupy a few villages in Inhona, are Bais 
converts to Mahomedanism. The Bh&le-Sult&ns of Jagdfs- 
pur, likewise Bais, are partly Hindus and partly Musulmans.* 
The chief landholders are Th&kiir Bhikan Kh£n of Bhowa 

(1) in Inhona, Chaudhri Sarfr&z 
Ahmad (2) in Subeha, and R&nf Sada 
Bibi of Mahona (3) in Jagdispur. The 
actual tillers of the soil belong to all 
castes, but Chattrls and Brahmans are the more numerous. 
Among the industrious and expert agriculturists Morais stand 
unrivalled. Next to them may be ranked Ahfrs and Lodhs. 
G&jars are few and Ktirmis, who alone can vie with Morais 
in respect of agricultural skill, are not found in this tahsil. 



<I). 


Jamil, ... 


~. 10,640 


(2). 


Ditto, ... 


... 18,960 


(3). 


Ditto, ... 


... 22,645 



Parganah, 


Area in 
square miles. 


Total 
population. 


Population 

per 
square mile. 


Population per square 

mile of cultivated 

and cultivable land. 




100 

85 

150 


50,200 
50,835 
68,250 


502 
598 
455 


732 
819 
626 


Tahsfl, 


335 1 169,280 


505 


507 



* Brahmans and Kaiths hold a few estates. 



( 5 ) 

Square miles of cultivated r g^i^k^ 
and cultivable lands, j j agdisp ' ur ^ 



69 

62 

109 



7 th. — The survey of the tahsfl was commenced towards the 
end of January 1863 and completed in April 1864. The system 
adopted was first to prepare a correct outline of the manor 
under survey, making use for this purpose of the Surveyor's 
stations &c, and taking offsets from his lines to the boundary 
pillars. This done ana tested, the interior details were filled 
in. No pains were spared to insure the accuracy of shajrahs 
and khasrahs. Each map was compared with the Surveyor's 
map and differences were inquired into, rectified or explained. 
It will be seen by the subjoined statement that the results of 
the two surveys do not differ materially. The chief discre- 

?ancies occur, as was to be expected, in the interior details. 
. )he two departments have no common rules to guide them, 
and the Revenue Surveyors do not discriminate very closely 
between land cultivated and land which is only arable. The 
field survey has, I believe, been made with as jnuch accuracy 
as is possible with the means placed at the disposal of Settle- 
ment Officers : — 



Tahsfl Inhona. 


Revenue Sur- 
veyor's area. 


Khasrah 
survey. 


Difference per 
cent. 


Whole area, 

Cultivated area, 


221,297 
118,381 


219,281 
109,546 


104 
790 



Sth. — The soil of the tahsil is fertile. That of the Inhona 
parganah is of a stiffer description than that of Subeha and 
Jagdispur. In these subdivisions, the soil near the Giimtf is, 
in many parts, very light and often sandy. In lands bordering 
on the minor streams the soil is also inferior. Irrigation is 
made from ponds, reservoirs and wells. . It is more copious 
in Inhona then in the other parganahs. Swamps are here 
more numerous. In Inhona and Subeha the . area of water 
surface is 9 per cent, of the whole* In Jagdispur it is 7 per 
cent. In the last two parganahs a portion of -the water sur- 
face of the GAmti is included in this percentage ; but owing 
to the general steepness of the banks, or to ravines and 



( 4 ) 

broken grounds intervening between cultivation and the 
Gtimtf , it is seldom that use is made of the river for irrigation. 
In the southerly portion of the tahsf 1 water is found at a depth 
of generally less than 30 feet. Nearer the river the depth, 
except in a few localities, varies from 30 to 50 feet. Kacha 
wells can be dug and used for some time in most places. 
The Bhdle-Sult&ns have a traditional prejudice against con- 
structing pakka wells and never build any ; but in Inhona semi- 
permanent wells are constructed at a moderate cost, of large 
curved bricks called " aggrees." Mud cement is used and a 
very good well with two runs, that may last fifty or more 
years, is sunk for about forty (40) rupees. Wells are usually 
constructed by actual cultivators, the landlord sometimes 
contributing fuel to burn the bricks, and perhaps assisting 
with labor to clear the well. Not uncommonly also land 
whereon to plant a grove is given to the tenant who sinks 
a substantial well, the union of land and water being consi- 
dered incomplete without this. The tenant's right in the 
well is not exclusive. He is merely entitled to water his 
own field first. 

9th. — The ordinary staples of the country are wheat, 
j barley in the lighter soils (or wheat 

p es# and barley mixed, called " aahjowa"), 

rioe and the various pulses, millet, flax, for the seed &c. Rice 
is seldom grown in the best lands and is mostly an inferior 
and precarious crop. Maize and the sugar-cane are very 
little grown, but the latter is, beginning to make way. To- 
bacco, vegetables and other garden stuffs are grown where- 
ever men of the Morai caste are established. The opium- 
poppy is grown by all castes and by none more readily than 
by Brahmans. The usual rotation of crops is from an irri- 
gated to unirrigated one, but in the low rice lands there is 
no change of crop, the land being left fallow during the cold 
season and ploughed when rain happens to fall. The pro- 
portion of cultivated land to the whole area is here given : — 



Parganah. 


Percentage of cultivation to whole area. 


Inhona, ... ••* ... 

Subeha, ... 

jagdispnr, 


44 

54J 

51 


Total, 


50 percent. 



( 5 y 

10th. — Soils were classified in the khasrah as mattyar, 
domat and bhiir, the mattyar being 
subdivided into first and second class. 
The latter is locally known as kanjAr. It is in this last 
named soil that the coarser kinds of rice are grown. Bhtir 
is the light sandy soil found in propinquity to streams and 
rivers. Domat and the first class mattyar are the fertile 
soils which produce wheat, barley and other valuable staples. 
These designations are however relative and local in their 
application. What is considered mattyar in this parganah 
may be domat in that other where the soil is generally of a 
stiffer quality, but the terms apply pretty uniformly through- 
out this tahsil. When soil is fertile, well watered and 
manured, it is of little importance by what name it may be 
designated. Landlords and tenants, in adjusting rents, regard 
rather the reputed fertility of a field than the nature of its 
soil ; and soil-rates seem to be little known. The rich mat- 
tyar lands are perhaps the most fertile, but they are harder 
to plough than tho- lighter domat lands, and the clods are less 
easily crushed. Domat is consequently preferred. Classifi- 
cation is important to separate lands naturally productive 
from those which are poorer, but it is after all the supply of 
water which regulates the value of an estate. 

11th. — The proportion of waste lands culturable and 
„. . . , - unculturable is considerable. Exclud- 

Waste lands anct groves. • , . , , 

mg groves which occupy nearly 11 
per cent, the culturable waste amounts to 18 per cent, of the 
whole area. The proportion is largest in Inhona (23 per 
cent.) and smallest in Subeha where it is 14 per cent. There 
are few culturable tracts of any size. The largest, the Kulwa 
jungle in Subeha, has been settled with the zemind&rs of an 
adjoining estate, to whose family it had originally belonged, 
It covered 998 acres of land, but one-third of this has been 
cleared and sown since 1859, and the Government demand for 
the next thirty years has been fixed at Us. 1,000. The uncul- 
turable waste includes some extensive plains of " TTsar" or 
Boil supposed to be barren ; little of this, nowever, is of such 
quality as to preclude all hope of its being some day brought 
under the plough. But with a poverty-stricken tenantry and 
landlords possessed of little enterprize and less capital, there 
is not much room for present hope. It seems moreover 
doubtful, whether, while agricultural science and husbandry 



( 6 ) 

remain at the present point, cultivation can be profitably 
extended to such lands. The cultivator cannot now efficiently 
till more than three acres of land, and, in the best cultivated 
estates, the average holding per man does not exceed two and 
a half acres. Were cultivation to be rapidly extended to 
inferior soils, that of the first class lands would necessarily 
become less efficient, and rents would fall so that the benefit 
to the landlord would be little or nothing. 

12th. — The following statement shows the percentage of 
culturable waste and groves to the whole area, distinguishing 
those groves which are exempted from assessment (as not 
exceeding ten per cent, of the village area) from those which 
are liable to assessment under settlement rules : — 



Parganah. 


Culturable 
waste. 


Groves liable to 
assessment. 


Groves exempted. 


Inhona, 

Subeha, 

Jagdispur,... 


23 
14 
17 


3 

2 
3 


9 

8 
8 


Ontahsil, 


18 


245 


825 



Assessment preparation for. 



13th. — I now come to assessments. Preparation for 
revision of the Summary Settlement 
jamds was commenced under difficulty 
in the cold season of 1863-64. The survey undertaken in the 
previous February was little advanced, and there were no 
papers to assist us in our enquiries. This was a great draw- 
back, but to have waited for the preparation of assessment 
papers would have deferred the revision of the jaind for a 
jvhole year. Mr. Forbes, the Assistant Settlement Officer, 
and myself proceeded to visit each manor one by one, making 
notes regarding soil, facilities for irrigation and other matters 
worthy of note. Thus the whole tahsfl was visited in the 

course of the season. The number 
of manors examined by each officer 
is given in the margin. Many of 
these manors are of very large size. 



Asst. Sett. Officer,.. 
Sett. Officer, 

Total, 



144 
185 

329 



( 7 ) 

lith. — The division of the tahsll into assessment circles 
~. , - . was the next point for consideration. 

Circles of assessment. mi • , i * i *i i 111 

This to be made easily should be 
effected during the progress of survey ; but the attempts made 
at that time signally failed, the native officials being unable 
at that early stage of operations, to divest themselves of the 
notion that the value of an estate must necessarily be tested 
by the caste of the tenants and the rent paid by them. The 
plan which I at last adopted was the following. 

15^. — The Inhona parganah presents no markedly dis- 
— T , , tinctive features in any part. The 

The Inhona parganah. r • jji i j • • i- 

surface is a dead level and irrigation 
from swamps and wells &c, is generally copious. I consider- 
ed this as one circle and adopted one set of rent rates for the 
parganah. 

16th. — The Subeha and Jagdispur parganahsare very 

similar in respect of soils and facilities 

Jacdispnr and Subeha par. f or imgation. Both extend along the 

ffanahs. ^ ^ 

Giimti river, and the latter parganah 
has, in addition, on its northern boundary, the K&ndii stream 
which may almost be called a river. In the northern and south- 
eastern portion of the parganah, water is generally found at a 
considerable depth i. e., from 30 to 50 feet, while in the 
southern and north-western portion the depth is below 30 feet 
from 18 to 26. Much of the soil too in the northern portion is 
of a lighter nature ; on the river it is often sandy. This was 
a natural division which I adopted for my assessment circle.. 
The division is not quite regular. A few estates of one circle 
extend into the other and vice versd, but on the whole the se- 
paration is well defined. Five smaller sub-circles were formed 
(as will be seen by the map) on the Gtimti river and K&ndii 
nullah. These comprise mauzahs which have peculiarities of 
soil and very little irrigation. I $m conscious that this group- 
ing of estates is by no means perfect, but to form small circles 
of exactly similar manors, I found to be a task of so much 
difficulty that I abandoned the idea and chose large subdivi- 
sions as the safest. 

YltU. — The rates for each circle were based upon the local 

enquiries made by Mr. Forbes and my- 

Average rent rates. ^ j n ^^ ^^ ^^ we ^^ 

fully inquired into prevailing rents on each class of soil. 



( 8 ) 

Where rents appeared high I invariably made a rule of ascer- 
taining how long they had been in force. My belief is that 
the rates adopted are below the present average and even 
below the average of rates which prevailed before annexation. 
The rise in rents since 1856 has taken place on lands which 
were previously inefficiently cultivated, Such as the outlving 
fields of an estate, rather than on lands which had attained the 
standard point of excellence. 

18th. — Considering that as shown by the average price 

current attached to this report, the 

ciaM* fT MJ tendency of prices has for some years 

S°' in t'l" ? heen *° r * se ' an( * ^ a t> as far as can be 

°' ' judged, there is no prospect of any 

material diminution in these prices, I believe that these rates 
may be considered safe. They are given in the margin. 

19th. — 'It is necessary that I should explain how soils 

have been classed for purposes of 

S^ffWST' assessment. They form naturally 

ChM ^ I a» in in- three classes. The first class comprises 

So! in! I honiL *^ e richly manured and well watered 

Circle I, jwracre. goind lands* Such of these as are not 

^o? ill too irrigated are included in the second 

Do! m! 2-6.5 class. This class is formed of all the 

Start ***** good lands not included in the above, 

S°* ui iM lands yielding wheat, barley, millet, 

0# pulse and rice grown in the uplands, 

and in fact, all the ordinary staples grown in soil known locally 

as do-farda, i. e. capable of yielding two crops in the year. 

In the third class are comprised all the poor soils, rice lands, 

the yield of which is precariously poor, 

Claasifieationof soils. or the Ught poor ^ an( j the high 

dry lands or soils mixed with kankar and locally called 
"Kikar" and "Tikar" &c. This class in fact consists of 
the "ek-farda" lands, those in which rain crops only can 
be grown. There is no separate dry rate. Practically only & 
small proportion of unwatered land would come into any; but 
the third class, and where the extent of such land is consider- 
able the circumstances have been duly weighed in fixing the 
jamd. In Inhona the proportion of watered land to the waste 
area is 82 per cent. In Subeha and Jagdispur it is smaller, 
viz. 64 and 66 respectively per cent; but these last figures do 



( 9 ) 

not quite correctly represent the state of things, for lands 
lying along the river are in many parts moist enough, without 
being watered, to grow crops of barley &c. 

20th. — In calculating the jam&s consideration has, I need 
„ , , . m . , . . hardly say, been given to local peculi- 

Calculation of revised jama. ... * >ni °,v ■%, j 1 

anties. The jamabandi prepared by 
the village patw&ri was corrected for seer, rent-free and service 
lands and compared with the rental assumed at average rates. 
In the course of my local inquiries I found that an average rent 
of Us. 3 per bigah all round gave a tolerably correct estimate of 
the assets of a fairly cultivated estate, while Us. 2-8 per bigah 
applied with equal accuracy to estates next in order of fertility. 
When much in doubt as to tho capabilities of an estate I tested 
them with this general average rate. In some doubtful cases, 
too, I caused inquiry to be made on the spot by the Sadr 
Munsarim. His investigation might occasionally elicit facts 
which had escaped my notice, or that of the Assistant Settle- 
ment Officer. 

21st. — A large margin remains for future contingencies in 
_, . . . the waste land. Much of this has been 

Wasteland. , n , , n 

lett unassessed for grassing purposes, 
or, where assessed, the rate has been almost nominal, never 
exceeding three annas, or two and a half per acre. 

22nd. — The details of the revised jamd will be seen in 
revised ama. *k e general statement No. IV, ap- 

e revise j pended to this report. The summary 

demand, without cesses, was Us. 1,77,806. The revised de- 
mand, inclusive of cesses, amounts to Us. 2,47,215. This is anet 
increase of thirty-four per cent. This increase may be deemed 
considerable, but it could not have been kept below this con- 
sistently with the principle that Government was to receive 
about half the average rental. The lightness of the summary 
jam&, which has relieved many from the burden of debt, has, 
I believed, rendered payment of the present demand compa- 
ratively easy. There is some assurance, too, of this to be 
derived from the fact that the demand is very little, if at all, 
in excess of the average collections of N&zims during the 
thirteen years which preceded annexation. According to in- 
formation obtained from the q&niingoes, the average of the ac- 
tual cash collections in those years was Rs, 2,42,680, a sum only 



( io ) 

Rs. 4,535, less than the revised jamd, and which is exclusive of 
the large nankars allowed to q&ntingoes and others, and of the 
very considerable douceurs paid to officials of every degree. 
Now that under the security of British rule, cultivation has 
been both extended and improved, an ordinary exercise of 
moderation should unable the people to pay the land revenue 
with ease. It may be of interest to place in juxtaposition the 
new jam&s and the N&ziin's average collections m each par- 
ganah. It will be seen that the increase is entirely in Jagdis- 
pur which, in past years, was the most disturbed of the three 
parganahs, as I shall explain further on : — 



Parganah. 


Average demand 
of Nazims. 


Revised jam&. 


Difference. 


Inhona, 
Subeha, 
Jagdispur, 


71,260 
73,362 
98,058 


67,975 

66,540 

1,12,700 


3,285 

6,822 

+ 14,642 


Total, 


2,42,680 


2,47,215 


+ 4,535 



23rd — The incidence of the jamd is, per acre of culti- 
vated land, Us. 2-6-10 in Inhona, Rs. 2-2-10 in Subeha, and 
Us. 2-3-7 in Jagdfspur. On the whole tahsil it is Us. 2-4-3. 
Inhona, as already shown, has the largest proportion of 
irrigated land, and Subeha has the densest population, but the 
smallest proportion of cultivated waste. In Jagdispur the 
population is one-seventh less than in Inhona and one-fourth 
less than in Subeha. This is, in some measure, due to the 
character of the chief landholders. Alf Baksh, Bh&e-Sul- 
t&n, the late T'alukd&r of Inhona, and chief man in the Jagdfs- 
pur parganah, was of a very turbulent disposition, and for years 
there was little peace. In Subeha, on the other hand, Chau- 
dhri Sarfrdz Ahmad, the chief proprietor, was a man of 
humane disposition. Tenants prospered in his estate and 
established themselves there in great numbers. Brahmans, 
moreover, are numerous in this locality, and they, from their 
more peaceful habits and generally better condition, probably 
increase and multiply more rapidly than other castes. The 
population of the parganah has now a tendency to decrease by 



( 11 ) 

the return of tenants to their old homes ; thus a* process of 
equalization may be said to be going on. Agricultural labour 
being abundant and irrigation generally obtainable at small 
cost, it may be expected that cultivation will soon spread 
over the whole of the good waste land. 

2ith. — In conclusion, I have only to report that the new 
~ . . jam&s were readily accepted. In a 

Conclusion. •£> , J r r * 

tew cases where, on after thought, I 
considered the enhancement too great to be safe, I made re- 
ductions. This was more particularly the case in the Inhona 
parganah, where the summary jamd having been extremely 
light, the increase has been proportionally great. It was there 
too that my first experience in assessment was gained. As 
the jam&s stand, the people are I believe, satisfied, and 
impartial persons have assured me that the assessment is 
light ; that it may prove so in practice is my earnest desire. 



J. PERKINS, 

Settlement Officer. 



( 12 > 






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STATEMENTS. 



( ii ) 



No. 

Comparative Statement of 





Name of Parganah. 


I 


Area in 




Revenue 


Name of Tahafl. 


Cultivated. 


Culiurable* 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


Sultanpur, ... j 


Sultanpur, 
Chanda, 

Total, ... 

Amethi, 

Isauli, 

Asal, 

Total, ... 

Inhona, 

Jagdispur, 

Subeha, 

Total, ... 

Rokhd-Jais, 
Simrota, 
Q-aurd Jamun, 
Mohanganj, 

Total, ... 
Grand Total, ... 


399 
290 


84,884 
48,133 


38,843 
15,376 




689 


1,33,017 


54,219 


Amethi, ... < 


364 
85 
97 


88,817 
24,785 
20,286 


47,336 
8,941 
9,757 




546 


1,33,888 


66,034 


Inhona, ... < 


77 
166 
86 


29,668 
57,067 
35,368 


25,670 
31,607 
14,155 




329 


1,22,103 


71,432 


Mohanganj, ...< 


110 
73 
91 

75 

349 


49,593 
29,768 
32,604 
24,461 


38,587 
20,568 
19,492 
19,897 




1,36,426 


98,544 




1,913 


5,25,434 


2,90,229 



( iii ) 



1. 

Bevenue and Field survey. 



acres by the 




survey. 


Field survey. 




Barren. 


TotaL 


Cultivated. 


Culturable. 


Barren. 


Total. 


Remarks. 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


32,461 
19,641 


1,56,188 
83,150 


83,305 
46,794 


39,654 
18,091 


34,251 

18,607 


1,57,210 
83,492 




52,102 


2,39,338 


1,30,099 


57,745 


52,858 


2,40,702 




54,941 

5,381 

11,454 


1,91,094 
39,107 
41,497 


90,570 
23,735 
20,419 


53,806 

8,453 

14,867 


47,191 
7,110 
7,373 


1,91,567 
39,298 
42,659 




71,776 


2,71,698 


1,34,724 


77,126 


61,674 


2,73,524 




19,172 

11,322 

7,507 


64,510 
99,996 
57,030 


28,051 
51,467 
31,315 


22,465 
27,699 
12,981 


13,434 
19,938 
12,048 


63,950 
99,104 
56,344 




28,001 


2,21,536 


1,10,833 


63,145 


45,420 

31,805 
22,186 
12,180 
16,620 


2,19,398 




12,572 

12,223 

8,036 

6,951 


1,00,752 
62,559 
60,132 
51,309 


46,244 
28,334 
31,776 
24,636 


20,833 

11,817 

15,508 

9,642 


98,882 
62,337 
59,464 
50,898 




39,782 


2,74,752 


1,30,990 


57,800 


82,791 


2,71,581 




1,91,661 


10,07,324 


5,06,646 


2,55,816 


2,42,743 


10,05,205 





A. F. MlLLETT, 

Settlement Officer. 



( ir ) 



Name of Parganah. 



SuMnpur, 

Chanda, 

Amethi, 

Isauli, 

Asal, 

Inhona, 

Jagdispur, 

Subeha, 

Kokhd-Jais, ... 

SimrotS, 

Gaur^-JamtiD, 

Mohanganj, ... 



• •» •*• 



••# •• 



••• • • 



••• •• 



Total, 



399 

290 

364 

85 

97 

77 

166 

86 

110 

73 

91 

75 



1913 



No. 

Statement of cost 



& 



6585 
5783 
6029 
1431 
1595 
1323 
2818 
1510 
1820 
1197 
1494 
1258 



32843 



4 



Rs. As. P. 

8,136 8 1 

5,451 15 7 

9,727 2 1 

2,380 12 2 

2,996 6 2 

5,762 12 8 

5,322 5 6 

4,367 11 2 

5,319 8 3 

3,212 15 11 

4,286 10 3 

5,826 6 4 



62,791 2 2 



II. 

of Settlement. 



( ▼ ) 



Cost of 









General and Judicial. 






1 


Officers. 




Fixed Establish- 
ments. 

• 


Contingencies. 


Total. 


5 


6 




7 


8 


9 


Rs. As. P. 


Rs. As. 


P. 


Rs. As. 


P. 


Rs. As. 


P. 


Rs. As. P. 


15,691 15 2 


19,220 





3,974 8 


3 


4,255 14 


1 


27,450 6 4 


13,171 14 6 


12,891 3 


4 


3,567 8 


8 


3,030 8 11 


19,489 4 11 


25,236 4 5 


29,573 10 


8 


8,254 3 10 


7,631 7 


2 


45,459 < 5 8 


7,442 13 10 


8,940 





2,346 2 





1,492 


3 


12,778 2 3 


5,617 8 11 


7,783 4 





2,662 2 


9 


2,057 6 





12,502 12 9 


10,804 5 3 


8,232 4 





3,220 10 





3,371 14 


4 


14,824 12 4 


16,443 15 5 


18,066 





4,547 13 





4,730 15 


9 


27,344 12 9 


9,057 3 7 


8,082 





3,160 6 





3,325 9 


7 


14,567 15 7 


15,673 4 11 


16,320 8 





5,043 


3 


4,945 12 


4 


26,309 4 7 


10,147 11 3 


9,535 4 





3,697 12 





3,065 6 





16,298 6 


9,677 10 5 


10,060 4 





2,611 14 





3,407 6 


5 


16,079 8 5 


6,882 8 


7,921 





2,617 4 


7 


2,473 6 


6 


13,011 11 1 


1,45,847 3 8 


1,56,625 6 





45,703 5 


4 


43,787 11 


4 


2,46,116 6 8 



( vi ) 

No. II. — (Continued.) 



Name of Parganah. 


Qraad Total (of 
columns i, 6, 9.) 


Cost per sqnare 
mile. 


Percentage of 

cost on revised 

demand. 


Remarks* 




10 


• 11 


12 


13 




Rs. As. P. 


Rs. As. P. 


Rs. As. P. 




Sultanpur, 


51,278 13 7 


210 2 6 


29 3 2 




Chanda, 


88,113 3 


290 15 


39 12 6 




Amethi, 


80,422 12 2 


268 15 6 


36 15 6 




IsauK, 


22,601 12 3 


870 8 3 


49 5 4 




Asal, ... 


21,116 11 10 


815 2 7 


50 14 2 




Inhona, 


31,391 14 3 


313 14 8 


47 3 7 




Jagdispur, 


49,111 1 8 


316 13 6 


44 3 1 




Subeha, 


27,992 14 4 


318 1 7 


42 4 11 




Rokha-Jais, 


47,302 1 9 


307 2 6 


47 11 2 




Simrota, 


29,659 1 2 


305 12 2 


48 2 




Gaura-Jamtin, 


30,043 13 1 


323 7 


48 12 1 




Mohanganj, 


25,720 9 5 


821 8 


48 11 3 




Total, 


4,54,754 12 6 


289 11 5 


41 9 4 





A. F. MILLETT, 

Settlement Officer. 



( viii ) 

No: 

Census return shotting creed, 





i 


Detail of Castes and Occupation * 


No. of houses. 


Popu 




< 

! 

1 


8 


1 


Hin 




Agricul 


Name of Parganah. 


Adults. 




i 


6 

I 


1 


2 


X 


» 4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


Sultanpur, 

Chanda, 


399 

290 

689 

364 

85 

97 

546 

77 

166 

86 

329 

110 

73 

91 

75 

349 
1913 




6 


30,763 
13,132 


30,768 
13,132 


26,481 
15,233 


27,766 
14,589 


Total, 


5 


43,895 


43,900 


41,714 


42,365 


Amethi, 

Isauli, 

Asal, 


2 


32,206 
8,815 
7,206 


32,208 
8,816 
7,206 


27,104 
6,184 
6,692 


29,068 
6,926 
7,050 


Total, 


2 


48,227 


48,229 


39,980 


43,044 


Inhona, 
Jagdispur, ... 
Subeha, 


7 
1 


11,778 
20,786 
11,651 


11,778 
20,793 
11,652 


8,450 

13,067 

9,762 


M M 

00 H Ol 


Total, 


8 


44,215 


44,223 


31,279 


33,724 


Rokha-Jais, 

Simrota, 

Gaura-Jamun, ... 
Mohanganj 


671 
2 

1 
674 


17,004 

12,642 

10,422 

9,662 


17,675 

12,644 

10,422 

9,663 


11,348 
9,698 
8,165 
7,143 


11,113 

10,031 

8,963 

7,624 


Total, 


49,730 


50,404 


36,354 


37,731 














Grand Total, ... 


689 


1,86,067 


1,86,756 


1,49,327 


1,56,854 



* Sec Pages xriii to xxi. 



( i* ) 
III. 

occupation, sex and population. 



lation. 



du 8 . 




turistt. 




Non 


-agriculturists. 






Minors. 


e5 


Adults. 


Minors. 


i 




1 


1 


6 

i 


i 

R 




i 


1 

$ 

I 


9 


10 


n 


12 


13 


14 


15 


16 


17 


16,971 
9,261 


13,654 
7,191 


84,872 
46,274 


16,129 
6,999 


17,866 
7,368 


10,927 
4,714 


8,564 
8,786 


63,485 
22,817 


1,38,357 
66,091 


26,232 


20,845 


1,31,146 


23,128 


25,233 


15,641 


12,300 


76,302 


2,07,448 


16,135 
8,881 
4,024 


13,002 
8,055 
3,001 


85,309 
19,996 
20,767 


20,096 
5,426 
4,876 


24,951 
6,074 
5,764 


18,749 
8,377 
8,160 


11,156 
3,143 
2,616 


69,952 
18,020 
16,416 


1,55,261 
38,016 
37,183 


23,990 


19,058 


1,26,072 


30,398 


36,789 


20,286 


16,915 


1,04,388 


2,30,460 


5,905 
8,371 
6,032 


4,776 
7,175 
4,791 


28,216 
42,874 
30,963 


5,945 

11,433 

6,541 


7,242 

12,647 

8,122 


4,096 
7,389 
4,463 


3,542 
6,340 
3,948 


20,825 
37,809 
23,074 


49,041 
80,683 
54,037 


20,308 


16,742 


1,02,053 


23,919 


28,011 


15,948 


13,830 


81,708 


1,83,761 


7,225 
6,643 
5,418 
4,676 


6,019 
6,209 
4,204 
8,928 


35,705 
81,581 
26,750 
28,371 


10.160 
7,026 
5,822 
6,765 


11,554 
8,626 
6,860 
6,615 


7,043 
5,193 
8,965 
8,805 


6,120 
4,415 
8,228 
8,394 


34,877 
25,260 
19,875 
19,579 


70,582 
56,841 
46,625 
42,950 


23,962 


19,360 


1,17,407 


28,773 


33,655 


20,006 


17,167 


99,591 


2,16,998 




















94,492 


76,005 


4,76,678 


1,06,218 


1,28,688 


71,881 


60,202 


3,61,989 


8,38,667 



( x ) 



No. m.— 





1 

i 


i . 


Popu 




t 

i • 
i 

1 

1 


Mosul 




Agriculturist*. 


Name of Parganab. 


Adult*. 


Minora. 


1 




1 


•a 

i 


£ 


1 








18 


19 


20 


21 


22 


Bultanpur, „« ... 
Cbinda, .«• ... 


899 

290 

689 

864 

86 

97 

646 

77 

166 

86 

829 

110 

78 

91 

76 


••• 

t«« 
•«t 
••• 
M« 

• •• 

• •• 
tt« 
#•• 

• «t 

• •• 

• •• 

• •• 

• •• 


8,066 
$000 


8,780 
666 


2,248 
874 


1,812 
284 


10^96 
7,226 


Total, 


9,067 


4346 


2,622 


2,096 


18,121 


Am etui, ••• ••• 

ItauU, ••• ... 
Asal, ••• ••• 


679 

689 

80 


785 

938 

90 


481 

619 

68 


899 

481 

61 


2,294 

2,677 

299 


Total, 


1,898 


1,763 


1,168 


941 


6,270 


Inhona, 

Jagdfspur, 

Subeha, 


1,189 

2,932 

628 


1,609 

8,493 

600 


987 

2,162 

870 


787 

1,612 

264 


4622 

10,199 

1,767 


Total, 


4594 


6,702 


8,519 


2,668 


16,478 


Bokha'-Jais, ... 
Simrota, ••• ••• 

Gaurd-Jamun, ... 
Mohanganj, 


1,682 
106 
665 
697 


1,874 
110 
644 
752 


1,346 

68 

421 

494 


946 

60 

854 

427 


S 2 to 5 


Total, 


849 


• •• 


2,94G 


3,880 


2,814 


1,776 


10,410. 


















Grand Total, .. 


1913 


• •• 


17,98S 


> 15,191 


9,623 


7,476 


60,279 



• See page* xviii to xxi. 



(Continued) 



( * ): 



lation. 



mans. 


1 

1 


Total. 


Non-agriculturists. 


Agriculturists. 


Adults. 


Minors. 




Adults. 


1 Minors. 




1 


© 

1 

ft 




i 


i 


ft 


* 


i 


1 


23 


24 


25 


26 


27 


28 


29 


30 


31 


32 


33 


2,807 
472 


3,581 
547 


1,991 
371 


1,540 
287 

1,827 
542 
179 
133 


9,919 
1,677 


20,815 
8,902 


29,537. 
21,234 


31,546 
15,155 


19,219 
9,635 


15,466 
7,475 


95,768 
53,499 


8,279 


4,128 


2,362 


11,596 


29,717 


50,771 


46,701 


28,854 


22,941 


1,49,267 


952 
878 
234 


1,114 
379 
271 


586 
214 
166 


3,197 

1,150 

804 

5,151 


5,491 
3,827 
1.103 


27,783. 
6,833 
6,778 


29,803 
7,864 
7,140 


16,616 
4450 
4,092 


13,401 
3,536 
3,062 


87,603 
22,678 
21,066 


1,564 


1,764 


969 


854 


10,421 


41,378 


44,807 


25,158 


19,999 


1,31,342 


1,174 

2,689 

817 


1,511 
3,540 
1,044 


78 

1,885 

524 


685 

1,571 

548 


4,156 
9,685 
2,933 


8,678 

19,884 

4690 


9,588 
15,999 
10^88 


10,694 
17,754 
10,978 


6,892 

10,533 

6,402 


5,563 
.8,787 
5,055 


32,738 
53,073 
32,720 


4,680 


6,095 


3,195 


2,804 


16,774 


33,252 


35,873 


39,426 


23,827 


19,405 


1,18,531 


1,908 
439 
435 
607 


3,311 
639 
463 
706 


1,527 
853 
286 
388 


1,268 
280 
233 
860 


8,014 
1,611 
1,417 
2,061 


13,861 
1,980 
3,391 
4331 


13,030 
9,804 
8,720. 
7,740. 


12,987 

10,141 

9,607 

8,376 


8,571 
6,696 
5,839 
5,170 


6,964 
5,259 
4,558 
4,355 


41,552 
31,900 
28,724 
25,641 


3,389 


5,019 


2,554 


2,141 


13,103 


23,513 


39,294 


41,111 


26,276 


21,136 


1,27,817 
























12,912 


17,006 


9,080 


7,626 


46,624* 96,903 


1,67,316 1,72,045 


1,04,115 


83,481 5,26,957 



( ** ) 



No. III.— 



Name of Parganah. 



Soltanpur, ... 
Cliaoda, ... 

Total, 
Amethi, ••• 
IsauK 
Asal, 

Total, 
Inhona, ... 
Jagdfopnr, ... 
Subeha, 

Total, 
Bokha-Jais, ... 
ftimrota, 
Gaura-Jamun, 
Mohanganj, ... 

Total, 



Grand Total, ... 1913 



i 
i 

6 



399 

290 

689 

864 

86 

97 

546 

77 

166 

86 

329 

110 

73 

91 

75 



849 



i 
j 



Popn 
Total. 



Non- Agriculturists, 



Adults. 



34 



7,471 



26,407 



21,048 
5,804 
5,110 



31,962 



7,119 
14,122 

7,358 



28,599 



12,068 
7,465 
6,257 
6,372 



32,162 



1 



85 



21,446 
7,915 



29,861 



26,065 
6,453 
6,035 



88,553 



8.753 

16,187 

9,166 



84,106 



14,866 
9,165 
7,828 
7,321 



38,674 



Minors. 






86 



87 



12,918 
5,085 



10,104 
4,023 



1 



88 



68,404 
24,494 



18,008| 14,127 



14,338! 11,698 



3,591 



3,326 2,749 



21,255 



9,274 
4,987 



19,143 



8,570 
5,546 
4,251 
4,193 



22,560 



1,19,130 1,40,694 80,961 67,828 4,08,618 



3,322 



17,769 



4,227. 
7,911 
4,496 



16,634 



7,888 
4,695 
3,461 
8,754 



19,298 



87,896 



73,149 
19,170 
17.220 



1,09,589 



24,981 
47,494 
26,007 



98,482 



42,891 
26,891 
21,292 
21^40 



1,12,694 



• See pages xviii to xxi. 



( xHi ) 



(Continued.) 



lation. 


Average 


) No. of souls per 






s 


1 


§ 

"J 




Total. 


I 




Adults. 


Minora. 




4 


4 

a 


I 


a* 

s 


• 


39 


40 


41 


42 


43 


44. 


45 


46 


47 


48,473 

28,705 


52,992 
23,070 


32,137 
14,720 


26,570 
11,498 


1,59,172 
77,993 


6 

6 


644 
658 


1,214 
1,068 




77,178 


76,062 


46,857 


37,068 


2,37,165 


5 


644 


1,224 




48,831 
12,627 
11,882 


55,868 
14.317 
13,175 


30,954 
8,041 
7,418 


25,099 
6,858 
6,811 


1,60,752 
41,843 
38,286 


5 
5 
6 


538 
686 
571 


1,140 
1,131 
1,196 




73,340 


83,360 


46,413 


37,768 


2,40,881 


5 


564 


1,147 




16,708 
30,121 
17,643 


19,447 
33,941 
20,144 


11,774 
19,807 
11,389 


9,790 

16,698 

9,551 


57,719 

1,00,567 

58,727 


6 
6 
6 


575 
651 
644 


1,312 
1,257 
1,249 




64,472 


73,532 


42,970 


36,039 


2,17,013 


5 


634 


1.269 




25,098 
17,269 
H977 
14,112 


27,852 
19,306 
16,930 
15,697 


17,141 

12,242 

10,090 

9,363 


14,352 
9,964 
8,019 
8,109 


84,443 
58,771 
60.016 
47,281 


4 
6 
5 
6 


548 
606* 
638 
591 


1,189 

1,336 

100 

1,244 


; 


71,466 


79,786 


48,836 


40,434 


2,40,611 


4 


670 j 


1,190 














• 


1 ' 




2,86,446 


3,12,739 


1,85,076 


1,51,309 


9,85,570 


5 


696 


1,190 





A. F. MILLETT, 

Settlement Officer. . 



( xir ) 



No. in 



Name of Parganah. 




i 










« 


| 


1 


I: 


Sultanpur, 


• • * • 


22,879 


12,452 


4,895 


1,977 


Chfaida, 


• •• * • 
Total, 

• •• • • 


13,717 


7,688 


1,365 


876 




36,596 


20,140 


6,260 


2,853 


Ajnethi, 


27,767 


14,005 


4,727 


1,824 


Isauli, 


• • • • 


5,117 


5,077 


1,154 


274 


Asal, 


« • * • 
Total, 

• • • • 


6,823 


5,652 


703 


291 




39,707 


24,734 


6,584 


2,389 


Inhona, 


8,876 


3,393 


704 


996 


Jagdispur, 


■•-•■ • • 


11,064 


4,786 


2,272 


1,595. 


Subeha, 


Total, 


10,142 


5,124 


758 


989 




30,082 


13,303 


3,734 


3,580 


Rokha-Jais, 


6,394 


5,078 


1,705 


1,340 


Simrota, 


• • • • 


7,957 


6,193 


884 


671 


Gaurd-Jamtin, ••• 


8,957 


4,874 


803 


770 


Mohanganj, 


••• • • 
Total, 


5,094 


4,189 


1,449 


665 




28,402 


20,334 


4,841 


3,440 


Grand Total, 


1,34,787 


78,511 


2,419 


12,268 



( iv ) 



^-(Continued.) 



i 


■1 

I 


I 




43 

J 


•g 




19,006 


3,057 


1,579 


1,365 


. 19,829 


. • 2,791 


144 


9,516 


961 


328 


1,129 


. 11,873 


.. 1,769 


- • • 


28,522 


4,018 


1,907 


2,494 


31,702 


4,560 


144 


23,372 


2,842 


711 


3,885 


. 14,724 


.. 3,733 


2,305 


6,174 


1,258 


217 


1,786 


. 2,566 


. 633. 


■• • 


5,615 


803 


321 


208 


. 1,897 


1,354 


• • * 


85,161 


4,903 


1,249 


5,879 


19,187 


6,720 


2,305 


6,763 


733 


215 


5,570 


. 2,667 


• 1,287 


1,772 


11,205 


1,565 


469 


8,898 


. 3,606 


.. 2,123 


3,225 


8,580 


944 


388 


7,120 


. 3,325 


.. 1,322 


577 


26,548 


3,242 


1,072 


21,588 


. 9,598 


4,732 


5,574 


5,956 


1,219 


611 


6,771 


. 5,187 


• 2,370 


5,079 


6,180 


1,050 


308 


4,734 


. 3,199 


• 777- 


342 


3,766 


952 


436 


4,738 


. 1,108 


. 846 


2,362 


831 


763 


371 


4,788 


. 1,897 


.. 784 


2,580 


16,733 


3,984 


1,726 


21,031 


11,391 


4,777 


10,363 


1,06,964 


16,147 


5,954 


50,992 


• 71,878 


19,789 


18,386 



( XTi ) 



No.HI. 



Vina of PftrgaDah. 


i 


1 


t 


1 


Sult&npur, 


6,877 


4,453 


3,444 


8,048 


Ch&ada, .. 


1,795 


2,351 


1,604 


1,523 


Total, 


8,672 


6,804 


5,048 


4,571 


Amethi, 


10,509 


5,462 


6,519 


8,234 


Isauli, 


1,753 


435 


520 


861 


Asa!,. •• 


1,580 


1,073 


1,125 


862 


Total, 


18,842 


6,970 


8,164 


4,457 


Interna, .. # . 


2,795 


818 


764 


668 


Jagdispur, 


5,488 


859 


1,484 


1,126 


Subeha, .. 


1,353 


81 


1,241 


380 


Total, 


9,366 


1,258 


8,489 


2,174 


Kokhi-Jaia, 


6,279 


2,460 


1,005 


1,327 


Simrota, . . .. 


8,555 


451 


703 


950 


Gaur&-Jamtin, .. 


2,180 


1,489 


899 


653 


Mohanganj, . .. 


8,229 


436 


748 


1,003 


Total, 


15,243 


4,836 


8,355 


8,933 


Grand Total, 


47,393 


19,868 


20,056 


15,185 



( xvii ) 



(Oontinued). 



M 


1 

CD 


i 


& 


MoghaL 


| 


1 
1 

1 

o 


3 
3 


3,459 


530 


2,889 


5,000 


370 


134 


88,994 


1,59,172 


1,332 


83 


77 


1,409 


14 


• • 


18,583 


77,993 


4,791 


613 


2,966 


6,409 


384 


134 


57,577 


2,37,165 


3,211 


66 


123 


574 


• • 


• • 


31,159 


1,60,752 


777 


15 


18 


303 


12 


114' 


13,219 


41,843 


759 


.. 


1 


6 


• • 


• • 


9,213 


38,286 


4,747 


81 


142 


883 


12 


114 


53,651 


2,40,881 


1,341 


88 


289 


3,142 


17 


252 


15,069 


57,719 


1,485 


476 


1,048 


1,169 


153 


7,952 


28,519 


1,00,567 


1,244 


107 


769 


644 


• • 


•• 


13,639 


58,727 


4,070 


671 


2,106 


4,955 


170 


8,204 


57,229 


2,17,013 


1,921 


1,281 


1,099 


2,126 


89 


• • 


25,146 


84,443 


1,158 


1 


70 


79 


1 


14 


19,494 


58,771 


961 


3 


31 


49 


• • 


• • 


14,139 


50,016 


1,045 


1 


15 


229 


29 


• • 


17,135 


47,281 


5,085 


1,286 


1,215 


2,483 


119 


14 


75,914 


2,40,511 


18,693 


2,651 


6,429 


14,730 


685 


8,466 


2,44,369 


9,35,570 



A. F. MILLETT, 
Settlement Officer. 



( xviii ) 



Ho. 

Statement of tenures &c., 





Parganah. 


Tenures and No. of villages Ac., 




Talukdfcl 


Tahsfl. 


Sub-settlement 


1 

1 

H 

r 


2 




6 

13 


2 
I 


1 


2 


3 


4 


6 


6 


Sultinpur, ... 


Sult£npur, 


40 


16 


169 


225 




Chdnda, 

Total, 
Amethi, ... 


12 


... 


122 


134 




52 


16 


291 


359 


Amethi, 


56 


8 


278 


342 




Isauli, 


• •• 


... 


8 


3 




Asal, 

Total, 
Inhona, 


1 


... 


1 


2 




57 


8 


282 


347 


Inhona, 


... 


1 


22 


23 




Jagdispur, 


» 


8 


SO 


40 




Subeha, 

Total, 
Rokha-Jais, 


3 


... 


17 


20 




5 


9 


69 


83 


Mohanganj, ... 


u 


2 


51 


54* 




Simrota, 


4 


2 


44 


50 




G-audi-Jamiin, ... 


9 


8 


51 


68 




Mohanganj, 
Total, 
Grand Total, ... 


... 


1 


60 


61 




14* 


13 


206 


233* 




128) 


46 


848 


1,022* 



( xix ) 



IV. 

District Sultdnpur. 



of each kind. 


No. of 


proprietors 


and sub-proprietors. 


Independent. 




Proprietors. 


















1 












1 


1 


1 


t 


i 


i 


V» 


a 


i 


•a 

"3 

•s 


I 

•8 


jt 

a 


s 

a 
oa 

•8 




eg 


A 


o 




o 


o 


<$ 


o 


tsi 


£ 


H 


H 


o 


fe 


£ 


fc 


fc 


7 


8 


9 
67 


10 


11 


12 


13 


14 


15 


14 


93 


174 


399 


17 


2,344 


188 


1,322 


6 


150 


... 


156 


290 


11 


1,620 


168 


255 


20 


243 


67 


330 


689 


28 


3,964 


356 


1,577 


4 


18 


... 


22 


364 


3 


242 


22 


3,007 


36 


44 


2 


82 


85 


2 


699 


106 


... 


14 


1 


80 


95 


97 


2 


1,914 


246 


1 


54 


63 


82 


199 


546 


7 


2,855 


374 


3,008 


26 


26 


2 


54 


77 


3 


455 


64 


3 


57 


60 


9 


126 


166 


4 


1,330 


188 


23 


6 


38 


22 


66 


86 


4 


4,676 


78 


3 


i9 


124 


33 


246 


329 


11 


6,461 


330 
79 


29 


29 


26i 




55* 


110 


4 


705 


10 


23 


... 




23 


73 


5 


14 


14 


149 


13 


10 




23 


91 


8 


255 


35 


93 


4 


10 




14 


75 


4 


612 


45 


2 


69 


46£ 




115i 


349 


21 


1,586 


173 


254 


232 


476*' 


182 


890* 


1,913 


67 


14,866 


1,233 


4,868 



( tx ) 

No. IV.— (Continued). 





rargauiih. 


Avenge area. 






Of laud per 


Of sir per 




T«tu£L 


i 

i 


i 

44 

1 

1. 
gs 


I 

I 


I 

a 

E 

1 


i 






16 


17 


18 


19 


20 


Sultanpur, 


Sultanpur, 
Cbanda, 

Total, 

Ametbi, ,., 
laauli, 

Total, 

Inbona, 

Jagdiapur, 

Subeba, 

Total, 

Eokba-Jata, ; 

Simrota, 
Gaura-Jamiiii, ... 

Mohanganj, 

Total, 

Grand Total, ,., 


1-5 
1-5 


14 
1'7 


5 5 
55 


7-4 
47 






1-5 


16 


5*5 


70 




Amethi, m 


22 
1'5 
1'5 


13 
10 


158 

8-1 
2-3 


11 






19 


1* 


49 


n 




1 nbona, 


21 
26 
20 


20 
25 
21 


71 
42 
13 


663 

772 

1146 






23 


2 


23 


798 




Mobanganj, .,, 


24 
18 
21 
15 


29 
04 
32 
31 


38 

1389 

11-8 

42 


108 

5-4 

32 2 

332 5 






20 


13 


GB 


216 






19 


]*5 


41 


4*5 





A. P. MILLETT, 

Settlement Officer. 



( xxii ) 



No. 

General Statement explanatory 





No. of mehal§ 

and of their 

component 

parte* 


t 
i 


Kon aBaessAble* 


Farg&D&h. 


4 
M 



D 


t 

a 

D 

a 

i 

■M 

O 

d 


m 


— 

o 
1 

» 

II 
r 


I 

m 

a 

■ 

1 


. I 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


Sultanpur, 


83 


399 


1,57,210 


34,247 


10,326 


42 


44,615 


Chanda, 


81 


290 


83,492 


18,607 


4,014 


... 


22,621 


Total, ,„ 


164 


689 


2,40,702 


52,854 


14,340 


42 


67,236 


A met hi, 


10 


364 


1,91,567 


47,191 


12,175 


... 


59,366 


Isauli, 


48 


85 


39,298 


7,053 


3,206 


727 


10,986 


Asal, 


33 


97 


42,659 


7,373 


2,250 


■» 


9,623 


Total, ... 


91 


546 


2 3 73,524 


61,617 


17,631 


727 


79,975 


I nil on a, 


86 


77 


63,950 


13,434 


5,350 


»<*! 


18,784 


Jagdispur, 


77 


166 


99,104 


19,690 


8,433 


1,223 


29,346 


£ Lib eh a, 


34 


86 


56,344 


12,018 


4,191 


96 


16,335 


Total, „. 


147 


329 


2,19,398 


45,172 


17,974 


1,319 


64.465 


Koklia-Jain, 


51 


110 


98,882 


31,804 


7,200 


17 


39,021 


Simrota, 


19 


73 


62,337 


22,186 


4,359 


■n 


26,545 


Gaura-Jamun, ... 


24 


91 


59,464 


12,180 


4,404 


„. 


16,584 


Mobanganj, 


29 


75 


50,898 


10,620 


3,714 


ii* 


20,334 


Total, .,. 


123 
525 


349 
1,913 


2,71,581 


82,790 


19,677 


17 


1,02,484 


Grand Total, ... 


10,05,205 


2,42,433 


69,622 


2,105 


3,14,160 



( xxiii ) 



of the Revised Assessment. 



Assessable. 





1 

O 
t-i 

! 

1 


Cultivation. 






Irrigated by 




i 

i 


5| 


1 

I 


CD 

i 


! 


1 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


14 


15 


27,568 


1,741 


38,813 


26,793 


17,680 


83,286 


1,12,595 


13,806 


271 


15,782 


23,073 


7,939 


46,794 


60,871 


41,374 


2,012 


54,595 


49,866 


25,619 


1,30,080 


1,73,466 


40,114 


1,517 


46,299 


37,132 


7,139 


90,570 


1,32,201 


4,459 


536 


6,707 


6,383 


10,227 


23,317 


28,312 


12,389 


228 


11,323 


4,923 


4,173 


20,419 


33,036 


56,962 


2,281 


64,329 


48,438 


21,539 


1,34,306 


1,93,549 


15,321 


1,794 


10,465 


12,582 


5,004 


28,051 


45,166 


16,101 


2,772 


16,838 


16,728 


17,319 


50,885 


69,758 


7,880 


910 


6,570 


13,241 


11,408 


31,219 


40,009 


39,302 


5,476 


33,873 


42,551 


33,731 


1,10,155 


1,54,933 


12,969 


! 659 


15,656 


18,257 


12,320 


46,233 


59,861 


6,608 


850 


7,712 


14,900 


5,722 


28,334 


35,792 


9,279 


1,825 


7,040 


15,510 


9,226 


31,776 


42,880 


5,235 


693 


7,759 


13,941 


2,936 


24,636 


30,564 


34,091 


4,027 


38,167 


62,609 


30,224 


1,30,979 


1,69,097 


1,71,728 


> 13,796 


1,90,964 


2,03,463 


1,11,093 


5,05,520 


6,91,045 



( "iv ) 



No. V.— 







Cultivator* 


Number 


Parganah. 
















i 

i 


i 

I 


i 


I 


i 




16 


17 


18 


19 


20 


Bultanpur, 





28,715 


11,010 


39,725 


17,668 


35,336 


Chfaida, 


••• ••• ••• 

Total, 
••• ••• ••• 


16,331 


6,966 


23,297 


10,110 


20,221 




45,046 


17,976 


63,022 


27,778 


55,557 


Amethi, 


29,941 


12,691 


42,632 


19,580 


39,160 


Isauli, 


••• ••• ••• 


8,272 


1,761 


10,033 


4,615 


9,230 


Asal, 


••• ••• ••• 

Total, 


8,519 


2,212 


10,781 


5,290 


10,380 




46,732 


16,664 


63,396 


29,485 


58,770 


Inhona, 


9,877 


1,845 


11,722 


5,614 


11,228 


Jagdispur, 


••• ••• 


13,197 


3,965 


17,162 


12,081 


25,916 


Bubeha, 


••• ••• •• 

Total 

••• ••• 


10,043 


1,660 


11,703 


5,649 


11,135 




33,117 


7,470 


40,587 


23.344 


48,279 


Bokhd-Jais, 


15,444 


1,798 


17,242 


8,908 


17,816 


Bimrota, 


••• ••• ••• 


11,023 


10,016 


21,039 


6,372 


12,744 


GaudUJamtin, 


9,292 


1,680 


10,972 


5,928 


11,857 


Mohanganj, 


••• ••• 

Total, 
md Total, .. 


10,418 


1,701 


12,119 


5,156 


10,312 




46,177 


15,195 


61,372 


26,364 


52,729 


Gn 


1,71,072 


57,305 


2,28,375 


1,06,971 


2,15,385 



(Continued). 



( XXV ) 



of 






Detail of cultivation. 






Percentage of 




1 
1 

3 


1 


£ 


a 

E 
Pi 

3 

a 
> 

Jo JS 
O 


a 

s 


1 
1 

1 

i 

i 
i 


1 

1 


I 


i 

1 


, 


t 
i 


21 


22 


23 


24 


25 


26 
15,791 


27 
53 


28 


29 


30 


31 


2,906 


5,088 


22,849 




44,646 


17 


8 


21 


18 


1,537 


2,103 


10,249 


♦ .. 


24,617 


11,928 


56 


16 


5 


22 
22| 


25 


4,443 


7,191 


33,098 




69,263 


27,719 


54 


17 


6 


21 


5,940 


5,891 


7,168 


.>, 


66,000 


17,402 


47 


21 


7 


25 


23 


607 


1,036 


5,737 


... 


13,168 


4,412 


59 


11 


6 


18 


13 


4,351 


1,293 


4,584 


.., 


13,416 


2,419 


48 


29 


6 


17 


19 


10,898 


8,220 


17,489 


♦ .♦ 


92,584 


24,233 


49 


21 


6 


22 


20 


2,172 


2,680 


3,434 


... 


20,841 


3,776 


43 


24 


11 


21 


24 


3,001 


4,227 


7,418 


... 


35,326 


8,141 


51 


16 


11 


19 


id 


1,517 


1,994 


6,665 


... 


20,968 


3,586 


55 


13 


9 


21 


18 


6,690, 


8,901 


17,517 


... 


77,135 


15,503 


50 


18 
13 


10 
8 


20 


19 


3,237 


2,521 


3,749 


44* 


37,229 


5,255 


47 


32 


19 


1,556 


1,530 


2,764 


*4. 


20,764 


4,806 


45 


10 


8 


Bo 


15 


2,236 


1,551 


6,026 


... 


20,251 


5,499 


53 


15 


10 


20 


20 


1,986 


1,399 


3,292 


... 


16,010 
94,254 


5,334 


48 


10 


8 


32 


22 


9,015 


7,001 


15,831 


... 


20,894 


48 


12 


8 


30 


19 


31,046 


31,313 


83 r 935 


.„ 


3,33,236 


88,349 


50 


17 


8 


24 


20 



( "vi ) 



No. V.- 







Percentage 


of 




I 












i 


pArgntmh. 


1 


i 






1 


1 




1 


1 


I 

1— i 


1 
I 


1 

1 


09 

s» 

£ 




32 
53 


33 


31 


35 


36 

2 


87 


Bul tan pur, 


28 


78 


17 


1,25,359 


Ch&nda, 


61 


13 


82 


23 


2 

2 


68,755 


Total, 


55 


23 


80 


19 


1,89,014 


Amethi, 


49 


26 


92 


20 


2 


1,67,607 


IeaoU, 


54 


83 


66 


12 


2 


83,074 


AB&J, pa* »** ■«■ 


61 


20 


79 


15 


2 


36,496 


Total, 


52 


27 


84 


18 


2 


2,42,267 


Inhona, ... ... ,,. 


64 


11 


82 


18 


2 


&M18 


Jagdispur, 


31 


20 


66 


15 


3 


87,819 


Subclm, 


62 


19 


63 


16 


2 


47,809 


Total, 


62 
44 


17 


68 


16 


2 


1,79,306 


Bokhi-Jaifl, 


85 


72 


17 


2 


73,309 1 4 


Simrotn,... *•# ... 


51 


33 


80 


10 


1 


47,238 


Gauri-Jamliii 


40 


89 


71 


17 


! 


44,860 


Mohanganj, 


43 


85 


88 


20 


2 


43,504 2 


Total, 


44 


86 


77 


16 


2 


2,08,911 1 6 


Grand Total, .„ 


53 


26 


78 


17 


2 


8,20,598 1 6 



(Continued.) 



( xxvii ) 









Variation. 






Increase. 


Decrease. 


-3 

2 
1 




1 

o 

1 


s 


i 

•8 

| 


i 


38 


39 


40 


41 


42 


1,75,601 7 
97,729 4 


302 
254 


53,299 3 
34,827 15 






97 
86 


3,556 12 
863 11 


2,73,330 11 


556 


88,127 2f 





133 


4,410 7 


2,17,738 
45,815 12 
41496 


293 
66 
54 


53,547 12 
9,173 10 
7,332 4 







71 
17 
42 


8,506 12 
1,431 14 
2,332 4 


3,05,049 12 


413 


70,053 10 





130 


7,270 14 


66,483 15 6 

1,11,119 12 1 

66,165 13 


64 

138 

62 


24,124 10 
25,964 
20,362 11 




1 




13 
27 
24 


1,758 10 6 
2,663 4 
2,065 14 


2,43,769 8 7 


264 


70,451 5 


1 


64 


6,487 12 6 


1,00,762 2 7 
61,771 2 
61,616 10 11 
52,811 3 


101 
64 

84 
56 


28,422 5 9 
15,088 6 
17,143 10 6 
11,266 11 10 


8 
9 
7. 
19 


969 4 6 

555 4 

386 15 7 

1,959 9 


2,96,961 2 6 


305 


71,921 2 


1 


43 


8,871 1 1 


10,99,111 2 1 


1,538 


3,00,553 3 


2 


370 


22,040 2 7 



( xxvffl ) 



Ho. V.— 





Rate per acre on 


1 


Parganah. 


1 


j 


I 


1 




43 


44 


45 


46 


Sult&npur, 
Chanda, 


2 19 
2 14 


1 8 11 
19 7 


1 1 10 
12 9 


1,80,104 4 
1,00,235 


Total, ... 


2 17 


19 2 


12 2 


2,80,339 4 


Amethi, 

Isauli, 

Aeal, 


2 6 5 

1 15 6 

2 2 4 


1 10 8 
1 9 10 
14 7 


12 1 
12 7 
15 7 


2,23,321 
47,010 6 
42,560 


Total, ... 


2 4 4 


19 2 


119 


3,12,891 6 


Inhona, ... 

Jagdispur, 

Bubeha, 


2 5 11 
2 2 11 
2 1 11 


17 6 
19 7 
1 10 5 


10 7 
1 1 11 
12 9 


68,188 12 

1,14,013 15 1 

67,867 I 


Total, ... 


2 8 4 


19 2 


119 


2,50,069 12 1 


Eokha-Jais, 
Simrota, 
Gaura-Jamdn, 
Mohanganj, 


2 2 10 
2 2 10 

1 15 

2 2 8 


1 10 11 
I 11 7 
1 6 11 
1 11 7 


10 8 
15 10 
10 6 
10 7 


1,03,345 8 1 
63,355 QO 
63,196 10 3 
54,165 


Total, ... 


2 19 


1 10 2 


10 3 


2,84,062 2 4 


Grand Total, ... 


2 2 9 


19 5 


115 


11,27,362 8 5 



( xxii ) 



(Continued). 



Parganah rates on 


















Remarks, 


1 


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| 




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47 


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50 


51 


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2 3 4 


1 


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4 11 1 


3 4 8 


2 6 8 


1 


8 4 





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HTo. 

Return of 









i 


JT*me of Tahiti 


Hame of Parganah. 


i 

9 

•a 

! 


B 
8 

% 

I 

a 

o 


1 


2 


3 


4 


Sult&npur, 


Sultinpur, 


399 


246 


Do., 


Chdnda, 

Total, 

Amethi, ... ... ... 


290 


130 




689 


376 


Amethi, ... 


364 


299 


Do., 


Isauli, 


85 


61 


Do., 


Asal, 

Total, 

Inhona, ... ... 


97 


67 




546 


427 


Inhona, 


77 


100 


Do., 


Jagdispur, 


166 


155 


Do., 


Subeha, 

Total, 

Rokhd-Jais, 


86 


88 




329 


343 


Mohanganj, 


110 


154 


Do., 


Simrota, 


73 


97 


Do., ... 


Gaur£-Jamiin, 


91 


93 


Do., 


Mohanganj, 

Total, 

Grand Total, 


75 


79 




349 


423 




1,913 


1,569 



VIII. 

Rural Police. 



( xxxv ) 





J 

s 


4 

■ 
o 

| 

s 

fa 


Detail of 




M«n. 


1 

O 

n 

1 

§ 


i 
1 

pM 

1 

«p* 

Q 

h 

1 


5 

aft 

■ 

i !: 

o S 

- ~- 
S 

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i -1 

1 S 

I ■ 


B 

h 

11 

R 


■S 

•8 
8 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 
69 


10 


11 


1,181 


30,708 


1,59,172 


440 


361 


357 


243 


13,132 


77,993 


222 


59 


351 


376 


1,424 


43,900 


2,37,165 


662 


66 


358 


363 


903 


32,208 


1,60,752 


480 


67 


335 


399 


192 


8,315 


41,843 


99 


89 


422 


397 


226 


7,206 


38,286 


98 


73 


390 


435 


1,321 


48,229 


2,40,881 


677 


71 


355 


404 


399 


11,778 


57,719 


144 


82 


400 


444 


584 


20,793 ' 


1,00,567 


352 


59 


285 


281 


320 


11,652 


58,727 


181 


64 


324 


311 


1,309 


44,223 


2,17,013 


677 


65 


320 


324 


770 


17,675 


84,443 


220 


80 


383" 


449 


483 


12,644 


58,771 


134 


94 


438 


465 


458 


10,422 


50,016 


159 


66 


316 


376 


509 


9,663 


47,281 


135 


72 


350 


377 


2,220 


50,404 


2,40,511 


648 


77 


371 


419 


6,274 


1,86,756 


9,35,570 


2,664 


70 


351 


378 



( xacxvi ) 



No. vm— ■ 





Hame of Parganah. 


B« 


NameofTahaiL 


I 


1 

8 

i 






12 


13 


Sult&npur, 

Do., 


Sult&npur, 

Gh&nda, ... „• ... 

Total, ••• ••• 

Amethi, ... ••• ... 
xsauii, ••• •»• ... 
Afiai, ••• ••• ••• 

Total, 

Inhona, ... ... ... 

Jagdispur, 

Subeha, ... ••• ... 

Total, 

• 

Rokha* Jais, 

Simrota, ••• ••• ... 

Gaurd-Jamtin, ... 
Mohanganj, ••• ••• 

Total, 

Grand Total, 


3 

• •• 


12 

• •• 




3 


12 


Amethi, 
Do., 
Do., 


• •• 

• •• 

• •• 


• •• 

• •• 




• •• 


... 


Inhona, 
Do., 
Do., 


64 

61 

142 


553 

486 8 

1,200 




267 


2,239 8 


Mohanganj, 
Do., 
Do., 
Do., ... 


417 

200 

24 

258 


3,351 

1,602 

193 

2,073 O 


• 


899 


7,219 




1,169 


9,470 8 O 



(Concluded.) 




( 


xxxvii ) 




numeration 




a 

1 

o 

3 


1 
1 

! 

1 


4> 

t! 

n 


Bemarks. 


14 


15 


16 


17 


10,548 
5,328 


10,560 
5,328 






2 
2 




15,876 


15,888 





2 




11,520 
2,253 
2,352 


11,520 
2,253 
2,352 







2 

1 14 2 

2 




16,125 


16,125 





1 14 8 




2,039 
7,961 8 
3,144 


2,592 
8,448 
4,344 







18 
2 
2 




13,144 8 


15,384 





1 14 1 




2,094 
1,614 
3,481 
1,152 


5,445 
3,216 
3,674 
3,225 








2 10 
2 

1 14 9 

2 10 




8,341 


15,560 





2 2 




£3,486 8 


62,957 





1 15 6 










A. I 


'. JlAlLLETT, 



Settlement Officer. 



( xxxviii ) 



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< 









( xxxix ) 





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o 




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CO (M 00 


co 


CONN 


© 


<4<A10 


oo 


CO 00 co 


co to 00 


co 


CO CO 00 


o 


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cm 


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l-H l-H 


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l-H 


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CM 00 




T-* l-H 




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l-H i-H 

l-H 




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CO l-H 




CM i-l 




^*r-« 




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00 0> CM 




HOiiO 




O l-H i-H 
l-H i-H i-H 




o>oo 

l-H i-H 




CO 00© 




l-H 




oo cm cm 

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: 


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Ill 




III 




Jii 


• 


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do., 
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do., 
do., 


: 


Class, 
do., 
do., 


: ■ 


Class, 

do.. 

do., 


: 




; 






to a 12 




■s'S'B 

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i-H cm eo 




i-H CM CO 




*1* 

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: 




: 


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cm 

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o 




co 

CO 


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CO 


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o 


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CO 1ft 00 


co co oo 


o 


<oo>«* 


o 


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oo 


CM lft CM 

00 O <N 


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lft CO CO 


o* 


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CM 


CM 00 00 


00 


rH 


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CO 


CO 


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CO 


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ift 


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CO 00 Oi 


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co cm cm 


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CO 


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a> 


co o> CO 


CO 


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CO 


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CO 


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a> 


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CO 


rjH O !>• 


CM 




rH 


l-H 


cm 


i-H 


CO 


l-H 


rH 


l-H i-H 


CO 


I-H 


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CM t* 




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l-H O 
l-H l-H 




oo 




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l-H 




ift co 




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l-H 


. 


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: 


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t*^o 


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• • • 

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III 




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Sod 


: 


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: 


Class, 
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do., 


: 


Class, 
do., 
do., 


: 


Class, 
do., 
do., 


: 


Class, 
do., 
do., 


: 


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r-* CM CO 




to oU 
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1 



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r-Too hT 



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> CM 



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CO t^^ 
CO ofcO~ 



CO 

o 



CD 



CO 
CD 



t* CO <*« 
t* CO CM 

i-H tO^O 

cTo «T 



> <D 

> CO 

> o> 



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tO tO O 
CO^tf^t* 

tcToTco* 



© 
o 



to 

CD 



to 



«f» 00 © 

10 1» 00 

CD^t^ 

to'co"^ 

CD^OO^t^ 

t^Tr-Tof 



to 

00 

CM 

CD 
CO^ 

t>T 

CM 



CO 
CM 

of 

CM 



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4 



s 



CD t* 

: «D^to 

• of •-? 

to to 



CO 

o 



f-H lO pH 

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00 CO <M 
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O -h 00 



CM 



CO 



: cm 00 



: 00 co 

CO i-l 



00 *«* 
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CO i-H 



CD 
CM 



CM i-HOO 

1— 1 

oooco 

CO 10 09 



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00 ^co 

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t* F-l CD 
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3 

o 



3 

o 



a 



( *«i ) 



Mo. 



Statement illustrative of the distribution of 





Bane of Psffgaaah. 




Hin- 




Kahat- 
















1 

* 






^ 


a 




i 
1 


1 

i 


•s 
1 

3 


I 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


1 


Sultanpur, _ _ 


~. 


117 


103 


1 


•~ 


1 


1 


2 


Chaoda, ^. 


~ 


... 


120 


... 


... 


... 




% 


Amcwiij .•• ••• ... ... 


... 


3 


1 


... 


«•• 


~ 


... 


4 


Iaauli, .*. ... — .*. 


~ 


1 


~ 


1 


•~ 


... 


... 


5 


AMi| ••• ••♦ ••♦ ••♦ 


.- 


84 


... 


... 


-. 


••• 


... 


% 


Infamy ... ... ... 


»•* 


... 


— 


... 


_ 


•«• . 


... 


7 


/aguapmv ••♦ ••• •*• 


- 


•«• 


... 


7 


.~ 


~. 


... 


* 


Svbeha, ~ 


~ 


... 


... 


... 


••• 


-. 


... 


t 


Bokhi-Jau, .- .*. ~. 


••• 


— 


1 


... 


•a. 


•- 


... 


to 


Simrota,... ••• •*» ... 


... 


~. 


8 


I 


2 


... 


•- 


11 


Gauri-Jamiiii, -... ~. 


... 


•- 


... 


... 


... 


... 


... 


12 


Mohanganj, •»« •». ... 
Total, 




... 


... 


... 


: ~ 


... 


... 




205 


233 


10 


2 


i 


1 



( xliii ) 



IX. 



property in land according to clans. 



dfe. 



triya. 



} 


I 

35 






d 
§ 

s 


i 

1 

M 


t 

IB 

1 


& 


-3 

0) 

a 


I 

J 


J9 


20 


i 

21 


1 

-a 




9 


10 


ii 


IS 


13 


14 


15 


16 


17 


18 


22 


3G0 


7 

*** 


■■■ 
1 

I 

40 

7 

6 

1 


142 

••■ 

1*4 

• *• 


1 

■ 

+** 

•** 

1 


1 

34 

87 


1 
1 


I 


l 


10 


3 

-** 


5 


2 


■»■ 

■ !• 

■ ■■ 

1 

in 

1 


300 


- 7 


10S I 


142 


2 


180 


2 


1 


i 


10 


3 


5 


2 


57 



( xHv ) 



No. IX.— 



Hindis 



Other castes. 



Name of Parganah, 



i 



i 



23 



24 



25 



97 



28 



1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 



Snltanpnr, 
Chaada, ... 
Amethf, ... 
Isauli, ... 
Asal, ... 
Inhona, ... 
Jagdiapur, 
Subejia, ... 
Jflokli&Jais, 
Simrota, ••• 
Gaur^-Jam6n, 
Mohanganj, 



• •• ••! 



.. ••• 



9 
8 

6 
3 
6 



19 
J7 



Total, 



2 
4 
I 
2 

50 



» 
5 

6 
13 



78 



( slv ) 



(Cordinued). 



ItX^homedans. 


MiscollaiieoiiB, 










1 


i 


1 
Ah 


S 




1 

I 


! 

9 


1 

1 

3 


| 


"3 

J 




I 


=3' 




29 


30 


31 


32 


33 


34 


35 


36 


37 


38 


39 


40 


41 


43 


G 


4 
1 


4 


... 


M 


1 


1 


J29 




... 


Tr 


1 
■■I 


1 


399 
290 
364 


9 


1 


,.. 


3 


,., 


... 


— 


... 


■» 


... 


M4 


... 


... 


85 


,„ 


3 




... 


«*• 


... 


..* 


1 




22 






... 


97 

77 


fi 


2 


•*• 


... 


»■ 


«*■ 


J 


... 


100 


»P* 


... 


„. 


... 


1GG 


■ pi 


ft! 


15 


... 


6 


... 




... 


J 


"* 


... 


... 


... 


SO 





3 


»> 


7 


* 


... 


t*i 


?■■ 


... 


►*i 


■" 


... 


... 


110 


!■■ 


17 


1 


... 


... 




... 


... 


■*» 


«■ 


1 


... 


... 


73 


H* 


„. 


... 


»■ 


— 


*n 


•» 


■» 


... 


... 


... 


... 




91 


ip* 


'" 


... 


- 


69 




... 


1M 


,..■ 


- 


... 


... 


1 


75 


30 


31 


20 


10 


73 


1 


2 


130 


101 


22 


I 


1 


I 


1,013 



( ilvi ) 

Ho. X. 

Form used for tabulation of assessment data. 

Mauzah Summabt ) 

\JamL 
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1 ^ 


r 








1 




. 


ClaaaUL, 




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Area- c 

1 


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D 


II 


i 




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- 


I 


of 


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Fit, 






Goi&dt 

n4 


1 


! 












Total, „. 




I Total, 




1 












Rates from Jsuni- 
band! 


Cultivating Cutea. 


Groas rental. 


Km* 


Cnahi 


L 


IL 


III. 








Brahmaus, 

Chattr!*, 

Muraia, 

AMra, 

Piftfa, 

Bfaitff, 

Kaitlu, 

Lodha, 

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Kami lit*. 


Cash, 
Grain* 
Sir, 
Sayer, 


R. 


A[P 


, Mhowa, 

i Mango, 

Jack, 

Babul, 
T6il 
Catechu, 
Miscella- 
neous, 














AbL 








TotaX, | 










*!3 


1 1 

rt > - 


t Population, 

• 


Well*. 


Huts. 


Ploughs, 


Irrigd., 
UnirrigcL, 




Bo 
Gii 


< 
it, 

irnen, 


felt 


Non- 
Cult 


Pakka, 
Kacha, 


Dom, 


Iird 


- Cult,, 

Non-Cult, 












Xl/TAL, , 


1 


Total, ' 




TOTAL, 






Total, 




















] 

( 

^ 
] 


[And 

Do. 

Bo. 

Do. 

Do. 

Joinc 

RTelli 

2*te] 


perl 
Ii 
£ 
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1 
per 

*Dep 

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wra< 


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M>of 

tfgah 
Mfth 
*loug 
Hut 

thfn 

of 

»e of 


rERAGES 
pTwdL 

rator. 

>m surface 
water. 
S.J. 









APPENDICES. 



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( ** ) 

APPEff 

Parganah memorandum of Sultdnpur, Balances of 





Ba 


Names 
of parganah*. 


At the dose of 186849 (31*t March). 


At the dose 




T'aluic&rL 


MnfrftL 


Total. 


FalukddrL 




£s. A. P. 


Rs. A. P. 


Ba. A. 


P. 


Bs. A. P. 


Sultanpur, 


11,418 9 5 


5,533 13 11 


16,952 7 


4 


318 15 


Chanda, 


764 14 3 


2,261 8 3 


3,026 6 


6 


••• 


Paparghat, 


••• 


871 14 


371 14 





••• 


Aroethi, ••• 


1,986 14 8 


886 15 8 


2,872 14 


4 


,2504 8 2 


Tappah Asal, ... 
Isaulicwand trans 
Gumti, 


• •• 

• •• 


5,371 15 
980 8 7 


5,871 15 
989 8 



7 


••• 


Inhona, ••• 


• •• 


764 12 8 


764 12 


8 


••• 


Jagdispur, 


• •• 


7 15 9 


7 18 


9 


••• 


Subeha, 


466 7 


1,062 9 6 


1,529 


6 


••• 


Mohanganj, 


... 


26 13 


26 13 





•t • 


Bokha»Jais, 


••• 


936 3 6 


936 8 


6 


••• 


Gaurd-Jamun, ... 


307 8 


••• 


807 8 





•tt 


Sultdnpur- Baronsa, 


... 


... 


... 




6,609 6 3 


Aldemau, ••• 


• •• 


••• 


... 




4,100 12 3 


Surhurpur, 


• •• 


••• 


• •• 




*•* 1 


Grand Total Rs., 


14,943 5 4 


18,214 1 10 


33,157 7 


2 


13,533 4 8 



( *v ) 
DUO. 

the land revenue from the year 1868-69 to 1872-73. 



of 1869-70 (31st March). 


At the elote of 1870-71 (31st Much). 


MufrfcU 


Total 


TUnkd&t 


MuWd. 


TotaL 


Bs. A. F. 


Ba. A. P. 


Rs. A. P. 


Bs. A. P. 


Es. A. P. 


8,184 12 7 


8,453 11 7 


12 8 


1,689 11 2 


1,702 8 2 


1,326 12 3 


1,326 12 8 


_ 


123 13 4 


128 13 4 


44 15 


44 15 


• •• 


• •• 


••• 


1474 7 6 


3,678 10 8 


• •• 


895 10 


895 10 


8,071 10 


8,071 10 


•%• 


2,876 2 2 


2,876 2 2 


1,179 15 


1,179 15 


-•>•• 


10,209 6 9 


10,209 6 9 


• •• 


••• 


• •• 


»•• 


••• 


99 2 4 


89 2 4 


«»• 


1,158 5 10 


1,158 6 10 


• •• 


• •• 


••• 


• •• 


••• 


• •• 


. •■• 


•>•• 


' ••• 


••• 


••• 


•«« 


• •• 


••• 


• •• 


• »• 


• •• 


... 


1 18 


1 13 


178 14 1 


6,788 4 4 


803 6 6 


3,807 11 6 


4,611 2 


18,660 15 2 


22,761 11 5 


4,056 12 4 


15,346 10 


19,403 6 4 


»•• 


••• 


100 


• •t 


100 


28,871 7 11 


42,404 12 7 


4,972 10 10 


85,609 8 9 


40,581 14 7 



( *vi ) 



APPENDIX 0— 





*B. 


Names 
of p&rgan&hs. 


At the doee of 1871-72 (81st March). 


At the elote 




T'alukdirL 


Mafrfd. 


TotaL 


Faiukctfrf. 




Rs. A. P. 


fi*. A. P. 


Es. A. 


P 


its. A. P. 


Sultanpur, ... 


7,771 8 1 


.1,758 4 8 


9,529 12 


4 


13,167 5 9 


Chanda, 


5,701 8 9 


2,637 18 7 


8,889 6 


4 


8,013 3 10 


Paparghat, ... 


••• 


... 


... 




... 


Amethi, ••« 


••• 


1,439 6 


1,489 6 





... 


Tappah Asal, ... 

Isauli cis and 

fron* Gumtf,... 


••• 

••• 


7,636 14 6 
18,048 1 10 


7,536 14 5 
18,048 1 10 


275 7 
••• 


Inhona, 


... 


• •• 


••• 




••• 


Jagdispur, 


217 3 6 


3,221 1 4 


8,438 4 10 


2,858 3 


Subeha, 


• •• 


••• 


»•• 




••• 


Mohanganj, ... 


. ••• 


• •• 


- ■•• 




••• 


Bokha-Jais, ... 


••• 


• •• 


• •• 




«•• 


Gaura-Jam&n, 
Sultanpur- 
Baronsa, ... 


1,826 12 4 
18,687 1 4 


1 14 
18,046 13 2 


1,828 10 
36,583 14 


4 
6 


2,949 6 9 
37,987 7 10 


Aldemau, 


... 


19,111 7 8 


19,111 7 


8 


197 14 


Surhurpur, ... 


• •• 


• •• 


... 




... 


Grand Total Bs., 


34,054 2 


71,801 12 3 


1,05,855 14 


3 


65,449 2 



StTLTiNPTTB: 

Deputy Commissioner's Office. 
The 21st July 1873. 



\ 



* 

^ 



( xvii ) 



(Continued.) 



lances. 










of 1872-73 (31st March.) 


Remarks. 


Mufrid. 


Total. 




*" 










Its. A. 


P. 


Its. A. 


P. 




1,707 11 


9 


• 14,875 1 


6 


Actual outstanding Balance Rb. 14,875-1-6. 


6,702 15 10 


14,716 3 


8 


Ditto, Rs. 14,716-3-8. 


••• 




... 




Ditto, "Nil" incorporated with Chanda* 


471 13 





471 13 





Actual outstanding Balance Rs. 471-13-0. 


6,779 5 


8 


7,054 12 


8 


Ditto, Rs. 7,054-12-8. 


22,693 


2 


22,693 


2 


Ditto, Rs. 22,693-0-2, Isauli tran$ Gumtf transferred 

1869-70. 


... 




... 




Transferred to Rtfi Barell in 1869-70, no outstanding in 
the district. 


1,767 15 





4,626 2 





Actual Balance 4,626-2-0. 


... 




••• 




Transferred to Sal Barell in 1869-70, no outstanding in 
this district. 


... 




... 




Ditto, ditto. 


... 




... 




Ditto, ditto. 


2 13 


9 


2,952 4 


6 


Actual Balance outstanding Rs. 2,952-4-6. 


22,238 4 


3 


60,225 12 


1 


Transferred from Faizabadin 1869-70,BalanceRs.60,225-12-l 


23,488 11 


6 


23,686 9 


6 


Ditto, Actual Balance outstanding 23,686-9-6. 


... 




••• 




No outstanding Balance. 


85,852 10 11 


1,51,301 11 


1 


Actual Balance outstanding on the 31st March 1873, 
this district Rs. 1,51,301-11-1. 



W. GLYNN, 
Deputy Commissioner. 



*' - 



( a - 



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