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A
60001 8278W
REPQE T
ON THE
SETTLEMENT OF THE LAND REVENUE
OF THK
SULTA^PUR DISTRICT.
Br A, F. MILLETT, Esq., C.S,.
Settlement. Officer.
LTJCKNOW:
PRINTED AT THE O0DH GOVERNMENT PRE»9,
1.87 3.
d2l. . PL . 2 lit?.
&o. 19HR. o* 1877.
RESOLUTION.
Revenue Department.
Dated Naini Tal, the 10th September, 1877.
Read : —
The final report on the settlement of the Sultanpur district, with the Officiating Com-
missioner's (Lieutenant- Colonel I. F. Mac Andrew's) communication No. 1893,
dated 29th July, 1873.
Resolution. — The final report on the settlement of tbs
Sultanpur district is submitted by Mr. Millett, C.S., Officiat-
ing Settlement Officer.
2. The settlement survey was conducted and completed
bv Colonel Perkins, and more than half
of the district was assessed by that offi-
cer before he made over the settlement
to Mr. H. B. Harington, by whom the
i-emainder* was assessed. The assess-
ment was completed on a uniform system.
3. The field survey under the Settlement Officer was
preceded by the revenue siirvey. The results of the two
surveys tally fairly in the two items most important — total
area and total cultivation. In total area there is a difference
of only 2 per mille. In cultivated area the difference is 3*7
per cent.* and is explained by the greater minuteness of the
field survey, which excluded uncultivated patches overlooked
in the blocks of the revenue survey.
4. The description of the care with which all the details
of the survey Were Checked on the spot by the Settlement
Officer and his assistants is satisfactory.!
Several of the other settlement reports
under the consideration of the Lieutenant-Governor make no
mention of the Settlement Officer's labours ill the examination
and check of his survey areas, and it is to be feared that not
so much attention was always paid to this very essential part
* Fi*., tahsil Amethiand
pargana Sultanpur, 430,7 44
acre* 1 , out of 1,005,205,
t>ara. 24, Cdmniissidner's
reriew.
f Para. 375 of report.
2 SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT.
of the assessors' duties as their value demanded. The cost
of the survey was slightly in excess of the provincial average,
but very considerably less than in the other districts of the
division.
5. The proportion of the total area under cultivation
in Sultanpur is exactly 50 per cent. The area culturable is
returned at 17 per cent.
In neighbouring districts the proportions are : —
Cultivation. Culturable,
Fyzabad ... ... ... 55 ltf
Bara Banki ... (>4 12
Lucknow ... ... ... 54 20
Hae Bareli 50 22
Partabgarh ... ••• ... 49 14
6. Mr. Millett remarks* that it is curious that the
lowest revenue has been reached in the
parts of the district with the highest
percentage of land under cultivation. This is a coincidence
that has been very commonly found in Oudh. The most
careful and successful tillage probably requires a larger area
of waste for the support of the farm stock, andTrigh farming
is a necessary consequence of the density of population*
Which the district shares with the rest of southern Oudh.
The culturable area is about the average in extent, but
is described as for the most part inferior
t Paras 393-94. . .. , r
' in quality, f
7. Of the area returned as unculturable, however, more
than half is occupied by
i^^'iT'ftSS- ... .-co groves and jhile. The area
unao ... 5*65 Gonda ... 2-53 under groves is 9 per cent.
Bara Banki ... 4*90 Bahraich ... 8*68 ^r xi^ fL** ~ «*.,*„ ^v *U^ ,i:„
Bae Bareii ... 7 co sitapur ... 2-7i ot * he entire area ot the dis-
Partabgarh ... 770 Hardoi ... 1*94 trict, that under water 8 per
SultaDpur ... 900 Kberi ... 8*37 / mi *• , • , • .-• i_ r .
Statement IV., Beremie Report, 1373-74. Cent. I U6 district IS the best
Wooded,| and its lands the
best irrigated in the province. Fyzabad and Partabgarh
alone have a larger area in jhil, but in no district is irrigation
so extensive. The following are the statistics of irrigation
and manure in southern Oudh, according to the several set-
tlement returns.
land.
land.
78
17
. ... 76
35
72
32
• ••• dO
28
• ••». Lij
28
. ... 44
18
47
17
SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT.
Percentage in cultivation of-
Dislrict. Irrigated. Manured.
Sultanpur
Bae Bareli...
Partabgarh
Fyzabad
Bara Banki
Lucknow ... ... ...
Unao ••«
8. The remarkable difference between Sultanpur and
its neighbours, Rae Bareli and Partabgarh, in the extent to
which the cultivated lands are manured, has not been notic-
ed either by the Settlement Officer or
* Para. 410. ^ Commissioner. Mr. Millett speaks*
of the habit, common among villagers, of using cow-dung
for fuel. But the habit is not peculiar to Sultanpur, and,
like the other districts of the division, it has a very small
urban population to consume fuel. The interdependence of
density of population and the area under manure has been
* *r. v very generally observed, but the details
tSee statement No. v., . J °. . J . , . ' , . j .
page xxvi. of appendices. given in the statements appended to the
report show no relationship whatever
between them.f For example, pargana Sultanpur, with a
population of 644 to the square mile, is said to have 17 per
cent, of the cultivation manured ; while the adjoining par-
gana of Chauda, with only 558 to the square mile, has 23
per cent, manured. Again, in the Mohanganj tabsil there
are two parganas — Simrota and Mohanganj — of almost the
same size and almost the same population [606 and 591 per
square mile respectively], but the former is returned with 10
per cent, of the cultivation manured, the latter with 20. Mr.
Millett has rightly remarked that manure is a greater factor in
productiveness than even irrigation, and therefore rents and
eventually revenue must be largely influenced by any varia-
tions in the extent of its application to cultivation, From the
revenue rates, which the Settlement Officer, proceeding upon
the prevailing rent-rates, finally imposed upon these parganas,
it is quite certain that the manure returns are inaccurate.
Thus, in the examples taken, Chanda, although it has also a
slightly higher percentage of irrigation, is charged with a
revenue of Rs. 2-1-4 per cultivated acre ; while in Sultanpur
the rate is Rs. 2-1-9. Mohanganj is shown as having 8 pe?
4 SULTANPUB SETTLEMENT KEPORT.
cent, more of irrigation and twice the manured land of Sitnrota,
but Simrota pays lis. 2-2-10 per acre, Mohanganj Rs. 2-2-3.
Mr. Millett says* irrigation data alone presented any difficulty
# in the classification of the soil. It is
almost impossible to conceal irrigation.
The compilation of correct manure data is a matter of much
greater difficulty and uncertainty.
9. Soils were arranged by the officials of the field
6urvey according to order in three classes. No uqiform
system could indeed be prescribed for this classification to
auit all the districts of the province ; but the difference in
the principle of division in the several districts is consider-
able. In Lucknow and Unao, soils were classed according
to their natural character, as dumdt, matjdr, and bhiir, In
Rae Bareli they were classed according tp their position in
the village, as goind, manjahar and uparhar. In Sultanpur
there were put into the first clnssf the
richly manured and well-watered goind
lands ; in the second class all manured land not irrigated, and
all other good land; in the third class all the poor soils. The
% statement v., coi. 3i, proportion of first class in the cultiva-
page xxv. of appendices. t i 0Q i s g { ven as 2Q per cent. J This is
another indication of inaccuracy in the manure return.
JO. The district is described broadly§ as consisting
a p™ » „* ««nf 0* three belts — a river belt along the
§ irara. 8 or report. i i *• • *-• •• i P
banks of the Gumti, its northern boun-
dary, a bleak and ravine-cut tract, the dreariness of which
is only sometimes relieved by mango groves ; a central belt of
highly cultivated and well wooded villages, rich in landscapes
08 picturesque and varied as a level country can display; and
on the extreme south a lake belt of rice-lands interspersed
with large arid plaips and swampy jhils.
No statistics are given of the area of these several belts,
but it may be gathered from the statement inserted in page
213 of the report, that the river belt is but a small one, and
that the lake belt covers somewhat more than a half of the
whole area of the district.
11. The district is very thickly peopled. The census
hows 596 spuls tp the square mile ; only three districts in
Qudh have a denser population. Rae Bareli alone exceeds it
SULTAN£UR SETTLEMENT REPORT.
in the proportion of Brahman and Rdjput residents. Of all
the southern districts, Unao alone has so small a proportion of
the market gardener castes. Ten per cent, of the population
is Muhammadan.
12. The taldqdari tenure is not so predominant as in its
* The details of the settlement returns are not to be trusted i nimediate neigh-
perhaps in all the following particulars, except the Actual bours.* But in
number pf taluqdari villages, but the following statemeut is , ' ., c
compiled from them :— the taluqas OI
this district, as
throughout the
whole of the Bis-
w a r a division,
statements IV.
and VII. show
that under-pro-
prietary rights
survive in very
scant proportion.
The Bachgotis,
the Bandhalgotis
the Kanhpurias,
and the Bhalesul-
i
** ftp *. J 4 P
** 1 *_ * « • . .
1— J
J T3
W fi * A O
« * "S *9 *C
-J - c8 3 »"
£ -i«3 8 P.
Diatrict.
i. o
I* m
0«~
$
£
ttultunpur ...
53 1 J*
i
15
Pari abgarh,
ti& i 14
11
Kae Bareii ...
69
6
10
Lucknow .,.
25
14
9
Bara Banki
53
16
9
Fyxibad „,
66
36
Not complete, but not less than
40 per cent.
tdns have chieftaincies, whose history is traced by Mr. Millett
t Pages 136-182 of the with industrious enthusiasm to a very
w° rt - considerable antiquity. f
The district appears thus to be one rich in population
and water supply — half of it in the occupancy of proprietary
communities, half under hereditary taliiqdars.
J 3. The system pursued in the assessment was the not
uncommon one in Oudh of a compromise between rent-rates
and rent-rolls. The Settlement Officer, with the help of his
assistants, formed average rent-rates for the three classes of
AAn A ^ soil, into which the village areas were
Para- 440 et sea. report. i. 7, , , , . ° nM
Para, is, Comimi8ioner , s divided by his surveyors. Ihese areas
TSSl 876 of report. ™™ teste ?> J and the r ^t-rates applied.
T If the resulting assets corresponded with
the admitted rent-roil, the rent-roll was accepted, and the
| Para. 447 of report. assessment made on it.§ If the rent-
Para. 25, Commissioner's roll assets were not equal to the rent-
rcrjew - rate assets, the rent-roll was so far
6 SULTANPDR SETTLEMENT REPORT.
u* Par r u 0, Colonel . ? er " revised that average rates were put upon
kins, Iuhona report (ap- lf , ; 7 , , £t f
peodix to Commissioner's all sir and rent-free land. a He then
reTiew ) dealt with the mean or not, as the nature
of his notes might be, and took that as the basis of assess-
ment." Such was roughly and generally the method of
assessment.
14. In the description of the details of this method the
report is deficient. The reporting officer in this, as in most
of the settlements in Oudh, was not the officer who made
the assessments, a consequence of the litigation connected
with the record of rights, which has so prolonged the most of
them. Any defects in the assessors' notes it is generally dif-
ficult to supply. Mr. Millett has made an industrious and
painstaking compilation from Colonel Perkins' memoranda,
but he had himself no experience in assessment at the time,
and his account of the assessment procedure has buen greatly
augmented and improved by the Commissioner (Colonel Mac-
Andrew) in the course of his review.
15. Colonel Perkins began hia assessment operations
iM , ^ after survey by a general inspection •
* Pars. 437 of report. ,. , iTi j i_* ? j- -j ^.u r
Paras.16,17, i8,ofreTiew. which enabled him to divide the area ot
i.. p ? f ?' J 8 Cplone * ** er " assessment into a series of groups, each
kins' Inhona report (ap- . . . , f © r '
pendix to Commissioner's characterized by its peculiarities of agri-
review^ cultural advantages or disadvantages.
Three main groups have already been mentioned — the river
belt, the central belt and the lake belt; but the villages of
the district were eventually arranged, as the assessment
proceeded from tahsii to tahsil, iu 19 circles.
16. Rates for each circle were then framed upon local
enquires made by Colonel Perkins and his assistant: all the
t Para. 1 7, Colonel Per- information about the compilation of these
kins' inhona report. rates is contained in one paragraph.!
" In each manor (mauza) visited, we carefully enquired mto
nrevailing rents on each class of soil. Where rents appeared
ligh, I invariably made a rule of ascertaining how long they
'. lave been in force. My belief is that the rates adopted are
ttlow the present average, and even below the average of
rates which prevailed before annexation." It would have been
satisfactory to know the breadth of the enquires on which these
rates were based, and in what proportion the rents of the
SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 7
several classes of cultivators entered into the compilations.
Further than that, Mr. Millet says generally that exceptionally
high and exceptionally low rents were
* PaKL 432 of report - eliminated ;* the report is silent on these
points, and, as pointed out by the Commissioner, there are
occasional inconsistencies in the rates adopted which would
t Para, so, Commis- have rendered some explanation desire-
sioner's review. able.f The rates finally fixed for each
circle are given in para. 441 of the report. In the rates for
the better land there is considerable uniformity. The greater
discrepancies are, as was to be expected, in the poorer lands.
17. In calculating the jummas on these rates, consider-
ation was, of course) paid to local peculiarities, and the rental
so assumed was then compared with the jummabandi prepared
t Para. 20, inhona re- by the village patw£ris, corrected for sir,
p° rt ' rent-free and service lands.J
Mr. Millett says that the jummabandis were found "nearly-
useless, the entries in them being highly
§ Para. 447, of report, imaginative,'^ The Commissioner, who
reviews the report, had himself made an
assessment in the adjoining district of Kae Bareli upon jum-
mabandis corrected from village to village on the basis of its
internal details, and without any reference to average rent-
rates in the pargana or circle. He expresses an unhesitating
dissent from Mr. Millett on the subject of the trustworthiness
of jummabandis. He says that in a country where landed pro-
perty is held as in Oudh* when the actual rents can be ascer-
tained, they form the soundest and most reliable basis on
which to assess the land revenue. In much that the Com-
missioner says the Lieutenant-Governor cordially agrees, and
the more so that his meaning is probably deeper than appears
at first sight. In the first place, actual rents may be inor-
dinately low in a particular village. But further and more
particularly, in all areas, where the rent-roll iucludes in any
considerable proportion the rents paid either by small land-
owners on coparcenary sir, or by sub-proprietors on their
privileged holdings, the actual rents are not full rents ; and
any assessment based exclusively upon them, however sound
in the sense of being easily paid, would sacrifice unreasonably
a large portion of the legitimate dues of Government. This
is not Colonel MacAndrew's meaning, for he himself cor*
8 SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT.
rected the privileged rents in each village on the basis of th<$
actual rents of unprivileged tenants. The determination
however, of what would be the full rent in a village is often
on the basis of actual rents, and even on the assumption of
the landlord's trustworthiness, a matter of much difficulty.
The area in it in tenant occupancy may be insufficient, or
barely sufficient* to give any just indication of the real full
rental of the privileged lands. In all such cases it is not only
an assistance, but often a necessity, to travel beyond the jutn-
mabandi for the determination of the assets and of the revenue!.
18. It by no means follows that because two districts
adjoins and even resemble each other in many agricultural
relations, their circumstances will be uniform, and, for exam-
ple, the rent-rolls of both equally complete and free of pri-
vileged rents. The Commissioner has appended to his review
the village details of assessment in a pargana of 169 mauzas.*
# A . , He points out that in two only has the
ppcn lx * assessing officer said that the jummabandi
Was actually untrustworthy. The details, however, show that
to an extent which was probably not approached in Rae Bareli,
the jummabaudis were filled with lands, the actual rents of
which were privileged and not full rents. In the first twenty,
for example, of the villages of this pargana the jummabandi
was "corrected" in eight of them to an amonnt from 15 to 48
J>er cent, in excess of their nominal total. When three vil-
ages out of twenty return a rental 37 per cent, lower than
the sum which a moderate computation indicates as the real
assets, it is not surprising that the local offiesrs felt more than
in Rae Bareli, the need of the assistance of some general rates
deduced from similar lands outside the village.
This is no proof that the entries in these rent-rolls were
in any sense imaginative. But it is quite evident from the
figures of this pargana, that Colonel Perkins on the whole
leaned more on his rent-rates than on his corrections of the
rent-roll. In the 169 villages of the pargana the gross assets
are by rent-rates Rs* 2,31,161, by the corrected rent-rolls
Rs. 2,34,717. The actual revenue assessed is Rs. 1,11,270;
which is Rs. 690 more than that given by the rent-rates, and
Rs. 6,088 less than that given by the corrected rent-rolL
The corrections were large, they were roughly made- There
SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT BEPOBT. 9
can be little doubt that bad Colonel Perkins possessed and
used the laborious but most useful analysis of rent, which
Colonel MacAndrew introduced in Rae Bareli, bis corrections
would have been made with greater confidence, and formed
a closer guide to his assessment. As it is, it seems that Mr.
Millett is in truth so far right, and that Colonel Perkins, as a
general rule, felt most reliance in the indications of his rent-
rates.
19. Comparing the rates on soils with those found from
actual rents to prevail in Rae Bareli,*
am. review. ^^ a j gQ noting that, where ver rent- rates
gave a result in excess of the rent-roll, a deduction of 10 per
t Par*, as of review. cent - ^ ar bad seasons was habitually
made,f Colonel MacAndrew expresses
t Para. 87 of review. h j g opini(m that the asse ssment OUght to
be decidedly low.J The experience of the last four years
justifies the opinion.
20. The revision of the assessment has increased
the land-revenue in this district from Rs. 8,29,598 to
Rs. 10,99,111. The incidence is Rs. 2-2-9 per acre of cultiva-
tion. In the two other districts of the division, the incidence
of the revised revenue is Rs. 2-6-4 and Rs. 2-3-3. But in
Rae Bareli, the former, the increase in the revenue is only
24 per cent. ; while in Sultanpur the rise is 38 per cent, and
some consideration is necessary to the very much larger area
of coparcenary land.
21. Since the assessment was made, the district bound-
aries have been materially altered. It has parted with the
three parganas of Inhona, Mohanganj and Rokha Jais to the
district of Rae Bareli, and with pargana Subeha to the dis-
trict of Bara Banki. On the other hand, it has received from
Fyzabad the four parganas of Surharpur, Aldemau, Sultan-
pur-Baronsa, and Isauli- trans- Gumti. The land-revenue of
§ Current demand for the district, as so re- constituted, is
1876 - 76 - Rs. 11,66,372.§ It has parted with par-
ganas in which the Deputy Commissioners of the districts
they now belong to report no difficulty in the collection of
the revenue- It has received parganas in which the arrears
of revenue are very heavy. For those arrears the settlement
under review is, however, by no means responsible. The
10 SULTANPUfi SETTLEMENT BEPOBT.
heavy flood of September, 1871, seriously affected a large
area of the Sultanpur district, but in no year have the balances
been such as to cause any misgiving as to the pressure of
the demand.
22. The balances in under-proprietary mah&ls to which
Colonel MacAndrew refers in his review are almost entirely
in the part of the present district assessed by the Settlement
Officer of Fyzabad. They have now been nearly all got in,
but as they do not belong to the area under consideration, it is
unnecessary to discuss here their causes, their results, or
their remedy.
23. There is some evidence as to the incidence of the
revenue in the management of several estates during the last
six years under the provisions of the Encumbered Estates'
Act. There are seven estates under Government manage-
ment within the area under report. Of these, however, there
are two, Korwdr and Hassanpur, of which the former has the
bulk of its land in the parganas received from Fyzabad, aod
the latter nearly half. Unless, therefore, the statistics for
the portion in Sultanpur proper given in statement VII. of
the report may be trusted, there are no present means of dis-
criminating the profits of the estate in that portion.
The other five estates lie wholly in the area under report.
The following statement shows their gross rental, and the
proportion actually borne by the land revenue and cesses,
assumed to be 52£ per cent.: —
Land revenue,
Ptrantage
Estate.
Grost rental.
cetses and local
of the
rate.
laiUr.
Es.
Es.
Bhud&rgaon
... 18,764
9,768
535
Partabpur
... 13,413
7,181
53-6
Shahgarh
... 21,086
10,821
514
Jamu
... 33,041
15,724
47-6
Mahona ...
... 49,698
1,36,002
22,099
44-4
65,593
48-2
The two first estates, though taldqas, are held by sharers,
and in both cases it is only a share that is now in charge of
SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT, 11
the Deputy Commissioner, The coparcenary holdings and
the coparcenary quarrels have had their effect on the nominal
amount of the rental.
24. On the result of the award of rights upon the con-
dition of the people having interests in the soil — a point which
Colonel Mac Andrew justly estimates as of highest import-
ance in the description of a settlement— the report has little
to say. Mr. Millett mentions that the stringent provisions
of the Sub-settlement Act were fatal to the vast majority of
sub- settlement claims. In the interests of the ex-proprietors
themselves this is not to be regretted. It is admitted that
these claimants, while refused sub-settlement, have been
treated with great liberality in the concession of sir holdings,*
At> lra - . and there can be no question in the
* Para. 158 of report. ,. , . ~ • ^ -
light of our present experience, that,
however disappointed at the time, they were then settled in
a tenure of much greater permanency and comfort. The
Lieutenant-Governor notices with satis-
t statement vi. faction the large number of cases in
which claimants of every other form of
sub^ tenure were successful in their claims, f
25. Mr. Millett speaks of the people of his district as a
bold and manly race, but unthrifty and poor. He antici-
pates, however, a prosperous future, and mentions as augury
± Paras. 53-57 of report at ^ e rate °^ * nte rest in rural loans
has already fallen a half.J It is to be
hoped that in this assertion he is correct, for there could be
no sounder evidence of the advancement agricultural classes.
26. The cost of the settlement was Rs. 4,54,756, and
has been the lightest in southern Ondh, except Unao.
27. The Lieutenant-Governor now sanctions, subject
to the confirmation of the Government of India, without he-
sitation, the revised assessment of the revenue for 30 years
from the date of its introduction into the several parganas .
28. The care and industry with which Colonel Perkins
and his assistant controlled the operations of the field survey,
and the judiciousness of the assessments made by him, and
afterwards, on the lines laid down by him, by Mr. Harington,
12 SULTAKPUB SETTLEMENT REPORT.
deserve the cordial acknowledgments of the Lieutenant-Go-
vernor, Mr. Millett has submitted on the whole an excellent
report He had little, if any, concern with the assessment,
and His Honour is indebted to the careful and practical ana-
lysis of Colonel MacAndrew for the full description of the
principles of the assessment. But throughout his compilation,
and particularly in his account of the history of the dis-
trict, Mr. Millett has shown most commendable assiduity and
interest.
By order, &c,
G. E. ERSKINE,
Persl. Asst. to Bis Honour the Lieut.- Govr.,
9 and Chief Commr. for Oudh.
ERRATA.
Obvious errors in ordinary words have not been jncluded in
this list.
10
10
13
17
18
20
20
29
.30
31
34
35
»
36
37
59
64
76
»»
88
93
96
6
Note
22
et passim
16
5
Dundpiir,
Jounpur,
Deshah
J&min-i-tawarikh, ...
13
»>
20
37
42
et
49
et
77
80
81
Note
86
»
87
89
134
142
186
197
et 'passim i Siniraut£,
„ Inhauna,
18 Bhalgawan,
19 Narain,
1 Munj,
9 \ ti accented in the Arabic
passim ( article,
list Mohowa,
„ Azadiracha,
4 ready,
\sim Ain.-i-Akbari,
Elliott's Supplementary,
11 Rasomia,
33 Mussalmans,
passim Kshattria,
24 Kaith,
passim bazar,
24 kachhdri,
32 Watt's, ...
7 Kusa, ...
8 Kua&pura,
„ Kusabhawanapura,
20 Karoudia, ...
4 Unchganw,
5 alumni, ...
18 Magni Mogolis,
26 Shia,
13 Salar, ...
27 four hundred, ... ...
33 dlk,
passim jaghfr, ...
„ Mafi, ...
18 Pundarik, Kirat, ...
19 Draviras,
20 Yavanas,
21 Chinas, Sakas, ^.
22 Sak, Pahlav, Parad, ...
„ Chinas, ...
23 Taljangh£,
„ Daradas, Chasae, ...
19 Aswia, ...
'passim Sakas, ...
Daudpur.
Jaunpur.
Deohah.
J ami 'u-t-tawarikh.
Simrota.
Inhona.
Bhatgawan.
Naraini.
Mung.
u unaccented.
Mhowa.
Azadirachta.
reedy.
A'in-i-Akbari.
Elliot's Supplemental.
Rawannia.
Musulmans.
Kshattriya.
Kayath.
bazaar.
cutcherry.
Watts'.
Kusa.
Kusapura.
Kusabhawanapura.
Karondia.
Uchchagaon.
alumni.
Magni Mogolis.
Shi'a.
Salar.
four.
'alk.
jagir.
Mu'afi
Punderik, Kerat.
Draviras.
Yavanas.
Chin, Sakas.
Shuk, Pahluv, Parad.
Chinas.
Taljungh.
Deradas, C'hasas.
Asura,
Sakas.
( ii )
Page.
9/
98
109
133
154
156
159
170
178
178
194
208
214
215
246
Paba.
206
208
208
Note
et
320
it
348
363
364
393
428
Line,
35
5
passim
38
passim
28
2
26
4
9
et passim
523 19
Fob.
Kasu,
descendants,
Veharas, ...
Goinati, ...
C. A. Elliot,
Sudan Rai,
Thakur,
Saadat, ...
Prasu
Bhainsaulian,
Kishen, ...
tank they had were,
Kunkut,
jamdbandi,
jam£,
Serishtadar,
Read.
Ea8iL
of the family.
Viharas.
Gomati.
C. A. Elliott.
Sudah Rai
Thakur.
S'aadat.
Prasii.
Bhainsaulian.
Kishan.
task were.
Kankut.
jam'abandi
jam' a.
Sarishtadar.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
Statistics.
Para.
Section I— Physical Geography.
Boundaries, configuration, area, ... 1
81ope and watershed, ... ... 2
General appearance, ... ... 3
Rivers and streams, ... ... 4
Lakes, ... ... 9
Climate, • ... ... 10
Hatural productions ; vegetable, ... 13
Mineral, ... ... 19
Animal, ... ... 20
Section II. — Administrative arrangements.
Fiscal divisions, ... ... 25
Tahsil, ... ... 26
Parganah, ... ... 27
Mehal, ... ... 31
Village, ... ' ... 32
Police, ... ... 33
Postal arrangements, ... ... 35
Education, ... ... 40
Section Ill—Population.
Settlement census, ... ... 44
Provincial census, ... ... „
Density of population, ... ... 45
Classification according to creed, ... 46
Christians, ... ... 47
Musulmans, ... ... 48
Hindus, ... ... 49
Classification according to occupation, 50
Class distribution, ... ... 51
numerical distribution, ... ... 52
Character of people, ... ... 53
Their condition, ... ... 54
Section IK— Agriculture.
No distinctive local system, ... 59
Harvests, ... ... „
Botation ; fallows, ... ... „
Agricultural implements, ... ... 60
Plough-cattle, 61
Agricultural operations, ... ... 64
Section F.— Traffic.
Communications, ... ... 68
The river Gumtf, ... ... 69
.Roads, ... ... 71
Bazars, ... ... 76
Objects of traffic, ... ... 78
Exports and Imports, ... ... 79
Manufactures, ... ... 80
Paba.
Section VI. — Towns, Shrines, Fairs, Places
of Interest*
Towns or qasbahs, ... ... 81
Sultanpur ; the Civil Station ;
Gora-barik, ... ... „
Jais &c, ... ... 85
Nasirabad, ... ... 88
Inhona, ... ... 89
Subeha, ... ... 90
Sathin, ... ... 91
Kishni, ... ... 92
Jagdispur, ... ... 93
Hasanpur; ... ... 94
Shrines and fairs, ... ... 95
Sita-kund, ... ... 96
Dhopap, ... ... 97
Paparghat, ... ... 99
Sagra, ... ... 100
Debi Lohramau, ... ... 101
SetBarah, ... ... 102
Other fairs, ... ... 105
Places of Interest, ... ... 106
Ganaur, ... ... 107
Bikhar, ... ... 108
Arjunpur, ... ... 109
Arju, 110
Eathot, ... ... Ill
Section TIL— Tenures.
Classification ; (a) origin ; (b) incidents,
Tenures according to origin,
Modes of acquisition,
Conquest,
Occupation,
Accession, ... ...
Transfer,
Tenures according to incidents,
Proprietary and Sub-proprie-
tary,
Proprietary and Quasi-pro-
prietary,
Classification followed,
Proprietary right ; existence of private
right in land,
Equivalent to dominium of
Roman law,
Internal economy of estates,
Cultivated lands, ...
Uncultivated lands,
Manorial dues,
Proprietor's relation towards
the state,
And towards his tenants, ...
Proprietary tenures ; sub-classified, ...
Superior proprietary tenures,
a aiuxa, ... ...
112
113
114
115
116
117
118
127
128
129
Grant,
Zemindari,
Pattidari,
130
»>
131
132
133
136
137
n
138
149
150
152
11
CONTENTS.
Para.
Bhyacharah,
152
Partition,
153
Inferior proprietary tenures,
154.
Sub- settlements, ...
155
8fr,
156
Quasi-proprietary tenures, ...
161
Jaghir,
162
Milk,
163
Aima,
164
M'afi,
165
Sankalp,
166
l'arorl)ari,
174
Birt,
175
Marwat, . ...
176
Maintenance,
177
Occupancy,
181
Purwa foundation,
182
Groves,
183
CHAPTER II.
HI8TOBY.
Section I — General History.
1. Abobigines.
Aborigines, General theory,
184
Another theory, ...
186
Aborigines Scythio,
1S9
But not identifiable wit)) any
distinct tribe now existing
in this district, ...
190
Character of Aborigines, ...
191
2. The Bbahmanic Period.
The Hindus ; their relation to the
Aborigines, ... ... 192
Their colonization of eastern
Oudh, ... ... 196
The Sultanpur district part of the old
Hindu kingdom of Ayodhya, ... 199
And for a time on a political
and religious frontier, ... 200
Effect on character of people, „
Foundation of Kusapura (Sultanpur)
according to tradition, ... ... 202
3. The Buddhist Pbbiod.
Sultanpur in the kingdom of the
Buddhist kings of Kapila, ... 204
The town of Kusapura (Kasapura)
founded by the Kas ? ... ... 206
Vikramaditya succeeds the Buddhist
Kings, ... ... ... 209
Finds Oudh a desert, ... 210
Identical with Kadphises of
ancient coins, .., ... 213
Paba.
215
218
220
221
223
224
227
Inaugurates the Kshattriya
colonization of eastern
Oudh,
Driven out of Oudh by Kanak
Sen, ...
Sultanpur part of the kingdom of both
Vikramaditya and Kanak Sen,
And afterwards of the Guptas
of Magadha, ...
A second time on a religious
and political frontier,
An independent state,
In the kingdom of Kanauj,
4. Tui Mahomedaw Pesiod.
Mahomedan conquests give an impe-
tus to Kshattrija colonization of
eastern Oudh, ... ... ... 228
First Mahomedan invasion under
SyadSalar, ... ... ... 229
Earliest Mahomedan settlements in
this district, ... ... ... 235
Sultanpur conquered by the Mahorue-
dans, ... ... ... 236
And as part of Oudh under
Mahomedhii Governors, 238
Sultanpur only partly in Oudh, ... 241
The whole of it (except one
parganah) under Ald-ud-
din Khilji, ... ... 243
Who, however, has no place
in local tradition, .. „
Sultanpur in the ttharki kingdom of
Jaunpur, ... ... ... 245
In the Moghal empire, ... 247
Under the Sur kings, ... 248
Again in the Moghal empire, 251
Under the Nawab Wazirs, ... 253
A third time on a political
and religious frontier, ... 257
5. The British Bulb.
Annexation, ... ... 260
Mutiny,... ... ... 262
Section II. — Clan Histories.
Introduction, ... ... ... 268
TheBhars, 269
TheTiars, 276
The Raghbansfs ... ... ... 278
The Bachgotis, ... ... ... 281
Hindus of Kurwdr, ... 29 L
Khanzadas of Hasanpur, ... 292
Khanzadas of Maniarpur, ... 302
Rajkumars, ... ... 311
Bajwars, ... ... 314
Bachgotis of Asal, ... 316
The Bandhalgotis, 318
Ametluor Udiawan, ... 322
Early collateral branches, ... 330
Later collateral branches, ... 331
Tikri, 332
CONTENTS.
HI
Paba.
Paba.
Shahgarh,
835
Manure,
410
Kannu- Kasrawan,
339
Produce,
411
Gangoli,...
343
Spring crops,
412
Bihtah, ...
344
Rain crops,
413
General remarks,...
349
Special crops,
414
The Kanpurias, ...
358
M iscellaneo us,
420
The Bais,
359
Yield and seed,
422
Simrota,
360
Diminished productiveness of
Udiawan,
361
soil,
424
Gandeo (Garen), ...
362
Rents. How determined, ...
427
The Bharsaiyans, ...
363
Ren ts in kind,
428
The Mandarkyas,...
364
Money rents,
429
The Bhale-Sultans,
367
Data collected and tabulated,
434
Assessment. Method of —
435
Fundamental principle,
CHAPTER III.
Formation of circles,
437
And classes,
Classification of soils for as-
438
Settlement.
sessment,
439
Arrangement of subject,
371
Rent rates,
440
Gross rental,
447
• Section I. — Adjustment of Boundaries,
Government demand,
449
Assessment of Waste &c, ...
450
V illage boundaries,
372
Assessment. General result,
454
Parganah boundaries,
373
Demand light though enhan-
ced, ...
458
Section II. — Survey.
Jamas, as a rule, readily ac-
cepted,
459
Survey twofold,
374
Remissions,
»»
Khasrah Survey ; Instruments used,...
»
Assessments. Past and present,
461
Unit of measurement,
>j
Akbar's settlement,
462
Preparation of shajrah. and
Moghal and British assess*
khasrah,
375
ments compared,
463
Verification of shajrah,
»
Nawabi assessment,
468
And of khasrah, ...
376
British assessments,
469
Cost of khasrah S urvey,
377
Assessment. Date of declaration,
470
Scientific survey.
378
Period,
>»
Comparison of the two surveys,
379
General. Settlement T'alukdari,
471
Range of qabuliats,
>»
Section III. — Assessment,
Section IV. — Record of Rights.
Results of survey data for Assessment,
381
Comparison of local with provincial data,
382
Part I,— Judicial.
Comparison of parganah with district
data,
383
Opening of Settlement Courts,
472
Soils, Chemical classification,
384
Suitors at first slow to appear,
473
Relative fertility,
385
Subsequent increase of litigation,
474
Sub-classification, ...
389
Checks imposed on it,
475
Classification of lands,
391
Total amount of litigation,
476
Groves and Waste,
393
Judicial staff,
477
Irrigation, Sources,
395
Procedure,
478
Water-supply,
»»
Character of litigation,
479
Wells,
396
Classes of cases. Village proprietorship,
480
Tanks,
400
Sub-settlements, ...
481
Mode of irrigation,
401
Sir,
486
Area irrigated in a day,
405
Hereditary leases,
489
Preference of well irrigation,
406
Right of occupancy,
493
Number of waters required,
407
Extent of *' under-proprie-
Construction of wells how far
tary " rights decreed,
494
due to expenditure of capi-
Shares
tal by landholders ?
408
Birt and Sankalp,...
407
IV
CONTENTS.
Faba.
Fast II.— Fobmatiok oi tei Becobd.
Arrangement of Records,
Judicial volume,
Settlement volume, ***
Boundary Records,
Surrey Records, ...
498
499
600
503
504
fairing Records,
Section V.— Miscellaneous.
Officers,
Cost of Settlement,
Conclusion,
Faba.
. 615
518
524
525
ADDENDUM TO CONTENTS.
List of Statements and Appendices.
Statement
I
Comparison of Revenue and Field Survey,
...
Paob.
ii.
M
II
Cost of Settlement, ...
»
iv.
*•
III
Census Return, ...
...
»»
viii.
It
IV
Tenures, ... ... ... ...
...
a
xviii.
n
V
Assessment, ...
...
it
zzli.
VI
VII
VIII
VIII A.
IX
AlTENDEK
X
A
B
C
Judicial work, ... ... —
Ownership and Rental of T'alukas,
Rural Police,
Cultivated Area and Rental, ...
Distribution of land according to clans,
Form for tabulation of Assessment data,
Assessment details, parganah Jagdispur,
Result of Assessment Appeals,
Land revenue balances, 1868-1878,
XXX.
xxxii.
xxxiv.
xxxviii.
xlii.
xlvi.
ii.
x.
xiv.
From
To
Sib,
A. F. MILLETT, c. a.,
Settlement Officer, Sultanpur.
The COMMISSIONER
Rii Barel£ Division.
I have the honor to submit herewith a report on the
settlement of the land revenue of the-Sult&npur district.
2. It is divided into three parts. The first describes
the present condition of the district ; the second sketches its
past history ; the third gives a detailed account of the various
operations connected with the work of settlement.
3. I have also the honor to submit, in accordance with
instructions with which it is accompanied, the Inhaund tahsil
report by Lieutenant Colonel J. Perkins, showing the appli-
cation of the method of assessment adopted to the first tahsil
which came under settlement.
I have the honor to be,
Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
A. F. MILLETT,
Settlement Officer.
CHAPTER I.
SECTION I.— Physical Geography.
- The Sult&npur district, in the sense in which that term is
definitive of a settlement jurisdiction,*
«nd^L d,l^ieB, ^s 1 "** 011 is bounded on the north-east by the
river Gtimti, on the south by the dis-
trict of Prat&bgarh, and on the west by that of R&i BarelL
In general outline it bears an approximate resemblance to a
right-angled triangle, its easternmost point (latitude 26°2 / , lon-
gitude 82°21') being the apex, its south-western corner (latitude
26° 10', longitude 81°24 / ) the right angle and the line of the
Giimti (latitude 26°2', longitude a2°21' to latitude 26°40 / , lon-
gitude 81°24') the hypothenuse. Its area is 1,570 square
miles.t
2. With the exception of a gradual and scarcely percep-
. x , , tible alope from north-west to south-
Slope and watershed. i«*/» • ni i i •
east, its surface is generally level, being
broken only by nallahs and ravines by which its drainage is ef-
fected. Its watershed is identical with that of the Gtimti
and Sye rivers : starting from a point nine miles west of
Haidargarh in the Bara Banki district, it passes a little to the
south of Jais and Sult&npur, its altitude above mean sea level
being there 351 and 352 feet respectively and thence onward,
to Ddndpur some miles east of Prat&bgarh.
3. The various parts of the district present by no means
an uniform aspect; the scenery of
General appearance. . . * ^ 7 , . - . «£ .
many spots on the Gumti is exceeding-
ly pretty, but its immediate neighbourhood is for the most
part a bleak and ravine-cut tract, the dreariness of which is
* The use of this qualifying expression is rendered necessary by the difference that
at present exist between the local jurisdictions of the Deputy Commissioner and Settle-
ment Officer. When settlement operations first commenced, they were identical, and
they continued to be so until the year 1869, when a general re-constitution of districts
took place. The jurisdiction of tne Deputy Commissioner was then; altered to bring it
into conformity with the new territorial arrangements, while that of the Settlement
Officer was left unchanged. Whenever the term " district" is employed in this report,,
it bears the latter signification.
t This includes two outlying villages of parganah Chanda, viz. r Laohipatti and Har~
harpur, together covering 379 acres.
A
2 sultInpub settlement report.
sometimes relieved only by mango groves and single trees,
and sometimes even these are wanting : the road from Lack-
now to Jounpur again traverses, nearly throughout its entire
length in this district, highly cultivated and well wooded vil-
lages, rich in landscapes as picturesque and varied as a level
country can display ; while, in strong contrast with this fertile
range, there lies on the extreme south a broad belt of rice lands
which, interspersed with large arid plains and swampy jhils and
marshes, possesses the dismal and uninteresting character
peculiar to such vicinities.
4. Not a single river, unless rain streams be dignified
_ ^ with the name, intersects the interior
Rivers and stream*. /» , , j • * • i n • 1 • * j t
of the district. It is skirted, however,
for a considerable distance by the Gtimti
5. The Gtimti takes its rise from the Fuljar T£l in an al-
luvial tract between the rivers Deshah or Gurrah and Gh£gra
in the district of Shahjehdnpur ; it has a mean south-easterly
direction, but its course is often extremely sinuous, a feature
from which its name is sometimes with questionable accuracy
supposed to have arisen.* It first touches this district on the
west, and then flows along its entire north-eastern border, at
the opposite extremity of which it enters the district of Joun-
pur. Within these limits, its bed is generally regular and
consists of a superficial stratum of clay overlying an inferior
one of sand. The former is usually about five or six feet in
depth ; the latter is more uneven ; in some places it is of im-
mense thickness, in others it has been penetrated and found to
rest on a second kankar-dotted formation of clay of yet unas-
certained dimensions. In some places, however, the regula-
rity of the bed is broken by large and curious kankar reefs,
the most remarkable of which is in the vicinity of the civil
station where it nearly bars the passage of the river.t
• If this derivation were accurate, the name should be Ghumti. The absence of the
h might perhaps be explained by the extremely evanescent nature of that letter, but the
correct Sanskrit name is well known, and is not Ghumti but Gomati. The Gumtf is
mentioned in the Vishnu Purana, under its Sanskrit name (Asiatic Society Journal I. IV.
1865). It is also referred to in the following passage of the Jamm-i-tawarfkh (a. D. 1310).
" Afterwards the waters of the Gang&, the Kahab, the Kuhi and the Sarju unite near the
41 city of Barf," for General Cunningham says that the Kuhi is undoubtedly the Gumtf,
the union of the Sarju with the Gumtf being a fable (Elliott's History of India I. 49, 60).
Later Mahomedan writers, e. g., Babar and Ab-ul-Fazl, call it Kodf or Godf. In the
Tarfkh-i-Feroz Shahf it is called the Eowah (Ell. III. 307).
t There is a second reef higher up the river. The kankar there stands prominently
in a block above water but is not continuous.
sultXnptjr settlement report. 3
6. The water of the Glimti is sweet and wholesome but
not always clear, often being, after rain has fallen, of a muddy
yellow color, probably attributable to the nature of its bed.
Its banks differ greatly from each other; the right bank is gene-
rally lofty and abrupt, pierced here and there by ravines hol-
lowed out by the scour of rain-floods ; though in some places,
strips of low-lying land intervene between the ordinary stream
of the river and the high-level ; the left bank is low, and the
land behind it, on the Faizabad side, ascends by a very gentle
and gradual incline. Its affluents, individually insignificant,
are numerically important, and fed by them, its stream is
liable to great and sudden changes. The degree to which it
may be affected by this cause in the rainy season will be seen
from the following particulars. From November to June its
ordinary breadth is under 200, and its depth about 12 or 13
feet, its velocity being then about two miles an hour, and its
volume about 5000 cubic feet ; in the heavy floods of last Sep-
tember, it attained a depth of 48 feet, its velocity increasing
to close upon four miles an hour, and its volume, where it
flowed through the embankments of the new pile bridge at
Sultdnpur to more than 100,000 cubic feet; all this time
moreover an escape was open to it in the inundation of the low
lands on its left bank for a distance of a mile or more.
7. Of rain streams, the most important are the Kdndu,
thePill, the Tenghd and Naudhla. The Kdndti takes its rise in a
morass in the village of R&pur, parganah Simrautd, and, in
the upper or western portion of its course, skirts the Inhaund
parganah, being there a shallow stream known by the name
of Naya. Further on, near Jagdispur, it becomes a small river
with rugged banks, and is then called the K&ndti. Under
this name it proceeds onward to the Gtimti, into which it ul-
timately empties itself, forming during the last portion of its
course, the boundary between the Isaulf and Jagdispur par-
ganahs. The Pili Nadi becomes in the rains a considerable
stream, but at other times consists of a string of disconnected
jhils and swamps. Their ramifications cover a great portion
of the south of Ch&nda, but where they commence it is impos-
sible to say ; not apparently anywhere in this district. They
appear rather to belong to a vast system, and to be continu-
ous with other similar ones in R&i Bareli, the connection being
maintained by those in the Alnethf and Mohanganj parganahs.
4 sultInpue settlement report.
8. The Tenghd is so called from a village of the same
name in parganah Amethi, where it is spanned by an old
masonry bridge erected about half a century ago by Mir Ghii-
Um Husein, the Ndzim of the period. In the first portion of
its course it consists of two branches, the village of Shuklpur
being the point of bifurcation. After flowing south-east for a
distance of five miles from that village, it crosses the border
of the Prat Abgarh district, and falls eventually into the Cham-
raurf, a tributary of the Sye. The Naudhfa Nadi first appears
in the village of that name in parganah AsaJ; for some way it
holds a course parallel to one of the branches of the Tenghd,
but ultimately unites with the main body of that stream, at
the point where it discharges itself into the Chamrauri. Both
the Tenghd and the Naudhfa are streams of some consequence,
as their channels are deep though narrow, and form the outlet
for the superfluous waters of extensive series of jhlls.
9. One of these series, known as Jhfl Lodhai, commences
in mauzah BhaJgawan and stretches
through Godwan toNardin is a distance
of thirteen miles where the lacustrine formation ceases, and
is succeeded by one of the branches of the Tenghd. A second
series is composed principally of the "Rdjah's Bandh," a dam
of great magnitude in the village of Katra Rdni, thrown up,
between twenty and thirty years ago, by Rdjah Bishesar
Singh of Amethi. The name, though, strictly speaking, it
refers to the dam itself, is commonly given to a vast sheet of
water several miles in length, the collection of which is in
great measure due to it. Below the bandh the line of jhils is
resumed, and goes on until it gives place to the second branch
of the Tenghd. This branch is naturally of less importance
than it formerly was owing to the interception of so much
water by the Rdjah's Bandh; but it proved extremely useful,
when that embankment burst two years ago, in carrying off
the tremendous quantity of water which was then set free, and
which for a time caused a partial inundation of some of the
adjacent villages. The jhils connected with the Naudhia
Nadi may be traced back from the head of that stream to the
village of Bisdra in the Isauli parganah. From the latter, as
far as Dhamaur, it is called Jhfl Naya, the remaining portion
of it being known as Bandh Bujhwd. Two other jhils only
require separate notice. One, Masiawan Tdl, may almost be
pronounced an offshoot of Jhil Lodhai, the two having a point
sttltAotur settlement report. . 5
of convergence in the village of Go&wan. Munj Tdl is a shal-
low lake occupying the greater portion of a village in parganah
SimrautA, about 1,500 acres in extent, to which it gives its name.
Its margin only is usually cultivated ; but when its contents
are not exhausted by irrigation (for which purpose it is exten-
sively used by the villages in its proximity) it bears a crop of
summer rice. The piscary is valuable. It is famous also for
its wild fowl ; and this was the consideration, perhaps, which
induced Nasir-ud-din Haidar to build a house upon its banks;
but scandal, with its busy tongue asserts that some fair Rosa-
mond was the game of which he came in quest. The village
long since ceased to be a royal residence, and nothing but the
ruins of Nasir-iid-din's house now exist to show that it for-
merly enjoyed that honor.
10. The climate, judged by a tropical or sub-tropical
^. x standard is mild, temperate and heal-
CLmate - thy. From October to June westerly
winds prevail, and during the first four of those months, are
dry, cold, and bracing, more particularly after rain, of which
there is almost invariably a slight fall about Christmas. To-
wards the end of February they begin to increase in force,
their temperature becoming higher, and by the end of March,
if not earlier, the " hot winds" usually set in. These, however,
are much less trying than they are in many places further to
the west. They do not begin for some hours after day-break,
and seldom last long after dark, while they occasionally cease
for several days together. In these intervals, which become
more and more frequent as the hot weather progresses, a moist
east- wind takes theirplace. About the middle of June, the rainy
season commences, and, with occasional breaks of greater or less
duration, continues till the end pf September or beginning of
October, sometimes, but not often, lasting till the middle of
the latter month. The wind during this period scarcely ever
leaves the east. The annual rain-fall as shown by the average
of the last three years is 54708 inches, of which 48*16 inches
fell between the 1st June and the 30th September and 6*548
inches during the remainder of the year.
11. The end of the rainy season is the most unhealthy
portion of the year; the forms of sick-
ise»se». negg then prevalent' are diarrhoea,
dysentery, cholera, rheumatism, and fever. Small-pox is not
6 sultInpub settlement report.
uncommon, it more usually appears in the cold weather. The
same may, however, probably be said of every other part of
India, and if the district does not enjoy any special immunity
from epidemics, it is at least not more than usually subject to
them. From endemic diseases it is altogether free.
12. The thermometer has a wide range ; in the nights of
the cojid weather it falls below freezing
qmpera re. point, in the days of May and early
part of June it rises, in the shade, to 1067. I subjoin a state-
ment showing the temperature at different periods of the year;
though of course, taken by itself, the thermometer is, as an in-
dex of the various degrees in which atmospheric changes make
themselves felt by the human constitution, imperfect in pro-
portion to the number of atmospheric influences which tell
upon the latter while they produce no effect upon theibrmer.
Standard thermometer in shade.
Month.
Mean.
Highest.
Lowest.
January,
70-0
78-8
59-2
February,
78-0
88-2
65-8
March,
791
96-2
75-2
April, ...
961
105-2
82-9
May,
101-9
109-5
87-2
June, •»•
961
106-7
81-5
July,
87-5
95-8
80-5
August,
88-7
96-3
78-2
September,
86-4
94-2
76-8
October,
85-9
91-8
77-5
November,
78-6
84*8
72-8
December, ...
71-4
79-5
63-2
sultAnpur settlement report.
Natural productions, — 1 . Vegetable.
The folia
tardea! names of
ed:—
Mango,
Jamun,
Mohowa*,
Aonla,
Gular
Kathal,
Bel,
Kaitha,
Nim,
Banyan,
Pakhar,
list will show the bo-
trees here mention-
Mangifera Indica.
Syzygium Jambolana.
Bassia Latifolia.
Emblica Officinalis.
Ficus Racemosa.
Artocarpus Integrifolius.
JSgle Marmelos.
Feronia Elephantum.
Azadiracha Indica.
Pipal,
13. The natural productions of the district belong chief-
ly to the vegetable world. Of
woods and forests, though none
now remain, tradition tells of
the existence within the last
sixty years. One large tract
of dense jungle, it is said, ex-
tended in an unbroken stretch
from the residence of the Rdjah
of Amethi quite up to the pro-
vincial road to Lucknow ; and
the Bhadaiyan jungle, also,
which even after the mutiny
covered more than a thousand
acres, is said to have been the
remains of an extensive wood,
patches of which are still to be
found in villages far removed
from Bhadaiyan. The only tree
covered tracts of spontaneous growth at the present day are
dh&k jungles. These, however, cannot be called forests of
which they lack the statelinessand density : Seen in the twilight
at the season of the year their leaves are gathered for fuel,
their crooked trunks and branches present the appearance of
a number of gaunt, weird figures in all sorts of grotesque
and fantastic attitudes.
1 4. The absence of forests scarcely furnishes matter for
regret. If they have come under the axe, it is because it is
more profitable to cultivate the land they occupied ; and a
satisfactory substitute for them, devoid of their unhealthiness,
ia to be found in the large and noble groves with which the
district is plentifully studded. Two or three well known sin-
gle groves are over fifteen acres in extent ; and, elsewhere,
separately planted ones combine to fill an area of more than
half that size.
Ficus Bengalensis.
Ficus Venosa.
Ficus Keligiosa.
Cotton tree, Bombax Malabaricum.
Dhak, Butea Frondosa.
Babul, Acacia Arabica.
Sissu, Dalbergia Sissoo.
Tun, Cedrela Tuna.
Asok, Jonesia Asoca.
Teak, Tectona Grandis.
BilatiNim, Millingtonia.
15. The trees most in favor for groves are the mango,
the j&mtin, and the mohowd, interspersed now ahd then, es-
pecially near village sites, with an aonld, gtilar or kathal ; the
mohowd is also often found alone or in clumps of two or three
in open spots, as are the bel, the kaitha and the nim. Grand
old solitary trees of immense magnitude, the banyan, the
8 sultXnpur settlement report.
pdkhar and the pfpal, planted, perhaps in the days of Bhar
supremacy, here and there form a prominent feature in a
village landscape ; and the cotton tree and the dMk are at one
season of the year rendered conspicuous for a long distance
round by the brilliancy of their profuse and gaudy blossoms.
The tamarind and the palm, which affect damp and feverish
localities, are comparatively rare in the district ; such as there
are lie principally near old Mahomedan qasbahs. The b&btil
is common everywhere. The sissti and the tdn, though they
seem to thrive with very moderate care, are only found in
the civil station and in road-side avenues planted from nur-
series at that place. The asok, the teak and the millingtonia,
are of recent introduction, and must, with regard to this dis-
trict, be at present considered garden trees. A teak raised
from seed sown a few years ago is now eighteen feet in height,
and has a fine straight stem with a girth at its thickest part
of eighteen inches. It is already valuable for its handsome
foliage, but, as it takes from sixty to eighty years to come to
maturity, it will be time enough two or three generations
hence to base an opinion on it as to whether trees of its class,
could be profitably grown in this climate for their timber.
16. Agricultural produce is so intimately connected
with the technical portion of this report that it would in-
volve needless repetition to dwell upon it here ; the subject
will be adverted to hereafter.
1 7. Of horticultural produce a great variety is to be found
in the public gardens at Sultinpur and also in many private
ones. Most sorts of European vegetables will thrive m the
cold season, though fresh seed requires to be imported annu-
ally for them ; the cabbage, cauliflower, beetroot, carrot, and
tomato reach great perfection ; the artichoke, asparagus, and
celery, the pea, and various sorts of beans, though inferior to
to the former, are still of a very fair quality : brocoli and
brussels sprouts have been found to succeed but are not com-
monly grown ; lettuces and cress last during the greater por-
tion of the year. The vine and the strawberry have been
cultivated with considerable success ; the pine apple grows, but
has never yet borne fruit; whether it is capable of being made
to do so, is, I think, an open question. There are lichi, apple
and pear trees in the Sultiinpur gardens, but their fruit is of
little value. The orange, lemon, guava and custard-apple, the
sultAnpur settlement report. 9
peach, pomegranate, the plantain and the kamrak, are more
common. They are to be met with in private gardens
all over the district, into which, indeed, many kinds not only
of fruit but of vegetables also have already found their way.
It is probable that with these examples of the possibility of
successful cultivation before their eyes the more skilful agri-
cultural castes will soon venture to make the experiment of
field cultivation with many of the more hardy vegetables.
The potato is already ceasing to be uncommon ; I have seen
unenclosed fields of it in Mohanganj, Chdnda, and Isaulf.
Some classes, however, are said to have a prejudice against
it, which need not create much astonishment, as the same is
said to be the case in England.
18. Of ornamental trees and plants a very long cata-
logue might be given ; but it is enough to say that they range
through every diversity of size, shape and hue, from the
flamboyant to the lily. In the cold season they are supple-
mented by numerous English annuals, which are exceedingly
pretty for a few months, but look weedy and unsightly as
seeding time approaches.
19. Kankar, a carbonate of lime, containing silica and
oxide of iron, is the only mineral pro-
duction of the district, in nearly every
part of which it is found in great abundance. It lies at a dis-
tance of from a few inches to 3 or- 4 feet from the surface, in a
stratum of about the same thickness. It is of four sorts;
bichdd, black in appearance and a first-rate road metal ; mat-
tid, a lighter softer kind, with which a quantity of clay or
earth is always intermixed ; patthrid, a sandy, stony metal ;
and chatdn, a hard yellow metal good for roads, which neither
mattid nor patthrid, is. The kankar reefs of the Gumtf have
been already mentioned ; some of these contain a fossil for-
mation of a yellow color, from which excellent lime is to be
obtained. A bed, about five acres in extent and about four
feet from the surface, of mult&ni matti or Armenian bole, an
earth used for dyeing purposes, which has been recently found
in parganah Chdnda, may perhaps be worthy of notice.
20. Very few wild animals infest the district, and even
3 .. . those, with the exception of wolves,
are rather mischievous than danger-
ous. Wolves haunt the neighbourhood of ravines ; nflg&es
B
10 sultAnfur settlement report.
are found in a few of the denser jungle tracts ; wild pigs are
comparatively scarce : sugarcane fields, furnishing at once
both food and shelter are their favorite resort — " the wild-
hog's ready home ;" jackals are ubiquitous ; monkeys are not
numerous, but where they do take up their abode, commit
sad depredations on the crops. It is worthy of remark that
deer and antelopes, so common in other portions of the pro-
vince, have no place whatever in the zoology of this district ;
for the absence of the black antelope marked forbidden
ground to the Hindus of Manu's age, when it is certain Sul-
t&npur was in their occupation. This may indicate the for-
mer presence of the animal ; but, if so, it does something
more also ; it exemplifies the desuetude Manu's precepts have
fallen into ; for when the black antelope became extinct, the
Hindiis should have forsaken the unhallowed tract : they have
not hitherto deemed it incumbent on them to do so.*
2 1 . Game of various sorts, the hare, wild-goose, partridge,
quail and wild-duck being the most common, is plentiful in
the cold weather ; fish is found in large quantities both in the
river and in large tanks and jhils. The mullet and the rohii
are held in most esteem ; the former which is particularly
fine, is confined to the Giimti, the latter is more general.
22. Of useful animals there are few indigenous breeds,
and what there are, are miserably poor. The horse is altoge-
ther wanting; the nearest • approach to it is the ordinary
wretched pony of the country ; the standard of excellence of
horned cattle, the buffalo excepted, is similarly low ; the supply
of the better sort of these animals is kept up by importation.
Horses may often be purchased of itinerant dealers who pay
occasional visits to most towns of any consequence ; but the
husbandman who wishes to renew his team of oxen generally
prefers to undertake a journey to one of the great cattle dep6ts
and there make his own selection. N&np&ra, Dorahr&, and
Khairigarh are the places he most commonly resorts to.
23. "There are three descriptions of produce "says a
" French writert which man may demand from cattle, besides
" the manure, the hide and the offal, namely their labor, their
* Manu n. 17, 24.
t Rural Economy of England, 31.
SULTiNPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 11
" milk and their flesh. Of these three, the least profitable is
"the first, the French agriculturist requires labor
" from his cattle in preference to everything else, the British
" agriculturist looks chiefly to the milk and the meat." The
Indian agriculturist, different from both, contents himself
with the labor of the ox, and the milk of the cow ; it is only
where non-Hindti communities reside that the flesh of those
animals becomes a source of profit. Their hides, indeed, in
the first place supply all local wants, and any surplus there
may be is carried to some neighbouring bazar, to be thence
forwarded directly or indirectly to Calcutta or Bombay, and
form an infinitesimal quota of the immense number annually
exported from those places. The labor demanded from the
ox is to carry the pack-saddle, and draw the cart and plough.
24. Of sheep and goats large flocks are often kept with
the principal object of obtaining the valuable manure they
afford. When used for this purpose they are folded on the
land the manure is required for ; and the owner receives his
remuneration in kind, a goat or sheep being thought a fair
return for the loan of the flock for a night. The goat is fur-
ther useful for its milk, and the sheep for its wool which is
manufactured into coarse blankets for the wear of the village
population. Both of these animals are slaughtered to a
limited extent for food. The indulgence is sometimes, indeed,
restricted to festive occasions, and even then is invested with
a sacrificial character ; but if it is not more common, it arises
as much from the comparative expensiveness of the diet as
from the vegetarian propensities of the Hindiis.
SECTION II. — Administrative arrangements.
25. For fiscal and general administrative purposes, the
Yiac9l * district is divided into parganahs and
tahsils. Their relative position is
most briefly and satisfactorily explained by reference to the
map, and the table given in para. 30.
26. The tahsfl, as a local division with fixed boundaries,
T , fl is a modern innovation ; and, as com-
pared with the parganah, an artificial
one. It is simply an arbitrary aggregation of a few parganahs,
the number of which may be varied at pleasure, without
12 sultInpur settlement report.
causing much inconvenience or confusion. It has no counter-
part whatever, that I am aware of in Akbar's arrangements,
the dastur,* the nearest to it, being rather a district. An
approximation to it came into existence in the constitution
of the chakl&t by SAad-ul-lah Kh&n, Minister of Shah Jeh&n,
and its formal re-introduction in the time of S&adat All Kh&n.
There were then also Tahsild&ts eo nomine, but their jurisdic-
tions were scarcely analogous to the present tahsils.
27. The parganah, on the other .hand, may lay claim to
^. considerable antiquity; it is usually
arganaa. believed to have succeeded a still older
division, the tappah, which must itself have been in common
use for some length of time, as the recollection of it still sur-
vives in various familiar names4 though, in all other respects
it has loi^g been obsolete. The parganah, on its first intro-
duction, became to the tappah what the tahsfl is now to the
parganah, the former usually consisting of two or more of the
latter ; and, in old documents, the two divisions may be found
mentioned together, though their co-existence was probably
never recognized officially.
28. The exact date of the creation of the parganah is
uncertain, Sir H. Elliott says that the name means " tax-pay-
ing land ," and mentions instances of its use in a. d. 1210, and
again in a. d. 1350 §. Mr. C. A. Elliott, in the chronicles of
Undo, shows that it is possible the parganah was constituted
by Shah&b-tid-din Ghori, and the use of the word in the early
years of the thirteenth century favours the supposition. It
occurs in Babar's Memoirs; but, on the other hand, is not ex-
clusively employed in the Aln-i- Akbdri, where the term mehal
is often used as its equivalent. ||
29. The co-extensiveness of a parganah with the posses-
sions of a clan or individual family has often formed the sub-
ject of remark, and in its convertibility with mehal here illus-
trated lies a very possible explanation of the circumstance ; for
it suggests that the parganah was not only tax-paying land,
* The dastdrs, however, were very unequal in size : e. g. the Sarkar of Oudh contain-
ed three dasturs, of which one contained nineteen mehals, and the other two one each.
(Professor Blockmann's Ain-i-Akbari. Text 352).
f Elliott's Supplementary Glossary Chakla.
t For example, Tappah A sal, a name often given to the parganah..
§ Elliott's Supplementary Glossary Sarkar.
|| Ibid.
sultInpur settlement report. 13
but that, like the mehal, it was a separately assessed and se-
parately possessed parcel of such land; in other words, that it
was founded on the distribution of property at the time of its
creation.* Dr. "W. Oldham seems to take a somewhat simi-
lar view when he says that "in the early days of Mahomedan
" Empire parganahs appear to have been clearings or cultivated
" spaces in the forest, occupied generally by a single, but some-
" times by more than one fraternity or clan ;"t and Mr. C. A.
Elliott thinks there is no doubt that if they are attributable
to Shah&b-tid-din Ghori, they are based on still more ancient
divisions which he found already in existence.^ Further con-
firmation of the theory I follow lies in the fact, of which
numerous examples might be found, that parganah limits have
often been expanded or contracted to suit the growth or decay
of private estates. §
30. The following table shows of what parganahs and
tahsils, the Sultdnpur (settlement) district is now composed,
together with the tappahs, mehals and chakl&s out of which
they have been developed.
31. The term mehal has long been extinct, as expres-
sive of territorial division ; and I ques-
tion whether, in that sense, it ever
took any great hold upon popular favor. It is still, however,
in ordinary official use to denote the individuality of estates
held under separate revenue engagements. With this signi-
fication, it forms the revenue sub-division of the parganah,
and is, indeed, the unit of revenue responsibility. It forms
also the point where official fiscal arrangements become
merged in private land tenures ; for each mehal is represent-
ed by one or more lamberddrs or head-men, who possess a
double character : on the one hand, they are private persons,
members of the proprietary body of the mehal, raised to
their representative position, in conformity with rules spring-
ing out of the past customs of the family ; on the other hand,
* It is simply going one step further back to say that the parganah succeeded the
tappah as the latter even more than the former corresponded with the limits of clan or
family domains.
t Memoir of the Ghazipur District 51.
t Compare para.
§ See para. 305 of this Report, which gives an example in the history of Maniarpur;
and para 252, under the words Jais and Jalalpur-Bilkhar. See also Chronicles of Undo
105,106.
14
sultAnpur settlement report.
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sultAnpur settlement report. 15
they are invested with a quasi-official position, inasmuch
as they have delegated to them the duty of collecting the
revenue payable by their co-sharers, and are primarily
responsible to the State for its collection.
32. As the mehal is the unit of fiscal sub-division of
the parganah, so is the village or town-
^ e * ship the unit of local sub-division.
The townships, says Elphinstone,* are the indestructible
atoms, from an aggregate of which the most extensive Indian
Empires are composed, just as Creasy says the Anglo-Saxon
townships were the integral molecules out of which the
Anglo-Saxon State was formed.t
33. With respect to Police jurisdictions, thanah circles
take the place of the fiscal arrangement .
of parganahs. Their boundaries some-
times, but not always, coincide : in the district as it stood
SuitSnpur. previous to July 1869 eight thanahs
^ nda - corresponded to twelve parganahs ; and,
Mohanganj. in the changes which then took place,
jfciSmar. ' symmetry was again subordinated to
RSpur. " convenience and utility ; the princi-
MusafirKhana. ple act ^ upon wajg thafc eacll ^fogg
should report to the nearest thanah subject to any modifica-
tions which might be caused by the local topograhy of the
country.
The Police force consists of two branches ; the regular,
belonging to a provincial establishment, and the rural,
which is purely local. The first is partly distributed at the
thanahs, partly employed as jail and treasury guards, and
partly held in reserve at head quarters. By way of supplement
to Statement VIII. it becomes necessary to furnish the
now somewhat antiquated, and, otherwise rather useless
information, that the regular force allotted to the district, to
which that statement refers consisted of 491 men, giving an
average of one to 1,901 of population.
34. The Rural Police or village chaukfd^rs, were at the
time of settlement 2,664 in number, or one to every 354 of
* Elphinstone 4th Edition 62.
t Greasy's English Constitution 46.
16 sultAnpur settlement report.
population. Each of them had his separate fixed beat exten-
ding over an average area of 377 acres, for the watch and
ward of which he received the rather meagre stipend of
Us. 1-15-6 per mensem, supplemented only by such volun-
tary presents as the villagers chose to make him. A clause
has been inserted, however, in the revenue engagements land-
holders have 'signed conveying the threat of Government in-
terference, wherever it may become necessary, and this will
probably induce those concerned to give their serious atten-
tion to the subject. A large majority of the chaukfd&rs
belong to the Pasi and other low castes ; but a Brahman now
and then condescends to fill the post with very questionable
advantage I believe to the village he honors with his
services.
35. Postal arrangements, on a somewhat limited scale,
^ were established soon after the re-occupa-
tion of the province ; they were, how-
ever, almost entirely restricted to the conveyance of the mails
to and from outlying thanahs and tahsfls, and the extension of
regular postal communications throughout the interior of the
district was deferred till the present settlement, being one of
certain specific objects for which provision was then directed
to be made. Settlement Officers were charged with making
the requisite arrangements, the main principles laid down for
their guidance being that the thanah and tahsil officials should,
as far as possible, be relieved of postal duties, that a system
of independent rural offices should *be established, and that
there should be a postal delivery in every village.
36. Simultaneously, therefore, with the introduction of
the revised assessments into any parganah or tahsil, a postal
scheme satisfying the above conditions was introduced therein,
and at the end of last year was in operation throughout the
whole district, with the exception of parganah Ch&nda. The
working of the scheme was originally placed in the hands of
the District Officer ; but a few months ago, with, a view to
the improvement of the postal service, the District Post
Establishment throughout the province was re-organized as a
separate institution, and the control and management were
formally transferred to the Chief Inspector of Post Offices in
Oudh.
SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 17
37. Certain modifications of previously existing arrange-
ments naturally suggested themselves in the substitution of a
single homogeneous scheme for one composed of sections con-
structed independently of each other,* and at different
periods, to keep pace with the revision of assessments. The
system, as it at present stands, may be briefly thus described.
There is an Imperial office at the civil station, which forms
the connecting link between the internal and external postal
line3 ; and rural offices have been fixed at the head quarters
of each tahsil and at such other places within it as offer the
most convenient sites, in all eleven in number, viz. Rasomid,
Amethf, Gaurfganj, Piparpur, Mus&fir-kMna, Jagdispur,
Kishni, Gaura-J&mun, Kddipur, Dostpur and Koribh&r. At
Khair&bad, Hanumanganj and Miinshiganj offices have
recently been abolished; at these places letter-boxes will
continue to be kept up.
38. The neighbouring stations with which Sult&npur
is connected by Imperial lines are those of Allahabad, Luck-
now, Faizabad, and Rdi Bareli, communication with which
is effected by means of foot-runners ; any more expeditious
means of transit for the mails being still among the desiderata
of the future, and dependent on the requisite developement
of correspondence, with a concomitant increase of the postal
revenues. The transmission of mails from one rural office to
another, is carried on by the same means. For the supervi-
sion of the road establishment the appointment of a Sub-
Inspector is in contemplation. For the delivery of letters,
each office has attached to it the requisite number of peons
or rural messengers; to each of these a separate circle is allotted,
within which it is his duty to distribute the incoming
letters he received from the post-master. He is also furnish-
ed with a " travelling letter-box" so that he may, at the same
time, collect any letters intended for outward despatch*
39. The agency employed is of a mixed character, partly
Imperial and partly local. The Imperial office at Sult&npur
has been already mentioned ; others were placed some years
Xat Jagdispur and Dostpur ; and others have recently been
ed experimentally at Amethi and Musdfir-khdna. f All
charges connected with these are met from the Imperial reve-
* Some were drawn up by the Settlement Officer of Faizabad ; some by the Settle*
m«nt Officer, of Sultanpur.
C
18 sultAnfur settlement report.
nues. The local agency consists of all but that just described ;
the income from which the cost it entails has to be defrayed
is derived from two sources, viz. the special cess levied ex-
pressly for this purpose, and a subvention from the Imperial
revenues regulated by the number of police stations in the dis-
trict, the last remnant of the system which has now been
superseded.
40. Educational, like postal, interests have received
M _, .. f due attention in the revision of assess-
4. Educational . , . . , , ,
ments ; and provision has been made
for the levy of a school cess of 1 per cent, on the Govern-
ment demand.
41. The district contains in all 71 schools. Of these
the principal is the High School at the civil station. It is
attended by 176 scholars. Instruction is afforded in it in
four languages, viz., English, Urdu, Hindi, and Persian, to-
gether with a variety of other subjects ; the standard it teaches*
up to, is that of the Entrance Examination of the Calcutta
University. Next in importance comes the Town School of
Jagdispur, the only one of that class in the district. Then
come the village schools of which there are 69. In these,
of course, a lower standard is aimed at, and the curriculum
embraces fewer subjects than in the High School ; but their
usefulness and suitability to the requirements of the village
population is manifested by the fact that they attract more
than two thousand students. This class of schools at the
outset entails a good deal of trouble and expense for building,
training teachers &c., so that they must be established gradu-
ally ; and as those now in existence come into full working
order, some augmentation of their number will take place.
42. The total number of persons who attend the Go-
vernment schools is 2,457, of whom about one-sixth are
Miissalmans and the remainder Hindus. Of the total popu-
lation of the district, the Mahomedans compose one-tenth
only, so that here as elsewhere they pay more attention to
education than the Hindus.
43. I have purposely made my remarks on this impor-
tant subject very brief. It has, except in respect of the
school cess very little connection with the settlement ; and
those who wish to study it more deeply will find ample op-
sultInfur settlement report* 19
portunity for doing so in the comprehensive and instructive
reports of the Educational Department. However desirous
of promoting the moral and mental improvement of the peo-
ple the Settlement Officer may be, his more immediate con-
cern lies with their material prosperity.
SECTION III. —Population.
44. A separate and independent census of each village
was taken while it was under measure-
emen census. ment ; and one was thus gradually taken
of the entire district. It had the disadvantage of extending
over the long period of three years. In February 1869, how-
over, there was a general and simultaneous census of the
_ . . , whole province. Regarding the compa-
Provincial census, .. * n »■* i °,i S
rative accuracy ot the two, there can be
no question ; the preference must unhesitatingly be accorded
to the latter. The results obtained from it have been set
forth in an exhaustive report by Mr. J. C. Williams c. s.,
and I shall, therefore, dwell at less length on the subject
than would otherwise be necessary.
45. The district is very thickly inhabited. Mr. Willams
^ ., . , x . shows that Oudh in density of popula-
Density of population. .. ,, , i
tion surpasses even the most populous
countries of Europe ; and Sultdnpur, in respect of the average
number per square mile, falls below three districts only of
the province, while with regard to the number per cultivated
acre it is equalled by Lucknow alone.*
46. The total population of the district according to the
Classification according general census amounts to 930,023. It
*° creed - falls into three great classes, the num-
bers of which are as follows : —
Christians (Europeans and Eurasians), ... 83
Mahomedans, 91,556
Hindus, ... 838,384
Total, *.. 930,023
Mr. Williams' Census Report, page 27, 28 and Table No. 3.
20 sultInpur settlement report.
47. The Christians are very nearly all Government
^ . A . employes. It will be seen that there
Christians. ± m xi_ -**•
are no natives among them. Mr,
Williams accounts for this by the very probable supposition
that they have been entered in the returns as Europeans
or Eurasians. The error as regards this district, however,
is, so far as I am able to say, limited to a single instance,
that of one Matthew, a cobbler.
48. The Miissalmans in all number rather less than
„^ , one-tenth of the whole population. Of
these again about one-fourth only belong
to the Syad, Sheikh, Moghal and Path&n classes ; another
one-tenth is composed of converts from the principal Kshat*
trid castes ; and the remainder, of all the lower castes of
Mahomedans.
49. The Hindus still form the great bulk of the popu-
lation ; and of the multiplicity of castes
into which they are divided, the Brah-
manic predominates not only in social importance, but also
in numerical strength, forming no less than 14 per cent, of the
inhabitants of the district. Next, in both respects, among
the higher castes, come the Kshattrid clans aggregating
8 per cent; and, after these, come in order the Vaisyd and
the Blaith. Of the meaner castes, the Ahir contains the
largest number, nearly 10 per cent, and is followed by the
Cham&r and P&si. Gtijars are more common in Sult&npur
than elsewhere in the province.
50. Compared with the rest of Oudh, the district con-
ciassification according to tains a large proportion of non-agxicul-
occupation. turists ; and yet agriculturists amount
to no less than 5 6 '9 per oent. Of the more skilful castes,
Mtiraos are numerous, but Ktirmfs remarkably few.
51. Miissalmans of the higher classes are to be found
™ 4..-U ** on ly * n qasbahs. Hindii converts to
Class distribution. 1 * / , * . .
Islamism are intermixed with their un-
converted brethren. Of the Hindus, the KshattriAs are with a
few .exceptions lords of the soil : they lie in clans, and it may
almost be said that each parganah has its own phylarchy.
Brahmans and others are scattered about promiscuously;
they own a village here and there, usually acquired by grant
or purchase from a Kshattrid.
' sultInpur settlement report, 21
52. The population of the district is not altogether
. . evenly distributed. Speaking broadly,
numerical distribution. ^ riparian parganall8 are most densely
peopled and the lacustrine the reverse : the former are well
drained, the latter as has been seen, swampy and compara-
tively barren, and so not habitable throughout, hence the
less marked difference between the numbers to the cultivat-
ed acre than between those to the total area in the two
groups of parganahs. In the former, moreover, lie most of
the large qasbahs of the district, not to mention the various
marts, villages and hamlets established by persons whose
business attracts them to the banks of the Gtimtl.
53. The people are characterised by a bold and manly
^ x M xl _ , spirit. " The natives say," remarks-
Character of the people. A i en „ ,i , r/ . j
^ r General Sleeman, " that the air and
"water of Malwa may produce as good trees and crops as
" those of Oudh, but can never produce such good soldiers.
" This, I believe, is quite true. The Sult&npur district is in-
" eluded in the Banodha division of Oudh ; and the people
" speak of the water of this division for tempering soldiers,
" as we talk of the water of Damascus for tempering sword
" blades. They certainly never seem so happy as when they
" are fighting in earnest with swords, spears and matchlocks.
" The water of the Baiswdrd division is considered to be very
" little inferior to that of Banodha, and we get our sip&his
" from these two divisions almost exclusively."*
54. Under native rule no man's property, or even life,
_ . .... was safe for many days together ; Go-
Their condition. , /» • i • j_ i ° /» «• t
vernment omcials, instead of affording
the protection it was their duty to, busied themselves only
in their own enrichment, and became the most active op-
pressors of the people. They kept up duplicate accounts, the
one forged for the minister at Lucknow, the other genuine
for themselves, and, in plain words, embezzled the difference.
Under the plausible pretext, therefore, of collecting the just
revenue of the State, they extorted as much as they possibly
* Sleeman'a Tour through Oudh Vol. I. Page 197. An enquiry having been made
in 1824, it was found that Banodha, contributed 15,000 men to our army (Ibid Page 17Q)
At present, too, in the Sultanpur district alone a sum of about Rs. 36,000 is annually
paid to military pensioners ; and this is considerably less than would have to be paid,
Bad not numerous forfeitures taken place after the mutiny.
22 sultAnpur settlement report.
could from the landholders of every degree. Their immediate
inability to pay was immaterial if a money-lender could be
found to advance the requisite amount ; and in that case
they were compelled to give their creditors a mortgage deed
bearing the exorbitant interest .of 24 per cent, per annum.
The example set by officials was readily followed by private
individuals, and the consequence was that every zemind&r
kept as many armed retainers as his means permitted, nomi-
nally to repel force by force when necessary, but in reality em-
ployed, as often as not, for purposes of aggression.
55. Under such circumstances there was little induce-
ment, even where the opportunity occurred, to attempt to ac-
cumulate capital, and the result is that the landed proprietors
* are now, as a rule poor, unthrifty, and deeply involved m debt.
56. In sketching such a state of things in the past and
present, it is natural to look also towards the future ; and here
it is gratifying to find that theprospect is considerably brighter.
The landholder, while conscious that, if he would retain his
estate, the payment of the revenue assessed upon it is indis-
pensable, also knows that that amount will not be exceeded ;
he is confident, too, that no powerful neighbour will carry off his
harvests and thus deprive him of the means of paying it : he
finds additional safety in the ever increasing price of agricul-
tural produce, and if, in an unfortunate season, he is ooliged
to resort to the money-lender, he is charged no more than half
the former rate of interest. For the relief and protection
of the more important encumbered estates special measures
have been taken. If, then, I have correctly described the
causes of the present unsatisfactory condition of the proprie-
tary classes, it may be concluded with moderate certainty,
that a prosperous future will follow the altered circumstances
in which they are now placed.
57. The dwellings of the people are usually grouped to-
gether in towns and villages; but single huts or houses are
not uncommon. Towns are few in number; a short account
of each of them will be found in the sixth section of this chap-
ter. In some parts villages are large and at a distance from
each other, as m the Mohanganj tahsfl, the unsettled state of *
which, perhaps, led the inhabitants to band themselves to-
gether in large bodies. for mutual protection. Further east,
sultInpur settlement report, 23
on the other hand, where shankallaps are numerous, and the
shankallapdars have founded purw&s on their holdings, vil-
lages are small and hamlets abound. In Ch&nda solitary-
houses are pretty thickly scattered over the parganah.
58. Domestic architecture is principally remarkable for
its monotonous simplicity. The most common description of
house consists of walls of puddled mud, and a roof of thatch
or tiles. Even this is beyond the reach of all ; many an agri-
culturist, is but the "monarch of a shed." On the other hand,
a few substantial brick houses may be found here and there;
they belong to the more wealthy landowners, to successful
traders, or Mahomedans of the better classes.
SECTION IV.— Agriculture.
59. The local system of agriculture so far as my know-
•«- j-x.. *• i i x ledge of that practised elsewhere en-
No distinctive local system. ,,*> j. * i-i i .
ables me to institute a comparison,
possesses no distinctive character. Two harvests only are re-
_ . cognized, the rabi or spring, and
Harvests. , ,° , c ' , ,, r &>
knarit or autumn : the crops proper
to each will be subsequently described. The rotation usually
_ . .. . ' followed is that of alternating a wet
Rotation; fallows. . , , ttt'j-i /» n
crop with a dry one. With fallows
no regular course is observed, but the land obtains occasional
rest by being left unsown for one or other of the two harvests.
Land to be readily taken into cultivation must be natur-
ally level ; that it is bihar, cragged, uneven or broken, is gene-
rally enough to condemn it as unmanageable. The objection
to it is that rain or any water supplied to it flows off too fast
to be of any benefit, and the idea of attempting to overcome
this objection seems to belong to an advanced phase of agri-
culture. Occasionally, however, where there is no more than
a moderate slope, cultivation is tried with fair success ; and,
even where the change of level is somewhat abrupt, the device
of terracing is resorted to, though it is principally to be seen
close to village sites.
Agricultural implements. G0 : Of the agricultural implements
most commonly employed, the follow-
ing is a list: — *
24 sultAnpur settlement report.
1. Hal, or Plough,
2. Sar&wan, or Harrow,
3. Koddli, or Hoe.
4. Phard6, or Mattock.
5. Ktirpf, or Weeding-chisel.
6. Hassia, or Sickle.
7. Moth, (or Pur), or Water-bucket.
Two descriptions of ploughs are known, the latna and the
piou ^ terai. They are both of the simplest
. ° ug ' possible construction, and differ from
each other only in the weight of the share, and the position of
the khura.t Both of them are used in some parts of the
district, but nowhere are they found together. This use of a
single kind of plough in lieu of the multifold kinds in favor in
England presents one of the strongest points of contrast be-
tween the agricultural customs of the two countries, and the
kind of soil which is held in most estimation in this district is -
probably determined by its being that to which the single
native plough is found to be best adopted.
61. Oxen are the only animals employed to draw the
pi h cattle plough. To those who are more fami-
° ug ca e ' liar with the use of horses for this pur-
pose, the latter may appear preferable, but it does not appear
that the change would be advantageous. Oxen it is saidj " are
"cheaper, they are maintained at less cost, their harness is less
" expensive, and the dung they yield is much better than that
" from horses. Horses are besides more subject to sickness,
" and when sick or old they are useless. The horses requisite
€t for a farm must be renewed every ten years ; where as the
"requisite number of oxen may always be kept up without in-
li curring fresh expense, for when they are no longer able to
€t work, they are fattened for the market, and their value is
€t obtained. A horse is not more docile than an ox, nor does
" a team of the latter require more drivers than the former."
* A distinction is also made between pakka and kacha ploughs, but this simply re-
fers to the number of oxen used for them. The pakka hal has four bullocks to it, the kacha
has two only. When four are available, theyareusedin pairs, the one relieving the other.
More than two oxen are never yoked to the plough at the same time in this .district,
though in some parts of India as many as eight are. (Elliott's Supplementary Glossary
8. v. Hur.)
f The kktira is an indented or notched part of the beam, corresponding to the copse
or cat-head to which the yoke is attached by a leathern thong, called a nadah. ( Ibid.)
$ Rural Economy of England.
sultInpub settlement report. 25
62. The recent introduction of hippophagy may have a
tendency to place the two sorts of creatures more upon a par
in the days of their superannuation, but in Indiar an equilibri-
um has pro tanto long existed and has not now befen disturbed;
there being, except in particular localities, no demand for beef.
This, however, at the same time supplies an argument in favor
of devoting the oxen of this country to the plough which is
wanting in Europe, viz. that, that use is not made of them
young or old in the former, which in the latter, is more pro-
fitable than draught.
63. The limited use to which they are thus put lies ap-
parently at the bottom of the wretched condition of native
cattle. " Habitual labour causes animals to become hardy,
" vigorous and slow ; which like men given to laborious work
"causes them to eat much and fatten little, to increase in bony
< c structure (the local breed has a splendid development of
" this quality) make little available flesh," (of this it has the
minimum compatible with life,) " and that but slowly .....
" Bad food, want of care, absence of all precaution in the selec-
" tion of reproducers, and probably also the drought, and the
" heat of the climate — these complete what labour had begun."*
64. Ploughing, usually the opening operation of culti-
. . ;. . ' vation is not invariably so. In newly
Agricultural operations. , , iiiii^i • r» »
broken land the long hoe is first
called into requisition, and after exceptionally heavy rains,
a grass crop has to be scraped off the field before the plough
wfll penetrate the ground. Nor, on the other hand, is the
plough done with when sowing has taken place : in rice
fields, on the first fall of rain sufficient to flood them after
the appearance of the young plant above the surface, the
plough is driven over them as if there was nothing in them.
This curious process, so far from being injurious is said to
ensure a larger yield. It is said to have the effect of uproot-
ing and destroying weeds, while it also divides the rice-
plants, which readily take, root again and thrive all the better
for being so treated.
65. The number of times a field is ploughed differs very
widely according to the crop to be sown. Two or three times
# Rural Economy of England 36.
26 sultInpur settlement report.
is ample for the inferior crops, twenty times or more is not
thought too much for wheat and barley. " Bals b&nh" is the
proverbial wa/ of expressing the utmost sufficiency of tilth.
66. The harrow is regularly used for most crops, but
for a few it is dispensed with ; the gram-field, for example,
seldom sees a harrow ; the seed is sown broadcast among the
unbroken clods. Weeding and cleaning are operations con-
fined to rain crops and a few of the more valuable ones of the
other harvest.
67. The subject of irrigation and manure will be ad-
verted to hereafter.
SECTION V.— Traffic.
68. The main channels of traffic are the river Gtimti
. .. and the various roads by which the
Communications. t • • A • •, .i i , i , /»
district is intersected; but beasts of
burden are extensively employed and these find their way
from one place to another, little checked by the absence of
roads.
69. The Giimti will serve to connect the whole of the
Th * GumtL northern and eastern boundary of
e nver the district with the station of the
Oudh and Rohilkund Railway at Jounpur. It is scarcely,
if at all, used for passenger traffic, the neighbouring road
being more advantageous for the purpose, the difference in
length between the two being much the same as the sum of
the lengths of several arcs and the sum of the lengths of their
chords. For freight, however, where speed is a secondary
object, it is much used, being navigable hereabouts for coun-
try boats of 800 or 1,000 maunds burden. It should thus be-
come a valuable feeder of the railway, unless all that is at pre-
sent taken to the Jounpur market is required for the con-
sumption of that vicinity.
70. Other stations* of the same railway lie at an easy
m . distance to the north, for communica-
Sohlwai. tion with which there are many roads
m* khddm easily traversable by wheeled carriage.
pur- The Gtimti intervenes, but is pas-
sable in many places. At ^mghdt a few miles north-east of
sultInpur settlement beport. 27
Jagdispur it is spanned by a lofty pile bridge consisting of
fifteen bays. The platform is 16 feet in width and is support-
ed by strut and straining beam trusses ; it stands at a height
of twenty-four feet above the summer level of the water.
At Sult&npur a similar bridge of somewhat larger dimen-
sions is now in course of construction. Ferries are numerous.
71. The principal road by which the district is connect-
ed with the outer world is the Imperial
high-road from Faizabad to Allahabad.
It enters the district at the civil station, which it* crosses and
running nearly due south passes into the Prat&bgarh district
about twelve miles further on. It. is metalled and bridged
throughout that distance. . : • .-
72. All the other roads are unmetalled, but bridged
where necessary ; and except when subjected to very severe
trials, as in the case of the exceedingly heavy rains of last
year* are usually fit for any sort of traffic. They are as
follows.
I. The Lucknow-JounpuT road. — This enters the
district at a point two miles east of Haidargarh, and leaves it
two miles east of Ch&nda, its total length within these limits
being seventy miles, in the course of which, it traverses the
qasbahs of Inhaun£, Nih&lgarh and the village of Saraiy^n,
in which are the head quarters of the Mus&fir-kh&na tahsil.
It leaves the x civil station, about two miles to the north, but
is connected with it by three separate lines, (1) metalled from
Amhat (2) also metalled from the point of its intersection
with the Allahabad road, (3) unmetalled from Lordmau.
II. The Sultdnpar-Rdi Bareli road. — This starts
from Sultinpur, and skirting the large village of Dhamaur, the
bazar of Gauriganj, and the qasbah of Jais, leaves the dis-
trict about eleven miles from the last named place.
III. The Faizabad-Rdi Bareli road. — This crosses
the Gtimti over the Amghdt bridge, cuts the Lucknow road at
Jagdispur ; it is thence continued to the Mohanganj thanah,
and thence onward through the parganah of that name into
Rdi Bareli.
* That is the year 1871.
28
8CLT A5FCB SnTUXDFT RETORT.
73. These cons ti tu t e as it were, load trunk line* and,
the imperial road excepted, throw out lateral branches in
various directions, regarding which sufficient particulars may
be given in the following tabular form : —
J
1
Main toad.
Point of diver-
gence.
Direction.
j
\ Length
in miles,
1
tackaow-Jounptir,
Tnhanna,
North-east to Aish-
&*y
11
2
Ditto,
Ditto,
Sooth to Moban-
ganj where it joins
the Fauabad-Rai
Bareli road,
10
3
Ditto,
Jagdisptir,
Nearly due south
to Jais,
14
4
Ditto,
Musdfir-khina,...
South-west to
Gauriganj where it
meets the Sultanpur-
Rai Bareli road,
13
5
Ditto,
Lambhua,
North toDeraghat,
H
6
Ditto,
Ghanda,
South-west to Sai-
fabad in the Pratab-
garb district, ...
4
7
Sultinpur-Rai Ba-
reli,
Sultanpur,
West to Kurwar,
9
8
Ditto,
Near nnre*fth
Dbamanr,
South-west vid
Amethi to Salon in
zilla Pratabgarh, ...
19
9
Ditto,
Gauriganj,
South-east vid
Amethi to Pratab-
garh,
16*
10
Faizabad-Rai Ba-
reli,
Mobanganj, ...
■
i
]
South-east to Jais
connecting the Sul-
tanpur-Rai Bareli,
md Faizabad-Rai
Bareli road,
9
74. If the map be examined, it will be seen that every
part of the district is well supplied with roads with the excep-
tion of a triangle lying between Sult&npur, Ch£nda and
Amethi, within which they are conspicuous by their absence.
The only route from Chdnda to Amethi is vid Sult&npur and
this involves a detour of several miles.
sultInpur settlement report. 29
75. Though scarcely deserving the name of roads, village
cart-tracks must not be altogether omitted. Numbers of them
have been aligned and inequalities of surface partially remov-
ed : they will in time, perhaps, prove a valuable addition to
regular roads ; at present, however, they are only practicable
for country-carts at once strong and lightly laden.
76. Most villages of any consequence have their own
~^ bazars, either permanent or periodi-
cal. The latter are often nothing more
than open-air markets held on certain fixed days of the week ;
the former are often large walled enclosures, bisected by a
road and lined with shops on either side, these local bazars
are small but important media of commerce. Every village
may be said to be affiliated to one of them, and each of them
in turn is connected in its dealing with one or more of the
larger centres of traffic.
77. The principal bazars are as follows : — (1) Perkins-
ganj at the civil station founded shortly after re-occupation by
Colonel Perkins, Deputy Commissioner. One of the newest,
it is nevertheless one of the most, if not the most flourishing
in the district. A large trade is carried on here, and goods
are brought for sale from a great distance. Its rapid growth
has been favored by the extremely convenient nature of its
position. It is in close proximity to the district kachh&i,
the sadr tahsll and the thanah ; and is hence much frequent-
ed by persons whose business takes them to those places. It
is also little more than half a mile from the right bank of the
Gtimti, so that if trade be slack here, unsold' goods can be
easily placed in boats and carried by water to Jounpur.
(2) Shukl-bazar, in mauzah Maueya-Rehmatgarh, parganah
Jagdispur, founded about forty years ago by some members
of a well to do Shukl family. It shares with Perkinsganj
the advantage of being near the Giimtt (3) Drigbejaiganj
more commonly called by the alternative name, Mah&r&jganj.
It lies in mauzah Atrehta, parganah Simraut£; it was found-
ed by the ancestors of the t'alukd&r of Chandapur. (4.)
Gauriganj, called after the deity of that name, and founaed
by Kdjah M&dho Singh of Amethi about 25 years ago. It is
situate in mauzah EAjgarh a few miles east of Jais. (5)
Shankarganj in mauzah Chatohan, parganah Mohanganj,
founded by Bdjah Shankar Singh of Tilol about 30 years ago.
3$ texr ijRrat;
ek*** V> HaAMtpor. (7) fcijai^Wnr, i& raranA Sfc-flir,
Mr^kMb MofoaiHgaft} aiM «i ?^n otd ; i» hm U* Bale
i r^fv»rt^L Cottwaerdal &jn0iAeaaif*aA inA&cd foiid a
**^>ndary r4M6n for it* fcrowiatraL A dispute abowt pvti-
\mx> w** peftdiag at the tone, aad fc^i SoJdnaagpl 2ngh
t&rsrted to d>i* artrtfee Uj prrsture the a^iwirA m hk share
<>f thenrrte of the bazar. (*> AKgaaj m maniah UWhgaoo,
OTgftftfth Soh6ftpjr, tooaded in 1262 ?„ by the rafadattr of
78, The most wntttum 'A/pcta t£ tnfa aare gnd^ cctum,
M _ molasses tear), *ak and native-doth;
«***««* ^ retk J^ Shnkl barar and Alt
ganj arespeetable trade in cattle may be added.
70, JZxp/rU and Import* we almost identical with the
article* just enumerated ; they- become
ft********!***** ,>ne or the other accordingto the camp*-
rati ?6 pricwprevailin gin this district and adjacent ones. Cattle
form an exception ; the demand for the local breed is alto-
gether limited to the district itself,
80, Manufactures are even of less consequence than
trade, Textile industry, of a very horn-
"' ble kind, is common among the Kori and
JuMM castes, It flourishes principally at Jala, where various
sort* of cloth, plain and brocaded, are manufactured. A pecu-
liar kiwi of muslin (tanzeb) is the most famous. In this
the weavers have a curious art of in-weaving, at the time of
manufacture, any design that may be suggested to them.
Verses and sentences are most common, but these are varied
to suit every creed and taste. Borne are passages from the
korAn, others Hindi sldks, others a verse or two from the
most instructive of T>t. Watt's moral songs and hymns.
Banditti* enjoys a limited renown for its metal vessels,
And other rough sorts of metal-work. Sugar and indigo are
manufactured on a very small scale in parganah CMnda.
Under native rule the manufacture of salt and saltpetre was
largely carried on ; but it has now been discontinued.
SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 31
SECTION VI.— Towns, Shrines, Fairs, Places of Interest.
1. Towns.
81. Sultanpur, the civil station and Gord-barik.
Sult&npur lies on the left bank of the
Sultanpur, the civil ita- Gumti. in a little peninsula formed by
turn, Gori-barik. , 7 . , , , r T . , . . *
a bend in the river s course. Its history
is so much interwoven with that of the district, that I will
give here only the most prominent points in it. The original
town is said to &ave been founded by Kus&, son of Rdma,
and to have been named after him Kusapura or Kusabha-
wanapura.* It subsequently fell into the hands of the Bhars,
who retained it until it was taken from them by the Mussal-
mans in the twelfth century. About seven hundred years
ago, it is said, two brothers Syad Mahmud and Syad A 116-
tid-din, horse-dealers by profession, visited eastern Oudh and
offered some horses for sale to the Bhar Chieftains of Kusbha-
wan pur, who seized the horses, and put the two brothers to
death. This came to the ears of Alld-iid-din Ghorf, whose piety
equal to his valour forbade him to allow such an outrage
upon descendants of the prophet to pass unpunished, gather-
ing a mighty host, therefore, he set out for Kusbhawanpur,
and at length arrived and pitched his tents in Karoudia,then a
dense jungle near the devoted town on the opposite side of
the river. Here he remained encamped for a year without
gaining any advantage over the beseiged; when, feigning to be
weary of the fruitless contest and anxious only to obtain an
unmolested retreat, he had some hundreds of palanquins richly
fitted up, and sent them as a peace offering to the Bhars, pre-
tending that they were filled with presents peculiarly suited
to the taste of those for whom they were intended^ The cu-
pidity of the Bhars overcame their caution, and they received
the fatal gift within their walls. But suddenly, at a given
signal, the palanquins were all thrown open by unseen hands,
and out sprung a crowd of armed warriors, the very flower of
AM-iid-dfn's army, who, thus takingtheir enemies unprepared,
speedily put them to the sword. Kusbhawanpur was reduced
to ashes, and a new town of Sultdnpur, so called from the rank
of the victor, rose upon its ruins.
* But see para. 206. ~ ~" "
t This appears to have been a very favourite, and if all accounts be believed, a very
often successful stratagem. For other instances of it, see £lphinstone 385 note; and
Murray's History of India 189.
32 sultJLnpur settlement report.
82. Sult&npur is often mentioned by Mahomedan histo-
rians, but only as the means of identifying the scene of a great
battle which took place in its immediate neighbourhood ; nor
can it, so far as I am aware, boast of having been the birth-
place of any men of note. It was nevertheless, at one time,
a flourishing little town, consisting of several mohallas
or wards. But many years before annexation it became a
military station, and cantonments were established on the
right bank of the river in a village then known as Girghit*
but now more commonly called by officials, Sult^mpur or
Chh&onf-sark&r, and by the rustic population "KTampti"
or the camp. From this period the importance of the
old town began to decline, and its condition in the year
1839 is thus described: — "The only supposed remains
" of the Bhar city now extant are two brick wells, at
" the south verge of the present town and about a mile
"from the river, which still contain water, and a rising
" ground (dih) called Majh&rgaon in the middle of the town
" consisting of broken bricks, the remnants of the palace of
" the Bhar sovereigns. On the summit of the dfh is a parti-
" ally ruined fort, built by the "Sult&n Bddsh&h" and contain-
" ing houses which are now occupied by the faujd&r and his
" followers: there is also a mosque built by the Sultdn within
" the town, and north-west of the fort. There are two or
" three smaller mosques built by Syads, who are. chaudhris
"of the parganah, and have salaries varying from Rs. 100
" to 500 a month, besides rent-free lands for keeping the
" revenue accounts of the parganah. The town having no
" manufacture or trade, is in a decayed state, and contains only
" 1,500 inhabitants, chiefly sipahis and personal followers of
"the chaudhris with a few cultivators; and of this popula-
" tion 1,000 are Mtissalmans. It contains many old brick
" dwelling houses and a few new ones, among others a large
" one now building by one of the chaudhris Mahomed Aii,
" who was also the vakil or envoy of the Lucknow darbAr,
" near the Commandant of the Company's adjoining canton-
" ment."t The whole town was finally razed to the ground
during the military operations connected with the re-occupa-
tion of the province, in consequence of the inhabitants having
been concerned in the murder of two British Officers at the
outbreak of the mutiny.
# The name of Girghit is still preserved in Girghitgh&t.
t Dr. Butter's Southern Oudh, 141.
sultInpur settlement report. 33
83. Until 1837, the Sult&npur military force consisted
of a regiment of native infantry, and a detachment of artillery,
but in that year the latter was withdrawn, and thereafter until
annexation, there were no guns or cavalry of any kind. * At
annexation, the force was considerably increased; its conduct
in the mutiny is described elsewhere.t On re-occupation, a
detachment of a British regiment ~ was stationed here for a
short time; and the recollection of the fact is now perpetuated
by its lines, which lay about a mile or two south of those of
the native infantry, having given a name to a tract now
demarcated as a separate village, Gord-b&rik, or the white
barracks. In 1861, all the troops British and native were
. removed ; and Sult&npur ceased to be a military cantonment.
84. .The present civil station occupies the site of the
old cantonments. It lies "on the right bank of the Goomtee ri*
" ver, upon a dry soil, among deep ravines which drain off the
" water rapidly. The bungalows are on the verge looking down
" into the river, upon the level patches of land dividing the ra-
" vines. The water in the wells is some fifty feet below the
" surface, on a level with the stream below." J This was writ-
ten in the year 1849 ; there were then " no groves within a mile
" of the cantonments ; and no lakes, marshes or jungles within a
" great many miles, and the single trees in and near the canton-
" ments few." — At the present time, owing mainly to the great
interest taken by Colonel Perkins, while, deputy commissioner,
in the improvement of the station, the unsightliness of the
bleak ravines is hidden by the graceful foliage of the acacia ;
and the roads, of which there is a plentiful supply, are lined
on either side with rows of mango and other shady trees;
while the public gardens, more than ten acres in extent, exact
a just tribute of praise from all who visit them. A fine cutcher-
ry has recently been erected, and immediately opposite to it is a
church of modest dimensions, but no mean architectural beau-
ty. Of the other public buildings the principal are the jail,
erected on the site of and partly composed of the European
Infantry barracks, the Government school, the charitable dis-
pensary, and the police station. The Perkinsganj bazar has
been already mentioned. Latitude 26*15, longitude 827.
* Sleeman'a Tour through Oude Part I. 186.
t See para. 262.
t Sleeman'g Tour through Oude.
34 SULTaNPUR settlement report.
85. Jais is said to have been originally called Udyd-
nagar, and to have been founded by
a18, Ud&lik Muni, from whom it derived
its name. As its prosperity increased, it attracted the notice
of the Bhars, who, little reverencing the pious character of its
occupants, turned them out and took possession of it. They re-
tained it until Syad Sal&r's invasion, when it was one of their
principal strongholds. The destruction of such a nest of un-
believers offered an enterprise worthy of the crusading army of
Islam; and a strong force was despatched against it under
the command of Imdd-tid-din Khilif one of Syad Sal&r's gene-
rals. The struggle is represented to have been Ions' and
severe, and the Musulmans were more than once repulsed; but,
having ultimately obtained large reinforcements, they defeated
the Bhars, and extirpated or expelled them. They then
took up their quarters in the conquered city, and changed its
name to Jde-aish, the etymon of the one it bears at present.
The meaning of this term is variously explained; some say it
signifies the "place of an army," and alludes to the settlement
of the Musulman military colony, in which sense it bears a
close analogy to our own word Chester;* others say it means
a "place of delight," and was so called in testification of the
joy of the Mahomedans at finding a resting place after their
long wanderings and warfare; others, again, giving it the same
interpretation, think that it was adopted in compliment to the
pleasing aspect of the surrounding country; and, if this be
correct, it may be that as Udydna means a "garden," t the
old name was an abbreviation of Udydnanagar, the "garden
city,"J and that the new one was formed from it by the not
uncommon process of translation. § A more improbable ac-
count of the name than any of these yet remains to be noticed,
which, ignoring the final t, makes Jais out of an emphatic
expression of surprise and admiration, J&e-est ; it is a place !
86. Jais was parcelled out among the conquerors, who
gave their names or those of their sects, (e. g. Sheikh&na,
Syad&na) to mohaHas in which their descendants still reside.
* See also para. 82 Kampu.
f Ancient Geography 46.
t Compare " Garden Reach."
§ Thus Unchganw of the Hindus becomes Bulandshahar with the Musulmans
(Ancient Geography para. 242). At the same time, the resemblance of Udyanagarto
Udayapur should be noticed. As to the saintly Uctelik Muni, named as the founder,
it is as probable as not that he is an imaginary being.
i
sultInpur settlement report. 35
After their one great military feat of the capture of the city,
their motto seems to have been " cedant anna olece," for they
occupied themselves more in the peaceful pursuits of learning
than in religious warfare, and Jais principally owes its fame
to its distinguished alumni On one memorable occasion,
when the sainted Ashraf Jeh&ngir honoured the city with a
visit, nearly three thousand pupils came out to pay their res-
pects. " It must have been a place of much greater impor-
" tance," says Sir Henry Elliot,* "than it is at present to have
" given name like Sankasya, Sringavera, Canouj and Srdvasti
" to so many distinct families. Kusba Jaes is also mentioned
" with distinction by the early Mahomedan authors, particu-
" larly in the Lutaif-i- Ashrufee or records of the acts and
" opinions of Ashruf Jehangeer In the Imperial Register
" also it is mentioned as the chief town of a large pergunnah ;
" and it may be questioned if at one time it was not even the
" seat of a subordinate Government ; for in a book published
" at Leyden in 1631, De Imperio Magni Mogolissive Indi4
" ver&, the author Jean de L&et, divides the Empire into 37
" provinces, of which one is Zesswal, or Jesswal ; and as there
" is no other in his list which at all corresponds to Oudh, or
" any other place in its neighbourhood, we may in want of
" more certain information surmise that Jais might have been
" intended.^
87. Seen from a short distance, the old city presents an
imposing appearance ; it stands partly on a lofty eminence (erst
it is said occupied by a frowning Bhar fortress) and partly on
the slopes descending from it, while its environs abound in
walled gardens and open mango groves, alternating with high-
ly cultivated fields. It contains several mosques the most
famous of which is the J&mi Masjid. Its erection is said to
have been co-eval with the conquest of the city, and it is also
said to have been built with the materials of a Bhar temple,
on the site of which it stands ; but it bears no marks to show
the truth of the assertion. A short time ago, a stone figure
is said to have been laid bare by the rain in the court of the
mosque ; and some Hindus of the neighbourhood, hearing
of the circumstance, came secretly by night and removed it to
* Elliot's Supplementary Glossary, Jyswar.
t In the book referred to, however, " Jesual " is said to lie to the east of Patna and
* writer in the Calcutta Review (October 1870, para. 346) identifies it with Rungpore,
36 STJLtAnPUR 8ETTLEHENT REPORT.
their own village, where it is now set up and worshipped.
After the Jdmi Masjid, the most noteworthy building is the
imdmbdra built in the year 1804 by one Sadik All, a " Kume-
ddn," at a cost of a lakh and a quarter of rupees ; the roof and
walls are inscribed with sentences from the kordn beautifully
executed in ornamental characters. From a very remote age
Jais has always been the residence of Government officials, and
given its name to a parganah. Until the re-organization of
districts in 1869, it held the head quarters of the Mohanganj
tahsil, a police thanah and a Government school ; but it now
has the last of these only. It contains 3,000 houses, and a
population of 11,317. Latitude 26*15, longitude 8T35.
88. Nasfrdbad lies 40 miles west of Sultdnpur, on the
site of the old Hindu town of Pydgpur.
*"* " One account of the origin of the present
name is that it is taken, from Nasfr-tid-din Humaiun Shdh,
father of Akbar, who built a fort in it; another is that Ibrahim
Shdh Shark! built the fort, and called it after his grandson
Nasir-tid-din ; a third is that one Syad Zakarrya, leaving
Jais about three hundred years ago, settled in the
village, and replaced its old name with one taken from his
grand father Nasir-tid-dfn. The last of these is probably cor-
rect ; the descendants of the Syad still occupy the qasbah.
Nasirdbad has no history worth recording ; it has produced
few persons of even local celebrity ; the best known are Dilddr
All, a Shid Mujtahfd in the time of Sdadat AM, and Har-
prashdd, Ndzim of Khairdbad, in the reign of Wajid All Shdh.
A Government school having now been established in it may
perhaps lead to its becoming more distinguished in this respect
hereafter. There are 875 houses in the qasbah of which 162
are of masonry. Population 3,420. Latitude 2612, longitude
81-33.
89. Inhona is situated on the Lucknow road, about
-. midway between that city and Sultdn-
ona ' pur. Itwasfoundedabouteightornine
centuries ago, by whom is not known. Its name is a contraction
of Indhanganw,andisderivedfromIndhan,a kind of wood, with
which the village site was originally covered, and the common
word "ganw." Inhona gave its name to one of the mehals of
the old Oudh sirkdr, and was the head quarters of a tahsil
until the re-arrangement of districts in 1869. Up to the same
time it contained a police station also. It has a bazar, Ra-
StTLTlNPUR SETTLEMENT BEPORT. 37
tanganj, founded by Ratan Nar&in, tahsflddr, in 1863, in which
grain, sugar, salt, molasses, and cloth of European and country
manufacture are the chief articles of trade ; its traffic has con-
siderably diminished since the removal of the tahsll and police
station. There are nearly 1,000 houses in the town, but not
one of them is built of brick. The only masonry building in
the place is a small temple built about ten years ago. Popu-
lation 3,974. Latitude 26'32, longitude 81-32.*
90. Subeha is 52 miles north-west of Sult&npur. It
consists of several detached portions,
some on high and some on low ground
on the right bank of the river Gurnti. In the time of Syad
SaUr, it was the seat of a powerful Bhar chieftain, R&jah
Sambhar, and was accordingly singled out for destruction.
Two Sheikh officers Khw&ja Nizdm and Khwdja Bahr&m, with
the force under their command, had the congenial duty dele-
gated to them, and having defeated the Bhars, as a natural
consequence, appropriated their domains. Subeha, with the
territory adjoining, has since remained in possession of the
Sheikhs and their descendants ; the present representative of the
family is a sanad-t'alukd&r, so also was his predecessor
Chaudhrf Sarfr&z Ahmad, who distinguished himself by his
loyalty in the disturbances of 1857, in reward for which he
had a large estate bestowed on him on the restoration of tran-
quillity. A fort was built in Subeha by Mirzd Kuli in the
reign of Asaf-iid-daulah, and it continued to be the residence
of a Government tahsild&r until the year 1819. A few shops
belonging to bakk&ls do duty for a bazar. Population 3,680.
Latitude 26 # 38, longitude 81 '33.
91. Sathin, or, as it iscalled in the Afn-i-Akb&rf, S&tanpur
is prettily situated on the right bank of
the river Gumti, about 40 miles north-
west of Sultanpur. Popular tradition, following its usual
course of crediting the Bhars with-the construction of every-
thing of unknown origin, ascribes its foundation to Rdjah S&tan
of that tribe ; it would be but a step further to another Satanic
majesty of a race to which the Bhars are sometimes considered
to have been akin, and the one derivation would, perhaps, be at
least as accurate as the other. The judicially ascertained his-
tory of the town is that it was given as " aima" some centuries
ago to one Qazf Shah&b-ud-din, so that it is a reasonable as-
sumption that it received the name of the grantee with the pre-
38 sultInpub settlement report.
fix qasbah, which it now generally bears, or the terminal affix
" pur," which it has already been seen it formerly bore, and
that its present name is neither more nor less than a contraction
thereof. The various steps that lead from the one to the other
are numerous but simple, and such colloquial corruptions are
by no means rare ; the short name Amfn was once Abhimanya
and Fubna is all that now remains of the quinquesyllabic
Paundra Varddhana.t
Qasbah Sathin is composed of lands formerly belonging
to five villages inhabited by different castes, viz : —
Bijaigarh (in which was a fort), ... ... Sheikhs.
Tahpur, ... ... ... ... ... Ahlr.
Baniahpur, ... ... ... ... ... Baniah.
Bhadera, ... ... ... ... ... Joshi.
Jagwdpur, ... ... ... ... ... Ahfr.
It was the residence of a Government official until the
year 1750. A bazar was founded here in 1849, which is
frequented on market days by the villagers of the neighbour-
hood to the number of 250 or 300. The town contains 537
houses (one only of brick) which give accommodation to a
population of 2,234. The principal inhabitants are Sheikhs
and Syads. Latitude 26*31, longitude 81*44.
92. Kishni is situated on the right bank of the river
K . ., Gdmti, and occupies a high plateau sur-
rounded by ravines which open on the "
river, about 46 miles north-west of Sultdnpur. It was
* Thus the unmutilated form of the name is Shahab-ud-dm. Its length is of
itself enough to cause it to be slurred over and mis-pronounced by the illiterate ; rapidity
of utterance to cause the absorption of the short syllables, and Shabdur is all that re-
mains. The ah sound again is a veritable shibboleth to the villager while a com-
mon Prakrit rule demands the assimilation in spoken language of the b to the following
d. That the d should be changed into t is explained by their being kindred letters.
With regard to the shortening of the vowels we have historical proof with regard to one
of them at least that it has taken place within the last three centuries, and the same
may be said of the interpolation of the h. At the same time Satanpur is not an un-
common name, and I do not mean to say that it always has the derivation here given ;
on the contrary, when an uncommon name is once disturbed, it has a tendency to gravi-
tate as it were towards the nearest well known one, and this may account for the direc-
tion that the corruption of the name has taken in the present instance. Sathin is not
developed out of a single village, but formed by the aggregation of several previously
existing ones.
T Ancient Geography 337-480. Many familiar examples might be given of similar
contractions in the pronunciations of English names e. g. Cirencester, Cholmondeley.—
Brighton, which was originally Brighthelmstone, is an instance of such a contraction
altogether superseding the full name.
sultAnpur settlement report. 39
founded about four hundred years ago, by R&jah Kishen
Chand, ancestor of the Mandarkyas, whose capital it remain-
ed until they lost their independence. Until 1750, it was
the head quarters of the old Kishnl parganah. It contains
532 houses, of which three only are of masonry, with a popu-
lation of 2,297. The only building worthy of notice is a
mosque built by a Q&zi Abdul Satwi, in the reign of Alamgir.
Latitude 26*35, longitude 81 # 41.
93. Jagdlspur; Chak Jangla; Nihdlgarh. The three
Ja ^ w names here given are now used sjrno-
ag pur ' nymously ; but Jagdlspur is the original
village, Chak Jangla one of its component hamlets, and
Nih&lgarh, a fort erected in Chak Jangla by Nihdl KMn,
a Bh&le Sultdn Chief, in the year 1715. Nihdlgarh was
besieged and taken in 1750 by Mirzd Latif Beg, tahsild&r,
who took up his residence in it, and transferred to it the head
quarters of the old Kishnf and S&tanpur parganahs. A small
town as usual sprung up beneath it, winch, though itself of
little importance, has thrown into the shade the older vil-
lage of Jagdlspur ; it is no longer the seat of a revenue
official, and the only public buildings in it are a Government
school and a police station. Of its 562 houses, there is one
only of masonry, which belongs to the principal inhabitant
Bahnokand, a wealthy mah&jan, and proprietor also of $,
small estate acquired very recently by purchase and mort-
gage. A small bazar attracts the custom of the immediate
neighbourhood. Population 2,593. Latitude 26*27, longitude
81-40.
94. Hasanpur, or Hasanpur Bandhtia,* lies 4 miles
west of Sult^npur, a little to the
north of the Lucknow road. It is
the residence of the Hasanpur chiefs, by the most famous of
whom, Hasan Kh&n, it was founded in the reign of Shir Sh&h.
It stands on the site of a former village, Narwar, which probably
derived its name from its proximity on the north to one of the
deep ravines (nallahs) connected with the GtimtLt Thepresent
town bears a poor and dilapidated appearance, but its pros-
perity is seemingly on the increase, for thirty years ago its
population numbered only 600, J whereas it now amounts to
* Bandhua is the name of a village adjoining Hasanpur.
1 1 believe I am here following the derivation of the name of the more famous Nar-
war, given by General Cunningham, but I am in doubt on the point.
+ Dr. Butters Southern Oudh.
40 sultXnpur settlement report.
4,338. A Government school has been established in it
within the last few years, and this is the only public building
it contains. Latitude 26'16, longitude 82'3.
2. Shrines, Fairs, Places op Interest.
95. It may seem odd to place shrines and fairs in the
same category ; but there are few if any of the latter which
have not a religious character attached to them.*
96. Sitd-kuncL On the right bank of the river Giim-
ti, immediately below the civil sta-
tion, the place is still pointed out
where the now deified Sitd is said to have bathed, while ac-
companying her husband Rdma, into his self-imposed exile.
In commemoration of that event a fair is held there twice a
year (Jeth DasehrA and K&tik Piiranmdshi), to which the
pious -Hindus of the neighbourhood throng to the number of
fifteen or twenty thousand. The fair lasts for a few hours
only, the visitors bathing immediately on their arrival, and
then taking their departure. A few enterprising sweetmeat
vendors from the Perkinsganj bazar find their way there, but
otherwise no attempt is made at traffic, t
97. Dhop&p, in the village of R&japattf. The triumph
of R&ma's return from his long exile
p * Vas clouded by the recollection of a
great crime involved in the achievement of his principal ex-
ploit, his victory over Rdvana, for he had thereby incurred
the guilt of Brahmanicide. His spiritual advisers according-
ly set to work to find the means of effecting his purification ;
* Nor are such unions uncommon. Religion apart, the two main objects of a fair
are amusement and traffic, and one or other of these not unfrequently manages to con-
nect itself with religious edifices and occasions. The Friday morning prayers of the
Mahomedans were considered to find an appropriate sequel in games and spectacles
of various kinds. Feroz Shah is noted for having been in the habit of collecting at his
palace on that day about three thousand performers, musicians, athletes &c, (Elliot's
History of India III. 362). In England before the reformation very much the same ous-
tom prevailed, and bull-baiting and other "gentle pastimes" of a like nature followed
morning mass. The original sameness, notwithstanding the present difference, of mean-
ing of the words holyday and holiday, tells its own tale j and the word fair is explained
by Webster to be derived from " Latin feria, plural ferice days of rest, holidays, festivals,
" because the fairs were generally held in the churchyard and even in the church, on holi-
" days and feasts of dedication when the people resorted to the churches." The Jews
similarly allowed room in the temple to the tables of the money-changers and the seats
of them that sold doves.
f In this part of the Gumti, between Siti-kund and Dhopap, there are said to have
been at one time 360 places of pilgrimage ; but this is probably a mere local adaptation
of a common fable. A similar story is told of a lake near Thanesar (Ancient Geography
332), and the same number of temples is said to have been built at Ayodhya by Vikranuu
difcya (Elliot's Supplementary Glossary, Chowrasee).
sultAnpur settlement report. 41
and a moral Bethesda, so to say, was discovered at a particu-
lar part of the Gdmtl in the present village of Rajapattf,
bathing at which was pronounced to be efficacious for the
purpose. R&ma performed the enjoined ablution, and his
guilt was thereby removed. The spot thus sanctified thence-
forward received the appellation of Dhopdp, which being
interpreted signifies the place that " cleanseth away sin." *
Fairs are held here similar to those at Sitd-kund, but the Jeth
gathering is somewhat larger.
98. "The site of Dhop&p," says General Cunningham
" is evidently one of very considerable antiquity, as the whole
" country for more than half a mile around it is covered with
" broken bricks andpottery. The place is said to have belonged
"to the Bhar Rajas of Kusabhawanapura or Sult&npur, but
" the only name that I could hear of as specially connected
"with Dhopdp was that of Raja Hel or Hela"\ Close to
Dhop&p are the ruins of an old fort, which as shown by a local
investigation made by a native official a few years ago, in a
suit between two landed proprietors, is commonly known as
Garhd or Shf rgarh. Both these names point to its construc-
tion, or re-construction, by the Stir king Shir Shdh, assisted
very probably, as some accounts say, by his son Salem Sh&h.
To them, also, is attributed the first erection of an old mosque
in the neighbourhood, which was repaired by Safdar Jang, and
subsequently used as a school, but now for some time alto-
gether deserted. General Cunningham mentions several
carved stones which have been collected by the people^ from
the ruined fort,J and says that they point unmistakably to the
existence at some former period, of a large temple at JDhop&p,
probably one only of a considerable number at that place. I
" obtained " says the same writer, " coins of many of the early
"Mahomedan Kings* from Nasfr-tid-din Mahmtid Ghori
" down to Akbar, but not a single specimen of any Hindd coin-
" age, although I was informed that coins bearing figures are
* Compare Mahabhadra, Ancient Geography 355.
t Ancient Geography 401 ; and Asiatic Society's Journal I. IV. 1865.
t Among the stones not particularized by General Cunningham is a carved one in'the
river, to be seen only when the water is very low, and then worshipped by the people.
It is called the Garh Rajah. The ornamental design worked upon it contains the lotus,
so that it would appear to have belonged to some Hindu building. Another stone
worthy of mention found at Dhopap bears a curiously arranged inscription. It forms a-
perfect circle, each quadrant of which contains the kajima. The stone probably belonged
originally to a Hindu temple, and afterwards to the now ruined mosque.
42 sultInpur settlement report.
" found every year during the rainy season," One particular
coin of this kind is better remembered than any others by the
villagers; it was picked up shortly after annexation, and is
said to have contained the device of a cow on one side, and a
flag on the other.
99. Pdparghdt. — Safdar Jang having established his
P4wu-eh£t. virtual independence of the Moghal
parg ^ emperor determined to build a new
capital. He selected as the site for it the high bank of the
Gumtf overlooking Pdparghdt in the village of SMhpur, par-
ganah Chdnda, and, but for the accident of a sickly season, that
now comparatively unknown locality might have enjoyed the
celebrity that afterwards fell to the lot of Faizabad. The con-
struction of a fort was commenced and the walls had already
risen to some height, when the emperor, receiving intelligence
of this presumptuous act of his now independent, but still nomi-
nal minister, sent him messages of congratulation, and a " khil-
lat," to all outward appearance, suitable to his rank and digni-
ty. The royal gift had been packed up with becoming care,
and its acceptance does not appear to have struck Safdar Jang
as incompatible with the rebellious attitude he had assumed.
The box in which it was enclosed was opened with due cere-
mony, when it was discovered that the emperor, with
grim pleasantry, had selected as an appropriate gift an im-
age of Marl Bhawdni ! That neither donor nor recipient vene-
rated that goddess, mattered no more than that the Philis-
tines regarded the ark with little reverence; the one was
as fatal by its presence as the other, and the mortality which
ensued in Safdar Jang's camp was perfectly appalling. The
simple expedient resorted to by the Philistines does not ap-
pear to have occurred to the modern sufferers, who adopted
the more cumbrous measure of moving their whole army ;
and Mari Bhawdni was left in undisturbed possession 1 The
unfinished walls still exist, and the triumph of the destruc-
tive goddess is celebrated by periodical fairs, held in the
months of Kodr and Chait, which are attended by 10,000
or 12,000 persons.
100. Sagrd. — In the village of Bandhtia, in the Sultdn-
g £ pur parganah, is a fine large masonry
tank, on the border of which stands,
what may be called, in comparison with anything to be found
sultInpur settlement report. 43
for a long distance round, an imposing pile of buildings. The
tank was dug at the expense of one Bib& Sahaj R&m, a N&nak
Sh&hi Fakir, a great miracle monger, and is thence known as
Bdba Jio-k&-Sagr&. The buildings mentioned were the B&b&'s
residence. He and his successors received several revenue-
free grantsfrom officials in the King's time, and these have now
been confirmed in perpetuity by the British Government. A
large concourse of people, about 8,000 or 10,000, assemble at
this tank at fairs held every year in the months of Katik,
Chait and Jeth.
101. Debi Lohrdmau. — In the village of Lohrdmau,
DeMLohrfman. ?f£f na !*. Sultdnpur, is a shrine of
JJebi, which is said to occupy the site
of an old Bhar temple. There is now a brick shrine, enclosed
by mud walls, but these were erected only twenty-five years
ago by the zemind&rs of the village. Three or four hundred
people collect here every Monday, and a much larger number
twice a year in the months of Koir and Chait to worship the
presiding goddess.
102. Set Bardh. — In the village of Kutwa, a mile or
Bet ^^ two south-east of the |Amgh&t bridge,
nearly at the summit of a lofty mound
overlooking the river Gtimtf stands a small shrine. In point
of size it is very insignificant, but this is more than compen-
sated by its extreme sanctity. It is dedicated to the " White
Boar," one of the incarnations of Vishnu. It is reputed to
contain a statue of the god, but such is not the case ; all there
is to do duty for it is a small hollowed block of carved stone.
In what its similitude to a boar consists it is difficult to say.
There is perhaps a bare possibility that it represents the jaws
of that animal as depicted on the Varriha coins, but even this
is improbable ; and if it be the case, the figure to which it be-
longed must have been of colossal proportions. All that the
villagers can contribute to the explanation of the mystery is
that the stone was picked up out of the river below, and en-
shrined in the little edifice whic]i now holds it. I am disposed
to conjecture that there once stood on the spot a famous temple
of the boar-god, which was long ago destroyed ; but that, the
memory of it having outlived its destruction, the present mo-
dest substitute was erected; and when the stone was found, it
was hailed as the return of the truant god. In the immedi-
44 sultXnpur settlement report.
ate vicinity are several brick-strewn, or rather brick-built
mounds of various dimensions. The largest of them, that
nearly touching the present village, and the only one of which
I could learn anything, is said to have been the site of an
old Bhar fortress. It is very probable that a town of consider-
able importance once existed here, and the name of the village
itself, luitwa, a colloquial corruption of kot, implies the former
presence of some sort of fortification.
103. On the peak of the same mound as the Set Bar&h
temple, lies the tomb of a fakfr, who, after a life of mortifi-
cation and penance, died here about five hundred years
ago. Austerity and devotion, say the sacred books of the
Hindtis, bring to those who practise them, with the re-
quisite degree of earnestness, power to control and suspend
the laws of nature ; and to this pitch of holiness did our fakir
attain. The story is still told, to admonish the incredulous,
how he walked at will upon the river, and the obedient waters
rose not above his sandals.
104. At this spot of twofold sanctity, a fair is held
every year at full moon in the month of K&tik ; it lasts a
day and night, and attracts visitors from a distance of twen-
ty miles round to the number of 25,000. Vendors, of fruit
and sweetmeats avail themselves of the occasion to turn an
honest penny.
105. The six fairs above described are the principal ones
other fairs. of the district, and however little wor-
thy of mention they may be, the others
are still less so. Ample justice will be done them in a
tabular list: —
Name of village. Name of parganah.
1. Ahirwd, Inhona.
2. Janai, ' Simrota.
3. Dharm6, Mohanganj.
4. Harganw, Gaurd-Jamtin.
5. Alampur, Rokhd-Jais.
6. Kannti, Ametht
7. Shamsheria, Amethi.
8. R&ghipur, Ametht
9. Pind&ra, IsauU.
sultInpur settlement report. 45
106. The following are the few places of interest th6 dis-
™ , . , ■ trict possesses other than those de^
Places of interest. -i i i_
scribed above.
107. Ganaur, parganah Isauli — In this village are- the
ruins of what must once htfve been a
anaur * vast structure. For a wonder, though
its history is unknown, itisnot ascribed to the Bhars. The single
fact I have been able to ascertain about it is that it was the
house of an oilman. The ruins consist of some massive walls of
masonry of immense thickness, and three or four pagoda shaped
buildings of proportionately substantial construction. The
latter are ornamented with beautifully executed scroll work
engraved or rather moulded in the external surface of the
bricks ; a portion of the design only is contained in each
brick, so that to complete it two or more have to be placed in a
particular relative position, a work of no small difficulty when
they are once separated. In the roof of one of the buildings is a
large spherical cavity, in which the oilman is supposed to have
hoarded his vast wealth to protect it from the rapacity of his
neighbours. Who this mysterious individual was, whither
he went, how he disappeared, or when he lived no one seems
to know.
108. Bikhar, parganah Chdnda. — This village is said to
Bik . take its name from the great Vikrama-
ditya, Bikarmajft, or Bikram. On the
border of one of the tanks in it, is a statue said to be that of
the legendary hero, and worshipped by the people of the
village. The head of it only is now visible, and even that
is said to be gradually disappearing.* This is possible
enough, and may perhaps be traced to natural causes, but
this is too simple for rustic superstition, which discovers super-
natural agency at work. Vikramaditya is said to be sinking
into the earth with horror at the depravity of modern days !
As to the reason for the erection of the statue in the village,
accounts are discrepant. One says it marks the scene of a
battle in which Vikramaditya lost his life ; another that it
commemorates an exploit of a devotional character. A cer-
tain' fakir, by way of showing his veneration for Bhawdnf,
cut off his head, and presented it as an offering to that god-
* It is by no means certain that there is much more of the figure than is now
visible.
4G SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT.
dess.* So unusual an act of piety deserved an appropriate
reward at her hands, so she caused the head to return to his
shoulders, and presented him with a buffalo-load of gold.
The fakir distributed the gold in charity and repeated the
same ceremony every day with the same satisfactory result.
Vikramaditya heard of this, and his enterprising spirit at
once prompted him to attempt the feat. He was no less
successful than the fakir, and the statue is intended to bear
witness to the circumstance.
109. Arjunpur, parganah Chdnda. — Herearetheremains
of a large fort, built by Salem Sh&h; it
Arpnpur. long ago ceased to be occupied and little
more than the foundations now exist. The walls are
about three feet thick with bastions here and there, and enclose
a large area now under cultivation. The fort is said to have
been called Makarkold, and to have given name to the still
existing village of Serai Makarkold, from a bazar at which
place the inmates of the fort obtained their supplies.
110. Arjii, parganah Chdnda. — This village contains a
brick well, said to have been in exis-
^ tence since the time of the Bhars. Here
too, are found large bricks, nearly two feet in length, which
are said to have formerly held a place in the walls of one of
those Bhar forts, of which we hear so much and see so little.
It is the only one of the kind to which I need allude under
this head ; numbers of them are said to have existed in every
parganah, but with a few exceptions nothing is known about
them, so that an enumeration of their names would be
tedious and unprofitable.
111. Kathot } in parganah Sultdnpur. — The popular ac-
count of Kathot is that after the capture
of Kusbhawanpur by AlA-tid-din Ghorf,
the Musulmans erected two fortresses. The principal one was
Sultdnpur on the north of the Gumti, on the site of Kus-
bhawanpur ; the other, a kind of outpost, was built a few
miles from it on the south side of the river. Hence the latter
came to be called by the Sultdnpur garrison, Kot-ut, or the
fort on the other side, and Kathot is simply a corruption of
* This is evidently founded on Buddha's famous Head-gift, regarding which see
Ancient Geography 108*117.
sultAnpur settlement report. 47
the name so formed. This derivation may be nonsense ; but
nevertheless Kathot is a place of undoubted antiquity. The
remains of its old fort are still shown in a mound on the
borders of the village of Jurapatti, and it gave its name to a
parganah in the time of Akbar. It is not at all improbable, .
therefore, that it was occupied by Mahomedans as early as
the time of AU-ud-din, the conqueror of Sult&npur.
SECTION VIL— Tenures.
112. Tenures admit of two different classifications, ac-
cording to the point of view from
(b?^^^ i ° 1 ^ > (a) ° Hgin; w ^ c ^ tbey are regarded; the source
from which they emanate, or the in-
cidents by which they are distinguished.
113. In the former case, the distinction lies between
original and derivative tenures, mean-
ja)jennres according to ing b ^ original those created by the
unassisted act of a single party, and
by derivative those to the creation of which the assent of a
second party is indispensable.
114. Roman jurists laid down that, according to ab-
„, m ... stract principles of justice, property was
Modes of acquisition. • i_ i • j.i_ ? * ~
acquirable in three ways ; occupatio, or
the first occupation of a thing previously unappropriated,
accessio, the natural increase of any sort of property already
in possession; traditio, or voluntary transfer. In a settled
state of society, original tenures are created in one or other of
the first two ways, and derivative by the third. But,
however, contrary it may be to abstract principles of right, it
cannot be ignored that in Oudh, from the very earliest times
to the introduction of British rule, yet another mode of estab-
lishing a title was in vogue, and that to it may be traced in no
small measure, the present distribution of landed property ; I
mean private conquest ; in the classification I am now follow-
ing, it must be placed side by side with occupation, as giving
rise to an original tenure ; but it differs from it, in the very
important particular that it is the appropriation of land already
having arecognized owner. Thus, following not theory butfact,
original tenures spring from conquest, occupation and accession,
and derivative from transfer.
48 SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT.
115. To forcible acquisition, the Roman jurist allowed
no place in the "law of nations;" and, in
nques the Civil law, giving it the opprobrious
name of rapina, he classed it as a delict; and so also it is regard-
ed in Oudh under the present administration. Nor do I mean
to say that the native Government, in any age, plainly recognized
the right of private war ; but there is no doubt whatever that it
was freely resorted to by all who were strong enough to carry it
on with advantage to themselves, and to defy the efforts of the
state to check their depredations. To keep to comparatively
modern times, each Kshattriya clan has its story of how its an-
cestors acquired their estates by yictoiy over the Bhars, their
predecessors in the proprietorship; and much has been written
by eye-witnesses to show how far might was right within the
present generation. In one document executed a few years
before annexation, which accidentally came under my notice,
the writer ingenuously describes his property to be of three
kinds, "bapans, molans, pilans," hereditary, purchased and
acquired by force !
116. Occupation is expressly stated in the institutes of
ft ^ ,. Manu to be one of the ways in which
2. Occupation. , . *z i j • j_i_
ownership may accrue ; " land is the
property of him who cut away the wood," or, in the words of
the commentator, " who tilled and cleared it;"* and many in-
stances may be found in which " jangal tardshf," " ban tornd"
&c, are alleged as the basis of the present possessor's title. In
the south of Oudh, however, there has been little scope for the
exercise of this mode of acquisition for many generations past ;
for, though large tracts of junglehave existed, they have been
at least in the nominal possession of some powerful landholder,
and very often left by him in that state for defensive purposes.
It comes into play in a modified form in co-parcenary commu-
nities, when the common land is so held that any sharer may
take up as much as he chooses, and thereby becomes, either
permanently, or until a general adjustment of holdings, ex-
clusive proprietor of what he so takes up.
117. Accession is, ips& natur&, both possible and ne-
cessary in every state of society.
3. Accession. W[th respect to the ^^ ft COI1 veyS to
the produce of land and cattle, it is usually simple and incon-
* Elphinatone's History of India 4th Edition page 21 quoting Mann, Chapter IX. 44»
sultAnpub settlement report. 49
testible ; and even in the form of alluvion, owing to the pau-
city and comparative insignificance of the rivers of this district,
it seldom gives rise here to those very complex questions, which
now and then call for decision in other parts of India, I thus
hesitate to say that any well defined usage prevails to regulate
its effect upon the rights of riparian proprietors, where a
sudden change takes place in a river's course ; the dhar-dhura,
or deep stream boundary principle is not unknown, but I can-
not say that it is invariably observed ; in cases of gradual ac-
cretion, the new land unquestionably belongs to the proprietor
of that which it adjoins. Further on it will be seen that the
surveyor's recently made maps delineate water-covered bound-
aries in mid-stream; so that it may not be superfluous to ex-
plain that the course thus pursued does not rest upon any
clearly ascertained local custom.
118. The most common modes of transfer are (1) grant,
"" (2) sale, (3) mortage, (4) gift, {5) in-
er# heritance, (6) lease, (7) deposit. Of
these, the first always conveys a right from a superior to an in-
ferior, the last vice versd; the others are transactions between
equals.
119. Grants of land under various names and for v&-
rious purposes have been common for
many centuries, at least since the time
of Manu : a copper tablet found at Faizabad tells of one made
in this province by the great Jaya Chandra in the twelfth cen-
tury. With a few exceptions,* the Mahomedan kings con-
tinued the practice on the same scale as the Hindus ; and
though, under the present regime, it has become much less com-
mon, the introduction into the local dialect of the word grant,
in the barbarous and cacophonous form "girant," shows that it
has not altogether fallen into desuetude. Grants are made
either by the ruling power to subjects, or by proprietors to
their tenants. In the former case, a full and independent pro-
prietary right may be conferred ; in the latter this never hap-
pens, the terms of the grant invariably imply the continuance
* Elliot's History of India III. 289. u Al£-ud-dfn refused to make grants of villages
•• and paid his followers every year with money from the treasury. But when Sultan Firoz
•' came to the throne he dismissed such thoughts from his heart and during the forty
•' years of his reign, he devoted himself to generosity and the benefit of Musulmans, by
" distributing villages and lands among his followers."
a
50 sultInpur settlement report.
of a superior title in the grantor. He either fixes an annual
rent to be paid by the grantee, whose dependent position is thus
clearly marked; or he remits all demand upon the land, which
he is only colnpetent to do so long as his connection with it
lasts ; in particular instances, a specific service accompanies the
tenure of the land. Deeds of grant often contain a clause to
the effect that the subject of them is to be held for generation
after generation (naslan b&d naslan, batnan bdd batnan);
and it has been ruled by the Judicial Committee of the Privy
Council that the absence of some equivalent expression signifies
that the grant is purely personal.
s
120. Sales of real property have always been extremely
, rare, and at the present time there is
less disposition than ever to resort to
them. The necessity for them is in a great degree obviated
by the common practice of making grants, and it is scarcely
too much to say that, Persian words aside, the village lan-
guage contains no single term to denote a thorough, out and
out sale. The nearest approximation to it is bechna ; but this,
like the corresponding hybrid term bechndmah, is often used
with respect to a mortgage, and it is only by employing the
intensive form bech-ddlna, that the idea of perfect expropri-
ation is obtained. For a corresponding noun, bai * has to be
borrowed from the Persian language, and the formal execu-
tion of such a deed is a luxury reserved for those whose con-
ception of land tenures is tinctured with Mahomedan ideas.
Ordinary village proprietors arrive by slow degrees at the
conviction that their patrimony, however small, is insufficient
at once to maintain them and their families in comfort, and
to meet the legitimate revenue demand of the State. Not
even under native rule, when the revenue demand rose
rapidly if they were prosperous without falling in the
same proportion when the reverse was the case, was it
possible to bring this painful and unwelcome fact home
to them. When they first began to find themselves
embarrassed, they mortgaged one or two fields or ob-
tained a loan from some momed Brahman by a Sankalp grant
of a few acres. This went on and on until they got rid
* Various compounds are also used, of which this word forms part, e. g. Bai bur£,
but the Hindi factor means only mortgage. Its literal signification "is to be immers-
ed," and so exactly corresponds to the Persian "ghark" or " mustagharrik" which 19
also applied to mortgage.
sultXnpur settlement report. 51
piecemeal of all their cultivated lands ; and even then if left to
themselves, they recognized no necessity for finally severing
their connexion with their inheritance, although they might
see no prospect whatever of redeeming the lien on it ; they
would rather execute one cumulative mortgage of their entire
share, waste and everything included, and then go off and seek
service in the British army. But it might, and often did,
happen that, when the revenue of a village was in arrears,
the whole co-parcenary body, or several of the principal mem-
bers of it were seized and thrown into confinement by the
Government officer. If any of them were solvent, they would
take advantage of the occasion to represent piteously to their
captor that they always paid their own quota of the revenue
punctually, and were suffering for the faults of their more un-
thrifty sharers ; they would then offer to settle for them also, if
only they would prevent the recurrence of the same difficulty
by throwing up their shares in favour of those who paid up their
arrears. Under such circumstances even a regular deed ot
sale was not very often drawn up ; but, what amounted to
much the same thing, the creditors obtained under the more
ambiguous name of fdrigh-khatti, a formal renunciation of all
their debtors' rights and interests. If all the sharers were
alike insolvent, the revenue officer offered their village to any
wealthy landholder who would satisfy his demand, and in
such cases a deed of sale was often at once extorted from the
defaulters in favour of the person from whom they received
this forced accommodation ; or they were handed over to his
tender mercies, which generally had the same result. But
though under the pressure of official interference, such deeds
as I have just described were, no doubt, occasionally executed,
yet in perfectly free transactions among themselves, villagers
hardly ever effected a permanent transfer of their lands.
121. When sales are rare, pre-emption cannot be a com-
_ x . mon custom. It is said to be a
Mahomedan institution,* and, under
its name of hakk-shafa, is certainly very little known to
the uneducated. But it is not altogether foreign to
* Pre-emption would appear to be one of the customs the Mahomedans borrowed
from the Jews. It will be remembered how Boaz asked the kinsman nearer than he,
whether he would purchase Naomi's parcel of land. Regarding the general principle
see Leviticus XXV. 25.
52 sultInpur settlement report.
Hindd* law, and in such sales of land as did take place under
native rule, not to say in mortgages also, a very similar practice
prevailed. The transferee was, as a rule, a well-to-do sharer, a
connexion of the village community, or their common money-
lender and banker. An outsider might now and then have
taken the place of one of the brotherhood, but there was at
least a tacit acquiescence on the part of the rest. If the intruder
rendered himself obnoxious to their dislike, without being too
particular to find a legal name for the act, they simply turned
him out or killed him.
122. Of mortgages, according to Macpherson, there are
three pure forms : 1, the usufructuary;
gage ' 2, the simple mortgage; 3, the mort-
gage by conditional sale kutkubala, or bai-bil-wafk All these
three forms are familiarlyknown,andinthe eastern portion of the
district, a fourth, purms&na, may oe added, exactly similar to
that described by Mr. Carnegy, as existing in the adjacent par-
ganahs of the Faizabad districtt: — " the terms usually are that
" the mortgagee in possession enjoys a portion of the rent as
" interest of the money lent, and the surplus rent is paid to the
"mortgagor, under the denomination of Purms&na. Occa-
" sionally the whole rent is absorbed as interest, the mortgagor
" paying the Government demand." The exact converse of mis
on the other hand, sometimes takes place, and the mortgagor
is left in possession with a lease from the mortgagee. J
123. Gift is a mode of transfer not much patronized ; it is
a common weakness of human nature
not to part with valuable property with-
out some adequate consideration, and the Mahomedan gift,
hibba-bil-iwaz, which contemplates such a return, unjustly cre-
diting itself with aliberality which might be equally claimed by
a sale, is less popular even than that form of contract. Among
Hindus, gifts are almost limited to those cases, in which a child-
less proprietor endeavours to ensure the succession of a son-in-
* Elphinstone, 4th Edition, para. 21. In the passage he refers to allusion is only made
to articles capable of being exported, but this is sufficient to show that the Hindus were
acquainted with the idea of pre-emption. That it should not be mentioned particularly
with regard to land in Manu's code, is of a piece with the scantiness of the references
therein made to individual property of any kind in land.
f See marginal extract, F. C's Settlement Eeport 1866, page 7.
X I confine myself to a bare numeration of the kinds of mortgage locally known.
The law on the subject is summed up in Act XIII. of 1866, and I need not re-open here
the discussion how far that Act squares with local custom.
sultInpur settlement report. 53
law, or other connexion not the regular heir ; it is then often
Stipulated that the donor shall be maintained until his death
by the donee.
124. In matters of inheritance, the regular classes of
Mahomedans follow the Kor&n, and
en ce ' Hindiis the S&stras modified more or
less, as elsewhere, by local custom. Muslim converts more
often than not adhere to the rules by which they were guid-
ed previous to their change of faith. In the division of in-
heritance according to the S&stras, * the eldest of two or more
sons, of whatever caste, is entitled to a double share, and the
next born to a share and a half, if, according to a learned
commentator, they clearly surpass the rest in virtue and learn-
ing. This rule in a modified form is still in full force among
Kshattriyas; but, among other classes, has ceased to be observed.
In one recent instance, indeed, the elder of two Brahman bro-
thers claimed a two fold share in a sankalp, and based his
claim on " supiiti," or filial piety; but this worthy, I rather sus-
pect, had simply searched his scriptures more diligently than
his fellows, and turned the knowledge so gained to account ;
his acquaintance with the S&stras would of itself be sufficient
evidence of his erudition, and would also help to make a very
ordinary amount of dutifulness pass muster, so that finding
himself in a position to assert the requisite excellence of charac-
ter, he might very possibly, by the exercise of a little tact, con-
trive to make an old and obsolete law, which rewarded it, over-
ride less appreciative modern practice. Among Kshattriyas the
extra share attached to primogeniture (jethansi) varies even in
different families of the same clan ; the most common forms of it
are those denoted by the fractional expressions ek-derh, one and
a half, and siwde, one and a quarter. Next to these and little
more than the conversion of the abstract siwde into the definite
fraction of a bfgah, in accordance with the general mode of ex-
hibiting shares, is that represented by the compound term nau-
igdrah, nine-eleven (or igdrah-nau, eleven-nine,) the ratio
between the two numbers showing the relative rights of senior
and junior. Bare examples may be traced of the existence of
the primitive habit of giving the eldest son a double share,
but, on the other hand, the distinction in his favor has in
some places become altogether obliterated. In many Kan-
* Manu IX. 117.
54 sultXnpub settlement report.
puria families, a singularly complicated arrangement obtains,
by which the special share is fixed at siwde dar siwde, or
twenty-one to an ordinary share of sixteen. In co-parcenary
estates, general opinion is adverse to widows and daughters
getting shares ; but now and then, they do so without opposi-
tion on the part of the next heirs. In t'alukas, female succes-
sion is not at all uncommon.
125. The lease, under the names of ihflcd and ijdra has
long been generally known, and in
aS0, common use. Assignment of leases
never seems to have obtained, but the more objectionable kit-
kina, or sub-lease, is not unusual. A single lessee sometimes
takes up a large tract of land, and sub-lets it in small parcels ;
a process, which like the multiplying- wheel introduced into
machinery, to produce the greater effect from the motive
power, has the result of extracting more than they would have
otherwise to pay from the actual occupants of the soil. Leases
and sub-leases are both occasionally given for short fixed
periods, but oftener for an indefinite term ; and, in the latter
case, they are allowed to run on so long as the contracting par-
ties continue friends. The name patta istimr&H has now
become familiar ; and possibly the tenure it describes prevailed
in some parts of the province previous to annexation ; but I
have not found a single well-authenticated deed of the kind in
this district, and I do not believe the perpetual lease was
known here, until it was introduced a few years ago in the
cases alluded to in para. 180.*
126. Deposit is a word now employed to describe a
D . practice not uncommon under native
ep0S1 ' rule, by which proprietors of small
estates managed to protect themselves from the attacks of their
stronger neighbours, and the oppression of Government officers.
They put themselves under the wing of some powerful chief
or person possessed of official influence, and, getting the reve-
nue engagement for their villages made out in his name, left
him to fight their battles for them. In return for this, they
usually paid him a small percentage on their revenue, (which
* In English leases, the term of years fixed is very often a multiple of ten minus one,
the object being, I believe, to evade the higher rate of stamp-duty which the even num-
ber would entail. In native leases, a somewhat similar practice is followed of fixing the
rent payable at a multiple of ten plus one, and the reason assigned for this is that the
odd number does not so readily admit of being tampered with.
sultXnpur settlement report. 5 5
they paid through him) under the name of hakk-u$-sai-o-mih-
natdna, or other similar designation. There was always an
implied understanding in such cases, that the depositor was at
liberty to resume the independent management of his estate
at pleasure ; and the more prudent took the precaution to have
this plainly set down in writing, while they on their side exe-
cuted a supurdndmah or deed of trust in favour of their
adopted protector.
127. According to their characteristic incidents, tenures
„. A . are usually divided by European
^Tenures according to «. ^.^ ^ proprietar y ^ sub . pro .
_ . x . a . . prietary ; superior and inferior, or any
Proprietary and Sub-propne- *,. •* ' ■£,. , /• • *i
tary. other correlative terms of similar
import being used to mark the
'difference implied. In native ways of thinking also, a
sharp line of distinction is drawn between two classes of
tenures; but its position is between zemind&ri and
_ . . * /v. ' non-zeminddrf, or full proprietorship
Proprietary and Quasi-pro* ,, «■ j j • li p ri
prietary. on the one hand, and rights ot all
other descriptions on the other. In its
primary meaning, the word zemind&rf is no doubt of wider
signification, but I do not hesitate to say that it is now inse-
parably connected, in the native mind, with the idea of the
most complete and perfect ownership. Those most nearly
concerned consider it to be the highest and purest form of
tenure, and though they may be unable to expound its charac-
teristic differentiae they unquestionably believe in its distinc-
tiveness.
128. In my remarks on this subject, I propose to
m. , . . A . , ., follow the native method of classifica-
Tne latter adopted as the .. ., , ., , , /» j. n •
main classification. tion ; it has the advantage ot tallying
very closely with that based on the
means of acquisition ; for proprietary tenures alone are origi-
nal, and quasi-proprietary ones are necessarily derivative. On
the other hand, the subordinate position, which lies at the
root of the other classification, is not essential to any tenures
whatever ; it is an accident rather than an incident of those
in which it is found.
56 sultAnpub settlement report.
129. Both theories, it will be observed, take for granted
. . the existence of private right in land;
pnetary ngn ^^ .^ ^ necegsar y fa nQ ^ ft^ ^j^
point is not universally conceded. It is discussed at some
_ . x * . * • v* . length by Elphinstone, who arrives at
Existence of private right in ,, ° f • xi_ j. V • t_j. • i» -i
land. the conclusion that such a right is ful-
ly acknowledged in the Sdstras* The
strongest argument in support of this view, he pronounces to
be that the king's share in the produce of the land is plainly
limited and defined, so that there must consequently have been
another proprietor for the remainder. The case, may I ven-
ture to think, be put even yet more forcibly ; for even what
the king received, he levied, not as a proprietor collects rents
from his domains, but as a monarch collects revenue from his
dominions ; the share of grain he took from the agriculturist
is placed on precisely the same footing as the share of trinkets
rendered to him by the jeweller. In recent times, though the
moderate amount of produce payable to the State has some-
times been arbitrarily exceeded, and the value of land thus re-
duced to a minimum, there is still less doubt about the recog-
nition of a private right in it, even in the worst days of the Na-
w&bi. Government officials, it may be urged, not unfrequently
set aside a zemind&r, or gave his village to an outsider; but, in
the first place, they were careful to find some colorable excuse
for such a course, and, in the second place, they generally
silenced the person thus set aside by an allowance of money
or rent-free land. If they intended to oust him permanently
they treated him in the manner described in para. 120, a piece
of gratuitous tyranny, if he was removable at will. The
question is one capable of being argued at almost any length;
but it appears to me that enough has already been stated to
show that private property m land has always been plainly
recognized, and that it has always been a transferable right ;
that it has always been heritable also admits of no dis-
pute whatever. In short, I doubt whether the zemindar's
_ . . . . , . . . interest in his estate has in any par-
Equivalent to dominium of ,. , ,, , , ., J *. .
Roman law. ticular ever fallen short of the domini-
um of Roman law, which under the
various heads of usus, ifructus, abusus and vindicatio included
the right of use, of enjoyment of produce, of disposal or aliena-
tion, and of recovery by legal means in case of dispossession.*
* Of course there is now no room for doubt on the subject of private proprietary
right. T'alukd&rs have there gonads ; others have formal decrees against Government.
sttltAnpur settlement report. 57
130 In the exercise of this dominium, the zemind&r
. . , r . . deals with his estate as if composed of
Internal economy of estate. , ,. .. . ,. ., \,. . -,
two distinct portions, the cultivated
and uncultivated lands. The former he again subdivides into
Cultivated landa. khdlisa, pure and unencumbered lands,
™ e or those let at full rent to tenants-at-
will, and riaiyati, favoured lands, or those held at easy rates
on account of some special tenure. The latter comprise the
sir of the co-parceners, and the sankalps, jdghirs and so on,
held by persons without the pale of the proprietary body. Sir
alone will be noticed here, the rest will be adverted to here-
After. " Sir", it is said, * " is a Sanscrit word meaning plough.
11 It was a frequent occurrence in Upper Hindostan and the
" Panjab for the kardars and jaghirdars to exempt so many
" ploughs from assessment in favour of particular individuals ;
" and by village custom the revenue was apportioned on the
" number of ploughs employed by each responsible person."
The sir of each sharer does not lie ordinarily within a ring-
fence, but consists of fields scattered about in different parts
of the village ; nor is it always the same from year to year ;
for many proprietors first endeavour to let all they can to ten-
ants-at-will, and then take into their own cultivation as much
as their stock permits of what remains unlet ; at other times,
the contrary plan is followed, and changes then but seldom oc-
cur in the proprietors' holding. Sir is often regarded as
synonymous with khudkdskt, or lands held immediately by a
zemind&r ; but it is sometimes sub-let to under tenants (shika-
mi asdrrri) who differ from tenants of the khdlisa in that the
village rent-roll takes no cognizance of their existence. This
happens more especially where sir is fixed and clearly defined ;
otherwise the individual who practises this manoeuvre, alone in-
tercepts all the profit on a tenant's holding, which should, in
justice, be divided among the whole number of co-parceners.
131. Uncultivated lands consist of groves, lakes and
jj ... . . f . tanks, the village site and waste land.
Uncultivated lands. ~ * t P . . , , , .
Groves may belong to zemindars, but
may also be held by persons of other classes, and so may be re-
garded as a special tenure. Lakes and tanks, except in rare
instances, are the property of the zeminddrs, who dispose of
the water, fish, and any spontaneous vegetable produce they
* Oudh Settlement Report, September I860, page 8-9.
H
58 sultAnpub settlement report.
may yield. Control over the village site and waste land is an
almost inseparable accompaniment of the general proprie-
torship of the village. The zemind£r has the power to grant
and withhold permission to build houses in the homestead,
the right to houses rendered vacant by the departure or death
of tenants, and in some places the right to one-fourth of the
value of the building materials, if a house be sold Waste
land is commonly devoted to the pasturage of all cattle indis-
criminately, without regard to the status of their owners, and
sometimes an interchange of this accommodation takes place
between several contiguous villages. Occasionally sponta-
neous produce of various kinds gives a special value to waste
land
132. His receipts from land form the principal part of
. . ... the income of the zeminddr : but he
Manorial dues. , . • i-m , •
also enjoys a nice little property m
perquisites derived from non-agricultural sources. For exam-
})le, he gets a loom-fee from the weaver, a hide from the
eather-dresser fchamdr) and similar dues from other handi-
craftsmen ; while one or two hundred rupees a year may be
expected from a bazar of no great magnitude. From the
meaner castes, also, on particular occasions, such as marriages,
he obtains a goat, sheep or other small present ; and, more
general than any of those yet mentioned, a fee called " bhent"
is levied from agriculturists and non-agriculturists alike, on
every occasion of a formal meeting (bhent) for purposes of
business with the zemind&r or his agents. These little exac-
tions are not claimable in our courts; but the strength of past
custom still renders it possible for the zemind&r to levy them ;
and this he is the more careful to do, because they are tests of
his proprietary right, and the importance of attending to such
points is becoming much more appreciated than it used for-
merly to be. I heard recently of a t'alukddr declining most
positively to allow a house to be built in one of his villages,
solely because the applicant demurred to the payment of this
" bhent/' and yet the sum demanded was one rupee only,
and the t'alukcrar was ready, if he received it to provide wood
and building materials worth three or four times the amount.
133. In his relation to the State, beyond the punctual
Proprietor's relation towards pa,yment of his land revenue, the ze-
the state. mind&r was, under native rule, bur-
dened with no special obligations. On the other hand, he
StJLTlNPtflt SflWLEMflOT REPOfcT. 59
Was equally devoid of special claims against it, with the ex-
ception of one connected with his revenue engagement, and
his proprietary status, viz., a certain allowance denominated
hankar. So long as he held the management of his estate,
and contracted to pay a fixed sum for it, this nankar usually
took the form of a cash deduction from the amount so pay-
able ; in small properties, no lands were directly specified as
tmassessed on this account, while in large ones particular vil-
lages were named*" When, as sometimes happened, an estate
Was taken under direct management by local officers, if it was
a small one, the zetninddr. usually retained his sir lands, which
wete then assessed at a light rate ; if it was a large one, he
was left in possession of his nankar tillages, of which the re-
Venue was then remitted
134. In other respects, however, the proprietor was
Mtactly on & level With the rest of the community ; and, in
this perfect freedom of the tenure from all conditions and
restrictions, probably consisted its distinctive character ; for,
in every other case, the possession of land was subject to
some limitation of right, or contingent on the performance
of some duty. At one time, indeed, that of Akbar, it seems
that landed proprietors were required to provide a military
force for the service of the State. " The zeminddrs of Ben-
gal (who are mostly Koits)," says Ab-ul-Fazl,* ir furnish " a
large body of cavalry and infantry besides elephants, guns and
boats ; and, elsewhere, he estimates the zemind&ri troops, as a
single branch of the royal army, at upwards of four hundred
millions and four hundred thousand. But, according to the
old Hindu law, it is not among landholders in particular that
recruits for the* army are to oe found, but indiscriminately
among those endowed with the necessary physical aptitude.
How the matter stood even after the establishment of the
Moghal dynasty is well exemplified by the distinction drawn
in the following story between jrighirs and family estates. Mu-
hammad Kh&n Stir, Governor of Jaunpur, and an enemy of
Shir Kh&n (afterwards Shfr Shdh) sent to him to say that,
according to the king's commands, his brothers were to have
their proportion of the estate which he had hitherto unjustly
withheld from them. Shir Kh&n returned for answer that
Muhammad Kh&n was much mistaken it he supposed this
* Ain-i-Akbarf, s. v. Subah Bengal
60 SULTANPUB 8STTLEMKNT REPORT.
was the country of Roh, where estates were to be subdivided,
for that the land belonged to the king, which he disposed of
at pleasure. That it was true family estates up to the pre-
sent period were always divided equally among sons on the
death of their father, but that no such distribution took: place
in cases when districts were conferred for the support of troops,
for the possession of which royal grants were made out, and
given to him whom the King thought most fit to perform* the
service. That as he himself had a personal grant from the
crown for his estate, his brethren were entirely out of the
question.* Even under Akbar's system, moreover, military
service was in addition to the payment of a regular revenue,
not the sole condition of the tenure of land ; and, if the prac-
tice of exacting it was ever rigorously enforced, it certainly
became obsolete long before annexation.
©
135. It is a peculiar coincidence, certainly, that the
Eshattriyas or military class have long nearly monopolised
proprietary right in land; but it is the commonly received
opinion, not that they obtained that right by grant from the
governing power, on condition of rendering subsequent mili-
tary service ; but that they either won it for themselves "with
their own good swords" on their re-migration to Oudh, or,
if they owed their title to any other than themselves, it waa
to the chief who assigned to them as a reward, if not as a right
equal to his own, a portion of the territory conquered by
means of their assistance. In Manu, also, though the mili-
tary duties of Kshattrivas are plainly mentioned, they are not
said to be associated with property in land ; and, though mili-
tary divisions of the country are referred to, it is by no means
certain that the troops derived their pay in any form or shape
from the locality in which they were quartered, the adminis-
tration and control of which, on the other hand, it is certain
was not vested in their chiefs, but in a separate staff of civil
officers. If, indeed, Manu's code anywhere contains the
germ of the present system of land tenures, it is quite as
possible that it is in the position of the civil officers, as of the
military chiefs. If Kshattriyas now constitute the great
majority of landed proprietors, in Manu's time they not only
officered the army, but equally filled every department of civil
government ; the nankar proprietors are now allowed in its
* Brigg'a Feriakta, II. 104.
SULTANPUH SETTLEMENT REPORT. 61
nature bears some, perhaps only superficial, resemblance to the
perquisites of the old civil governors ;* the paltry nankar,
etymologically signifying subsistence money, and practically
barely sufficient tor that purpose, allowed to the petty zemin-
d&r, while holding under contract, seems to be a fit substitute
for the king's share of " food, drink, wood and other articles,"
which formed the meagre emoluments of a lord of one town ;
the sir, L e. as above explained, the plough lands of the
shelved zemind&r, bear a curious analogy to the plough lands,
the produce of which the lords of ten and twenty towns enjoy-
ed ; and the more liberal allowance of one or more entire vil-
lages made to large proprietors is exactly the remuneration of
the lord of a hundred or a thousand towns.t At a later period,
no doubt, service-grants came to be applied to the payment of
troops, but when the practice came into vogue is uncertain.
When it did, it was the government interest in the land alone
that was conferred, and I know of nothing to show that the
character of such grants was ever materially different from that
of \heqabz\so common before annexation. Individual instances
maybe discovered of their becoming hereditary , and of grantees
usurping the rights of the lawful proprietors, but it cannot be
said that any general movement of the kind ever took place ;
nor, even when military service originally formed the basis
of a tenure, did it often continue to be rendered after the ac-
crual of a private proprietary right,
136. As the zemindar's position involved no special
duties towards or claims upon the
^p^rietor'B relation towards State, so did it create no particular
** ' mutual obligations between him andhis
tenantry. In practice, indeed, they looked to him to protect
them from the aggressions of others, and to settle their own
disputes, either by passing an authoritative decision himself
or appointing arbitrators for the purpose. § But this was sim-
ply because they understood the futility of addressing them-
selves to authorities, whose nominal functions were rarely ex-
ercised, at all events so as to produce any perceptib le result.
* See Maim VII. 1 15 &c. ~ ""
t Elphinstone, 4th Edition, 74.
t The qabz was of two kinds, the l&kalamf qabz, or pledge to collect and pay a cer-
tain stun, for which the estate was held to be liable ; and waeuli qabz, or pledge to pay
to the collector or troops the precise sum which the commandant may be able to collect
from the estate put under him. Sleeman's Tour, I. 140.
§ If a t'alukdar was applied to, with a modest diffidence, perhaps, of his own powers,
he often addressed a letter to pandits, or the zemindars of one of his villages, requesting
them to settle the dispute.
62 stft/rlftfuR s^maiim Kftpottr,
The State, however, by no means confessed that it delegated to
private proprietors the duty of affording protection to ite
subjects ; it made occasional and feeble efforts to enforce ite
authority in this respect, the king himself listened to any
complaints aggrieved persons chose to bring before him, and
his minister issued peremptory but sadly unmeaning orders
that due enquiry was to be made and redress afforded* So
also did the State profess to make arrangements for the ad-
ministration of justice, and a civil court was attached to
the establishment of every N&zim. Thus there was no obliga-
tion inherent in his position to make the zemincUtr render to his
tenants assistance of the kinds just mentioned If they had
any claims against him, which were not more properly met by
the State, they vtefe simply for such trifling things as land in
the village to build a house on, assistance in the shape of mate-
rial in building it, fuel for burning bricks when they constructed
a masonry Well, and pasturage for their cattle on the waste
land of the village.
137. As a subordinate means of classifying proprietary
kmnitoa b. tenures, the division into superior and
d^^L* 1 " 7 ro inferior may advantageously be folio W-
. x x ed Theformerarecommoiuydescribed
Snpenorpropnetorytennr*. toberffintf g^ 1 t'alukditf, 2 Z6-
inind&rf, 3 pattiddri, 4 bhy&ch&rah. These are all zemind&ri
alike, and no more than phases of the same tenure; but the dis-
tinction here drawn between them is so well known, that I will
not attempt to depart from it. The proportion in which they
prevail in this district will be seen by reference to the tabular
statement, (No. IV). given in the appendix.
138. The taluka in the above sense includes the newly
^ created Grant, to be noticed further
on under this head ; and with it, is at
present, no doubt, separated by a hard and fast line from every
other species of tenure ; but this isolation is of recent origin,
and owes its birth to the action of the British government on
the re-occupation of the province. Before annexation the two
terms t'aluka and zemindarf were as familiar as at present,
but the former implied no better status than the latter. Es-
tates in every way similar lay intermixed with each other, and
while some received one denomination, the rest were known
by the other.
* Sleeman's Tour through Oude, L 179.
sultXnpur settlement report. 63
139. Regarding what constitutes a t'aluka two extreme
theories have been enunciated. One, the patriarchal theory,
makes the t'alukdir pater atque grinceps in his estate, and is
thus clearly described by a writer m the Calcutta Review in the
following passage : — " Talookas have been appropriately divid-
" ed into two classes, \hepure and impure To
" the invasions of the Rajpoots (a little prior to the middle of
" the twelfth century) Mr. Thomason traces the foundation of
u the existing proprietary ri^ht in land. The descendants of
u each chief he tells us, multiplied till at length in some instan-
" ces they displaced all other occupants of the land, or at
" least assumed all the proprietary privileges. The members
" he adds, were numerous, and each territorial subdivision is
" marked by the prevalence of its own stock. These all trace
" their origin to a single person who first conquered the
" country."
" Those whom we now call the pure talookdars, are the
" chiefs descended from the leaders above referred to. They
" may be the legal successors in a direct line of the original set-
" tier, or they may be sprung from a junior branch raised to
" power by favor, ability or the voice of the tribe ; but, of this
" there can be no doubt, that these feudal lords, whom we found
11 in possession, are the hereditary chiefs of important tribes,
" whose position in the eyes of the people had become hallow-
" ed by the memory of an extreme and not inglorious antiquity.
" Whenever, thus, we meet with a dominant clan of Rajpoots,
f ' with one or more acknowledged chiefs at its head, we may
" rest assured that these have one or more estates which had
" their origin in a, pure tcdooka"
" But instances will be found, and these not of rare
" occurrence where large proprietors have been formed at a
" more recent period through the influence of official position,
" or by favor of the ruling power. Such estates have been
" designated impure talookas, and they are to be recognized by
" the general absence of clansmen, and by the traceability of
" the origin of the tenure. Even such talookas as these, how-
" ever wfll also be found to be surrounded by the reverence
"due to the prescription of ages."*
* Calcutta Review June 1866. The Talookdaree Tenure of Upper India.
64 8TJLTANPUIt SETTLEMENT REPORT.
140. The opposite theory is thus explained : — " I con-
sider/' says Mr. feenett,* " that the division of the class into
" true and false t'alukd&rs puts the matter in quite a wrong
" light. As a matter of fact, all were exactly the same in as
" far as they were t'alukd&rs, middlemen put in by or forced
" on the government superintendents of arbitrary collections
" of villages, who as the central power grew weaker, were
" being gradually and surely transformed into landed pro-
" prietors. What has been called a true t'alukd&r differs from
" what has been called a false t'alukdrfr, only in the fact that
" while the former had been for centuries exercising an impe-
" rium in imperio on the spot, the latter was an outsider
" whose fortune, talents, or wealth had secured him the posi-
" tion. Both were alike in being t'alukddrs, though they
" differed in every other particular."
141. The former of these views implies that there are
wrapped up in the word "t'aluka" the ideas of original
acquisition by conquest, chiefship of a clan, and possession of
an estate for several centuries ; the latter on the contrary
lays down that none of these are essentials of the tenure; the
u t'aluka proper" is said to have come into existence within
the last hundred years.t
142. As to the earliest use of the words t'aluka and
t'alukddr Mr. Benett mentions a grant of 1760 a. d., as
containing one of them ; and, if they did not occur in deeds
of more ancient date, their absence might lend some coun-
tenance to the belief that they were words of recent introduc-
tion ; but the title and tenure are traced by Mr. Thomason
back to 1677 A. D., and mention of them even occurs in a
deed of the year 1642 A. d., under the seal of the emperor
Shah Jeh&n. J Again the word t'aluka itself is indicative of
connection with property in land. It is derived from an
Arabic triliteral root dlk, § the radical signification of which is
love, affection, attachment, and thence adherence, depen-
dence ; and a secondary meaning, in the same language, of
ta'alluk a derivative form of that word, is a " landed estate," (a
curious embodiment, I may remark, of the aphorism that
• Family History of the Chief Clans of the Roy Bareilly district, para. 87.
t Ibid, para. 86.
+ Calcutta Review. Article above quoted.
$ Richardson's Persian Dictionary.
SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 65
where the treasure is there will the heart be also). From
this two things are evident ; one of which is, that the dis-
tinctive characteristic of a t'alukdar is the possession of a
" landed estate," the other is, that, as the word t'aluka bears
that meaning in the Arabic language, it was introduced into
India by the Mahomedans from abroad in the sense it now
possesses, and was not coined by them to suit a peculiar reve-
nue system found to prevail in Oudh. The word no doubt
involves the notion of connection ; but it signifies not only the
bond of connection, (which would appear to be the meaning
assigned to it by those who consider the t'alukd&r to be a
middleman) but also the thing connected, and with regard to
land was, I myself believe, employed in the latter sense.
143. The impression is nowadays very prevalent that
the t'aluka is necessarily " one and indivisible." The incor-
rectness' of this hypothesis is best demonstrated by the
numerous instances that have come to light of estates beyond
doubt t'alukas in name having been uniformly held by co-
parcenary communities. Of this Amhat is a notable example ;
many more might be found in this district, and Dr. Oldham
mentions t'alukas in Ghazipur the owners of which were a
brotherhood comprising hundreds and, in some instances,
thousands of shareholders. The error consists in assigning
to all estates so called a peculiarity that belonged to those
only in which a " gaddi" existed. It has been rightly said*
that the " title of r&jah and the tenure of r&j, though not
" exactly synonymous, are somewhat analogous to the ternls
" talookdar and talooka;" but they find yet more precise equiva-
lents in Persian in rdis and riydsaL The riyasat represents
the dominions of a chief or prince, the t'aluka the estate of a
private individual. It is of the former only that impartibility
is a characteristic ; and, if the latter tended to acquire it also
in the last days of native rule, it was simply because it felt
the influence of anarchy and misrule, a not uncommon effect
of which is to transform estates into principalities.
144. T'alukddri tenurea have again been defined to be
those where there are " separate heritable and transferable
" properties of a different and not the same kind, one being
"superior and the other inferior." . . . " The superior in
" this case is called the Talukd&r ; the inferior proprietors are
"called village Zemind&rs, Biswahddrsor Mukaddams. The
* Calcutta Review, June 1866 ; Article above Rioted.
66 sultInpur settlement report.
" ordinary form of such cases is where a powerful man, by patent
" or grant from the supreme power, or by favor of the local offi-?
" cers, or by voluntary act of the people themselves, has become
" an intermediate person between the government and the vil-
" lage proprietors." — But it is admitted nevertheless that "in
" most large t'alukas it will be found that there are some vil-
" lages in which there is no inferior right. These may be either
"the original ancestral property of the T'alukd&r himself, or
" villages in which he has purchased the inferior proprietary
" right."* And this admission, unless it is to be supposed
that one and the same t'aluka may be at once partly t aluk-
dari and partly non-t'alukd£ri, seems to me to extend to this
that, in the first place, twofold proprietorship was not an in-
dispensable concomitant of the t'alukddrf tenure ; and that,
in the second place, in accepting the description given of the
" ordinary form of such cases," the hereditary possession of an
estate, of whatever magnitude, by the person arbitrarily in-
terposed between government and the village proprietors
must in a large majority of instances be pre-supposed. For
my own part, I question whether the word t'aluka is
in any way expressive of the number or kinds of interests in-
volved in it. Even wjiere a superior and inferior right co-
exist, it manifestly does not always denote the former, as is
apparent from the " dependent talooks," intermediate between
the zemind&r and the tenant, alluded to in Act X. of 1859.
145. An attempt has also been made to refer the t'aluka
to a pecuniary standard ; it is, in this sense, an estate paying
over Us. 5,000 ; but this is confessedly an arbitrary definition,
and its defectiveness is acknowledged in the qualification that
it is only to be acted upon when any doubt exists as to the
customary designation of a landholder. Under native rule,
estates were often called t'alukas which paid less than
Rs. 5,000.
146. The above considerations lead me to the belief that,
before annexation, the t'aluka never constituted a distinct
tenure, and that its name never had a more restricted mean-
ing than " a landed estate," without reference to its character
or constitution. That it was not applied to the smallest pro-
perties, I am quite ready to admit, but neither is its English
* Directions to Settlement Officers, paras. 98-99.
sultInpur settlement report. 67
synonym ; the owner of a farm of a hundred acres would pro-
bably be deterred by fear of ridicule from dignifying it with
the name of an estate, although the legal definition of the
latter term might justify him in doing so.
147. The origin of t'alukas is too wide a question for
discussion here ; but I may go so far as to say that, notwithstand-
ing the latitude I claim for their name, I am still of opinion
that there is plenty of scope for their division into pure and
impure. This conveniently marks the distinction between
new estates of mushroom growth, and old estates, the gradual
development of centuries. Parronu landholders are common
to every age, but the possessors of what are here called im-
pure t'alukas are not solitary specimens of that genus ;
they rather form a conspicuously separate class, despised
by their hereditary compeers, and not unlike one which
existed in Roman society in the later days of the republic :
I allude to that class of persons, who, availing themselves of
the removal of the bar which had in earlier times separated
patricians and plebeians, endeavoured to struggle into high
offices of state which their ancestors had never held, and so
earned for themselves the contemptuous sobriquet of novi
homines, or new men. The rise of these impure t'alukas was
nearly coeval with the foundation of the Naw&b Wazir dynasty,
and forms an epoch in the history of land tenures ; it exercised
an influence which soon made itself felt by the old hereditary
proprietors, who thenceforward vied with their preceptors in
developing the new land law. The growth of this pernicious
system received a temporary check from S&adat -All Kh&n,
but only to proceed with the greater rapidity and vigour under
his faineant successors. Of the gigantic strides by which terri-
torial aggrandizement was capable of proceeding during this
period, no better example could be desired than that of the
Arhethi estate. As an interesting illustration, also, of the way
in which property changed hands during the same time, I may
relatethe following incident in the history of the Kurw&r estate.
When Mah&r&jah M£n Singh was N&zim of Sult&npur, the
proprietors of ten villages (unconnected with each other) fell
into balance. M&n Singh threw them into confinement, and
contemplated making them execute deeds of sale in his favor,
but the coveted spoil lay inconveniently far from his estate.
The difficulty was not insuperable, however; M&n Singh's
estate lay sufficiently close to the northern portion of that of
Kiirw&r, near the southern extremity of which the villages in
68 sultInpur settlement report.
question lay : they were accordingly handed over to the Bdjah
of Kurwar,who in turn made over to M&n Singh an equal
number of villages in a more eligible position.
148. I have said that the distinction between the t'aluka
and other forms of the zeminddri tenure is of recent date ;
it is no less substantial, however, than it is novel. Soon after
the pacification of the province, the t'alukddrs were formally
presented with sanads, or grants by which various important
rights and privileges were assured to them individually; and
the Oudh Estates Act (Act I. of 1869) is, so to say, a magna
charta for their whole order collectively. They are thereby
guaranteed an indefeasible, heritable and transferable superior
title in every village in their estates; and, with respect to in-
ferior rights, by means of other legislative enactments, they
occupy a vantage-ground, which, as shown by recent investiga-
tions, enables them to resist successfully the claims of a great
majority of suitors. On the other hand, they are bound by a
general obligation of loyalty to the State, and certain new and
not very onerous duties towards their tenantry are imposed
upon them. The more clearly to define this privileged class,
a nominal list of its members has been officially prepared, and
of this our courts are bound to take judicial notice.
149. The word. " Grantee" has now a technical and
special meaning in Oudh. It signifies
" any person upon whom the proprie-
" tary right in an estate has been conferred by a special grant
" of the British government." The rights and liabilities of
these grantees are in every respect identical with those of taluk-
dirs. Their estates have in many instances been conferred
upon them for good service during the mutiny.
150. Zemind&ri, pattfddrf and bhy&ch&rah tenures dif-
fer from each other only in the inter-
chip 11 ' 1 ^ 1, v&ttidixl9 bhy *" nal constitution of the estates in which
they prevail. The terms being pro-
fessedly in a great measure arbitrary, I quote verbatim the
description given of them in the well known work in which
they are officially defined.* " Zemindaree tenures are those in
" which the whole land is held and managed in common. . . .
" Putteedaree tenures are those in which the lands are divided
"and held in severalty by the different proprietors, each
* Directions to Settlement Officers, paras. 92-3-4.
sultInpur settlement report. 69
€t person managing his own lands, and paying his fixed share of
"the government revenue, the whole being jointly responsi-
" ble in the event of any one sharer being unable to fulfil his
"engagement. Imperfect putteedaiee tenures are those in
" which part of the land is held in common and part in several-
" ty, the profits from the land held in common being first appro-
" priated to the payment of the government revenue and the
" village expenses, and the overplus being distributed or the
" deficiency made up according to a rate (or bachh) on the
" several holdings Bhyach&rah tenures are puttee-
" daree or imperfect putteedaree mehals held according to cus-
" torn" as distinct from hereditary right. The terms thus em-
ployed do not locally bear the particular sense here assigned
to them, but the distinctions they draw are broad and easily
intelligible, and perfectly adapted to the tenures of this district.
At the same time, every variety of each of them and of their
combination one with another may be found.
151. The community of property, involved in the
„ . 3 , , zeminddrf tenure, is a stage through
Zemindari. -i • i i \ i mi
which every estate must pass. The
first step towards its dissolution is frequently made by the
co-parceners taking up a small quantity of land as sfr. This
is the thin end of the wedge, which ultimately splits the
estate into pieces. No severalty of ownership is thus
acquired, but, what is no slight advance towards it, severalty
of possession commences. For a time, the sir holders may pay
* . 11/JU full rent, receiving back their share
Imperfect pattidirf. r „, ' ,, ° , ,. «
^ of profit at the general audit of ac-
counts. ' But this is a roundabout way of doing business,
and a little dangerous, too, to the less important members
of the fraternity, who are not quite sure of obtaining all that is
rightly due to them. As the number of sharers multiplies,
moreover, the aggregate amount of sir they hold increases, and
the khdlisa lands cease to suffice for the payment of the revenue,
so that such profits as are returned to them are simply part of
what they pay on their sfr; ^ hile there is a strong feeling also
oh the part of zemind&rs that it is derogatory to pay for lands
in their separate occupation at the same rate as ordinary te-
nants. Thus it is easy to comprehend why other methods are
devised for levying each person's quota of revenue. A most
obvious one is to leave the kh&lisa land common property in
the hands of the general managers of the village for the
70 BULtInPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT:
receipts to be first appropriated to the payment of the govern-
ment demand, and then supplement them to such an extent
a* may be necessary by a rate on sir. The imperfect pat-
tiddri tenure thus commences, regarding one form of which a
few remarks are necessary. When the revenue demand
varies, unless the increase or decrease is adjusted by alteration
of the rents of cultivators, the sir rate must be variable; when
the revenue is unchanged, the sir rate remains constant also ;
and in the latter case, if the khdlisa is just sufficient to cover
the general liabilities of the estate, each sharer holds his sir
rent-free ; if it does not, he pays a fixed sum on it. Primd
facte, then it would seem that the interest of all except the
managers is limited, at all events as regards cultivated lands,
to their sir, held perhaps at a quit-rent ; and " our own law
" of limitation of suits provides that where all reference to
"ancestral rights has been discontinued for 12 years* or
" more recurrence to them under ordinary circumstances can-
" not be claimed." But, theoretically, the less any sharer's sir,
the greater the share they are entitled to of khdlisa to counter-
balance the deficiency ; and, practically, as their debt to the
State is held to be discharged when they pay their quota on
their sir, it follows by implication that the less such actual
payment in proportion to their ancestral share, the greater
the amount they are always credited with out of the khdlisa
collections. Thus it may be argued that the greater is the
extent of their interest in, if not positive possession of, thekhili-
sa; and, as this commences to be the case immediately fractional
shares begin to be disregarded, it is difficult to see how that
adverse interest is created in favor of others which is generally
supposed to justify the law of limitation. According to the
popular view of the case, such sharers as I am now speaking of,
are on exactly the same footing as their managing represen-
tatives; it is open to them to claim the separate possession of
a perfect share at any time they please, and their doing so
is one of the ways the perfect pattid&ri supersedes the imper-
fect pattidari tenures.
152. Regarding pattid&ri tenures enough is said in the
definition above given. Bhy&ch&rali
Pattfdarf. custom is said to have had its origin.
Ehyfettrah. in the position of cultivating commu-
nities under the native government.
' *. Cultivators were then scarce, and each proprietor was bound
* In Oudh it is only ueoeewy, to substitute " since 13th February 1844" for "12
years." - ~ '
sultInpur settlement report. 71
"to exert himself to the utmost to provide his family with
" the means of support, and to add to the resources of the
" community. Each person therefore cultivated as much as
" he could, and contributed to the charges on the village
"in proportion to the extent of his cultivation." This is
unquestionably correct, so far as it goes ; but it was not scarcity
of cultivators alone that gave birth to a bhyach&rah tenure.
For instance, under the late government, a village, once
cultivated, was sometimes condemned to lie waste for many
years in consequence of share disputes ; after a time, as old
animosities cooled down, or gave way to considerations of in-
terest, the easiest way out of the quarrel was to agree that
all former rights should be ignored, and a new starting point
be made by a compact that each person should appropriate
whatever his means permitted, until the whole village was
brought under the plough. Again, the bhy&ch&rah tenure
may be no more than a development of the zemind&ri or
pattid&ri. Many causes conduce to destroy original equality
of shares ; one constantly at work, mortgage, may serve as
an example. Suppose a village containing four hundred acres
of cultivated, and one hundred acres of uncultivated land, to
be held by four brothers in separate and equal shares. One
of them gets into difficulties, and mortgages fifty acres Qf
cultivation and a grove to one of his sharers, thirty acres
of cultivation to another, and the remainder of his share to
the third. Under such circumstances, adherence to here.-
ditary rights becomes unmeaning, and the bhy&ch&rah tenure
is the result. The same sort of thing happened under na-
tive rule, when, as sometimes happened, one of many co-
parceners absconded, and the rest had to pay up his arrears.
It was then usual for them to receive portions of the absentee's
lands regulated by the amount they paid for him.
153. In the partition of small properties, it is the ex-
„ A . . ception rather than the rule, for each
Partitions. , * . . , * , • ,,
share to consist of a continuous tract ;
equality being of more importance to the parties concerned
than compactness, each strives to obtain his fair proportion
of fields of good quality, regardless of their position ; and
thus the interest of each person is represented by patches of
land in every part of the village. This sort of partition is
locally called khetbat. Even in estates containing more
than a single village, the same course is sometimes followed,
and hence arise those curiously intermixed properties, which
72 STLTijTra srmrrnr exfoit.
have, not without good rea^i^o. cb&ilned the name of " <
plex inehals." Fortcna^ely. this prance is far from univer-
sal ; and, when the dimensions of an estate admit of it, the
apportionment cf entire viLIag-es to each sharer, (ganw-bat)
finds more general favor. la such cases, one village is some-
times retained in common, to preserve the recollection, I
imagine, of the original unity ot the newly constituted pro-
perties.
154. Under native role, when villages were once in-
i fe« nmmtarr m eluded in t alukas, they ceased to be
iM^iutuT am. bome on th e official registers, and
to have any separate account taken of them. They were
placed on the same level as villages for generations in
the possession of the t'alukdars, with whom the former pro-
prietors were left to make whatever terms they could. Soon
after re-occupation of the province, however, government,
while granting sanads to the t'alukdars* announced its inten-
tion to "take effectual steps to re-establish and maintain
" in subordination to them the former rights as these existed
"in 1855, of other persons whose connection with the soil is
" in many cases more intimate and more ancient than theirs. 19
It was declared at the same time, that " the only effectual
" protection which the Government can extend to these in-
" ferior holders is to define and record their rights and to
''limit the demand of the t'alukdar, as against such per-
" sons." In fulfilment of this promise, with respect to the
class here particularly alluded to, two principal forms of sub-
ordinate proprietary right have been recognized, viz. sub-
settlement and sir. The rights of all others, t. e., of those
whose connexion with the land is more recent then that of the
t'alukd&rs, and often derived from them, have, with some mo-
difications, been upheld according to the various compacts or
grants by which they originated. Their nature will be des-
cribed hereafter under the head of quasi-proprietary tenures.
Sub-settlement and sf r, however, must be first mentioned.
155. Sub-settlements mark those rare and fortunate in.
s ivMiiLmum stances, in which, notwithstanding the
inclusion of their villages in a t'aluka,
the former proprietors managed to prevent the destruction of
their proprietary right, and retained moderately continuous
f possession, intercepting a substantial amount of profits. The
ucky fow who thus •' the little tyrants of their fields with-
Sir.
sultXnpur settlement report. 73
stood" are now recognized as under-proprietors, and their
payments to the talukddr are so limited as in no case to ex-
ceed seventy-five per cent of the gross rental. The single
obligation their tenure imposes upon them is that those pay-
ments be made regularly and punctually. The same may be
said of their position theoretically before annexation. Some
no doubt enrolled themselves among the military retainers of
the t'alukd£r; but, even with clansmen, the service was
in no way obligatory ; it was not universal, it arose from a
purely voluntary agreement, and was remunerated by a money
payment separately allowed to each man, and clearly specified
and deducted in the village accounts.
These drew not for theii fields the sword
Like tenants of a feudal lord,
Nor own'd the patriarchal claim
Of chieftain in their leader's name.
156. Sir has been already mentioned in connection with
the internal economy of independent
zemind&ri villages ; but it is of more
importance as a distinct subordinate proprietary tenure ; and
as before the adoption of the lease-compromise, " almost the
" only under-proprietary right which in conformity with re-
" cent rules, those holding under t'alukddrs had much chance
11 of retaining under orders of Court. "* A t'alukd&r, before
his action was trammelled by inconvenient laws, seldom allow-
ed the proprietors of villages which came into his hands to
remain in peaceful and undisturbed possession. In some
cases, without mincing matters, he set them aside or ejected
them immediately ; but this had the disadvantage attached to
it that thepersons thus dispossessed often banded together to
attack any one who might be venturesome enough to take
their places. Where there was any danger of such consequen-
ces, therefore, a gentler yet scarcely less sure process was
preferred ; the rent of the village was gradually enhanced,
until the unfortunate zemind&rs, finding it impossible to pay,
were glad to withdraw from the risk and trouble of manage-
ment. They were then, just as when they received such
treatment from a nazim, awarded a certain quantity of sir or
nankar lands.. These were frequently identical with what
they had previously held under that name ; but they were not
necessarily so, for an arbitrarily fixed amount was sometimes
given in satisfaction of the claims of the whole brotherhood, and
Financial Commissioner's Settlement Report, May-September, 1866.
74 bultXkpub skttlkmekt report.
divided among them in proportion to their shares or pattfs.
Similarly, the rent of such lands might or might not be
determined on the basis of the rate paid on them while held
as part of an entire share, but this again was not invariably
the case. Such an arrangement might prove a very bad bar-
gain for the ousted zemind&r. Sir of the kind at present
under remark was always held rent-free or at favorable rates.
The commutation of a whole village, on the other hand, for a
sir holding was, as above stated, often caused by the rent of
the former being raised so high as to make it unprofitable.
It follows then that, in such cases the rate paid on the latter
was such as to leave little or no difference between it and the
rent paid by ordinary cultivators.
157. Sir holders, like those who were maintained in
possession of whole villages, frequently entered into the service
of the talukd&r ; but the extent to which this service was
connected with their tenure is well explained in the statement
that " it was plainly to the advantage of the t'alukd&r, who
" must keep up soldiers, to employ as soldiers those men to
" whom he would otherwise be obliged to make some allow~
" ance as representatives of a former proprietary body;" * it is
here plainly shown how the pecuniary advantages those men
enjoyed were not altogether traceable to military service.
158. A novel feature has of late been introduced into
sir tenures in the interest of certain unfortunates, who, other-
wise entitled to sub-settlement, are nevertheless debarred
from obtaining it by the arithmetical consideration of the pro-
portion of the gross rental they would have a right to. Those
who find themselves in this tantalizing predicament may de-
mand to have their sir increased to one-fifth of the assessable
area of the village, and hold it subject only to the payment of
the bare Government demand on it. This rule is based on
the theoretical amount of profit zemind&rs are entitled to ; and
so far as my experience goes, it gives them, in most instan-
ces, more sir than they ever held under native rule.
359. I have hitherto been speaking principally of
t'alukd&ri villages ; but it is not indispensable for a whole
proprietary brotherhood to be ousted by a powerful stranger
to make separate sir holdings spring into existence. Even
• Settlement Holing No. 1.
sultInpur settlement report. 75
in independent villages, the possession of a share is fraught
with trouble which the lazy and timid, sacrificing dignity
to comfort, are willing to avoid. They accordingly make a
perfect renunciation of their co-parcenary interest and in lieu
thereof accept a few acres at a light quit- rent. A similar
result is also often brought about by excessive subdivision
of property.
160, Together with their sir, ex-proprietors usually
retain the groves planted by themselves and their ancestors.
Tanks and waste pass out of their control together with the
•management of the village, but the piscary and spontaneous
produce are often left to them, and they always have irriga-
tion rights at least equal to those of common tenants.
161. Quasi-proprietary tenures originate in grants of
- . . . ■ specific rights or interests generally short
Quasi-proprietary tenures. i»/»n ° • , i • •!? -i /■ i
r r of full proprietorship, either by the rul-
ing power, or by the owners, past or present, of the estates
in which they are situated. With respect to official grants,
it will often be found that, with the exception of those made
in recent times, they lie in groups, and not uncommonly
close to the head quarters of Government officers. This
may partly be attributed to the fact that those officers for-
merly arrogated to themselves the right of making such
grants ; but a wider reason is to be gathered from a passage
in the Ain-i- Akb&rf, which shows that " those who possessed
" Seyurgh&l had not their land in one place, but scattered in
u various parts ; whereby the weak whose ground lay conti-
11 guous to the kh&lisa, or to jageer lands, suffered material
" injury and vexation. It was therefore commanded that all
" the tunkhahs should be granted upon places contiguous to
" each other : and accordingly particular villages were set a-
"part and appropriated to this purpose, which regulation
" afforded great relief/' Whether in imitation of this arrange-
ment or not I cannot say, but it is certainly the case that a
similar custom is often observed in private estates, and vil-
lages may be found entirely made up of the holdings of
sankalpd&rs and others. The land which formed the sub-
ject of a royal grant sometimes lay within a t'aluka. In such
cases the t'alukd&r's possession was seemingly ignored ; but
it is more probable that he was the original grantor, and in
some instances he certainly was so, while the royal firm&n,
76 sultInpur settlement report.
or subordinate officials patta, was a simple confirmation of
his act, and a relinquishment of the revenue due to the State,
of which the t'alukdAr then obtained a remission.
Quasi-proprietary tenures 162. The most common quasi-pro-
enumerated. prietary tenures are the following : —
1. Jdghir. 7. Birt.
2. Milk. 8. Marwat.
3. Aima. 9. Maintenance.
4. Maft 10. Occupancy.
5. Sankalp. 11. Purw&s.
6. D&r. 12. Groves.
The j&ghir, under various denominations, is a tenure of
j-^. very considerable antiquity. With
" exceptions, of which that of the
Begams of Oudh is a familiar example, it is connected
with the performance of some service, for the remuneration
of which in its various shapes, it is conferred alike by the
king on the greatest of his subjects, and the pettiest land-
holder on his retainers and domestic servants. In point of
magnitude, it varies from several parganahs to a single biswah.
The most dignified description of it is that held on account
of military service, but it in no way differs in the essentials
of the tenure from the little patches of land held by the
watchman, potter or other village servants. The jdghir, is,
in its inception, a purely personal grant, but as the son
often succeeds to the post of the father, it has a tendency to
become hereditary. Under native rule, even where the ser-
vice was not thus continued, no immediate interference with
possession occurred, especially in private grants. After a time,
rent might be demanded from the heir of the j&ghird&r, and if
he made no demur about paying it, there was an end of the
matter ; tenants were none too plentiful, and the 'nature of
their tenures was not very closely scrutinized.
163. Milk is thus defined by Ab-ul-FazL* "Four
Milt " classes of men have land and pensions
" granted to them for their subsistence,
" 1st, the learned and their scholars, 2nd, those who have bade
" adieu to the world, 3rd, the needy who are not able to help
"themselves; 4th, the descendants of great families who
• Afn-i-Akbaxi, s. v. Seyurghil
stjwInpur settlement report. 77
"from a false shame will not submit to follow any occupa*
"tion for their support. When a ready-money allowance
" is given to those it is called wazeefeh ; and land so bestowed
" is called meelk and muddulmash." Milk is always a royal
grant ; and, though from the above definition, it seems that
it may be bestowed on persons of any caste, in this district
it is found in one or two villages only, and is there restricted
to a few Mahomedans of the higher classes. Their tribal
designation has in consequence been almost superseded by one
derived from their tenure, and they are generally spoken of
as Milkis.
164. Aima, so far as I can ascertain, differs from milk,
in name only; it is a very favourite
way with small Mahomedan land-
holders, who know nothing about the origin of their- title,
to explain it by saying they received an aima grant ; but I
have not been able to discover a single deed in this district
which distinctly specifies the creation of this particular
tenure.
165. M'afi is a term of very wide signification, and
includes all grants of land by whomsoever
made, and to whomsoever given, free of
rent and revenue. It includes milk, aima, and jlghir (if rent-
free), but extends also to oth^r tenures with distinctive names,
and embraces besides yet others which have no special deno-
mination.
166. Sankalp, (or as it is commonly pronounced Shan*
kallap), in its primary meaning, signifies
ap " a religious vow ; and so, as applied to
tenures, denotes land dedicated to religious purposes. Such
no doubt, was at first the exclusive character of sankalp
grants, and in this phase they bore a close resemblance to the
tvaqfoi Mahomedan Law, and the church-lands of Europe.
In later times, however, when Brahmans began to regulate
their lives less in accordance with the doctrines of the S&s-
tras, and did not disdain to accumulate worldly wealth, they
began to compete with the baniah class in the business of
money-lending and usury. The original nature of the tenure
then began to be lost sight of, and the loan of a sum of
money by the recipient became a common preliminary of a
78 bultXnpue simjanarr report.
sankalp grant. The farce of investing the transaction with
a religious character was still kept up; the receipt of a consi-
deration was veiled by the omission of all record of it from
the deed executed, and some unmeaning sentence was inserted
about the grant being made from religious motives, and the
repetition of prayers by the grantee for the spiritual welfare
of the grantor.* But the real quality of the affair was that
of an ordinary secular contract; it differed from a sale only
in that in common with all (but royal) grants it created a
double right in the land affected, instead of transferring the
entire right in it unbroken from one person to another.
Among sankalpddrs of this class are many pensioned
soldiers of the British army ; during their absence from their
villages they still looked forward " here to return and die at
home at last/' and the commonness of the name Subahddr k&
purwd tells a plain story of how their savings were invested.
167. A third object in the bestowal of sankalps was
the reclamation of waste and jungle. If the land remained in
that conditon owing to the poverty of the proprietor, Brahmans
were forthcoming who had sufficient capital to pay a small price
for it, and bear the expense of its clearance and tillage ; if the
difficulty lay in disputed ownership, the Brahmans, entrenched
behind the privileges of their order, were safe from molestation
by any troublesome claimant. The extent to which such pro-
tection or its absence was felt under the king's government, is
shown by the prosperous and flourishing condition of many
small holdings of Brahmans and Gosh&ins exhibited by the
recent survey as compared with those of their lay neighbours.
Similarly in Europe in former times did religion provide the
only chance of protection and security to cultivators. The
possessions of the abbeys in Scotland, it is said,t were each a
sort of Goshen, and the rest of the country one dark scene
of confusion ; and this led to many acts of liberality to the
church. King David the first, who particularly distinguished
himself in this respect, was in consequence canonized imme-
diately after his decease, which led to one of his impoverish-
ed successors sarcastically calling him a " sore saint for the
crown ;" but says Sir Walter Scott, " it seems probable that
" David, who was a wise as well as pious monarch, was not
* Thus the words Bishnprit (for the love of Vishnu) Kishnarpan (for the sake of
Krishna), Bedarthi (for the sake of the Vedas) were and are still used ; together with
the phrases " Sirkar k* asfs den;" " Sirkar ka isurbad karen, "
t Sir Walter Seott's, Monastery Chapter L
stjltInpur settlement report. 79f
** moved solely by religious motives to those great acts of
" munificence to the church, but annexed political views to
" his pious generosity," and his liberality was in some mea-
sure exercised on precarious frontier possessions which he
sought to defend by placing them in the hands of ecclesiastics,
whose property was safe notwithstanding the danger of their
exposed position.
168. Sankalps and the church-lands here mentioned
differed in this, that the former were, as a rule, managed
immediately by their owners, the latter were held by inter-
mediate hereditary vassals or feuars. " Feus are small
" possessions conferred upon vassals and their heirs held for
"a small quit-rent or a moderate proportion of produce.
" This was a favourite manner by which churchmen peopled
€ f the patrimony of their convents and many descendants of
*? such feuars as they are called are still to be found in posses-
" sion of their family inheritances in the neighbourhood of
"the great monasteries of Scotland." But, on the other
hand, the sankalpd&rs to some extent combined in themselves
the double character of the churchmen and the feuars ; by
birth they belonged to the priestly order, while the descrip-
tion given of the feuars may with some appropriateness be
applied to them, for the feuars are said to have been com-
paratively well informed, shrewd and respected for wealth,
but less warlike than their neighbours.*
169. At what period, the term sankalp first came into
use in its present sense, I do not pretend to say ; but land
was evidently given to Brahmans at a very ancient date.
According to their own accounts, indeed, it was before the
time of the Great War, for when Yudishthir gambled away
his r&j some Brahman's lands are particularized of which a
special reservation and exception was made.t In the B&-
m&yana, on the other hand, when whole provinces were
offered to Brahmans, they modestly declined the gift ; but,
in this case, their reason for such unusual conduct was that
they were unacquainted with the art of government, so possibly
* I do not mean to say that the Brahmans lacked military spirit, but that like the
feuars they were not often called upon to display it.
t Wheeler's History of India 1. 181. In the following page it if suggested, howerer,
that this is an interpolation.
80 sultInpur settlement report.
a distinction is intended to be drawn between the govern-
ment of a province, and the private possession of land, for,
in the S&stras, *a field is one of several things enumerated
as suitable gifts from a student to his preceptor.
170. I have compared sankalp to waqf and church-
lands ; like them also it was hereditary, but with this im-
portant difference in the mode of succession ; in them it de-
volves on the spiritual successors of the grantee, in sankalp
it goes to his lineal descendants. The contrast, of course,
arises from the Hindii priesthood having the Levitical
characteristic of being hereditary in the families of a certain
caste, and yet more from many of its officest being hereditary
in the same families, while this is not the case with that of
the Christian and Mahomedan religions, and with respect
to a large section of the former is rendered impossible by
a law of enforced celibacy. In representing sankalps to be
heritable, I commit myself to the further assertion that they
are not resumable at the pleasure of the donor, and there
is no doubt at all in my mind that they are not, even when
no consideration has been paid for them. " A present to
a worthy man," a character belonging by courtesy, at least,
to every Brahman, and " the price of an entertainment,"
which is very much like the return given for " mihmdnf,"
are especially included by MacnaghtenJ among gifts not
subject to revocation, and sankalp deeds often invoke a
singular curse, which it may be assumed the donor would not
needlessly lay himself or his descendants open to, on those
who meddle with the grant ; if a Hindi! may he incur the guilt
of eating beef ; if a Musulman may he undergo the defilement
of eating pork ! In old grants to Brahmans, a clause is often in-
serted indicative of intended perpetuity ; they are to be enjoyed,
it is said, by the grantees, their sons, grandsons and posterity,
as long as the sun and moon, and the ocean and the earth
shall endure ; and a few phrases are added, in explanation of
the awful spiritual pains and penalties to which the rash re-
sumer renders himself liable. One of these runs that he who
grants lands lives sixty thousand years in heaven ; but he
who confiscates or resumes or allows others to do so, is doomed
to hell for a like period !§ In the unsettled times which imme-
* Mann, Chapter II. 246.
t Guruship, for example.
X Macnagaten's Hindu Law, page 140-2.
§ Prinsep's Antiquities, I. 263-4.
sultAnpur settlement report? 81
diately preceded annexation, it would be vain to deny that
sankalpd&rs were occasionally ousted ; but this can scarcely
be attributed to a custom of resumption peculiar to the tenure ;
similar treatment was dealt out to subordinate holders of every
kind, and not least to those whose right was in no way derived
from the superior proprietor. In one case as in the other, too,
the dispossession was frequently resented ; if ejected Kshat-
triya zeminddrs fought the usurper with his own weapons,
Brahman sankalpdrirs endeavoured to combat force with
superstition. They either maimed themselves, or took up
their position at the door of their oppressor, and threatened
to bring upon him the enormous guilt of Brahmanicide by
starving themselves to death, if he refused them the redress
demanded.
171. Sankalps are heritable; whether they are trans-
ferable in all cases is more uncertain. Theoretically they
are not, for, in their purest form, they involve the condition
of performing a service, which it is not, competent to every
transferee to fulfil. But even if they were ever thus limited,
it is doubtful whether the restriction was not removed at a
very early age ; in one of the old land-grants above alluded to,
it is said that the land thereby given is to be " enjoyed on
" the terms usual with such grants ; they (the grantees) may
" plough, cause to be ploughed, or give it away ;" and, in a
second one it is said that the land given is to be " enjoyed in
"full property as a perpetual inheritance."* With regard to
modern local practice, there is no doubt that transfers some-
times took place either without or in spite of the opposition
of the zemindar grantors. I should hesitate to say, however,
that such a right was so freely and constantly exercised, as to
justify the broad assertion that all sankalps are necessarily
transferable, and that they should be so declared by our
courts ; it is an unquestionable and significant fact that,
under native rule, both parties to such a transaction not unfre-
quently went through the formality of obtaining the sanction
of the grantor of the sankalp.
172. As a common but not invariable usage, it may be
stated that the price paid for a sankalp is one year's rent.
If it is given rent-free, which is more usually the case in eleemo-
synary and religious grants, no pecuniary consideration is paid
* Prinsep's Antiquities, I. 256-261.
82 sultInpub sfttlement report.
for it. Where rent is stipulated for, it is nominally fixed in
perpetuity under the name barbasti; it varies from As. 4 to
Rs. 1 per village bigah, and the consideration is of the same
amount This consideration is known by the peculiar name
mihmdnl, hospitality, a name not always without significance,
as such grants did sometimes originate in an entertainment
!iven to the landholder while moving about in his estate.*
am tempted, however, to wonder whether this hospitality
was always as spontaneous as its genial name denotes, by the
recollection that it was under the same " generous but impro-
per" denomination that Theodoric, the Ostrogoth, appropriated
to the use of his soldiers a great portion of the lands of Italy, t
173. Sankalps are never given, eo nomine, by any but
private individuals ; they never exceed a single village, and
are more frequently limited to a few acres of waste land, of
which a specified portion is to be devoted to the plantation of
a grove, and the erection of a dwelling house. A provision is.
also often made for irrigation from a particular tank ; J it is
almost peculiar to grants of this kind, and the necessity for it
is, perhaps, due to the circumstance that, the land having been
previously uncultivated, its tenant could not have a customary
right to water from any source, as was the case with other
lands. In the eastern part of the district, where the Brah-
mans are of the Sarwaria sect, sankalps are very numerous ;
but, in the west, where the Brahmans are Kanaujias, and do
not see any disgrace in the name of cultivator, they are very
little known. Family priests and others receive small grants
of rent-free land, but they are known by the broader name of
m'afi. It has been said of birts, to be presently mention-
ed, that embarrassed t'alukddrs would sell them several times
over ; and nothing was more common than to see several claim-
ants to the birt of a village each with his patta in correct
form. The same is true of sankalps. . I have more than once
met with cases in which two title-deeds have been produced
by different claimants, and both of them admitted genuine by
the donor. His explanation, not an improbable one, of the
double grant, is that, at the time of the second, the person
who took under the first was out of possession, and, perhaps,
absent from the village.
# The word zidfat (vulg6, ijdfat) is sometimes used as a synonym of mihmanf.
t Gibbon, Chandos Edition, II. 439.
X Compare with this the " springs of water" separately given by Caleb to hia daughter
after he had given her land. Judges 1. 15.
StJLTlNPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 83 :
174. The word Dar or D&vi is derived from the root of
_, , , the Persian verb, ddshtan, have, hold, possess,
and signifies literally any sort of holding or
possession ; and, in this sense, it is identical with the termina-
tion of the words t'alukdari, zemindari &c. When used alone,
however, it is applied more especially to lands received under
a grant conveying a permanent sub-proprietary interest; it
has a tendency to acquire the yet narrower meaning of the
holdings of religious sects, but correctly includes marwat,
birt and other grants of a purely secular nature. It is not in
fact so much the name of a particular tenure, as a generic one
for all tenures of the class above defined. As negative illus-
trations of its meaning, it may be added that neither jaghir,
which is entirely personal, nor mortgage, which contemplates
temporary possession only, comes under the category of dar.
175. " The meaning of the term Birt is a " cession." It
" was the purchase of the proprietary
" rights subordinate to the talukd^r on
" certain conditions as to the payment of rent."* This is an
accurate description of the tenure as found in this district,
where birts conferred by favor, or " riaiyatf birts,"t to be met
with in some parts of the province, are altogether unknown.
Birts, it is said, are given for whole mauzahs or patches of
land in mauzahs. The latter only are known in this dis-
trict, and even these are of very recent origin, having been
granted since annexation. They are very few in number,
and peculiar to the Kiirw&r estate. I have no recollection
of seeing mention in any of the pattas produced of the birty&'s
right to "dyhak" or 10 per cent,Jor any provisional arrange-
ment that if the birtyd threw up his holding " rather than
"accept enhanced terms he was entitled to 10 per cent, on
"the collections." Such conditions would be superfluous,
as the pattas contemplate the birty&'s permanent possession
at a fixed and invariable rent.
176. The t'alukd£r, when he was also a military chief,
Mk ^ L not only paid his soldiers while
they served, but acknowledged also
his liability to maintain the families of those who
were killed in battle. This was done by a grant of land
* Record of Rights Circular, para. 18.
t Ibid para. 20.
% Ibid 22.
84 sultXnpur settlement report.
called marwat or maroti, i. e., death-grant. It usually ran
in the name of the deceased " and his children," and, in prac-
tice, included his widow also. Under present rules it is held
to be " t'alukd&r's ni'afi " and resuinable at will ; but for-
merly it was a tenure much respected, at all events during
the lives of the actual grantees ; and afterwards it was often
allowed to ruu on like other tenures to their heirs although
the latter possessed no actual right. It was one of the baits
used by landholders to obtain recruits for the ranks of their
military retainers ; and self-interest, if no higher motive,
taught them to be careful how they kept faith with those
to whom they gave it.
177. Maintenance, strictly speaking, is a term applica-
ble to all grants intended for the support
Maintenance. P ,, ° . ,i i •*
of the grantees ; recently, however, it
has obtained a special signification. In estates in which the
law of primogeniture prevails, it has always been the cus-
tom for the head of the family to make provision for the sup-
port of younger sons. Under native rule, this was done by
the assignment of certain villages for the purpose, and these
are now generally spoken of as maintenance villages.
178. A family with its main stem and collateral rami-
fications is often and not inaptly compared to a tree ; and in
many cases these assigned villages helped to bear out the
analogy by remaining part of the estate to which they be-
longed, so that the younger branches of the family continued
to draw sustenance from a common trunk. But, as in the
banyan tree, branches throw down roots into the soil, and
thus obtain a separate and independent existence of their
own, even so cadets might become founders of new houses, in
possession of distinct estates. This, General Sleeman, indeed,
pronounces to be an universal custom ; and, though that is
perhaps saying too much, he finds an unquestionably apposite
illustration in the estate of the R&jah of Ktirw&r. At various
times and in different generations several villages were long
ago detached from it, and given to cadets or " bdbtis ;" and
though they have now been again absorbed into it, the com-
pleteness of the original separation is forcibly exemplified by
the way the EAjah recovered them, viz., by a formal deed of
sale executed by the said bdbus.
sultAnpur settlement report. 85
179. It is quite possible that, notwithstanding its ulti-
mately taking place, no formal separation of these main-
tenance villages was originally made. They were always
given rent-free ; and so long as the t'alukd&r was not hard
pressed for money, he allowed them to remain so ; or, if he
attempted to get any rent out of them, he was very likely
resisted in one way or another. But those only who were
strong enough to cope with the Nazim's forces had any
chance of escaping the payment of revenue ; this was a pri-
vilege not accorded to the humble possessors of two or three
villages. If the t'alukdar made or could enforce no demand
against them, they could not be certain of similar forbearance
from officials, who were not slow to avail themselves of any
pretext for enhancing the revenue in any way they could.
This, it may be objected, was an infringement of the t'aluk-
d&r's rights, but unless he was able to make his resentment
take a practical shape (in which case he probably did so) he
was not always sorry to get rid of what not only yielded him
no profit, but was an actual source of loss ; he found his con-
solation in the remission, which he was sure to obtain, of the
revenue he had previously had to pay on the lands taken
from him. In other cases, the one or two villages younger
brothers received speedily became the nucleus of a flourishing
little estate, the owner of which became too powerful for the
t'alukd&r to coerce, even if he had the inclination to do so.
In other cases again, cadets obtained separate estates, which
had never been in the ancestral one ; there was enacted on a
small scale what formerly used to take place in Marw&r ; u a
" few generations after the conquest, says Elphinstone, so
" little land was left for partition that some of the raja's
"sons were obliged to look to foreign conquest for an estab-
" lishment."* The Bandhalgotis appear to have been the prin-
cipal apostles in this district of this aggressive practice. Nor
was the Mewdr system without imitators; " one set of descen-
" dants of early ranas seem to have been superseded and in
" some part dispossessed by a more recent progeny."
180, Where maintenance villages became thoroughly
detached from the parent estate previous to annexation, they
are now regarded as independent proprietary tenures ; but,
where they have been included in a t'alukddrf sanad, it is laid
* Elphinstone, 4th Edition, page 251.
86 sultAnpur settlement report.
down that their possessors have not a full and perfect owner-
ship in them ; on the other hand they have clearly been in con-
tinuous and undisturbed occupation of them. It is, therefore,
held that their position corresponds to that of perpetual lessees,
and that it is by the creation of that tenure in their favour, that
a due measure of j ustice is awarded to them. * * 1 1 is by heredita-
" ry farming leases rather than sfr and nankar lands that relief
" can in many cases be afforded to those who with strong equita-
ble claims for consideration, have no case in law. The
f ' principal cases under this head might be divided into two
"classes; (1) where relatives of a t'alukd&r who had long held
" leases were barred from sub-settlement because there had
" never been any independent proprietary title, and (2) where
" the ex-proprietors lost sub-settlement because they could not
" in every particular comply with the conditions of Act XXVI.
"of 1866 One eminent advantage in the hereditary fann-
ying lease over the sub-settlement obtained under Act XXVI.
" is that it preserves the relative position of the superior
"and under- proprietor. In a village given in sub-settle*
" ment the talukdar has virtually no proprietary rights
" and a form of tenure that thus annihilates his authority
" and status as a landlord is naturally highly distasteful to
" him. With an hereditary farming lease the case is dif-
" ferent, the t'alukd&r's position is maintained and at z he
"same time the sub-proprietor has every right that it is fitting
"he should enjoy and he infinitely prefers it to sepaiate sir
"lands."*
181. The principal form of this tenure is that created
«. w - by the Oudh Rent Act in favor of ex-
Right of occupancy. J . , , ., , , . 1t
proprietors ; when they have lost all
proprietary right, whether superior or subordinate, in the lands
which they cultivate, so long as they pay the rent payable
for the same according to the provisions of the Act, they
have a right of occupancy, under certain specified conditions.
But, like the perpetual leases given to the possessors of main*
tenance villages, it has often been adopted, with the consent
of the parties concerned, as a convenient way of defining the
position of many for whom equity has demanded more than
the law concedes, e. g., holders of marwat.
• Financial Commissioner's Settlement Report, 1869, para. 37-38.
sultInpur settlement report; 87
182. Founders of purw&s or hamlets may and do be-
„ , , , . Ions: to any class. They may be pro-
Purwa foundation. . ® /» "11 j n
pnetors ot a village, and may equally
well belong to the meanest caste in it. The rights of the for-
mer can never be doubtful, nor can those of the latter if only
they protect themselves at the outset by a clear agreement.
But, until within the last few years, unsophisticated villagers,
who entered upon an undertaking of this kind, were content
to rely upon any vaguely worded deed, or still worse, simple
verbal permission. The descendants of these " rude forefa-
thers of the hamlet " have since been in quiet possession of it;
but, when their title comes to be enquired into, it will not
bear sifting. For the protection of such persons, it has been
enacted that, if they can show that in consideration of having
founded such purwd or hamlet they have held therein within
the period of limitation possession of any sir and nankar land,
they will be recognized as under-proprietors in such land,
subject to the payment of such amount as may be due by them
to the talukd&r.*
183. In connection with groves, I need do no more
than refer to a very full discussion of
the subject, contained in a printed
Selection from Records, published two or three years ago.
CHAPTER II.
SECTION L— General History.
1. Aborigines.
184. The primitive inhabitants of Sult&npur and the ad-
Aborigines, general opinion jacent country are said by tradition to
concerning them. have been a tribe called the Bhars.
Their character is painted in the most sombre colors. They
are represented to have been dark complexioned, ill-favoured
and of mean stature, intemperate in their habits, and not
only devoid of any religious belief themselves, but addicted
to the persecution of those who ventured to profess any.
They are said to have possessed a few scattered and detached
fortresses to serve as rallying points, but to have been other-
• Aot XXVI. 1866*
88 sultInpub settlement report.
wise of nomadic and predatory habits, while their numbers
are said to have barely sufficed to furnish a scanty population
to the tract they occupied,
185. The accuracy of the tribal identification, however,
has of late been called in question, and I confess to participa-
tion in the scepticism which has now begun to exist upon the
subject : I think there is much to militate against the theory
that the Bhars were aborigines.
186. The Pandits of Ayodhya, again, divide the
human species into fourteen original
eory. races, of which eight are said to have
been indigenous to Hindiistdn, and six to have inhabited coun-
tries beyond its limits. As this arrangement professes to be
based partly on the Sdstras, it may be expected that it coin-
cides pretty closely with what is to be found in Manu.* The
two lists run as follows : —
Pandits. Mavu.
Pundarik, Kirdt,
Khas, Kamboh,
Udar, Darwar,
Haihai, Chinas,
Sak, Pahlav, Pdrad, Darad,
Tdljanghd, Barbar.
Paundrakas,
Odras, Drdviras,
Kambojas, Y&vanas,
Sdkas, Pdradas,
Pahlavas, Chinas,
Kir&tas, Daradas and Chasas.
187. But are the Pandits correct in asserting any of
these fourteen races to be aboriginal ? Manu does not say
they were. In the Sastras, in the Mah&bh&rata, and else-
where, the Kshattriya origin of some at least, where not of all,
is clearly indicated ; and this suggests an answer in the nega-
tive to be avoided only by the hypothesis that the Kshattriyas
themselves were autochthonic. It might, indeed, be argued,
and not without fair grounds, that the term Kshattriya is
misapplied, on account of the strong improbability there is
that some of the clans named were ever subject to the laws
* In this section, I have followed somewhat closely a series of articles in the Calcutta
Review on Benoudha, as the history of Sultanpur is necessarily to a great extout identical
with that of the province of which it has always formed part. Elsewhere I have usually
noted separately every quotation and reference ; in the present instance I confine myself
to this general acknowledgment j a moment's reflection will, perhaps, be sufficient to explain
the cause. It may be asked why I do not her*, as the history of the Kanpurias dispose of
the subject by a simple reference j the reason is that, in the latter case, the iuformtion I
have omitted is to be readily obtained from a recently published book in every public office
in the province, whereas what I have here given in a condensed and collected form is scattered
through a series of articles haying a wider scopo in different numbers of a work only to
bo found in large libraries.
sultAnpur settlement report. 89
of the Brahmanic hierarchy ; but, if such be the case, it is
also capable of explanation on the supposition that they
were foreigners ; and no certain argument can thence be
deduced as to whether they were aborigines or not. Again
the Y&vanas and Pahlavas were unquestionably Aryans, and
either strangers to the caste system, and so foreigners, or
" errant Kshattriyas who had lost their caste ;" which brings
me round again to the point from which I started, inasmuch
as if they were indigenous, so must the Kshattriyas generally
have been.
188. With the authority of Wilson* for doubting whe-
ther the institutes were put together before the 2nd century
B. o. ; and taking into account the rapid spread of the doc-
trines of S&kya Muni over the south and west of India, I in-
cline to the view that we have in Manu nothing but an enu-
meration of the most warlike or best known races of his day ;,
who were, indeed, excommunicated so far as Hindti society
was concerned, but whose " omission of holy rites and seeing:
no Brahmans" was simply an euphemistic form of expressing
their adhesion to Buddhism, or other rival creeds. The^
mention of them as Khattriyas is probably but an intima-
tion of the rank in the Hindu social scale to which they
would have been welcome if only they had cared
to take it ; just as inlater times, Hodgson says the Kochh availed
themselves of the convenient elasticity of the Kshattriya cord,,
which was unhesitatingly extended to receive them.
189. The writer just quoted in. general terms lays down.
that all the aborigines of India are-
Aborigines Scythic. north-men of the Scythic stem; and
this, even on other grounds than those he relies on, is extremely
probable. Unless Hindiistdn be regarded as the one cradle
of the human race, or the theory o£ independent creations be*
adopted, the earliest inhabitants, like the latest, must of ne-
cessity have been immigrants; and, as the direction here in*-
dicated is known to have been that from which until withia
the most recent times the tide of invasion of Hindiist&n has.
almost uniformly set,* it should on this account, if no other,,
be looked upon as the most probable starting point of the:
first comers.
• See Macaulay's Essays* (Warren Hastings, II. 193).
90 SULTANPUR 8KTTLEMENT REPORT.
190. But to go further than this, and attempt to dis-
But not identifiable with an 7 cover in any race now existing the un-
separate tribe now existing m mixed descendants of the aborigines, I
the district, greatly hesitate : I subscribe rather to
the view that except in a few frontier districts, of which
Sultanpur is not one, the autochthones are extinct or have
been completely absorbed into the " composite people they
have helped to form."*
191. Nor, however accurately descriptive of the moral
character of the Bhars popular legends
Aborigines. Their charac- may be, does their application to the
*"• aborigines appear to me to rest on any
solid basis. It receives considerable support, indeed, from
the Vaidik hymns, for they lead us to believe that the Aryans
succeeded races morally and physically inferior to themselves,
and that they acquired for them such a degree of scorn that
they did not stoop to make themselves acquainted with, or,
at all events, to allude to them by their distinctive designa-
tions, or to take cognizance of their tribal individuality ; they
found it sufficient for their limited intercourse with them to
group them under such collective and opprobrious terms as
Asuras, Daityas or Rakshasas. But, considering the violent
animosity of the Aryans towards their predecessors, the truth
of the picture may well be called in question ; nor, even as it
is, is it many degrees darker than that of which the Aryans
themselves furnished the original, when, four thousand years
later, it fell to their lot to be pourtrayed by a Turanian.! It
may even be surmised that the points of divergence would
have been reduced within still narrower limits, if, in the latter
case, as in the former, the delineator had more freely in-
dulged a taste he occasionally displayed and disburthened his
feelings in the hyperbolic strain common to hymns and in-
vocations, instead of giving, as he did, a clear and concise nar-
rative in uninflated everyday prose. For all the means, then,
we have of instituting a comparison, there are no valid rea-
sons for believing that this part of India was materially
worse while under the dominion of the aborigines, than when
it was described by the emperor Babar, between three and
four centuries ago. $
* Annals of Rural Bengal.
f See Babar's Memoirs, passim.^
X See para. 272, where regular cities belonging to the aborigines are alluded to.
sultAnpur settlement report. 91
2. The Brahmanic Period.
192. The aborigines were succeeded by the Hindus, one
of the numerous branches of the now
to *: fi&J** rdati ° n wide-spread Aryan race, by whomthey
were, in this part of India, reduced
to complete subjection. On this point complete unanimity of
opinion exists, but in what relation the conquerors and the
conquered stood to each other ethnologically is still a vexata
qucBstio. Did the primitive population succumb to an alien
race nobler and worthier than itself, or did it differ from
its successor only as one sept of a mighty clan differs from
another ? was an indigenous plant uprooted to make way for
an exotic, or were both alike offshoots of the same parent
stem, the one degenerated under unsuitable conditions, the
other developed in a corresponding degree under the in-
fluence of a superior climate and more careful nurture ?
193. Elphinstone suggests that the Hindiis were, per-
haps, a local tribe like the Dorians in Greece ; or even no-
thing more than a portion of one of the native states, a reli-
gious sect, for instance, which had outstripped their fellow
citizens in knowledge and appropriated all the advantages of
the society to themselves.* There is no reason whatever, he
says, for thinking that the Hindus ever inhabited any coun-
try but their own ; and, if he admits the possibility of their
having done so, it is only before the earliest trace of their
records or traditions. Nor is the theory of community of origin
for the Hindus and autochthones altogether foreign to Hin-
du mythology. Beni, or Vena, son of Ang, ruler of Ayodh-
ya> one of many unfortunates of the same kind, is said to
have fallen a victim to the anger of the Brahmans. He
died childless, but his corpse, after the fashion of the ashes of
the Phoenix, gave birth to two sons, Nish&da orNekhad, sprung
from his thigh, and Prithu from his right hand. fNekhad
became the ancestor of the aborigines, and Prithu of the
Solar race.
194. A more recent author, on the other hand, in strong
contrast with the above, writes " that our earliest glimpses of
u the human family discldse two tribes of widely different origin
* Elphinstone, 4th Edition, page 49.
t Muir'a Sanskrit Texts, I. 301.
92 sultInpub settlement report.
" *struggling for the mastery. In the primitive time, which
" lies even on the hoiizon of inductive history, a tall, fair-
" complexioned race passed the Himalayas. They came
" of a conquering stock. They brought with them a store
<c of legends and devotional strains." And again, " the philo-
" loger can only assert that a branch of a noble stock won
" for themselves a home among numerous but inferior tribes,
"and that before the dawn of history the children of the soil
" had been reduced to villeinage or driven back into the
"forqrt/'t
195. It is necessary to notice the existence of these op-
posite views, but the questions they raise are much too broad
for discussion here. Whether the Hindus are to be identified
with the children of the soil of Brahm£vartta, or whether
they were the prototypes of the many invaders of that sacred
territory ; whether their cradle lay on the banks of the Saras-
wati, or whether, one of many branches of a race which
penetrated to the furthest confines of the ancient world, they
crossed the Himalayas before they reached the holy stream,
it is equally possible to trace the " great Asiatic branch to two
" foci not far apart and situated east and west of the Indus, ™
and by starting from the former, and following the historic
lines which radiate from it eastward, we shall lose nothing of
the special history of eastern Oudh.
196. Manu particularizes three portions of Aryavartta
_. .. , . ,. t L viz., Brahmdvartta, Brahmarshi, and
Hindu colonization of eastern »r j L j j. j * , ,«• •.!
Oudh. MadhyadesaJ, and invests them with,
degrees of sanctity inversely propor-
tioned to their distance from the Saraswati:§ and Elphinstone
assumes that this classification involves the history of the ex-
tension of the Aryan occupation. On this hypothesis, as
" that country which lies between Himivat and Vindhya, to
" the east of Vinasana, and to the west of Pry&ga, is celebra-
" ted by the title of Madhyadesa, or the Central Region,"
it follows that it was not until their third great onward move-
ment that the Aryans reached eastern Oudh.
• The Italics are simply intended to indicate the points of contrast between ^W
theory and that given in the preceding paragraph.
t Annals of Rural Bengal page, 90-91.
X Manu, Chapter II. 16 &c.
§ Annals of Rural Bengal.
sultInpur settlement report. 93
197. In what character they first appeared cannot be
stated with certainty. The usual opinion is that there came
at once a colony or army numbering in its ranks all the social
elements contained in the community of which it was an off-
shoot ; but it has also been suggested that the main body was
preceded by the analogue of the Jesuit and settler, and that
proselytizing Brahmans, urged by zeal for the propagation of
the Vaidik faith, were the first wave of a flood- tide of immi-
gration, followed closely by a second composed of those who
were actuated by still peaceful, but less unselfish motives — the
auri sacra fames, and this view is not without support. In
the tradition it is based on ( which has been somewhat gar-
bled by the pandits, however,) it is said that it was in com-
pliance with the solicitations of oppressed Brahmans that the
Solar race first approached Ayodhya ; and, in the Mahdbhd-
rata, we find, that it was with Brahmans (and no other caste
is mentioned as being with them ) that the Fandavas sojourn-
ed during their visits to Varan&vata and Ekdchara. In the
latter of those places, too, an Aswia, not a Kshattriya, king
was reigning ; and TV heeler confidently broaches the theory
that, at that period, there were no Aryan principalities so far
east even as the former.
198. To what epoch, must next be asked, is to be as-
signed the advent of the Aryan race into eastern Oudh ? It
was, there is every reason to suppose, though there is no ab-
solute proof, identical with that of the building of Ayodhya,*
and with that also of the foundation of the so-called Solar
dynasty ; so that whatever data there are for the determina-
tion of the one will be serviceable with respect, to the others
also. Now Ikhshv&ku is said to have been the first prince of
the Solar race and to have been contemporary with Abraham.
His claim to so great an antiquity has certainly been called
in question, but as Wilson " thinks there is nothing to shock
" probability in supposing that the Hindu dynasties and their
u ramifications were spread through an interval of about twelve
"centuries anterior to the great war", the theory just stated
may, pending the acquisition of more conclusive aata, be ac-
corded a qualified belief.
• Mr. Carnegy says that Ikhihyaku, was the first king of Ayodhya, (Aldemau Report, page
1). According to the Bamajana, the city of Ayodhya was founded by Manu, the progenitor
of all mankind (Asiatic Society Journal, I. IV. 1865, page 242). As Ikhehvaku was son of
Manu (Prinsep's Antiquities, Dynastic Lists) the two accounts agree pretty closely.
94 sultInpub settlement report.
199. Again respecting the extent of Ikhshv&ku's domi-
SniOnpur part of the old nion, it is permissible to hazard a con-
Hindu kingdom of Ayodhya. jecture. His capital lay on the extreme
east of the Middle-Land, and was apparently, therefore, a
border city ; his western frontier touched Brahmarshf, in
which Kanauj was included, whence we may infer that, in
that direction, he reigned as far as the left bank of the Ganges ;
and as Pry&g was in the Middle-Land, that river may also
have formed his southern boundary. From this it follows
that from the period of its earliest establishment, the Aryan
kingdom of Ayodhya included the whole of the territory now
known as Sult&npur. For many ages from this time,
moreover, it is only from the history of the former that it is
at all possible to trace the fortunes of the latter.
200. In Oudh, in common with other portions of the
And for a time on a poii- Middle- Land, it was that, in after days,
ticai and religious frontier. th e Brahmanic system was to reach its
full development, an end, perhaps, in no slight measure fur-
thered by the efforts of an hierarchy at Ayodhya. " In the
" Middle-Land," says Dr. Hunter, " the simple faith of the
" singers was first adorned with stately rites and then extin-?
" guished beneath them. It beheld the race progress from a
" loose confederacy of patriarchal communities into several
li well-knit nations, each secured by a strong central force, but
" disfigured by distinctions of caste destined in the end to be
" the ruin of the Sanskrit people. The compilers of the land
11 law recorded in the Book of Manu, if not actual residents
" of the Middle-Land, were so closely identified with it as to
" look upon it as the focus of their race ;" and says the same
author, " the civilisation which is popularly supposed to have
"been the civilisation of ancient India, which is repre-
" sented by the Brahmanas and the Book of Manu was
u in its integrity confined to the northern country termed by
" Manu the Middle-Land." Following, then, the boundaries
assigned by Manu to the Middle- Land, and, bearing in mind
the vigorous growth to which Brahmanism there attained, I am
led to the conclusion that, almost coincident with the present
eastern boundary of Oudh, with Pry4g and Ayodhya, and
Sult&npur, under whatever names, as border cities, there long
existed an ethnic frontier as sharply defined as that which
Dr. Hunter so graphically describes as having subse-
quently formed the utmost limit of Aryan encroachment in.
sultInpur settlement report. 95
Bengal. In one rdspect, indeed, and that one of the greatest
moment, there lay a greater difference between the two con-
tiguous but antagonistic races in the former case than in the
latter ; for, in proportion it may be assumed to the degree of
development of Brahmanism was the bitterness of hatred it
bestowed on its opponents ; and, so far as the formation of
Effect on character of po- natural character is to be sought in his-
puiatkm. torical events, to the " fierce shock of
jarring contrasts" which the Aryans of the eastern border of
the Middle-Land then had to sustain may, I conceive be in
part, attributed that warlike disposition by which their
descendants still continue to be characterised. 41
201. Sultdnpur remained under the sway of the Solar
princes until the time of Rama, who, following the same
scale of chronology as adopted with respect to Ikhshv&ku,
lived about the time of Solomon. For R&ma's kingdom was
mightier even than his ancestor's : it stretched north and south
from the Himalayas to the Ganges, arid east and west from
Nimkhar to the Gandak.
202. In connection with this period according to tradition,
Foundation of Kueapura occurs the first mention of the town of
(Suitanpur) according to tra- Sult&npur, under its old name of Ku-
dition8, sapura. B&ma it is said had two sons,
Kusa and Lava ; and to the first is attributed the foundation
and naming of the town.
203. Now General Cunningham states that ancient
Oudh consisted of two parts, divided by the Gh&gra ; and that
Lava, Kusas brother, is by the V&yu Purana assigned a king-
dom (Sr&vasti) to the north of that river, t If, then, the above
. tradition concerning Sult&npur were reliable, it might appear
that the two sons of R&ma effected a partition of their father's
kingdom, Lava getting the northern and Ku3a the southern
portion, inclusive of Suitanpur. But, on the other hand, if
local legends be believed, the metnory of the two brothers is
perpetuated in the names of forts and towns in the Panj&b,
in the Vindhya ranges, and in Behir ; and, unless we credit
them with Alexander the Great's own love ot city founding,
we may well doubt the story regarding Sult&npur.
• See Chapter I. Section 3.
t Ancient Geography, 406-9.
96 sultAnpur settlement report.
3. The Buddhist Period.
204. " After R&ma," says Elphinstone, " as we hear no
soiunpur in kingdom of " more of Ayodhya (Oudh), it is possi-
the Buddhist kings of Ka- " ble that the kingdom, which at one
pUft# " time was called Kosala, may have
" merged in another ;" and this seems highly probable, but I
venture to doubt whether " the capital was transferred from
"Oudh to Kanauj." Brahmanic chronicles, indeed, would
lead to the belief that the Solar line retained its power until
shortly before the Christian era. But this is difficult to be-
lieve. In the first place, it is known that about b. o. 600 there
occurred a Scythian invasion, under a prince called Seshn&g,
on a larger scale than had ever taken place before ;* and that
he conquered and usurped the throne of the powerful kingdom
of Magadha ; it is further known that Oudh was afterwards
subject to his dynasty. As, then, he overran the whole of the
north of India before he reached his future capital, it must be
supposed that he traversed Oudh as well as other provinces ;
and it is thus no more than a reasonable conclusion that it was
at the period of his invasion and by him himself that it was
deprived of its autonomy.
205. Again, glance down the genealogical table of the
Solar kings, and two well known names will be discovered,
Saddodhana R&jah and Sdkya Muni, and " there can be no
" doubt of the individuals here intended ; S&kya is the name
" of the author or reviver of Buddhism." Now, it is a moot
point whether the name of S£kya is not expressive of nation-
ality rather than of individuality ; and S&kya himself is known
to have been a personal friend of one of the earliest SeshnAg
kings of Magadha. About this time, moreover, at least be-
fore the Rdm&yana was written, Ajodhya received yet ano-
ther of its many names, S&keta, which from the above consi-
derations there need be little hesitation in referring to the
S&kas,. an offshoot of the race of that name on the west of
India, and to a Scythian origin.
206. "What if I now attribute the foundation of pre-
Kusapura (or Kasapura) Mahomedan Sultdnpur also to a similar
founded by the Kae ? agency and date ? Its name, according
to the Chinese pilgrim, is not Kusapura, but Kasapura, ana
Babar Sh&h tells us that the hill country along the upper
* Elliot's Supplementary Glossary, Gour.
sultAnpur settlement report. 97
course of the Indus was formerly inhabited by a race of men
called Kas.* He conjectures that the first portion of the word
Kashmir is nothing more than a corruption of their name ; and
his translator adds a supplementary suggestion that these
same K&s were the inhabitants of the Kasia Regio and Kasli
Montes ot Plotemy, and that their dominion once extended
from K&shghar to Kashmir. If, then, these two places are
called after the K&s, why may not Kasapura have been also ?
The geographical difficulty may be raised that, while Kasa-
pura is in the east of India, the K&s lay on the extreme west.
But so did the S&kas also, and their close proximity in
that region, indeed, to the K&s shows how very possible it is
that the latter accompanied them in their invasion of India.
The known character of the S&kas strengthens the supposi-
tion : they were equally ready to enter into an alliance with
any tribe that served their purpose and to turn against their
allies as soon as their common purpose was effected. If, then,
S&keta derived its name from the Sakas, it is not at all im-
probable, to say the least, that Kasapura took its designation
from the K&s.
207. Shortly before the time of Sdkya's father, also, we
meet with the first royal " emigration " from Ayodhya ; and
the legends of that place run that " after the expulsion of So-
" lar race and the death of Nanda, Bindustir, the disciple of
" S&kya or Gautama Bauddha, and others of his line held
" sway. They respected the Buddhist priests, who it has
" been affirmed were then masters of Ayodhya, and who re-
" cognized these men as their nominal chiefs." All this surely
suggests that the line of R&ma was expelled synchronously
with the establishment of the Seshndgs in Magadha ; and
that, either conjointly or separately, Ayodhya and Kasapura
then came into the possession of Scythian princes, semi-
independent vassals of that dynasty.
208. The new rulers of Ayodhya and Sult&npur were
thus descendants of Sdkya Muni. Hence, perhaps, the rea-
son of their being described as Buddhist priests. The Vedas
were now proscribed, and the " great or little Vehicle " usurp,
ed their places. The recollection of this time is still preserved
in numerous small Buddhist images scattered here and there
* Bator's Memoirs, Introduction XXVII.
N
98 sultInpub settlement bepobt.
about the district, and also in the names of several villages.
Budhaiyan is a distorted form of Buddhavana, or Buddha's
torest,* and, Mad&ra Bhdr and San&i Bhdr would appear by
their names to have been the sites of Buddhist monasteries
or Veh&ras.
209. The Buddhist Princes held Ayodhya until the time
Vikramaditja succeeds the of Vikramaditya. According to dy-
Buddhist Kings. nastio lists, Sumitra, the last of them,
and Vikramaditya were contemporaries. Tradition speaks
to the same effect : it states that, slightly antecedent to the
time of Vikramaditya, the Kshattriya race was recreated by
the Brahmans to fight their battles against the Buddhists ;t
it makes Vikramaditya belong to one of the recreated clansj ;
and it places the age of Vikramaditya in close sequence to the
supposed subjection of the Buddhists. §
210. During their reigns, say the local legends, the
Vikramaditya said to have whole of this part of Oudh became a
found Oudh a desert. wilderness. This is a gloomy picture,
however, and I am glad to find occasion for questioning its
accuracy. To say nothing of the Maniparbat|| erected about
this time near Ayodhya, was it a wilderness in which Buddha.
preached for sixteen years ? was it a desert which the noble
maiden Vis&kha, and her father, a rich merchant, selected for
their residence when they emigrated from the capital of Maga-
dha ? was it a jungle of which the Buddhist priests were
lords ; in which the Buddhist kings fixed their capital ? In
V less ancient times, when waste began to yield to cultivation, it
" took the name of Benoudha, or the jungle of Oudh. With
" this period the name of Vikramaditya is traditionally and
" intimately associated, when Buddhism again began to give
" place to Brahmanism ;" and elsewhere it is said that u Aju-
" dhya was again traditionally restored, and Brahmanically re-
" peopled through the exertions of Vikramaditya of Ujjain."
In these two quotations lie, probably, the key to the whole
mystery. The Brahmans, it is stated, having invited Bud-
dhists to their aid against the Kshattriyas, did not fail to ex-
perience the effect of their suicidal policy in the utter prostra-
* Ancient Geography, pages 452-461.
f Marshman's History of India, I. 17.
% The Ponwar or Pramara ; see para. 281.
§ Marshman, I. 19.
|| Vaisabad Tehsil Beport, page 24.
sultInpur settlement report. 99
tion of their influence ; and it is not difficult to understand
the feeling which would make them ignore the existence of
the capital, or, at all events, preserve a discreet silence about
its history at the time when the religion which superseded
theirs prevailed. Ayodhya and Sultanpur probably existed
as S&keta or Vis&kha and Kasapura, and were inhabited aa
before ; or, if deserted, it was only in the sense they are now,
with the head quarters of districts in their immediate
neighbourhood ; but Brahmanism was at its lowest ebb ; they
were Brahmanically desolate.
211, But Ban-Oudha, is not the name itself conclusive ?
Ant ex re nomen, aut ex vocabulo fabula narratur. Is it not
to seek a Persian construction in an Indian word, to make the
"jungle of Oudh" a translation of Ban-Oudha? If Ban or
Ben in composition necessarily have the signification here
given to it, it must be so in the word Beuares, which, on the
contrary, we know to be a corruption of Var&nasi, formed by
the combination of the names of two streams the Varna and
the Asi. Here, then, is a precedent for reading Barn-Oudha
for Ban-Oudha ; or, at least, regarding it as the more correct
form of the name ; and, if I do so, it is to bring it more into
accordance with its actual meaning, which I take to be the
united provinces of Benares and Oudh. Tradition makes
Banoudha to consist of the estates of twelve R&jahs, which
says Sir H. Elliot, would make it include the whole of Bena-
res and Eastern Oudh ; General Cunningham, by dividing it
into Pachhim-r&th and Purab-r&th, gives it much the same
dimensions ; while I find from Prinsep that this is not the
only form in which the names of the two provinces appear in
combination for, factor for factor, Banoudha is reproduced in
K&si-Kosala # " The kingdom of Kausala or Kosala is well
"known from the Buddhist authors to be modern Oudh
u (Ayodhyaor Benares), the K&si-Kosala of Wilford." — Hence
I regard the term Banoudha as descriptive rather of territorial
extent than of the physical characteristics of a capital or pro-
vince.
212. Whatever the nature of the change effected in
Ayodhya, material adornment or Brahmanical regeneration,
it is universally allowed that it was in the time of Vikramadi-
tya, and through his instrumentality, it was brought about.
It is also generally believed, though a contrary opinion is not
100 sultInpur settlement bipobt.
wanting, that Vikramaditya of Ujjain is the one referred to ;
and, in this view, the date of the event can be approxi-
mately settled ; for, in strong relief to the fabulous particu-
lars which form the bulk of his history, stands out the indis-
putable fact that he established an era and that its initial
year was b. c. 57.
213. Now, Mr. Carnegy tells us that six or seven years
„., ,. ., . , . ,_ ago, there was dug up in Ayodhyaa ves-
Vikramaditya, identical with °i . • • • i_ j?
KadphUeeof the anoient ooiue. sel containing an immense number ot
old copper coins of the Indo-Scythic
kings, Kadphises and Kanishka ; and Mr. Benett acquaints
us with a similar fact regarding the district of Sultanpur.
About Kanishka, more hereafter ; at present I confine my
attention to Kadphises. His date is variously stated, but there
is good authority for saying that the Ytichi dynasty, to which
he belonged, were very powerful in the west of India in the
middle of the first century b. c. It follows from this that
Vikramaditya, and some member of the Ytichi line, who, un-
less Vikramaditya's reign commenced only in b. c. 57, was
very possibly Kadphises himself, were contemporaries.
Who, then, was this king, whose coins bearing his
image and superscription passed freely current in the time of
Vikramaditya, and in the very province the restoration of
which has so greatly contributed to the perpetuation of his
name ? In what relation to each other did they stand % Were
they foes, and did the Yuchf expel his adversary from Ayo-
dhya rediviva ? Or were they friends ? Were they close
allies ? Was the one but an alter ego of the other ? Was
Vikramaditya Kadphises ?
214. The question is one capable of lengthy argument*
too lengthy to be given here in full ; but I may indicate cur-
sorily various points which appear to bear upon the identifi-
cation. The inauguration of the Samvat, Vikramaditya's.
era, occurred during the time of the Kadphises dynasty, — pro-
bably Kadphises himself was Vikramaditya's contemporary ;
their dominions also appear to have been co-extensive. The
capital of the one, Ujjain ( Yiichiyana ?) probably derived its
name from the tribe, Ytichi, to which the other is known to
have belonged. The one was descended from the Gandharvas,
who dwelt upon the hills, but according to the fable was a
Gardabha, of which I take Gadabha to be a colloquial form.;:
sultXnpur settlement report. 101
the other ruled the kingdom of G&ndharva, a hilly region*
the name of which would, in the language of the coins, be-
come Gadapha. The one is intimately associated with
Banoudha, of which a synonym is K&si-Kosala, as perhaps
also the inverted form of Kosala-Kdsi ; the other is shown
by his coins to have been king of Kushang Kujala-Kasa. The
one is reputed to have been the restorer of Ayodhya ; the
coins of the other were freely current in that city at the time
that restoration is stated to have taken place; which implies
that, if it had ever been reduced to desolation, it had been re*
claimed from that condition, and become a busy mart of com-
merce; and that the coins in use in it were those of its restorer.
These are my arguments ; and the conclusion I venture to base
on a combination of them is that Kadphises and Vikramaditya
were one ; that the great unknown of the coins — ces— is
identical with the great unknown of Indian fable — the mo*
numentum cere perennius.
215. Vikramaditya was an usurper ; at least, I have
never heard it asserted that he was the
Vikramaditya commences the riffhtful O Wnet of Avodhy a. As a pre-
Ksbattnya colonization off v • .«• , -, • z ± m oii x
Eastern Oudh. hminary, then, to his restoration of that
city, it was indispensable for him to
acquire possession of it ; and it cannot be supposed that the
Buddhist princes tamely acquiesced in his appropriation of it,
and yielded without a blow. The picture that presents itself
to the mind's eye is that of Ayodhya and its vicinity the
theatre of religious war ; and I think we may discern therein
the beginning, in eastern India, of those sanguinary and
devastating wars which attended the revival of Brahmanism
and its struggles with the creed of Buddha.
216. " Ayodhya," says Mr. Carnegy " is to the Hindd
u what Mecca is to the Mahomedan and Jerusalem to the
§t Jew ;" and it is easy to believe that while it was in the hands
of the Buddhists, it was regarded by the votaries of reviving
Brahmanism much in the same light as Jerusalem was by the
Christians of the middle ages of Europe, a holy city defiled
by the presence of the infidel ; and thus Vikramaditya's
expedition against it partook of the character of a crusade.
Nor was it a religious movement alone that then took place :
it was accompanied by another, a re-migration, similar is its
nature to, the famous return of the Heraclidoe of Grecian
102 sultInpub settlement report.
history. Vikramaditya was a Ponw&r, a Kshattriya, and
thus sowed, in eastern India, the seeds of a social as well as a
religious revolution: — he and his army were the prototypes of
the re-migrant Kshattriyas of later ages. The Brahmans, with
cunning ingenuity, brought to bear upon the champions of
their faith two of the most powerful influences that can act upon
the human mind, patriotism and religion ; and the soldier of
Vikramaditya, as he marched against Ayodhya, was animated
with the reflection that he had in view the noble purpose of
recovering at once —
The ashes of his fathers
And the temples of his gods.
217. Vikramaditya reigned eighty years, say the Ayo-
dhya chronicles; Kadphises, his numismatic counterpart, is
by Lassen allowed just eighty-five years, a curiously similar
period. The difficulty of so long a reign disappears in the
atter case under the hypothesis that there were more kings
}han one of that name ; and I think the same key may be
applied to the solution of the same difficulty with respect to
the former also : the octogenarian Vikramaditya probably re-
presents the whole of the short Ytichi dynasty of Kapisa.
218. Vikramaditya had many adversaries, to one Saliva-
hana he had to resign the half of his
Vikramaditya driven out dominions ; a N&ga tribe made further
of eastern Oudh by Eanak , , °i- • i/L J*
Ben. encroachments on them in another direc-
tion ; but neither ot these appears to
have ever got possession of Oudh. A more probable succes-
sor of Vikramaditya, in this part of his empire, is to be found
in the heir of him whom Vikramaditya had himself despoiled.
219. Sumitra was the last of S&kya's dynasty, but not
of S&kya's family : one of his proximate descendants was
Kanak Sen of legendary celebrity. Now Prinsep conjectures
that this personage is identical with Kanishka of the coins ;
and, if we consult Lassen's list of Indo-Scy thic kings, we shall
find that Kanishka belonged to a dynasty which succeeded
the Yuchi ; the same and other authorities also will corro-
borate the statement that it was Kanishka who, partly at
least, took possession of the dominions of the Kadaphises.
The same conclusion is pointed to by the fact that the coins
of Kanishka are found in numbers side by side with those of
StJLTlNPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 103
Kadphises in Ayodhya, and Sult&npur and other parts of
India also. Further the name of Kanishka occurs in the
Tibetan works as a celebrated king in the north of India,
who reigned at Kapila, a city at no great distance from
Ayodhya ; and Prinsep describes this same Kanishka to have
belonged to a S&kyan dynasty of Indian origin. Now refer
back a few paragraphs, and it will be seen that a Sdka dynasty,
ancestors of Sumitra, ruled over Ayodhya several centuries-
before, and Buddhist works show that S&kya himself was
born at Kapila, which thus appears to have been in their
dominions, perhaps their capital. All these facts collectively
amount to this that, numismatically speaking, the expulsion
of the Yuchi Kadphises from Ayodhya was effected by the
S&ka king, Kanishka of Kapila (a descendant of Sumitra),
who thus for a time restored the Sakyan dynasty ; or, which
is the same thing, speaking in the language of tradition, that
the province of Banoudha was wrested from Vikramaditya by
no other than the famous Kanak Sen.
220. Sultdnpur was beyond a doubt included in the em-
pire of both Vikramaditya and Kanak
Buitinpur part of king- g en Kadphises and Kanishka.
dora of Vikramaditya and n n_' • *j j • >i_ i j
Kanak Sen. This is evidenced in the clearest manner
by it having been so prolific a find-spot
of their coins, to say nothing of the testimony of tradition.
221. The next phase in the history of Sultdnpur is its
absorption a second time into the em-
And afterwards in the em. pjj. e f Magadha. Kanak Sen is said to
pire of the Guptas of Ma- f / • i i> /• ^ n i.i
gadha. have 'migrated from Oudh ; but there
are forcible arguments in support of the
belief that his exodus was directly attributable to the nascent
power of the Guptas of Magadha. It was towards the
close of the first century A. d. that that dynasty was
founded ; nor are reasons for hostile collision between Kapila
and Magadha far to seek. Even Brahmanical accounts
admit that the later Solar princes embraced Buddhism,
whence it may be inferred that it was the religion of
Kanak Sen; and it is indubitable that Kanishka was a
warm patron of the same religion. The Guptas, on tha
other hand, were distinguished by their support of the religion
of the Brahmans ; not only did they actively encourage it;
but they signalised themselves also by the persecution of the
104 sultInfur settlement report.
professors of the creed of Buddha. Here, then, was a sufficient
cause to induce one State to take up arms against the other ;
more especially if it be remembered that the period under con-
sideration was one notable for the prosecution of those wars
of which we saw the commencement in the time of Vikrama-
ditya.
222. Again, General Cunningham, in speaking of Sr£-
vasti, argues that from A. D. 79 to 319, it was a dependency
of the Guptas, as the neighbouring city of S&keta is specially
said to have belonged to them. " Princes of the Gupta race,"
says the V&yu Pur&na " will possess all those countries ; the
" banks of the Ganges to Pry&ga and S&keta and Magadha."
A fortiori then, will the same argument apply to Sultdnpur,
not only in close proximity to Sdketa, but also intermediate
between it and Pry&ga.
223. To digress amoment. Saketa and Pry&ga are named
, . together as border cities: Sult&n-
8uHanpur a second time on a ° , , , . --fj.
religious and political frontier. pur must nave been so, too. We
have once already found them occu-
pying that position, many ages previously ; but how great a
change has been accomplished in the interval : now, as before,
they separated rival religions and rival states ; but how dif-
ferent the religious aspect of the country on either side of them !
In the first instance, they formed the eastward limit of
Ikshv&ku's empire, and of the advancing tide of Brahmanism —
of Brahmanism in its primitive pre-Buddhistic form, which
in its full development was never destined to pass beyond
them, while further east lay the various modes of superstition
practised by the aborigines ; in the second instance, on the
west, throughout the tract where Ikshv&ku had ruled of
old, Brahmanism had been entirely supplanted by Buddhism,
while on the east lay one of the principal centres of reviying
Brahmanism.
224. The subversion of the Gupta empire occurred in the
„ , , . , year a. d. 319. If that event did
st Sultanpur an independent ^ ot lead to the immediate indepen .
dence of several petty states, it al-
most certainly paved the way for their creation. For ex-
ample, we know that, in the 5th century A. d. there was a king
of Kapila not only autonomous, but of sufficient importance
to send an embassy to China: and in the 7th century, accord-
sultInpur settlement report. 105
ingto Hwen Thsang, Tndia was split up into no less than seven-
ty-two independent states. Of these Kasapura was one.
225. The pilgrim's accuracy on this point has been
challenged ; for the exact measurements of modern times show
that there is not sufficient land to furnish forth so many king-
doms of so large a size as he describes. It has therefore
been conjectured that some of his seventy -two were subsidia-
ry to and included in others. But I venture, with great diffi-
dence, to entertain a somewhat different opinion. Lassen con-
siders that Hwen Thsang's measurements must be received
with caution, as is indeed apparent from the numerous alter-
ations General Cunningham finds it necessary to make in them;
and I think it more likely that Hwen Thsang was mistaken
in the areas of individual states than with regard to the num-
ber of states of which the country consisted: the second point
admits of easy ascertainment, the second is much more diffi-
cult.
226. I accordingly follow Hwen Thsang's statement as
to the independence of Kasapura in his time. I am inclined
to believe also that it remained in that condition until the first
Mahomedan invasion. At that period, the dominions of the
R&jahs of Kanauj were no more extensive than those of their
neighbours:* they do not appear to have stretched as far as
Satrakh,t much less to Ayodhya and Kasapura. Then, too,
it was that the power of the Bhars and other wild tribes reach-
ed its highest pitch, and legends, the only authority we
have on the subject, are unanimous in describing them to have
divided their possessions into small states, perfectly unconnec-
ted with each other, and Kasapura is among the best known
of them. Such also is the picture of the country sketched by
the emperor Babar in explaining the sort of opposition Sultan
Mahmdd had to encounter: "All Hindustan was not at that
" time subject to a single emperor : every raja set up for a
" monarch on his own account in his own petty territories."
227. Sult&npur yet continued for half a century longer
8 \t& nart f th k* a *° ex * s ^ as a separate state. Chandra
of Kanauj! 1 ' ° * mg ° m Deva the first of the powerful Rahtor
princes of Kanauj then captured that
city, and copper land grants discovered in recent times show
* • Elphinstone, 4th Edition, 281.
t If they had, Syad Salar, a friend of the Rajah of Kanauj would hardly have en-
camped there, and Bent expeditions against the surrounding country ; soe para. 232.
106 sultIkpub settlement report.
that he and his descendants extended their sway over Benares
and Ayodhya. Sult&npur must therefore have been annexed
to and remained part of their empire until the overthrow of
Jaya Chandra, the last and best known of their dynasty, by
Shatoib-ud-din Ghori in a. d. 1192-4.
4. The Mahomedan Period.
228. From the time of Mahmtid of Ghaznf dates the
MahomedaBconquestscause commencement of the Mahomedan
the immigration of Kshattriya period ; the period, that IS, OI MahO-
colonieamtoOudh. medan dominatioI1- But this is not
the full extent of the social changes which the Ghaznavid and
his successors brought about. I have attributed the beginning
of the work of Kshattriya colonization to Vikramaditya, but
this is far from saying he effected its completion. It progress-
ed by very slow degrees until the Hindu kingdoms of the
west of India were thrown into confusion by the attacks of
the Musulman invaders ; and it then received a stimulus under
the influence of which it continued to go on steadily for the
next five centuries. " Almost all Rajpoot colonies in Oudh"
says Mr. C. A Elliott, will be found to belong to "one of two
" great classes ; and to owe their present position to the Ma-
" hommedan conquest, either indirectly, having been induced
" to leave their homes and to seek for liberty elsewhere by the
" loss of their ancestral independence, or else directly, having
" settled where we now find them as subjects, servants or
" grantees of the Delhi Court The former class
"dates between 1200a. d. and 1450 A. D. The latter from
" 1450 a. d. to 1700 a. d. from Baber to Alumgir."* In point
of date, at least, all the Kshattriyas of this district belong to
the former of these two classes. Their history will be sepa-
rately given in the second section of this chapter.
229. The earliest Mahomedan invasion of this part
First Mahomedan invasion of Oudh is locally believed to have OC-
under Syad Saiar. curred as far back as the time of
Mahmtid of Ghaznf , under the leadership of Saldr Mastid
* Chronicles of Oonao, page. 80.
sultInpur settlement report. 107
Gh&zi, popularly known as Syad Saldr,* the nephew of that
Prince : and, notwithstanding the silence on the subject of
the early historians whose works are still extant, such was
not improbably the case. The Mir&t-ul- Asr&r and the Mir&t-
i-Masddl, which give detailed accounts of the expedition,
though admittedly modern compositions, profess, it must
be remembered, to follow a now lost work of an author, who
was contemporary with the events and persons he described.
Some weight must be attached also to the fact that the most
prominent place in the pedigrees of numerous Mahomedan
families in various parts of eastern Oudh, and in the Allaha-
bad district also, is assigned to those who are said to have
come to this country in the time of Sult&n Mahmtid ;t many
of the Oudh families asserting that their ancestors actually
accompanied SaUr Masud.
230. Mahmtid himself, moreover, is said to have twice
(a. h. 410 and a. h. 413) penetrated as far east as Benares,
having on the first of these occasions, " made a few converts
to the faith."| A similar limit is also said to have been
reached a few years afterwards by Ahmad Nialtigin,§ a
natural son, it is supposed of Mahmtid, who, crossing the
river Ganges, at what point is not stated, marched down
the left bank until he arrived " unexpectedly " at Benares
231. From these two instances it is apparent that,
either in or close upon the time of Mahmtid, the Mahomedan
arms had been carried further east than Oudh ; and in after
days, the main road from Dehli to Bengal crossing the
Ganges at some ford not far west ? of the present city of
Furruckabad ran through Jaunpur and Benares. || It is
likely enough therefore that this was the route followed by
Mahmtid, if not by his son also, in which case they must have
traversed a portion of this province. Under these circum-
stances, it is quite within the bounds of possibility, that
MahmtixTs nephew, Sal&r Mastid, also led an expedition in
* Regarding Syad Salar, See Elliot's Supplementary Glossary, Ghazee Meean. His
tomb had already become a place of pilgrimage by the end of the 14th century, as shown
in Elliot's History of India, III. 249-362.
t See Mr. Carnegy's " Notes on Races," 63-64,
X Ain-i-Akbari ; Sdbah Allahabad.
§ Elliot's History of India, III. 123.
U Calcutta Review, 1865. Article, Jounpore.
J 08 sultXnpur settlement export.
the same direction ; if not absolutely the first to do so, he
was probably the first to make any conquests there.*
232. Saldr Masiid, having incurred the bitter enmity
of Mahmtid's wazir, whom Mahniud at the time deemed it
prudent to conciliate, was told by his uncle that he must
submit to a temporary absence from the court of Ghazni
He accordingly requested and obtained permission to make
an expedition into Hindustan, promising that he would wrest
from the pagans the kingdoms then in their possession and
cause the khutba to be read therein in the Sultan's name.
Having collected an army of 1,100,000 men,t he set out on
his journey ; and, after various exploits, reached Kanauj and
pitched his tents for a while on the banks of the river Ganges.
From this he marched to Satrikh, and, fixing his head quar-
ters there, sent out armies on every side to conquer the sur-
rounding country : Sal&r Saif-iid-din and Miyan Rajab were
despatched against Bahraich; others against Mahona ; others
against Gop&mau, and others against Benares and its neigh-
bourhood.
233. One day ambassadors arrived at Satrikh bearing
this message from the Rais of M&nikpur and Karrah: — " This
11 kingdom has belonged to us and to our fathers from time
u immemorial. No Musulman has ever dwelt here. Our
u annals relate that the emperor Zii-1-Karnain made an ex-
u pedition against this country and reached Kanauj ; and
u returned without having crossed the Ganges. Sult&n
" Mahmtid, also, with your father, came as far as Ajmir,
u Guzerdt and Kanauj, but, spared our country
" You had better take the prudent course of retiring. "
234. Now it chanced that, about this time, Saldr Sahti
father of Saldr Mastid, arrived at Satrikh ; and letters
having been intercepted, which showed that the princes whose
threatening embassy has just been mentioned were endeavour-
ing to effect an alliance with those of Bahraich against their
common foe, he set out without delay against them ; and, divi-
ding his army into two bodies, sent one against Karrah and the
other against Mdnikpur. Both of those places were reduced,
* The following account of Syad Satfr is taken from the translated extracts from
the Mir&t-i-Martidi given in Elliot's History of India, II. 518.
t Yaadah lak.
SULTXnPUR SSTTLBIfENT BSFORT. 109
and Salar Sahti returned in triumph to Satrikh, leaving Malik
Abd-ullah in the neighbourhood of Karrah, and Mir Kutb
Haidar at M&nikpur.
235. During this period it probably was that the first
Earliest Mahomedan settle- Mahomedan conquests were achieved*
ments in this district aQ( j the first Mahomedan colonies
planted in the western portion of this district. From the
tenor of the message above quoted it may be gathered that
the princes of M&nikpur claimed dominion over the whole
tract which intervened between their capital and Satrikh,
nearly the whole of which, indeed, was afterwards included
in the M&nikpur Sirkar ;* and the chronicles of Jais and
Subeha, towns which lay nearly on the line of march from
one place to the other,t point to the time of Sal&r Masiid as
that in which they were first visited by Musulmans.
236. Sult&npur, in spite of the expeditions sent from
Suitanpur conquered by the Satrikh against Benares and other
Mahomedans. places to the east, appears, for some
unexplained reason, to have escaped the fate of its neighbours
Jais on the one side and Jaunpur on the other : — it may have
been that its naturally strong position baffled for the time
all the attempts of the invaders. J But be the cause what it
may, the traditions current in its vicinity are singularly
unanimous in omitting all mention of Syad Salar, and in re-
presenting the Bhars to have remained masters of it, until it
was captured from them by Ald-tid-din Ghori.
237. The hero of this story, it will thus be seen, is iden-
tified in popular belief with the founder of the house of
Ghor ; but the identity is inadmissible, as the latter never
oame near Oudh. It seems more plausible to look for the
conquerer of Kusbhawanpur among the lieutenants, perhaps
relations also, of a later prince of the same dynasty, Shah&b*
ud-din, better known as Mahomed Ghorf. Shahab-tid-din;
after defeating Jaya Chandra of Kanauj, with that keen at-*
tention to reaping substantial results from his victory which
* See para. 252, Sirkar Manikpur.
t See paras. 85 and 90.
t Ancient Geography, page 400. The site of Kusapura was no doubt selected by its
founders as a good military position on account of its being on three sides surrounded by
the river Gomati or Gumti.
110 sultInpub settlement report.
he usually displayed, set off to plunder the treasury of his late
enemy at Asni ;* he thus arrived on the right bank of the
Ganges, at a spot where that river now forms the boundary
of Oudh, and after his departure thence marched on to attack
Benares. The route he then pursued is not related, but it is
at least incontrovertible that he had to cross over to the
Oudh side of the river before he reached his destination.
Now, in addition to the Sult&npur story that its captor was
a Ghorf, Ayodhya contains " a tomb of Makhdum Shah Jur£n
9t Ghori, a lieutenant, it is alleged of Shah&b-iid-din Ghori ;"t
and coins belonging to the Ghori dynasty have been found
near both of those places.! Jaunpur, also, with Benares, fell
" finally under the sceptre of the Musulman when Shah&b-
Ci tid-dln defeated Jaya Chandra ;"§ nor, though on the return
of the Sultan to Ghazni, his lieutenant, Kutb-ud-din, fixed his
court for some time at Asni, are any further hostilities
asserted to have then taken place ; Kutb-tid-din was princi-
pally employed in receiving the homage of the rais and
chiefs whose power had been already broken. || It seems to
follow, then, that the overthrow of all such fortified posts in
south-eastern Oudh, as declined to admit that their own sub-
jection was involved in that of Kanauj, (of which, as has
been seen, they were dependencies) is to be attributed to the
period of Shah&b-ud-din's progress from Asni to Benares or
that of his homeward march.
238. This view is further supported by the fact that,
And as part of Oudh under about this time, the first mention is
Mahomedan governors. made of a Mahomedan governor, (or
commander-in-chief ) in Oudh, being indeed so far as I have
been able to ascertain, the first instance in which allusion
is made to that province by the Mahomedan historians.
In relating the history of Mahomed Bakhtiydr Khilji,
the author of the Tabaq&t-i-N&siri saysIT that " this Muham-
u mad Bakhtiydr was a Khilji of Ghor, of the province of
u Garmsir. He was a very smart, enterprising, bold, cour-
" ageous, wise and experienced man. He left his tribe and
" came to the court of Sult&n Muizz-tid-din, at Ghaznin, and
* Elliot's History of India, IL 228.
f Faizabad Tehsil Report, 27.
t Asiatic Society's Journal, 238-250.
§ Calcutta Review, 1865. Article Joonpore.
(| Elliot's History of India, IL 224.
% Elliot's History of India, IL 30$.
sultInpur settlement report. Ill
* was placed in the dfw&n-i-arz (office for petitions) but as
c * the chief of that department was not satisfied with him he
€t was dismissed, and proceeded from Ghaznin to Hindostan.
" When he reached the court of Delhi, he was again rejected
u by the chief of the diw&n-i-arz of that city, and so he
IC went on to Badatin into the service of Hizbur-tid-din
11 Hasan, commander-in-chief, where he obtained a suitable
•' position. After some time he went to Oudh in the service of
a Malik Sisdm-ud-din Ughlabak. He had good horses and
u arms, and he had showed much activity and valour at many
" places, so he obtained Sahlat and Sahli in j&gir."
239. I have quoted this passage in extenso, because
Mahomed Bakhtiy&r is himself credited by Elphinstone
with the conquest of a part at least of Oudh ;• whereas,
from the above passage, it looks as if he found the province
under a Musulman governor, or at least in the occupation
of a Musulman army, on his first arrival in it ;t and as if it
was only by entering the service of the governor (who it
may be remarked had been a companion of Kutb-tid-din in
the Benares campaign, J and had on its termination been
immediately appointed to a governorship — that of Kol), that
he obtained a base of operations for his subsequent incur-
sions into Beh&r. At a later period he may certainly have
held the province, as, in the year a. d. 1202, " he joined the
u auspicious stirrups and came to pay his respects from the
u direction of Oudh and Beh&r."§
240. After Mahomed Bakhtiy&r's unsuccessful at-
tempts to establish an independent eastern empire, and the
consequent restriction of his dominion to Bengal proper by
Shamsh-iid-dfn Altamsh, the rest of the territory previously
held by him was parcelled out into smaller jurisdictions, in
which may be traced, perhaps, the outlines of those ar-
rangements which were afterwards more fully elaborated in
the Afn-i-Akb&ri. Among them, Oudh became again|| a
* Ferishta only alludes to Mahomed Bakhtiyar Khilji having subdued Behar and Ben-
ml— not Oudh ; and the same is the case with respect to the authorities cited in Elliot's
History, as also with the Afn-i-Akbarx (Bengal).
t It is quite possible, moreover, that Hisam-ud-din was not the first : he may have
been preceded by Makhdum Shah Juran Ghori, (See para. 237).
t Elliot's History of India, II. 224. 1 am assuming that Malik-uMTmara Hisam-ud-dfn
Ulbak and Malik Hisam-ud-din Ughlabak are one and the same.
§ Elliot's History of India, II. 232.
|| It had ceased to be so for a time apparently while it formed part of Mahomed
Bakhtiyar' 8 Yiceroyalty of Bengal,
112 TOLtXnPUR SETTLIMXNT REPORT.
separate province ; it was first held ,by Nasir-tid-din, eldest
son of Shamsh-tid-din* and in the next generation, reference
is made to a " h&kim Oudh," the incumbent of the office
being one Q&zi JaUl-tid-din ; and the recurrence of the
title may be noted until after the accession of the Khilji
dynasty.
241. The Oudh here alluded to, it must at the same
v * 4 . A « Arf . . A time be remarked, was very much
Extent of Oudh at this period. 11 . , .,, . ,, ,r i .
smaller in extent than either the king-
dom of R&m Chandra had been in early ages, or than the
Stibah to which it subsequently gave a name ; for contem-
porary with the Qazi Jaldl-tid-din above named, Nasir-ud-din
Mahm6d,t afterwards emperor, held the northern portion
of the province, which constituted the separate district of
Bahraich, and in the opposite direction where Oudh marches
8uitanpur only partly in with Manikpur, their mutual boundary
° ttdh - line most likely cut across the south-
western corner of this district, excluding a large tract from
Oudh, and placing it in Mdnikpur.
242. These two governments being thus contiguous,
the politics of the one were not unnaturally influenced by those
of its neighbour ; and it is not surprising to find that when
Malik Jdjd, a nephew of Ghaias-ud-din, rebelled against his
Khilji sovereign in his government of Karrah, Amir All, J his
contemporary in Oudh, participated in the revolt. One of the
immediate effects of the defeat of the confederates, which was
speedily effected by the royal forces, was the conferment of
the government of Karrah Manikpur by the emperor on
his nephew Ald-tid-din Khilji, who now first appears in the
history of this district ; and, as he was chief among those
whom the king delighted to honour, he soon became still
more intimately connected with it by receiving a second
grant, viz. of the government of Oudh — which had of
course become vacant, in consequence of the rebellion of
Amir Ali.
* Elliot's History of India, II. 829. This Nasfr-nd-dni must not be confounded with
the person of the same name mentioned in the succeeding paragraph,
t Elliot's History of India, II. 844.
; Also called Hatim Khan, (Ferishta).
SULtInPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 113
243. Ald-iid-din Khiljf was thus the first Musulman
governor under whose rule the two pre-
Ai£-iid.d£n KhiMf ■ two go- viously separate portions of the district
vernments included the whole J . . r , *. , r . , . . , ,
district. were united ;* but he is nevertheless
completely ignored in the annals of all
parts of it alike. Whether rightly so or not is doubtful ; for
Bat he has no place in it has been suggested that to him of
local tradition. right belongs the honor of the exploit
which is ascribed to his namesake of the Ghori dynasty,t
which would make him the principal character in the prin-
cipal event in the history of the capital. It would then, in-
deed, almost seem that the Khiljis might pride themselves on
having monopolised the annihilation of the Bhars of gultdn-
pur. A Khiljf it was who dealt the first blow to their inde-
pendence by the overthrow of Jais ; for a Khiljl has been
claimed the honor of first conquering the region in which
their principal possessions lay ; a Khilji again is said to have
demolished their last remaining citadel, and thus effected
their complete subjection.
244. But I venture to think that it is quite possible
the name has been correctly preserved as AU-iia-din Ghorf,
being, as in the case of Jais, that of a person all but locally
obscure ; and that, if, as is possible enough, the legend is in-
accurate at all, it errs rather in the particular of confounding
a private individual with a well known historical character
rather than in that of substituting one distinctive designation
for another : in the instance quoted, that of Jais,J it will be
observed, the very word Khilji, which is here supposed to have
been merged in that of Ghori, is seen to have been retained
unaltered. Ald-tid-din Khilji, moreover, so far as 1 have
been able to ascertain from the sources of information at my
command, does not appear to have once visited Oudh, during
the short period he was its governor, while it appears, after
having been conquered by Musulman armies, to have been
held by Musulman rulers, for nearly a century before his time.
I have, therefore, told the tale as it was told to me, and
assigned no more modern a date to the occurrences it narrates
.than historical probability absolutely demands, i. e. the reign
of Shahdb-tid-din.§
* Even then Chinda belonged to another government, however.
t Ancient Geography, page 400 ; and Asiatic Society's Journal, L IV. 1865, page 270.
X See para. 85.
§ See para. 287.
P
114 sultAnpub settlement report.
245. Whether Ghori or Khiljl was the victor, the
thoroughness of the conquest is evidenced in the most con-
clusive manner by the absence of any event connecting Sul-
t&npur with general history until the dismemberment of
the Delhi empire in the time of Mahmud Toghlak.
Up to shortly before that period, the jurisdiction of the
governor of Jaunpur had been limited
Suitfopurpartof the king, to 'Jaunpur and Zufrabad' with such
dom of Jaunpur. * , , i , j 111
provinces to the eastward as were held
neither by petty chiefs nor the lords of Lakhnautl ;* but,
when in a. d. 1394, Mahmiid Toghlak deputed his wazir
Khw&ja Jeh&n to that important charge, he invested him
with the newly-created title of Malik-us-shirq, and at the
same time extended his authority over the lower Doab, and
the provinces on the left bank of the Ganges. When, there-
fore, later on in the same year, Khwija Jeh&n, throwing off
his allegiance to Delhi, assumed the emblems of royalty,
Sultdnpur found itself again as in the time of R&roa, in the
centre of an eastern empire, very much the same in extent
as B&ma's, and at about the same distance, though in a
different direction from the new capital, as it was from the
old one of Ayodhya.
246. The change of sovereignty does not appear to
have produced any marked effect on the even flow of its in-
ternal history ; and Sult&n Ibrahim, is, indeed, the only
one of the Shark! dynasty who lives in local story. In this
he figures among the most ardent of the propagators
of the faith of Islam, and as the indefatigable cham-
pion of the professors of that creed. That the tales told
of him are exaggerated may be assumed ;t but they are, never-
theless, pervaded by a vein of truth, and the reason for his
being made the hero of them is not far to seek. Immediate-
ly after ascending the throne, he had to hurry off from
Jaunpur in the direction of Kanauj to join his army then
encamped near the latter place on the left bank of the Ganges ;
and more than one march and counter-march between the
* Calcutta Review, 1865. Article Jounpore.
t They are more numerous in R£i Barelf, but are not altogether wanting in this district.
Thus he is said by some accounts to have built a fort in Nasfr&bad, (See para. 88); and
another Btory states that Prash&d Singh, the Kanpuria chief, having attacked a Mahomedan
tribe of that town, the Khatfbs, they appealed to and obtained the protection of
Ibrahim.
sultInpur settlement report. 115
two places is on record ; so that it is quite credible not only
that Ibrahim himself actually passed the spots, where there
still lingers the recollection of his visit, but also that, when
he did so, he had at his back forces sufficient in his estimation
to cope with those of Delhi.
247, The downfall of the Jaunpur kingdom was no more
Establishment of the Mo- actively felt in this part of Oudh than
ghai power. it s erection ; nor did any thing of note
occur within the half century of Lodhl rule.* At the close
of that period, however, Babar, who had elsewhere firmly
established the Moghalt power, marched in person into Oudh ;
crossing the Ganges in the proximity of Bdngarmau, he
marched by Lucknow eastwards, and encamped on the very
day on which his general Chin Taimiir Sultdn defeated the
Afghan chief, by whom his power was contested in this pro-
vince, "two or three kos above Oud, at the junction of the
Gogar and SirwA." Here he halted some days for the purpose
of " settling the affairs of Oud, and the neighbouring country
" and for making the necessary arrangements." This halt of
Babar' s demands attention, as it was the proximate cause of
one of the leading events in the history of the Bachgoti clan : —
the conversion to Islamism of Tilok Chand, nephew of the
then chief of the clan,J whose descendants afterwards be-
came premier r&jahs of Oudh.
248, The temporary overthrow of the Moghal power,
which occurred about ten years later,
"* gs " and the establishment of the Stir dy-
nasty in the person of Shir Shdh, must not be passed over
in silence. They were fraught with results, material if not
moral also, more important from a local point of view than
any other of the numerous dynastic changes which had taken
place since the fall of Delhi and Kanauj at the end of, the
twelfth century. Shir SMh had, soon after Babar's death,
made himself master of the province of Beh&r and of the
* That is from the downfall of Jaunpur, when the Lodhf role commenced in Oudh to
the Moghal conquest
t Regarding the application of this term to Babar and his dynasty see, Elphinstone, 4th
Edition, page 365.
t The conversion is said to have taken place at Allahabad, so that it may not have
happened till the following year, when Babar's camp was pitched in that place ; but it
is improbable as he only halted there for a few hours.
116 BULtXhPUB SETTLEldHT REPORT.
important forts of Chundr and Rohtfo ; and though from
motives of prudence, he bent for a time before the storm,
and took shelter in the latter when Humaitin march-
ed against him in a. d. 1538, no sooner did he find his
enemy weather-bound in Bengal than he issued from his re-
treat, took possession of Beh&r and Benares, recovered Chu-
n£r, laid seige to Jaunpur, and pushed his detachments up
the Ganges as far as Kanauj. So confident was he in the
result of his future operations, that at this period he assumed
the title of king. In a. d. 1539, he inflicted a decisive
defeat on Humaitin, who fled to Delhi, and was occupied
there for eight or nine months in repairing his losses ; and
during that interval his conqueror contented himself with
retaining his acquisitions in Hiudustdn, recovering posses-
sion of Bengal and putting all his former territories into or-
der. The renewal of hostilities still found him on the east
of the Ganges, opposite Kanauj. It is not immaterial to
add, that he had been accompanied throughout all these
transactions by his son Salem Sh&h, who distinguished him-
self as a soldier in his father's wars ; and was an improver,
like his father, but in public works rather than in laws.
249. The genuineness of the instances of Shir Sh&h's
and Salem Sh&h's active interference in the affairs of this quar-
ter of Oudh, may, therefore, be unhesitatingly admitted.
Tilok Chand, the Bachgoti Musulman convert, was now dead ;
but his grandson Hasan Khdn is said to have managed to in-
gratiate himself with Shir Sh&h, and so to have carried still
further that aggrandizement of his family, which his grand-
father had commenced ; and as an example is ready at hand
in Shir Sh&h himself of the success which might speedily
be achieved by soldiers of fortune in such unsettled times,
ready credence may be yielded to the statement.
250. Careful of the interests of his followers, Shir
Sh&h was no less so of his own ; and, for the more effectual
protection of the latter, he is said, under the influence, per-
haps, of his son's taste for public works, to have ordered the
simultaneous erection of fifty-two substantial fortresses.*
The ruins of many of these still exist and some of them are
* A similar tale is ourrent in Rai Bareli, bat the forts are attributed to the Sharkf
dynasty. Aa Shfrgarh, (See para. 98) and Salemgarh (mentioned in Faisabad Report 37) are
•aid to be two of them, I think the Stir Dynasty is the more probable.
sultXnpur settlement report. 117
to be identified, no doubt, with the forts of burnt brick no-
ticed in the Ain-i- Akbdrf. This fact corroborates, in an im-
portant manner, the statement made by Elphinstone that
" Akbar's Revenue system though so celebrated for the
" benefits it conferred on India presented no new invention "
but " was in fact only a continuation of a plan commenced
" by Shir Sh&h,- whose short reign did not admit of his
" extending it to all parts of his kingdom."
251. The restoration of the Moghal power by Humai-
Restoration of the Mo- tin might remain unnoticed, had not
ghai power. hi s son Akbar left his famous institu-
tions. In the systematic division of the empire into Subahs,
of Siibahs into Sirk&rs and of Sirk&rs again into Mehals,
which they gave rise to, Oudh was selected to furnish a name
at once to one of each of those divisions.
252. Sultiinpur formed one of the constituent mehals of
SuiUnpur in Akbar's the Sirkdr of Oudh, and so of course
timo « lay in the Stibah of that name. Nei-
ther the Sultdnpur Mehal, however, nor the Sirk&r, nor even
the Stibah of Oudh, included the whole of the tract known
more recently by the name of Sultanpur. What has been
vaguely and inferentially remarked regarding an earlier period,
may be regarding the time of Akbar, more definitely and cer-
tainly repeated, viz. that the whole of the eastern and much
of the southern and western portions of the present district
belonged not to Oudh, but to the Sirk&rs of Jaunpur and
M&nikpur in the Stibah of Allahabad.
Many of Akbar's Mehals admit of easy and certain
identification with parganahs of the present time ; but, with
regard to others, there is ample room for doubt, and I there-
fore give in full three out of the four Sirkars just named,
as described in the Afn-i-Akb&ri, together with what I be-
lieve to be their modern representatives. The Jaunpur Sirkdr
is shown by Sir H. Elliot to have contained Chdnda only
belonging to Sult&npur, and it will therefore be sufficient to
give so much of it as relates to that parganah.*
* Sirkars Oudh and Lucknow follow the lists given in pages 10-12 of the Faizabad
Tehsil Report^ amended where necessary ; many of the alterations are due to Mr. Carnegy
himself ; others to Mr. J. Woodburn, c. s. ; the rest to me. For the notes on the Minikpur
Sirkar I am alone responsible.
118
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124 sultAnpur settlement report.
253. Sult&npur continued to be divided between the Sii-
„ , , 3 . v ~ bahs of Allahabad and Oudh for about
. 8ul tanpvr. under the xtawab , , . i*iiii* /».i
Wazfr's dynasty, two centuries, or until the time of the
Naw&b Wazfrs. The circumstances
connected with the establishment of that dynasty throw some
• of Saadat Ehin. little light on the state of affairs in Sul-
n ime t&npur at that period. S&adat KMn,
the founder of the line, was rewarded for his good services
to the crown with the Subahdarship of Agra ; and in that
post proved himself to be possessed of considerable adminis-
trative ability. In the meantime, Oudh was in a state verg-
ing on rebellion ; and, foremost among the refractory, was the
ancestor of one of the principal landholders of this district,
Mohan Singh, the Kanpuria Kdjah of Tilof, who had been in
a chronic state of opposition to the local rulers, and appears
to have been attempting to convert his private estates into an
independent principality. Intelligence of this reached Delhi,
and the emperor deemed it prudent to transfer S&adat Kh&n
to Oudh. The new governor at once adopted vigorous
measures for the restoration of tranquillity. He first endea-
voured to induce the Edjah of Tiloi to make peaceful submis-
sion ; but that chief turned a deaf ear to his advice, and he was
at last obliged to march against him. S£adat Kh&n's army
consisted of but 10,000 men, while that of Mohan Singh was
just five times as numerous. Mohan Singh, however, was
defeated and slain, and the other chiefs having lost their
leader, speedily tendered their allegiance.
254. Now, as in the time of Akbar, the possessions of
the Kanpurias, broad as they are, stretch no further north
and east than the old mehal of Jais did.* It would thus
appear that Sdadat Kh&n's Stibah had been enlarged at the
expense of that of Allahabad. On the contrary, what brought
Mohan Singh into collision with Saadat Kh&n was that he
claimed as his, and sought to annex to his estates in Manik-
pur, Inhona and other parganahs belonging to Oudh, and thus
owed fealty to S&adat Kh&n as well as the Subahd&r of Alla-
habad, although he withheld it impartially from both. Again,
with Jais on the west and with Ch&nda on the east, Saadat
* If indeed in Akbar's time they extended so far ; for Jais was then held by various
tribes (aqw&m mukhtalif ).
sultXnpur settlement report. 125
Khan had no concern. It was not till the reign of his suc-
cessor that they ceased to be subject to a separate govern-
ment,* when Safdar Jang, after engaging in a civil war with
his sovereign, consented to make peace, on condition that he
should be invested with the double Subahd&ri of Oudh and
Allahabad.t
255. Whether the name of Oudh simultaneously re-
ceived an extended meaning is uncertain : probably not, for
the inheritance of Safdar Jang was divided, and Allahabad
and Oudh were separately held a while by Shujd-ud-daulah
and Mahomed Kuli KMn. The integrity of the Allahabad
Siibah did not commence to be threatened until Shujd-tid-dau-
lah was compelled under the treaty of a. d. 1765 to cede
the Sirk&rs of Allahabad and Korah to the emperor; and as
the Sdbah was thus lopped of the part from which it derived
its name, it is possible that what remained assumed the de-
signation of the province to which it continued to be attach-
ed. But this dismemberment was only temporary ; and the
Nawab Wazlr recovered Allahabad and Korah (Rohilkand
being added to them) by the treaty of A. D. 1775. I think
it is doubtful therefore whether Jais, Chanda, and Kathot
came to be considered part of Oudh proper until the Stibah.
of Allahabad was finally broken up in the reign of S&adat AH
Khdn, when a great part of it was ceded to the English.
256. This cession by S&adat All KMn of a portion
TO , Jt . wrU) , of his dominions was made with a
InSaadat Alf KhaVa tome. , ,, , ,.
view to ensuring the better manage-
ment of the remainder. One of the measures adopted in
order to give effect to that purpose was a complete re-
organization of jurisdictions. The old and half obsolete
arrangement of Stibahs and Sirk&rs was formally abo-
lished and the province was divided into Niz&mats and
ChakUs,J which continued to exist until the introduction of
* Their union with Oudh under Ala-ud-din was temporary only.
f Elphinstone, 4th Edition, page 651.
+ Perhaps I should rather say constructed Nizamats out of previously existing Chak-
las, for the latter was no new division (See para. 26). Mr. C. A. Elliott (Chronicles of
Oonao, page 127) attributes the introduction of Nizamats to Safdar Jang ; but the popular
view of the question in, this district is that it was due to Saadat AH Khan, and so it is
in the neighbouring district of Rai Bareli. (See Rai Bareli Settlement Report : Dalmau).
It is certainly against the supposition that Nizamats were not formed until after the treaty
of 1801, that the list of Nazims commences at an earlier date ; but considering how
commonly Nazim and Chakladar are used as synonymous it is very possible that one or
two officials of the latter degree have been added to make the list commence with tho
Fasli century, as A. D. 1793 is equivalent to 1200 Fasli. (Seo list in para, 259).
126 sultInpur settlement report.
British rule. The importance of Sultdnpur was now on the
increase. The Nizdmats each comprised about a quarter of
the province, and Sultdnpur was selected to give its name to
one of them : in its widest sense it now signified a tract ex-
tending from the Ghdgra on the north to the British district
of Allahabad on the south, and from Jagdispur on the west to
the boundary of the province on the east.
257. Here, then, for the third time in its history, Sul-
Suiubpur a third timeon tdnpur is found a political and religious
a reUgiouA and political fron. landmark. Of the west the emblem
tiel% was the crescent, of the east the cross.
The masses of the people, indeed, in both directions were of
the same persuasion : Brahmanism with them still reigned
supreme. The distinction lay between the governing races,
not the governed : on the west lay the kingdom of the Maho-
medan and Asiatic, the vassal of the emperor of Delhi ; on
the east lay the possessions of the Christian and European,
subject to the Presidency of Bengal.
258. The Nizdmats were subdivided into Chaklds;
which, however, it was practically, if not theoretically, at the
option of the Ndzim to disregard. Separate officers were
usually appointed to each Chakid under "amdni" Ndzims;
but otherwise only occasionally. An explanation of this dif-
ference was once offered to me in the naive remjark that it
entailed too great an expenditure to find much favour with
revenue-farmers — a pretty instructive comment on one of the
evils of the contract system. The Sultdnpur Nizdmat con-
tained four Chaklds; viz., 1. Sultdnpur; 2. Aldemau;
3. Jagdispur; 4. Pratdbgarh.
259. Subjoined is a list of the Ndzims of Sultdnpur,
from the date of the institution of the office until the annex-
ation of the province: —
1 Mirzd Sat£r Beg, . . 1793 to 1793
2. Sital Prashfid, 1794 to 1800
3. Rdjali Niwdz Shdb, 1801 to 1802
4. Mirz&Jdni, - 1803 to 1805
5. RAjah Jugal Kishor, 1806 to 1807
sultInpur settlement report. 127
6. R&jah Ni w6z Sh*h, 1808 to 1810
7. FazlAliKhdn, 1811 to 1811
8. MirKhud&Bakheh, 1812 to 1812
9. Mir Ghul&m Husen, .. 1812 to 1814
10. Ikr&m Muhammad Khfin, .. 1815 to 1817
11. Mir Ghul&m Husen, 1818 to 1823 .
12. Tdj-fid-din Husen Khfin, 1824 to 1827
13. R&jah Darshan Singh, 1828 to 1834
14. MehndfKh&n, 1835 to 1835 '
15. Mirzd Abd-ul-la Beg 1836 to 1836
16. Kutb-tid-din Husen KMn, 1837 to 1838
17. R&jah Darshan Singh, 1838 to 1839
18. Mirzd Saffshikan Khdn, 1840 to 1840
19. Atah Ullah Beg, 1841 to 1841
20. Sheikh Husen Bakhsh, 1841 to 1841
21. Wijid Ali Kh&n, 1842 to 1842
22. Tdj-tid-din Husen KMn, . . 1843 to 1843
23. lULjah IncM Singh, .. 1843 to 1845
24. Kutb-tid-din Husen KMn, 1845 to 1845
25. Rijah Mfin Singh, 1845 to 1847
26. Wijid All KMn, 1848 to 1849 \
27. AghdAliKh&n, 1850 to 1856
5. The British Eule.
260. Towards the beginning of 1856, Oudh was annexed
to the British Empire. " The revo-
nnexa ion. „ j u ^ Qn wag accom plighed without the
shedding of a drop of blood ; even where difficulty and
" danger was apprehended, everything was quietly and pros-
" perously accomplished. The Oudh troops were peaceably
" disbanded, receiving from the British Government in ad-
" dition to their arrears of pay either a gratuity or a pension
" if they were not, as a large number were, drafted into a new
" irregular force in the service of the Company. The people
" generally gave no sign of discontent. A few of the trades-
" men at the capital and others who had profited by the
" licentious profusion of the court, declared their attachment
" to the royal family ; but, if beyond this, there was any
" regret at the extinction of the old dynasty of Oudh, there
" was no intelligible expression of feeling/'
t<
128 sultAnpur settlement report.
261. " The new system of administration which was
" applied to Oudh wag identical with that which had been
"found by experience to work so well in the Punjaub. A
" mixed commission of soldiers and civilians was appointed
" with Sir James Outram at its head ; and it was soon said
" that the disorganized and distracted kingdom of Oudh was
" fast subsiding into a tranquil, well-ordered province of the
u British Empire/'* — But the calm was a deceitful one.
262. " The station of Sult&npur was commanded by
" Colonel S. Fisher, whose Regiment, the
7# . " 15th Irregular Horse, was stationed
" there, tbesides it, there were the 8th Oudh Irregularlnfantry,
" commanded by Captain W. Smith, and the 1st Regiment of
" Military Police, under Captain Bunbury. Apprehending an
u outbreak of the troops, Colonel Fisher sent off the ladies
" and children on the night of the 7th June towards Allaha-
" bad, under care of Dr. Corbyn and Lieutenant Jenkins.
u The party reached Pertabgurh safely, but there they were
" attacked and plundered by the villagers. Three of the
" ladies, Mrs. Goldney, Mrs. Block, and Mrs. Stroyan, with
" their children, were separated from the rest, and were
" taken to the neighbouring fort of Lall Madho Singh, at
" Gurh-Amethee, where they were very kindly treated.
" Madho Singh sent us in their letters to Lucknow, furnished
" them with each comforts as he could procure himself, and
" took charge of the articles which we wished to send : and,
" after sheltering the ladies for some days, forwarded them
u in safety to Allahabad. The rest of the party, joined by
" Lieutenant Grant, Assistant Commissioner, found refuge
" for some days with a neighbouring zemindar, and were by
" him afterwards escorted in safety to Allahabad."
.
263. " The officers who remained at SultAnpur were
€t less fortunate. The troops rose in mutiny on the morning
" of the 9th of June, when Colonel Fisher, in returning from
" the lines of the Military Police, whom he had harangued
u and endeavoured to reduce to order, was shot on the back
" by one of that regiment with a musket ball. The wound
" was mortal, and Fisher was attended in his last moments
" by the Adjutant of the corps, Lieutenant C. Tucker. The
* Murray's History of India, page 724.
t Gtubbin's History of the Mutinies in Oude.
sultAnpur settlement report. 129
" troopers of the regiment would not come near their
" colonel ; but neither did they injure him. They, however,
" attacked and killed the second in command, Captain
" Gibbings, who was on horseback near the dooly in which
" Fisher lay. The men then shouted to Lieutenant
"Tucker to go; and finding it useless to attempt to stay
%i longer, he rode off, and, crossing the river, found shelter in
" the fort of Roostum Sah, at Deyrah, on the banks of the
" Goomtee. There he was joined next day by Captain Bun-
" bury, of the Military Police, and Captain W. Smith,
u Lieutenant Lewis and Dr. O'Donel, of the 8th Oudh Irre-
11 gular Infantry. Information was sent in to Benares of
" their escape, and they were brought in by a native escort,
€C which was immediately sent out by the Commissioner of
u Benares, Mr. H. Carre Tucker."
264. " Roostum Sah is a fine specimen of the best
" kind of talookdars in Oudh, of old family, and long settled
11 at Deyrah, he resides there in a fort very strongly situated
" in the ravines of the Goomtee, and surrounded by a thick
" jungle of large extent. It had never been taken by the
" troops of the native government, which had more than
" once been repulsed from before it. Roostum Sah deserves
" the more credit for his kind treatment of the refugees, as
" he had suffered unduly at the settlement, and had lost many
" villages which he should have been permitted to retain.
" I had seen him at Faizabad in January 1857, and after
" discussing his case with the Deputy Commissioner Mr.
" W. A. Forbes, it had been settled that fresh inquiries
" should be made into the title of the villages which he had
" lost, and orders had been issued accordingly. It is singu-
" lar that Roostum Sah and Lall Hunwunt Singh in the
" Salone district, who had both been severe sufferers by the
" settlement proceedings, should have distinguished them-
" selves by their kindness to British officers."
265. u Thus perished Samuel Fisher, a man well known
u in India, where he had made many friends and no enemies.
" A keen sportsman, a splendid rider, he excelled in every
" sport of the field ; while his kind and loving disposition
" endeared him to all who knew him. Until . the day
R
it
a
130 SULTaNFUR settlement report.
4t before his death, I had been in daily communication with
" him, conveying and receiving intelligence. On the 10th
" of June, no post arrived from Sult&npur, and we too surely
" guessed the cause."
266. u Besides Colonel Fisher and Captain Gibbings
" two young civilians were unhappily also slain, Mr. A.
Block, c. s., and Mr. S. Stroyan. When the mutiny broke
out, they crossed the river, and took refuge with one
Yaseen Khan, zemindar of the town of Sultanpur. This
" man at first welcomed them ; but afterwards most basely
" betrayed them. He turned both officers out of his house,
" and then caused them to be shot down. This is the only
" instance of like treachery on the part of a petty zemindar
" in Oudh which came to our notice."
267. " After getting rid of the European officers, tha
" mutineers sacked and burned their houses. The three
" regiments then marched for Lucknow. On the way, how-
" ever, they heard of the discomfiture of the 3rd Regiment
" of Military Police, which was on its march from Lucknow
" to meet them; and turning to the right, took the road to
" Duriabad. Thence they proceeded on to Nawabganj Bara
" Bankee, which by the 27th of June became the rendezvous
" of all the mutineers in Oudh."
SECTION IL^Clan Histories.
268. Apart from, and but seldom mixed up with the
T ' , '. general history of the district, each
Introduction. °, „ * t . '
clan of any consequence has its own
private annals : and it is the object of this section to give
a brief account of these " great old houses and fights fought
long ago."
The Bhars.
269. The Bhars are commonly said to have been the
The Bhars. aboriginal inhabitants of the district,
and to have given way to various
Kshattriya clans about the commencement of the Maho-
SUItflNPUR SETTLEMENT REPOR*. 131
medan period. For any importance they now possess, there
would by no necessity to make even the remotest allusion to
them. The recent census has elicited the fact that they have
not altogether disappeared, but previously the common answer
to my enquiries was that they were and are not. I must not,
however, pass them over in total silence, inasmuch as tha
Kshattriya annals make frequent reference to them, and it is
sometimes supposed that Suitanpur was their capital
270. I have expressed my doubts as to the Bhars being
aborigines. It seems to me very possible that they have
been so considered, only because they were found in occupa-
tion of the country on the arrival of the Kshattriya colonists;
And the latter, their self- constituted chroniclers, not knowing
who preceded them, jumped to the conclusion that they never
had any predecessors at all. The legends, at least, which
make them autochthonic rest entirely upon their own intrinsic
worth ; and not only is there. nothing in the earlier, if in any,
of the Aryan records to corroborate them, but they are con-
tradicted by specific instances derived from authority of the
same nature as themselves. Throughout the Bahraich dis-
trict, the Bhars are, by some accounts, said to have been
preceded by the Gandharvas, * whom I am disposed to regard
as anything but purely mythical ; in part of the Prat&bgarh
district, they are said to have taken possession of territory
previously occupied by a tribe called the Mongils, a remnant
of which still remains ; and I shall presently have 'to notice
a cluster of villages in this district, of which the residents,
though themselves claiming kinship with their neighbours,
are usually believed to have settled where they are anterior
to the time of the Bhars. %
271. Again, tradition says that, from the earliest times
up to the Mahomedan period, the town of Sultinpur, or
rather the old one of Kusbhawanpur, was a great stronghold
of the Bhars, while, on the same testimony, we are asked to
believe it was founded by the renowned Kusa, the son of
Rama. A comparison of these two stories presents the triple
* Unless my memory deceives me, the Bahraich district, according to local accounts
was originally called Gfrandharban (Gandharva-vana).,
132 8tTLTlKFUR 8KTTLEMEKT REPORT.
difficulty of fixing a pre- Aryan seat of dominion in a city
which did not come into existence until ages after the Aryan
colonization ; of necessitating the supposition that the abori-
gines retained their power unbroken, or but little diminished,
throughout the long period of the ascendancy of an Aryan
dynasty at Ayodhya ; and that, notwithstanding they thus
resisted foreign aggression for three thousand years, at the
end of that time, their power then being at its zenith, their
empire crumbled to dust at the first shock of invasion, and
they themselves were either exterminated, or driven to seek
an asylum in hilly fastnesses and swampy jungles. This is the
more remarkable that the invaders who achieved such mighty
results were, according to tradition, the descendants of the old
Ayodhya dynasty, and while fugitives from western India,
and weakened by recent defeat, obtained a success which had
been denied to their ancestors in all the plenitude of their
power.
272. One of these difficulties disappears if, in spite of
its improbability, it is a historical fact, that some aboriginal
chiefs still retained their independence in the time of Manu,*
and the Rajbhars were the mass of the inhabitants of Azim-
garh t and Jaunpur J in Rdma's reign ; but this one difficulty
is only removed by the intensification of the other two.
Another more perfect solution of the puzzle might be found,
perhaps, in the ingenious suggestion that the Bhars were
aborigines whom the Aryans had driven to the hills, and
who, swarming down from thence not long after the beginning
of our era, overwhelmed the Aryan civilization not only in
Sahetan and other northern towns, but in Ayodhya itself. §
But this is admittedly conjecture, of which it is at least a fair
alternative that what is here described as a revival of bar-
barian dominion was in reality the first appearance of the
Bhars on the scene of local history ; and this, allowing per*
haps a little latitude of date, is what I conceive to have ac-
tually been the case. I incline to the opinion that, even if
the aborigines subsequently preserved their independence in
a few scattered tracts and towns, the termination of their
* Elphinstone, 4th Edition, page 49.
t Azimgarh Report,
J Calcutta Renew, 1865 ; Article Jounpore.
§ Chronicles of Oonao, page 27*
sumInpur settlement report. 133
separate existence as a dominant nation or people, whether
brought about by expulsion, extermination or absorption,
was co-eval with the first Aryan immigration ; that the Bhars
were of foreign origin, and that they did not establish them-
selves in eastern Oudh, at all events until after the downfall
of Rdma's dynasty.
273. The Bhars are usually considered to be of Scy-
thian origin. The mystery of their presence in Sult&npur
local annalists do not not attempt to fathom ; they not only
keep silence on the subject, but when questioned, candidly
admit their ignorance, expressing a doubt, perhaps, whether
that incomprehensible race ever had any other habitat .Mr. C.
A. Elliot, in his Chronicles of Oonao, says " that the district
" of Bharaich is (if we may trust its traditions) their oldest
" abode, and the name of the town of Bharaich is said to be
" derived from them. From thence they spread southwards
" through the districts of Fyzabad and Sultanpore." At the
time of their greatest power, their occupancy extended from*
Gorakhpur* to Bundelkhand, and from Ghazipur across the
greater part of Oudh. Their territory was, like Italy not
many years ago, split up into several petty principalities,
perfectly independent of each other ; each chief exercised
authority over his own sept and over that alone ; to no par-
ticular one of them was conceded the hegemony of the rest.
Their principal seats in this district were Sult&npur, Jais
and Subeha, a brief account of each of which has been al-
ready given under the names of those towns. By reference
thereto, it will be seen that they were all separately held ;
and* local accounts concur in divesting Sult&npur of the pre-
eminence attributed to it of having been the metropolitan
city of the whole people. It was, undoubtedly, a Bhar capi-
tal, and an important one ; but it was not the capital, par
excellence of an aggregate of several provinces united be-
neath the same rule.
274. The power of the Bhars was completely crushed
with the downfall of their principal cities, though they still
lingered on as a subject race. Mr. C. A. Elliot states that
* Sir H, Elliot's Supplemental Glossary, s. V. Bhur.
134 sultXnpur settlement report.
it was in this district they maintained themselves latest, be-
ing only finally extirpated in the reign of Alamgfr. This was
not an uncommon opinion, I believe, before the census was
taken ; but two facts have now been laid bare, by which it
must be somewhat modified ; the first is that, as stated above,
the Bhars are not yet wholly extinct in this district ; the
second is that, while on the south of the Gtimti they may be
counted by tens onlv, on the north of it they may be counted
by tens of thousands.* At the same time, on this side of the
river at least, all vestiges of their former rights were trampled
out centuries ago ; for by Akbar's reign they had been super-
seded as zeminddrs by Bachgotfs, Kanpurias, Bandhalgotis
and other Kshattriya clans.
275. I have endeavoured to bring my remarks about
the Bhars into as narrow a compass as possible. I am far from
under-rating their importance from an ethnological point of
view ; but what I have said will show that their connection
with Sultinpur was neither so peculiarly close nor lasting, as
that more satisfactory materials should be obtainable here
than elsewhere for the elucidation of obscure points in their
history, or that any detailed notice of them would properly
find place in this report. Under these circumstances, I have
deemed it advisable to confine myself to saying only so much
about them as may suffice to render allusion to them
intelligible.
The TfARS.
276. The Tiars are now nearly an extinct race, but at
one time, it is said, that the lords of the
Sult&npur parganah were " like Niobe,
all Tiars." They succeeded the Bhadaiyans, the conquerors
of the Bhars and were in turn overcome by the Bachgotis,
whose star is at present in the ascendant. This order of suc-
cession is chronicled in the following doggrel lines : —
Bhar mdr Bhadaiyan;
Bhadaiyan m&r Tiar ;
Tiar m&r Bachgoti.
The Tiars gave their name to one of the old subdivisions of
the parganah, viz, Tappah Tiar, and this, perhaps, rather than
the entire parganah, was the extent of their domains. At,
• See Mr. J. C. William*' Census Report, pages 96 and 109, and Statistical Table, IV
sultAnpur settlement report. 135
present, they have nothing more than a right of occupancy
in a few acres in their old tappah.
277. Regarding the Tiars very little is known. Mr.
Carnegy considers them to belong to the Solar race ; *
they themselves say they are descended from emigrants from
Baisw&rd, who received a grant of the Bhadaiyans' territory
from the R&jah of Benares. Nor is much assistance to be
gained from their name. Local accounts say they built a
fort in the village of Terai, and made it their head quarters,
but Harkpur is usually considered to have been their prin-
cipal village. Phonetic resemblance might suggest their con-
nection with Tirhut or Tirabhakti, especially as their refer-
ence to the Ifc&jah of Benares points to an eastern origin ;t
but, on the other hand, Thornton mentions an influential
class called Tiars J in Malabar, and I forbear, therefore, to
offer any conjecture as to what their name denotes, or what
ethnological relationship it indicates.
THE RAGHBANSfs.
278. The Baghbansis profess to be the lineal descend-
*, ants of R&gho, an ancestor of R&ma.
g an818. There are two colonies of them in this
district, one in Simrota, the other in Sult&npur ; but neither
of them is of much importance at the present time.
279. The Raghbansis of Simrota once possessed half
that parganah, which they say they obtained from some un-
known king for some unknown reason at some unknown
period of antiquity. They were robbed of their indepen-
dence more than three centuries ago, and few of them now
remain.
280. The Raghbansis of Sultdnpur claim to have been
settled in their present abodes ever since the time of their
eponymous ancestor. For centuries they resisted successfully
the threatened encroachments of the Bachgotis, and main-
tained intact a frontier marked by a little nameless affluent
of the Giimti. It was not till within the half century of
disorder and misrule which preceded the annexation of the
province that they succumbed ; and even now, though in a
subordinate position, they retain no small portion of their
ancient heritage.
* Notes on Races, page 27.
t Unless indeed one of Jaya Chandra's line be referred to.
X In connection with this circumstance note the southern origin of the Bais, with whom
the Tiars of Sult&npur claim kindred.
136
sxtltInpur settlement report.
•2
"8
K 'J
QQ
21
1
1
I
f
a a 5 »s s ai^ 8 «
SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 137
The BACHOOTfs.
281. The Bachgotfs are an offshoot of the great Chauhdn
tribe, the creation of which took place
ac go s. about two thousand years ago, amid awful
solemnities, under the following memorable circumstances, The
Munis, or devotees, who have their habitation in the sacred
Mount Abti, having been attacked by Daityas or evil demons,
kindled a fire and assembling round it prayed for aid to Maha-
deo. From the fire fountain issued successively the eponymous
heroes of four Kshattriya clans. First appeared Prithwidw&ra,
or Parih&r, next appeared Chaltik, and after him came Pra-
mara, the ancestors respectively of the Parih&r, Solanki, (or
Chaltikya) and Ponw&r R&jpiits. But all alike failed to ac-
complish their destined purpose. " Again Vasishta seated on
" the lotus, prepared incantations ; again he called the gods to
•' his aid ; and as he poured forth the libation a figure arose,
" lofty in stature, of elevated front, hair like jet, eyes rolling,
" breast expanded, clad in armour, with his quiver filled, a bow
" in one hand, and a brand in another four-handed, whence the
" name Chauhan The Brahmins were made happy ;
" of his race was Pirthf R&j (Prithora)."*
282. On the defeat of that prince by Shah&b-ud-dinGhor£
and the subversion of the Hindi monarchy of Delhi, the
Chauhdns in general, with little better fortune than their
leader, were, it is said, singled out for especial persecution.
In the dispersion of the clan which then took place, two bro-
thers, Bary&r Singh and Kans Rai, descendants of Ch&hir
Deo, Prithwl Raj's brother, fled from Sambhalgarh,
and, wandering eastward, at last settled, about the year 1248
A. d., in the village of Jamw&wan Ratan, in the Sult£npur
parganah. Even here, however, they felt themselves unsafe,
while they continued to bear the name of their proscribed
race, so they deemed it prudent to adopt another to which
they were equally entitled, and which they might own with
equal pride. If they belonged to the stock of their four-
handed progenitor, they belonged also to the gotr of their
creative saint. They accordingly resorted to the device of
concealing their lineal beneath their spiritual descent, and
• Chronicles of Oonao, page 56, quoting an acoount translated by Colonel Tod.
S
138 8TJLTANPTJR SETTLEMENT REPORT.
adopted the designation which they have since retained of
Vasishtagotfs, colloquially Batasgotis, or still more commonly
Bachgotis.*
283. A second version of this story is that Bdna San-
gat Deo, great grandson of Chdhir Deo, had twenty-one sons.
Of these, the youngest succeeded his father, in consequence
of an agreement to that effect made in his old age, when he
married a bride of the Touhur clan, and of the house of
Jila Pit tan. The other sons sought their fortunes in other
parts. t Bary&r Singh and Kans Kai went to Mainpurl, and
there joined the army of AlA-ud-din Ghori,| then starting from
that place on an expedition against the Bhars, and thus
found their way into Oudh.
284. Both these accounts concur in attributing the ad-
vent of the Bachgotis into Oudh to Mahomedan influence ;
but the one declares they were driven before the invaders, the
other that they were lea by them. It is in favor of the first
that it leaves a space of fifty-five years between Prithwi R&j
and Bary&r Singh, and thus accords with the common belief
that the latter was a descendant of a brother of the former ;
it also affords a possible explanation of the assumption of the
name BachgotL On the other hand, there are grounds for
casting doubts upon the tale of Bary&r Singh's flight from
Musulman persecution. In the first place, there is a suspi-
cious silence about the doings of Bary&r Singh's ancestors,
during the fifty-five years interval Again, the independent
legends of the Palwirs assert that they settled in the Faixa-
bad district in 1248 a. d.,§ the very year, that is, Baryir
Singh is said to have come to Oudh, and yet there is no
pretence that they had rendered themselves particularly ob-
noxious to the hatred of the Musulmans. Nor were the
P&lw&rs the only settlers contemporary with the Bachgotis;
*«m«f ttoft«*M»imtM**dtj Una (Ctoffer VUL lit) at* Mmcit <rf
E»% T»Atoto feytoafr MMMMfeftl itttoctory km grim : »»d it mt to a*** ttotto
****** v* tto -*• k*fe «i <*•*** Mn* Ofam CtoftarL35\ vide Y*m tod ■»
<w»tix* fwfcgtkot Jk*qpfc » frl %» ka*. I«* ang^r ooHMcta^ \m li^iaik. to» « i « i> Tto
f*K**N«K vtf ttottftm j* a* tattor tock Am tto «*v4 nini|i !■■ (T«t Ootid 1
*Jbo**^<L t <cto »k v**CTrny <nto>k VaaaGctoMj
<v £* Fksvotor vNE&*^* ^h«mmhskt Olawrr ffbiwtoi).
$ $*t f>pMtoi £»tt*o»aM\ &tf*tU> Stt.IL — 'ITT ^iMfciwjiiMi
sultXnpur settlement report. 139
the thirteenth century, if clan traditions be believed, witness-
ed numerous Kshattriya immigrations into Oudh ; and it is
impossible to conceive that they sought refuge from Mahom-
edan tyranny, for governors of that creed had been estab-
lished in the province, since very soon after Prithwi K&j's
overthrow.* Least of all, moreover, was the spot selected
by Bary&r Singh calculated to secure that end ; for Jamw&wan
lay within a mile or two of Kathot, which is said to have been
made the head quarters of a Musulman officer simultaneously
with the reduction of Sult&npur. Bary&r Singh would thus
have been thrusting his head into the lion's mouth, a danger-
ous experiment, which his character, as painted by tradition,
forbids us to suppose he was incautious enough to attempt.
On the whole, it seems more probable that Bary&r Singh was
the friend of the Musulmans rather than their foe.t
285. Shortly after his arrival in Jamw&wan, he chanced
one day to be leaving the village accompanied by his servant,
a Kah&r, when the latter suddenly perceived a serpent on the
ground with a kharchilj perched upon its hood, and, unfortu-
nately for himself, drew his master's attention to the sight.
For the learned in such matters have pronounced this to be
an infallible omen that the beholder will sooner or later wear
a crown, and Bary&r Singh became indignant at the prospect
of a low caste menial rising to such an exalted rank. With
curious inconsistency, therefore, and proving by his very deed
the vanity of the superstition by which he was actuated, he
drew his sword and killed his companion on the spot. He
then returned home, and complacently narrated the incident
to Kans Rai, who taking a widely different view of it
from his brother, left him in disgust, and went to Chandr-
kona. §
* See para. 238.
t A short note may not be out of place here. Tradition attributes the foundation of
Kathot to the time of Ala-ud-dfn Ghori, the captor of Kusbhawanpur. According to the ac-
count given in para. 283, it was with Ala-ud-din Ghori, that the Bachgotis came to Jamwd-
wan. Now, I have elsewhere given my reasons for thinking that the captor of Kusbhawan-
pur was a contemporary of Shahab-ud-dfn Ghori, and Mr. Carnegy suggests that the A16-ud-
din Ghori of Bachgoti story refers to a " later monarch of the same dynasty," of which I
think none would be more likely than Shahab-ud-din. Again the Bachgotis of Pratabgarh
say it was in 1252 s. (1197 A. d) that they came to Oudh. These facts all point to the
possibility of the Bachgotis having come with Shahab-ud-din.
Z The name of a bird.
§ To the east of Bewah territory and to the south of the Kimur range between
Sirguja and Suhagpur, there is a district called Chauhankhhand. The occupants trace
their descent from the Mainpuri Chauh&ns, and call the district Chandrkona (EUiot'a
Supplementary Glossary, s. v. Ohouhan). Local accounts say Chandrkona is near Gys«
140 sultXnpur settlement report.
286. At that time Rdm Deo, chief of the Bilkharya
Dikhits, was the most powerful rdjah in this part of Oudh ;
his capital was at Kot Bilkhar, some miles east of Pratdbgarh,
but extended on the north-west beyond Jamwdwan.* Barydr
Singh, now left alone, entered into his service, and, favoured
by fortune, soon rose to be commander-in-chief of all the
Bilkharya forces. He then divulged the secret of his Chau-
hdn descent, and, being thus shown worthy of the honor,
received the rdjah's daughter in marriage. Nor was this the
limit of his prosperity. Rdm Deo, grown old and feeling his
end approach, abdicated in favor of his son Dalpat Sdh, and
retired to Allahabad to die by the side of the holy river; and
Dalpat Sdh being a minor, Barydr Singh availed himself of
the opportunity thus thrown in his way to seize the reins of
government. News of this came to Kdm Deo's ears, and he
despatched a letter to his son, advising him to have Barydr
Singh assassinated, and so clear his path at once of so danger-
ous a rival. This highly important missive, however, fell by
accident into the hands of the intended victim, who acted,
(mutatis mutandis, so far as was necessary in his own interest)
on the hint it contained and had Dalpat Sdh immediately
put to deatht. He then ascended the throne without opposi-
tion, and thus founded the Bachgoti Rdj.
287. Barydr Singh had four sons, Asal, Gungh^, Ghd-
tam, Kdj, of whom the last is said to have been the youngest
and by a different wife J from the other three. Rdj Sdh
succeeded his father to the exclusion of his elder brothers ;
Ghdtam received Barha, Mahrtipur and other villages in the
Pratdbgarh district ; Gungh6 portion of parganah Chdnda ;
and Asal, the parganah which still bears his name.
288. Rdj Singh had three sons, Blip Chand, Isri Singh
and Chakr Sen. The last, though again the youngest, obtained
Bilkhar ; and as his descendants are confined to the Pratdb-
* Some Brahmana in Asal assert that they received Sankalp grants from Rajah Earn
Deo.
t This tale is very much like one given in one of the episodes of the Mah&bharata.
t Raj Singh's mother is said in the accounts given to me to have been a daughter oi
Rajah Man Singh of Jaipur.
stjltInpur settlement report. 141
garh district they call for no further mention here. The for-
tunes of the other two branches require to be traced in some
detail.
289. Riip Chand first went to Dikhauli, and afterwards
to Kiirw&r, both in the Sult&npur parganah, of which his
descendants now hold by far the greater part. Of his two sons
J lira JRai and Nukat Rai, it is enough to say of the latter that
he received Mahmtidpur Kat&wan, which is still in the hands
of his posterity. With this exception, the history of Ktip
Chand's line is continued in that of Jura Rai, the ancestor of
the two principal houses of the Bachgotf clan, his two sons,
Prithipat Singh and Jai Chand Singh, being the ancestors
respectively of the Hindu Bachgoti Rijah of Klirw&r, and
the Kh&nzdda Bachgoti of Hasanpur.
290. These two brothers lived a little before the Mo-
ghal conquest. * It would be highly interesting to know out
of what extent of territory their separate estates were evolved ;
but even tradition is silent on the point. All that is known
about the clan up to this period is that it had already rendered
itself notorious for its turbulence and attracted the notice
of the historian on this account as early as the reign of
Sikandar Lodf. t The first authentic information to be
obtained regarding the westward extension of its territory
is that by the end of the sixteenth century it had spread
over the Isauli and Sult&npur parganahs, and was feeling
its way still further west into that of S&tanpur or Sathin.J
But this anticipates the course of events by more than half
a century.
291. Prithipat Singh's estate descended to his heirs in
Th Bach tf fKurwar a direct ^ lne » anc * there is nothing to
e g0 80 * record for several generations. " The
even tenor of its history is indeed once only interrupted.
Bdjah Hamir Singh died childless, and his widow de-
clared her intention of adopting an heir to her deceased
husband. B&bd Dunyapat and Bdbd Sukhr&j, who were
next in succession, denied her right to do so, and, as she
still persisted in her purpose, they resolved to settle the point
* See para. 292.
f Elliot's Supplementary Glossary. — Buchgotee.
t Ain-i-Akbari. — I speak here only of their westward movements. They held
other parganahs, Charida, Aldemau &c., aa well. I need not enumerate them alL
142 sultXhpur settlement bepoet.
of law at issue in a way more summary than commendable.
Crossing the Gtimti, and proceeding to the fort of Ktirwdr,
where the widow was residing, they seized her and put her to
death. Babu Dunyapat then entered upon possession of the
estate, and on his death without issue was succeeded by Isri
Singh, son of Sukhrdj Singh, his brother and accomplice in
the deed of blood just narrated. Since Isrl Singh's death the
estate has been held by his son R&jah M&dhopratdb Singh.
292. Jai Chand Singh's posterity have played a more
The Bachgotf— Khlnzlda of conspicuous part in local history ; the
Hasanpur. head of the family for the time being
is still acknowledged as premier rdjah in this part of Oudh.
Tilok Chand, son of Jai Chand, says tradition, was a contempo-
rary of Babar, during one of whose eastern expeditions he
laid the foundation of the future greatness of his house.
Either taken prisoner in battle, or arrested as a refractory
landholder, Tilok Chand fell a prisoner into Babar's hands.
He was allowed to choose between the adoption of the faith
of Islam with immediate liberty, or adherence to his old reli-
gion with incarceration for an indefinite period. With
many respectable precedents to guide him, he selected the
former alternative, and was thereupon received into the em-
peror's favor.* His name was changed to T&t&r Khdn, and
with it he received the title of Kh&n Bahddur, or Kh&n-i-
Azam.
293. Tdtdr Khdn had three sons. One Fatah S3h,
whose descendants still hold the Dhamaur ilaqa, was born
before his father's conversion, and retained the name Bach-
goti ;. the others, Bazi d Kh&n and JaUl Kh&n, were brought
up as Mahomedans, and from their father's title coined
themselves the new and pretentious name of Khdnzdda. .
294. Of Bazid Khdn, nothing but the name is known ;
but his son, Hasan Khdn, attained to greater eminence than
any other member of his family, and in his time the prosperity
of the EMnz&das reached its culminating point. Shir Sh&h,t
* I here follow local tradition, but Sir H. Elliot says the Khanz&das must have been
converted before the Moghal dynasty commenced, as we read of Bachgotfs with Musulman
names before that. (Supplementary Glossary, Buchgotee). Perhaps the conversion was
indirectly connected with the turbulence already mentioned in 8ikandar Lodf s reign.
f ft may be noted that this is another of the periods daring which the Bachgotia
distinguished themselves by their turbulence.
sultInpub settlement report. 143
it Is said, during his progress from Bengal to Delhi, chanced
to make a lengthened halt at Hasanpur, or as it was then
called Narwal, the head quarters of Hasan Khdn, who, fol-
lowing the policy inaugurated by his grandfather of seeking
advancement through the medium of court favour, welcomed
his distinguished visitor with a sumptuous banquet, worthy of
the rank to which he was aspiring and indeed had recently
assumed.* Shir Sh&h was much gratified at this mark of at-
tachment and respect ; and Hasan Kh&n, having now placed his
foot on the ladder of fortune, soon mounted higher and higher.
295. One day at court a question arose between the Bdjah
of Rewah and Hasan Khan,t the latter boldly asserting his
precedence, the former as positively rejecting his preten-
sions. " How far then," said Shir Sh&h to Hasan Kh£n,
" do your vast territories extend ?" " Whose but mine,"
promptly answered Hasan Khin, " is the very ground on
which the royal palace stands? " Shfr Sh&h, amused at
the quick reply, placed Hasan Khdn beside him and said
that he should be thereafter styled "co-monarch of the
supreme masnad,"| at the same time delegating to him the
power to confer the title of rdjah on whom he pleased within
the limits of Banoudha. And this last was by no means a
barren honor ; for, theoretically at least, during the investiture
the king-maker stands upon a costly dais, which is con-
structed of a lakh and a quarter of rupees at the expense of
the r&jah elect, and, the ceremony over, becomes the per-
quisite of the occupant. §
296. However, gratifying these tokens of favor to the
recipient they were not likely to extinguish the dispute
between him and his rival ; and it was agreed that the
question at issue should be referred to the arbitrament of the
sword. Hasan KMn, conscious of his inability to cope sin-
• Elphinstone, 4th Edition, page 388. Shir Shin assumed the title of king before
he had conquered his way as far west as Kanauj.
f "Pae-takht Mdshih kis ke raj men hai ?" — It must be remembered that at this time
Shfr Shah chanced to be at Hasanpur which appears to give point to the joke.
t B&dsh&h-i-doem Masnad-i-afa. The last words are vulgarly corrupted into " Masan
Dehli."
§ Dr. Butter (Southern Oudh, page 160) says that the Rajah of Hasanpur is the de-
scendant of the Rajahs of Benoudba, the last of whom gave his daughter in marriage to
" Gauri Badshah." Dr. Butter takes this person to be Kutb-ud-din Ghorf ; but Shfr Shah
also claimed to be a Ghorf (Elphinstone, 4th Edition, page 884 and 815 note) and the title
of Badshah only commenced with Babar (see infra, para. 868). Is it possible that
Shir Shah is the " Gourf Badshah" of the story and that Hasan Khan was the rajah who
gave his daughter to him ? this would folly account for Hasan Khan's good fortune.
144 . sultInpub settlement report.
gle-handed with his antagonist, at once set himself diligently
to work to obtain allies. With the Chauh&ns of Mainpuri
he appealed to clan-feeling and the ties of kindred, and
argued that it was incumbent upon them to strain every
nerve to establish the Chauh£n's superiority over the Baghel;
to Musulman chiefs he pointed out the merit of making com-
mon cause with him, a convert to their faith, against the un-
believer ; and by such means as these soon succeeded in col-
lecting a vast army. This he led to the appointed rendezvous,
but the lUjah of Bewah shirked the conflict, and failed to
put in an appearance on the ground. The Khdnz&da accord-
ingly returned in triumph, and rose yet higher in the favor
of Shir Shdh.
297. In the midst of a courtier's life, Hasan Khdn
found leisure to pay considerable attention to his interests as
a landholder. Not only did he found the present village of
Hasanpur, but the estate which thence derives its name is
said to have seen its palmiest days while it was in his pos-
session. It may indeed be surmised that the overthrow of
the Sdr dynasty caused him to retire into private life, for he
is said to have died at Hasanpur. A little to the north of
the Lucknow road, on the west of that town, may be seen a
brick built enclosure of massive construction. In its present
dilapidated condition it might be mistaken for the ruins of a
small castle ; but it was built by Hasan Khdn as a family
mausoleum, and his remains are said to have been the first
deposited there.
29 8. The mantle of Hasan Khdn does not appear to have
fallen upon any of his successors; but there are signs that each
of them, according to his ability, strove to maintain the dignity
and honor of the family. Nor did they allow such sentimental
considerations as kinship to interfere with the pursuit of
this object. Fatah Sdh's line had, in the four generations
that had elapsed since its commencement, done its best to
struggle into importance, and had annexed among others a
little ll&qa known as the " twelve Kanait villages.*' Upon
these Zabrdast Khdn, of Hasanpur, long cast covetous eyes; and
at last he determined to take possession of them. He accord-
ingly attacked them with a large force, and, in the internecine
strife which followed, much Bachgoti blood was spilled on
both sides. Zabrdast Khdn remained master of the coveted
sultInpur settlement report. 145
tract, but to obliterate all recollection of the events connected
with its acquisition directed that the name of the village
which had been the scene of conflict, Kanait itself, should be
no longer used, but should be for the future replaced by
Sh&hpur. In yet another family quarrel did Zabrdast Khdri
figure about the same time, but an account of it will bd
more properly given under the history of Manidrpur.
299. Roshan Ali KMn, son of Zabrdast Khdn, was the
first to permanently injure the fair edifice which Hasan KMn
had reared. At the outset of his career, indeed, his power
was equal to that of his predecessors, and it might have re*
mained so to the last, had he not rashly ventured to measure
strength with Safdar Jang. He was killed in battle with the
Nawdb, and the importance of the Hasanpur family thereby
sustained a serious blow.* At that time their estate was in
danger of being altogether broken up ; as for the next thirty
years, during the nominal incumbency of Alf Bakhsh,t adopted
son of Roshan Ali Kh&n, it was held under direct management
by the officers of government. Ashraf Ali succeeded Ali
Bakhsh ; but for five years afterwards a similar state of affairs
continued, and it was not until A. d. 1809 that he obtained
full control over his estate. This he retained for ten years
only, when he died leaving two sons Husain Ali and Khair&t
Ali, both of whoili afterwards ascended the gaddi
300. Until Husain Ali reached his majority (in 1830),
Hasanpur was again held under direct management ; in the
following year he was admitted to engage for it, and thereafter
continued to do so until annexation, with the exception of a
Short break in 1837-38, the date J of which suggests that it
may have been in some measure due to the circumstances
described in the following story : — " Husain Ali was in 1836
" when the circumstance referred to occurred, about twenty-
" five years of age, and is an extensive zemindar, holding
"much of the land which lies between his residence and
< c Jagdfspur. It being known that his mother who resided at
* Elliot's Supplemental Glossary, Buchgotee ? where Roshan All is called Dewan,
bat says Sir H. Elliot most people deny the right of the Hasanpur Bandhua family to the
title of Dewan, which they say belongs only to the Bilkharya family, and in practice it is
certainly usual to give the title to the latter. (The present Hasanpur title is Rajah).
t After Roshan Alf s death, his widow Bibi Jamaiyat Khan obtained a firman grant-
ing her the Bhada ilaqa, forty-two villages, rent-free. They were resumed by Saadat Ali
Khan in 1798.
J It may be added also that the name of the government manager, Shere Ali, is the
same as that of Husain Ali adversary.
T
lid sultAnpur settlement report.
" Bandhua, a fort lying about a mile south from his residence*
" Hasanpur, cohabited with a neighbouring zemindar named
*' Shere Ali, and the father of her son-iu-law, Husain All
11 resolved to put her to death, and one night attempted
" to execute his intention by setting fire to her residence,
" which he had surrounded with his armed followers. In the
" smoke and confusion she escaped, almost naked, with her
" daughter and another female relative, through an unguard-
" ed breach in the wall of the fort and fled on foot to the can-
fl tonment of Sult&npur as the nearest place of safety. Neu-
" tralitv in all private quarrels being deemed essential to the
" security of the British cantonments in Oudh, she was at first
" refiised admission within the boundary pillars, but was ulti-
" mately smuggled into the regimental bazaar, whence she
" was on the point of being ejected, and would have been
u murdered by her son, had not Shere Ali opportunely come
" up with 300 matchlockmen and carried her off. Husain Ali
" subsequently made another attempt on her life, and got
" near enough to hack her palkl with his sword ; but she again
11 escaped, and is now in a fort near Sikraura with Shere Ali,
" who abandoned hiskdt (small fort), Jaisingpur, twelve miles
" north-east of Sultdnpur, with his villages to Husain Ali,
" who was expected to take possession of them at the expira-
w tion of the financial year (20th June 1837)."*
301. During the mutiny, Husain All took an actively
hostile part against the English ; he was present at the battle
of Sult&npur (22nd March J $58) where he commanded the
infantry of the rebel army; he was accompanied by his son, who*
lost his life in the battle. Not having so compromised him-
self, however, as to be excluded from the be^iefit of the gene-,
jral amnesty, he wa* on re-occupation maintained in pos-
session of lus estate. He died in November 1860, and the in-,
heritance devolved on his brother Khair&t All, who waa
followed & 1869 by his son Mahomed Ali* th§ present
f&jah.
302. Bahdduir KMn, fifth in descent from Tatdr KMn,
had two wives. By the 6rst marriage*
oititJ^™^" ke had issue Ismail Khdn, who sue
ceeded him, and by the second Hydt
Khdn and Dalel Khdn. Some accounts state that the two
* Dr. Butter's Southern Oudh, page 157.
StJLt ANPtm SETTLEMENT REPORT. 1 if
latter received an ildqa* Manidrpur, containing one hundred
and nine villages as their share of the Hasanpur estate,
while others contradict this statement. It Seeins ptobabld
either that they attempted to fcdsert their right to & shard
but without success, or that they obtained one, and were al-
most immediately ousted. It Is, at least, certain that bitter
enmity prevailed between Hydt Kh&n and £abrd&st Kh&n.
grandson of Ismail Khdn, and that no other cause of quarrel
is recorded j that Hydt Kh&ft was killed by Ismail Khdn,
and that both Hasanpur and Mani&fpur lemamed in the hands
of the latter.
303. Hydt Kh&n left six sons, Daryd Kh&n and five
others. Shortly after his death, Daryd Kh&n and one oT
two of his brothers went by night to Hasanpur, determined
to take vengeance on the murderer of their father, and steal-
ing quietly into his fort found hizb alone and fast asleep.
They now drew near to kill him ; but repenting suddenly of
their design they spared his life ; at the same time to show noW
far it had been in their power, they took up his turban, sword
and slippers which were lying by his side, and left their owh
instead. When he awoke in the morning, Zabrdast Kh&ti
found no difficulty in identifying his midnight visitors, and
was deeply moved by their generous forbearance. Deter-
mined now to put an end to his feud with thenl, he set off
for Daryd Khdn's house in Manidrpur, and to show his ap-
preciation of the chivalrous behaviour of the latter went quite
unattended. Daryd Khdn seeing him approach fled precipi-
tately into the neighbouring jungle ; but £abrdast Khdn,
resolved not to have his good intentions thus frustrated,
sought an interview with Hydt Khdn's widow. Having re-
lated to her the events of the preceding night, he urged that
Daryd Khdn had already exacted a noble and sufficient
vengeance for his father's death, inasmuch as he once had the
culprit's life in his hands, although his natural sense of honor
had forbidden him to play the part of an assassin. By these
and similar arguments he gained the widow over to his cause,
and by her intercession a reconciliation was effected with
her sons also. Daryd Khdn took up his residence at
Hasanpur, and was entrusted with the management of the
entire estate ; and, at the same time, in conjunction with his
brothers, received a grant of eleven villages for his sup-
port.
148 sxtltIspue srrTLEirorr report.
304. These villages formed the nucleus of the present
Maniirpur t'aluka. They received considerable additions
even in the time of Daryd Kh£n, who took advantage of his
influential position to enlarge his boundaries whenever the
opportunity occurred ; but at his death, which happened
about 1743 a. d., a partition took place among his sons and
brothers, and the separate properties thus formed became
small and unimportant. The majority of them were re-united
by Boshan Zama KMn, who could show a rent-roll of
Ka 3,50,000 ; and it was in his time that the consequence of
Mani&rpur commenced
305. Boshan Zama Khdn died in 1 8 1 8, and was followed
by his brother Bas£wan Kh£n, who survived him but two or
three years. Manidrpur then came into the possesion of Bibi
Kahm&ni, widow of Boshan Zama Kh£n, and from that time
until annexation, a period of more than thirty years, remained
in the hands of female t'alukddrs. Under Bibi Bahm&ni
it received several important accessions by what, to European
notions, seem rather curious means. She is said to have
intended to make the Chaklad&r, Mir Ghul&m Husain, her
heir, "and he was fully aware of that interesting fact. He
accordingly first handed over to her several villages in the
Sultdnpur parganah in which her estate lay ; and afterwards,
not content with this, began to draw upon the neighbouring
parganahs of Asal and Isauli, simultaneously altering the
boundary line between them and Sult&npur.
306. Under such auspices there is no knowing to what
extent Manidrpur might not have increased, but its prosperity
received a sudden check by the untimely (or, perhaps, ma-
ny thought timely) death of Mir Ghul&m Husain ; and Bibi
Bahm&ni, deprived of her protector, appears to have fallen
among thieves ; for it was in her time that the Gargbansis, of
whom General Sleeman says so much, first obtained a footing
. in the estate. Immediately after Basdwan Khdn's death in
1821 a. d., Bibi Bahmdni "made Nihdl Singh, Gurgbun-
. " see, of Seeheepoor, manager of her affairs. From the time
" that he entered upon the management, NihdJ Singh began
" to increase the number of his followers from his own dan,
" the Gurgbunsees, and having now become powerful enough
" he turned out his mistress and took possession of the estate
" in collusion with the local authorities."*
* 81eeman's Tour through Oude ; I. 142. The following account of the Maniarpur
estate it in great measure taken from this work ; but partly also from local sources*
stjltXnpur settlement report. 149
307. In this he was not unopposed, for R&jah Darshan
Singh who held the contract for the district interfered ; not as
might be expected, in his official capacity and for the protec-
tion of Bibi Rahmdui, but because he "wished to take advan-
" tage of the occasion to seize upon the estate for himself. "
Unable, however, as a public servant of the State to lead his
own troops openly against his rival, he was compelled to se-
cure the co-operation of a powerful t'alukddr, Bdbti Barydr
Singh, of Bhiti, in the execution of his schemes. Nihil
Singh was killed in a night-attack by Barydr Singh (1832), but
Harpdl Singh his nephew was ready to take his place and
continue the struggle at once. Even while Darshan Singh
was in office he held possession of tho greater part of the
disputed property, and when another Ndzim was appointed
(1834), he recovered the remainder, still pretending to hold it
for the rightful owner Bibi Rahmini. In 1835, Bibf Basdo,
widow of Basdwan Khdn, succeeded to the estate ; but Har-
pdl Singh, with great pertinacity, continued to force his ser-
vices upon her until 1838, when Darshan Singh, a second
time Ndzim, at last proved too strong for him. Next year
Bibi Basdo resigned in favour of Bibi Sogura, who in 1843
managed to get the estate transferred from the jurisdiction of
the contractor for Sultdnpur to that of the "huztir tahsil ",
and so held it till 1845. Mdn Singh who then had the con-
tract got it restored to his jurisdiction, and put it in charge of
his own officers, until, in the following year, having collected
the greater part of the revenue due on it, he made it over to
Harpdl Singh and Shioambar Singh, who put its owner into
confinement and plundered her of all she had left.
308. Bibi Sogura now summoned to her aid Rustam
Sah and other Rd]kumar landholders, friends of her late
husband. A fight ensued in which Shioambar Singh and
his brother Hobddr Singh were killed ; and Harpdl Singh
fled to his fort at Kaprddih. Bibi Sogura escaped, and fled
to Lucknow, whence she got orders issued to Mdn Singh and
all the military authorities to restore her to the possession of
her estate and seize or destroy Harpdl Singh. The death of
the latter occurred soon after, and the Gargbansf s then relin-
quished their hold upon Manidrpur ; and though they subse-
quently, with the connivance of a revenue-farmer, secured
some portion of it for themselves, their connection with the
so called management of it finally terminated on the death of
Harpdl Singh.
150 StJLTJbfPUR SKTTLEMINT BBPORT.
309. In 1847, M&n Singh was superseded in the con-
tract by Wdjid All Kh£n, who was commissioned by thd
darb&r to reinstate Bibf Sogura, and brought her with him
from Lucknow for that purpose. Soon afterwards, however,
he made over part of her estate to his friend, Bakir Ali of
Isauli, and another part to Ramsurup, son of Shioambar
Singh, for a suitable consideration, and left one-half only to
Bibi Sogura. After no little hesitation she agreed to accept
this on condition that the revenue demand upon it should be
considerably reduced. But not only was no remission made,
but she was required by the N&zim to pledge all the rents to
Husain All Kh&n, the commandant of a squadron of cavalry
on detached duty under him. Bfbi Sogura again appealed
to the influence of her friends at court, and orders were
reiterated for her restoration to the whole of her estate ;
but W&jid Ali Kh&n, completely disregarding them, made
over or sold several villages to Raghbar Singh, uncle of If&n
Singh, who killed Bibi Sogura's agents in the management,
plundered her of all she had of property, and all the rents
which she had up to that time collected for payment to Go-
vernment, and took possession of the villages transferred to
him. Wdjid Ali soon after came with a large force, seized
the lady and carried her off to his camp and refused ail
access to her. At last, when she became ill and likely to
sink under the treatment she received, he made her enter into
a written engagement to pay to the troops, in liquidation of
their arrears of pay, all that he pretended she owed to the
state, and handed her over to Ghaftir Beg, a commandant of
artillery, in whose hands she fared much the same as in those
of Wdjid Ali Kh£n.
310. Aghi Ali, who superseded Wdjid Ali in 1849,
directed that martial law should cease in Mani&rpur, bitt
Ghaftir Beg and his artillerymen were too much for him, and
refused to give up possession of so nice an estate, which, in
spite of all the usurpations and disorders it had suffered, still
possessed a rent-roll of a hundred thousand rupees a year.
At this point in the fortunes of the unlucky Bibi Sogura,
General Sleeman made bis tour through Oudh ; and, on
hearing of his approach, Ghaftir Beg moved off with his cap-
tive to Chandoli, where she was treated with all manner of
indignity and cruelty by the artillery. The Resident re-
presented the hardship of her case to the darbir, frith a con-
sciousness, at the same time, that there was. a very slender
SUI/rXtfPtTR SETTLEMENT BEPORT. 151
chance of her obtaining any redress. She recovered her liberty
at last in 1851, and, after surviving all her troubles and mis-
fortunes, died at a good old age in 1866. She left her estate
by will to B&bti. Akbar All Kh&n, who died last year ; and
a female t'alukd&r, Bibi llahl Kh&nam, his widow, again
holds Manidrpur.
311. When Blip Singh migrated from Bilkhar to Di-
The Bachgotfe; Rajku. khauli, his brother Asre Singh, ancestor
mfa - of the R&jkum4r Bachgotfe, settled a
little further to the east, in the same parganah, in the village
of Pdre B&gh R&i. Almost immediately, however, he moved
to Bhadaiy&n, which, standing in the midst of ravines
and jungles, perhaps recommended itself as a suitable position
for a fort, and here the head quarters of the R3jkum&rs-have
since remained.* The next event in the history of his house
is its colonization of Trans-Gdmti territory. Bijai Chand,
eighth in descent from Asre Singh, had four sons, Jamaiyat
Bai, Jio Nar&n, Jalip Rai and Harkarn Deo. Jamaiyat Bai
remained in Bhadaiy&n; the others led colonies across the
Gtimtf, whether they were followed in the two succeeding
generations by Hon Bai, a son, and Madkar S&h, a grand-
son of Jamaiyat Bai. " It is believed to be about 250 years
"since the oflspring of Bary&r Singh, having become too
" numerous to find room on the right bank of the Gtimti t
" and powerful enough to encroach on the property of tha
" their neighbours, crossed over to the left or Fyzabad bank,
"and by degrees established six colonies. " Further allusion
to these would be a work of supererogation on my part, th$
more so that a full account of them may be found in Mr. Car*
negy's printed Aldemau Report,
812. The house of Bhadaiy£n has little history that
would repay perusal. It had the ordinary petty encounters
with its neighbours, but none of them have been of sufficient
interest to merit any detailed notice. An exception may,
perhaps, be made in favour of the siege and destruction of the
Bhadaiy&n fort which took place between thirty and forty years
ago. This fort was defended by the then t'alukd&r Shiodya!
Singh, against two chaklad&rs, both of whom fell during the
siege. It was at last destroyed by the British troops under
• The Kajkum&rs who are said to be descended from Eij Singh, •'. «., the same son
of Baryir Singh as the Bachgotfe of Sultinpur, adjoin them and separate them from their
more distant kinsmen, the Kajwars.
152 sultXnpur settlement report.
Colonel Faithfull, but re-built by Shiodyal Singh's son, Shan-
kar Bakhsh, and maintained by him for some time in 1836
against the chaklad&r, who at length took and demolished it.*
313. The term R&jkum&r is commonly applied to the
junior branches of all houses in which a r&j .exists : and thus
there are R&jkumdr Bais and Rdjkumdr Kanpuria as well
as Rdjkum&r Bachgotfs. And the only explanation I have
heard of the last named being so called is in accordance with
this practice, viz. that it is to distinguish them from their
brethren, the Rajw&rs, who could once pride themselves on
their chief being a r&jah. They are the only ones, however,
with whom this distinction has superseded the broader appel-
lation of the clan.
314. Though confined to narrower limits than their
m. t» i. u t> . / kinsmen of the line of R&j S£h, Gunghd
The Bachgotfs ; Raiwars. -. . , , , , . J . ' . ?
Singh s descendants, occupying, as they
do, the greater portion of parganah Ch&nda, are still entitled
to take rank among the principal families of the district.
Gungh6 Singh had three sons, R&j Singh, Ganpat Singh
and Harp&l Singh, the first and last of whom kept their old
name of Bachgotf, and obtained lands in the Pratdbgarh
district, to which their history belongs. Ganpat Singh had
two sons, R&m Deo, and G&rab Deo ; from the former sprung
the KMnz&das of Morainf, the latter is the ancestor of all
the Hindti Raj wdrs. I have not yet said to whom this cogno-
men is due; it would have been an anachronism, indeed, to apply
it to any generation yet mentioned, for it originated only
with Jamnibh&n, a son of G&rab Deo.t Jamnibh&n is said to
have been distinguished both for martial prowess and intel-
lectual ability, and, by a judicious use of these rare gifts,
to have considerably extended the already large possessions
of the Bachgotis. With the unanimous consent of his con-
nexions he assumed the title of R&jah, and his immediate
relations, in consequence of the dignity they borrowed from
the circumstance, were thenceforward styled " Rajw&r." To
his descendants, however, the name only remained, while the
substance disappeared. In the very next generation his
ephemeral principality was dissolved ; the ordinary law of
partition was reverted to, and his son Kalidn S&h received
• Dr. Butter's Southern Oudh, page 118.
t The zemindars of Chinda were still called Bachgotfs when the Aln-i-Akbari was
composed.
SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 153
the separate estate of G&rabpur. The remainder of his do-
mains passed to a second son, Jagdis Rdi, in the third genera-
tion from whom they were split up into three estates, Prat&b-
pur, R&mpur and Sarai Kalian.
315. Gdrabpur, Pratdbpur and Rdmpur are now of
sufficient importance to have secured sanads for their owners;
but the story of their growth is made up of wearisome details.
The two latter are principally remarkable for the peculiarity
of their tenures ; in the first place, though distinct in interest J
from each other, they contain many villages common to both,
in which sometimes there is a third and even a fourth sharer;
in the second place, each of the properties thus curiously con-
stituted is, though a t'aluka, in possession of a co-parcenary
community.
316. Regarding this portion of the Bachgoti fraternity,
•«. i, i. t» # * . there is little to be said except that it still
The Bachgotis. of Asal. «. -, ., , ^ ^.,
monopolises nearly the whole of the par-
ganah, Asal, which it considers to be its birthright by inheri-
tance from Asal Rai, who won it with the sword from the
earlier Bais and Bhadaiyan occupants.* Either of their own
free will, or because there have been no elder sons capable,
by force or otherwise, of convincing their younger brothers of
the advantages of a custom of primogeniture, they have all
alike remained in a common level of obscurity. Their tradi-
tions go back to a time in the distant past, when a single
share in a partition was represented by six thousand bfgahs j
but, at the present time, their villages are more minutely sub-
divided, perhaps, than any others in the district. Their prin-
cipal estates, of which the rest are mostly offshoots, are
Tissundi, Kali&npur, Bh&da and Pfparpur.
317. Under native* rule, the Bachgotfs of Asal were not
a whit behind the rest of their olan in turbulence and audaci-
ty ; and the following story is told as an illustration of their
character. On the arrival of a new government official
among them, they pointed out to him the tombs of various of
his predecessors, disapproval of whose rule they had testified
by successful armed resistance ; and, as an appropriate com-
ment on this cheerful exhibition, requested him to carefully
* TisBundi, for instance, contains 20 hadbast villages, of which 16 are said to have,
been taken from the Bhadaiyan and the remainder from the Bais.
U
154 sultInpur settlement report.
observe those monuments, and bear their import well in mind
in the administration of his office !
THE BANDHALGOTf s.
318. The Bandhalgotis, Badhilgotfs, or Banjhilgotfs,
Th BandhaL? t£« according to their own account, are
euandnaigo . Stiraj bans by origin, and belong to the
5 articular branch of the clan now represented by the B£jah of
aipur. About nine hundred years ago, Sudah Bai, a scion
of that illustrious house, leaving his home in Narwargarh, set
out on a pilgrimage to the holy city of Ayodhya. His route
lay across the Amethi parganah, where, near the present village
of Baipur, half overgrown with tangled weeds and briars, a
deserted and dilapidated shrine of Debi suddenly presented
itself to his view. The Bhars then held sway, and few ves-
tiges anywhere remained of Hindti places of worship, so the
pious pilgrim resolved to tarry awhile near the one accident
had brought him to. Having performed his devotions, he
lay down to rest, and in his slumbers saw a vision of the
goddess of the fane, who disclosed to him a lofty destiny
ordained for him and his descendants ; they were to become
hereditary lords of the territory in which he was then a tem-
porary sojourner. Prepared to further to his utmost the
fulfilment of so interesting a prophecy he determined to abide
thenceforth in his future domains ; and, relinquishing his un-
completed pilgrimage, entered into the service of the Bhar
chieftain. His innate worth soon manifested itself in many
ways, and secured his elevation to the post of minister. His
Bhar master now designed, as a crowning act of favour, to
bestow his daughter upon him in marriage ; but a Surajbans,
though he might condescend to serve a barbarian, might not
sully his proud lineage by a mesalliance, and Sudah Bai con-
temptuously refused the proffered honor. The Bhar chief,
in offended pride, at once deprived him of his office, and he
returned to Narwargarh. But his mind was ever occu-
pied with thoughts of the promised land, and by way of
assisting the tardy workings of fate, he collected a picked
band of followers and marched against Amethi The Bhars
were defeated with a great slaughter, and the Stiraj bans occu-
pied their territory. Sudah Bai established a fort on the spot
where he had seen the prophetic vision ; and included therein
the ruined shrine, in grateful commemoration of the divine
interposition in his fortunes which had occurred there.
SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT.
155
Pedigree of the Bandhalgoti clan.
Kalian Deo.
Diwanagf.
Sudh Singh.
I
SudahRai.
DulahRai.
Indraman.
Kharag Singh.
HariSah.
DfwanSah.
M^ndhata Singh.
SdtS
l or Bandhu.
Manohar Singh.
Rai Singh Rawat Sail Sagram Singh Raj Singh Ran Singh. Kunwar Singh
(Naraini). (Barganw), (Kannfi). Udiawan (Amethi). (Himmatgarh). (Gfe&gott).
Sri RAm Singh.
1
Salbflian.
PalhanDeo.
Dharamir
(Tikri).
I
Sri Rim Deo.
1
Shah Mall
(Barna Tikar).
Ramsahai (Kasrawan)
Dharmangat Singh*
DulfpSih.
Sultan Sah (Shahgarh).
BikramSah. Lall'sah.
LachmiNarain Tilok SahPrithamSah Sujan Sah.
(Kannu). (Amerui). (Rajgarh). |
DuHpSSh.
Prig Sah (Kusara),
HirdeSah
(Jagdispur).
Himmat Sah
(Kohra),
Tej Singh.
(Amethi).
Jai Singh
(Amethi).
| T
Ajab Singh Abdhnt Singh. Pahar Singh
(Amethi), (Amethi).
Himmat'S&h.
Gambhir Singh
(Gangoli).
Indra Singh
(Gangoli).
Barwand Singh.
Man Singh
(Amai)*
Chatrapai Singh
(Kasrawan).
I
Gdrda tt Singh.
Drigpal S ingh.
Prithipal Singh,
Jai Chand Singh
(Kannti-Kasrawan).
Har C hand Singh.
Dalpat Sah. Arjun Singh.
I I
Bisheaar Singh. Madho Singh.
(Amethi). (Amethi).
15& SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT.
319. After the lapse of a few generations, the line of
Sudah Rai threatened to become extinct, for M&ndh&t& Singh,
sixth in descent from him, remained childless in his old age.
In the village of Kannii, however, resided Kanak Mun, one of
those mighty saints whose irresistible piety carried every-
thing before it. To him M&ndh&td Singh poured out his tale of
woe, and humbly invoked his aid ; nor in vain, for by dint
of the saint's prayers and austerities the threatened calamity
was averted. A son was born to M&ndhata Singh, and he
was at first called Sut Sdh, but, when he was taken to be
presented to the saint, the latter suggested that his name
should be changed to one more expressive of the peculiar
circumstances of his birth, and he was therefore re-named
Bandhu. His descendants, to mark their recognition of the
important place he holds in their history, have since called
themselves Bandhugotfs, the children of Bandhti,or popularly
Bandhalgotfs.
320. In the next generation this surname belonged to
a single individual, for Bandhii was blessed with one only son,
Manohar Singh. From this time, however, the family began
to increase and multiply. Manohar Singh had six sons, Had
Singh, R&wat Sdh, Sagr&m Singh, Ran Singh, Kunwar Singh,
and Rdj Singh, who are conspicuous as having been the first to
divide between them the lands they inherited from Sudah R&i.
A family quarrel, whether regarding the partition or not is
uncertain, arose between them, and they agreed to refer the
matter in dispute to Tilok Chand, the illustrious Bais chief-
tain.* Tilok Chand who, say his panegyrists, was endowed
with a happy faculty of settling every troublesome question
presented to him in a facetious and off-hand way, at once
hit upon the titular signification of most of the brothers'
names. "Why," said he, " you all seem to me to be much
" on a par, so divide your estates between you, and dignify
" yourselves with titles corresponding to your names. Rai
" Singh is already a Rai, R&wat Sdh a Rdwat, Kunwar Singh
" a Kunwar, Ran Singh shall be Rdna, Rdj Singh shall be
" Rdjah, and that Sagr&m Siugh alone shall not remain unti-
" tied, I dub him Thdktir." A partition was accordingly made,
and each brother, with the exception of the eldest, whose
share was as usual larger than the rest, received fifty-six thou-
sand bfgahs. The following were the estat es thus formed : —
* It is worthy of remark that while the Amethi, Narainf and Barganw accounts ail
concur in making Raj Singh to have lived seventeen or eighteen generations ago, the pre-
sent Bais Rajah of Morarmau represents feimself to be seventeenth in descent from Tilok
Chand (See Bais pedigree in "Chief Clans of Roy Bareilly District)."
sultIkpur settlement report. 157
Kai Singh,
R&wat S&h,
Kunwar Singh,
Ran Singh,
Sagr&m Singh, ..•
Raj Singh,
Narainl
Barganw.
Gangoli.
Nan&wan.
Kannti (Sagr&mpur).
Udi&wan* and Bihta.
It is important to notice that all of these lie on the
south and east sides of the parganah.
321. The distribution of titles here alluded to, or a very
similar one, is I may remark common to many Kshattriya
tribes. The Chandels divide themselves into four families,
RAjah, Rdo, Rdna and R&wat, as also do the Gautums,t
while the Amethias lay claim to the title of R6jah, Rdo, and
Rdna.{
322. Of Manohar's six sons, Rdj Sdh, the ancestor of
the present head of the Bandhalgoti
<*% uSSS* of Ame * clan > { »> b y g eneral Co™™** said *? have
been the youngest ; if the same evidence
bestows on him the title of r&jah, it is solely because of an
accident of name. But it was nevertheless from this very
generation that his house began to take precedence of the
rest. Raj Singh succeeded in adding to the share he origi-
nally received those of his brothers Ran Singh and Kunwar
Singh. So say the legends, nor is there anything to discre-
dit them ; the circumstance is one which does not necessarily
postulate any pre-eminence on his part. His two brothers are
both said to have died childless ; and if at the time of their
death, they were living in a state of union with him, he would
have been sole proprietor of the triple portion. The lead thus
obtained at the outset his descendants were probably enabled
to keep, and even increase, by the fact (evidenced by the
genealogical table) that for some generations there was a
single heir to their estate, which tended to preserve its im«
* The estate of Raj Singh and his descendants continued to be called Udia'wan until
annexation ; but it is now so much better known as Amethf that I shall throughout call it
by the latter name.
t Elliot's Supplemental Glossary ; Chundel and Goutum.
? Chief Clans of Boy Bareilly District, page 24.
158 sultInpur settlement report.
portance ; whereas it appears that in the collateral branches
a contrary agency was at work in the destructive process of
subdivision. It was not till the time of Sri R&m Deo,
fourth from R&j Singh, that any troublesome younger sons
required to be provided for. ft&m Deo had two brothers,
Sh&h Mall who received the Barna Tikar estate, and Dhard-
mir who received that of Tikri.
323. The name of Dhardmir refers this event to the
reign of Shir Sh&h.* As Tikri lies on the extreme east, and.
Barna Tikar on the extreme west of the parganah, it would
appear that, up to this time, the southern half of it only was
in the occupation of the Bandhalgotis. About half a cen-
tury later, however, the Ain-i-Akbari shows they had over-
run the entire parganah ; nor are the traditions of the tribe
inconsistent with the information thus obtained. R£m Deo's
grandson is said to have received as his portion Kasr&wan,
on the northern boundary of the parganah, while his great-
grandson Sult&n S&h got Sh&hgarh, intermediate between
Kasrdwan and the older estates. The full extent of Ban-
dhalgoti conquest was now reached, and henceforward
when new estates were required, they had to be formed by
subdivision of those already in existence, until in process of
time the " thirty-nine zemind&rs of Amethi" became a pro-
verbial expression.
324. Most of these changes were silently and gradu-
ally accomplished, for the history of even the principal
branch of the family is for centuries wrapped in impenetra-
ble obscurity. A faint glimmer of light at last breaks in
upon it in the time of Gtirdatt S&h, a little more than a
hundred and twenty years ago. Gtirdatt S&h followed the
then fashionable practice of defying the local authorities, and
rendered himself so conspicuous in this respect, that in 1743
the Naw&b Safdar Jangt deemed it necessary to march against
him in person. Gtirdatt S&h shut himself up in his fort at
Baipur, where he offered a successful resistance to the
besieging force for eighteen days, (a period suspiciously like
that of the Mah&bh&rata); and then, finding the post no longer
tenable, made his escape into the neighbouring Rdmnagar
jungle. The Baipur fort was now destroyed, and Gtirdatt
• See para. 332.
t The account given to me says Shuji-ud-daulah, but this raises a difficulty about
dates.
sultInpur settlement beport. 159
S&h's estate underwent one of those temporary dissolutions,
known as being taken under direct management. From this
event, it is said, dates the establishment of the Amethf
chief's head quarters at R&mnagar.
325. Drigp&l Singh, son of GArdatt Singh, recovered the
estate. He died in 1798, leaving two sons, Har Chand Singh
and Jai Chand Singh. The latter became separate proprietor
of Kannti-Kasr&wan, the former inherited the remainder
of Drigp&l Singh's possessions ; and in the well known extent
of his inheritance lies the first tangible clue to the progress
of the Amethi t'aluka. From his father he obtained one
hundred and fifty-three villages, and these alone he held
until 1803. In the following year, however, having worked
himself into the good graces of the Ndzim Sitalprash&d,
he was allowed to engage for the entire parganah, with the
single exception of Rdghipur. The present r&jah contends
that he was thus put into possession of no more than had
been taken from his grandfather in 1743 ; but there is no
conclusive proof that such was the case, or that any of his
predecessors had ever held the same position of authority.
Nor did Har Chand Singh enjoy it long. In 1810, Sdadat
All EMn, aided by his diwdn, Dyashankar, made a land
settlement of the province ; large estates were broken up,
and the respective portions of them settled with their right-
ful proprietors. This measure led to the cancellation of
Har Chand Singh's parganah engagement, and he was deprived
of all but forty-eight rent-free villages. In the same year,
very possibly chagrined at this degradation, he abdicated in
favour of his son, Dalpat S&h. But the policy of S&adat
All Kh&n was too strongly opposed to the spirit of the age
to produce any permanent result, and before three years had
well elapsed, Dalpat Sdh found himself in possession of all
that his father had held before 1803. Arjun Singh, a se-
cond son of Har Chand Singh, was then alive ; but forbearing
to make any demand upon his elder brother, he succeeded in
making a comfortable provision for himself by the indepen-
dent acquisition of Gangoli,
326. Dalpat S&h died in 1815, $nd the estate he trans-
mitted to his heir, Bishesar Singh, was no larger than Drig-
pdl Singh had held at the time of his death in 1798 ; almost
immediately, however, it swallowed up several of its weaker
160 sultXnpur settlement report.
neighbours, of an aggregate bulk equal to half its own ; and
then, as if worn out with the exhaustion consequent on such
a mighty effort, remained in a state of torpidity for more
than a quarter of a century.
327. Bishesar Singh died childless in 1842, and the
inheritance devolved on his cousin M&dho Singh, the present
r&jah. The Amethl domains were thus augmented by the
not inconsiderable estate of Gangoll, but it yet remained for
them to receive their last and principal accession. In the
year 1845, Mahdr&jah M&n Singh was appointed to the Sul-
tdnpur Niz&mat, and the first events of his term of office por-
tended but little good to the fortunes of the house of Amethi.
The Mah&r&jah was not of a temper to possess the semblance
without the substance of authority, and was prepared to make
his power felt throughout his district. The ambitious young
chief, on the other hand, was equally determined to shape his
course exactly in accordance with his own notions of proprie-
ty, and if necessary to resort to arms to prevent official inter-
ference. Hostilities were the natural consequence of such a
state of things, and a grand battle was fought in the year
1845, between the forces of the N&zim and the t'alukd&r.
It was followed by no decisive result, however, and the com-
batants soon began to perceive that more advantage was like-
ly to be gained by negotiation than warfare. A rrangements
were entered into in the highest degree favorable to Mddho
Singh ; and, in pursuance of them, he was in the same year
admitted to engage for the revenue of the entire parganah,
with the exception of a few estates which enjoyed the pro-
tection of the " huztir tahsil." From this time he applied
himself principally to the consolidation of his now immense do-
mains. Those who readily bowed their heads to the new
yoke were maintained in possession, unless they were so un-
friended, or their credit was so poor, that they could not
furnish the customary security for the payment of their rent,
in which case they were without hesitation set aside. The
recalcitrant had their villages either handed over to some ex-
perienced lessee, accustomed to large and troublesome charges,
or to the commandants of the N&zim's troops, who took a
" qabz" of them. Kannti-Kasr&wan and Shrihgarh alone gave
any serious trouble the proprietor of the former was not
finally overpowered until after three years of stout resist-
ance ; the latter, though it at first lost its independence, re-
covered it a few months before annexation.
sultXnpur settlement repxJ&t. 161
328. In the laud- settlement which then took place,
Amethi shared the fate of all large t'alukas, and was almost
completely broken up, but only to be re-constituted in the
following year immediately on the outbreak of the mutiny. At
the commencement of the disturbances, Bdjah Mddho Singh
distinguished himself by the protection and kindness he af-
forded to some fugitives from Sultdnpur, who were endeavour-
ing to make their way into Allahabad ; but afterwards he
warmly espoused the rebel cause ; nor was it until the British
army under the command of Lord Clyde was encamped before
his fort that he tendered his submission. At the land settle-'
ment which shortly afterwards took place, he was admitted
under the terms of the general amnesty to engage for his estate,
and it is now confirmed to him by sanad. It comprises three
hundred and twenty-one out of three hundred and sixty-four
villages in the parganah, and pays to Government a revenue
of Rs. 1,69,776.
329. The present owner of the Amethf estate is ordi-
narily and correctly styled Rdjah ; but how long the title
has been in the family I cannot pretend to say with certainty.
Rdj Singh and his descendants may quite possibly have borne
it for many generations ; there is no tangible proof that they
did not, and as little that they did. Gtirdatt Singh, the first
of those who lived recently enough to be well remembered,
is sometimes spoken of as Bdbti, sometimes as Rdjah ; Drig-
pdl Singh, his successor, appears to have assumed the more
lofty title, but it is doubtful whether he ever obtained any
popular recognition of his right to it. Har Chand Singh and
Bishesar Singh were unquestionably Rdjahs : they are said
to have formally received the necessary investiture from the
Hasanpur chief. It is interesting to notice that the seal of
the former ( in which he bears this title) was engraved in the
same year apparently as he obtained the lease of the par*
ganah. Dalpat Sdh, intermediate between Har Chand Singh
and Bishesar Singh, is commonly called Bdbti, the explana-
tion given of which is that during the time he held the estate
his father Har Chand Singh, was alive, and that it would
consequently have been a breach of etiquette for him to adopt
the title of Bdjah. The present t'alukddr never troubled
himself to get his claim to the dignity formally acknowledged
by the Rdjah of Hasanpur ; before annexation it rested on his
162 sultInpur settlement report.
being the successor of those who had previously borne it ; it
has now been admitted by the British government.*
330. I now pass on to the history of collateral branches,
The Bandhaigotfs : early col- which may be distinguished into those
lateral branches. collateral to R&j Singh himself and
those collateral to his descendants. Regarding the first a
very few words will be sufficient. It has been seen that the
estates founded by Ran Singh or Rdna and Kunwar Singh fell
almost immediately into the hands of R&j Singh ; and it was
only in the matter of time that those of Rai Singh and Sagr&m
Singh experienced a different fate. By partitions, mortgages,
and grants to Brahmans, they gradually dwindled into insigni-
ficance; and what little of them then remained was included in
the r&jah's general lease of 1846. Barganw alone has retained
its individuality and some little importance up to the present
time. This may be partly due to the fact that notwithstanding
numerous partitions, no separate properties have been formed ;
and thus, though a few heads may have now and then been
broken in internal dissensions, a broad front has always been
opposed to any aggression offered from without. At the
same time, Barganw is not as large now as it once was, for up
to nine generations ago, it included also Kohra-Mahomed-
pur, which was then taken from it by B&bu Himmat S&h,
ancestor of the present holders. In the mutiny the zemin-
d&rs of Barganw rendered themselves a little conspicuous by
evincing a disposition to be troublesome, and a body of troops
had to be sent to their villages, where a large seizure of
arms was made, after the zemind&rs pretended to have given
up all they possessed.
331. Of the estates held by the cadet branches of R£j
TheBandhalgotfc; later col- Singh's house, four Only Tikrl, Shah-
lateral branches, garh, Kannii-Kasrdwan and Gangoli
are worthy of any special mention.
332. The interest that attaches to Tikrf is connected
n*. » ^ , ./ *m-*.> with the history of its founder, which
TheBandhalgotfc of Tikri. . ,, * ij r! L- j j j. tyu
is thus told by his descendants. JJna-
r&mir received from his brother Rdjah Rdm Deo, a moderate
sized estate of forty-two villages ; but he lived in stirring
* Unless I am mistaken, he is mentioned under this title in some official documents
Sroduced by his opponent in the Kaonu-Kasriwan case. In those produced by himself I
o not think he is to styled.
sultInpur settlement report. 163
times, and, being of a warlike disposition, offered himself
as an ally to R&jah Hasan Khdn, then preparing for the con-
flict with Rewah. When the hostile armies were pitched
in sight of each other, it was agreed that a general battle
should be avoided, and that both sides, having appointed
champions, should abide the issue of single combat. Dha-
r&mir represented the ft&jah of Hasanpur, and, after a stub-
born fight, in which he himself was covered with wounds,
defeated and killed his adversary. In return for this signal
service, Hasan Kh&n ceded to him five large villages, Sarwd-
wan and others, intermediate between Tikri and Hasanpur.
It reads like a tale of western chivalry that his valour was
further rewarded with the hand of a Bachgoti bride.*
333. Broken up by successive partitions on the one
hand, and, on the other, hemmed in by territory on which
encroachment was out of the question, the importance of
Tikrl very soon declined ; its present dimensions are indicated
by its second name, Athgawan. It was not indeed without
difficulty that it managed to resist the attacks of others.
About six generations ago Bdbti M&n Singh, brother of the
then t'alukd&r, received as his portion the village of Amai.
According to one account he obtained Tikri also, but it was
not in possession of the donor, and it was therefore a condi-
tion of the gift that he should forcibly establish himself in it.
He did so, and the previous owners were driven out ; but
they took refuge in the surrounding jungles, and watching
their opportunity surprised Mfin Singh in Amai and killed
him. This act of retribution has never been forgotten, and the
name of the village in which it was perpetrated has become
a forbidden word, Badlganw and other terms of similar import
being usually employed in referring to it.
334. This may explain how Tikri and many of its off-
shoots continued independent until 1846. In the sweeping
changes which then took place, they were re-absorbed into
the parent estate ; but the old spirit of the ex-proprietors is
yet but partially tamed, and if the rdjah holds any villages
the acquisition of which has been of doubtful profit and ad-
vantage, I am under the impression it is those to which I
now allude.
* This account, it will be seen, differs from that given by the Bachgotfs. I think
it at all events exceedingly probable that this is the period to which the story of the Ban-
dhalgotf being in the Hasanpur service must be referred.
164 sultAnpur settlement eepoIit.
335. Shdhgarh was founded by B&M Sultan S&h,
The BandhaigotU of ShAh- brother of Bikram S&h. It derived
fr th - its name from a fort he built, and
called after himself. It is reputed to have consisted at first
of one hundred and twenty-one villages, and to have been
distinguished as " tafrik Sultdn Sdhi." If this story were
only reliable, it would be of the greatest value in illustrating
the growth of the Amethi t'aluka. It would seem to imply
that a regular partition occurred, and to define the magnitude
of an individual share. The idea of such a partition received
some apparent support, also, from the fact that a few villages
are rit>w divided in fractional shares between Amethi and
Shdhgarh. But reference to the history of those villages
shows that, up to a comparatively recent date, they were held
by other proprietors, and that they tfere then divided into
two distinct portions, one of which was subsequently in-^
eluded in Shdhgarh and the other in Amethi Again, Sul-
t&n Sdh was one of f out brothers, and if a formal distribu-
tion of shares took place, those of the three juniors should
have been exactly equal, whereas it is not pretended that
they were even approximately so. It is highly probable,
moreover*, that the extent of Sultdn Sdh's portion is consi-
derably exaggerated, for it does not appear that Shdhgarh
with all its offshoots and acquisitions ever numbered more than
one hundred and thirty-two villages.
336. From 1803 to 1810, Sh&hgarh was with the rest
of the parganah leased to R&jah Har Chand Singh, but wad
again taken from him by the land settlement of the latter
year. It then comprised no more than forty villages, and it
had become only half as large again when, in 1846, it for the
second time fell into the hands of the Amethi t'alukd&r, in
the general lease he obtained from Mah&rdjah M&n Singh.
To this summary mode of dealing with his estate, Balwant
Singh, the proprietor, yielded anything but a ready acquies-
cence, so to silence his opposition, Hdjah M&dho Singh seized
him and held him in confinement. In this sorry plight he
remained at the time of General Sleeman's tour. " Mahdoo
" Persaud, of Amethee in Salone" writes the Resident "has
" lately seized upon the estate of Shahgurh, worth twenty
4t thousand rupees a year, which had been cut off from the
" Amethee estate, and enjoyed by a collateral branch of the
*' family for several generations. He holds the proprietor
SULTAtfPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 165
"Bulwunt Singh in prison, in irons, and would soon make
" away with him were the Oude Government to think it
u worth while to enquire after him."
337. This passing allusion was not hy any means the
extent of the interest the Resident took in the fortunes of the
luckless Balwant Singh. On his return to Lucknow, he
brought the matter before the darb&r, and, though some time
first elapsed, ultimately succeeded in procuring the release of
the captive and the restoration to him of his estate. These
events happened at a critical juncture for Balwant Singh,
that is about the end of the year 1855, for had they been de-
layed but a few months longer, Sh&hgarh would have been in
Amethf at annexation, and so must have remained permanent-
ly incorporated with it.
338. When gratitude goes hand in hand with self-in-
terest it seldom halts, and it is not surprising, therefore, that
Babu Balwant Singh was a warm adherent of the British
cause during the disturbances of 1 857. He distinguished him-
self by the good service he then rendered, and now holds the
estate he recovered in 1855, with a title protected by a taluk-
ddri sanad.
339. The common account of the origin of Kannti-Kas-
^ « ju i *< * rr * r&wan is that it was given in the year
^^ndhalgotfaofKanuu. 1798 ^ a « chaur ^* to Bdb / J ai
Chand Singh, brother of Har Chand
Singh. It consists mainly as its name denotes of the two
estates of Kannii and Kasrdwan. Of these the former was
one of the six shares of the earliest recorded partition, but
having gradually with the exception of a few villages become
united with the share of R&j Singh, it was afterwards confer-
red as a chaur&sf on Lachml Nar&in, second son of Bikram S&h,
whose descendants are still resident in it. Kasr&wan, also said
to be a chaur&si, has been already mentioned as having been
given to B&bu R&msahai, a little previous to the time of
Akbar. Whether in the year 1798, Kannii was in the hands
of ft&jah Har Chand Singh is open to doubt, but it may be
positively asserted that Kasr&wan was not. Kannti fell an
easy prey to Jai Chand, but it was not till eight years after
^— ■ i I. ■ ■ ■!. ■ i. ■% ■ i ■ iii i „f
• See para. 340, note.
166 SULTlNPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT.
that he established himself in Kasr&wati, and even then it was
with the assistance of his brother, at that time lessee of the
parganah. These two estates together gave him but sixty
villages, to which, before Har Chand's lease had terminated,
he*&dded twenty-four more, thus completing the mystic num-
ber implied in the word chaurdsi.*
340. How long this numerical exactitude continued is
not clearly ascertainable ; it is enough that the estate increas-
ed considerably during the following thirty years. It then
began to exhibit signs of approaching decay, and Lall Arjun
Singh of Gangoli thought to find a fitting opportunity for
making encroachments on it. He paid the penalty of the
attempt with his life, for he was killed by Pyr&gprash&d, one
of the sons of B&bii Jai Chand Singh. Pyr&gprash&d and his
brothers now deemed it prudent to leave their homes and flee;
but it would be erroneous to suppose that in so doing they
were actuated by fear of the consequences of outraged laws,
the breach of which they would have to atone whenever they
were captured. It was simply that the N&zim at that parti-
cular time was friendly to the interests of the Gangolf chief;
in the very next year another person was appointed to the
office, who, without the slightest scruple, re-admitted the
fugitives to engage for their estate.
341. The nominal inclusion of Kannti-Kasr&wan in the
Amethi lease, in 1846, the proprietors quietly ignored. Rajah
M&dho Singh accordingly availed himself of the influence of his
friends at Lucknow to procure the issue of a sentence of out-
lawry against them, coupled with the confiscation of their estate;
and even these orders only took effect in 1849, when after a
good fight in which they were worsted, they were convinced
that further resistance would be unavailing. Thenceforward
they became as thorns in the side of their victorious rival, who
was compelled to fix military detachments here and there in
order to check their raids. This desultory struggle was re-
lieved by a single event of note ; in 1853, Rajah M&dho Singh
• According to the Bandhalgotfs the second son of the Rajah of Amethf always
received a " chaurasf," but there is no satisfactory proof of the custom. I think it pos-
sible that the statement is based on Jai Chand's estate having at one time answered to the
description. ' * There is no Ohowrasee, says Sir H. Elliot (Supplemental Glossary ; Chow-
"rasee) even though it may have dwindled down to ten or twelve villages, of which every
" originally component village could not be pointed out by the zemindars." This is not
the case in Amethi; nor is Amethi among the numerous examples Sir H. Elliot gives.
sultAnpur settlement report. 167
contrived to bring about the deathofBikrmajit, a brother of
Pyr&gprash&d, and thus in some measure avenged the death
of his father Arjun Singh.
342, At annexation the surviving brothers were for a
while reinstated; but, though Bhagwant Singh, son of Bikrma-
jit, did good service with Sir Hope Grant's force in the muti-
ny, the restitution of his estate to him on re-occupation be-
came impossible ; it was in the r&jah's possession at annex-
ation, on whom it was, therefore, necessarily bestowed in per-
petuity. The circumstances of the family, however, received
no little extra-judicial consideration ; and the rdjah at last
consented to make them a pecuniary allowance, on the under-
standing that they should cease for ever to prosecute their
claim to Kannti-Kasrawan. As they infringed this condition,
the r&jah declined to fulfil his part of the engagement, and
they then instituted a civil suit against him, the termination
of which was that they were declared to have forfeited all
claims arising out of the agreement on which they sued.
343. Gangoli was, like Kannti, one of the estates formed
««. « ^i u «*_ *> by the first known partition, which
The Bandhalgotfe of Oangoli. r , . ,. , , r i • , ,V
^ B almost immediately passed into the
possession of the present r&jah's ancestor. After the lapse
of some generations, it was given by Jai Singh, the head of
the family at the time, to his brother, Indra Singh, whose
descendants continued to hold it, (except from 1803 to 1810),
under independent engagement with the local authorities
until 1815. Lall Arjun Singh, son of R&jah Har Chand Singh,
then appropriated it. The current account of this transaction
is that it was given to him by his father as a chaur&si; but
this slurs over the important difficulty of the so-called donor's
want of control over it at the date of the alleged gift. When
Arjun Singh took it, moreover, it consisted not of eighty-four,
but ten ordinary villages ; its inadequacy for the support of a
rajah's brother remained to be rectified by several subsequent
accessions. The story of Arjun Singh's death has been already
told in connection with Kannu-Kasr&wan ; he left to his son,
Mddho Singh, the very respectable inheritance of one hun-
dred and one villages, acquired during a short period of twen-
ty-seven years. In 1842 R&jah M&dho Singh also succeeded
his cousin Bishesar Singh in Amethf ; and his two estates be-
coming thus blended together, the separate existence of Gan-
goli terminated.
168 SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPQRT.
344. Occupying almost the centre of the Amethl p&rga-
r«_ r> JL , i> *t>u* nah lies a cluster of villages, the prin-
cipal of whjch is Bihta. The ex-pro-
prietary residents style themselves Bandhalgotis, and their
claim to do so, in the present day, «tt least, is generally admit-
ted; but otherwise they are thorough Ishmaelites, debarred
from all social intercourse with the remainder of the clan. They
are, indeed, of all the Bandhalgotis the only ones who cannot
point to the name of their ancestor in the general pedigree.
As to their location in their present seats they talk vaguely
of a grant of land they received from the emperor Akbar ; or r
with more candour, admit that they know nothing whatever
about it. The q&ntingoes say they represent a very old
stratum of society, more ancient even than the Bhars, an
acme of antiquity which their namesakes leave unchallenged.
A tappah to which Bihta gives its name is unanimously re-
presented to be one of the oldest possessions of the r&jah's
family, and yet the residents claim to have held it in the yet
more remote past. From all these facts it would appear that
Ywith the single exception, perhaps, of the Bais of Udi&wan)
the Bandhalgotis of Bihta are the oldest proprietary body in
the parganah.
345. This goes a very little way, however, towards ex-
plaining who they are ; in the absence of all certain information
it is permissible to supplement with argument the few facts
we are acquainted with concerning them. In the first place,
they share with Slit S&h's descendants the name of Ban-
dhalgoti and yet are altogether unconnected with them. The
inference is that either the former or the latter are miscalled,
and that it is the former rather than the latter ; it is easy to
understand why after their subjection they should endeavour
to pass themselves off as kinsmen and equals of their conquer-
ors, who, on their side, had little inducement to identify
themselves with their defeated foes. But, if they be thus
deprived of the name they now bear, it became necessary to
furnish them with another, a not very simple task, perhaps,
and yet not altogether a hopeless one. It is, under any cir-
cumstances, a reasonable conjecture that their chief village
was founded by them, and that it received their tribal deno-
mination ; if the antiquity of their proprietorship be not
over-estimated, it is further pvobable that it was the centre
from which cultivation radiated, and gave its name to a larger
suwAnpue settlement report. 109
and larger tract, as the process of reclamation went on, until
it extended to the entire parganah. Conversely, then, some
clue to the now lost name of the tribe should be found in
that of the parganah and their chief village.
346. In their nresent state, Bihta and Amethi certainly
bear little resemblance to each other ; but this does not
show there has always been the same dissimilarity. In the
first place, it is an almost invariable rule that a parganah is
called after a village, and it should therefore be possible to
find the site, occupied or unoccupied, of a former village of
Amethi; but, unless my present speculation be correct, I
have searched for this in vain* I know of no grounds what-
ever for concluding that the Amethi of the maps marks the
spot where the old village was ; it simply denotes the present
head quarters of a tahsii. Again, the parganah is properly
speaking not Amethi, but Garh- Amethi ;* and this points
either to its containing two previously separate division* of
that kind, or to a similar conjunction of two of its constitu-
ent villages. In this instance, the latter seems the more pro*-
bable, as there is never known to have been a distinct par-
ganah of Garhd. A village of the name on the other hand
is readily found ; and that it is the particular one wanted is
rendered very likely by the fact that it contains "an old Bhar
" fort in a commanding position overlooking a lake," while
the existence of a brick fort in Garh- Amethi is expressly
mentioned by Abul Fazl.t The eponymous village still re-
mains to be discovered ; and in its absence Bihta appears to
he the most promising field of search ; firstly, because Ame-
thi being coupled with Garhd was presumably contiguous to
it or at least in its vicinity, and Bihta, though it does not now
adjoin Garhd, is within a very short distance of it, and, so far
as known, the intervening villages are of comparatively re-
cent creation ; secondly, because Bihta can boast an extreme
antiquity, and thirdly, because it is known to have been a
place of some importance, and the head quarters of a tappajbu
That Bihta itself is identical with the missing village need only
be doubted in consequence of the absence of nominal identity.
* It ia called so in the Ain-i-Akbari and also in documents of comparatively re-
cent date.
1 1 take this Garha to be one of the fif ty-two mentioned ia para. 250.
Y
170 SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT.
347. This brings me round again to the question whe-
ther that identity did not once exist. What leads ipe to
suggest this is that there are unmistakeable signs of both
names having deviated from earlier known forms. Bihta
alone is now the name of the village ; as that of a tappah it
is also pronounced Bishta ; there is the high authority of the
Ain-i-Akbari, on the other hand, for reading Ambahtf for
Amethf.* Thus we have Bihta and Ambahti, which differ
from each other only to an extent that may be explained by
the hypothesis, that, in the former, an elision of the initial
short syllable has taken place, a process by no means unpre-
cedented^ Again if in the one case, sh has become a simple h 3
the same may very possibly have happened in the other.
And if these changes be made the names of village and
parganah become respectively Ambishta and Ambashti.
348. The first deduction from these arguments is that
Bihta is neither more nor less than Amethi, the parent vil-
lage of the parganah; the second is that the pretended
Bandhalgotis of Bihta were originally Ambashtas, one of
the mixed classes enumerated in Manu's code.
It is somewhat opposed to this view that the Am-
bashtas are mentioned in the Vishnu Pur&na, and are
there said to belong to the north of India, t while atlases
give a tribe Ambautoe in the same region, jBut next to the
Ambashtas in the Vishnu Pur&na list come the Par&sikas,
and these belong to the north also. At the same time, Ge-
neral Cunningham says that the native name of the famous
Prasti of Palibothra is Pal&siya or Par&siya ; and he gives a
derivative form of the one Pal&saka, so that the correspond-
ing derivative of the other is evidently Par&saka.§
Now I do not mean to assert that these two tribes are
the same ; but I am, at least, warranted in saying that the
presence of a particular tribe in the north or west is no argu-
ment against the existence of its namesake on the east.
That the Ambashtas in the latter direction alone were re-
* Compare also the loss of the b in the word bamithd which is correctly
bambhi (Elliot's Supplemental Glossary, Bumeetha).
f Thus Arokhaj becomes Bokhaj (Ancient Geography page* 38). Compare the com*
mon English word press-gang, which is an abbreviation of impress-gang.
t Ancient Geography, page 8.
§ Ancient Geography, page 454.
sultInpur settlement report. 171
ferred to by Manu I do not say ; on the contrary, it is by
no means impossible that they were connected with each
other ; for, whatever may have been the case regarding the
Par&sakas, numerous instances might, I believe, be cited
of branches of the same tribe being found at a very early
period on opposite sides of India ; the Kambojas * of Cochin
may serve as an example.
349; The history has now been sketched of each divi-
sion of the Bandhalgotis as given in
The Bandhaigotfs; general or suggested by their own legends ; it
remar 8 ' remains to notice what is to be ascer-
tained concerning them from other sources. " Some twenty
"or more generations ago," says Mr. Carnegy in his
Notes, " there were two brothers in the service of the then
" chief of Hasanpur in the Sult&npur district. Their names
" were Kini\ P&nde and Chuchu P&nde. The first of these
" formed an alliance with an Ahiran, and from this union
"are descended all the Kanpurias. The other married a
" Dhark&rin in the r&jah's service, and from her are sprung
" all the Bandal, Badhil, or Banjhilgotis, including the great
" chief who is third in rank in the province The
" Bandhalgoti tribe on certain occasions still make offerings to
" the implement of their maternal ancestor, the b^nkd or knife
" used in splitting the bamboo. "
350. A comparison of this account with that given by
the Bandhalgotis themselves raises the question whether
they are of Stirajbansf extraction, and settled where they
now are after the conquest and expulsion of a horde
of Bhars ; or whether they are of hybrid descent and owe
the foundation of their fortunes to the service of their com-
mon ancestor with the R&jah of Hasanpur. A third origin
is assigned to them by Sir Henry Elliot, who says they are a
tribe- of R&jptits of Chauh&n descent : but I do not know
on what authority the statement rests, nor have I been able
to find anything in corroboration of it.
351. With regard to the theory which makes their
Kshattriya status of local development, the Bandhaigotfs free-
ly admit that one of their number was enlisted on the side of
* Calcutta Review, No. CII, page 306.
172 StTLTlNFtm SKTTLEMBNT REPORT.
thd R&j&h of Hasanpur in his dispute with the Baghels ; and
that in return for services then rendered a tract of land was
made over to him by the r&jah. Again, while they describe
their former home to have tJeen at Narwargarh, the town of
Hasanpur was until the time of Hasan Kh&n, i e. } just until the
synchronism in the annals of the Bandhalgotls and Bachgotis,
commonly known as Narwal. And further, whereas the Ban-
dhalgotls derive their name from Bandhu, there is contiguous
to Hasanpur, a village named Bandhua ; and a slight eminence
on the border of a tank between the two is still pointed out
as the site of the residence of the Bandhalgoti servant of the
r&jatu The story of the Dhark&rin alliance may seem to
find some support in one form of the clan appellation, for
Banjhilgotf is a very possible corruption of Banschilgoti, and
though the exact word Banschil does not exist, a very simi-
lar one, Batisphor shows that the bamboo splitting industry
furnishes the basis of a caste distinction.
$52. The reverse of the picture, however, is not quite
blank. Whatever the source of the Bandhalgoti traditions,
it is curious that in claiming kinship with the Jaipur family
they should hit upon, as the home of their ancestor, the
Very place it occupied before its removal to Jaipur ;* and the
strangeness of the coincidence is enhanced by the fact that
Sudah Rai's pilgrimage into Oudh agrees in date witht the
Cachwaha migration^ The imputed veneration of the b&nkd
or bamboo knife they explain away by a trifling modification
of the name of the instrument for,
Strange ! that such difference should be
'Twixt Tweedledum and Tweedledee !
by the elision of the final vowel, the knife of the bamboo-
cutter is transformed into the poniard of the warrior ! And
herein, whether consciously or unconsciously, they furnish
what is perhaps an indication of western connection ; for
the poniard, the professed object of their reverence, is the
symbol of Narwar,| the very State from which Sudah Rai is
represented to have come. With respect to the Hasanpur
grant, they assert that Dhar&mir was the recipient, and that
he was not the ancestor of the whole clan, but a younger
* Elphiastone, 4th Edition, page 213.
t Thornton's Gazetteer, 8. V. Jeypur.
t See list of symbols given in the second volume of Prinsep's Antiquities,
sultIkpur settlement report. 173
brother of the then chief, and founder only of a collateral
branch, viz. Tikri ; even he, too, they say was the ally and
not the servant of Rdjah Hasan KMn,
353. Respecting the alleged Pdnde paternity of the
Bandhalgotis, it may be noted that Bhusidwan, by some
pointed out as their first resting place in Amethi, is still
occupied by a Pdnde brotherhood ; and in Udidwan, one of
their very earliest acquisitions, tales are still extant of a
Pdnde proprietor, anterior to the Bais. The Ain-i-Akbari,
moreover, peoples parganah Garh- Amethi with Bahrnangotis,
no doubt identical with those now called Bandhalgotis.
354. This, however, is the third inference it has been
seen possible to draw from their chameleon-like patronymic ;
and each of them in some measure neutralises the others.
Regarding the termination " goti," also, the following points
are I think worthy of notice. It is commonly said
to signify the gote or gotra to which a tribe belongs. " Pro-
" perly those only are gotes" says Sir H. Elliot " which bear
u the name of some Rishi progenitor, as Sandilya, Bharad-
" waj, Bushisht (Vasishtha), Kasyapa ; but it has become the
" custom to call all sub-divisions of tribes, Gotes, and accord-
cc ing to the Nirnye Sindh, there are no less than ten thou-
u sand." Now so far as my information goes, notwithstanding
this vast number of gotes, two Rdjput tribes only, the Bach-
gotfs and Bandhalgotfs, have assumed them as their ordinary
designation ; and these, by some odd chance, have contrived
to settle not only in the same province, but also in immediate
juxtaposition. This may, of course, be pure accident ; it may
be something more.
355. In the quotation given in para. 349, a common
origin is assigned to the Bandhalgotis and Kanpurias.
This does not profess to follow the traditions of those con-
cerned, which make Chuchu, Chuch or Suchh, progenitor of
the Kanpurias and ignore Kinii altogether. The only circum-
stance bearing on the point that I can find is that Kdrih is
the eponymous hero of the Kanpuria clan, and Kdhan Deo
is the root of the genealogical tree of the Bandhalgotis. This
may either be an indication of their common descent or it
may have given rise to the story which asserts it. Again,
the name of the parganah the Bandhalgotis now occupy has
174 sultXnpur settlement report.
suggested some connection between them and the Amethias ;*
but all they have in common is that they both settled in
places called Amethi ; the one happened to pick up a new
name by doing so, the other did not. With respect to ma-
trimonial alliances, the Bandhalgotis give their daughters to
the Tilokchandi Bais, Rathors, Bhadaurias, and Bisens of
Manjhauli ; and take the daughters of Bachgotis (of the less
important houses), Durgbans, Bh&le-Sult&n, Raghbansi,
Bilkharya, Jadbansi, and Bisens of M&nikpur, while there is
reciprocity in this point between them and the Baghels,
Garhwdrs, Chauh&ns of Mainpuri and Ponw&rs.t
356. Regarding the localities in which Bandhalgotis
are found, Sir Henry Elliot particularizes Banoudha and
Bundelkhand, and says there are a few also in Haveli Gha-
zipur. The first are evidently those of Amethi; regarding
the others I have not been able to ascertain anything.^ The
Amethi people are under the impression that there are name-
sakes of theirs in the vicinity of Gupt&r Ghdt near Ayodhya,
but local enquiry proves them to be mistaken in this respect.
They are more correct in supposing that a Bandhalgoti colony
lies a little further north, near Mank&pur. A trustworthy
tradition ascribes their arrival in those parts to the commence-
ment of the 14th century A. d., and at one time they appear
to have enjoyed considerable importance ; but a Bisen has
occupied their gaddi for six generations, § and they now retain
few vestiges of their former greatness. As to their connec-
tion with this northern colony the Bandhalgotis of Amethi
make no positive statement ; they do not altogether disown it,
but on the other hand they do not universally admit that
it belongs to their fraternity ; some say it is an offshoot
of the house of Naraini ; others profess ignorance as to
its origin. Still further to the north, in the extreme
west of Nepal, is a peculiar dis-Hinddized and degraded tribe
called Bujhal Gharti ; their superstitions are %€ neither Bud-
" dist nor Brahminic, but yet tinctured with an early Brah-
"minism, which in its present state is either a rudiment of
" something that has to be developed or a fragment of some-
" thing that has fallen into decay."* If Mankripur was colo-
* Elliot's Supplemental Glossary. — Amethias.
+ This is what the Bandhalgotis say. I cannot vouch for its accuracy,
i The only books I have been able to consult are N. W. P. Census Report and Dr.
Oldham's Memoir of the Ghazipur district, which however should be amply sufficient.
§ I am indebted to Mr. W.C. Benett for this information.
sultAnpur settlement report. 175
nized from Amethf, there is something more than the resem-
blance of their name to Banjhilgoti to indicate that these
Bujhal Ghartis represent a continuation of the same northerly-
migration.
357. I have now given such information as I have been
able to collect regarding the history of the Bandhalgotfs. It
is sufficiently clear on all but the two material points of their
origin and antiquity. With respect to the latter, there is no
inherent improbability in their statement that they settled
in their present abodes as much as nine centuries ago. The
account which makes the clan of mean origin gives it an exist-
ence of more than twenty generations, so that their own
annals, which make the present r&jah twenty-sixth in descent
from the founder, may easily be credited. Now in private life
a generation may be calculated as equivalent to thirty -three
years,t so that Sudah Rai must have lived between eight and
nine hundred years ago. To apply another test, Dhar&mfr
lived in the reign of Shir Sh&h, so Sudah Rai, who is placed
just twice as far back in the pedigree, must have lived about
the beginning of the thirteenth century. About the same result,
also, is arrived at by following the legend which makes Rdj
Singh a contemporary of Tilok Chand ; if, indeed, it be not too
dangerous to trust to light derived from such a historical will-
o'-the wisjj as the Bais chieftain. Even according to the most
moderate calculation, therefore, it may be concluded that,
whether the Bandhalgotfs be of pure Stirajbansf origin, or a
spurious tribe, " Nawd Chattrfs," as they are sometimes called,
their settlement in the Amethf parganah must be referred to
at least as early a date as the immigration of any of the ac-
knowledged Kshattriya clans of the district. But as to their
origin I forbear to express a decided opinion, leaving it an
open question for those who choose to determine on the data
I have furnished. I can only say of them as has been said of
the Douglases that " we do not know them in the fountain,
" but in the stream; in the root, but in the stem ; for we know
" not which is the mean man that did rise above the vulgar."
The Kanpurias.
358. The history of the Kanpurias has been well and
The Kanpurias fully told by Mr. W. C. Benett c. s.
in his recently published "Family
History of the Chief Clans of the Koy Bareilly District," and it
* Latham's Ethnology, I. page 81.
t Prinsep's Antiquities, I. page 251.
176 suwJLnpur settlement report.
is therefore needless for me to undertake the narration of a
twice-told tale. I simply allude to the subject that it may
not be supposed I am altogether oblivious of the existence of a
clan which occupies four out of twelve of the parganahs of the
district to which this Report refers to say nothing of their
possessions elsewhere.
The Bais.
359. There is scarcely a parganah in this district in which
^^ at one period or another, a Bais colony
has not been established. In Simrota,
before it was overrun by the Kanpurias, they shared the pro-
prietorship with the Raghbansis ; in Ch&nda stories yet linger
of their having intervened between the Bhars and the Raj-
w&rs ; in Amethi, the Bais of Udidwan still retain some ves-
tiges of their former rights ; the Bais of G&ndeo are still the
most extensive proprietors in Inhonaand Subeha ; the Bh&le-
Sultdns of Isauli and Jagdfspur claim descent from the re-
doubtable Tilok Chand.
360. The Bais of Simrota claim to have received fifty-
The fid* of s* ta. ^ our v ^ a g es m *^ a * parganah in dowry
inuo with a Chauhdn bride, from Prithwi-
r&j of Delhi ; but, as the fortunes of the Kanpurias rose,
theirs declined ; and they are now reduced to the possession
of a couple of villages, though a few of them may also be
found scattered here and there in cultivation of lands they have
now ceased to own.
361. The Bais of Udi&wan profess to trace their des-
- D . . _.., cent from Tilok Chand ; but I have
The Bms of Udiawan. , , . • /» • . /»
searched in vain tor any point ot agree-
ment between their pedigree and that of the Bais of Bais-
wdri. Bijai Singh, their ancestor, they say, who lived when
the days of Bhar rule were drawing to a close, married a
Bachgoti girl of Asal ; and when taking her home to Bais-
w&rd broke his journey at Udi&wan, in the Amethf parganah,
then the head quarters of an estate of forty-two villages be-
longing to a Brahman, Lakhander, P&nde. Bijai Singh was
a favourite disciple of this Lakhander, who, being childless,
induced him by a promise of heirship to render has stay per-
manent. In due time he succeeded his Gamaliel, and, on his
sultInpur settlement report. 177
death, left his estate to his three sons, Son Singh, Bhdrat
Singh and Ratha Singh, by whom it was divided into three
parts (thokes), Son&ri, Bh&reta, and Tengha. How long
the dominion of the Bais continued over Udi&wan is uncer-
tain ; but it is now held by the Bandhalgotfs, and it is the
general belief, corroborated by the Ain-i-Akbari,* that it
was one of their very earliest conquests, effected many cen-
turies ago. The Rdjah of Amethf, indeed, denies that his
tribe was preceded by the Bais at all ; and says they were
settled in the parganah by one of his ancestors, from whom
they received a large j&ghlr for military service. They still
occupy many villages in the Udi&wan il&qa, but their pro-
prietary interest in it is now greatly circumscribed.
362. About four hundred years ago, a body of Bais, under
««. ,> . e r±i a the leadership of Bary&r S&h, set out
The Bais of Gandeo. r g ^ , ,_ *f, . , J , , I
from Gahu-Munj, (supposed to be some-
where in the Muzafarnagar district) in quest of a new home.
The greater part of northern India had by that time passed into
the hands of Kshattriyas, and the Bais wandered to the neigh-
bourhood of Inhona and Subeha, before they came to a place
which would satisfy the object of their expedition. Here in a
tract called G&ndeo, containing three hundred and sixty vil-
lages, they discovered an ignoble community of Bhars and
Dhobis still in the enjoyment of independence. The name, sup-
posed to mark the spot where the famous bow Gandiva was
dropped in his flight by one of the defeated heroes of the Great
War, suggested reflections full of interest to the Hindus,
and thus practical and sentimental considerations concurred
in prompting the adventurers to select this as their abode.
The reduction of the Bhars and Dhobis was speedily ac-
complished, and the victors have since been known as the
Bais of G&ndeo, G&reu, or Garhai. This commences and at
the same time almost ends their history ; for the only other
event in it worthy of notice is that, in the reign of Shir
Sh&h, Bh&rat Singh, great grandson of Ban&r S&h, em-
braced the Mahomedan faith, t
* That is to say, the Bais are not there mentioned as zemindars, and the Bandhalgotfe
are, which means that if the Bais had ever (as is usually believed) been independent zemin-
dars, they had already ceased to be so.
t Mr. Benett (Chief Clans of Roy Bareilly, page 24,) places this event in the reign of
Humaiun, which is much the same thing.
Z
178 sultInfur settlement report.
The Bharsaiyans.
363. This name is simply a corruption of the word
Th« Bhanaiyant. " BhainsauJian," or natives of Bhain-
saul, whence the clan derives it ori-
gin* While the Bais of G£ndeo were still at GahA-MAnj,
Jaipdl Singh, son of Jagat Singh, Ghauhdn, was chief of
Bhainsaul, in the Mainptirf parganah. He married a daugh-
ter of the Gahu-Mtinj family, and the issue of this marriage
was a son Karn Singh, who, with a band of followers, joined
the expedition of Ban&r Sdh. Shortly after the location of
the Bais colony in G&ndeo he married the daughter of one of
their chiefs, Tipu R&wat ; and, there being no sons to stand
in his way, succeeded to his father-in-law's estate, consisting
of forty-two villages. Karn Singh had two sons, R&o and
Kunwar ; of whom the former died childless and the
latter had two sons, BAz Singh and Jit Singh. Jit Singh
died without issue, and B&z Singh became Musulman, and
received the title of Kh&n-i-Azam Bhainsaulian. His con-
version is reputed to have taken place in the reign of Shir
Sh&h, and his descendants are manifestly the Chauhdn-i-
Nau-Muslim alluded to in the Ain-i-Akbari, as occupying the
Inhona parganah. Fatah Bah&dur Kh&n, a descendant of
B&z Singh, still possesses a t'aluka, Bhowa, consisting of
twenty-four villages.
The Mandarkyas.
364. The Mandarkyas describe themselves to be Som-
The Maadarkyaa. bansis, descendants of a chieftain Kishen
Chand, the founder of the town of
Kishni. "Mandala," they explain, in the Sanskrit language
signifies an area of sixty-four kos, or one hundred and twenty-
eight miles, and such was the extent of Kishen Chand's do-
mains. He was thence styled " Mandalak," or lord of a
Mandala, and his descendants Mandalakya, or, by contraction,
Mandarkya. But the word Mandala does not appear to pos-
sess the particular meaning here attributed to it ; it signifies
any region or country, and in that sense, is of not unfrequent
occurrence, as Kos4mbi- Mandala, Chola-Mandala and Garhd-
Mandala ; but by itself it is altogether meaningless.
365. I venture to offer another derivation of the name
which has at least the recommendation of simplicity. The
common pronunciation ot the name is Mararkya, but it has
just been seen that according to the people themselves the
sultXnpur settlement report, 179
first r is an instance of the common colloquial practice of sub-
stituting that letter for nd, and Mandarkyais the more correct
orthography. They imply also that kya is a terminal affix
only, and that the radical portion of the name is mandar. It
is true they make kya an accumulation of two simpler affixes
k and ya, but this difficulty is disposed of by the fact that
they do not always use this combination, as often calling
themselves Mandaraks as Mandar ky as.* NowM&ndarSdh
is the name of one of their ancestors, second only in import-
ance to Kishen Ghand himself, and this verbal coincidence
leads me to think that the Mandarkyas take their name
from their ancestor Mdndar Sdh, just as the Tilokchandi Bais
are called after their ancestor Tilok Chand.
366. The Mandarkyas are partly Musulman, and partly
Hindti, the conversion of the former being attributed to the
time of Shir Shdh. Their apostasy does not seem to have
bettered their worldly prospects, for none of them ever ac-
quired large estates. Hindus and Musulmans together they
now hold but four villages, and the family is in the last
stage of decay*
The BhIle-SultIns.
367. The Bh&le-Sultdns put the finishing-stroke, in
#™_ «.*, ,n this district, to the work of Kshattriya
The Bh£ta-8uU6n0. , . ,. ' , * TT ., %.
colonization commenced by Vikramadi-
tya. Between two and three hundred years ago, Kai Bardr,t
son of Amba Rai, brother of the then R&jah of Mordrmau,
commanded a troop of cavalry, recruited entirely from the
Bais clan, in the imperial service ; and was deputed to exter-
minate some troublesome Bhars, who, with a fort at G&jan-
pur, in the Isauli parganah. held the surrounding country
in subjection and grievously oppressed the inhabitants.
Having accomplished his task, he returned to Delhi, and
presented himself at the head of his troop before the
emperor,. who, struck with their martial bearing, exclaimed,
" Ao, Bh&le-Sultdn," Come spears of the Sult&n ! Such
a compliment from such a quarter could not be too highly
valued, and those to whom it was addressed permanently
adopted the surname thus jokingly bestowed upon them,
* According to the Hindis, moreover, the name of one of their clans Chalukya is
formed by the addition of the termination kya to Chain. (See Chronicles of Oonao, page 56).
t For a second account of Rai Amba and Rai Barar, (not unknown in this district),
S«e Chief dans of Roy Bareilly District, pages 22-3.
180 sultXxpur settlement report.
whence the present name of the clan. It is almost needless
to add that Had Bardr received a grant of the territory he
had liberated from the Bhars' oppressive rule.
368. Another story* runs that it was the link (bdri),
and not the lance (bhdld), that the first Bhdle-Sultdns so
dexterously wielded ; and that they received their Kshattri-
ya-hood from Tilok Chand, as a reward for the diligence with
which they performed their humble office in his service. A
third more matter of fact account says that they are probably
connected with the Balla, who are included in the Rdjcula,
and were thet lords of Bhal in Saurashtra. But this lays
the whole stress on the first factor of the name and leaves
the other, an equally perplexing one, altogether unexplained.
That it is a corruption there is little doubt. Tho Bhdle-
Sultdns are either not mentioned by Abul Fazl at all,
or they are the Bais Nau-Muslim of Sdtanpur. In either
case, the suspicion is raised that they did not take their
modern name until after the time of Akbar ; and if so, it
hardly bears the ring of imperial coinage. " From this
" time (1507 A. d.), says Babar, I ordered that I should be
" styled Pddshdh ;" and from him downwards, this and not
Sultdn, appears to have been the title affected by the Moghal
monarchs.
369. It is very probable that the Bhdle-Sultdns are the
Nau-Muslim Bais of Sdtanpur, for they now occupy that
locality, and Pdlhan Deo, great grandson of Rai Bardr, is
said to have been converted to Islamism in Shir Shdh's reign ;
and the only thing against this view is that the Gdndeo Bais
may have held territory thus far east ; and as they, too, had
a Musulman branch, they would then answer equally well to
the description given. Assuming the Bhdle-Sultdns to be
intended, we find them about three centuries ago between
the Bachgotfs on the east, and the Mandarkyas on the west,
and this agrees with their own traditions. The only discre-
pancy is that the one locates them in Isauli and the other in
Sdtanpur, which, possibly, means no more than that the
new convert's branch of the clan was the only one then of suffi-
cient importance to be taken notice of, and it is actually
represented to be the only one settled in the Sdtanpur par-
* Chronicles of Oonao, pages 68,62.
t Elliot's Supplemental Glossary, 8. v. Bliale-Sultan. I may add that in the
Ain-i-Akbari (Professor Blochmann's Text) a tribe Bhale is mentioned in the Hisampur
parganah in the Bahraich Sirkar.
sultInpub settlement report, 181
ganah. For Rai Bar&r is said to have had four sons, R&j,
Kunwar, Dudhich and Barm Deo ; the first of whom received
D&dra, Pind&ra and other villages, the second N&ra, the
third G&janpur, Haliapur and others, and the fourth, the
father of Pdlhan Deo, the estate of Jagdispur. It must be
borne in mind, however, that much of the territory here de-
scribed was not in theij possession at so early a period, and
had yet to be acquired. Regarding the details of their con-
flict with the Bachgotis nothing is known, and the conflict
itself even is forgotten, but the manifest result of it is that
the Bachgotis were forced back before the growing power of
their adversaries out of S&tanpur and Isauli into their
older settlements in Sultinpur. The subjugation of the
Mandarkyas, on the other hand, was reserved for Nih&l Kh&n,
a descendant of P&lhan Deo. Nih&l Kh&n is the greatest of
Bh&le-Sult&n names, and from the time of its owner dates
the existence of a r&j in the tribe. He succeeded to an
estate comprising the greater part of the Sitanpur parganah
about the year 1715 ; but even this being insufficient for his
ambition, he erected a strong fort, Nih&lgarh, on the out-
skirts of his chief village, and, thus obtaining a good base of
operations, began to plunder and annex the estates of his
neighbours. This profitable and exciting occupation he car-
ried on with great success for about thirty years, by the end
of which time he had become master of nearly all that had
hitherto been held by the Mandarkyas of Kishni. His
career was at length terminated in 1745 by a quarrel with his
cousin Maigal Kh&n, who had married the daughter of
Husain Kh&n, risilddr and j&ghird&r of Inhona. Maigal
Kh&n obtained assistance from his father-in-law and attacked
Nihil Kh&n in his fort. Nih&l Kh&n was slain and Maigal
KMn took possession of the Jagdispur estate. His tenure of
it was very, brief, however; in 1750, he fell under the displea-
sure of the tahsilddr Mirzd Latif Beg, who drove him out of
Nih&lgarh, and established his own head quarters in it. The
Bhdle-Sult&ns failed to recover it, and it has since been the
property of the crown. Maigal Kh&n was succeeded by
R&jah Arr6 Kh&n, who is principally remembered by land
grants which he apparently bestowed rather liberally. After
his death, his possessions were divided into several estates,
the owners of which did still less to distinguish themselves. .
370. The Bhdle-Sult&ns still hold the greater part of
the Isauli and Jagdispur parganahs, and two of their estates,
Mahona and Bhador, are sanad-t'alukas.
182
sultInpur settlement report.
Pedigree af the Bhdle-Sultdns.
Rai Barar.
I
Raj.
I
Martian
Barm Deo. Dudhich, Kunwar Singh,
Haliapnr, Gajanpur,
Sadipur &c.
Nari, parganah
Iaauli.
Rai
Dadra, parganah
Iaauk
Lohang Rai
Pindari, parganah
Iaauli.
Ragho Rai.
Thaurf Nanak,
parganah Jagdispur.
Nianhar.
PalhanDeo. (Nau-Mualim).
HatamKhan.
HigtarKhan.
KhairatKhin.
Munnn Khin.
Mobarik Elian.
Salem Khan.
Pahar Khan.
Deoganw.
Parwez Khan.
Mohabbat Khan.
Badeganw.
Lahras Khan.
I
Rustam Khan,
k
DariaKhan.
1
Sadi
.1
Arre* Khan. )
| Umar Khan.
Bfbi Narbi. |
| Nih&lpur, par*
Pir Ghulam ganah Aide-
Khan, mau.
Mueammafc
Zainab.
M'and&r, widow of
Wahid AH ofBar-
aanda, parganah
Jagdigpur.
Nihil Kliin
I
Jamshed Khan. Makhdum'Bakhah
Bar wand Khan.
i
Aehrafpur.
Fazal Ali Khin
Rijah AHBakhghKhin,
Mahona.
Khan.
tfnchganw-
parganah Jag
dispur.
MaigalKhin.
Salabat Khin.
Gujnion, par-
ganah Jagdfepui
sultAnpur settlement report. 183
CHAPTER III.
Settlement.
371. The formation of a settlement has been authorita-
t b'ect tively defined to consist of two dis-
Arrangemen o su j . tinct operations : the one Fiscal, the
determination of the Government demand ; the other Judi-
cial, the formation of the Record of Rights : the various steps
to be taken in the accomplishment of these objects being —
1. The Adjustment of Boundaries.
2. The Survey.
3. The Assessment.
4. The Record of Rights.
The arrangement here indicated is obviously the most proper
for me to follow in this portion of my report.
SECTION I. — Adjustment of boundaries.
372. The demarcation of boundaries having been carried
. out by a department specially consti-
^ e ^ **' tuted for the purpose, it would
be beyond my province to give any account of that
branch of operations. The results, however, require to be
briefly noticed, as they paved the way for, and were indeed
indispensable to, the farther prosecution of the work of settle-
ment. According to the Summary Settlement list, the dis-
trict consisted of 3,102 villages, but wherever it for any reason
seemed expedient at the time of demarcation two or more of
them were grouped together into one. Each newly formed
village was then encircled and separated from those contigu-
ous to it by a string of conical pillars erected, where the
boundary line was straight, at intervals of 110 yards, and,
where it was irregular, at every change in its direction. These
pillars were connected in cultivated land by the dividing
ridges of the fields which lay between them, and in waste by
a shallow indented line about the depth of an ordinary furrow.
They were ordinarily made of mud, but where any contro-
versy arose, they were constructed of solid masonry. With
water boundaries a different course was followed. Where a
184 sultInpur settlement report.
jhll or river separates two villages it is the custom for the
riverain owners to cultivate rice down to the water's edge as
far as they can plant it, each on his own side, and where a
jhll is such that it does not dry up until about the end of Feb-
ruary, each goes on planting " jethoa dh&n" till they meet in
the middle. All that was done, therefore, in such cases was
to draw a zigzag line backward and forward from one bank
to the other, and erect a row of pillars at its angles on either
side, so as to define the space subject to the custom described.*
Where three or more villages met, a square masonry platform
was erected on the point of common junction. For each of
the villages thus demarcated a sketch map was prepared,
together with an index explanatory of its lines and angles, and
a deed of agreement respecting, the boundaries fixed was then
taken from the various proprietors concerned.
373. The arrangement of parganahs was next considered.
_ . , , . Lists were drawn up of the villages
Parganah boundaries. ., . . r 1 ,1 • •■• °. ,
they were to comprise, and their limits
ipso facto determined by those of their outermost villages.
The parganahs then formed generally coincided in extent with
the divisions of the same name which had previously existed ;
but in some instances two of the old ones were thrown into
one, and in others the transfer of a few villages took place with
a view to compactness of arrangement.
SECTION II.— Survey.
374. For the ascertainment of the interior details of
a . ... each village the usual twofold survey
Survey twofold. ,^> - . ,.„ , ,,«'
was made : one the scientific, by the
Revenue Surveyor ; the other, the " khasrah," on the Panj£b
system, by the officials of the Settle-
Khasrah survey; inatru- ment Department. In the latter, none
mentsused. i j. xi. • l j. • j. j.
but the simplest instruments were
used ; distances were calculated by means of the chain (27^
Unit f ent English yards), and the measuring
o measuremen . ^^ ^ ^^ ^ inches). The standard
land measure adopted was the Shahjeh&nf bigah, which,
being exactly five-eigths of an English acre, admits of easy
comparison with that measure, and has also the advantage,
* The same course was at first pursued by the Revenue Surveyor, but he subse-
quently revised his maps, and substituted a dot-and-stroke line in mid-stream.
sultXnpur settlement report. 185
peculiar to itself, that the number of yards of which it con-
sists is an exact square. It contains 3,025 English or 3,600
Il&hi yards (of 33 inches) ; and its side is 55 English or 60
Ilihi yards. The measuring chain was therefore exactly half
that side.*
375. This survey, with the exception of the actual
, , . . manual labor of carrying the chain,
Preparation of shajrah and -i«t_ n> j t • il «
khasrak which was performed by mirdnas,
was made in the first instance by
amins, who were furnished with a plane-table and other ap-
pliances necessary for the construction on the spot of a field
map or shajrah and the corresponding register or khasrah.
With a view to ensuring the accuracy of the total area surveyed,
they were first required to prepare a satisfactory outline-map ;
every portion of the boundary shown in it had to undergo the
test of comparison with the corresponding line in the map of
the adjacent village, and its production was made a sine qud non
for the commencement of interior measurements. The amins
were theoretically supposed to be at the time of their ap-
pointment "thoroughly versed" in the system of measurement
they were to apply ; practically it was found that, although
a certain number could be collected from districts where they
had had an opportunity of gaining experience, they were not,
as a whole, an efficient set, and here accordingly, as elsewhere
in the southern portion of the province, some time was lost
_ .. .. . , . , in their tuition. Their work was su-
Purincation of shajrah.. ., , . . t - , ,
pervised during its progress, and checked
and examined after its completion, by munsarims (some of
whom had at first like the amins to be instructed), and
again counter-checked by either the sadr munsarim or
his n&ib. Every village was ultimately visited by the
Settlement Officer or his Assistant, when various practical
tests were made of the accuracy of the survey and the
records immediately based upon it. A flag-staff, for in-
stance, was planted in some conspicuous place about the
* The standard bigah has also the recommendation of agreeing pretty closely with a
measure previously far from unknown. In nearly every village two measures are in
common use ; the kacha or dehf, varying from Bis. 8 (standard) in some villages in
Ch&nda to Bis. 10& in Amethi, and the pakka, invariably double the kacha. It will thus
be seen that the Shahjeham and pakka bigah are nearly equal, and it is quite possible
that the one owes its origin to the other. The kacha bigah may almost be said to be a
colloquial mode of reckoning ; for in formal written transactions the pakka bigah is not
uncommonly employed. It may be worth noting, as a coincidence, that the Shahjeham
bigah is exactly equal to the old Roman " juger" (Hallam's Middle Ages, I. 160).
2a
186 StLfAKPtJIt SETTLEMENT ItEPOKT.
centre of the village, and its bearings were then taken by
means of the plane-table from several successive 'ch&ndahs'
or surveyors' stations, as also of those stations from each
other. This served to bring to light any error in the village
circuit, the measurement with the chain along the ground
of the distance from any of the stations to the flag-staff and
of the same line with the scale upon the map, showed the
general character of the interior survey, which was also more
minutely tested by the separate measurement of the various
fields lying within that space.
376. The same opportunity was also taken for the exa-
xr -n x. -Ai-i. x. mination of the entries in the khas-
Venncation orkhasran. 11. i n 1 -.• n.i
ran, both those descriptive of the
shajrah and those which furnished additional information.
The names of proprietor and cultivator were obtained from
the villagers ; the quality of the soil, and of the waste land,
and the nature of the crop on the ground were open to ocular
observation. Irrigation data alone present any serious
difficulty, and some ingenuity was occasionally necessary to
discover whether a field was correctly entered as irrigated or
not ; for proprietors were fully alive to the fact that the record
of scanty irrigation would ensure a more moderate assessment;
and, as it is just about the species and level of foresight to
which the rustic mind is capable of rising to mislead the
assessing officer with Such an object, they not unfrequently
put themselves to great trouble to fill up wells, and obliterate
the water-courses leading from them. These artifices were,
perhaps> sometimes successful; but tell-tale circumstances
were often to be found, e. g., the presence on the ground of
crops for which irrigation was absolutely necessary, or of marks
of the formation of the small plots into which irrigated fields
are subdivided.
377. The khasrah survey operations commenced in
Coat of khasrah surve February 1863, and were brought to
ey# an end in March 1866, the field estab-
lishment having been at work throughout each year with
the exception of the rainy season. The total cost amounted
to Us. 62,791-2-2, which gives a rate of Us. 62-7-10 per
1,000 acres.
StfLTiNPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT.
187
378, The professional survey was made during the
years 1862, 1863 and 1864 ; and from
cien c urvey. time to time as it progressed maps
were furnished by the Surveyor, showing the detailed vil-
lage areas as determined by him. On receipt of them, they
were compared in every particular by means of proportional
compasses with the independently prepared shajrahs, and,
where differences became manifest, they were reconciled by
enquiry on the spot. This proved effective in some cases
for the detection of inaccuracies in the amfn's records.
379. The result of the two. sur-
«ro°^Ss nofresult80f ^ ve y s M finall 7 accepted are thus
shown : —
two surveys.
Survey.
Total area.
Cultivation.
Revenue, ...
Khasrah, «•• -.. ...
10,07,324
10,05,205
5,25,434
5,06,646
That they do not exactly tally, even as to total areas,
admits of easy explanation ; there are many circumstances
e. g. 9 the broken and undulating surface of land bordering on
the river Gtimti and on ravines, and the difficulty of measur-
ing with perfect accuracy the dimensions of large sheets of
deep water, which stand on the way of a perfect field survey,
which present no obstacle where scientific assistance is avail-
able. At the same time the difference in total areas is small,
being about two per mille, or well within the margin (5 per
<5ent.) allowed in this respect.
380. If details be analysed, more marked discrepancies
are perceptible ; but here, as a rule, greater reliability may be
.claimed for the khasrah survev. Tins, with respect to culti-
vation, renders an account oi each separate field, whereas the
revenue survey, which deals with blocks only, now and then
omits to take cognizance of uncultivated patches in the centre
of a large area of cultivation, and consequently makes too large
an entry under the latter head. Here and there again grass-
188 sultXnpur settlement befort.
covered plains have been treated by the revenue survey as
cultivated, because, perhaps, the grass has to be periodically
replaced. The same thing happens, too, with regard to very
poor soil, on which fodder for cattle only is occasionally grown,
which for assessment purposes, is more properly defined as
culturable. The average variation between the two returns
in respect of cultivated area is under 3 per cent., the greatest
being as might be expected in the riparian parganahs. That
the respective entries regarding culturable and barren do not
coincide more closely is sufficiently explained by the absence
of common rules for the two survey departments to guide them
in their estimates of what should be so classified.
SECTION III.— Assessment.
381. The results of survey are in great measure the data
„ 1x . . x , for assessment, and offer* therefore, the
Results of survey data lor » . ... ,. * , . ' .
assessment. means of transition from one subject to
the other.
382. In point of fertility, as judged by breadth of culti-
„ ■ . . . vation (though not perhaps productive
Comparison of local with .. ^ , ft * . \ r ..
provincial data. capacity) both present and prospective,
Sult&npur must be content to take a
low place among the districts of Oudh. If the local and pro-
vincial averages be placed in juxtaposition, it will be observed
that, in both of the above respects, the former falls apprecia-
bly below the latter.*
In gauging the agricultural capabilities of the district
other points must, no doubt, be attended to. Its markedly
large proportion of groves, themselves capable of being brought
under the plough, and its jhils, which contribute to the pro-
ductive power of lands in their vicinity, must be thrown into
the scale ; but there is still a residuum of impracticable barren
soil more than 50 per cent in excess of the general average.
383. "What is thus said of the whole district requires
. . , x . modification with respect to some of its
Comparison of parganah with ... . ± a i i ••% -i
district data. constituent parganahs. A detailed
examination of each would be super-
fluous; full particulars are given in the prescribed tabulated
statement; an instance or two will not be out of place to show
* See page 189.
sultInpur settlement report.
189
g
5
£
■g^jrarao'jj;
Tiaanrg;
TJ'b.M
■Bt[1Bd
pint epilog
l e^qi9 aS^lHA
*p3BS3BS«n£][
'possasBy
-Q1&B& eiqumqjnQ
*HOT^BA]lpD
"B3JDU ttl UWW P^°X
■^iin anmbs aod uot^tidoj
-B9[im anjnbs m ^suy
-BqBziiiiK J<> raq™*^
O
3
00
or
ITS
6
o
CO
1—1
CO
OS
JO
as
O
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Ci
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f
H
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3
190 sultInpub settlement report.
the range of variation. In Chanda and Isauli cultivation is
as high as 56 and 60 per cent, respectively. Inhona, though
now least cultivated, offers scope for the reclamation of waste
to the amount of 23, and Asal to as much as 29 per cent. ;
groves are most numerous in the west, but not a smgle par-
ganah, Ch&nda perhaps, excepted, is badly off in this regard.
The parganahs which lie on the western and southern boundaries
of the district are conspicuous by forming a broad belt within
which lies a majority of its tanks and jhfls, and it is a curious
fact that three of these parganahs are prin- \ Simrota.
cipally instrumental in raising the district > Rokhd- Jais.
percentage of ' barren ' so high. It would ) Mohanganj.
almost seem, and the appearance of the country bears out the
idea that the tanks by means ot their in-flowing waters rob the
wide surface by the drainage of which they are fed of all its ele-
ments of fertility to concentrate and return them to a small
and favoured tract on their immediate margin.
384. Much the same sorts of soil are to be found every-
Sriis. Chemical cUaaifioa- where; a classification based on their
4io »- chemical composition, into mattyar,
domat and bhur is widely and familiarly known, and has been
adopted in the khasrah entries. " Clay and sand," says a writer
on English agriculture,* " are the two chief ingredients in cul-
41 tivated grounds, and according to the proportion one element
gt bears to another, they are called argillaceous, loamy and
*' sandy." The same distinction lies at the root of the native
classification, so that the two sets of designations are synony-
mous ; the composition and quality of the one set is shown by
the remarks of the writer just quoted regarding the other.
Clay enters into all good lands; in fertile soils from nine to
fifteen per cent., and in barren soils from twenty to forty per
cent. Loams are generally understood to consist of clay, sili-
ceous sand, and carbonate of lime. Clay consists most gene-
rally of 30 per cent, of argil and 70 per cent, of fine sand ; loam
of the best kind contains an excess of sand amounting to 17 per
cent., i. e., it is composed of 87 per cent, of sand and 13 per
cent, of argil ; if the excess of sand be greater, it will form
what is called a sandy loam; — if smaller, a clayey loam.
Sandy soils extend upward from where barren sand merges
into a soil to where the most sandy loam commences.
* Donaldson's Agriculture, page 31.
sultInpur settlement report. 191
385. A sandy soil is, as might be conjectured, held in least
m .,., , ., esteem. If most easily and cheaply
Relative fertdxty of soda. cultivated> ft ^ the ^ productive.
Not only so, but where the sandy stratum is of any depth
it interferes with the construction of any but masonry-lined
wells. Of the other two, domat is generally preferred to
mattyar, of even the best quality. Tins is best understood by
examination of the nature of clay the characteristic consti-
tuent of mattyar. The cultivable quality of clay depends
on two properties : the strong affinity of its base alumina for
water, and its contraction under the influence of heat. A su-
perabundance of it constitutes a soil too wet and cold for ve-
getable life, while excess of heat rapidly contracts and har-
dens it into a condition very injurious to the growth of plants.*
386. There are not, I believe, in this district any soils so
clayey as to be unmanageable by reason of excessive moisture,
unless they are actually submerged ; it is their tendency to
dry up and split which requires to be counteracted. Again
clayey soils are stifl and stubborn and their cultivation de-
mands much power and labour. The two great requisites, then,
for the successful cultivation of clayey soils (as here found)
are irrigation and exertion, and neither of these is to be ob-
tained at all events without expense or personal discomfort.
For domat, on the other hand, irrigation is less indispensable,
and its cultivation involves much less trouble.
387. Any preference there may be, then, for'domat over
mattyar is directly traceable to indolence or poverty. I much
doubt, however, whether there is really any greater preference
than there is for mud huts in comparison with brick houses.
It is an unquestionable fact that the former are more com-
monly built; but, except perhaps in the single instance of
Bhfile-Sult&ns, this proceeds I imagine not from deliberate
choice, but rather from the want of it. Non cuivis homini.
In both instances, the same material has to be manipulated ;
in both the prevalent practice and there is nothing surpris-
ing in it is to use it in that form which requires least
trouble and outlay.
* Donaldson's Agriculture.
192 sultAnpur settlement report.
388. As to the comparative productiveness of the two
soils under circumstances most favorable to them both, i. e.,
let them both be ploughed, manured and irrigated to the ex-
tent experience shows advisable, I entertain little doubt that
mattyar would yield much more than domat. It should be
especially suitable for sugar-cane and other constantly irrigated
crops, as its proneness to cake and crack would be thereby
obviated. Facts may seem primd facie to be against this
theory : sugar-cane is least found where the soil is most argil-
laceous. In the extreme west of the district it is scarcely
found at all, and the explanation, offered is that the soil is too
stiff; but this probably means only that it is so for the limited
irrigation and simple agricultural skill and implements that can
be brought to bear upon it.
389. Of mattyar, and of that alone is any sub-classifica-
'...*.. * ., tion taken cognizance of by the vil-
Sub-classification of soils. ■* . u° • , x i_ i_-xi_ x
lage agriculturist. I have hitherto
alluded to that of the first quality ; the other sorts are poor
and lack some of the essentials of fertility inherent in the
best, or are vitiated by some mineral or other taint. Thus
bijar and kanjdr, the names of which are usually supposed to
be corruptions of be-zor and kam-zor, both words with a dispa-
raging signification, do not repay cultivation except in the
rainy season, when they are moistened and rendered ductile
without expense ; they are then used for rice crops. Kapsahd,
or kdbis, again is a poor species of mattyar ;* it is streaked
with distinctive veins of a dirty reddish yellow colour, ap-
parently connected with its inferiority as a soil. They may
not improbably be ascribed to the presence of iron in some
form, and if so its valuelessness is accounted for. The ferru-
ginous quality is liable to be heated by the sun, while rains
batter the soil into hard cakes, with serious injury to vegeta-
tion.t These objections would appear to be partly open to
counteraction by the use of leafy vetches which have in them-
selves the means of breaking the power of both the sun's rays
and rain showers before they strike the ground.
390. Tikar or Hkar is mixed up with nodules of kankar,
and, with lime substituted for iron, is somewhat similar to
kapsahd.
* It is also found, though less commonly, in domat.
t Donaldson's Agriculture, page 127.
SULTXnPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 193
391. Lands, like soils, have their classification, their
~ .- .. .. . situation being made the ground of dis-
Classification of lands. .• ,. a j« i ±% • i , •
tinctaon. According to their relative
altitude they are liparhdr or bdngar, and khaldr or khddir;
according to their distance from the village they are goind,
majhdr, pdM. Uparhir shows itself to be a compound of
iipar, above and hdr, a tract, and signifies " uplands," as also
does bdngar ; Ichal&r and khddir have the converse meaning
of lowlands. Goind is an ordinary word for a suburb, and
hence imports inlying fields ; pdlii, derived from palld, border,
margin, denotes outlying fields, and majhdr, retaining its usual
meaning of middle or centre, is applied to lands intermediate
between goind and pdlti.
392. The Scotch have two expressions* in-field and
out-field, which at first sight seem to answer exactly to goind
and pdld ; out-field, indeed, is outlying land, but this does not
convey its full meaning ; it is the name given to land only
occasionally under the plough, which any tenant may take up
and cultivate without leave and license, while in-field is land
regularly cultivated. This leads to the mention of yet another
native mode of classifying lands, which a similar idea seems to
underlie, viz., hauli and/arc£a. For kauli, in practice applied
to land of superior quality and so always under cultivation, in
its primitive sense implies land held according to specified
agreement, while far da is used as its ordinary converse ; and it
is no uncommon thing for a tenant to take up, without the
formal permission of his landlord, any patch of inferior or
unbroken land, which may remain unlet at the commence-
ment of the agricultural year.t
393. Groves and waste land combine to occupy a consi-
, derable portion of the district. Groves
Groves and waste. , r , , _ , ~ , i_
alone amount to 9 per cent, ot the
total area. Their presence of itself proclaims the fertility of
the soil they stand in. But the waste land is for the most
part as inferior in quality as it is abundant in quantity. All
the large culturable tracts were demarcated as separate vil-
lages and made the subject of grants shortly after re-occupa-
tion, the principal being Kulwa in parganah Subeha,- Jungle
R&mnagar in parganah Amethi, Grant Ktirw&r in parganah
Sult&npur, and jungle Parstiiya in Asal. In former times,
* Sir W. Scott's Monastery.
f The rent is in such cases fixed by custom at half produce.
2b
194 sultAnpur settlement ueport.
these jungles were required for defence and refuge, and had
they not been, superstition would have offered a bar more or
less effectual to their clearance : those who were rash enough
to undertake the task they had were taught to dread the wrath
of the sylvan deity whose solitude they profaned, and so do the
credulous yet account for the sickness that frequently attacks
newly cleared localities. But in these latter days, supersti-
tion is at a much lower ebb than it used to be, and by the
time settlement commenced, the work of reclamation had
made considerable progress in the better kinds of land.
394. Waste lands other than the above consist partly
of tree and bush-grown jungle, and partly of bare tisar plains.
The former comprises little more than the common pasture-
lands of villages, and such small plots of jungle in the en-
virons of the residences of t'alukd&rs as still remain, for in
many such places, notably Bhadaiyan and Hasanpur, the axe
and the hoe went busily to work almost immediately after the
introduction of British rule. In Hasanpur alone, more than
a thousand acres began to be cleared between annexation and
the mutiny. TTsar plains form a large portion of the waste
land and many of them are coated with a saline efflorescence,
called 'reh/ which marks the most unmanageable soil the agri-
culturist has to deal with. That they are absolutely barren
maybe doubted, but their reclamation cannot be effected
without considerable expense, which in the present condition
of the people is tantamount to the same thing.
395. Irrigation takes place from two sources, wells and
, . ^ tanks, understanding by the latter,
Irrigation; sources. "iaijj i j ii ±
jhils and dams also, and all construc-
tions of a similar kind, natural and artificial for the storage of
water. Rain-streams are now and then, but very seldom used
for this purpose, and the Gdmti never : the land on its right
bank usually lies at too great an elevation above its surface, and
where " intervals" occur, wells require to be of such a slight
depth that it is more profitable to sink them than bring water
from the river. In such places, indeed, artificial irrigation is
sometimes considered unnecessary ; the land is, as in Egypt,
rendered sufficiently moist by the overflow of the river, or the
paradisaical system alone suffices, and heavy dews are depend-
ed on to water the face of the ground.
sultInpur settlement report. 195
The water-supply is copious. Tanks cover 8 per cent, of
j the total area, a high average even for
aer-suppy. Oudh, and irrigate 203,463 acres.
Where they are wanting, water is found at a mean depth of
from 20 to 35 feet below the surface, and the survey shows
the existence of 31,313 wells, which serve for 190,964 acres.
The total area irrigated therefore amounts to 394,427 acres
or 78 per cent, of that under cultivation,
396. Of wells there are four or five varieties, but the
w „ chief distinction usually made is be-
tween brick-lined^ and unbricked or
pakka and kacha.
397. Pakka wells differ greatly in size and substanti-
ality, according to the means of the persons who sink them, and
the ends they are required to serve. When well-built, they
last for centuries ; many may yet be seen which tradition com-
monly if not accurately attributes to Bhar masons. Those of
the best kind are now built with bricks of the ordinary size
and quality, and where intended solely for agricultural purposes,
are of moderate dimensions, about 4 to 6 feet in diameter, and
where the water stratum is not very far below the surface,
cost from Rs. 300 to 600. An inferior description of well
is much in favor with the poorer classes, to whom its cheap-
ness recommends it ; it is made with large curved bricks, the in-
terstices being filled with mud as a substitute for cement. It
is open to the objection that the bricks are liable to tumble
out, and that, owing to their size, the displacement of one of
them, as an immediate effect, disturbs several of the adjacent
ones, and thus leads to the speedy collapse of the entire struc-
ture.
398. Kacha wells, in their simplest form, are complete-
ly unsteened, and consist of a simple shaft sunk from the sur-
face to the water-level ; but, where the subsoil is sandy, they
are faced with broad hoops of matted rusa, to prevent the
sand from shifting. The cost and durability of these wells vary
very considerably, the more so that it commonly happens that,
where the soil is soft, the water is near the surface ; and, where
the soil is more firm, and so more difficult to dig, it is necessary
to penetrate to a greater depth before water is obtainable. In
the former case, kacha wells can sometimes be sunk for as little
196 sultXnpur settlement report.
as Rs. 2 or 3, bat they then seldom last more than a year or
two ; in the latter, they cost more, sometimes nearly as much
as pakka wells, of which they then in great measure have the
durability.
399. It might be expected that, where a kacha well once
falls in, the experiment would not be repeated in the same spot,
and yet it is very common to come across five or six shapeless
pits in close contiguity, the sites of so many former wells.
This is, I think, due to two causes ; one of them is that kacha
wells are often the work of cultivators, who, even when mere
tenants-at-will, have a great disinclination to change their hold-
ings, and so have to make the best they can of their situation ;
the other is that the wells, though lasting for a very short
time, are found to have an unusually plentiful supply of water ;
for all spots are not by means alike in this respect, and the
greatest difference sometimes exists between places but a few
feet apart. " There is a river in the ocean" says Maury,* and
its waters evince a decided " reluctance, so to speak, to mingle
" with the common water of the sea;" nor is it altogether homo-
geneous in itself ; it has " threads of warmer separated by streaks
" of cooler water." Maury again describes a system of oceanic
circulation by means of currents, " the channels through which
" the waters circulate, and the harmonies of old ocean are pre-
" served." Similar phenomena may probably be found in sub-
terranean waters, and the copiousness of a well be traceable,
where there is no spring to feed it,t to its intersecting some
such stream or current, or in some cases to the still more lucky
accident of its having struck the confluence of two or more
opposite ones.
400. Tanks are sometimes faced with solid masonry,
but these are few and far between,
and are oftener than not memorial
monuments in their original purpose. Tanks intended for irri-
gation are simple excavations of the ground to the depth of a
few feet and even these are comparatively rare. The dam
(b&ndh) is the usual mode of constructing a reservoir, being
* Maury's Physical Geography of the Sea, page 1, 47,149.
t Natural springs, which in former times were abundant throughout Oudh, and
which are still very numerous in Sarwar, the country beyond the Deoha, are now very
rarely seen on the south-west side of that river.— Dr. Butter's Southern Oudh, 15.
sultInpur settlement report. 197
recommended by its economy and simplicity: advantage is
taken of a natural slope, across which it is thrown to intercept
the flow of water.
401. In tank irrigation water is raised by means of the
. , , . M . . .. ordinary shallow basket, (beri); a small
Mode.of irrigation. • j x !• -l • ± • ± j./ 1 i
" indentation being cut into the bank
forms a small bay, on either side of which a man stands,
and raises and lowers the basket by means of cords attached
to its sides. Sometimes two baskets are thus worked, one im-
mediately behind the other, but this is poor economy of labor,
as it is estimated that the second raises only half as much
water as the first. This process has sometimes to be repeated
two or three times, where the field to be irrigated is much
above the level of the tank* The exertion involved is very
great ; twenty minutes at a stretch is thought sufficient for the
same set of men.
402. For raising water from wells, one method only is
practised.* " This is very troublesome and filthy besides. On
" the brink of a well they fix in strongly two forked pieces of
"wood, and between their prongs insert a roller. They
"then fasten a great water bucket to the long ropes, which
" they bring over the roller; one end of their rope they tie to the
" bullock, and while one man drives the bullock, another is
" employed to pour the water out of the bucket when it reaches
"the top of the well. Every time that the bullock raises it
*' from the well, as it is let down again, the rope slides along
" the bullock course, is defiled with urine and dung, and in this
u filthy condition falls into the well." Sanitarists will be
gratified to know that the filthiness here complained of is
sometimes obviated by bullocks being dispensed with, and the
bucket rope worked by men and women.
The denkhll, or pot-and-lever system, so common in
some parts is little in vogue here; its use is restricted to a
few villages, and even in them to the irrigation of hot weather
rice, and to places where water is very near the surface.
403. From the place of supply to the place of irrigation
water is conveyed in channels of greater or less depth and
breadth, dug in the ground or in the tops of the ridges which
• Btoart Memoirs, page 314.
198 sultXnpur settlement report.
divide cultivated fields. The simplicity of this style of thing
is perhaps one of the points looked upon with contempt by Fer-
gusson.* Lauding the Turanians, he states that artificial irri-
gation was one of the special instincts of this old people, and that
the "practical intellect" of the higher (Aryan and Semitic) races
seems hardly yet to have come up to the point where those arts
were left by the Turanians; irrigation works were instinctively
performed by a Moghal. The Moghal, however, combined with
the ability to construct them, the sense to perceive where the
necessity existed for them. Accordingly thus speaks one of
that race. " Though Hindostan has so many provinces, none
" of them has any artificial canals for irrigation. It is watered
" only by rivers, though in some places too there is stand-
" ing water. Even in those cities which are so situated as to
" admit of digging a water-course, and thereby bringing water
" into them, yet no water has been brought in. There may be
" several reasons for this. One of them is that water is not
" absolutely requisite for the crops and gardens." Here, then,
is no mean authority for the conclusion that the absence of
aqueducts and conduits in greater number or on a more mag-
nificent scale arises, not from the ignorance, but from the
exercise of the " practical intellect of the higher races."
404. Brought to the field where it is required for use,
the water has still to be equally distributed among the small
component beds or plots. This provides separate employ-
ment for one man. Thus for well irrigation, where bullocks
are used, three men are necessary : where bullocks are dispens-
ed with this number is increased three or fourfold. In tank
irrigation, three or at most five men are sufficientt, and no
bullocks are wanted. The labourers are usually paid in food-
grain, and there is something amusing in the way it is often
given. A day's pay is \\ panseri, but the recipient does not
obtain it all at once ; it is doled out to him at judiciously fixed
times as if to sustain his strength (as was sometimes done for-
merly under the infliction of torture) and make him work the
better.
* Fergusson's History of Modern Architecture, page 507.
t That is, for one lift ; where there are more, ox course an extra number of hands
is required.
sultInpur settlement report. 199
405. With bullocks, from five to eight standard biswahs
Area irrigated in a day. * th °^ ht a g^° d dea J t0 . ™^t* in a
day from wells : exclusively human
labour will accomplish as much as ten biswahs. From tanks,
less than two standard bigaha is not thought a satisfactory
result.
406. It will thus be seen that well irrigation is at once
^ m s „ . . more expensive and less expeditious
Preference for well irriga- ,, ,, { - , ■* ., r 1 , ,
tion. than that from tanks ; it would also
. appear that well water should contain
less matter conducive to the nourishment of plants than that
from tanks ; and yet the former is usually preferred. * For
this apparent anomaly various reasons have been assigned.
One is that the more slowly water is supplied, the • more it
sinks in and benefits the crop :t a second is that well irrigation
is less uncertain, being less dependent on the annual rain-fall :
a third J is that well water, rising from springs deep in the earth,
retains in solution the salts it collects there, and these help to
strengthen and invigorate the soil ; the principal one, I believe,
(and the opinion is borne out by the enquiries I have made)
is that the temperature of well-water is more equable. Irri-
gation is almost entirely restricted to the coldest months of
the year, and work then commences before dawn, so that much
of the water a field receives is poured into it when the thermo-
meter is not much above freezing point. The first water,
moreover, is given when the plants are very young, and is
consequently liable, if too cold, to chill them and so do them
considerable harm. This danger is much diminished by the
comparative warmth of well-water.
407. The number of waters required differs with the
-- . . . . , crop. Flax is unirrigated, gram almost
Number of waters required. * •. , , •■ 9 ° • • , i
so : wheat and barley are irrigated
twice in some places, and this is traditionally sufficient, but in
others a third water is ordinarily given. Where the supply
is so scarce that more than two waterings are not usually
possible, all-powerful custom perhaps prevents more even when
an opportunity occurs. With sugar-cane the rule is that the
soil must be kept sufficiently moist through the hot weather,
and this necessitates irrigation every fifteen or twenty days.
* Mr. Carnegy in his (printed) Settlement Report for 1863-64 notices that the same
is the case in Faizabad.
t Revenue Reporter, Volume III, No. IV, 1869.
$ Oonao Report, para. 47.
200 SULTJLbTPUB SETTLEMIHT RXPOBT.
408. Jhfls and frequently tanks are considered natural
Can*mc*» of well, haw ^Outages of the locsdity in which
to dne to expenditure of cap. tney lie, and so for, at least, their pre-
tai by landholders? sence does not suggest a light assess-
ment of the fields they irrigate. With regard to brick wells,
however, it is held that the indiscriminate imposition of full
rates involves the danger of levying a tax on capital And so,
no doubt, it does. But at the same time, some little caution
is necessary in the application of this theory. It is well known
that the construction of a vast number of fine wells is to be as-
cribed to private munificence or the desire of the maker to per-
petuate his name in the annals of his village.* Such a person
is sometimes assisted by the proprietor with wood for fuel, tor in
other ways, but not necessarily so by any means. He some-
times bears the entire expense himsel£ If he be not a cultiva-
tor, he reaps no benefit whatever from his work, beyond the
" luxury of doing good." If he be, he certainly obtains a some-
what more substantial reward, but even then he does not appro-
priate all the profit arising from his outlay. He is entitled
simply to first water, i. e. to irrigate his own fields first ; the
surplus all goes to other tenants, and neither they, who thus
obtain a better crop, nor the zemindar to whom they pay a
higher rent than they otherwise would, has ever expended a
single pice of capital.
409. It is clear, therefore, that the existence of masonry
wells is not per se a sufficient reason for any abatement of
the fair revenue demand ; it is first necessary to be satisfied
that they are the work of the proprietors themselves. Where
they are so, and are made with the primary object of improv-
ing estates they undoubtedly give a good claim to considera-
tion, especially if the estates be smalL
410. The quantity of manure available for agricultural
purposes is smalL It suffices for no
****** more than 17 per cent of the land un-
der cultivation. It is much lessened by the habit, common
with villagers, of using cow-dung for fuel — an evil unfortunately
* The same may be said of not a few large tanks. Nor, under native rule, was the
construction of wells and tanks confined to villagers. Officials, qabzdars and others,
somet im es performed such acta of liberality in Tillages with which they had no more than
a temporary connection. As an instance, I may state that a snhahdar in one of the ex-
king's regiments spent as much as Ba. 900 in the excavation of a tank in a village mot far
from SuHanpur.
t See Inhona Report, pan. a
stjltIotuh settlement report. 201
on the increase. The large jungles which a few years ago fur*
nished an almost unlimited supply of wood have now been
cleared, while on the other hand, with increase of population,
has arisen* an increased demand for fuel, and a quantity of what
should be utilized as manure is thus withheld from agriculture.
As a consequence of manure being so scarce, it is applied to
irrigated lands- only r and as pointed out in one of the Panj&b
reports, the result is to create a still greater difference between
their productiveness and value and that of unirrigated lands
than is caused by irrigation alone.
411. The staple products of the district are the same
^ _ everywhere ; in one place one may
Produce. , J y r j • , -i J
be more common, a second m another,
but there is no difference of kind,
412. The principal spring crops are wheat, bailey and
s rin cto 8 pulses of various sorts. They are
prm ° p * often grown separately,, but not un^
frequently together, the favorite mixtures being wheat and
barley (gtijai, adhgehiin or adhjowa), and barley and the
field-pea* The fields in which they are grown are either allowed
to lie fallow in the rainy months, that period being devoted
to their tiHage> or bear during that period a previous crop
of common rice. The less important grains of this harvest,
e. g. mustard of different kinds, safflower, and flax are
seldom found alone ; they are confined to borders, or sown
in parallel lines at distances of from six to ten feet apart in
fields of pulse and barley ; for admixture of crops is sanctioned
by Man/u,* and is carried on to an extent that would have
mightily provoked the wrath of the Israelitish lawgiver..
" Thou shalt not sow thy field with mingled seed ; " " thou shalt
" not sow thy vineyard with divers seeds," are the precepts of
Mosaic law; here as many as five sorts of seed gram, kesar
mustard, safflower r and flax may be seen together, and I can-
not vouch for this number not being exceeded. Flax, certainly;
may now and then stand by itself. It is, perhaps, the least
E articular of all plants* and will thrive even in the almost
arren patches at the foot of trees, which exclude the ray&
of the sun during ^greater part of the day by their foliage,
and absorb nearly all nourishment from the ground by their
roots. This plant is grown for its oil-yielding seed only :
the preparation of the fibre is little understood, and less
attempted. One of the Sikandradfh rioters assured me on a,
* Man* Chapter IX. 38, where the practice is mentioned and passes unrebuked.
2c
202 sultAnpur settlement report.
chance visit to the village, that notwithstanding the advantage
of three years tuition in one of Her Majesty's jails, and every
disposition to turn the instruction there gained to account,
he could not make the process of extracting the fibre remune-
rative. The stalk accordingly becomes food for cattle. Ar-
har is as it were, a connecting link between the two harvests;
as a crop it must be counted with those of spring ; so far as
the date of sowing and germinating goes it belongs to the
rainy season.
413. The chief rain crops are rice, (kunwdri dh£n or
_. paddy, and jarhan, or transplanted
rice), jow&r, and other cereals of a simi-
lar kind, together with two or three sorts of pulses. A simi-
lar intermixture of crops is made to that of the spring har-
vest. Rice, however, does not belong exclusively to the
rains. It is Protean ; if in one of its many species, kunw&rf,
it is the earliest crop of the agricultural year, in another
jethao or sdtM, it is the latest. Where tanks, without being
top deep, retain moisture all the year round, they are sown
about March with the latter kind of rice. It comes to matu-
rity in the month of Jeth about sixty days from the date of
sowing and thence derives its double name. Where it exists
in large quantities it is a very valuable asset.
414. Sugar-cane is but little grown by any class, or in any
Special cro s parganah. By Bh&le-Sultdns not a
pecm ^ crops * field of it is planted ; it is one of their
eccentricities to exclude it from their agriculture. Ch&nda
on the extreme east alone had the smallest right to be con-
sidered a cane-producing parganah at the tune of survey.
Sult&npur might perhaps be coupled with it ; it could boast of
small patches here and there. With regard to this crop,
however, it is material to bear in mind that its presence was
known to mark superior soil, if not a superior village also, and
that, as with irrigation, no pains were spared to hide the fact
of its existence. In Ch&nda, at all events, there was the ex-
perience of three-quarters of a century as a guide. Official do-
cuments of that antiquity evidence at once the cultivation of the
cane in the parganah so far back, and also of the imposition of
a high rate of assessment on cane-producing land. It may, I
think, be confidently expected that its production will consider-
ably increase — if it has not already done so.*
* For instance, in Dhamaur, parganah Sultanpur in the year of survey there were
only Be. 2J of sugar-cane ; last year there were more than Bs. 20.
sultInpur settlement report. 203
415. To prevent the trespasses of cattle, a low mud-
wall is occasionally thrown up round the sugar-cane field ; but
a more productive fence often serves the same purpose, viz.
the castor-oil plant. The plough cannot find its way properly
into the extreme edges of the field, and in the portion thus but
half-tilled a row of castor-oil plants is inserted. As it grows
it furnishes an almost impervious barrier to any animal but
the pig, which does considerable damage to the cane not only by
feeding on it, but also by grubbing up the plants. The cane
cannot be reached until the castor-oil plant has been demo-
lished ; the loss of the latter is not very great if it is destroyed,
it has accomplished its primary object ; if it is saved, it yields
a crop of oil-seeds, in addition to the principal production of
the field. This plant is also to be found in the immediate
neighbourhood of villages, often inside the walls of unroofed
and deserted huts ; otherwise it is never grown alone.
416. Maize is rare as a field crop; about a sufficiency of it
is grown to show the possibility of its cultivation. In gardens
it is raised with ease, but pro tanto, it ranks with horticultural
rather than agricultural produce. In the Chronicles of Oonao,
Mr. Elliott relates a story that Viswamitra, a transcendently
pious Hindii saint, whose date is a sad puzzle to chronologists,
created Indian corn. Stripped of its mythical garb, this pro-
bably signifies that that grain is not indigenous and that its ac-
climatization was within the memory of tradition. Viswamitra
was thus the Hiawatha of the province, who first tried the
experiment of sowing the seed and watched its progress,
Till at length a small green feather
From the earth shot slowly upward,
Then another and another ;
And before the summer ended
And then
Stood the maize in all its beauty,
With its shining robes about it
And its long soft yellow tresses ;
Made known unto the people
This new gift of the great spirit.
Its scarcity may thus be due to its foreign origin, and to
the climate not being so perfectly suited to it as to lead to cul-
tivators making it a common field-crop "which should be their
food for ever."
417. The cultivation of the opium-poppy is only per-
mitted under licence from Government. The licensees receive
an advance of Us. 6-6-6 per acre (Rs. 4 per blgah) and are in
204 SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT/
return bound to make over to Government the entire produce
of their holding, for which they are paid at the rate of from
Rs. 4 to 5 per ser according to its quality. This crop is
rather more common than elsewhere in the vicinity of Muskfir-
kh&na and Jagdispur, but is nowhere in great favor in this
district in comparison with adjacent ones. The total area
under it this year does not exceed 5,500 acres; and its produc-
tion is never undertaken except on a small scale, half-an-acre
being as much as can ordinarily be managed by one person,
and that is almost invariably near the village site. In the
east, it is confined principally to Mur&is and Ahirs, but in
the west, the Kanaujia Brahmans do not hesitate to enter into
competition with them. To Sarwaria drones, the poppy would
be a losing speculation, as it would not repay the expenditure
hired labor would entail. It is most adapted to the circum-
stances of large families living in a state of union, as the
women and children, if not too fine to work, can perform the
otherwise expensive operations of weeding, cleaning &c.
Theoretically nothing else is grown in land devoted to its pro-
duction, but where there is a hope of eluding the vigilance of
the opium department, a sly crop of native spinach — "ek adh
per p&luk" the delinquent calls it — is also ventured and
gathered while the poppies are yet young.
418. Tobacco is in many respects similar to opium; viz.
in the area it covers, its position and uncommonness of culti-
vation. It is all the better if the water it is irrigated with is
somewhat brackish, and for this reason it is more widely
grown in localities where well-water possesses that quality.
Similarly it may now and then be met with in the deserted
brick-strewn sites of old Bhar villages, the agriculturist finding
an advantage in what the architect would consider a radical
defect, the presence of saline matter in the bricks — not unusual
in those made by villagers in this province.
419. Side by side with opium and tobacco, vegetables,
«culinary herbs and spices may be observed in nearly all large
and many small villages. They occupy too little space to be
taken cognizance of from an assessment point of view, but are
not devoid of importance as suggestive of future possibilities.
They are reared only by the most experienced classes of culti-
vators; a great variety of them are usually grouped together
in contiguous plots, and present the appearance of small market
gardens. _
SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT.
20T5
420. Of miscellaneous and spontaneous produce, that of
fruit trees, mhowd, jdmiin, aonld &c,
is the most valuable and general.
Lac, wild-rice, singhara, fish and grasses deserve mention, but
are exceptional and of little importance.
421. Of the various experiments that have from time to
time been made, the most important are cotton, the date-palm,
and China-grass or rheea. Cotton cultivation is shunned
by the agricultural classes: the American variety appears
from local experiments to be unsuited to the climate of this
province. The date-palm is still in its infancy; but there
are a number of young plants in the public gardens, which
appear to be thriving well. Of China-grass there were several
healthy plants in the jail garden last July; the most promis-
ing had been protected during the hot-weather by grass
mats, and had grown to the height of three or four feet; but
the subsequent heavy rains were fatal to them, and they were
all, without exception I believe, destroyed.
422. The productive capacity of land is necessarily
w „ , , , dependent on a great variety of consi-
Yield and seed. j a- j/l j • ±* i x-j
derations, the description and quantity
of seed sown, the nature of the soil, the culture it receives, the
number of crops demanded of it in the year. It is most fairly
gauged by its average yield and this is shown for the principal
grains in the following list : —
Name.
Seed per acre.
Produce per
Price, Sers per
acre.
rupee.
Wheat (Triticum Hybernum),
Barley (Hordeum Hexasticon),
72 sers.
15 maunds.
14-8
72
»>
15 „
18-6
Pease (Pisum ArveDse),
72
»»
16
...
Jowar (Sorghum Vulgare),
3i
»*
13
...
Mung (Phaseolus MuDgo),
64
>»
3
12-7
Mash (Phaseolus Roxburghii),
64
»>
11
14-10
Moth,
34
»»
9 „
...
Bajra (Panicum Spicatum),
34
it
8
Oram (Oicer Arietinum),
40
ft
11
19-4
Kodo (Paspalum Kora),
6*
ti
^ »
...
Makra (Eleusine Coracana),
34
>»
9 „
Kakun (Panicum Italicum),
34
y»
5 »
...
Sanwan (Panicum Frumentaceum), ...
34
ji
5
*••
S&iwan, ... ...
64
»»
13
Til (Sesamum Orientale),
2
»»
24 „
Arhar (Cajanus Indicus),
34
ft
11 M
19-9
Sarson (Sinapis Dichotoma),
i
»>
14 „
...
flax (Limum UsitatisHimum),
34
>»
24 „
Safflower (Carthamus Tinctorius), ...
34
>>
14 ,,
Jarhan (Oryza Sativa),
26
>»
26 „
9-5
Dhan (Oryza Sativa),
51
F>
24 „
11-12
Poppy (Papaver Somniferum),
Tobacco,
2
2
It
14 „
40 . „
...
206 sultXnpur settlement report.
423. For all practical purposes, the comparative fertility
of the soil of this district will be sufficiently exemplified by
examining the data respecting any one of the crops here enu-
merated, and wheat is the best one to select. This is some-
times the second crop of the year, and it then, except under
the most favorable circumstances, has a starved and sickly ap-
pearance ; but more usually, the land intended for it is left fal-
low during the rainy season, and hence is to be derived the
true criterion : an acre, properly irrigated and manured, will
yield between eighteen and nineteen maunds or twenty-five
bushels (of 60 fos. each). Gpldsmith sings of halcyon days
in England when " every rood of ground maintained its man ;"
from the above calculation it will be found that the most pro-
ductive wheat lands of this district furnish from the same area
an allowance of about one pound per diem, or just the familiar
"ek adh ser atta" of the beggar's petition. But the poet's
imagination was probably more fertile than the soil he eulogized;
at the present time, at all events, even in the rich county of
Kent, the farmer would not be dissatisfied with a season which
gave him an average out-turn of thirty-two bushels to the acre ;
and the average for the whole of England does not exceed
thirty,
424. It is a common complaint with the cultivator now-
adays that the productiveness of land
Diminished productiveness has decreased under British rule, as
though the cause lay in the change of
government, and to a certain extent perhaps he has reason on
his side. The frequency of destructive raids in the Naw£bf pro-
vided a rough preventive of the evil of over -tillage, and the
result was apparent in bumper harvests when the crops were
allowed the chance of coming to maturity. That this was not in-
variably the case, he is somewhat too apt to forget ; but he is
not slow to admit the force of the argument when used
against him ; and to confess that in a long series of years, the
total out-turn of his holding may after all be greater under
the present than the former system.
425. And how far after all is the grievance genuine ?
and how far is it novel ? It stands to reason that it must have
been experienced, though not on so universal a scale, long
before annexation, (for a few properties managed by one means
or another to escape the effects of misrule), and its intensity
SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT. 207
must have been proportioned to the degree of order a t'aluk-
d&r was able to maintain in his estate, and the degree of pro-
tection he was capable of affording to his tenants. That it is
now the burden of the cultivator's complaint is generally known,
but it is not so well known that it was so many years before
Oudh became a British province ; even in the year 1837 he
sighed fondly over the memory of a yet more remote era of
yet greater fecundity, and contrasted the then diminished
reward of his toil with the more bountiful " produce obtained
" before the great change in the climate and other influences
" which had so unfavorably affected the agriculture of this
" country." The peasant is like his betters, laudator terrvporis
acti. It was my wish to give particulars regarding a few vil-
lages, but buttai and kunkiit payments are very rare, and
papers relating to them still rarer.
426. In the statement given in para. 422, will be found
the prices at the present time of the various sorts of grain.
They require no comment here.
427. That some practical use is made of the soil-classi-
_ . , . . . , fication described in para. 384 may be
Rents, now determined. , n , , r . , J ~
surmised from the wide currency of
the terms employed ; but it is probable that that criterion is
only adopted under very exceptional circumstances, e. g. f when
new land is broken up and necessity first occurs for studving
its nature. It is, at all events, certain that what is said of
the Inhona tahsil* holds good for the remainder of the dis-
trict, viz. that landlords and tenants in settling rents pay
more attention to the reputed fertility of a field than the
character of the soil. There hence springs a classification
of fields, distinct from that of soils, founded on the number
of crops they are capable of bearing in the year, into ek-farda
and do-farda, or one crop and two crop fields. The quality,
thus defined, mainly determines the letting value of the land.
A second point, its in-lying or out-lying position, also enters
into the computation, but in a subordinate degree. It is
chiefly of importance in affording the means of sub-classify-
ing do-farda lands. Ek-farda is ek-farda, and nothing more
wherever situated ; so soon as it begins to be affected by an
advantageous position it begins also to cease to be ek-farda.
♦ See Inhona Report.
208 sultAnpur settlement report.
Do-farda, on the other hand, may be in-lying or out-lying;
At the same time there is a tendency toward its becoming:
identical with the former ; if it lies at a distance from the
village, the tenants do not find it a great hardship to erect
their huts either on or close to it, the formation of a hamlet
commences, and the previously out-lying fields simultaneously
become in-lying.
428. Rents in kind (ghallai), or by appraisement of crop
_ A . , . . (kunkiit), are comparatively rare, and
Rents in kind. v , /» ' j i. x l
when found may be taken as excep-
tions that prove the rule of money rents. Where either of the
former customs prevails, the full rent payable by an ordinary
tenant-at-will is one-half of the produce. This, so far as my
experience goes, is never exceeded ; on the other hand, it
never falls below one-third on long cultivated lands. One
possible reason for this is that where more favorable terms
are conceded, money rents are not objected to. Rents in
kind are mostly resorted to to shield the cultivator from
too severe a loss ; and thus obtain in lands liable to drought
and inundation. The fixed proportion of produce represents
of course a fluctuating rent, which adjusts itself readily to
every sort of season. The risk and uncertainty are thus
shared between the proprietor and the cultivator ; both reap
the advantage of a good harvest, both participate in the loss
resulting from a bad one. The same protection is capable of
being afforded to the cultivator by a low money rent and he
will consent to pay one if it be fixed so light as to leave a.
wide margin for contingencies of seasons.
429. Money rents may thus be paid for even the worst
lands, and they have consequently a
Money rents. ' ., J ~ * •',.
very wide range. Some rent-rolls
exhibit fields capable of yielding no more than As. 6 or 7 per
acre, while others or even the same, perhaps, show that a
hundred times that amount may be paid. Neither of these,
however, is an ordinary rent : they touch or nearly touch the
maximum and minimum.
430. The lowest rent is that of newly broken land of
inferior quality : to procure the reclamation of such land,
indeed, it is sometimes necessary to allow the tenant to hold it
sultXnpur settlement report. 209
rent-free for a year or two, and at the end of that time it will
yield no more than As. 6 J- per acre (As. 4 per standard
bfgah). If the land to be reclaimed be of a superior des-
cription, it will bear As. 12f per acre (As. 8 per standard
blgah) from the outset. Whatever the rent first imposed,
it commonly increases in geometrical progression until the
full letting- value is attained, which is usually in the third or
fourth year,
431. So again the highest rent is obtainable only under
peculiar circumstances ; it is restricted to particular lands,
which combine all the qualities natural and supplied neces-
sary for the production of a luxuriant tobacco-crop. More
than one village has a few fields of this kind yielding Us. 50
per acre. Much lower than this, rents still high are levied
on lands fit for poppy-cultivation or the growth of garden
stuffs : these are sometimes worth Us. 20 per acre.
432. If such exceptionally high and low rates as just
described be eliminated, rents will be found to vary only from
a little less than Re. 1 to about Us. 10 per acre; and this
holds good regarding all parts of the district. In Amethf ,
indeed and there alone, slightly higher rates would seem to
prevail on land possessed of no distinctive quality. This arises,
perhaps, in a small degree, from the copiousness of the sup-
ply of water for irrigation in that parganah ; but it is not
the sole cause, for, if it were, the same phenomenon would be
observable in Rokhd-Jais and other places equally fortunate
in this respect. A more active one is to be discovered in
rack-renting. For the last thirty years this process has been
steadily carried on in the Amethf estate, more especially in
the decade immediately preceding annexation, and many
instances might be named of rents being doubled during the
latter short period.
433. In so far as they are traceable to such an origin,
abnormally high rents must obviously be left out of account
in the computation of a safe basis of assessment. With dif-
ficulty and only partially realizable by the landlord they
would lead to a jamd which the landlord would find it often
difficult to meet.
2d
210 sultIkpub settlement report.
434. The requisite data obtained were next tabulated
for each village, so as to show at a
^d*u collected and tabula*, glance everything illustrative of its
character and value. A specimen of
the form used is given in an appendix.
435. The most important step then followed of fixing a
.. , , system for the application of these
Assessment, method of. j* . .. * r , , .
data, or in other words determining
the method of assessment This fell to the lot of Colonel
- . . f . . . Perkins. The fundamental principle
Fundamental principle. , i i i • • i • i • fi
observed by him is explained m the
following quotation from his report on the Isauli parganah : —
" I have found no better method than the time-honoured one
" of adopting actual rent rates as the best and safest guide to
" the value of land."
436. " In making a first regular settlement," — I conti-
nue the quotation, — " without the help of patwdri's accounts
" it is a work of some small difficulty to ascertain these rates
" with any approach to accuracy." The course pursued in the
solution of that difficulty is described in the following para-
graphs.
437. It was first determined whether the tract under
« _.^ ^ . , consideration so differed in its various
Formation ot circles. . ._. .
portions m respect of sou, capabilities
of irrigation or any other particulars, as to require to be dealt
with piecemeal. Where this was found to be the case, circles
of assessment were constituted, corresponding to the peculi-
arities observed. In some instances no necessity for this
existed ; but in others, it proved advantageous to extend the
process by the formation of sub-circles. The general rule
acted upon was to bring within the same category all villages
similarly circumstanced irrespective of their number. These
divisions where made were usually compact and well defined.
438. In other places no tracts admitting of sharp lines
And riinnm °^ separation existed, good and bad
villages were promiscuously intermix-
ed. Here the quality of individual villages was made the
ground of distinction, and they were grouped in classes.
sultInpur settlement report. 211
439. For assessment, the khasrah classification of soils
has been in great measure disregarded :
Classification of soils for as- the reason will be apparent from para,
sessmen . ^gj ^ They have been distributed into
the " three natural classes into which they fall. The first
" comprises the richly manured and well watered goindh
" lands. Such of these as are not irrigated are included in
" the second class. This class is formed of all the good lands
" not included in the above, lands yielding wheat, barley, mil-
" let, pulse and rice grown in the uplands and in fact all the
" ordinary staples grown in soils known locally as do-farda, i. e.
" capable of yielding two crops in the year. In the third
'* class are comprised all the poor soils. . . . rice lands the
" yield of which is precariously poor, or the light poor soils
" and the high dry lands or soils mixed with kunker, and local-
" ly called reekur and teekur &c. This class in fact consists
" of the ek-farda lands, those in which rain-crops only can be
" grown."
440. This arrangement, it will be observed, coincides
-^ closely with village custom, and ascer-
tained rent rates, therefore, readily
adapted themselves to it. The rates pavailing in each circle
or sub-circle were separately and carefully examined, and
where abnormally high or low ones came to light, enquiry
was made as to the cause and the period they had been in force,
so that they should not wrongly influence the general average.
In the earlier assessments no separate rates were used for irri-
gated and unirrigated lands "asa rule j" it was considered
that practically only a small proportion of unwatered land
would come into any but the third class, and where the extent
of such land was considerable, the circumstances were duly
weighed in fixing the jam&. In the later assessments, however,
it proved convenient to depart from this course, and to insti-
tute distinct rates for wet and dry land in the second and
third classes.
441. The rates thus determined for each circle, sub-
circle or class are exhibited in the following list : —
212
SULTAHPTO SITTLKMBHT felPOBT.
Tahafl.
Parganah.
Circle or dan.
Bent rates per acre.
Class L Class IL Class HL
Mohanganj,*
Amethi,
ft •»•
Soltanpor,
Inhona, ••<
Sabeha.
Jagdiapur, ...
Mohanganj, ...
Bokhe-Jais, ...
Simrota,
Gsuri-Jamfm,
AmetM,
Asal,
IaauH,
Sultanpur,
Chan da,
Circle I, ...
8ub-circle, ...
Circle II, ...
( Claw I, ...
! Class II, ...
j^ Class III, _
Class I,
Class II, ...
Claw III, ...
r Circle I, ...
Circle II, ...
Circle III, ...
f Claw I, ...
Class II, ...
Class m, ...
Circle I. ...
Circle II, Bm
Circle IH ,„
Rs. A. F
9 9 7
8
6 6 5
9 9 7
8
9 9 7
8
Be. A. P.
4 2 9|
5
3 3 2
4 2 9
Re. A. P.
19 7
2 6 5
19 7
19 7
4 12 9 2 6 5
6 6 5
4 12 10
3 3 2
6 6 5| 3 3 2
4
2 6
1 9
1 9
9 9 7
•••{J
3 2
6 6 5 3 3 2
6 6 6'
6 6 6
I
6 6 6
9 9 7|
8
I
6 6 5
6 6 5
8
8 ol
< 1 9
I 12
r
4 12 10
4 12 10
3 3 2
4 12 10
3 9 5
6 6 5
4 12 10
3 3
5 3 9
3 3 2|
5 3 9
3 3 2
5 3 9
3 9 7
5 6 7
4
3 3
1 9
12
1 9
i 12
12 9
6 6 5 3 3
12 10 J 1 9
? 12
3 9 7
2 6 5
1 9 7
2 6 5
19 7
4
3 3 2
2
4
2
4 6 5
2 6 5
442. These rates it will be perceived are in harmony
with the variations of the physical features of the district des-
cribed in para. 3, for if tahsfl and parganah subdivisions be
set aside, and the district treated as a whole, it will be found
that, Isauli alone excepted, it falls into three main belts or
circles as follows : —
sultInpur settlement report.
213
Belt.
River belt, ...
Central belt, ... •
Lake belt, ...
Parganah.
Subeha,
Jagdispur,
Isaulf,
Sultanpnr,
Chanda,
Inhona,
Subeha,
Jagdfspur,
Isauli,
»,
Sultanpnr,
Chanda,
Mohanganj,
Amethf,
Asal,
Chanda,
Circle.
Sub-circle,
Circle I,
Class III,
Circle I,
Circle I,
,, II,
„ H,
„ III,
Classes I and II, ,
Circle II,
Tahsfl,
Parganah,
Ditto,
Circle III,
Rates.
IU.A.P.
6 6 5
6 6
6 6
6 6
9 9
8
9 9
6 6
6 6
8 12
8
8
8
8
8
Ba.A.P.
3 3 2
4 12 10
4 3 6
4 3 6
4 2 9
5
4 2 9
4
4 3 1
4 12 10
4 6 8
4 12 9
4 6 5
.4 6 5
4 11 3
Rs.A.P.
1 9 7
3 9 7
13 2
3 11
19 7
2 6 5
19 7
2
2
1 13 10
3
2 6 5
2 11 3
1 9 7
3 6 5
Note. — Where two or more rates are given in the preceding table for any class or
circle, or parganahs are divided into classes and not distinct circles, the average of rates
or classes is given here.
443. The question arises how far these rates are suitable
for the whole period of this settlement. Have they risen or
fallen within the period of which the history is known, or is
there any reason to apprehend that any such change will hap-
pen ? As a general rule, I think it may safely be said that no
account need be taken of any such circumstance either in the
past or in the future. In ordinary villages the rents of ordi-
nary cultivators are now much the same as they have been for
a long time, and as far as visible signs go, they are likely to
continue so. It is only in special instances that rents show a
tendency to vary.
214 SOTJFjLhFUB BSTTLmiHT BXF0RT.
444. A general enhancement of the rents of a whole
village has in a few cases taken place, but it has proceeded
from an equally wide cause. The village will be found to
have been formerly thrown almost entirely out of cultivation
in consequence of some share or boundary dispute, or the fre-
quent and destructive forays of some powerful neighbour. The
few who then ventured to take land in it held at light, perhaps
almost nominal rents. It is now fully cultivated, and rents
have risen again to the level of those in the adjacent villages.
445. Individual cases of enhancement are generally due
to personal or tribal causes. Service, even after its termina-
tion, and high caste were under native rule common reasons
for favorable rates ; but they are now comparatively disregard-
ed ; the payments of a Kshattriya or Brahman no longer differ
so widely as they did from those of the cultivator of more
humble caste. These are the classes which now most feel the
altered state of affairs. Nor is the change they experience
limited to the enhanced rates they are now called upon to
bear. Formerly they took up a certain amount of land at a
certain rate and a lump sum was then fixed. From that time
their holding was not again measured, and while they con-
tinued to pay no more than at first, they clandestinely increased
the amount of land in their possession. This little device
might formerly remain for a long time unnoticed ; and even
where suspected it was difficult to get at the land to define
the extent of the trespass. In one instance, in a jam&bandi
filed in the tahsil in 1859 A. d., I found against the name
of a gosh&fn not the amount of land in his possession, but a
note by the patw&rf that he could not ascertain it, as the
gosh&n prevented his measuring it; he subsequently turned
out to have about twice as much as his title-deed gave him
any right to. All such doubtful cases were thoroughly
cleared up when the survey took place, and proprietors then
not only demanded a higher rate on the nominal holding,
but insisted also that it should be calculated on the actual one.
446. Such changes as these, however, have little concern
with assessment. The lands in question have been rated at
their full worth. Were they left to be held on the same terms
as before, the direct and perhaps the only loss would be that
of the proprietor ; the interests of the state would only be so
far imperilled that its revenue becomes the less safe the more
the proprietors' profits are intercepted by his tenants.
sultXnpur settlement report. 215
447. By means of the rent rates given in para. 446 was
obtained one, the principal version of
Gross rental, determination a gross rental. A Second WaS avail-
of ' able in the jam&bandf s prepared by the
village patw&rfs, corrected, where necessary, for sir, rent-free
and service lands. It was never intended that more should
be done with these than that should be taken into account,
quantum vohantk They quite fulfilled the anticipations formed
as to their w</rth. They were found nearly useless, the
entries in them being highly imaginative. Nor could it be
with safety concluded that the error lay in the direction of too
low an estimate. In villages where claims to sub-settlement
had been preferred, the jam&bandis filed previous to the pas-
sing of the Oudh Sub-settlement Act, almost invariably
exhibited an incredibly high rent-roll. The object of this was
evidently to ensure a higher jamd being imposed upon the
under-proprietors, in the event of their obtaining a decree.
448. The usual parganah map was constructed affording
a general conspectus of all the most important points con-
nected with each of its component villages, and on very doubt-
ful cases, a native officer was deputed to make a local enquiry.
His investigation, assisted by the light thrown on the subject
of it by known facts relating to adjacent villages, occasionally
elicited points which had escaped the notice of the Settlement
Officer or his Assistant, at the time of their visit, when there
was no certain standard to test conflicting data by. As assess-
ment progressed, also, it became possible to calculate a safe
average rate on total areas of cultivation, all descriptions of
soils taken together, and this was sometimes found a very use-
ful check.
449. The details above enumerated provided a safe basis
. , , of assessment for the generality of
Government demand. •<■« L ,, 1 ,. P. . y,
villages; but local peculiarities received
due consideration, and the rates elsewhere adopted were
unhesitatingly departed from, to such an extent and in such
a direction, as the distinctive circumstances of any particular
case demanded. " The guiding principle borne in mind," says
Colonel Perkins, " was that Government had a right to a fair
" share of the rental defined to be as nearly as possible 50
" per cent, on an assumed average gross rental, due regard
" being had to the variation of seasons, to the circumstances
" of the proprietors, and to the necessity for not enhancing the
216 sultInpur settlement bepobt.
u jam£ too suddenly. I have also ever held in view the very
" sound principle laid down in para. 92, Section IV. of the
" Sudder Board of Revenue's Circular Order No. I., that it is
" an obvious dictate of justice and sound policy so to take the
" portion to which Government are entitled, as to leave to
" industry its full reward, and to inflict a penalty on neglect
"and indolence. This wholesome instruction needs, how-
" ever, to be tempered with discretion, for neglected cultivation
" is often the result of guiltless poverty, or when traceable to
" sloth, this may be but the torpor following on long insecu-
" rity and oppression."
450. From what has been said above it will be readily
x .. apparent that there was little scope for
Assessment of waste &o. ,f r . ... n . . * ,
the imposition of a heavy rate on waste
land ; and much of it has accordingly been left unassessed for
grazing purposes ; and where assessed, the rate is little more
than nominal. In the Inhona tahsil it never exceeds As. 3
per acre, and though elsewhere slightly higher, in no part of
the district does it rise above As. 4. With respect to groves,
it has been laid down that their preservation is of greater
importance than the collection of revenue on the land they
occupy, and up to 10 per cent of the total area, their exemption
from assessment has been formally sanctioned. Where this
limit is exceeded they have usually been taken into account ;
but even then the demand is very light, and in some cases no
notice has been taken of the excess. This is more particu-
larly the case in large qasbahs, where groves, though in the
aggregate numerous, are parcelled out among respectable but
indigent Mahomedans, who would find it difficult to pay even
the smallest tax on the land in its present condition, and'
would therefore probably meet the emergency by felling the
trees, and bringing the land under cultivation.*
451. Of miscellaneous and spontaneous produce, mhow&
alone is of consequence enough to be included among taxable
assets. It is the only one of the numerous fruit trees found in
* The following passage from the Afn-i-Akbarf is not without interest, m
the Mahomedans here alluded to are m'aftdars.— "It frequently happened
" possessors of Seyurghal planted their grounds with fruit trees which yieh"
■• considerable profit ; upon which the officers of Government, wishing to
" state, required a revenue from them. His Majesty was greatly ttinplaasr
" duct of his officers in this respect, and commanded that no such reqv
•' made."— Gladwins's Ayeen-Akbery I. 226.
sultAnpur settlement report. 217
nearly every village on which the landlord is entitled to a
fixed due. Lac, wild-rice, fish and grasses, though in special
cases they have required to be taken into consideration, are
generally found in such small quantities as to render it no
great stretch of liberality for government to forego its claim
to share in them,
452. It has been seen that in respect of rent rates the
district falls into distinct circles or divisions. In point of
assessable capacity, it admits of no such classification. Two
circles, the exact counterparts of each other in all their physi-
cal features, may be as unlike as possible in every other res-
pect, the tenures prevalent in them may be dissimilar, the one
may have had to bear a very oppressive summary jam&, the
other a very light one ; in the one the circle rates may be
steadily applicable, in the other some exceptions may be ne-
cessary ; and there are numerous other circumstances which
tend to prevent a perfect resemblance of one circle to another.
453. It is accordingly useless by way of explanation of
the different revenue rates obtained to proceed upon the
basis of the rent rate circles. It will be more expedient to
regard only the parganah incidence. This is, indeed, the
course suggested by the form of the statement illustrative of
the revised assessment, and of others supplementary to it.
Were the class or circle classification adhered to, it would be
almost necessary to re-cast the tenure population and other
statements to bring them into accordance with it ; for they
all bear more or less closely upon assessment.
454. The general result of ihe revision of assessment
A x n i > A h* 8 been to fix the land revenue for
Assessment. General results. ., . , /» ,i • ..i ,
the period of this settlement at
Us. 10,99,111-2-1. Its incidence on the whole district is on
cultivation Rs. 2-2-9 and on total malguz&rf area Us. 1-9-5.
These averages furnish a standard of comparison to which the
incidence on individual parganahs may be referred. There
are no very wide departures from them, and a few parganahs
only call for separate remark. Inhona and Amethi are con-
spicuous by exhibiting the highest rates on cultivation ;
Gaurd-Jamtin and Isaulf for an opposite reason. In Inhojia
the higher demand is justified by the natural character of the
parganah. In Amethf, it has been seen that, though more than
2e
218 sultAnpur settlement report.
ordinarily high rents may be sometimes found, they have not
been allowed to influence the revenue rate, the heaviness of
which is due to other causes. One of these is that the par-
ganah contains a high percentage of land of superior quality
and therefore able to bear the highest of ordinary rents ; a
second which, indeed, in some measure explains the first is
that villages and hamlets are thickly scattered over every
part of the parganah ; a third lies in the nature of its tenures ;
it is almost entirely t'alukddrf , and the t'alukd&rs are sole pro-
prietors of a large majority of the villages in their t'alukas.
Asal, though an adjoining parganah is rated much lower ; it is
the very converse of Amethi in respect of tenures, and it is a
further point of contrast between the two parganahs, that,
while in the one the natural supply of water is abundant, in
the other, though there is no lack of irrigation, it is in no
small degree due to the construction of masonry-lined wells,
in many cases by the petty zemind&rs, so that here was one
of the cases alluded to in para. 409 in which it was justifi-
able and necessity to make allowance for expenditure of
capital.
455. Still greater is the difference between Amethi and
the parganahs on the opposite side to that of Asal. There the
most highly and the most lightly assessed tracts lie in juxta-
position. The low rates of Gaurd- Jamiin and Isaulf, however,
are easily to be accounted for. They proceed principally from
the diametrically opposite causes of excess of water and the
dearth of it. Gaurd- Jamiin, though irrigation is in some parts
scanty, is in others composed of low-lying lands, more than
usually undrained and liable to inundation in very wet seasons.
It may be added that the proportion of wheat is small, and
that of land exhausted by double cropping large, and, although
population is ample, it seems ill-arranged for purposes of agri-
culture. Isaulf, on the contrary, is poorly irrigated through-
out ; in many places it is deficient in reservoirs natural or ar-
tificial, and while unbricked wells cannot be regularly used be-
cause they do not last any length of time, brick ones are out
of the question, for Bhrile-Sultdns have an hereditary prejudice
against constructing them. It may be noted as a curious fact
that it is this parganah, which bears almost the lowest reve-
nue rate, that has the highest percentage of land- under culti-
vation.
sultInpub settlement report. 219
456. Chanda is in many respects one of the most ad-
vanced parganahs of the district and yet it is impossible to
saddle it with a heavy assessment. Its tenures like those of
the adjacent parganah of Aldemau are peculiar and complex,
and, as will presently be explained, consideration of the Sum-
mary jamd has caused the present one to be pitched lower
than it would otherwise have been,
457. Into the divergence between the rates on total
malguzarf areas it is superfluous to enter. They follow those
on cultivation subject only to such modifications as result from
the greater or less quantity of culturable land which has to be
added to cultivation to make up the total malguz&ri area.
458. The Summary jamd was Es. 8,20,598-1-6 ; that of
the present settlement, cesses includ-
Demand light, though en- e d is Its. 11,27,362-8-5; so that the
hanced. , ' . .,, • n *• /»
enhancement is withm a traction ot
38 per cent., varying from 25 to 43 in different tahsils. Still
there is no doubt that the present assessment is essentially a
light one,and the great rise which has taken place is to be at-
tributed rather to the earlier demand being very moderate
than to the later one being the reverse. The necessity for
haste in the arrangements made on the annexation, and again
on the re-occupation, of the province, and the insufficiency of
the data then procurable led to many villages getting off more
cheaply than they should have done. It is often these which
have been most affected by the present settlement and their
owners have scarcely any valid ground of complaint, if they
are now at last called upon to bear their fair share of the
public burdens. Enhancement, though general, has not been
universal, for in no less than 291 villages have the Summary
jamds been reduced. This is, of itself, a pretty sure sign that
due discrimination has been exercised in the revision of assess-
ments.
459. The new jam&s have with very few exceptions
T . ,., A , been readily accepted. Where obiec-
Jamas readily accepted as a , • r r ja-l-l i
rule. f tions have been urged they have been
Remig . carefully examined, usually on the
spot, and if they have turned out to
be well founded, remissions, either temporary or permanent,
220
sttltInpur settlement report.
Parganah.
Period of post*
ponement.
TotaL
5 years.
10 years.
Sultanpur,
Chanda,
IsauK,
Bokh&Jais,
'*470
1,185
855
1,020
7,660
"*30
1,020
8,130
1,185
885
Total,
2,510
8,710
11,220
have been allowed to such an extent as each particular
case appeared to render necessary.
460. Of the favour thus shown Chdnda has monopolised
the lion's share. In
many instances in
that parganah, it was
found that the capa-
bilities of a village
pointed to a jamd
more than 30 per cent
in excess of the one it
superseded. So great
a rise in the tax on
property, held as in this parganah, would have been almost
insupportable; as remarked by Colonel Perkins, " it is certainly
" impossible for a numerous community of shareholders, whose
" maintenance is almost entirely derived from land, to pay a
" vastly increased demand and yet retain their social status.
" Political expediency would condemn such an enhancement,
" did not common humanity forbid it," and after reference to
the Commissioner, a general reduction of As. 2 per acre was
made in all villages so circumstanced. In exceptional cases,
even this measure of relief barely appeared sufficient, and a
portion of the enhanced demand was in addition remitted for
a term of years.*
Assessments. Past and present.
461. A comparison of the demands of the state under
British and native rule can hardly fail to be of interest, even
if, as perhaps may be the case, the uncertainty that hangs
about the matter of actual collections deprives it of any great
practical utility ; and a synopsis of the various assessments of
which any particulars are known is furnished in the following
table : —
* The term was generally five or ten years. Where the latter was fixed it was on
the supposition that the present generation of landholders would mostly disappear with-
in that time, and give place to another more broken in to the payment of a fixed and
comparatively high demand. A remission oijive years sufficed theoretically for those
whose estates comprised much waste land, capable of easy cultivation,
sultInpur settlement report.
221
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222 sultInpub settlement report.
462. The fifth column becomes necessary in consequence
ail , ^, ^ of the changes that have taken place
Akbar s settlement. ,-, i i» • i
m the value ot coins and measures
since Akbar's time. In what the difference consists has been
so carefully demonstrated by Dr. W. Oldham, in his recently
Eublished Memoir of the Ghazipur district that I cannot do
etter than put myself under obligation to him for such of the
results he has worked out as apply to Sult&npur.
(1). A bigah was fixed by Akbar to contain 3,600 Il&hi
gaz, 33 inches long. — (By reference to para. 374, it will be
observed that this is exactly identical with the present stand-
dard bfgah of the province of Oudh).
(2). A rupee according to Wilson contained 175 grains of
pure silver in Akbar's time. At present it contains 165
grains. Akbar's rupee was, therefore, intrinsically worth 2
rupees one anna of the rupees now current.
(3). According to the prices current given in the Ain-i-
Akbari, a rupee in the days of Akbar would purchase at the
very lowest computation about four times the amount of agri-
cultural produce that can now be bought for a rupee.
(4). The present revenue rate, in proportion to the change
in the value of agricultural produce, ought to be four times as
great as it was in the time of Akbar.
463. By the light of these explanations a fair compari-
son may be made between the assess-
Moghai and British assess. me nts of the Moghal and British
ments without cesses. ^ , T , . °, , , , ,
Governments. It is thereby rendered
apparent that all corrections and adjustments made, the latter
is slightly the higher of the two.
464. But the figures thus examined represent only the
The same with cesses. net revenue demand. The comparison
is incomplete unless cesses also be
added. "Whatever technical difference there may be between
them and land revenue, the zemindars, who have to pay both,
are apt to draw little distinction between the two : the vital
question to them is what is the sum total of the demands of
the state. Akbar is credited by Abul Fazl with the remission
of a number of odious taxes, and the only cess levied in his
sultJSLnpur settlement report. 223
time was one of 10 sers of grain per bigah, i. e. 16 sers per
acre. This seems at first a mere nothing ; but its present
value, one sort of grain with another, may be very moderately
estimated at As. 10. The cesses now levied are as fol-
lows : —
1. Permanent cesses, road &c, ... 2^ per cent.
2. Oudh local rate, ... ... ... 2^ „
3. Income-tax, ... ... ... 1 „
Total, ... 6 percent.
465. These altogether amount to no more than about
As. 2-1 pie per acre. If then cesses be added to jamd, the
result is to turn the scale in favour of the present assessment.
466. In making this comparison I have adhered strictly
to the data furnished in the Ain-i-
The same excluding one Akbari : but it is necessary to point
doubtful parganah. ii_ • i i iT
out how widely one parganah modi-
fies the results obtained for the other eleven. The one allud-
ed to is Isauli. The total cultivated area of this parganah,
the portions of it in this district and Faizabad both included,
is at present no more than 54,015 acres ; the revenue rate on
cultivation is Us. 1-15-5. According to the Ain-i- Akbari, the
cultivated land in it alone was of the enormous extent of
1,043,805 acres, or about half that in the entire Lucknow
Sirkar. Its assessment was as low as its cultivation was vast,
being only As. 1-9 pie per acre, much below that of any
other parganah in this district, and also much below the pro-
vincial average, which was As. 12-8 pie. What the explana-
tion of the difficulty about the size of the parganah may be, it
is unnecessary to discuss here ; my present business is with the
special rate. It may in all likelihood be referred to some
special causes of whatever nature ; and in this conviction I
proceed to show how the comparison stands, if Isaulf be ex-
cluded from the calculation so far as the time of Akbar is
concerned. The incidence of Akbar's revenue demand be-
comes Us. 1-2-1 1, of which the present equivalent is Rs. 4-11-8.
To this the 10-ser cess has to be added so that the
Rs. 2-4-10 of the present day is the substitute of Rs, 5-5-8 of
the Moghal settlement.
224 sultInpur settlement repobt.
467. Dr. Oldham gives a detailed explanation of the
disproportion between the former and
fcw ^Xf° n between ** present assessment of the Ghazipur
district. He finds the causes to be
seven in number. The first four of them are equally applica-
ble to Sult&npur. The following is an abridgment of his re-
marks.
(I). The present revenue is rigorously enforced. In
Akbar s time according to Abul Fazl there was a wide dif-
ference between the settlement and the revenue paid.
(2). In Akbar's time only the best lands were cultivated,
and consequently the average out-turn per acre was greater
than at the present day.
(3). The population is now much increased, and the class
of landowners, middlemen between Government and the actual
cultivators, is larger.
(4). There are now other sources of revenue : — viz. duty
on spirits &c. In Akbar's reign the land revenue was almost
the sole source of income for the state.
468. The Nawdbl assessments were yet more nominal
^ w „ , A L even than those of Akbar : but though
The IN awabf Assessment. , • x i x
not even approximately correct, as re-
gards the sums actually obtained from the people, they repre-
sent with some degree of accuracy what the government of the
time considered a legitimate demand what they did not
hesitate to collect, if they found it possible to do so. They
are far in excess, in nearly every instance, of the demands
now made, and though it is unascertainable what their exact
incidence was, there is no doubt that it was heavier than at
present, for the cultivated area they were levied on was un-
questionably smaller. Some set off was certainly allowed in
the officially recognized deduction of nankar, but, on the other
hand, the jamd was liable to increase yearly at the pleasure
of the N&zim, and the revenue payer had to be prepared to
give douceurs to officials of every degree.
469. One Settlement remains to be noticed, that of 1856
«-xx, x * ,«./. .* A - D «* I* is likely to be numbered
Settlement of 1856-57. v -n j/l ±
by villagers among the most memor-
able ever made, but its peculiarity arises from the modification
* That of 1858-59 has been already noticed, see para. 458.
otltXnpur settlement repoet.
22$
of tenures it effected From a fiscal point of view it must be
looked on as a temporary measure, and important only as the;
first settlement made by the British Government, after its
annexation of the province.
470. The date of declaring the revised assessments in?
each parganah is shown in the follow-
Asaessment. Ebteof dec&ra. • „ ^u .
I
1
I
s
I
!
a!
Eh
g
I
I
1
1
I
a
o
I
|
I
i
i
3
3
o
I
I
a
Period of Settlement.
471.
They are to continue in force
for a minimum- period of thirty
years.
Settlement t'alukcttrf.
As a necessary consequence of Lord Canning^,
policy in 1858-59, the settlement has
been essentially t'alukd&ri, that is, the
t'alukddrs have been admitted to engage for every village in
their estate. Where subordinate rights have been found to
exist, the sub-proprietors have been protected* by judicially
decreed sub-settlements, and their rents have been judicially
determined. The qabiiliats taken from proprietors range
_ _ from Rs. 1,96,117 in the Amethf
^ aige ° qa estate to Us. 10 in the tiny little village
of Terai, in the Jagdf spur parganah.
SECTION IV.— Record of Rights.
Part I. — Jitdicial.
The first intimation of the opening of the Settle-
ment Courts was given by means of
the prescribed proclamation on 26th
January 1863 ; the parganahs it referred to, together with
eorresponding information regarding the later notices issued,,
■ 2*
472.
Opening of Settlement Courts.
226
sultAnpur settlement report.
Are shown in the annexed table, where are shown also the
dates of the principal orders by which the state of the judicial
file has been from time to time affected : —
Name of par*
ganah.
Date of Notification
of opening of Settle-
ment Courts.
o
|
o ■
11
11 Mi
(Mi
j3 « a o
illl
Introduction of stamp
duty.
•a
■
11
p
Iuhona, ...
26th January 1863,
15th August 1868,
Subehs, . , ,
Ditto,
Ditto,
Jagdiepur,
Ditto,
Ditto,
Mohanganj,
Ditto,
CO
00
Ditto,
Gaura-J&mfin,
13th February 1864,
00
Ditto,
□0
HH
i—i
Rokha-Jais,
13th May 1864,
i
Ditto,
3
Simrota, ...
Isauli,
4th Norember 1863,
lathFebruarylSSl,
J
a
O
i
J
Ditto,
20thDecemberl868,
B
B
B
B
P
1**
Amethi , . % ■
24th August 1865,
1
1st January 1870,
Awl,
Ditto,
Ditto,
Ch&uda, ...
23rd ditto,
1st October 1870,
Sultanpur,
Ditto,
1st January 1870,
473. At the Summary Settlement of 1858-59, all claim-
ants who appeared after a qabuliat had
Suitors at first slow to ap. once been taken were referred to the
pear * (present) Regular Settlement; and
subsequently numerous claims in the District Courts termi-
nated in the return of the institution-fee, and a similar reference.
It might then have been expected that immediately on the
announcement that the long promised courts had been appoint-
ed, all classes of suitors would have been ready to flock into
them, particularly as petitions of plaint were received on un-
stamped paper. Such, however, was not universally the case ;
and, as regard t'alukddri villages it was noticed in the first
oultXnpur settlement report. 227
Annual Report (that of 1862-63) that the importance was not
duly appreciated of having rights judicially recorded. Vil-
lagers very probably found it difficult to grasp the idea that it
was necessary to enter a law court in support of rights and in-
terests of which they were in undisputed possession ; and that
it would redound to their injury to omit to do so. At the best,
even in independent villages, the greatest immediate gain was
the maintenance of the status quo, and while the system of
record was yet too novel to be generally comprehended, the
mere hope of getting that position stereotyped was insufficient to
provoke even the litigiousness of the native character. It is, in-
deed, a question, on the one hand, how far the entries made by
the amlns — (to judge from the frequency of reference to them
by parties to suits)— were calculated to have served that pur-
pose; and, on the other hand, how far the great majority of
under-proprietors (and proprietors, too, for that matter) would
not have preferred to have their rights left unscrutinized alto-
gether.
474. In t'alukddri estates this reluctance to come into
court was counteracted during the ear-
Sui»equent increase of lit*. ii er y ears f settlement, by Settlement
** ° n ' Officers, in accordance with the instruc-
tions issued to them, taking the initiative, wherever there ap-
peared occasion so to do, and using all available means for as-
certaining where under-proprietary rights existed. Subsequent-
ly, it was laid down that no pressure should be placed on under-
proprietors* with the view of obliging them to go into court for
the investigation and record of rights as against the superior
holders ; and their not doing so should not operate to then*
disadvantage, if at any future period they sued in the Civil
Courts for the assertion of their rights. But by that time
Khattionfs and Wajibularzes were in course of preparation,
and the enquiries then made were instrumental in bringing
many claims to light. The persons concerned may have been
at first indisposed to come forward, they were still more so to
run the risk of having their names omitted from a record
which now contained those of many of their co-proprietors.
In all classes of villages alike a considerable stimulus to litiga-
tion was furnished by the extension of the period of limita-
tion notified at the end of the year 1864 ; and another, and
far more powerful one, by the Oudh Kent Act of 1868, a
notice of ejectment frequently leading to a settlement suit.
* Government of India, Foreign Department, 376 of 7th Deoember 1807-
228 sultInfub settlement report.
475. These united causes appear to have been quite suf-
_. . . . .. ficient to keep up the stream of litiga-
Checkt imposed on it. ,. -^ S . .. i x . jPm
tion, so much so that it was ultimately
found necessary to impose various checks upon it. The first
of these, the distribution of revenue work between the District
and Settlement Courts was at the time almost inappreciable ;
but it was the beginning of the end, and was soon after fol-
lowed by a more effective measure, the withdrawal of the
exemption from stamp duty. The coup de gr&ce was admin-
istered by the order directing that the Settlement Courts
should be finally closed at the end of November 1870, except
for the trial suits previously instituted in them.
476. The total number of cases instituted from first to
AM^^mrnf^HHMM^i lMt * S 26 > 043 > fe Ut *> theSe mU8 *
A total amount of litigation, r iii^r*? i • i i_ • 1
be added 435 which, having been
once disposed of, were afterwards admitted to review, and
, again brought on the file, about 250 under Book Circular
I. of 1864, and 185 under Act XXVI. of 1866, making
in all 26,478.
477. By statement VI. it will be seen that the investi-
„ * ,«*x, *^. ^ gation of these cases has been distri-
Grades of Settlement Courts. P , - , ~
buted among four grades of courts;
but this has not always been the number of officers simultane-
ously employed in work of this description. Before the com-
pletion of assessments fiscal duties were of primary importance ;
they made great demands upon the time of officers of all
grades, and judicial cases had to be temporarily laid aside.
Nor has the strength of the judicial staff been uniform
throughout : at first the two lowest grades did not exist at all;
afterwards there was more than one court of each of those
grades ; latterly there have been but three courts altogether,
at one time there were seven.
478. Settlement Officers were instructed that they were
pro< ^ to be guided by the provisions of Act
VIII. of 1 859 ; they were also told that
they were not to tie themselves down too closely to playing
the part of Civil Judges ; the procedure actually followed is a
modified form of that laid down in the enactment above
named. Complete [adherence to its provisions might have
been possible, but it would, to say the least, have been
sultInpur settlement report. 229
fraught with great hardship to suitors. The rule regarding
default, for example, is a stringent one ; it has only been
carried out against those who have been guilty of a second or
third failure to attend : it is purely punitive ; and its rigid
^enforcement is hardly compatible with the settlement mode
•of treating suits on their first institution. Plaints were re-
ceived at any time after the issue of the proclamations men-
tioned in para. 472, but allowed to lie over until their turn
•came round. For some time endeavours were made to take
them up parganah by parganah, but, as there was no authority
for closing the file at pleasure, this was not quite practicable.
Circular 47 of 1863, too, necessitated a different course, in
requiring that claims to proprietary right and sub-settlement,
in whatever parganah, should take precedence of all others,
and has since mainly regulated'the order in which cases have
been taken up. Arbitration has been little patronized. Un-
less the arbitrators are closely watched, the process is tedious
and expensive, while the award seldom gives more satisfaction
than an ex cathedra decision.
479. The fraudulent nature of the litigation in our
_ . , .... u courts has often formed the subject
Character of litigation. /. i t i_ r,,i i •. • • ° •
of remark. I have little hesitation in
saying that a very small percentage of the total number of
claims has been absolutely groundless. Some few have been
collusive ; but, where there has been a dishonest element, it
has more often consisted in greater or less exaggeration of a
fundamentally good cause of action, or in the misrepresenta-
tion of a claim in some single particular to make it square with
our laws. It is in the fabrication of evidence that fraud has
been most freely resorted to : it does not appear to be thought
at all shameful to suborn witnesses or forge documents ; nor
does the folly of the latter, even when the forgery is palpable
and clumsy, seem to be appreciated. In one case a series of
jamdbandis, ranging over a series of several years was filed ;
not the slightest pains had been taken to disguise the same-:
iiess of ink or paper, and it was even found possible to piece
together two papers which professed to have been written at
widely different dates. Such a circumstance is suggestive, no
doubt, of a criminal prosecution, but it is extremely difficult
to bring home any charge of this nature to the guilty
party, and an unsuccessful prosecution is more injurious
than none at all.
230 sultAnpub settlement report.
480. For village proprietorship 1,970 claims have beei*
instituted, which primd facie gives an
cumm of <»M8. l. va. average of more than one per village.
lage proprietorship. j U i ..*=* '
and would so imply a very question-
able right on the part of those who were found in possession
at the beginning of the settlement. It is, therefore, neces-
sary to explain that aslis and dakhilis are classed indiscri-
minately under this head, so that for comparison with the
number of claims the number of villages must be estimated
at 3,102. In non-t'alukd&ri mehals, moreover, the proprietor-
ship has been invariably enquired into at the instance of and
in the interests of Government, if the de facto occupant's title
has not been challenged by any adverse claimant ; and, in
some few instances, several rivals have contended for the same
mehal. Thus, notwithstanding the number of cases investi-
gated, but a slight change has taken place in the distribution
of property. This may be due in some measure, no doubt, to
the indefeasibility of sanad-titles, but this cause aside, changes
are restricted to less than 4 per cent, of the village circles now
demarcated.
481. Sub-settlements are of two kinds, which differ from
2. Sub-seuiements. each other toto orbe > according as they
are in or out of t'alukd&rs' estates.
rajNon-Vaiukdirf. The latter kind are neither numerous
nor important. Beyond reference to the figures in the tabular
statement (No. VI.) it is enough to say that they have been
treated as subject to the ordinary limitation, and suitors have
obtained the best terms they enjoyed within that period;
where necessary, the jamd payable by them to the superior
proprietor has been raised to the amount of the Government
revenue plus the ordinary lumberd&ri fee of 5 per cent.
482. T'alukddrf sub-settlements require more detailed
a) T'aiukcuw remark, inasmuch as they have formed
the subject of special legislation in Act
XXVI of 1866. At the same time, not much more than one-
half of those adjudicated upon has been affected by that Act*
Of the total number of 1,639, 1,153 had been decided prior to
its promulgation. Of these 323 had been decreed, but 830
had been pronounced incapable of substantiation even under
the rules then in force. It is true, that, after the cancellation
of the Morar-KherA ruling by Circular 1223 of 1865, the
sultInpur settlement report. 231
minimum of possession within limitations was fixed at half the
period between the inclusion of a village in a t'aluka and the
annexation of the province, and that one of the chief provi-
sions of Act XXVI. was thus foreshadowed ; but, on the other
hand, an analysis of the 1,153 decisions shows that 513 belong
to the western tahsils, in which sub-settlements had been most-
ly disposed of before the circulation of the precedent referred
to. Here, then, another explanation must be sought for. It
probably is that the estates in that direction, belonging to the
Rdjah of Tiloi and other Kanpuria chiefs, are of considerable
antiquity, and that the t'alukddrs had thus abundant leisure
under native rule to obliterate subordinate rights or at least to
reduce them within rather narrow limits. It is also a histori-
cal fact that those estates, in consequence of the constant feuds
between their owners, were for many years in a very unsettled
state and more than once changed hands. It was difficult,
under such circumstances, for subordinate proprietors, unless
they were very clever trimmers, to avoid becoming partisans
of one side or the other. If this ensured them the protection
of the chief they followed, it also rendered them obnoxious to
the attacks of his opponent : an attempt to remain neutral was
perhaps worse, leading as likely as not to their being driven
out, and their lands being harried and burned by whichever
party found the opportunity. In any case, it was beyond
their power to maintain themselves for many consecutive
years in the bare occupation of their villages ; h fortiori
were they unable to undertake the management of them.
483. Of the 323 claims decreed under the old rules, 185
were admitted to review under Act XXVI. of 1866; their
progress through the different courts need not be traced, the
final result is that 26 were ultimately upheld. The remain-
ing 138, though not reviewed, had, nevertheless, to run the
gauntlet of appeal, when the same measure was meted out to
them as to those reviewed : all but 56 of them collapsed. The
result of the sifting of the 323 old rule decrees, then, was to
reduce them to 82. Of cases decided for the first time since
Act XXVI. was passed, 8 only have survived the process of
appeal. The total number of sub -settlement decrees is 90.
484. The Act has been so much criticised and discussed,
that I shall do no more than state briefly the degree to which
its principal provisions have come into operation in this dis-
232 SULTJLnPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT.
trict. The conditions requisite for a sub-settlement are (l)
under-proprietary right (2) continuous possession by virtue
of that right (3>) enjoyment of a clear share of profits. Fail-
ure under the first of these conditions is not fairly chargeable
to Act XXVI. If no sort of right whatever be made out r
it is no peculiarity of Act XXVL that leads to the rejection)
of a suit ; if any other right than that contemplated by the
Act be found, it is governed by its own rules : it is only when;
a particular form of right actually exists that Act XXVI. of
1866 comes into play : its scope is restricted to " persons pos-
" sessed of subordinate rights of property in t'alukas, i. e. the
" right of a person who was in possession of the proprietary
" right at the time the village was incorporated in the taluka."
485. The destructive force of the Act lies in the rule
concerning profits and possession. I am not aware of any
case in which, all other points proved, the inability to prove
that possession was held "not merely through privilege
" granted on account of service or by favour of the t'alukd&r"
has opposed any bar to a decree. The proof of a sufficiency
of possession at all has been the stumbling-block to a great
number of claimants. It has been held that evidence must
be clear and conclusive, and that the onus probandi rests
wholly on the plaintiffs. It is a still severer ordeal to prove
the enjoyment of the requisite amount of profits, but the
greater number of claims have broken down before arriving:
at this stage.
486. The total number of sir cases is 3,397, but the
distinction which has been drawn be-
tween the eastern and western tahsfls*
with regard to sub-settlement must be maintained with re-
gard to this class of cases. In the latter tahsils, owing to the
early date by which sub-settlements were disposed of, sir claim*
were also instituted early. They form a comparatively small
proportion of the whole number above shown. This is intelli-
gible from what has been said regarding the state of sub-pro-
prietary rights in that quarter of the district. But the general
prevalence of kham management has a tendency to develop
distinct sfr holdings ; the general subversion of any species of
right has a tendency to brmg out into stronger relief the few
instances that have been preserved. Consequently, of 79&
claims, 366 have been decreed.
sultInpur settlement report. 233
487. In the eastern tahsfls on the other hand, sub-set-
tlements were much more backward, and sir claims did not
come on the file till much later : few were instituted until
warning was given that stamp duties were about to be intro-
duced. It needed the powerful argument that delay beyond
a certain period would entail all the expense of ordinary
litigation on the dilatory to counteract that strength of hope
which many disappointed claimants of sub-settlement seem to
have retained about their ultimate success. Any men-
tion of sir they generally met by replying that their claim to
sub-settlement was pending m appeal, which frequently
turned out to mean nothing more than that they had filed
a second or third petition for review in the higher courts.
They seemed to be under the impression that to discuss the
question of sir might prejudice their more important claims.
488. The greater degree of vitality possessed by under-
proprietary rights, coupled with the fewness of sub-settlements
in these tahsfls, furnishes primd fcboie grounds for expecting
a still higher percentage of sir decrees in them ; more parti-
cularly as they contain a large majority of the villages in
which ' 10 per cent.' sir has been awarded ; but other causes
have combined to form more than an even counterpoise; the dis-
missals are to the decrees as 2 to 1. One of these is that the
converse of what has been stated at the end of para. 486 holds
equally good ; another is that this head includes not only claims
to what may be termed sir proper, or the sir of ex-zemind&rs ;
but also to lands claimed under that name by sankalpd&rs and
others. This incorrect classification may sometimes be due to
the petition-writer, who does not take the trouble to under-
stand a claim or express it accurately ; but not unfrequent-
ly, more especially in the Amethi estate, it i» traceable
directly to the plaintiff ; it exhibits accurately the character
he wished to appear in : a sankalpd&r or mortgagee rested his
title on a grant of centuries ago, and alleged that, since the
accrual of that title, he had held the land as zemind&ri sir, pay-
ing at the same rate, and by the same method of reckoning
as the zeminddrs themselves. This tale might easily be true,
but it was open to considerable suspicion where the suit for
sub-settlement had been dismissed and the defeated zeminddra
were called in as witnesses. "While it did them no harm to sup-
port the claims, it furnished them with an occasion of which
they displayed little slackness in availing themselves, of injur-
2a
234 SULTANPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT.
ing or at least annoying the t'alukddr. Not a few cases,
indeed, were very probably instituted with no other than this
amiable object, at the instigation of the ex-proprietors. It
thus happens that in some villages nearly the whole cultivated
area has been claimed as sir, and nearly the whole unculti-
vated area as sayer. General experience alone is sufficient to
show the inherent improbability of such claims : there has some-
times not been a vestige of credible evidence to support them.
They have of necessity been dismissed. Other sir claims have
been compromised on the lease basis, others withdrawn in conse-
quence of some private understanding, and to the same cause
may, I fancy, be attributed some fraction of the defaults : one
party offers terms out of court for which he would not volun-
tarily suffer a decree to pass ; the other, willing not to prosecute
his claim, yet hesitates to formally abandon it, and default
is adopted as the 'golden mean/ These observations will
explain at once how the number of claims in the one part of the
district both actually and proportionately exceed those in the
other, and how where they are more numerous they have been
attended with less success.
489. Claims to hereditary leases have been very few,
. „ ... , much fewer than the decrees. They
4. Hereditary leases. , , , , „ ,?
have been decreed generally as a modi-
fied form of sub-settlement, occasionally in lieu of "10 per
cent, sir," occasionally also but rarely instead of ordinary sir.
They may now be found in 72 villages ; the amount of profits
the lessees enjoy varies from 10 to 25 per cent. On this sub-
ject I need only repeat with such slight alterations as appear
necessary the opinion I expressed in a recent report. It will be
observed that these leases prevail much more in the Amethi
and Sult&npur tahsils than the other two; the explanation
being that, in the latter, the great majority of under-proprie-
tary disputes had been finally set at rest before the lease system
as a basis of compromise had found any advocates.
490. Where large, sub-proprietary communities, of the
turbulent and independent spirit which frequently seems to
characterise those bodies in this part of Oudh, have held in
their hands, for considerable periods, the entire management
of their ancestral villages, and their claim to sub-settlement
has broken down, I entertain but little doubt that this is very
often the most satisfactory mode of adjusting the future rela-
sultInpur settlement report. 235
tions between them and the t'alukddr. In the Sultdnpur tah-
ell, it has been adopted in many instances without any objec-
tion on the part of those interested. So also in Amethf ;
but in the latter it has not found universal favor. The diffi-
culty lies, not as might be imagined, in the t'alukd&r's disincli-
nation to concede a lease, (he is willing to do so in all those
villages in which "10 per cent, sfr" has been decreed), but in
the under-proprietors* positive refusal to accept it. They urge
that they want only such sir, sayer, as the courts wilt have
the goodness to decree them.
491. If this represented their genuine aspirations, and
if they would really abide by the arrangements made, it would
be far preferable to define their sir once for all, and by circum-
scribing their interest in the village within certain limits,
leave the t'alukd&r free scope for the management of the re-
mainder. But so far as I can ascertain this is not at all what
the result would be. A certain rent having been fixed, the sir-
holders might, or very probably might not, have the grace to
pay it without dispute. But whether they did so or not,
they would without delay proceed to take up other lands in
addition to those decreed, for which they would resist any
demand at all, on what would, if only true, be a very justifi-
able plea, that the lands are not in their cultivation, and that
they have nothing but what was Judicially decided to be
theirs. I may instance a village in the Amethf estate, in
which the r&jah tried the experiment of kham management
during Summary Settlement. There immediately ensued a
vast amount of litigation, the principal difficulty often being
to determine the extent of the lands in the sub-proprietors'
cultivation, and to ascertain whether it had been increased or
not since the preceding year. It is, I am afraid only in the
expectation of being able to follow such a course as I have
described, that the sub-proprietors conceive sir to be more
advantageous than a lease.
492. Though this is probably the consideration which
principally influences them, it must be admitted that their case
is capable of appearing under a different aspect. It is impos-
sible not to recognize as legitimate objections founded on ap-
prehension of inability to meet the jam& demanded of them.
Where the shareholders are numerous, and the village small,
236 SfTLTlNPUR SETTLEMENT REPORT.
these fears may rest on a very solid basis ; and in such cased
it would indubitably be to the benefit of all concerned for sir
to take the place of a lease with little prospect of stability.
493. Of claims to right of occupancy there have been
m ^ . m very few ; but where a sir claimant
5. Right of occupancy. j^ ^^ to subgtantiat? ^ ^ ft
has been ascertained whether he is entitled to a right of occu-
pancy, and if so, it has been decreed to him.
494. Up to this point I have confined myself to the
Extent of under-proprietary consideration of the numerical propor-
rights decreed. i[ 0J1 f under-proprietary claims de-
creed. I now proceed to the more crucial test of examining
the amount of land and profits enjoyed by the under-proprie-
tors. It is somewhat astonishing to find that of 1,024 t'aluk-
d&ri villages, sub-tenures are to be found in no less than 483,
or nearly one-half; but these figures taken by themselves are
deceptive. In the leased and sub-settled villages, indeed, 130
in number, the proprietary profits, Rs. 77,239, are divided
pretty equally between the superior and inferior sharers, a
result partly due to the rule which makes a sub-settlement
carry with it a high minimum of profit. In the sir and occu-
pancy villages again, 353 in number, a still higher rate of pro-
fit prevails on such land as has been decreed, but this is attri-
butable to part of it being held rent-free, and the quantity of
land decreed is small. To leave details and take all t'alukddri
villages collectively, the total profits are Rs. 6,95,684, of
which sub-proprietors intercept Rs. 73,359.
495. Regarding share cases, the number is perhaps one
of the most noticeable points. It is
to be accounted for by the minutely
subdivided state of property in many portions of the district.
Of this it is a further result that the points in dispute have
often been of a very complicated character. They have pos-
sessed the redeeming feature of interest, for their investiga-
tion serves to illustrate better than any other process can do,
the practical working of the village customs by which the
present condition of tenures has been developed. Where con-
tested, they require patient investigation ; even if facts are
not at issue, it is sometimes a very nice point to arrive at a
just conclusion as to the status of a claimant : to decide whe-
sultInpur settlement beport. 237
ther his possession has extended to a perfect share, or been
restricted to sir and sayer. In the latter case, a still greater
enigma has often to be solved, whether the exclusion has been
compulsory or voluntary, of the nature described in para. 151
or that described in para. 159. For the leading principle ob-
served has been that adverse possession only is regarded by the
law of limitation : that, therefore, the mere fact of non-parti-
cipation in the management of affairs, or even in profits and
rendition of accounts, does not ipso facto bar a claim to be re-
instated in the position of a sharer, if it can be shown that it
was not consequent on forcible dispossession or permanent re-
linquishment of right, but that the concentration of the manage-
ment in the hands of one or a few has been permissive only and
revocable at the will of the co-parceners.
496. It has been ruled that restoration to possession in
1264 f. did not restore a right otherwise extinct. But in
those days, limitation-laws were little heeded ; if a long absent
sharer then returned and agreed to square accounts with the
person in possession of his share, much less objection was
raised to his re-admission into the community than is now
done. Any formal act, at that time or since re-occupation, of
acquiescence has uniformly been respected, Some curious
cases have occurred in which a whole village has been the
bone of contention between two distant relations, descendants
of a common ancestor. It has been clearly proved that, dur-
ing the limitation period, possession has alternated between
them, but that they never held together. It has been held, on
the principle that the whole contains the part, that the posses-
sion by each of the whole covered possession of the part to
which he was entitled, and that the fairest way of settling such
disputes is to divide the village between the litigants in pro-
portion to their ancestral shares.
497. The novelty of the tenure explains the paucity of
BirtandSankal ^^ SU * te * ^ er6 ^ aVe ^ een H Only;
** p# all have been decreed. Sankalps, also,
are conspicuous by the excess of decrees over dismissals.
Judgment has been actually confessed in several cases ; in
others the defence has been little more than nominal ; even
contested ones often did not go beyond the court of first in-
stance. I have a suspicion that some sankalpd&rs have been
decoyed or driven into court, the object being not to disturb
238 sultAnfur settlement report.
their possession, but to saddle them with a judicial order fix-
ing their liability for rent. Titles disputed at the outset have
often been acknowledged, where no demur has been made by
the plaintiff to the rent demanded by the defendant. The
difference between the number of defaults in t'alukd&ri and non-
t'alukd&ri villages is striking. With regard to the former the
observations on this point under the head of sir jnay perhaps
be applicable.
PART II. — The Formation of the Record.
498. The records are drawn up and arranged according
^^ to demarcated villages. They are of
Amngemen o reoo . ^ q descriptions, the Judicial, prepared
singly, and the Settlement, prepared in duplicate. Each of
these is separately bound, so that there are three volumes for
each village. When complete they are handed over to the
District Officer, two (judicial and settlement) for the head quar-
ters of the district and the third for the tahsil.
499. The Judicial volume consists mainly, as its name
. denotes, of the judicial files relating
u to such rights as have been contested ;
but it has also been selected as the most proper receptacle for
the papers concerning the appointment of lumberd&rs, in which,
though a purely executive matter, a quasi-judicial procedure is
followed. The preparation of this volume is identical with the
progress of judicial work detailed in paras. 472 to 497. The
cases finished, all that remains is to stitch them up together
and bind them.
500. The Settlement volume is more varied in its con-
tents ; it embodies all the results of
emen vo ume. ^^ settlement operations. It consists
of fifteen papers : —
1. The Boundary Map.
2. The Boundary Misl.
3. The Shajrah or Field Map.
4. The Khasrah or Field Book.
. 5. The Shajrah Abadi.
* 6. The Khasrah Abadf.
7. The List of Wells.
8. The Jamdbandf.
sultXnpur settlement report. 239
9. The Khattioni.
10. Statement No. II.
11. Statement III. or the ELhewat.
12. The Qabtiliat.
13. The Wajibularz.
14. The Rent Schedule.
15. The Final Kiibak&ri.
501. All these documents have been prepared on paper
of uniform size, except the maps, which are folded up and
placed in a pocket in the cover of the volume.
502. With the exception of the last, they all refer to
one or other of the four heads detailed in para. 371. The
two first refer to boundaries ; the next five to survey ; the
eighth, tenth, twelfth and fourteenth to assessment ; the ninth,
eleventh and thirteenth to the record of rights and liabilities.
The last the final rtibakdri, is a concise summary of all the
proceedings connected with the settlement of the village.
503. The boundary papers are bound up just as received
from the demarcation department with
undary reco . ^ e exception that the map which pos-
sessed the unfortunate peculiarity of being on flimsy bamboo
{>aper, while "every document of the misl" (to which it be-
onged) " was on strong paper" has now been rendered less
perishable by being mounted on cloth.
504. The survey records require no separate remark
here ; enough has been said about
Survey records. ,-• . ° .. • ,1 , .
their preparation m the rough in para.
375. Their fairing will be noticed presently.
505. The jam&bandi, under the authority of the word-
jam*b al * n £ of para. 3 of Circular 8-1870, has
" been omitted from the second or tahsil
volume. Had it been omitted from the first also, the value
of the record would have scarcely been impaired, especially as
the preparation of a rent schedule is required by Circular 38
of 1869.
506. The Khattioni has been strictly limited to the
v . _ , detail of all such parcels of land,
not bemg specific shares, as have been
judicially decreed. In some of the parganahs in which work
240 sultXnpur settlement report.
commenced earliest, if the procedure indicated in para. 474
showed aprimd facie case of right it was investigated, and if
proved, recorded ; but since the cancellation of the Circular
enjoining that procedure, it has been left to the option of
sot disant proprietors to establish their claim regularly, or
to submit to the omission of their tenure from the record.
507, The most essential point, sometimes not an easy
one, in the preparation of the khe-
ewa ' wat is indubitably the correct ascer-
tainment of the principle on which the lands are distributed
in the village concerned ; this determined, any error that
may creep into it is one of detail only, and admits of easy
rectification : no efforts have been spared accordingly to
ensure accuracy in this respect. In zemind&rf and pattiddri
villages, due regard being paid to the custom of jethansf,
the khewat is soon made when the genealogical tree is once
produced. Where the bhy&ch&rah tenure prevails, it is pre-
mature to call the khewat complete, until the khattionf is
entirely ready ; in such cases, khewat and khattioni actu-
ally progress pari passd ; the former is, as regards each per-
son's holding, but an abstract of the latter. Where any ex-
traordinary difficulty arises, where, for instance, the number
of shareholders is excessively large, or, as in the Asal and
Chdnda parganahs, tenures are of an unusually complex cha-
racter, the khewat (and the khattionf) are prepared by a
Munsarim or Moharrir on the spot.
508. The khewat is "intended to define the amount of
"the rights and interests of the several shareholders of an
" estate ;" and in the generality of cases this intention has been
fully carried out ; any question of right arising at the time of
its preparation has been tried out, and the entry made in it
regulated by the decision. Latterly, however, this has not
been the case. Since the introduction of stamp duty such
a course has been impossible, unless a case has happened to
hj&ve been previously instituted : it has been necessary to direct
the person dissatisfied to file a plaint on the proper stamp,
and inform him that, on the production of a decree in his
favor, the khewat will be amended. In the meantime, he
has been recorded according to what he actually holds, and
khewats will consequently be found which are records rather
of de facto possession then of de jure ownership. For the
sultXnpur settlement report. 241
reference to a suit, on the institution of which a stamp is re-
quired, is tantamount to requiring the outlay of a greater or
less sum of money, unfortunately not always immediately
forthcoming, and in such cases, the dispute has remained un-
decided. Assuming the suit to be brought, but not within
the short period between the withdrawal of the exemption
from stamp duty and the total closing of the Settlement Courts,
it has to go into the District Courts. The khe wat is in all proba-
bility called for, and the worthlessness of a document liable to
modification immediately after it is framed forms the subject
of comment more or less sarcastic on the part of the presid-
ing officer.
509. That the procedure here described is likely to
lead to any grave inconvenience, or that share claims cannot
be just as well handled by the District as by the Settlement
Courts I have no wish to imply : it is a point which remains
for future determination. Perhaps the Settlement officials
have sufficiently well performed their part if they have suc-
ceeded in accurately delineating the system peculiar to each
village ; and my sole purpose in alluding to the subject is to
stave off from this department the accusation of a perfunctory
discharge of one of the most important of its duties.
510. The exact extent to which the remarks made in
the two preceding paragraphs are applicable I cannot say :
perhaps it is not very great ; it must be remembered, however,
that khewats could not be commenced until proprietary titles
to whole villages had been determined ; the investigation of
share claims was expressly ordered to be deferred till khewats
were taken up, and it sometimes happened that it was not
till the attempt was made to impose an exact limit on a right
before uncertain that the existence of a grievance came to be
perceived ; in others words, many share claims would naturally
be kept back until a very late stage of the settlement. At
the same time, I need scarcely say that every endeavour has
been made to bring disputants to an understanding, and an
extra-judicial solution has been found of many such difficul-
ties.
511. It is worthy, I think, of special mention that khe-
wats have been prepared in two sanad-held estates, to the in-
clusion of persons whose names are not in the sanad. I speak
2h
242 sultXnpur settlement report.
of Rdmpur and Frat&bpur. In R&mpur, the sanad is vague
only, and runs in the name of " Kalka Buksh waghairah."
It has been interpreted by means of Statement A, which is
fortunately more explicit. The PratAbpur estate has for
some time consisted of separate shares held under separate
qabdliat, viz. Prat&bpur Ragon&th Singh, and Pratdbpur
Baijndth Singh. It is to the latter only I refer, the former is
subject to ordinary rules. Baijn&th Singh obtained a sanad,
it included the name of one of his sharers, Zabr Singh, but
not that of a second one, Jaggarn&th Singh. The non-sanad
sharer on his part applied to be recorded as proprietor of a
right of which he has all along been in actual possession ; the
sanad holders, on their part, though not interfering with pos-
session, long objected to the record, on the ground that it
would be an infringement of the sanad. The matter was at
last compromised on the basis that the non-sanad sharer
should be entered in the khewat, but that it should be as sub-
ordinate to the sanad holders, to whom, however, he should
pay no more than 5 per cent, the ordinary lumberddri fee, in
excess of the government demand. This is, I think, very
fair. It maintains the individual excluded from the sanad in
much the same position as he would have held had there
never been one : while it at the same time protects the t'aluk-
d&rs from the splitting up of their t'aluka, which it would have
been at his option to make by partition or sale, if he had been
admitted to share in the superior right.
512. Ordinarily, a single khewat is sufficient for a single
village, even where it is divided among different mehals : there
is usually some common bond of connection between the res-
pective proprietors springing from descent from the same an-
cestor. All that is then necessary is to be careful to make
an accurate apportionment of the shares: — it is very analogous
to what has to be done in patti d&rl villages. Where, however,
as sometimes happens, two or three distinct properties have
been demarcated together, a separate khewat is indispensable
for each of them. There are instances, also, where even in
the same property a double khewat has been considered ad-
visable, if not absolutely necessary : where there co-exist su-
perior and inferior rights, and both are held by co-parcenary
communities, whose methods of distributing shares are inde-
pendent of each other, the construction of a single khewat
would more often be a triumph of ingenuity than of practical
utility.
sultXnpur settlement report. 243
513. The wajibularz has in all cases been prepared
separately for each village ; not collec-
ajl u ^ tively for t'alukas or other large
mehals, where these exist. It was always contemplated that
there should be separate ones for villages in which under-pro-
prietary rights obtained, and some such are to be met with in
every t'aluka. A literal adhesion to the printed instructions
would, therefore, have led to the wajibularzes of some vil-
lages being in their own misls and some in that of the whole
t'aluka. This would probably have created some confusion.
A single paper of this kind for an entire t'aluka, moreover,
would be generally large and bulky, and its value would be
much diminished by the difficulty of finding any part to which
reference might be required.
514. The wajibularz has been prepared for the most
part in the village it refers to ; a Munsarim, where possible, and
elsewhere a Moharrir, having been sent there for that purpose.
It was his business to ascertain and record the information re-
quired for its sucessive clauses : his work was afterwards
checked by the Settlement Officer himself or one of his subor-
dinates. It seems to me that the second clause of this paper is
somewhat superfluous, the khewat often, if not always, gives
all the particulars it professes to furnish, and simple reference to
that paper would therefore be enough. If it be desirable, in
order to preserve the completeness of the wajibularz, to have a
full detail under this head, it might still be feasible to reduce
the size of the less important volume by the omission of the
khewat from it. Similarly, the place of the khattioni,
where its purpose is to record small holdings only, might also
be very well supplied in the same volume oy *imply giving a
detail of the khasrah numbers against each of the holdings
enumerated in clause 12 of the wajibularz. The omissions
indicated have not been made, however, as they are opposed
to the Circulars now in force.
515. The preparation of the Survey Records in the
_ . . , rough commenced, of course, simul-
Fainng records. , o - «xi_ i t. j.
taneously with measurements ; but
some months elapsed before a sufficient number were ready
to justify the appointment of an establishment for fairing
them. It was, indeed, at first expected that the amlns them-
selves would be capable of doing this for their own records ;
214 SXTLtXnFUB SETTLEMENT REPORT.
but their notions of caligraphy were generally found to be
better suited to the rough than the fair copies, and Moharrirs,
paid at contract rates out of the Amins wages, have had to be
entertained for the purpose of supplying the omission. A
similarly paid agency has been employed for the preparation
of most of the papers, the cost of which is chargeable to
Government ; but this method of remuneration is apt to cause
difficulties to be slurred over and ignored, and the first copies
of the more intricate papers have been drawn up by a salaried
establishment. To this is entrusted, also, the duty of testing
the work of the contract Moharrirs.
516. Each paper, perfect in itself, has next to be com-
pared with others containing similar entries ; it is only when
they are all made to tally with each other and with the judi-
cial file that the misl is accepted as complete. The import-
ance of this work of examination and comparison can scarcely
be overrated, though it finds no place in the monthly returns ;
and, unless due allowance be made for it, it is in danger of
being neglected to the no small detriment of the records.
517. Fairing offices were first opened at Inhona for the
tahsil of that name, and at Jais for tahsil Mohanganj ; and, as
the area under settlement extended, others were fixed at
Amethi and Sult&npur. Each of these was committed to the
charge of a Sadr Munsarim, but, with a view to more efficient
supervision, Inhona was made the head quarters of an Extra
Assistant Commissioner, and the two tahsils of Inhona and
Mohanganj placed under his superintendence. The Jais and
Amethi offices existed but for short periods ; the former was
amalgamated with that at Inhona in October 1866, and the
latter with that at Sult&npur in January 1868. The Inhona
establishment was maintained for some time after this ; it was
not deemed advisable to break it up till the commencement
of 1870, when it was absorbed into that at the Sadr station.
SECTION V.— Miscellaneous.
518. "When the Settlement commenced in February 1863,
Colonel Perkins was Deputy Com-
cers * missioner of the district, and was ac-
cordingly, in conformity with the practice then generally fol-
lowed, directed to assume the supervision of settlement
stjltXnpur settlement report. 245
operations. He was not relieved of the administrative charge
of the district, however, and so was unable to devote his at-
tention exclusively to his special duties, until the month of
September in the same year. From that time he continued
in charge of the settlement until his return to district work,
as Deputy Commissioner of Faizabad, in April 1869, with the
exception of twenty months (March 1866 to November 1867)
during which time he was absent on furlough to Europe.
His place was then filled by Mr. H. B. Sarington, now
Officiating Secretary to the Chief Commissioner. From
Colonel Perkins' departure for Faizabad dates my own tenure
of the Settlement Officership.
519. Captain Forbes was appointed to the district as
Assistant Settlement Officer almost immediately after the
commencement of operations ; and he continued to be the sub-
stantive incumbent of that post until March 1868. During
part of that period he was absent, however ; from early in the
year 1865 to late in the year 1866, he was on leave to Europe
on medical certificate, and Mr. W. H. Gibson, now Officiat-
ing Deputy Commissioner of Hardui, was deputed to per-
form his duties. He was also twice absent in charge of other
Settlements, once at Pratdbgarh in January 1867, and again
at Faizabad from May to December of the same year. To-
wards the beginning of 1868 Captain Forbes was promoted
to the Settlement Officership of Prat&bgarh. It then fell to
me to take up the post left vacant by his promotion, and I
continued to hold it until my appointment as Colonel Perkins*
successor in the following year, when it was finally abolished.
520. Since I assumed charge of the settlement, the fol-
lowing officers have served in the department : Pandit Md-
dhoper^had and Syad Mahomed Husain, Extra Assistant
Commissioners, and Mahomed Abdullah and Chunf Ldl,
Sadr Munsarims. Syad Mahomed Husain was transferred
to another district more than two years ago.
521. Pandit Mddhopershad was transferred to this dis-
trict in December 1863 from Undo, where he had already
gained for himself a high character for integrity and ability.
This he has fully maintained throughout the long period he
has been associated with the Sult&npur Settlement. Res-
pecting his judicial aptitude it would be superfluous to do
24& sultInfub sittlembnt mport.
more than mention the special recognition of it implied in his
investment with full judicial powers. He has throughout
been entrusted with the supervision of the preparation of
records, (at first in the two western tahsils, and latterly in all
four) for which he is peculiarly fitted by his intimate acquaint-
ance with every branch of Settlement work.
522. Mahomed Abdullah possesses good abilities, and
has gained great experience in revenue matters during a long
term of Government service. He was first employed in vari-
ous subordinate capacities in the Panj&b, where he retained
the favorable opinion of his superiors, until he left for Oudh,
on obtaining in the latter province a better appointment than
he had previously been holding in the former. He then
served for some years in the Pratdbgarh district and during
part of that time acted as tahslld&r. He was transferred to
this district in February 1869, and has since continuously
acted as Sadr Munsarim.
523. Of Mtinshf Chtini Ldl I hold a very high opinion.
He was for sometime Serisht&d&r to the Settlement Officer,
and in consequence of the satisfaction he gave in that post
was appointed Sadr Munsarim. He is intelligent and indus-
trious, well versed in law, and careful and accurate in its ap-
plication. In the preparation of records, he was a zealous
coadjutor of Pandit M&dhopershad, until he left the dis-
trict last September on his appointment to a tahsild&rship.
524. The total cost of the Settlement, everything in-
n^f of ^ttunumt eluded, is Us. 4,54,756-12-6. To avoid
Cost of Settlement. ... \ '., _ n
repetition of details I may refer to
Statement II, where an analysis of these figures will be
found. Regarding the last column only have I any remarks
to make. It shows that the cost of the Settlement is 41 per
cent of the revised demand for one year. It appears to me
that an equally, if not more, useful comparison lies between
the cost of revision and the gross increase of revenue there-
by effected ; by reference to this standard it will be seen that
Government recoups itself in little more than a year and a
half for all the expenditure that has been entailed by the re-
vision of assessments. From discussion of the question whe-
ther the cost of the settlement has been moderate or the re-
verse, I have the good fortune to be absolved; a favorable
verdict has already been passed upon the subject.
sultXnpur settlement report. 247
525. This report has the peculiarity, that, with its sub-
ConduBion mission, the territorial division it refers
on uBion. to will become obsolete. "With regard
to the primary object of the report, this is fraught with no
inconvenience whatever ; but it has this result attached to it
that the statements submitted, some of which would otherwise
be of great value for reference to all officers engaged in revenue
work are now, quoad hoc, comparatively useless. This defect
it was my wish and intention to remedy by preparing the state-
ments alluded to as well for the new district as the old. But,
unfortunately, the Faizabad Settlement is not sufficiently ad-
vanced for me to obtain the requisite information concerning
some of the parganahs received from that district, and my
purpose has consequently had to be abandoned, or at all events
deferred until the missing data are forthcoming.
A. F. MILLETT,
Settlement Officer.
i)
No. 2246.
From
The OFFG. SECY, to CHIEF COMMR,
OUDH.
To
Colonel L. BARROW, c. b.,
Financial Commissioner, Oudh.
Dated Lucknow, 11th May 1870.
Sir
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
letter No. 3728, dated 5th instant, enclosing the report of the
Settlement Officer, Sult&npur, on the revised assessments of
tahsil Inhona.
2nd. — In reply I am directed to observe that, as final
sanction will have to be given by Government, the Chief
Commissioner does not propose to forward it on until the re-
port of the whole district is completed. In the meantime,
the Chief Commissioner is pleased to sanction the revised
assessment, and to request that Major Perkin's report may be
incorporated in that for the whole district and printed.
I have the honor to be,
Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
H. B. HARINGTON,
Offy. Secy, to Chief Commissioner, Oudh.
t
Ifj
lit!
No. 1895 of 1873.
From
Lieut. Coll. I. P. MACANDREW,
Ofpg. Commr., RAi BarelI Division.
To
The PERSL. ASST. to tme CHIEF COMMR.,
Oudh.
Dated Rdi BareU, the 29th July, 1873.
Sm*\
I have the honor to submit the Settlement Report of the
district of Sult&npur which was received in this office on the
17th March 1873. It bears no date upon it. With it is
submitted the report on the settlement of the Inhona tahsil
of the Sult&npur district, also without date. This report,
which is by Lieutenant Colonel Perkins, appears to have been
submitted to the Secretary to the Chief Commissioner on the
5th May 1870 by the Financial Commissioner, but was
returned, with the Secretary's No. 2246 of 11th May 1870,
to be re-submitted with the general report.
2. The general report is by Mr. A. F. Millett, who
has taken very great pains with it and brought a great deal of
research to bear upon the subject. The historical and statis-
tical account of the district is very interesting, and no doubt
will be most valuable as material for the Provincial Gazetteer,
and it reflects the highest credit on the officer who has spent
so much time in compiling it. Nevertheless, I am con-
strained to say that the report, as a settlement report, is dis-
appointing.
3. The report is divided into three chapters, No. 1,
Statistical, No. 2, Historical, No. 3, Settlement. My obser-
vations must necessarily be only of a critical character, for I
have no special acquaintance with the subject in Sultknpur,
and I am only forwarding this report now because I do not
( 2 )
see that the Chief Commissioner is likely to have this settle-
ment reported upon by a more competent person within any
reasonable time. As I have no means of criticizing the
Statistical and Historical portions of the report, I intend to
confine my remarks to the third chapter and section 7 of the
the first chapter which treats of tenures.
4. In his section upon tenures Mr, Millett divides them
into several heads subordinate to two principal ones, " tenures
according to origin," and "tenures according to incidents."
The first is discussed under the following sub-heads at paras.
113 to 126 of his report : —
Modes of acquisition.
Conquest.
Occupation.
Accession.
Transfer*
A discussion on such subjects as these presents no features
peculiar to the Sult&npur district, and as it is probable that
there will always be a difference of opinion regarding the
origin of tenures I see no good in following Mr. Millett into
a controversy on the subject.
5. I think it necessary, however, to correct the impres-
sion which his para. 125, on the subject of leases, is calculated
to leave. I believe that the tenure, called " deposit " by Mr.
Millett. mentioned in his para. 126, is found as he describes
in a few instances in Eastern Oudh, but it is a rare and a
special exception, not by any means a rule. The lease in the
Naw&bf was optional with the superior ; but when a person,
having an ancient or an acquired under-proprietary right
was dispossessed of the lease, when, in fact, the village was
held Kacha, as the local phrase is, an equivalent in sir or
nankar was provided for the dispossessed lease-holder. Un-
der the native rule the settlements were annual, and subor-
dinate arrangements were always liable to annual modifica-
tion, however many years they might run on without change ;
under our rule we desire that the holders of subordinate
interests should share in the stability which our settlements
give to rights of all kinds, and these leases, formerly liable
to arbitrary change, are now, whether under the name of
sub-settlements or hereditary non-trapsferable leasee, fixed
( 3 )
tenures. I can see now, however, that a great mistake has
been made in not fixing the alternative sir in case of dispos-
session ; for, though we do not allow the caprice of the supe-
rior to eject the lease-holder at his pleasure, we have not
provided for the case, which I regret to say is common iji the
Sultdnpur district, of the lease-holder not paying his rent ;
and, instead of the simple and easy procedure of the native
system, we are forced to sale, or Government management, a
Srocess which connot be carried out on a large scale and is
ilatory and ineffective on any scale at all. Such is the true
position of persons holding the management of villages subor-
dinate to t'alukd&rs under native rule as compared with our
own.
6. Under the head of " tenures according to incidents "
Mr. Millett, divides his subject into —
Proprietary rights.
Under-proprietary rights.
Quasi-proprietary rights.
I do not intend to follow Mr. Millett into his long discussion
on proprietary right which appears to me to have little to do
with a settlement report. Suffice to say that he admits it to>
be in Sultdnpur what it is elsewhere.
I. The right in the land of persona who hold it free ol
revenue.
II. The right in the land of persons who hold it subject
to the Government demand alone.
7. Under-proprietary tenures Mr. Millett conceives to-
consist of subrsettlement and sir only, at least he so classes:
these tenures alone, and he commits this mistake because he
has allowed himself to invent what he calls
Quasi-proprietary tenures..
These are enumerated by him as follows : —
1.
Jhagir,
7.
Birt.
2.
Milk,
8.
Marwat.
3.
Aima,
9.
Maintenance.
4.
M'afl,
10.
Occupancy.
5.
Sankalp,
11,
Purw&s.
6.
D&r„
12.
Groves.
( 4 )
It is only necessary to glance over this list to see how incor-
rectly they are thus classed together. M'aft and groves may
be either proprietary or under-proprietarv, and indeed groves
may be merely an incident on condition of cultivating occupan-
cy. Milk and aima are, I believe, always revenue free pro-
prietary rights. Sankalp, birt, marwat, and purw&s (that is
the right of the founders of purw&s) are under-proprietary
rights beyond all question. Maintenance, if a right in land
at all, only becomes so in consequence of a decree under a
law defining it such as chapter VIII of Act I of 1869, Section
33 of the same Act, or the general obligation under the com-
mon law of men to support their wives and children, and the
special obligation by custom of the t'alukddxs to support their
relatives which custom however is ignored by our law. The
nature of this custom will appear hereafter. Occupancy is
a right created by our laws and decisions. I have never heard
of a case in which occupancy was decreed on the ground that
a man had made out a right to it irrespective of our law, and
Mr. Millett, in his para. 184, says that the cases that have
come under his observation are cases of compromise by consent,
in which the Plaintiff claimed something more which the court
could not grant, such as a right to marwat. I shall have occa-
sion to speak of this afterwards. Mr. Millett has not stated
what is the nature of the right of occupancy thus decreed, so
I presume, it is the same as that under Section 5, Act XIX. of
1868.
D&r is a word new to me. Mr. Millett says it means any
permanent sub-proprietary interest but is not a special tenure
itself. It might therefore have been left out of the enume-
ration.
8. Jhdgfr is a tenure on which there have been numerous
decisions, especially in the Lucknow district, and I believe, it
has been there held, and correctly held, to be merely an
assignment of the Government revenue, and to carry no other
right with it either proprietary or under-proprietary. Some-
times the proprietary right was found co-existent with that of
jhdgir, but then it could be traced to a different origin. The
jh&gfrs of the Baho Begam, and of the General Sahib in this
division were unquestionably of this class.
( 5 )
Mr. Millett has however mixed up with it service tenures.
These are I know sometimes incorrectly called " jh6gfr." The
correct name for them is that by whicfi they were known in
the Settlement of the R&i Bareli district (ch&kar&na).
These are pure service tenures, the right to hold the land
ceasing with the cessation of the service, but as the service was
hereditary usually so was the ch&kar&na too. Jhdgir, on the
contrary, was by no means a service grant necessarily. It
might be so or it might not. At any rate there is no occasion to
invent such a description of it as quasi-pfoprietary.
9. I think there is a good deal of error in Mr. Millett's
notions about maintenance, and, as they are advanced in a
report which is to be printed and circulated to the world, I
deem it necessary to state what I conceive to have been the
real state of affairs. His views are given in paras. 177 to 180
of his report. In paras. 178 and 179, he gives a sketch of
what he conceives to have been a general custom, but the
simple fact that we found estates large and in the hands of
single t'a!ukd£rs for the most part throughout the province,
shows that the splitting process described by Mr. Millett
could not be general. It is undoubtedly true that native
opinion did not expect a t'alukd&r's younger sons to work for
their bread, and that it was the custom for the father to
assign villages for their maintenance., and that they held them
rent-free. It is also true that, when the r&jah was a weak
man and the Bdbli a strong one in the next generation, the
Bdbti not unfrequently got a separate engagement with the
Government and became an independent t'alukd&r. But
then a similar action would go on in the B&bii's estate, and,
were this process general, a few generations would have
broken u]p all the large properties in Oudh. The real fact
however is that, as a rule, in the next generation rent was
exacted from these maintenance villages, probably a low one
and for the life of the incumbent ; but in the following gene-
ration it was increased while the holding became divided,
and, from favored relatives of the t'alukdkr, the holders of
these originally maintenance villages became ordinary clans-
men in course of time.
10. I also cannot pass over Mr. Millett's remark in
para. 181, that the law would not concede a right to marwat.
It is true that certain old circulars laid dQwn some stringent
( 6 )
rules about what was called " t'alukd&ri m'afi," and directed
that t'alukddrs might revoke their own gifts of rent-free
or riaiyati land at pleasure ; but Lord Lawrence in the Foreign
Department No. 302, dated 6th October 1864, set these orders
aside, and directed that every claim was to be tried on its
merits irrespective of any authoritative provincial declarations
of the non-existence of any particular right, while sections 2
and 7 of Act XVI of 1865, declare that all suits shall be
tried under the provisions of the Code of Civil Procedure,
and the. same principle has since been re-enacted in Act
XXXII of 1871. I am therefore of opinion that it was
3uite competent to the Settlement Courts, in Sult&npur to
ecree marwats if the right |to them had been proved before
them, and I regret to hear that they have not done so.
11. I have remarked in para. 2 that I consider this,
report disappointing. Its defects appear to me to be, first,
that it does not give that close description of the mode in
which the assessment of the land revenue was made in this
district which would enable an officer about to engage in such
a work to understand the Sult&npur system, and to adopt
it or any part of it which seemed to him suitable to the dis-
trict on which he was about to operate. Secondly it does
not trace out, as I think a settlement report written at the
close of a settlement begun nearly ten years before it should do,
the result of the Judicial award of rights upon the condition
of the several classes having interests in the soil, and on the
(Jollection of the Government land revenue.
12. I shall endeavour to the best of my ability, from
other papers and data, partially to supply the first want. I
may also find it possible to say something cm the subject of the
collection of the revenue under this settlement ; but I cannot
be expected to supply any information as to the condition of
the people under it, as that requires time and opportunities,
of local observation which I have not had
13. There are three modes of assessing the land revenue
in vogue on this side of India. These are —
1st. — Assessment by rent rates.
2nd. — Do. by rent-rolls.
3rd. — Do. by estimate and valuation of produce.
( 7 )
All three may be adopted where rents are paid in nioney,
though the third would seldom be resorted to under such cir-
cumstances. The second process is plainly inapplicable when
rents are paid in kind.
14. It is usual to correct these results so as specially to
adapt them to the circumstances of each particular village, and
there are two ways of doing this. First, to visit the village
before any data for its assessment have been collected, to make
notes as to soils, appearance and condition, and to use these notes
subsequently to correct the results of the application of the
process, described in the last para., which may be adopted.
Secondly, to collect the data for assessment first, and then to
visit the village, with the results of the application of any one
of the processes described in the last para, before the officer
making the village inquiry, and to correct these results from
observation on the spot. I need hardly say that I consider
the second to be much the better practice of the two.
15. In order to explain as well as I can how the assess-
ment was made in the Sult&npur district, I have selected the
parganah of Jagdlspur as a specimen, because it is one of the
three parganahs upon which Colonel Perkins himself has re-
ported, and because of the two out of those three still in this
division, Jagdfspur shows the greater variety, having been
divided for assessment purposes into two circles and a third of
several sub-circles, while the other parganah, Inhona, forms
only one circle.
16. Colonel Perkins, at para. 13 of his report, informs
us that he began operations by a personal inspection, either
by himself or his Assistant, Captain Forbes, of each manor
one by one.
The word manor is here evidently used for mauzah, as 329
manors were visited, which is the exact number of demarcated
mauzahs in the Inhona tahsil, aiid that is the area reported on
by Colonel Perkins, #
During this inspection notes were made "regarding soil,
" facilities for irrigation, tod other matters worthy of note. "
These officers "had no survey papers to assist in their
" inquiries."
( 8 )
17. The result of this inspection, as regarding the par-
ganah of Jagdlspur, was to divide it into three territorial
divisions. £!ircle No. 1 consisted of the "northern and south-
" eastern parts of the parganah, water was found at a distance
" of from 30 to 50 feet from the surface of the ground and a
"lighter soil."
Circle No. 2 consisted of the lands " in the southern and
" north-western part of the parganah, where the soil was better
" and the water only 18 to 26 feet from the surface."
Circle No. 3 consisted of the sub-circles, which lay along
the river Gtimtf and theK&ndti nallah, and "comprised mauzahs
" which have peculiarities of soil and very little irrigation."
18. In the course of their inspection the Settlement
Officer and the Assistant Settlement Officer also formed rent
rates. These rates were on three classes of soil into which
the lands were divided —
1st. — Goind.
2nd. — Lands not goind yielding two crops each year.
3rd. — Lands as above yielding one crop each year.
No distinction was made, within those classes, between irriga-
ted and unirrigated soils in the first instance, and the tahsils of
Inhona and Mohanganj appear to have been assessed with-
out separate rates having been fixed for wet and dry cultivation.
Mr. Millett however reports, para. 440, that it was subse-
quently found desirable to make separate rent rates for wet
and dry cultivation in classes % and 3, and this was done in
the other two tahsils of Amethi and Sult&npur. The rent
rates fixed for parganah Jagdispur were the acre : — m
Class I.
Class II.
Class, m.
Circle
I.
8
5
2 6 5
it
II.
9 9 7
4 2 9
19 7
99
III.
6 6 5
3 3 2
19 7
19. Besides the rental given by these rates, two other
rentals were used.
The first of these was the patw&ris' jam&bandf, corrected
for sir, rent-free, and service lands. The second was thus
ascertained in Colonel Perkins' own words. " In the course
( 9 )
u of my local inquiries, I found that an average rent of 3 per
" bigah all round gave a tolerably correct estimate of the
" assets of a fairly cultivated estate, while 2-8 per bigah
" applied with equal accuracy to estates next in order of fer-
" tility : when much in doubt as to the capabilities of an estate,
" I tested them with this general average rate/'
20. It is not possible for me to give any opinion on the
circles, unless I had an opportunity of personally examining
the parganah very minutely. With regard to the classes
however I may say that they appear to me exceedingly good
ones, if they had been further subdivided into irrigated and
unirrigated land. With this subdivision the classification
into one crop land, two crop land, and goind, is about as good
a one as could be hit upon, for it is a division in which an ex-
perienced amin ought not to make a mistake, except perhaps
as to the area of the goind which is easily corrected. Its
only disadvantage appears to me to be that the lands forming
Classes II and III would be scattered a good deal, and it would
be therefore troublesome to test the several areas. There is
however the very greatest difference in the rents of irrigated
and unirrigated lands, both two crop and one crop. Jarhan
rice land is one crop, for instance, and pays high rents, and
sandy tracts of barren land are often two crop, having kodo
and arhar sown together, or miing and b&jra. The rent of
such land however is seldom above one rupee an acre, if so
much. It will be observed that in Circle I, which is described
as inferior to Circle II, the rates on the second and third class
soils are higher. This is not explained. I am not at all sur-
prised to find that as the settlement progressed it was found
necessary to fix different rates for wet and dry cultivation,
para. 440 of the report, as one rate would necessarily be low
or it would be unsafe. With the exception of goind lands,
the rates however strike me as'low compared with those which
come out in the adjacent district of R&i Bareli They are
given at para. 441.
21. With regard to the actual jam&bandf rentals, Mr.
Millett, para. 447, speaks of them with the greatest contempt.
He says " they quite fulfilled the anticipations formed as to
" their worth. They were found nearly useless, the entries in
" them being highly imaginative/'
( io )
Colonel Perkins also seems to have had a theoretic
leaning that way, for he says, para. 14 of his report, that " the
" native officials were unable to divest themselves of the notion
" that the value of an estate must necessarily be tested by the
" caste of the tenants and the rent paid by them." We shall
see, however, that when he came to the actual work of assess-
ment, he placed great reliance on these actual rents. I am
of opinion that where the actual rents can be ascertained, in
a country where landed property is held as in Oudh, they form
the soundest and most reliable basis on which to assess the
land revenue. The views expressed by Colonel Perkins above
are enunciated at para. 65 of the Directions to Settlement Offi-
cers, but throughout that work the leading idea is that villages
belong to co-parcenary cultivating communities. Whether
that was the case in the North West or not I do not pretend to
say, but it is not the case in Oudh generally nor in Sult&npur
in particular. Low caste men who pay the highest rates of rent
are very rarely zemind&rs, When they are, a special settlement
can be made to meet the case, but ordinarily they are tenants,
and to let the jami down because they pay high rents is
simply to put money in the pocket of the man between the
Government and the cultivator.
He will not fail to exact as high a rent as he can get
whatever his jamd may be.
22. It appears however that in Sult&npur the jamd-
bandi rents were only corrected for sfr and rent-free land,
which includes service, and the result of this, according to
my experience, is that the rents would come out low.
In the settlement of R&i Barelf, which was made on cor-
rected jamdbandfs, and where the rents were very carefully
analyzed and tabulated before the village was visited, I found
at least as much land held at low and favoured rates as that
held under the name of sir and rent-free put together. The
causes were various, but these lands would all have passed at
their low riaiyati rent in Sult&npur, and for this reason I con-
sider that the rental there given from jamdbandis is low.
I need hardly say that I totally differ from Mr. Millett, on
the subject of the trustworthiness of jam&bandis. His opinion
on this subject is not one entitled to much weight. The
assessment of the Sult&npur district was completed before he
got charge of it, and, if he assisted in the making of any
( 11 )
assessment at all, it could only have been for a small part of
one parganah, Chinda. It is one of the defects of this report
that it does not point out the work for which each officer em*
ployed is responsible. Experienced officers who have been
engaged in making the greatly more careful assessments of the
present day, have testified to the wonderful reliability . of the
patw&rfs papers pretty generally, where they have really
looked into the matter, and judging from the JagdispUr par-
ganah, the Sult&npur settlement is far too much indebted to
jam&bandis to allow such assertions to pass unchallenged.
23» As regards the 3rd mode of ascertaining the rental
of a village by the application of an average rental of Us. 3 a
bigah, if the village be fairly good, and Rs. 2-8 if second class,
I have no faith in it.
If this Was at all to be relied on, why go to the trouble
of making circles and classes, and having the responsibility of
fixing the areas of each ?
I believe that as a fact it has been very little used indeed.
I have not seen a single instance of it in the parganah of Jag-
dispur*
24. So far I have been able to abstract from the reports,
but When the question is asked how these data Were applied
to arrive at the demand actually imposed on the people, the
report is silent. To find this out I have selected the par-
ganah of JagdispUr for reasons already given, and I nave
tabulated the data of each village in that parganah in a form
statement marked A, which I have the honor to submit, and
which will, I hope, enable the Chief Commissioner to see how
this settlement has been actually made. The figures in this
statement are taken from the village assessment book . of the
parganah, the remarks in which are in Colonel Perkins' own
handwriting ; and the remarks in the statement are abstracted
by me from those of Colonel Perkins to explain certain figures
which seem to need it. Mr. Harington who assessed the tahsfl
of Amethi and the parganah of Sultdnpur, assures me that
he followed the system established by Colonel Perkins, and
Colonel Perkins himself assessed the rest of the district.
25. Colonel Perkins appears to have used both the rent
rates and the jamdbandis, corrected as described in para. 22,
in order to arrive at what he assumed as the basis of his
( 12 )
assessment. If the two came out pretty nearly together he
generally took something off the mean as a margin for bad
seasons, and assumed what was left. If the rent rates were
a good deal the higher, the statement generally shows a deduc-
tion ; sometimes there were special causes for this, such as that
the area of goind had been over estimated by the amfn, or
the village had a smaller proportion of irrigated land than
usual, for in this parganah there were no separate rates for wet
and dry land. In addition, from this, and also from the
amount given by the rent rates in villages where there were
no errors of that kind, he usually deducted 10 per cent, to be on
the safe side, and sometimes made a still further deduction
for bad seasons.
He then dealt with the mean as above or not as the
nature of his notes, I presume, might be, and took that as the
basis of assessment.
26. It will thus appear that in this assessment the actual
rents were used quite as much as the rent rates as its basis-
In the whole parganah, which I have gone over carefully,
comparing each village in the statement with the detailed
statistics and remarks in the book, there are only two villages
Nos. 99 and 154, in which the jamdbandi is said to be not trust-
worthy, land having been omitted altogether. Colonel Perkins
does not mention who the zeminddrs are in his assessment
book, which is a serious omission. This information, as he
gives the number of families in each caste, would probably go
far to explain some of the reasons why the jamri-bandis are
suspected.
27. An assessment conducted on these principles may
be expected to be decidedly low. I have before explained
why I think the rent rates would be low (para. 20), and also
why the rent-rolls would show a similar result (para 22).
Their application in the manner described above would be a
further precaution in this direction, and, when I consider how
prominently the actual rents have been used, and the evident
care in the village inspection which the very clear notes in
the assessment book proves to have been taken, I feel per-
fectly sure that the district of Sultdnpur has not been over
assessed.
( 13 )
28. It might appear from the above remarks that I am
of opinion that the Government has not got its just due, and
I certainly think that it has not got a full fifty per cent, of
the rental. But in this I consider that Colonel Perkins has
exercised a wise discretion. The increase in the demand, on
this parganah, is 30 per cent, including cesses, and it was very
difficult under native rule to get any revenue from this par-
ganah at all. The increase in some of the individual villages
is very great. No. 11 of the statement is raised from Us. 203
to Us. 500, No. 21 from Us. 52 to Es. 155, No. 37 from
Us. 516 to Rs. 1,610; No. 42 from Rs. 201 to Rs. 510, No. 64
from Rs. 264 to Rs. 610, No. 95 from Rs. 568 to Rs. 1,435,
and No. 106 from Rs. 25 to Rs. 155. These are specimens
of the greatest changes, but doubling the old jamd was by
no means uncommon. The increase on the whole district is
38 per cent.
29. There have been 100 appeals against the assessment
of this district. Of these 86 have been rejected.
In 13 cases the jamd has been reduced, 12 of them being
at the recommendation of the Settlement Officer himself and
one only without it, the total amount of reduction was
Rs. 1,680. In the 24th case the jamd was not reduced per-
manently, but it was made rasadf, being reduced for the
first 10 years of the settlement. A statement marked B,
is appended showing the appeals and their results. I have
examined several of the appeal files and find nothing in them
to remark upon.
The data in the settlement books appear to me to suffice
for a Commissioner to form an opinion in a case that may
come before him in appeal. The statistical details on one
page of the open sheet devoted to each village, though ample,
are not well arranged so as to bring together and illustrate
each other, but the remarks of the Settlement Officer are
clear and to the point, and show how he came to his conclu-
sions. The cause of the want of a general coherence through-
out the arrangement of the statistics of the village was, no
doubt, want of experience at the outset. It has been the
curse of Indian settlements that each generation has had to
begin anew. The old settlement reports of the North West
and the Panj&b literally contain no information showing how
the assessments were made.
( 14 )
Mr. Prinsep's of Sealkot was the first that I have seen
which attempted it, and it came out too late to be of use in
Oudh generally, while it treated of rents in kind. The others
were full of history, statistics, and disquisitions on culture,
tenures and the social condition of the people, but never ad-
dressed themselves to explain how the assessment was effected*
Men did not therefore benefit by the experience of those who
had gone before, and much valuable labor was wasted. I
would recommend that, at the conclusion of the settlement
of this province, a succinct account be drawn up of the vari-
ous methods of assessment employed in the several districts,
so far as the means of finding out exist, and that a volume
be printed for future reference. If the Government of India
was moved to require a similar record from the Lieutenant-
Governors of the North West and the Panjab, future re-settle-
ments would be made much easier in northern India. The
Government of Bombay is very far before us in this respect.
30. The new demand appears to have been promptly
introduced into the several parganahs as their assessment
was completed.
The dates of introduction were as follows : —
1864.
1865.
1866.
1867.
1869.
November,
December,
May,
June,
February,
July,
April,
May,
April,
Inhona.
Subeha.
Mohanganj,
Jagdispur.
Rokhd-Jais.
Gaur £- Jamiin.
Simrota.
Isaulf.
Asal.
Sult&npur.
Amethi.
Ch&nda.
In the earlier part of this term it seems to have been promptly
paid.
The balances shown by the Tauzis were at the close of—
1863-64, Us. 2,321
1864-65,
1865-66,
1866-67,
1867-68,
„ 714
„ 1,682
„ 26,806
„ 34,907
( 15 )
After this year the Tauzis show the bakdya balance thus : —
1868-69,
1869-70,
1870-71,
1871-72,
1872-73,
Balance.
20,198
6,754
17,613
28,791
11,838
Bak&ya.
12,959
35,650
22,968
77,064
1,39,463
During this time the following officers were Deputy Com-
missioners of the district.
Captain Hawkins.
Major Shaw.
Dr. Young.
Mr. Kavanagh.
Mr. Glynn.
Major Shaw held the district up to November 1867 and he
then left balance of Us. 62,014 on the 31st October, not
counting the November kist. Mr. Kavanagh held in 1871-72.
Dr. Young held it intermediately between them, and Mr.
Glynn since Mr. Kavanagh's departure.
31. The years 1864-65 and 1866 were years of drought,
and yet they are the years which show the lightest balances.
They were years in which the greater part of the district was
under the summary settlement. It is a difficult matter to point
out the reason why the balances have increased of late years,
though no doubt the increased demand was distasteful, but it is
clearly not from any pressure of the settlement. This will be-
come manifest from the examination of the Statement marked
C, which I have had prepared. It will be seen from this that
the balances, in that part of the present Sult&npur district
which formed part of the district of which this report treats,
amount to Rs. 47,389-5-6 on the 31st March 1873, while
that part received from Faizabad, and which is not treated of
in this report, exhibits a balance of Rs. 1,03,912-5-7. When it
is considered that the years 1870 and 1871 were years of
floods and great agricultural losses, it will not appear extra-
ordinary that there should lje a balance of Rs. 47,389 on
parganahs paying a revenue of Rs. 7,43,438. I may mention
that in making out these figures I have assumed the balance
of the part of the parganah of Isaulf on the north bank of the
Giimti, which was assessed from Faizabad, at Rs. 20,000, and
( 16 )
that of the part in the old district of Sult&npur at Us. 2,693.
This is a proportion rather more favorable to the Faizabad
half of the parganah than the difference between the last
year of their separation and the first of their union would
warrant. I thought it useless to detain this report longer to
get the exact difference, which, moreover, would have entailed
great trouble as it is now treated as one parganah.
32. It has been repeatedly put forward as a reason for
the balances in this district that the t'alukd&rs cannot get
their rents from their under-proprietary communities. This
subject has greatly engaged my attention since I took charge
of this division, and undoubtedly it is the case and requires a
remedy, which has I trust been applied ; but the effect of this
cause on the balances must be very small.
A comparison of Statement No. 4 and that marked C
will show this clearly enough. This allegation, as the Chief
Commissioner knows, has been said especially of Amethi, but
Statement C shows that on the 31st March 1873 there were
no balances in Amethi at all. In the parganahs which are
common to this report and the Statement C, leaving out
Amethi, there are only 63 sub-settled villages, and, though
the perpetually leased villages are not given in the return,
yet they are almost entirely confined to the Amethi estate.
It is true that 52 of these sub-settled villages are in parganahs
Sult&npur and Ch&nda, which show the largest t'alukdari
balances, but the t'alukas in which these balances exist are
almost all under the Superintendent of Estates, and there are
other and more patent causes for their difficulties than the
recusancy of under-proprietary communities.
33. These causes are the indebtedness of the t'alukd&rs,
the mutiny and the action of our summary courts during the
currency of the summary settlement, and former interfer-
ence in Lucknow with the collection of revenue in t'alukas.
34. The indebtedness of the t'alukd&rs is notorious, and
the rigidness of our revenue system is much more trying to
a man so situated than the more elastic native method.
Besides this the creditor knows # his own power under our law,
and uses it, while under native rule, when a settlement did
take place, the terms of the bond were almost invariably com-
promised.
( 17 )
35. During the mutiny the whole country was disorgan-
ized and covered with bands of armed plunderers. To hold
their own and resist them, the t'alukdars called in their
clansmen, and it is not to be supposed that in such times
rack rente were demanded from the fighting men. With a
demon of rebellion let loose over the country generally, the
landlords would find difficulty in realizing their full rents.
But when our rule was re-estabKshed and the demand on the
t'alukddr became regular aud heavy, and we demanded even
the arrears of revenue for the time of rebellion, if the mdlguzdr
could not show that he had paid it to an agent of the rebel
government, our courts would take into consideration none
of these things. They refused to go into the question of
rent, but upheld the rents of the past year, abnormally low
for the reasons already given, and the pressure on the land-
lords became very heavy and put them still further into debt.
That this practice of our courts was a source of great difficulty
I know for certain. I early found this out in Rdi Barelf,
and induced the officer who was acting for me as Deputy
Commissioner to open the question both of right and rent in
the summary courts, when the case required it, and I believe
that it had much to do with the regularity of the collections
in that district; and, in 1867 or 1&68, I made a demi-official
inquiry, by order of Sir John Strachey, then Chief Commis-
sioner in the estate of the Rdjah of Amethi, in consequence
of a complaint made to him by the Rdjah, and I found the
same procedure on the part of our courts invariable. There
is but little doubt that this added greatly to the embarrass-
ments of the landowners arid made it much more difficult for
them to meet their engagements, and Sultdnpur abounds in
fighting men.
36. The former interference in Lucknow with the col-
lection of the land revenue in the districts is a fact not un-
known to the Chief Commissioner. The t'alukddrs got into
the habit of telling their own story at head quarters, and
sometimes orders v ere issued in their favour without consult-
ing the local authorities responsible for the collection of the
revenue. The late Mahdrdjah Mdn Singh, on one occasion,
issued a circular to his brother t'alukddrs, informing them that
he had authority to tell them to be in no hurry with their
revenue. The effect of this was to strengthen the continuacy
of the t'alukddrs and to weaken the district administration, and
( 18 )
had to be shortly followed, as might have been expected, by-
some strong re-actionary orders. But it is easier to do such
things than to undo them.
37. The first of these evils has been met by the drastic
remedy of Act XXIV of 1870, and though the managers
are as yet inexperienced in this division, and have not yet got
their estates fully in hand, they are gradually doing so, and I
doubt not that the remedy will be effectual. If the t'alukddra
so extricated should again involve themselves, the fault is their
own and they will deserve their fate.
The second is being remedied by the operation of the
Oudh Rent Act. Much has been apprehended from the
operation of the ejectment clauses of that Act, but guarded
as they are, I think they have not in any way lowered the
condition of the people, and they have enabled the landlord
to impose a fair rent on lands assessed at their fair value, but,
in many cases, rented much below it. The third evil is now
happily a thing of the past, and with energy and firmness on
the part of the district officer, and a consistent support and
careful supervision on the part of the Commissioner, these
balances ought soon to disappear.
38. With these remarks and an apology for the short-
comings of this letter, which under the circumstances will,
I hope, be excused, I submit the report for the Chief Com-
missioner's orders. I can recommend with some degree of
confidence that the assessment should be sanctioned, and with
reference to the Deputy Commissioner's remarks in his
annual report on the state of feeling on this subject in his dis-
trict, I would suggest that the promulgation of the early
sanction of the Government may probably have a good effect.
I have the honor to be,
Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
I. F. MACANDREW,
Qffg. Commissioner.
EEVISED ASSESSMENT OP
TAHS1TL INHONA.
1st — The Inhona tahsil comprises three parganahs,
namely, Subeha, J&gdispUr and Inhona. The two former
extend to the river Grdmtt, Which, to the north and north-east,
forms the boundary of the tahsfl, except at one point, where
mauzah Palf includes lands on the left bank of the river.
A nullah, shallow where it skirts the Inhona, pargaMh, but
deepening as it fte&ifc the Giimtf, constitutes the southern
boundary of the tahsfl, and separates it from the Mohanganj
tahsil. This nullah, in the Upper or western parts of its
course, is known by the iiaine of Naya, a term applied to
most rain-streams. Near Jagdlspur, where the shallow stream
has become a small river with tugged banks, it is known by
the name of K&ndti.
2nd,— The extreme length of the tahsil is 30 miles, and
t^ its greatest bteadth from horth ta
south is 18 miles. The total area far
335 square iniles, or 218,991 acres, Subeha, to the west,
has an area of 56,323 acres. Inhona south of the above com-
prises 63,872, and Jagdispttr to th6 eastward of both covers
98,796 acres,
3rd. — The country is generally flat, but the ground is=
->- . . . broken and occasionally undulating
Physical aspect. ,, n , ,, j • ji • • •j.
near the Gumti and in the vicinity
of the nullahs which drain this portion of the district. In
the southern portion of the tahsil swamps and ponds, though
few of any great size, are common ; nearer the river and nul-
lahs rain-water is rapidly carried off by the slope of the ground,
and irrigation can be made from wells only. The aspect of
the country is pleasing to the eye, fine groves of mango and
other trees relieving the monotony of the dead level. In
Inhona extensive " Usar " plains have an inhospitable look*
but little of this sterile land is met with in the other parganahs,,
where the unculturable waste consists chiefly of ravines and
broken ground.
( 2 )
ith. — The tahsil is crossed from east to west by the
provincial road leading from Sultdn-
pur to Lucknow. This road is bridged,
but unmetalled. Branch roads lead to the principal ferries
on the Gtimtl
Roads.
Towns and Markets.
Souls.
Inhona, ...
Subeha, ...
Nihaloarh,
Kishni, ... ...
Sathin,
3,168
3,520
2,253
2,354
2,310
5th. — The tahsil has no town; but Inhona, Subeha,
NiMlgarh, Kishni and Sathin are
places of some importance. The popu-
lation is given m the margin. The
chief gani, or market, is that known
as ShuU-ka-bazar, situated near the
Gtimti, north-east of Inhona. A
trade in molasses and hides is carried on here.
6th. — The population of the tahsil is dense. It amounts
_ . .. . . to 169,280 souls, or 505 to the square
Population, castes &c. ••■ J , xn i j- .i_
mile of country. Excluding the un-
culturable area, and calculating the population only on the
square miles of cultivated and culturable land, no less an
average than 705 souls is obtained as shown in the state-
ment given below. The chief tribes are Bais Chattels. The
Bharsaiyans, who occupy a few villages in Inhona, are Bais
converts to Mahomedanism. The Bh&le-Sult&ns of Jagdfs-
pur, likewise Bais, are partly Hindus and partly Musulmans.*
The chief landholders are Th&kiir Bhikan Kh£n of Bhowa
(1) in Inhona, Chaudhri Sarfr&z
Ahmad (2) in Subeha, and R&nf Sada
Bibi of Mahona (3) in Jagdispur. The
actual tillers of the soil belong to all
castes, but Chattrls and Brahmans are the more numerous.
Among the industrious and expert agriculturists Morais stand
unrivalled. Next to them may be ranked Ahfrs and Lodhs.
G&jars are few and Ktirmis, who alone can vie with Morais
in respect of agricultural skill, are not found in this tahsil.
<I).
Jamil, ...
~. 10,640
(2).
Ditto, ...
... 18,960
(3).
Ditto, ...
... 22,645
Parganah,
Area in
square miles.
Total
population.
Population
per
square mile.
Population per square
mile of cultivated
and cultivable land.
100
85
150
50,200
50,835
68,250
502
598
455
732
819
626
Tahsfl,
335 1 169,280
505
507
* Brahmans and Kaiths hold a few estates.
( 5 )
Square miles of cultivated r g^i^k^
and cultivable lands, j j agdisp ' ur ^
69
62
109
7 th. — The survey of the tahsfl was commenced towards the
end of January 1863 and completed in April 1864. The system
adopted was first to prepare a correct outline of the manor
under survey, making use for this purpose of the Surveyor's
stations &c, and taking offsets from his lines to the boundary
pillars. This done ana tested, the interior details were filled
in. No pains were spared to insure the accuracy of shajrahs
and khasrahs. Each map was compared with the Surveyor's
map and differences were inquired into, rectified or explained.
It will be seen by the subjoined statement that the results of
the two surveys do not differ materially. The chief discre-
?ancies occur, as was to be expected, in the interior details.
. )he two departments have no common rules to guide them,
and the Revenue Surveyors do not discriminate very closely
between land cultivated and land which is only arable. The
field survey has, I believe, been made with as jnuch accuracy
as is possible with the means placed at the disposal of Settle-
ment Officers : —
Tahsfl Inhona.
Revenue Sur-
veyor's area.
Khasrah
survey.
Difference per
cent.
Whole area,
Cultivated area,
221,297
118,381
219,281
109,546
104
790
Sth. — The soil of the tahsil is fertile. That of the Inhona
parganah is of a stiffer description than that of Subeha and
Jagdispur. In these subdivisions, the soil near the Giimtf is,
in many parts, very light and often sandy. In lands bordering
on the minor streams the soil is also inferior. Irrigation is
made from ponds, reservoirs and wells. . It is more copious
in Inhona then in the other parganahs. Swamps are here
more numerous. In Inhona and Subeha the . area of water
surface is 9 per cent, of the whole* In Jagdispur it is 7 per
cent. In the last two parganahs a portion of -the water sur-
face of the GAmti is included in this percentage ; but owing
to the general steepness of the banks, or to ravines and
( 4 )
broken grounds intervening between cultivation and the
Gtimtf , it is seldom that use is made of the river for irrigation.
In the southerly portion of the tahsf 1 water is found at a depth
of generally less than 30 feet. Nearer the river the depth,
except in a few localities, varies from 30 to 50 feet. Kacha
wells can be dug and used for some time in most places.
The Bhdle-Sult&ns have a traditional prejudice against con-
structing pakka wells and never build any ; but in Inhona semi-
permanent wells are constructed at a moderate cost, of large
curved bricks called " aggrees." Mud cement is used and a
very good well with two runs, that may last fifty or more
years, is sunk for about forty (40) rupees. Wells are usually
constructed by actual cultivators, the landlord sometimes
contributing fuel to burn the bricks, and perhaps assisting
with labor to clear the well. Not uncommonly also land
whereon to plant a grove is given to the tenant who sinks
a substantial well, the union of land and water being consi-
dered incomplete without this. The tenant's right in the
well is not exclusive. He is merely entitled to water his
own field first.
9th. — The ordinary staples of the country are wheat,
j barley in the lighter soils (or wheat
p es# and barley mixed, called " aahjowa"),
rioe and the various pulses, millet, flax, for the seed &c. Rice
is seldom grown in the best lands and is mostly an inferior
and precarious crop. Maize and the sugar-cane are very
little grown, but the latter is, beginning to make way. To-
bacco, vegetables and other garden stuffs are grown where-
ever men of the Morai caste are established. The opium-
poppy is grown by all castes and by none more readily than
by Brahmans. The usual rotation of crops is from an irri-
gated to unirrigated one, but in the low rice lands there is
no change of crop, the land being left fallow during the cold
season and ploughed when rain happens to fall. The pro-
portion of cultivated land to the whole area is here given : —
Parganah.
Percentage of cultivation to whole area.
Inhona, ... ••* ...
Subeha, ...
jagdispnr,
44
54J
51
Total,
50 percent.
( 5 y
10th. — Soils were classified in the khasrah as mattyar,
domat and bhiir, the mattyar being
subdivided into first and second class.
The latter is locally known as kanjAr. It is in this last
named soil that the coarser kinds of rice are grown. Bhtir
is the light sandy soil found in propinquity to streams and
rivers. Domat and the first class mattyar are the fertile
soils which produce wheat, barley and other valuable staples.
These designations are however relative and local in their
application. What is considered mattyar in this parganah
may be domat in that other where the soil is generally of a
stiffer quality, but the terms apply pretty uniformly through-
out this tahsil. When soil is fertile, well watered and
manured, it is of little importance by what name it may be
designated. Landlords and tenants, in adjusting rents, regard
rather the reputed fertility of a field than the nature of its
soil ; and soil-rates seem to be little known. The rich mat-
tyar lands are perhaps the most fertile, but they are harder
to plough than tho- lighter domat lands, and the clods are less
easily crushed. Domat is consequently preferred. Classifi-
cation is important to separate lands naturally productive
from those which are poorer, but it is after all the supply of
water which regulates the value of an estate.
11th. — The proportion of waste lands culturable and
„. . . , - unculturable is considerable. Exclud-
Waste lands anct groves. • , . , ,
mg groves which occupy nearly 11
per cent, the culturable waste amounts to 18 per cent, of the
whole area. The proportion is largest in Inhona (23 per
cent.) and smallest in Subeha where it is 14 per cent. There
are few culturable tracts of any size. The largest, the Kulwa
jungle in Subeha, has been settled with the zemind&rs of an
adjoining estate, to whose family it had originally belonged,
It covered 998 acres of land, but one-third of this has been
cleared and sown since 1859, and the Government demand for
the next thirty years has been fixed at Us. 1,000. The uncul-
turable waste includes some extensive plains of " TTsar" or
Boil supposed to be barren ; little of this, nowever, is of such
quality as to preclude all hope of its being some day brought
under the plough. But with a poverty-stricken tenantry and
landlords possessed of little enterprize and less capital, there
is not much room for present hope. It seems moreover
doubtful, whether, while agricultural science and husbandry
( 6 )
remain at the present point, cultivation can be profitably
extended to such lands. The cultivator cannot now efficiently
till more than three acres of land, and, in the best cultivated
estates, the average holding per man does not exceed two and
a half acres. Were cultivation to be rapidly extended to
inferior soils, that of the first class lands would necessarily
become less efficient, and rents would fall so that the benefit
to the landlord would be little or nothing.
12th. — The following statement shows the percentage of
culturable waste and groves to the whole area, distinguishing
those groves which are exempted from assessment (as not
exceeding ten per cent, of the village area) from those which
are liable to assessment under settlement rules : —
Parganah.
Culturable
waste.
Groves liable to
assessment.
Groves exempted.
Inhona,
Subeha,
Jagdispur,...
23
14
17
3
2
3
9
8
8
Ontahsil,
18
245
825
Assessment preparation for.
13th. — I now come to assessments. Preparation for
revision of the Summary Settlement
jamds was commenced under difficulty
in the cold season of 1863-64. The survey undertaken in the
previous February was little advanced, and there were no
papers to assist us in our enquiries. This was a great draw-
back, but to have waited for the preparation of assessment
papers would have deferred the revision of the jaind for a
jvhole year. Mr. Forbes, the Assistant Settlement Officer,
and myself proceeded to visit each manor one by one, making
notes regarding soil, facilities for irrigation and other matters
worthy of note. Thus the whole tahsfl was visited in the
course of the season. The number
of manors examined by each officer
is given in the margin. Many of
these manors are of very large size.
Asst. Sett. Officer,..
Sett. Officer,
Total,
144
185
329
( 7 )
lith. — The division of the tahsll into assessment circles
~. , - . was the next point for consideration.
Circles of assessment. mi • , i * i *i i 111
This to be made easily should be
effected during the progress of survey ; but the attempts made
at that time signally failed, the native officials being unable
at that early stage of operations, to divest themselves of the
notion that the value of an estate must necessarily be tested
by the caste of the tenants and the rent paid by them. The
plan which I at last adopted was the following.
15^. — The Inhona parganah presents no markedly dis-
— T , , tinctive features in any part. The
The Inhona parganah. r • jji i j • • i-
surface is a dead level and irrigation
from swamps and wells &c, is generally copious. I consider-
ed this as one circle and adopted one set of rent rates for the
parganah.
16th. — The Subeha and Jagdispur parganahsare very
similar in respect of soils and facilities
Jacdispnr and Subeha par. f or imgation. Both extend along the
ffanahs. ^ ^
Giimti river, and the latter parganah
has, in addition, on its northern boundary, the K&ndii stream
which may almost be called a river. In the northern and south-
eastern portion of the parganah, water is generally found at a
considerable depth i. e., from 30 to 50 feet, while in the
southern and north-western portion the depth is below 30 feet
from 18 to 26. Much of the soil too in the northern portion is
of a lighter nature ; on the river it is often sandy. This was
a natural division which I adopted for my assessment circle..
The division is not quite regular. A few estates of one circle
extend into the other and vice versd, but on the whole the se-
paration is well defined. Five smaller sub-circles were formed
(as will be seen by the map) on the Gtimti river and K&ndii
nullah. These comprise mauzahs which have peculiarities of
soil and very little irrigation. I $m conscious that this group-
ing of estates is by no means perfect, but to form small circles
of exactly similar manors, I found to be a task of so much
difficulty that I abandoned the idea and chose large subdivi-
sions as the safest.
YltU. — The rates for each circle were based upon the local
enquiries made by Mr. Forbes and my-
Average rent rates. ^ j n ^^ ^^ ^^ we ^^
fully inquired into prevailing rents on each class of soil.
( 8 )
Where rents appeared high I invariably made a rule of ascer-
taining how long they had been in force. My belief is that
the rates adopted are below the present average and even
below the average of rates which prevailed before annexation.
The rise in rents since 1856 has taken place on lands which
were previously inefficiently cultivated, Such as the outlving
fields of an estate, rather than on lands which had attained the
standard point of excellence.
18th. — Considering that as shown by the average price
current attached to this report, the
ciaM* fT MJ tendency of prices has for some years
S°' in t'l" ? heen *° r * se ' an( * ^ a t> as far as can be
°' ' judged, there is no prospect of any
material diminution in these prices, I believe that these rates
may be considered safe. They are given in the margin.
19th. — 'It is necessary that I should explain how soils
have been classed for purposes of
S^ffWST' assessment. They form naturally
ChM ^ I a» in in- three classes. The first class comprises
So! in! I honiL *^ e richly manured and well watered
Circle I, jwracre. goind lands* Such of these as are not
^o? ill too irrigated are included in the second
Do! m! 2-6.5 class. This class is formed of all the
Start ***** good lands not included in the above,
S°* ui iM lands yielding wheat, barley, millet,
0# pulse and rice grown in the uplands,
and in fact, all the ordinary staples grown in soil known locally
as do-farda, i. e. capable of yielding two crops in the year.
In the third class are comprised all the poor soils, rice lands,
the yield of which is precariously poor,
Claasifieationof soils. or the Ught poor ^ an( j the high
dry lands or soils mixed with kankar and locally called
"Kikar" and "Tikar" &c. This class in fact consists of
the "ek-farda" lands, those in which rain crops only can
be grown. There is no separate dry rate. Practically only &
small proportion of unwatered land would come into any; but
the third class, and where the extent of such land is consider-
able the circumstances have been duly weighed in fixing the
jamd. In Inhona the proportion of watered land to the waste
area is 82 per cent. In Subeha and Jagdispur it is smaller,
viz. 64 and 66 respectively per cent; but these last figures do
( 9 )
not quite correctly represent the state of things, for lands
lying along the river are in many parts moist enough, without
being watered, to grow crops of barley &c.
20th. — In calculating the jam&s consideration has, I need
„ , , . m . , . . hardly say, been given to local peculi-
Calculation of revised jama. ... * >ni °,v ■%, j 1
anties. The jamabandi prepared by
the village patw&ri was corrected for seer, rent-free and service
lands and compared with the rental assumed at average rates.
In the course of my local inquiries I found that an average rent
of Us. 3 per bigah all round gave a tolerably correct estimate of
the assets of a fairly cultivated estate, while Us. 2-8 per bigah
applied with equal accuracy to estates next in order of fertility.
When much in doubt as to tho capabilities of an estate I tested
them with this general average rate. In some doubtful cases,
too, I caused inquiry to be made on the spot by the Sadr
Munsarim. His investigation might occasionally elicit facts
which had escaped my notice, or that of the Assistant Settle-
ment Officer.
21st. — A large margin remains for future contingencies in
_, . . . the waste land. Much of this has been
Wasteland. , n , , n
lett unassessed for grassing purposes,
or, where assessed, the rate has been almost nominal, never
exceeding three annas, or two and a half per acre.
22nd. — The details of the revised jamd will be seen in
revised ama. *k e general statement No. IV, ap-
e revise j pended to this report. The summary
demand, without cesses, was Us. 1,77,806. The revised de-
mand, inclusive of cesses, amounts to Us. 2,47,215. This is anet
increase of thirty-four per cent. This increase may be deemed
considerable, but it could not have been kept below this con-
sistently with the principle that Government was to receive
about half the average rental. The lightness of the summary
jam&, which has relieved many from the burden of debt, has,
I believed, rendered payment of the present demand compa-
ratively easy. There is some assurance, too, of this to be
derived from the fact that the demand is very little, if at all,
in excess of the average collections of N&zims during the
thirteen years which preceded annexation. According to in-
formation obtained from the q&niingoes, the average of the ac-
tual cash collections in those years was Rs, 2,42,680, a sum only
( io )
Rs. 4,535, less than the revised jamd, and which is exclusive of
the large nankars allowed to q&ntingoes and others, and of the
very considerable douceurs paid to officials of every degree.
Now that under the security of British rule, cultivation has
been both extended and improved, an ordinary exercise of
moderation should unable the people to pay the land revenue
with ease. It may be of interest to place in juxtaposition the
new jam&s and the N&ziin's average collections m each par-
ganah. It will be seen that the increase is entirely in Jagdis-
pur which, in past years, was the most disturbed of the three
parganahs, as I shall explain further on : —
Parganah.
Average demand
of Nazims.
Revised jam&.
Difference.
Inhona,
Subeha,
Jagdispur,
71,260
73,362
98,058
67,975
66,540
1,12,700
3,285
6,822
+ 14,642
Total,
2,42,680
2,47,215
+ 4,535
23rd — The incidence of the jamd is, per acre of culti-
vated land, Us. 2-6-10 in Inhona, Rs. 2-2-10 in Subeha, and
Us. 2-3-7 in Jagdfspur. On the whole tahsil it is Us. 2-4-3.
Inhona, as already shown, has the largest proportion of
irrigated land, and Subeha has the densest population, but the
smallest proportion of cultivated waste. In Jagdispur the
population is one-seventh less than in Inhona and one-fourth
less than in Subeha. This is, in some measure, due to the
character of the chief landholders. Alf Baksh, Bh&e-Sul-
t&n, the late T'alukd&r of Inhona, and chief man in the Jagdfs-
pur parganah, was of a very turbulent disposition, and for years
there was little peace. In Subeha, on the other hand, Chau-
dhri Sarfrdz Ahmad, the chief proprietor, was a man of
humane disposition. Tenants prospered in his estate and
established themselves there in great numbers. Brahmans,
moreover, are numerous in this locality, and they, from their
more peaceful habits and generally better condition, probably
increase and multiply more rapidly than other castes. The
population of the parganah has now a tendency to decrease by
( 11 )
the return of tenants to their old homes ; thus a* process of
equalization may be said to be going on. Agricultural labour
being abundant and irrigation generally obtainable at small
cost, it may be expected that cultivation will soon spread
over the whole of the good waste land.
2ith. — In conclusion, I have only to report that the new
~ . . jam&s were readily accepted. In a
Conclusion. •£> , J r r *
tew cases where, on after thought, I
considered the enhancement too great to be safe, I made re-
ductions. This was more particularly the case in the Inhona
parganah, where the summary jamd having been extremely
light, the increase has been proportionally great. It was there
too that my first experience in assessment was gained. As
the jam&s stand, the people are I believe, satisfied, and
impartial persons have assured me that the assessment is
light ; that it may prove so in practice is my earnest desire.
J. PERKINS,
Settlement Officer.
( 12 >
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STATEMENTS.
( ii )
No.
Comparative Statement of
Name of Parganah.
I
Area in
Revenue
Name of Tahafl.
Cultivated.
Culiurable*
1
2
3
4
5
Sultanpur, ... j
Sultanpur,
Chanda,
Total, ...
Amethi,
Isauli,
Asal,
Total, ...
Inhona,
Jagdispur,
Subeha,
Total, ...
Rokhd-Jais,
Simrota,
Q-aurd Jamun,
Mohanganj,
Total, ...
Grand Total, ...
399
290
84,884
48,133
38,843
15,376
689
1,33,017
54,219
Amethi, ... <
364
85
97
88,817
24,785
20,286
47,336
8,941
9,757
546
1,33,888
66,034
Inhona, ... <
77
166
86
29,668
57,067
35,368
25,670
31,607
14,155
329
1,22,103
71,432
Mohanganj, ...<
110
73
91
75
349
49,593
29,768
32,604
24,461
38,587
20,568
19,492
19,897
1,36,426
98,544
1,913
5,25,434
2,90,229
( iii )
1.
Bevenue and Field survey.
acres by the
survey.
Field survey.
Barren.
TotaL
Cultivated.
Culturable.
Barren.
Total.
Remarks.
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
32,461
19,641
1,56,188
83,150
83,305
46,794
39,654
18,091
34,251
18,607
1,57,210
83,492
52,102
2,39,338
1,30,099
57,745
52,858
2,40,702
54,941
5,381
11,454
1,91,094
39,107
41,497
90,570
23,735
20,419
53,806
8,453
14,867
47,191
7,110
7,373
1,91,567
39,298
42,659
71,776
2,71,698
1,34,724
77,126
61,674
2,73,524
19,172
11,322
7,507
64,510
99,996
57,030
28,051
51,467
31,315
22,465
27,699
12,981
13,434
19,938
12,048
63,950
99,104
56,344
28,001
2,21,536
1,10,833
63,145
45,420
31,805
22,186
12,180
16,620
2,19,398
12,572
12,223
8,036
6,951
1,00,752
62,559
60,132
51,309
46,244
28,334
31,776
24,636
20,833
11,817
15,508
9,642
98,882
62,337
59,464
50,898
39,782
2,74,752
1,30,990
57,800
82,791
2,71,581
1,91,661
10,07,324
5,06,646
2,55,816
2,42,743
10,05,205
A. F. MlLLETT,
Settlement Officer.
( ir )
Name of Parganah.
SuMnpur,
Chanda,
Amethi,
Isauli,
Asal,
Inhona,
Jagdispur,
Subeha,
Kokhd-Jais, ...
SimrotS,
Gaur^-JamtiD,
Mohanganj, ...
• •» •*•
••# ••
••• • •
••• ••
Total,
399
290
364
85
97
77
166
86
110
73
91
75
1913
No.
Statement of cost
&
6585
5783
6029
1431
1595
1323
2818
1510
1820
1197
1494
1258
32843
4
Rs. As. P.
8,136 8 1
5,451 15 7
9,727 2 1
2,380 12 2
2,996 6 2
5,762 12 8
5,322 5 6
4,367 11 2
5,319 8 3
3,212 15 11
4,286 10 3
5,826 6 4
62,791 2 2
II.
of Settlement.
( ▼ )
Cost of
General and Judicial.
1
Officers.
Fixed Establish-
ments.
•
Contingencies.
Total.
5
6
7
8
9
Rs. As. P.
Rs. As.
P.
Rs. As.
P.
Rs. As.
P.
Rs. As. P.
15,691 15 2
19,220
3,974 8
3
4,255 14
1
27,450 6 4
13,171 14 6
12,891 3
4
3,567 8
8
3,030 8 11
19,489 4 11
25,236 4 5
29,573 10
8
8,254 3 10
7,631 7
2
45,459 < 5 8
7,442 13 10
8,940
2,346 2
1,492
3
12,778 2 3
5,617 8 11
7,783 4
2,662 2
9
2,057 6
12,502 12 9
10,804 5 3
8,232 4
3,220 10
3,371 14
4
14,824 12 4
16,443 15 5
18,066
4,547 13
4,730 15
9
27,344 12 9
9,057 3 7
8,082
3,160 6
3,325 9
7
14,567 15 7
15,673 4 11
16,320 8
5,043
3
4,945 12
4
26,309 4 7
10,147 11 3
9,535 4
3,697 12
3,065 6
16,298 6
9,677 10 5
10,060 4
2,611 14
3,407 6
5
16,079 8 5
6,882 8
7,921
2,617 4
7
2,473 6
6
13,011 11 1
1,45,847 3 8
1,56,625 6
45,703 5
4
43,787 11
4
2,46,116 6 8
( vi )
No. II. — (Continued.)
Name of Parganah.
Qraad Total (of
columns i, 6, 9.)
Cost per sqnare
mile.
Percentage of
cost on revised
demand.
Remarks*
10
• 11
12
13
Rs. As. P.
Rs. As. P.
Rs. As. P.
Sultanpur,
51,278 13 7
210 2 6
29 3 2
Chanda,
88,113 3
290 15
39 12 6
Amethi,
80,422 12 2
268 15 6
36 15 6
IsauK,
22,601 12 3
870 8 3
49 5 4
Asal, ...
21,116 11 10
815 2 7
50 14 2
Inhona,
31,391 14 3
313 14 8
47 3 7
Jagdispur,
49,111 1 8
316 13 6
44 3 1
Subeha,
27,992 14 4
318 1 7
42 4 11
Rokha-Jais,
47,302 1 9
307 2 6
47 11 2
Simrota,
29,659 1 2
305 12 2
48 2
Gaura-Jamtin,
30,043 13 1
323 7
48 12 1
Mohanganj,
25,720 9 5
821 8
48 11 3
Total,
4,54,754 12 6
289 11 5
41 9 4
A. F. MILLETT,
Settlement Officer.
( viii )
No:
Census return shotting creed,
i
Detail of Castes and Occupation *
No. of houses.
Popu
<
!
1
8
1
Hin
Agricul
Name of Parganah.
Adults.
i
6
I
1
2
X
» 4
5
6
7
8
Sultanpur,
Chanda,
399
290
689
364
85
97
546
77
166
86
329
110
73
91
75
349
1913
6
30,763
13,132
30,768
13,132
26,481
15,233
27,766
14,589
Total,
5
43,895
43,900
41,714
42,365
Amethi,
Isauli,
Asal,
2
32,206
8,815
7,206
32,208
8,816
7,206
27,104
6,184
6,692
29,068
6,926
7,050
Total,
2
48,227
48,229
39,980
43,044
Inhona,
Jagdispur, ...
Subeha,
7
1
11,778
20,786
11,651
11,778
20,793
11,652
8,450
13,067
9,762
M M
00 H Ol
Total,
8
44,215
44,223
31,279
33,724
Rokha-Jais,
Simrota,
Gaura-Jamun, ...
Mohanganj
671
2
1
674
17,004
12,642
10,422
9,662
17,675
12,644
10,422
9,663
11,348
9,698
8,165
7,143
11,113
10,031
8,963
7,624
Total,
49,730
50,404
36,354
37,731
Grand Total, ...
689
1,86,067
1,86,756
1,49,327
1,56,854
* Sec Pages xriii to xxi.
( i* )
III.
occupation, sex and population.
lation.
du 8 .
turistt.
Non
-agriculturists.
Minors.
e5
Adults.
Minors.
i
1
1
6
i
i
R
i
1
$
I
9
10
n
12
13
14
15
16
17
16,971
9,261
13,654
7,191
84,872
46,274
16,129
6,999
17,866
7,368
10,927
4,714
8,564
8,786
63,485
22,817
1,38,357
66,091
26,232
20,845
1,31,146
23,128
25,233
15,641
12,300
76,302
2,07,448
16,135
8,881
4,024
13,002
8,055
3,001
85,309
19,996
20,767
20,096
5,426
4,876
24,951
6,074
5,764
18,749
8,377
8,160
11,156
3,143
2,616
69,952
18,020
16,416
1,55,261
38,016
37,183
23,990
19,058
1,26,072
30,398
36,789
20,286
16,915
1,04,388
2,30,460
5,905
8,371
6,032
4,776
7,175
4,791
28,216
42,874
30,963
5,945
11,433
6,541
7,242
12,647
8,122
4,096
7,389
4,463
3,542
6,340
3,948
20,825
37,809
23,074
49,041
80,683
54,037
20,308
16,742
1,02,053
23,919
28,011
15,948
13,830
81,708
1,83,761
7,225
6,643
5,418
4,676
6,019
6,209
4,204
8,928
35,705
81,581
26,750
28,371
10.160
7,026
5,822
6,765
11,554
8,626
6,860
6,615
7,043
5,193
8,965
8,805
6,120
4,415
8,228
8,394
34,877
25,260
19,875
19,579
70,582
56,841
46,625
42,950
23,962
19,360
1,17,407
28,773
33,655
20,006
17,167
99,591
2,16,998
94,492
76,005
4,76,678
1,06,218
1,28,688
71,881
60,202
3,61,989
8,38,667
( x )
No. m.—
1
i
i .
Popu
t
i •
i
1
1
Mosul
Agriculturist*.
Name of Parganab.
Adult*.
Minora.
1
1
•a
i
£
1
18
19
20
21
22
Bultanpur, „« ...
Cbinda, .«• ...
899
290
689
864
86
97
646
77
166
86
829
110
78
91
76
•••
t««
•«t
•••
M«
• ••
• ••
tt«
#••
• «t
• ••
• ••
• ••
• ••
8,066
$000
8,780
666
2,248
874
1,812
284
10^96
7,226
Total,
9,067
4346
2,622
2,096
18,121
Am etui, ••• •••
ItauU, ••• ...
Asal, ••• •••
679
689
80
785
938
90
481
619
68
899
481
61
2,294
2,677
299
Total,
1,898
1,763
1,168
941
6,270
Inhona,
Jagdfspur,
Subeha,
1,189
2,932
628
1,609
8,493
600
987
2,162
870
787
1,612
264
4622
10,199
1,767
Total,
4594
6,702
8,519
2,668
16,478
Bokha'-Jais, ...
Simrota, ••• •••
Gaurd-Jamun, ...
Mohanganj,
1,682
106
665
697
1,874
110
644
752
1,346
68
421
494
946
60
854
427
S 2 to 5
Total,
849
• ••
2,94G
3,880
2,814
1,776
10,410.
Grand Total, ..
1913
• ••
17,98S
> 15,191
9,623
7,476
60,279
• See page* xviii to xxi.
(Continued)
( * ):
lation.
mans.
1
1
Total.
Non-agriculturists.
Agriculturists.
Adults.
Minors.
Adults.
1 Minors.
1
©
1
ft
i
i
ft
*
i
1
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
2,807
472
3,581
547
1,991
371
1,540
287
1,827
542
179
133
9,919
1,677
20,815
8,902
29,537.
21,234
31,546
15,155
19,219
9,635
15,466
7,475
95,768
53,499
8,279
4,128
2,362
11,596
29,717
50,771
46,701
28,854
22,941
1,49,267
952
878
234
1,114
379
271
586
214
166
3,197
1,150
804
5,151
5,491
3,827
1.103
27,783.
6,833
6,778
29,803
7,864
7,140
16,616
4450
4,092
13,401
3,536
3,062
87,603
22,678
21,066
1,564
1,764
969
854
10,421
41,378
44,807
25,158
19,999
1,31,342
1,174
2,689
817
1,511
3,540
1,044
78
1,885
524
685
1,571
548
4,156
9,685
2,933
8,678
19,884
4690
9,588
15,999
10^88
10,694
17,754
10,978
6,892
10,533
6,402
5,563
.8,787
5,055
32,738
53,073
32,720
4,680
6,095
3,195
2,804
16,774
33,252
35,873
39,426
23,827
19,405
1,18,531
1,908
439
435
607
3,311
639
463
706
1,527
853
286
388
1,268
280
233
860
8,014
1,611
1,417
2,061
13,861
1,980
3,391
4331
13,030
9,804
8,720.
7,740.
12,987
10,141
9,607
8,376
8,571
6,696
5,839
5,170
6,964
5,259
4,558
4,355
41,552
31,900
28,724
25,641
3,389
5,019
2,554
2,141
13,103
23,513
39,294
41,111
26,276
21,136
1,27,817
12,912
17,006
9,080
7,626
46,624* 96,903
1,67,316 1,72,045
1,04,115
83,481 5,26,957
( ** )
No. III.—
Name of Parganah.
Soltanpur, ...
Cliaoda, ...
Total,
Amethi, •••
IsauK
Asal,
Total,
Inhona, ...
Jagdfopnr, ...
Subeha,
Total,
Bokha-Jais, ...
ftimrota,
Gaura-Jamun,
Mohanganj, ...
Total,
Grand Total, ... 1913
i
i
6
399
290
689
864
86
97
546
77
166
86
329
110
73
91
75
849
i
j
Popn
Total.
Non- Agriculturists,
Adults.
34
7,471
26,407
21,048
5,804
5,110
31,962
7,119
14,122
7,358
28,599
12,068
7,465
6,257
6,372
32,162
1
85
21,446
7,915
29,861
26,065
6,453
6,035
88,553
8.753
16,187
9,166
84,106
14,866
9,165
7,828
7,321
38,674
Minors.
86
87
12,918
5,085
10,104
4,023
1
88
68,404
24,494
18,008| 14,127
14,338! 11,698
3,591
3,326 2,749
21,255
9,274
4,987
19,143
8,570
5,546
4,251
4,193
22,560
1,19,130 1,40,694 80,961 67,828 4,08,618
3,322
17,769
4,227.
7,911
4,496
16,634
7,888
4,695
3,461
8,754
19,298
87,896
73,149
19,170
17.220
1,09,589
24,981
47,494
26,007
98,482
42,891
26,891
21,292
21^40
1,12,694
• See pages xviii to xxi.
( xHi )
(Continued.)
lation.
Average
) No. of souls per
s
1
§
"J
Total.
I
Adults.
Minora.
4
4
a
I
a*
s
•
39
40
41
42
43
44.
45
46
47
48,473
28,705
52,992
23,070
32,137
14,720
26,570
11,498
1,59,172
77,993
6
6
644
658
1,214
1,068
77,178
76,062
46,857
37,068
2,37,165
5
644
1,224
48,831
12,627
11,882
55,868
14.317
13,175
30,954
8,041
7,418
25,099
6,858
6,811
1,60,752
41,843
38,286
5
5
6
538
686
571
1,140
1,131
1,196
73,340
83,360
46,413
37,768
2,40,881
5
564
1,147
16,708
30,121
17,643
19,447
33,941
20,144
11,774
19,807
11,389
9,790
16,698
9,551
57,719
1,00,567
58,727
6
6
6
575
651
644
1,312
1,257
1,249
64,472
73,532
42,970
36,039
2,17,013
5
634
1.269
25,098
17,269
H977
14,112
27,852
19,306
16,930
15,697
17,141
12,242
10,090
9,363
14,352
9,964
8,019
8,109
84,443
58,771
60.016
47,281
4
6
5
6
548
606*
638
591
1,189
1,336
100
1,244
;
71,466
79,786
48,836
40,434
2,40,611
4
670 j
1,190
•
1 '
2,86,446
3,12,739
1,85,076
1,51,309
9,85,570
5
696
1,190
A. F. MILLETT,
Settlement Officer. .
( xir )
No. in
Name of Parganah.
i
«
|
1
I:
Sultanpur,
• • * •
22,879
12,452
4,895
1,977
Chfaida,
• •• * •
Total,
• •• • •
13,717
7,688
1,365
876
36,596
20,140
6,260
2,853
Ajnethi,
27,767
14,005
4,727
1,824
Isauli,
• • • •
5,117
5,077
1,154
274
Asal,
« • * •
Total,
• • • •
6,823
5,652
703
291
39,707
24,734
6,584
2,389
Inhona,
8,876
3,393
704
996
Jagdispur,
■•-•■ • •
11,064
4,786
2,272
1,595.
Subeha,
Total,
10,142
5,124
758
989
30,082
13,303
3,734
3,580
Rokha-Jais,
6,394
5,078
1,705
1,340
Simrota,
• • • •
7,957
6,193
884
671
Gaurd-Jamtin, •••
8,957
4,874
803
770
Mohanganj,
••• • •
Total,
5,094
4,189
1,449
665
28,402
20,334
4,841
3,440
Grand Total,
1,34,787
78,511
2,419
12,268
( iv )
^-(Continued.)
i
■1
I
I
43
J
•g
19,006
3,057
1,579
1,365
. 19,829
. • 2,791
144
9,516
961
328
1,129
. 11,873
.. 1,769
- • •
28,522
4,018
1,907
2,494
31,702
4,560
144
23,372
2,842
711
3,885
. 14,724
.. 3,733
2,305
6,174
1,258
217
1,786
. 2,566
. 633.
■• •
5,615
803
321
208
. 1,897
1,354
• • *
85,161
4,903
1,249
5,879
19,187
6,720
2,305
6,763
733
215
5,570
. 2,667
• 1,287
1,772
11,205
1,565
469
8,898
. 3,606
.. 2,123
3,225
8,580
944
388
7,120
. 3,325
.. 1,322
577
26,548
3,242
1,072
21,588
. 9,598
4,732
5,574
5,956
1,219
611
6,771
. 5,187
• 2,370
5,079
6,180
1,050
308
4,734
. 3,199
• 777-
342
3,766
952
436
4,738
. 1,108
. 846
2,362
831
763
371
4,788
. 1,897
.. 784
2,580
16,733
3,984
1,726
21,031
11,391
4,777
10,363
1,06,964
16,147
5,954
50,992
• 71,878
19,789
18,386
( XTi )
No.HI.
Vina of PftrgaDah.
i
1
t
1
Sult&npur,
6,877
4,453
3,444
8,048
Ch&ada, ..
1,795
2,351
1,604
1,523
Total,
8,672
6,804
5,048
4,571
Amethi,
10,509
5,462
6,519
8,234
Isauli,
1,753
435
520
861
Asa!,. ••
1,580
1,073
1,125
862
Total,
18,842
6,970
8,164
4,457
Interna, .. # .
2,795
818
764
668
Jagdispur,
5,488
859
1,484
1,126
Subeha, ..
1,353
81
1,241
380
Total,
9,366
1,258
8,489
2,174
Kokhi-Jaia,
6,279
2,460
1,005
1,327
Simrota, . . ..
8,555
451
703
950
Gaur&-Jamtin, ..
2,180
1,489
899
653
Mohanganj, . ..
8,229
436
748
1,003
Total,
15,243
4,836
8,355
8,933
Grand Total,
47,393
19,868
20,056
15,185
( xvii )
(Oontinued).
M
1
CD
i
&
MoghaL
|
1
1
1
o
3
3
3,459
530
2,889
5,000
370
134
88,994
1,59,172
1,332
83
77
1,409
14
• •
18,583
77,993
4,791
613
2,966
6,409
384
134
57,577
2,37,165
3,211
66
123
574
• •
• •
31,159
1,60,752
777
15
18
303
12
114'
13,219
41,843
759
..
1
6
• •
• •
9,213
38,286
4,747
81
142
883
12
114
53,651
2,40,881
1,341
88
289
3,142
17
252
15,069
57,719
1,485
476
1,048
1,169
153
7,952
28,519
1,00,567
1,244
107
769
644
• •
••
13,639
58,727
4,070
671
2,106
4,955
170
8,204
57,229
2,17,013
1,921
1,281
1,099
2,126
89
• •
25,146
84,443
1,158
1
70
79
1
14
19,494
58,771
961
3
31
49
• •
• •
14,139
50,016
1,045
1
15
229
29
• •
17,135
47,281
5,085
1,286
1,215
2,483
119
14
75,914
2,40,511
18,693
2,651
6,429
14,730
685
8,466
2,44,369
9,35,570
A. F. MILLETT,
Settlement Officer.
( xviii )
Ho.
Statement of tenures &c.,
Parganah.
Tenures and No. of villages Ac.,
Talukdfcl
Tahsfl.
Sub-settlement
1
1
H
r
2
6
13
2
I
1
2
3
4
6
6
Sultinpur, ...
Sult£npur,
40
16
169
225
Chdnda,
Total,
Amethi, ...
12
...
122
134
52
16
291
359
Amethi,
56
8
278
342
Isauli,
• ••
...
8
3
Asal,
Total,
Inhona,
1
...
1
2
57
8
282
347
Inhona,
...
1
22
23
Jagdispur,
»
8
SO
40
Subeha,
Total,
Rokha-Jais,
3
...
17
20
5
9
69
83
Mohanganj, ...
u
2
51
54*
Simrota,
4
2
44
50
G-audi-Jamiin, ...
9
8
51
68
Mohanganj,
Total,
Grand Total, ...
...
1
60
61
14*
13
206
233*
128)
46
848
1,022*
( xix )
IV.
District Sultdnpur.
of each kind.
No. of
proprietors
and sub-proprietors.
Independent.
Proprietors.
1
1
1
1
t
i
i
V»
a
i
•a
"3
•s
I
•8
jt
a
s
a
oa
•8
eg
A
o
o
o
<$
o
tsi
£
H
H
o
fe
£
fc
fc
7
8
9
67
10
11
12
13
14
15
14
93
174
399
17
2,344
188
1,322
6
150
...
156
290
11
1,620
168
255
20
243
67
330
689
28
3,964
356
1,577
4
18
...
22
364
3
242
22
3,007
36
44
2
82
85
2
699
106
...
14
1
80
95
97
2
1,914
246
1
54
63
82
199
546
7
2,855
374
3,008
26
26
2
54
77
3
455
64
3
57
60
9
126
166
4
1,330
188
23
6
38
22
66
86
4
4,676
78
3
i9
124
33
246
329
11
6,461
330
79
29
29
26i
55*
110
4
705
10
23
...
23
73
5
14
14
149
13
10
23
91
8
255
35
93
4
10
14
75
4
612
45
2
69
46£
115i
349
21
1,586
173
254
232
476*'
182
890*
1,913
67
14,866
1,233
4,868
( tx )
No. IV.— (Continued).
rargauiih.
Avenge area.
Of laud per
Of sir per
T«tu£L
i
i
i
44
1
1.
gs
I
I
I
a
E
1
i
16
17
18
19
20
Sultanpur,
Sultanpur,
Cbanda,
Total,
Ametbi, ,.,
laauli,
Total,
Inbona,
Jagdiapur,
Subeba,
Total,
Eokba-Jata, ;
Simrota,
Gaura-Jamiiii, ...
Mohanganj,
Total,
Grand Total, ,.,
1-5
1-5
14
1'7
5 5
55
7-4
47
1-5
16
5*5
70
Amethi, m
22
1'5
1'5
13
10
158
8-1
2-3
11
19
1*
49
n
1 nbona,
21
26
20
20
25
21
71
42
13
663
772
1146
23
2
23
798
Mobanganj, .,,
24
18
21
15
29
04
32
31
38
1389
11-8
42
108
5-4
32 2
332 5
20
13
GB
216
19
]*5
41
4*5
A. P. MILLETT,
Settlement Officer.
( xxii )
No.
General Statement explanatory
No. of mehal§
and of their
component
parte*
t
i
Kon aBaessAble*
Farg&D&h.
4
M
D
t
a
D
a
i
■M
O
d
m
—
o
1
»
II
r
I
m
a
■
1
. I
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
Sultanpur,
83
399
1,57,210
34,247
10,326
42
44,615
Chanda,
81
290
83,492
18,607
4,014
...
22,621
Total, ,„
164
689
2,40,702
52,854
14,340
42
67,236
A met hi,
10
364
1,91,567
47,191
12,175
...
59,366
Isauli,
48
85
39,298
7,053
3,206
727
10,986
Asal,
33
97
42,659
7,373
2,250
■»
9,623
Total, ...
91
546
2 3 73,524
61,617
17,631
727
79,975
I nil on a,
86
77
63,950
13,434
5,350
»<*!
18,784
Jagdispur,
77
166
99,104
19,690
8,433
1,223
29,346
£ Lib eh a,
34
86
56,344
12,018
4,191
96
16,335
Total, „.
147
329
2,19,398
45,172
17,974
1,319
64.465
Koklia-Jain,
51
110
98,882
31,804
7,200
17
39,021
Simrota,
19
73
62,337
22,186
4,359
■n
26,545
Gaura-Jamun, ...
24
91
59,464
12,180
4,404
„.
16,584
Mobanganj,
29
75
50,898
10,620
3,714
ii*
20,334
Total, .,.
123
525
349
1,913
2,71,581
82,790
19,677
17
1,02,484
Grand Total, ...
10,05,205
2,42,433
69,622
2,105
3,14,160
( xxiii )
of the Revised Assessment.
Assessable.
1
O
t-i
!
1
Cultivation.
Irrigated by
i
i
5|
1
I
CD
i
!
1
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
27,568
1,741
38,813
26,793
17,680
83,286
1,12,595
13,806
271
15,782
23,073
7,939
46,794
60,871
41,374
2,012
54,595
49,866
25,619
1,30,080
1,73,466
40,114
1,517
46,299
37,132
7,139
90,570
1,32,201
4,459
536
6,707
6,383
10,227
23,317
28,312
12,389
228
11,323
4,923
4,173
20,419
33,036
56,962
2,281
64,329
48,438
21,539
1,34,306
1,93,549
15,321
1,794
10,465
12,582
5,004
28,051
45,166
16,101
2,772
16,838
16,728
17,319
50,885
69,758
7,880
910
6,570
13,241
11,408
31,219
40,009
39,302
5,476
33,873
42,551
33,731
1,10,155
1,54,933
12,969
! 659
15,656
18,257
12,320
46,233
59,861
6,608
850
7,712
14,900
5,722
28,334
35,792
9,279
1,825
7,040
15,510
9,226
31,776
42,880
5,235
693
7,759
13,941
2,936
24,636
30,564
34,091
4,027
38,167
62,609
30,224
1,30,979
1,69,097
1,71,728
> 13,796
1,90,964
2,03,463
1,11,093
5,05,520
6,91,045
( "iv )
No. V.—
Cultivator*
Number
Parganah.
i
i
i
I
i
I
i
16
17
18
19
20
Bultanpur,
28,715
11,010
39,725
17,668
35,336
Chfaida,
••• ••• •••
Total,
••• ••• •••
16,331
6,966
23,297
10,110
20,221
45,046
17,976
63,022
27,778
55,557
Amethi,
29,941
12,691
42,632
19,580
39,160
Isauli,
••• ••• •••
8,272
1,761
10,033
4,615
9,230
Asal,
••• ••• •••
Total,
8,519
2,212
10,781
5,290
10,380
46,732
16,664
63,396
29,485
58,770
Inhona,
9,877
1,845
11,722
5,614
11,228
Jagdispur,
••• •••
13,197
3,965
17,162
12,081
25,916
Bubeha,
••• ••• ••
Total
••• •••
10,043
1,660
11,703
5,649
11,135
33,117
7,470
40,587
23.344
48,279
Bokhd-Jais,
15,444
1,798
17,242
8,908
17,816
Bimrota,
••• ••• •••
11,023
10,016
21,039
6,372
12,744
GaudUJamtin,
9,292
1,680
10,972
5,928
11,857
Mohanganj,
••• •••
Total,
md Total, ..
10,418
1,701
12,119
5,156
10,312
46,177
15,195
61,372
26,364
52,729
Gn
1,71,072
57,305
2,28,375
1,06,971
2,15,385
(Continued).
( XXV )
of
Detail of cultivation.
Percentage of
1
1
3
1
£
a
E
Pi
3
a
>
Jo JS
O
a
s
1
1
1
i
i
i
1
1
I
i
1
,
t
i
21
22
23
24
25
26
15,791
27
53
28
29
30
31
2,906
5,088
22,849
44,646
17
8
21
18
1,537
2,103
10,249
♦ ..
24,617
11,928
56
16
5
22
22|
25
4,443
7,191
33,098
69,263
27,719
54
17
6
21
5,940
5,891
7,168
.>,
66,000
17,402
47
21
7
25
23
607
1,036
5,737
...
13,168
4,412
59
11
6
18
13
4,351
1,293
4,584
..,
13,416
2,419
48
29
6
17
19
10,898
8,220
17,489
♦ .♦
92,584
24,233
49
21
6
22
20
2,172
2,680
3,434
...
20,841
3,776
43
24
11
21
24
3,001
4,227
7,418
...
35,326
8,141
51
16
11
19
id
1,517
1,994
6,665
...
20,968
3,586
55
13
9
21
18
6,690,
8,901
17,517
...
77,135
15,503
50
18
13
10
8
20
19
3,237
2,521
3,749
44*
37,229
5,255
47
32
19
1,556
1,530
2,764
*4.
20,764
4,806
45
10
8
Bo
15
2,236
1,551
6,026
...
20,251
5,499
53
15
10
20
20
1,986
1,399
3,292
...
16,010
94,254
5,334
48
10
8
32
22
9,015
7,001
15,831
...
20,894
48
12
8
30
19
31,046
31,313
83 r 935
.„
3,33,236
88,349
50
17
8
24
20
( "vi )
No. V.-
Percentage
of
I
i
pArgntmh.
1
i
1
1
1
1
I
1— i
1
I
1
1
09
s»
£
32
53
33
31
35
36
2
87
Bul tan pur,
28
78
17
1,25,359
Ch&nda,
61
13
82
23
2
2
68,755
Total,
55
23
80
19
1,89,014
Amethi,
49
26
92
20
2
1,67,607
IeaoU,
54
83
66
12
2
83,074
AB&J, pa* »** ■«■
61
20
79
15
2
36,496
Total,
52
27
84
18
2
2,42,267
Inhona, ... ... ,,.
64
11
82
18
2
&M18
Jagdispur,
31
20
66
15
3
87,819
Subclm,
62
19
63
16
2
47,809
Total,
62
44
17
68
16
2
1,79,306
Bokhi-Jaifl,
85
72
17
2
73,309 1 4
Simrotn,... *•# ...
51
33
80
10
1
47,238
Gauri-Jamliii
40
89
71
17
!
44,860
Mohanganj,
43
85
88
20
2
43,504 2
Total,
44
86
77
16
2
2,08,911 1 6
Grand Total, .„
53
26
78
17
2
8,20,598 1 6
(Continued.)
( xxvii )
Variation.
Increase.
Decrease.
-3
2
1
1
o
1
s
i
•8
|
i
38
39
40
41
42
1,75,601 7
97,729 4
302
254
53,299 3
34,827 15
97
86
3,556 12
863 11
2,73,330 11
556
88,127 2f
133
4,410 7
2,17,738
45,815 12
41496
293
66
54
53,547 12
9,173 10
7,332 4
71
17
42
8,506 12
1,431 14
2,332 4
3,05,049 12
413
70,053 10
130
7,270 14
66,483 15 6
1,11,119 12 1
66,165 13
64
138
62
24,124 10
25,964
20,362 11
1
13
27
24
1,758 10 6
2,663 4
2,065 14
2,43,769 8 7
264
70,451 5
1
64
6,487 12 6
1,00,762 2 7
61,771 2
61,616 10 11
52,811 3
101
64
84
56
28,422 5 9
15,088 6
17,143 10 6
11,266 11 10
8
9
7.
19
969 4 6
555 4
386 15 7
1,959 9
2,96,961 2 6
305
71,921 2
1
43
8,871 1 1
10,99,111 2 1
1,538
3,00,553 3
2
370
22,040 2 7
( xxvffl )
Ho. V.—
Rate per acre on
1
Parganah.
1
j
I
1
43
44
45
46
Sult&npur,
Chanda,
2 19
2 14
1 8 11
19 7
1 1 10
12 9
1,80,104 4
1,00,235
Total, ...
2 17
19 2
12 2
2,80,339 4
Amethi,
Isauli,
Aeal,
2 6 5
1 15 6
2 2 4
1 10 8
1 9 10
14 7
12 1
12 7
15 7
2,23,321
47,010 6
42,560
Total, ...
2 4 4
19 2
119
3,12,891 6
Inhona, ...
Jagdispur,
Bubeha,
2 5 11
2 2 11
2 1 11
17 6
19 7
1 10 5
10 7
1 1 11
12 9
68,188 12
1,14,013 15 1
67,867 I
Total, ...
2 8 4
19 2
119
2,50,069 12 1
Eokha-Jais,
Simrota,
Gaura-Jamdn,
Mohanganj,
2 2 10
2 2 10
1 15
2 2 8
1 10 11
I 11 7
1 6 11
1 11 7
10 8
15 10
10 6
10 7
1,03,345 8 1
63,355 QO
63,196 10 3
54,165
Total, ...
2 19
1 10 2
10 3
2,84,062 2 4
Grand Total, ...
2 2 9
19 5
115
11,27,362 8 5
( xxii )
(Continued).
Parganah rates on
Remarks,
1
]
V
|
|
f
t
£
1
P
47
4*
] 49
50
51
52
53
7 7 11
..
4 4
2 14 10
2 10 2
1
8 4
7 4
••
4 9 4
3 8
4 & 6
2
3
7 6 3
••
4 6 6
3 3 5
2 14 2
1 10 3
8 9
..
4 8 11
2 4 4
2 10 4
1
8 6
5 10 7
••
5 3 9
3 12 9
1 14 9
1
9 5
8 8 8
••
3 12 9
2 3 2
2 2 2
1
4 7
7 14 5
••
4 9 6
3 4 6
2 7 5
1
8 4
6 14 1
..
5 10 9
3 4 2
2 15
1
2 1
7 10
••
4 9 11
3 2 11
2 9 11
1
3 10
7 10 9
-
4 8 10
2 15
2 4 10
1
6 9
7 2 8
••
4 5 8
3 19
2 6 10
1
4 9
7 7 6
..
5 4 8
4 11
2
1
7 11
7 11 5
•«
5 17
3 6 5
2 2 10
1
7 6
6 8 2
...
5 11
3 2 1
2 6 8
1
8 1
7 8 1
...
4 14 8
3 8 7
2 6 3
1
6 1
7 4 5
...
5 14
3 10 10
2 3 4
1
7 8
7 7 2
...
4 11 1
3 4 8
2 6 8
1
8 4
A. F. MILLETT,
Settlement Officer,
( "* )
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( "»* )
HTo.
Return of
i
JT*me of Tahiti
Hame of Parganah.
i
9
•a
!
B
8
%
I
a
o
1
2
3
4
Sult&npur,
Sultinpur,
399
246
Do.,
Chdnda,
Total,
Amethi, ... ... ...
290
130
689
376
Amethi, ...
364
299
Do.,
Isauli,
85
61
Do.,
Asal,
Total,
Inhona, ... ...
97
67
546
427
Inhona,
77
100
Do.,
Jagdispur,
166
155
Do.,
Subeha,
Total,
Rokhd-Jais,
86
88
329
343
Mohanganj,
110
154
Do.,
Simrota,
73
97
Do., ...
Gaur£-Jamiin,
91
93
Do.,
Mohanganj,
Total,
Grand Total,
75
79
349
423
1,913
1,569
VIII.
Rural Police.
( xxxv )
J
s
4
■
o
|
s
fa
Detail of
M«n.
1
O
n
1
§
i
1
pM
1
«p*
Q
h
1
5
aft
■
i !:
o S
- ~-
S
"8 3
i -1
1 S
I ■
B
h
11
R
■S
•8
8
5
6
7
8
9
69
10
11
1,181
30,708
1,59,172
440
361
357
243
13,132
77,993
222
59
351
376
1,424
43,900
2,37,165
662
66
358
363
903
32,208
1,60,752
480
67
335
399
192
8,315
41,843
99
89
422
397
226
7,206
38,286
98
73
390
435
1,321
48,229
2,40,881
677
71
355
404
399
11,778
57,719
144
82
400
444
584
20,793 '
1,00,567
352
59
285
281
320
11,652
58,727
181
64
324
311
1,309
44,223
2,17,013
677
65
320
324
770
17,675
84,443
220
80
383"
449
483
12,644
58,771
134
94
438
465
458
10,422
50,016
159
66
316
376
509
9,663
47,281
135
72
350
377
2,220
50,404
2,40,511
648
77
371
419
6,274
1,86,756
9,35,570
2,664
70
351
378
( xacxvi )
No. vm— ■
Hame of Parganah.
B«
NameofTahaiL
I
1
8
i
12
13
Sult&npur,
Do.,
Sult&npur,
Gh&nda, ... „• ...
Total, ••• •••
Amethi, ... ••• ...
xsauii, ••• •»• ...
Afiai, ••• ••• •••
Total,
Inhona, ... ... ...
Jagdispur,
Subeha, ... ••• ...
Total,
•
Rokha* Jais,
Simrota, ••• ••• ...
Gaurd-Jamtin, ...
Mohanganj, ••• •••
Total,
Grand Total,
3
• ••
12
• ••
3
12
Amethi,
Do.,
Do.,
• ••
• ••
• ••
• ••
• ••
• ••
...
Inhona,
Do.,
Do.,
64
61
142
553
486 8
1,200
267
2,239 8
Mohanganj,
Do.,
Do.,
Do., ...
417
200
24
258
3,351
1,602
193
2,073 O
•
899
7,219
1,169
9,470 8 O
(Concluded.)
(
xxxvii )
numeration
a
1
o
3
1
1
!
1
4>
t!
n
Bemarks.
14
15
16
17
10,548
5,328
10,560
5,328
2
2
15,876
15,888
2
11,520
2,253
2,352
11,520
2,253
2,352
2
1 14 2
2
16,125
16,125
1 14 8
2,039
7,961 8
3,144
2,592
8,448
4,344
18
2
2
13,144 8
15,384
1 14 1
2,094
1,614
3,481
1,152
5,445
3,216
3,674
3,225
2 10
2
1 14 9
2 10
8,341
15,560
2 2
£3,486 8
62,957
1 15 6
A. I
'. JlAlLLETT,
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...
...
...
...
...
12
Mohanganj, •»« •». ...
Total,
...
...
...
: ~
...
...
205
233
10
2
i
1
( xliii )
IX.
property in land according to clans.
dfe.
triya.
}
I
35
d
§
s
i
1
M
t
IB
1
&
-3
0)
a
I
J
J9
20
i
21
1
-a
9
10
ii
IS
13
14
15
16
17
18
22
3G0
7
***
■■■
1
I
40
7
6
1
142
••■
1*4
• *•
1
■
+**
•**
1
1
34
87
1
1
I
l
10
3
-**
5
2
■»■
■ !•
■ ■■
1
in
1
300
- 7
10S I
142
2
180
2
1
i
10
3
5
2
57
( xHv )
No. IX.—
Hindis
Other castes.
Name of Parganah,
i
i
23
24
25
97
28
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
Snltanpnr,
Chaada, ...
Amethf, ...
Isauli, ...
Asal, ...
Inhona, ...
Jagdiapur,
Subejia, ...
Jflokli&Jais,
Simrota, •••
Gaur^-Jam6n,
Mohanganj,
• •• ••!
.. •••
9
8
6
3
6
19
J7
Total,
2
4
I
2
50
»
5
6
13
78
( slv )
(Cordinued).
ItX^homedans.
MiscollaiieoiiB,
1
i
1
Ah
S
1
I
!
9
1
1
3
|
"3
J
I
=3'
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
43
G
4
1
4
...
M
1
1
J29
...
Tr
1
■■I
1
399
290
364
9
1
,..
3
,.,
...
—
...
■»
...
M4
...
...
85
,„
3
...
«*•
...
..*
1
22
...
97
77
fi
2
•*•
...
»■
«*■
J
...
100
»P*
...
„.
...
1GG
■ pi
ft!
15
...
6
...
...
J
"*
...
...
...
SO
3
»>
7
*
...
t*i
?■■
...
►*i
■"
...
...
110
!■■
17
1
...
...
...
...
■*»
«■
1
...
...
73
H*
„.
...
»■
—
*n
•»
■»
...
...
...
...
91
ip*
'"
...
-
69
...
1M
,..■
-
...
...
1
75
30
31
20
10
73
1
2
130
101
22
I
1
I
1,013
( ilvi )
Ho. X.
Form used for tabulation of assessment data.
Mauzah Summabt )
\JamL
SnrLKMDrr )
1 ^
r
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.
ClaaaUL,
Ti-it*l
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1
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i
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-
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of
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Fit,
Goi&dt
n4
1
!
Total, „.
I Total,
1
Rates from Jsuni-
band!
Cultivating Cutea.
Groas rental.
Km*
Cnahi
L
IL
III.
Brahmaus,
Chattr!*,
Muraia,
AMra,
Piftfa,
Bfaitff,
Kaitlu,
Lodha,
Other*,
Kami lit*.
Cash,
Grain*
Sir,
Sayer,
R.
A[P
, Mhowa,
i Mango,
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1 1
rt > -
t Population,
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<
it,
irnen,
felt
Non-
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Pakka,
Kacha,
Dom,
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Non-Cult,
Xl/TAL, ,
1
Total, '
TOTAL,
Total,
]
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tfgah
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thfn
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water.
S.J.
APPENDICES.
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( ** )
APPEff
Parganah memorandum of Sultdnpur, Balances of
Ba
Names
of parganah*.
At the dose of 186849 (31*t March).
At the dose
T'aluic&rL
MnfrftL
Total.
FalukddrL
£s. A. P.
Rs. A. P.
Ba. A.
P.
Bs. A. P.
Sultanpur,
11,418 9 5
5,533 13 11
16,952 7
4
318 15
Chanda,
764 14 3
2,261 8 3
3,026 6
6
•••
Paparghat,
•••
871 14
371 14
•••
Aroethi, •••
1,986 14 8
886 15 8
2,872 14
4
,2504 8 2
Tappah Asal, ...
Isaulicwand trans
Gumti,
• ••
• ••
5,371 15
980 8 7
5,871 15
989 8
7
•••
Inhona, •••
• ••
764 12 8
764 12
8
•••
Jagdispur,
• ••
7 15 9
7 18
9
•••
Subeha,
466 7
1,062 9 6
1,529
6
•••
Mohanganj,
...
26 13
26 13
•t •
Bokha»Jais,
•••
936 3 6
936 8
6
•••
Gaurd-Jamun, ...
307 8
•••
807 8
•tt
Sultdnpur- Baronsa,
...
...
...
6,609 6 3
Aldemau, •••
• ••
•••
...
4,100 12 3
Surhurpur,
• ••
•••
• ••
*•* 1
Grand Total Rs.,
14,943 5 4
18,214 1 10
33,157 7
2
13,533 4 8
( *v )
DUO.
the land revenue from the year 1868-69 to 1872-73.
of 1869-70 (31st March).
At the elote of 1870-71 (31st Much).
MufrfcU
Total
TUnkd&t
MuWd.
TotaL
Bs. A. F.
Ba. A. P.
Rs. A. P.
Bs. A. P.
Es. A. P.
8,184 12 7
8,453 11 7
12 8
1,689 11 2
1,702 8 2
1,326 12 3
1,326 12 8
_
123 13 4
128 13 4
44 15
44 15
• ••
• ••
•••
1474 7 6
3,678 10 8
• ••
895 10
895 10
8,071 10
8,071 10
•%•
2,876 2 2
2,876 2 2
1,179 15
1,179 15
-•>••
10,209 6 9
10,209 6 9
• ••
•••
• ••
»••
•••
99 2 4
89 2 4
«»•
1,158 5 10
1,158 6 10
• ••
• ••
•••
• ••
•••
• ••
. •■•
•>••
' •••
•••
•••
•««
• ••
•••
• ••
• »•
• ••
...
1 18
1 13
178 14 1
6,788 4 4
803 6 6
3,807 11 6
4,611 2
18,660 15 2
22,761 11 5
4,056 12 4
15,346 10
19,403 6 4
»••
•••
100
• •t
100
28,871 7 11
42,404 12 7
4,972 10 10
85,609 8 9
40,581 14 7
( *vi )
APPENDIX 0—
*B.
Names
of p&rgan&hs.
At the doee of 1871-72 (81st March).
At the elote
T'alukdirL
Mafrfd.
TotaL
Faiukctfrf.
Rs. A. P.
fi*. A. P.
Es. A.
P
its. A. P.
Sultanpur, ...
7,771 8 1
.1,758 4 8
9,529 12
4
13,167 5 9
Chanda,
5,701 8 9
2,637 18 7
8,889 6
4
8,013 3 10
Paparghat, ...
•••
...
...
...
Amethi, ••«
•••
1,439 6
1,489 6
...
Tappah Asal, ...
Isauli cis and
fron* Gumtf,...
•••
•••
7,636 14 6
18,048 1 10
7,536 14 5
18,048 1 10
275 7
•••
Inhona,
...
• ••
•••
•••
Jagdispur,
217 3 6
3,221 1 4
8,438 4 10
2,858 3
Subeha,
• ••
•••
»••
•••
Mohanganj, ...
. •••
• ••
- ■••
•••
Bokha-Jais, ...
•••
• ••
• ••
«••
Gaura-Jam&n,
Sultanpur-
Baronsa, ...
1,826 12 4
18,687 1 4
1 14
18,046 13 2
1,828 10
36,583 14
4
6
2,949 6 9
37,987 7 10
Aldemau,
...
19,111 7 8
19,111 7
8
197 14
Surhurpur, ...
• ••
• ••
...
...
Grand Total Bs.,
34,054 2
71,801 12 3
1,05,855 14
3
65,449 2
StTLTiNPTTB:
Deputy Commissioner's Office.
The 21st July 1873.
\
*
^
( xvii )
(Continued.)
lances.
of 1872-73 (31st March.)
Remarks.
Mufrid.
Total.
*"
Its. A.
P.
Its. A.
P.
1,707 11
9
• 14,875 1
6
Actual outstanding Balance Rb. 14,875-1-6.
6,702 15 10
14,716 3
8
Ditto, Rs. 14,716-3-8.
•••
...
Ditto, "Nil" incorporated with Chanda*
471 13
471 13
Actual outstanding Balance Rs. 471-13-0.
6,779 5
8
7,054 12
8
Ditto, Rs. 7,054-12-8.
22,693
2
22,693
2
Ditto, Rs. 22,693-0-2, Isauli tran$ Gumtf transferred
1869-70.
...
...
Transferred to Rtfi Barell in 1869-70, no outstanding in
the district.
1,767 15
4,626 2
Actual Balance 4,626-2-0.
...
•••
Transferred to Sal Barell in 1869-70, no outstanding in
this district.
...
...
Ditto, ditto.
...
...
Ditto, ditto.
2 13
9
2,952 4
6
Actual Balance outstanding Rs. 2,952-4-6.
22,238 4
3
60,225 12
1
Transferred from Faizabadin 1869-70,BalanceRs.60,225-12-l
23,488 11
6
23,686 9
6
Ditto, Actual Balance outstanding 23,686-9-6.
...
•••
No outstanding Balance.
85,852 10 11
1,51,301 11
1
Actual Balance outstanding on the 31st March 1873,
this district Rs. 1,51,301-11-1.
W. GLYNN,
Deputy Commissioner.
*' -
( a -
\