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61sT CONGRESS 1 Q1?1 . T ,,,? f DOCUMENT 

SdSettion ( SENATE I Ko. U8 



REPORTS OF THE IMMIGRATION COMMISSION 



EMIGRATION CONDITIONS IN 
EUROPE 




PRESENTED BY MR. DILLINGHAM 

DECEMBER 5, 1910. Referred to the Committee. on Immigration 
and ordered to be printed, with illustrations 



WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
1911 



THE IMMIGRATION COMMISSION. 



Senator WILLIAM P. DILLINGHAM, Representative BENJAMIN F. HOWELL. 

Chairman. Representative WILLIAM S. BENNET. 

Senator HENRY CABOT LODGE. Representative JOHN L. BURNETT. 

Senator ASBURY C. LATIMER. Mr. CHARLES P. NEILL. 

Senator ANSELM J. MCLAURIN.* Mr. JEREMIAH W. JENKS. 

Senator LE ROY PERCY. Mr. WILLIAM R. WHEELER. 

Secretaries: 

MOBTON E. CRANE. W. W. HUSBAND. 

C. S. ATKINSON. 

Chief Statistician: 
FBED C. CROXTON. 



Extract from act of Congress of February 20, 1907, creating and defining the 
duties of the Immigration Commission. 

Thnt a commission is hereby created, consisting of three Senators, to be ap- 
pointed by the President of the Senate, and three Members of the House of 
Representatives, to be appointed by the Speaker of the House of Representa- 
tives, and three persons to be appointed by the President of the United States. 
Said commission shall make full inquiry, examination, and investigation, by 
subcommittee or otherwise, into the subject of immigration. For the purpose 
of said inquiry, examination, and investigation said commission is authorized 
to send for persons and papers, make all necessary travel, either in the United 
States or any foreign country, and, through the chairman of the commission, 
or any member thereof, to administer oaths and to examine witnesses and 
papers respecting all matters pertaining to the subject, and to employ neces- 
sary clerical and other assistance. Said commission shall report to Congress 
the conclusions reached by it, and make such recommendations as in its judg- 
ment may seem proper. Such sums of money as may be necessary for the said 
inquiry, examination, and investigation are hereby appropriated and authorized 
to be paid out of the " immigrant fund " on the certificate of the chairman of 
said commission, including all expenses of the commissioners, and a reasonable 
compensation, to be fixed by the President of the United States, for those 
members of the commission who are not Members of Congress; * * *. 

Died February 20, 1908. 

6 Appointed to succeed Mr. Latimer, February 25, 1908. Died December 22, 
1909. 
Appointed to succeed Mr, McLaurin, M*arch 16, 1910, 

U 



LIST OF REPORTS OF THE IMMIGRATION COMMISSION. 



Volumes 1 and 2. Abstracts of Reports of the Immigration Commission, with Conclusions and Recom- 
mendations and Views of the Minority. (These volumes include the Commission's complete reports 
on the following subjects: Immigration Conditions in Hawaii; Immigration and Insanity; Immi- 
grants in Charity Hospitals; Alien Seamen and Stowaways; Contract Labor and Induced and Assisted 
Immigration; The Greek Padrone System in the United States; Peonage.) (S. Doc. No. 747, 61st 
Cong., 3d sess.) 

Volume 3. Statistical Review of Immigration, 1819-1910 Distribution of Immigrants, 1850-1900. ( S . Doc. 
No. 756, 61st Cong., 3d sess.) 

Volume 4. Emigration Conditions in Europe. (S. Doc. No. 748, 61st Cong., 3d sess.) 

Volume 5. Dictionary of Races or Peoples. (S. Doc. No. 662, 61st Cong., 3d sess.) 

Volumes 6 and 7. Immigrants in Industries: Pt. 1, Bituminous Coal Mining. (S. Doc. No. 633, 61st Cong., 
2d sess.) 

Volumes 8 and 9. Immigrants in Industries: Pt. 2, Iron and Steel Manufacturing. (S. Doc. No. 633, 61st 
Cong., 2d sess.) 

Volume 10. Immigrants in Industries: Pt. 3, Cotton Goods Manufacturing in the North Atlantic States 
Pt. 4, Woolen and Worsted Goods Manufacturing. (S. Doc. No. 633, 61st Cong., 2d sess.) 

Volume 11. Immigrants in Industries: Pt. 5, Silk Goods Manufacturing and Dyeing Pt. 6, Clothing 
Manufacturing Pt. 7, Collar, Cuff, and Shirt Manufacturing. (S. Doc. No. 633, 61st Cong., 2d sess.) 

Volume 12. Immigrants in Industries: Pt. 8, Leather Manufacturing Pt. 9, Boot and Shoe Manufac- 
turing Pt. 10, Glove Manufacturing. (S. Doc. No. 633, 61st Cong., 2d sess.) 

Volume 13. Immigrants in Industries: Pt. 11, Slaughtering and Meat Packing. (S. Doc. No. 633, 61st 
Cong., 2d sess.) 

Volume 14. Immigrants in Industries: Pt. 12, Glass Manufacturing Pt 13, Agricultural Implement 
and Vehicle Manufacturing. (S. Doc. No. 633, 61st Cong., 2d sess.) 

Volume 15. Immigrants in Industries: Pt. 14, Cigar and Tobacco Manufacturing Pt. 15, Furniture Man- 
ufacturing Pt. 16, Sugar Refining. (S. Doc. No. 633, 61st Cong., 2d sess.) 

Volume 16. Immigrants in Industries: Pt. 17, Copper Mining and Smelting Pt. 18, Iron Ore Mining 
Pt. 19, Anthracite Coal Mining Pt. 20, Oil Refining. (S. Doc. No. 633, 61st Cong., 2d sess.) 

Volume 17. Immigrants in Industries: Pt. 21, Diversified Industries, Vol. I. (S. Doc. No. 633, 61st Cong., 



Volume 18. Immigrants in Industries: Pt. 21, Diversified Industries, Vol. II Pt. 22, The Floating Immi- 
grant Labor Supply. (S. Doc. No. 633, 61st Cong., 2d sess.) 

Volumes 19 and 20. Immigrants in Industries: Pt. 23, Summary Report on Immigrants in Manufacturing 
and Mining. (S. Doc. No. 633, 61st Cong., 2d sess.) 

Volumes 21 and 22. Immigrants in Industries: Pt. 24, Recent Immigrants in Agriculture. (S. Doc. No. 
633, 61st Cong., 2d sess.) 

Volumes 23-25. Immigrants in Industries: Pt. 25, Japanese and Other Immigrant Races in the Pacific 
Coast and Rocky Mountain States. (S. Doc. No. 633, 61st Cong., 2d sess.) 

Volumes 26 and 27. Immigrants in Cities. (S. Doc. No. 338, 61st Cong., 2d sess.) 

Volume 28. Occupations of the First and Second Generations of Immigrants in the United States Fe- 
cundity of Immigrant Women. (S. Doc. No. 282, 61st Cong., 2d sess.) 

Volumes 29-33. The Children of Immigrants in Schools. (S. Doc. No. 749, 61st Cong., 3d sess.) 

Volumes 34 and 35. Immigrants as Charity Seekers. (S. Doc. No. 665, 61st Cong., 3d sess.) 

Volume 36. Immigration and Crime. (S. Doc. No. 750, 61st Cong., 3d sess.) 

Volume 37. Steerage Conditions Importation and Harboring of Women for Immoral Purposes Immi- 
grant Homes and Aid Societies Immigrant Banks. (S. Doc. No. 753, 61st Cong., 3d sess.) 

Volume 38. Changes in Bodily Form of Descendants of Immigrants. (S. Doc. No. 208, 61st Cong., 2d sess.) 

Volume 39. Federal Immigration Legislation Digest of Immigration Decisions Steerage Legislation, 
1819-1908 State Immigration and Alien Laws. (S. Doc. No. 758, 61st Cong., 3d sess.) 

Volume 40. The Immigration Situation in Other Countries: Canada Australia New Zealand Argen- 
tina Brazil. (S. Doc. No. 761, 61st Cong., 3d sess.) 

Volume 41. Statements and Recommendations Submitted by Societies and Organizations Interested in 
the Subject of Immigration. (S. Doc. No. 764, 61st Cong., 3d sess.) 

Volume 42. Index of Reports of the Immigration Commission. (S. Doc. No. 785, 61st Cong., 3d sess.) 

Ill 



LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL. 



THE IMMIGRATION COMMISSION, 
Washington, D. C., December 5, 1910. 
To the Sixty -first Congress: 

I have the honor to transmit herewith, on behalf of the Immigra- 
tion Commission, a report entitled " Emigration Conditions in 
Europe." 

Respectfully, WILLIAM P. DILLINGHAM, 

Chairman. 



CONTENTS. 



PART I. GENERAL SURVEY OF EMIGRATION CONDITIONS. 

CHAPTER I. Introductory: Page. 

Scope of the inquiry 3 

Statistical review of European immigration, 1819-1910 5 

Old and new European immigration 12 

Chart showing European immigration to the United States in each fifccul 

year 1882 to 1907, inclusive, by class 18 

Attitude of European countries toward emigration 19 

CHAPTER II. Character of European immigration: 

Sex..: 22 

Age 24 

Occupations 26 

Literacy 29 

Literacy in Europe 31 

Money shown by immigrants 35 

CHAPTER III. Permanent and temporary emigration: 

Extent and character of the return movement 41 

Third-class passenger movement, 1899-1909 42 

Sex and age of emigrant aliens 44 

Length of residence in the United States 45 

Occupations of emigrant aliens 47 

Destination of emigrant aliens 49 

Permanence of the return movement 51 

Effects of the return movement in Europe 52 

CHAPTER IV. Causes of emigration from Europe: 
Primary causes 

Economic conditions in Europe 53 

Wages in European countries 54 

Cost of living in Europe , 55 

Desire for better conditions 56 

Political and religious causes 56 

Contributory causes 

Letters from friends in the United States 57 

Influence of returned emigrants 58 

Mutual savings societies 58 

Joining friends in the United States 59 

Contracts to labor in the United States 60 

Assistance of friends 61 

Steamship ticket agents 61 

Assisted emigration 64 

Jewish emigration societies 65 

Emigration of criminals 67 

CHAPTER V. Inspection of emigrants abroad : 

Effect of United States immigration laws 69 

Immigrants rejected at United States ports 71 

The United States quarantine law 

Inspection of emigrants in Europe 76 

Inspection at ports and control stations 

Antwerp 

. British ports 82 

Glasgow 84 

Liverpool 

Londonderry 

Queenstown : 

Southampton 89 

Cherbourg 90 

Christiania... 91 



vin The Immigration Commission. 

PART III THE EMIGRATION SITUATION IN RUSSIA, 

CHAPTER I. Immigration to the United States from Russia: Pa e e 

Immigration by years, 1820 to 1910 ..................................... 239 

Immigration by sex and decades, 1871 to 1910 .......................... 240 

Russian and other European immigration ................................ 241 

Natives of Russia in the United States, 1850 to 1900. . .................... 242 

CHAPTER II. The agrarian question Migration to Siberia: 

The agrarian question in Russia ........................................ 245 

Migration to Siberia .................................................... 249 , 

CHAPTER III. Russia's attitude toward emigration: 

Russian law and emigration ............................................ 251 

CHAPTER IV. Causes of emigration from Russia: 

Causes of peasant emigration .......................................... 265 

The large agricultural population ................................... 266 

Unequal distribution of the population .............................. 267 

Distribution of ownership of land .................................. 267 

Land holdings of peasants .......................................... 268 

Antiquated system of agriculture .................................. 269 

Wages of agricultural laborers ...................................... 270 

Causes of the Hebrew emigration ....................................... 271 

Emigration as a result of the legal situation of the Jews in Russia ..... 272 

Restriction in habitation ....................................... 276 

Restrictions on occupation .................................... 276 

Restrictions in education ...................................... 277 

Isolation from local self-governing bodies ........................ 277 

Economic condition of the Jews in Russia .................. 281 

Introduction ................................... "". 281 

Jewish population .......................... ......"......] 281 

Occupations ........................................... '.'.'.'.'.'. 289 

Agriculture 

Agricultural colonies ................................ 294 

Truck farming ................................. '.'.'.'.'.'.'.'. 300 

Independent farming ................... 30] 

Artisans 

Number of workers ................................ 302 

Women and children in the hand trades. . . .". .". ". . 304 

Marketing of the products ..................... .,[', 305 

Conditions of work ................... 306 

Wages and earnings .......... ................ 307 

ganizations of artisans. . . <*nq 

Fed laborers ............. ....... 310 

Manufacturing industry 

Jewish branches or industry ............ 313 

Jewish industries in Poland ...... ..".".". ....... 

Jewish activity in the textile industry. . 
Factory labor ................. 

Female and child labor in the factories " " S2o 

Wages of factory workers ____ oon 

Labor organizations .............. V 

Commercial pursuits ........ ---- ooi 

Professional service ............. ---- oon 

Pauperism and charity 

Pauperism .............. q9 

Charitable institutions... ......... 004 

CHAPTER V. Character of Russian immigration " " ............. 66 

Russia's population ....... 

Races entering the United State's.".' ". " ............. jS 

Rate of immigration among various races. . 

Sex of immigrants ....... .............. dc59 

Occupations of immigrants " " ................... *v 34 

Illiteracy in Russia " .................. 341 

Educational opportunities... 

[literacy among immigrants from Russia ." ." ." ." ." ." '. ." ] .* '.[..[, 347 



Orga 
UnskilFed 



Contents. ix 



PART IV THE EMIGRATION SITUATION IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY, 

CHAPTER I. Immigration to the United States from Austria-Hungary: Page. 

Immigration by years, 1820-1910 351 

Immigration by sex and decades, 1871-1910 352 

Austro-Hungarian and other European immigration 352 

Emigration from Austria-Hungary 353 

Natives of Austria-Hungary in the United States, 1850 to 1900 354 

CHAPTER II. Attitude of Austria and Hungary toward emigration: . 

Austria 357 

Hungary , 357 

CHAPTER III. Causes of emigration from Austria-Hungary: 
The agricultural situation 

Austria 362 

Hungary 364 

Methods of cultivation 365 

The industrial situation 

Austria 365 

Size of industrial establishments 367 

Hungary 367 

Industrial wages 368 

Hours of labor : 368 

Contributory causes of emigration 369 

Standard of living 370 

CHAPTER IV. Character of Austro-Hungarian immigration: 

Ethnical elements in the population 371 

Racial composition of immigration from Austria-Hungary 372 

Sex of immigrants 375 

Occupations of immigrants * 3? 6 

Illiteracy in Austria-Hungary 377 

Austria 377 

Illiteracy among immigrants from Austria-Hungary 379 

Causes of illiteracy 380 

Hungary 382 

Illiteracy and race 383 

Elementary schools 383 

CHAPTER V. Effect of emigration on Austria-Hungary: 

Economic effects * 385 

Effect on morality 1 387 

Living conditions 387 

Effect on character 388 

PART V THE EMIGRATION SITUATION IN GREECE, 

CHAPTER I. Immigration to the United States from Greece: 

Immigration by years, 1820-1910 391 

Immigration by sex and decades, 1871-1910 

Immigration from Greece and other European immigration 

Natives of Greece in the United States, 1850 to 1900 

Other emigration from Greece 395 

CHAPTER II. Attitude of the Government toward emigration 397 

CHAPTER III. Causes of emigration from Greece: 

The agricultural situation - 401 

Methods of cultivation 402 

Wages of agricultural laborers 402 

The industrial situation 

Industrial wages - 

Living conditions '. 4 "4 

CHAPTER IV. Character of emigration from Greece: 

Racial composition of the population '. 

Homogeneity of the immigration from Greece 

Occupations of immigrants 



The Immigration Commission. 



CHAPTER V. The effect of emigration on Greece: Page- 
Effect on population 411 

Economic effects 412 

Social effects 414 

Returning emigrants 414 

Listoftables , 417-424 



PART I. GENERAL SURVEY OF EMIGRATION CONDITIONS. 



PART L GENERAL SURVEY OF EMIGRATION CONDITIONS, 



CHAPTER I. 
INTRODUCTORY. 

SCOPE OF THE INQUIRY. 

In the summer of 1907 Commissioners Dillingham (chairman), 
Latimer, Howell, Bennet, Burnett, and Wheeler visited Europe for 
the purpose of making a general survey of emigration causes and 
conditions in countries which are the chief sources of the present 
immigration to the United States. The Commissioners sailed from 
Boston May 18 for Naples and, with the exception of Mr. Wheeler 
who conducted supplemental investigations for about two months, 
reached New York on the return voyage September 6. 

The Commission landed at Naples May 30 and immediately pro- 
ceeded to an investigation of conditions surrounding emigration from 
Italy to the United States. Naples being the chief port of embarka- 
tion for Italian emigrants, several days were spent in studying the 
system of handling and examining emigrants in operations there. 
On June 5 Commissioners Latimer. Bennet. and Burnett went to 
southern Italy and Sicily, where emigration conditions were studied 
at the ports of Messina and Palermo, and at several interior cities 
and villages which are centers of territory contributing largely to 
the Italian emigration movement. So far as time permitted the Com- 
missioners visited country districts and the homes of the peasantry, 
which class furnishes the greater part of Italian emigration. While 
the above-named gentlemen were in southern Italy, Commissioners 
Dillingham, Howell, and Wheeler, representing the Senate, House of 
Representatives, and the noncongressional groups composing the 
Commission, .proceeded to Home to officially visit and confer with emi- 
gration and other officials of the Italian Government. These Commis- 
sioners later returned to Naples for further conferences with Ameri- 
can consular officers and other officials and again went to Rome to 
join Commissioners Latimer, Bennet, and Burnett on their return 
from southern Italy. All members of the committee assembled in 
Rome on June IT/ and on June 18 a meeting was held to perfect 
plans for continuing the investigation in other parts of Europe. At 
this time subcommittees were appointed, and the territory to be 
covered was assigned as follows : Austria, Hungary, and Russia, Com- 
missioners Dillingham and Wheeler; northern Italy, France, and 
Germany, including ports of embarkation and the German control 
stations, Commissioners Latimer and Burnett; Greece, Turkey, Asia 
Minor, and the Balkan States, Commissioners Howell and Bennet. 



The Immigration Commission. 



Mr. Howell was later assigned to the subcommittee having charge of 
the inquiry in northern Italy, France, and Germany, and their terri- 
tory was increased to include England, Ireland, and Scotland. By 
the terms of the resolution adopted for carrying on the work as above 
indicated each subcommittee was responsible for the investigation in 
the territory assigned. No further meeting of the Commission was 
held until August 18, in London. 

In the meantime the various subcommittees visited practically 
every part of Europe from which immigrants come to the United 
States. In addition to the itinerary outlined above, Commissioner 
Bennet spent some time in the interior of Russia, while Commissioner 
Wheeler visited Finland, Sweden, Denmark, and the ports of Ham- 
burg, Bremen, Rotterdam, Amsterdam, and Antwerp, and after the 
return of the other members of the Commission continued the inves- 
tigation in Great Britain, Russia, Germany, and the Scandinavian 
countries. 

The general plan of the Commission, which was also followed by 
the various subcommittees, included a study of the causes of emigra- 
tion, natural and artificial ; classes emigrating and the character of 
emigrants; the attitude of European governments toward emigra- 
tion; the effects of emigration on various European countries; emi- 
gration control and the inspection of emigrants abroad ; the emigration 
of criminals and other classes debarred^by the United States immi- 
gration law, and the effect of that law on European emigration. 

The capital of each country, the principal ports at which emigrants 
for the United States embark, and, wherever feasible, the chief emi- 
grant-furnishing districts, were visited. Much of the time available 
was necessarily given to consultation with officials of the various 
countries included in the inquiry and with American diplomatic and 
consular officers and others acquainted with the emigration situation 
in Europe. In the course of the investigation the Commissioners 
prepared memoranda covering all phases of the question in countries 
visited. Whenever deemed necessary hearings were resorted to; in- 
terviews were recorded in detail or in substance; considerable care- 
fully prepared information, with expressions of opinion by govern- 
ment officials and others, was secured, and a large number of official 
and other documents and exhibits were collected. All of this material 
was carefully considered in the preparation of detailed reports upon 
the various topics presented herewith. 

In addition to data secured by the Commission there was made 
available, by courtesy of the Bureau of Immigration, a digest of un- 
published reports by Robert Watchorn, then commissioner of immi- 
gration at New York ; Dr. George W. Stoner, surgeon, Public Health 
and Marine-Hospital Service, in charge of medical examination of 
immigrants at New York ; T. V. Powderly, now Chief of the Division 
of Information, Bureau of Immigration ; and Philip Cowan, Roman 
Dobler, Samuel A. Eppler, Charles Sempsey, and John J. D. Trenor, 
immigrant inspectors, who visited Europe in 1906 to investigate 
various phases of emigration and immigration, and this information 
has been freely used and duly accredited. Immediately following the 
Commission's visit to Italy, the Royal Italian Agricultural Commis- 
sion .investigated emigration conditions in Basilicata and Calabria, 
and the report resulting from this inquiry was placed at the disposal 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 



of the Immigration Commission by the Italian authorities. This re- 
port has been largely used in discussing conditions in Italy. Pub- 
lished data, chiefly official, statistical, and other reports of foreign 
countries, and in some cases unofficial publications, when considered 
entirely reliable, have been employed in the preparation of the report. 
This course was adopted because of the desire of the Commission 
that the study of the questions involved be as complete and exhaus- 
tive as was possible. 

The report is divided into two parts, the first being a discussion 
of recent European immigration to the United States and the more 
general features of the emigration situation in Europe, as a whole, 
while the second part deals with emigration from and emigration con- 
ditions in Italy, Russia, Austria-Hungary, and Greece, which coun- 
tries have been the source of much of the recent immigration to the 
United States. It is the purpose of the report to show, as briefly as 
may be practicable, the character of the present movement of popula- 
tion from Europe to the United States, the causes of the movement, 
and other matters necessary to an understanding of the situation. 

STATISTICAL REVIEW OF EUROPEAN IMMIGRATION, 1819-1910. 

The act of March 2, 1819, entitled " An act regulating passenger 
ships and vessels," contained a provision to the effect that the cap- 
tain or master of any ship -bringing passengers from a foreign port 
to the United States should deliver to the proper official at the port 
of arrival a list or manifest stating the age, sex, occupation, country 
of origin, and country of intended future residence of each passen- 
ger. This provision of the law became effective July 1, 1819, and 
official immigration statistics date from that time. During the period 
between the last-mentioned date and June 30, 1910, a total of 27,- 
918,992 immigrants were Admitted to the United States. Of this 
number 25,421,929, or 92.3 per cent, of all immigrants for whom 
country of origin was reported came from Europe. 



The Immigration Commission. 



The yearly movement of population from the various countries of 
Europe during the entire period is shown by the following table : 

TABLE 1. European immigration to the United States, by country of origin, for 
years ending June 30, 1820 to 1910. 

[Compiled from official sources. For 1820 to 1867 the figures are for alien passengers arriving; for 1868 they 
are for immigrants arriving. The years from 1820 to 1831 and from 1844 to 1849, inclusive, are those ending 
September 30; 1833 to 1842 and 1851 to 1867, inclusive, those ending December 31.] 



Country. 


1820 


1821 


1822 


1823 


1824 


1825 


1826 


1827 


1828 


Europe: 




















Belgium 


1 


2 


10 


2 


1 


1 


2 


7 


2 


Bulgaria, Servia, and 




















Denmark 


20 


12 


18 


6 


11 


14 


10 


15 


50 


France,includingCorsica. 
German Empire 


371 
968 


370 
383 


351 
148 


460 
183 


377 
230 


515 
450 


545 
511 


1,280 
432 


2,843 
1,851 












5 




4 




7 


Italy, including Sicily 
and Sardinia , 


30 


63 


35 


33 


45 


75 


57 


35 


34 


Netherlands 


49 


56 


51 


19 


40 


37 


176 


245 


263 


Norway & 


3 


12 


10 


1 


9 


4 


16 


13 


10 


Poland 


5 


1 


3 


3 


4 


1 




1 


1 


Portugal, including Cape 
Verde and Azores 
Islands 


35 


' 18 


28 


24 


13 


13 


16 


7 


14 


Roumania 




















Russian Empire 


14 


7 


10 


7 


7 


10 


4 


19 


7 


Spain, including Canary 
and Balearic Islands. . . 
Sweden c 


139 


191 


152 


220 


359 


273 


436 


414 


209 


Switzerland 


31 


93 


110 


47 


253 


166 


245 


297 


1,592 


Turkey in Europe 


1 




4 


2 


2 




2 


1 


6 


United Kingdom- 
England 


1,782 


1,036 


856 


851 


713 


1,002 


1,459 


2,521 


2,735 


Ireland ......... 


3,614 


1,518 


2,267 


1,908 


2,345 


4,888 


5,408 


9,766 


12,488 


Scotland 


268 


293 


198 


180 


257 


113 


230 


460 


1,041 


Wales 




11 


13 


69 


33 


11 


6 




17 


Not specified 


300 


1,870 


154 




261 


969 


624 


1,205 


1,559 


Other Europe <* 








1 




1 




1 
























Total Europe. ..... 


7,691 


5,936 


4,418 


4,016 


4,965 


8,543 


9,751 


16,719 


24,729 























o For detailed statistics concerning immigration to the United States from all sources see Statistica* 
Review of Immigration, 1819-1910. Reports of the Immigration Commission, vol. 3. (S. Doc. No. 756, 
61st Cong., 3d sess.) 

b Including Sweden. 

c Included in Norway. 

d Malta. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 



TABLE 1. European immigration to the United States, by country of origin, for 
years ending June 80, 1820 to 1910 Continued. 



Country. 


1829 


1830 


1831 


1832 a 


1833 


1834 


1835 


1836 


1837 


Europe: 
Austria-Hungary 




















Belgium 

Bulgaria, Servia, and 
Montenegro 






1 






3 


1 






Denmark 


17 

582 
597 
1 

23 
169 
13 


ie 

1,174 
1,976 
3 

9 
22 
3 
2 

3 


23 
2,038 
2,413 


21 
5,361 
10, 194 
1 

3 

205 
313 
34 

5 


173 

4,682 
6,988 
1 

1,699 
39 
16 

1 

633 


24 

2,989 
17,686 


37 
2,696 
8,311 
7 

60 
124- 
31 
54 

29 


416 
4,443 
20,707 
28 

115 
301 
57 
53 

29 


109 
5,074 
23,740 
5 

36 
312 
290 
81 

34 


France, including Corsica 
German Empire 


wreece 


Italy, including Sicily 
and Sardinia 


28 
175 
13 


105 
87 
42 
54 

44 


Netherlands 


Norway 


Poland 


Portugal, including Cape 
Verde and Azores 
Islands 


9 




Roumania 




Russian Empire 


1 

202 


3 
21 


1 
37 


52 
106 


159 
516 


15 

107 


9 
183 


2 

180 


19 
230 


Spain, including Canary 
and Balearic Islands . . . 
Sweden 


Switzerland 


314 
1 

2,149 
7,415 
111 
3 
916 


109 
2 

733 
2,721 
29 
7 
384 


63 


129 


634 
1 

2,966 
8,648 
1,921 
29 


1,389 

1,129 
24, 474 
110 
1 
9,250 


548 

468 
20,927 
63 
16 
8,423 


445 
3 

420 
30,578 
106 
2 
12,578 


383 


Turkey in Europe 
United Kingdom 
England 


251 

5,772 
226 
131 
1,867 


944 
12,436 
158 


896 
28,508 
14 
6 
11,302 


Ireland . ... 


Scotland 


Wales ... 


Not specified 
Other Europe 


4,229 
2 


5 


Total Europe 














12,523 


7,217 


13,039 


34, 193 


29, 111 


57,510 


41,987 


70, 465 


71,039 




Country. 


1838 


1839 


1840 


1841 



1842 


1843& 


1844 


1845 


1846 


Europe: 
Austria-Hungary 




















Belgium 


14 


1 


2 


106 


44 


135 


165 


541 


43 


Bulgaria, Servia, and 
Montenegro 


Denmark 


52 
3,675 
11,683 
4 

86 
27 
60 
41 

24 


56 

7,198 
21,028 


i52 

7,419 
29,704 
3 

37 
57 
55 
5 

12 


31 

5,006 
15,291 


35 
4,504 
20,370 
1 

100 
330 
553 
10 

15 


29 
3,346 
14,441 
4 

117 
330 
1,748 
17 

32 


25 

3,155 
20,731 
3 

141 
184 
1,311 
36 

16 


54 
7,663 
34,355 
2 

137 
791 

928 
6 

14 


114 

10,583 
57,561 
3 

151 
979 
1,916 
4 

2 


France,including Corsica. 
German Empire 


Greece 


Italy, including Sicily 
and Sardinia 


84 
85 
324 
46 

19 


179 
214 
195 
15 

7 


Netherlands 


Norway 


Poland I 


Portugal, including Cape 
Verde, and Azores 
Islands 






13 

202 


7 
428 




174 

215 


28 
122 


6 
145 


13 
270 


1 

304 


248 
73 


Spain, including Canary 
and Balearic Islands. . . 


136 


Switzerland 


123 


607 
1 

62 
23,963 


500 
1 

318 
39,430 
21 


751 
6 

147 
37, 772 
35 
55 
15,951 
66 


483 
2 

1,743 
51,342 
24 
38 
20,200 
1 


553 
5 

3,517 
19, 670 
41 


839 
10 

1,357 
33,490 
23 
3 
12,970 
3 


471 
3 

1,710 
44,821 
368 
11 
17, 121 


698 
4 

2,854 
51,752 
305 
147 
18,874 
4 


Turkey in Europe 


United Kingdom- 
England 


157 
12, 645 
48 


Ireland . . 


Scotland 


Wales 




Not specified 


5,215 
1 


10,209 
30 


2,274 


4,872 
5 


Other Europe 


Total 


34,070 


64,148 


80, 126 


76,216 


99,945 


49,013 


74,745 


09,301 


146,315 





a Fifteen months ending Dec. 31. 
79524 VOL 411 2 



fc Nine months ending Sept. 30. 



8 



The Immigration Commission. 



TABLE 1. European immigration to the United States, by country of origin, for 
years ending June 30, 1820 to 1910 Continued. 



Country. 


1847 


1848 


1849 


1850a 


1851 


1852 


1853 


1854 


1855 


Europe: 
Austria-Hungary 




















Belgium 


1 473 


897 


590 


1 080 




g 


87 


266 


1 506 


Bulgaria, Servia, and 
Montenegro 




















Denmark 


13 


210 


8 


20 


14 


3 


32 


691 


528 


France, includingCorsica . 
German Empire 


20, 040 
74 281 


7,743 
58 465 


5,841 
60 235 


9,381 
78 896 


20, 126 
72 482 


6,763 
145 918 


10,770 
141 946 


13,317 
215 009 


6,044 
71 918 


Greece 




1 




2 




10 


12 


1 




Italy, including Sicily 
and Sardinia 


164 


241 


209 


431 


447 


351 


555 


1 263 


1 052 


Netherlands ............ 


2,631 


918 


1,190 


684 


352 


1 719 


600 


1,534 


2,588 


Norway 


1 307 


903 


3 473 


1 569 


2 424 


4 103 


3 364 


3 531 


821 


Poland 


8 




4 


5 


10 


110 


33 


208 


462 


Portugal, including Cape 
Verde and Azores 
Islands 


5 


67 


26 


366 


50 


68 


95 


72 


205 


Roumania . 




















Russian Empire 


5 


1 


44 


31 


1 


2 


3 


2 


13 


Spain, including Canary 
and Balearic Islands. . . 
Sweden 


158 


164 


329 


429 


435 


391 


1,091 


1,433 


951 


Switzerland ...... . 


192 


319 


13 


325 


427 


2 788 


2 748 


7 953 


4 433 


Turkey in Europe 
United Kingdom- 
England 


2 
3,476 


3 

4,455 


9 
6,036 


15 

6,797 


2 
5 306 


3 

30 007 


15 

28 867 


7 
48 901 


9 
38 871 


Ireland 


105 536 


112 934 


159 398 


164 004 


221 253 


159 548 


162 649 


101 606 


49 627 


Scotland 


337 


659 


1,060 


860 


966 


8 148 


6 006 


4 605 


5 275 


Wales 


145 


* 348 


272 


242 


211 


741 


222 


816 


1 176 


Not specified 


19, 344 


29, 697 


47, 764 


43, 186 


45,004 


1,803 


2,481 


4,325 


2 250 


Other Europe 
















2 
























Total Europe 


229, 117 


218, 025 


286,501 


308, 323 


369, 510 


362 484 


361 576 


405 542 


187 729 






















Country. 


1856 


1857 


1858 


1859 


1860 


1861 


1862 


1863 


1864 


Europe: 
Austria-Hungary 












51 


111 


85 


230 


Belgium 


1 982 


627 


184 


25 


53 


153 


169 


301 


389 


Bulgaria, Servia, and 
Montenegro 




















Denmark 


173 


1 035 


232 


499 


542 


234 


1 658 


1 492 


712 


France, including Corsica 
German Empire 


7,240 
71,028 


2,397 
91,781 


3,155 
45,310 


2,579 
41 784 


3,961 
54 491 


2,326 
31 661 


3^142 
27 529 


1,838 
33 162 


3,128 
57 276 


Greece 


2 


4 




1 




1 


5 


4 


5 


Italy, including Sicily 
and Sardinia 


1,365 


1,007 


1,240 


932 


1 019 


811 


566 


547 


600 


Netherlands 


1,395 


1,775 


185 


290 


351 


283 


432 


416 


708 


Norway 


1 157 


1 712 


2 430 


1 091 


298 


616 


892 


1 627 


2 249 


Poland 


20 


124 


9 


106 


82 


48 


63 


' 94 


'l65 


Portugal, including Cape 
Verde and Azores Is- 
lands 


128 


92 


177 


46 


\ 122 


47 


72 


86 


240 


Roumania 




















Russian Empire 


g 


25 


246 


91 


65 


34 


79 


77 


256 


Spain, including Canary 
and Balearic Islands... 
Sweden 


786 


714 


1,282 


1,283 


932 


448 


348 


500 


917 


Switzerland 


1,780 


2,080 


1,056 


833 


913 


1,007 


643 


690 


1 396 


Turkey in Europe . . . 


5 


11 


17 


10 


4 


5 


11 


16 


11 


United Kingdom- 
England 


25,904 


27 804 


14 638 


13 826 


13 001 


8 970 


10 947 


24 065 


26 096 


Ireland 


54 349 


54 361 


26 873 


35 216 


48 637 


23* 797 


23 35] 


CC QIC 


fis' ^23 


Scotland 


3,297 


4,182 


1,946 


2,293 


1 613 


*767 


657 


1 940 


3 476 


Wales 


1,126 


769 


316 


332 


610 


461 


536 


705 


628 


Not specified 


14 331 


25 724 


12 056 


9 712 


14 513 


9 477 


12 499 


40 172 


oq 090 


Other Europe 






2 




1 


3 




























Total Europe 


186 083 


216,224 


111 354 


110 949 


141 209 


81 200 


83 710 


163 733 


ice oqo 























o Fifteen months ending Dec. 31. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 



TABLE I. European immigration to the United States, by country of origin, for 
years ending June 30, 1820 to 1910 Continued. 



Country. 


1865 


1866 


1867 


1868 a 


1869 


1870 


1871 


1872 


1873 


Europe: 
Austria-Hungary 


422 


93 


692 


192 


1 499 


4 425 


4 887 


4 410 


7 112 


Belgium 


741 


1,254 


789 


14 


1 922 


1 002 


774 


700 


1 lyc 


Bulgaria, Servia, and 
Montenegro 




















Denmark 


1,149 


1,862 


1 436 


819 


3 649 


4 083 


2 015 


3 690 


4 Q31 


France, including Corsica 
German Empire 
Greece 


3,583 
83,424 


6,855 
115,892 
10 


5,237 
133,426 
10 


1,989 
55,831 


3,880 
131,042 
g 


4,009 
118, 225 
22 


3,138 
82,554 
11 


9,317 
141, 109 
12 


14, 798 
149,671 

00 


Italy, including Sicily 
and Sardinia 


924 


1,382 


1,624 


891 


1 489 


2 891 


2 816 


4 190 


8 757 


Netherlands 


779 


1 716 


2 223 


345 


1 134 


1 066 


993 


1 909 


3 811 


Norway 


6,109 


12,633 


7,055 


11, 166 


16 068 


13 216 


9 418 


11 421 


16 247 


Poland 


528 


412 


310 




184 


223 


535 


1,647 


3 33S 


Portugal, including Cape 
Verde and Azores Is- 
lands 
Roumania 


365 


344 


126 


174 


507 


697 


887 


1,306 


1, 185 


Russian Empire 
Spain, including Canary 
and Balearic Islands. . . 
Sweden 


183 
692 


287 
718 


205 

904 


141 

384 


343 

1,123 
24, 224 


907 

663 
13,443 


673 

558 
10,699 


1,018 

595 
13 464 


I,f34 

541 
14 303 


Switzerland 


2,889 


3,823 


4,168 


1,945 


3 650 


3 075 


2 269 


3 650 


3 107 


Turkey in Europe 
United Kingdom- 
England 


14 

15,038 


18 
3,559 


26 
36, 972 


4 

(6) 


18 
35, 673 


6 
60,957 


23 

56 530 


20 

69 764 


53 
74 $01 


Ireland 


29,772 


36, 690 


72, 879 


32, 068 


40, 786 


56,996 


57,439 


68, 732 


77 344 


Stotland 


3,037 


1,038 


7,582 


( 6 ) 


7,751 


12,521 


11,984 


13,916 


13 841 


Wales 


146 


23 


143 


W 


660 


1 Oil 


899 


1 214 


840 


Not specified 


64, 244 


90,304 


7,944 


24, 127 


40,353 


29. 216 


16,042 


18 


18 


Other Europe 


2 


3 












15 


10 






















Total Europe 


214,048 


278, 916 


283, 751 


130,090 


315,963 


328, 654 


265, 145 


352, 155 


397.541 






















Country. 


1874 


1875 


1876 


1877 


1878 


1879 


1880 


1881 


1882 


Europe: 
Austria-Hungary 
Belgium 

Bulgaria, Servia, and 
Montenegro 


8,850 
817 


7,658 
615 


6,276 
515 


5,396 
488 


5,150 
354 


5,963 
512 


17, 267 
1,232 


27,935 
1,766 


29,150 
1,431 


Denmark. . 


3,082 


2,656 


1,547 


1,695 


2,105 


3,474 


6,576 


9,117 


11,618 


France, including Corsica 
German Empire 


9,644 
87,291 


8,321 
47,769 


8,004 
31,937 


5,856 
29, 298 


4,159 
29,313 


4,655 
34,602 


4,314 
84,638 


5,227 
210,485 


6,004 
250,630 


Greece 


36 


25 


19 


24 


16 


21 


23 


19 


126 


Italy, including Sicily 
and Sardinia 


7,666 


3,631 


3,015 


3,195 


4,344 


5,791 


12,354 


15,401 


32, 159 


Netherlands , 


2,444 


1 237 


855 


591 


608 


753 


3,340 


8,597 


9,517 


Norway 


10, 384 


5,993 


5,173 


4,588 


4,759 


7, 345 


19,895 


22,705 


29, 101 


Poland 


1,795 


984 


925 


533 


547 


489 


2,177 


5,614 


4,672 


Portugal, including Cape 
Verde and Azores Is- 
lands 


1,611 


1,939 


1,277 


2,363 


1,332 


1,374 


808 


1,215 


1,436 


Roumania 














11 


30 


65 


Russian Empire 


4,073 


7,997 


4,775 


6,599 


3,048 


4,453 


5,014 


5,041 


16,918 


Spain, including Canary 
and Balearic Islands.. 
Sweden 


485 
5,712 


601 
5,573 


518 
5,603 


665 

4,991 


457 
5,390 


457 
11,001 


389 

39, 186 


484 
49,760 


378 

64,607 


Switzerland 


3,093 


1,814 


1,549 


1,686 


1,808 


3,161 


6,156 


11,293 


10,844 


Turkey in Europe 


62 


27 


38 


32 


29 


29 


24 


72 


69 


United Kingdom- 
England . .. 


50, 905 


40,130 


24,373 


19, 161 


18,405 


24,183 


59,454 


65,177 


82,394 


Ireland 


53, 707 


37, 957 


19,575 


14,569 


15, 932 


20,013 


71,603 


72,342 


76,432 


Scotland 


10 429 


7,310 


4,582 


4,135 


3,502 


5,225 


12,640 


15,168 


18, 937 


Wales 


665 


449 


324 


281 


243 


543 


1,173 


1,027 


1,656 


Not specified 


22 


16 


12 


4 




4 


6 


4 


4 


Other Europe 


10 


259 


28 


45 


111 


211 


411 


66 


38 


Total Europe 


262, 783 


182, 961 


120,920 


106, 195 


101,612 


134,259 


348,691 


528,545 


648,186 























a Six months ending June 30. 



6 Included in United Kingdom not specified. 



10 



The Immigration Commission. 



TABLE I. European immigration to the United States, by country of origin, for 
years ending June 30, 1820 to 1910 Continued. 



Country. 


1883 


1884 


1885 


1886 


1887 


1888 


1889 


1890 


1891 


Europe: 
Austria-Hungary 


27,625 
1,450 


36, 571 
1,576 


27,309 
1,653 


28,680 
1,300 


40,265 
2,553 


45,811 
3,215 


34,174 
2,562 


56,199 
2,671 


71,042 
3,037 


Belgium 


Bulgaria, Servia, and 
Montenegro 


Denmark '. 


10,319 

4,821 
194, 786 
73 

31,792 
5,249 
23,398 
2,011 

1,573 

77 
9,909 

262 
38,277 
12, 751 
86 

63, 140 
81,486 
11,859 
1.597 
10 
36 


9,202 
3,608 
179,676 
37 

16,510 
4,198 
16, 974 
4,536 

1,927 
238 
12,689 

300 
26,552 
9,386 
150 

55,918 
63,344 
9,060 
901 
71 
262 


6,100 
3,495 
124, 443 
172 

13,642 
2,689 
12,356 
3,085 

2,024 
803 
17, 158 

350 

22,248 
5,895 
138 

47,332 
51,795 
9,226 
1,127 
28 
15 


6,225 
3,318 

84, 403 
104 

21,315 
2,314 
12,759 
3,939 

1,194 
494 
17,800 

344 

27, 751 
4,805 
176 

49, 767 
49,619 
12, 126 
1,027 
9 
60 


8,524 
5,034 
106, 865 
313 

47,622 
4,506 
16,269 
6,128 

1,360 
2,045 
30,766 

436 

42,836 
5,214 
206 

72,855 
68,370 
18,699 
1,820 
4 
139 


8,962 
6,454 
109,717 

782 

51,558 
5,845 
18,264 
5,826 

1,625 
1,186 
33,487 

526 

54,698 
7,737 
207 

82, 574 
73,513 
24, 457 
1,654 
7 
26 


8,699 
5,918 
99,538 
158 

25,307 
6,460 
13,390 
4,922 

2,024 
893 
33,916 

526 
35,415 
7,070 
252 

68, 503 
65,557 
18, 296 
1,181 
12 
17 


9,366 
6,585 
92,427 
524 

52,003 
4,326 
11,370 
11,073 

2,600 
517 
35, 598 

813 
29, 632 
6,993 
206 

57, 020 
53, 024 
12,041 
. 650 
19 
23 


10,659 
6,770 
113,554 
1,105 

76,055 
5,206 
12,568 
27,497 

2,999 
957 
47,426 

905 
36,880 
6,811 
265 

53,600 
55,706 
12,557 
424 
24 
38 


France, including Corsica 
German Empire 


Greece 


Italy, including Sicily 
and Sardinia 


Netherlands 


Norway 


Poland 


Portugal, including Cape 
Verde and Azores Is- 
lands 


Roumania 


Russian Empire. 


Spain, including Canary 
and Balearic Islands. . . 
Sweden . . . 


Switzerland 


Turkey in Europe 
United Kingdom- 
England 


Ireland 


Scotland 


Wales 


Not specified 


Other Europe . . 


Total Europe 


522, 587 


453,686 


353,083 


329,529 


482,829 


538, 131 


434,790 


445, 680 


546, 085 




Country. 


1892 


1893 


1894 


1895 


1896 


1897 


1898 


1899 


1900 


Europe: 
Austrifv-TT nn gftfy 


76, 937 
4,026 


57,420 
3,324 


38, 638 
1,709 


33, 401 
1,058 


65,103 
1,261 


33, 031 
760 


39, 797 
695 


62, 491 
1,101 

52 
2,690 
1,694 
17, 476 
2,333 

77, 419 
1,029 
6,705 

(0) 

2,054 
1,606 
60,982 

385 
12,797 
1,326 
80 

( b ) 
(0) 
(0) 
( ft ) 
45, 123 
6 


114,847 
1,196 

108 
2,926 
1,739 
18,507 
3,771 

100, 135 
1,735 
9.575 
(a) 

4,234 
6,459 
90,787 

355 

18,650 
1,152 

285 

9,951 
35, 730 
1,792 
764 


Belgium 


Bulgaria, Servia, and 
Montenegro. . . 


Denmark 


16, i25 
4,678 
119,168 
660 

61,631 
6,141 
14,325 
40,536 

3,400 


7,720 
3,621 
78,756 
1,072 

72,145 
6,199 
15, 515 
16,374 

4,631 


5,003 
3,080 
53,989 
1,356 

42,977 
1,820 
9,111 
1,941 

2,196 
729 
39, 278 

925 

18, 286 
2,905 
298 

17,747 
30, 231 
3,772 
1,001 


3,910 
2,628 
32, 173 
597 

35,427 
1,388 
7,580 
791 

1,452 
523 
35,907 

501 
15,361 
2,239 
245 

23, 443 
46, 304 
3,788 
1,602 


3,167 
2,463 
31,885 
2,175 

68,060 
1,583 
8,855 
691 

2,766 
785 
51, 435 

351 
21,177 
2,304 
169 

19, 492 
40,262 
3,483 
1,581 
9 


2,085 
2,107 
22,533 
571 

59, 431 
890 
5,842 
4,165 

1,874 
791 
25,816 

448 
13, 162 
1,566 
152 

9,974 
28,421 
1,883 
870 
25 


i,946 
1,990 
17,111 
2,339 

58,613 
767 
4,938 
4,726 

1,717 

900 
29,828 

577 
12,398 
1,246 
176 

9,877 
25, 128 
1,797 
1,219 
1 


France, including Corsica . 
German Empire 


Greece 


Italy, including Sicily 
and Sardinia 


Netherlands 


Norway 


Poland 


Portugal, including Cape 
Verde and Azores Is- 
lands 


Roumania 


Russian Empire , 


81,511 

4,078 
41,845 
6,886 
1,331 

34, 309 
7,177 
51,383 
729 


42,310 

206 
35, 710 
4,744 
625 

27,931 
43, 578 
6,215 
1,043 


Spain, including Canary 
and Balearic Islands. . . 
Sweden 


Switzerland 


Turkey in Europe 
United Kingdom- 
England 


Ireland 


Scotland 


Wales 


Not specified ... . 


Other Europe 






60 


24 


2 


Total Europe 












570,876 


429,139 


277, 052 


250,342 


329, 057 


216,397 


217,786 297,349 


424, 700 





o Included under Austria-Hungary, German Empire, and Russian Empire. 
6 Not reported separately. Included in total for United Kingdom not specified. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 



11 



TABLE I. European immigration to the United States, by country of origin, for 
years ending June 30, 1820 to 1910 Continued. 



Country. 



1901 



1902 



1904 



1905 



1906 



Europe: 

Austria-Hungary .................... 

Belgium .............................. 

Bulgaria, Servia, and Montenegro ____ 

Denmark ............................ 

France, including Corsica ............ 

German Empire ..................... 

Greece ............................... 

Italy, including Sicily and Sardinia. . 
Netherlands ......................... 

Norway .............................. 

Poland ............................... 

Portugal, including Cape Verde and 
Azores Islands ..................... 

Roumania ........................... 

Russian Empire .................... 

Spain, including Canary and Balearic 
Islands ............................. 

Sweden .............................. 

Switzerland .......................... 

Turkey in Europe 
United K 

Engl 

Ireland 

Scotland 



Not specified 
Other Europe 



Total Europe. 



113,390 

1,579 

657 

3,655 

3.150 

21,651 

5,910 

135,996 

2,349 

12,248 

(a) 

4,165 

7,155 

85,257 

592 

23,331 

2,201 

387 

12,214 

30,561 

2,070 

701 



171,989 

2,577 

851 

5.660 

3,117 

28,304 

8,104 

178,375 

2,284 

17,484 



5,307 

7,196 

107,347 

975 

30,894 

2,344 

187 

13, 575 

29,138 

2,560 

763 



206,011 

3,450 

1,761 

7,158 

5, 578 

40,086 

14,090 

230,622 

3,998 

24,461 

(o) 

9,317 

9,310 

136,093 

2,080 

46,028 

3,983 

1,529 

26,219 

35,310 

6,143 

1,275 



18 



37 



177, 156 

3,976 

1,325 

8,525 

9,406 

46,380 

11,343 

193,296 

4,916 

23,808 

(a) 

6,715 

7', 087 
145, 141 

3,996 

27, 763 

5,023 

4,344 



36,142 

11,092 

1,730 

143 



275,693 

5,302 

2,043 

8,970 

10,168 

40,574 

10,515 

221,479 

4,954 

25,064 



5,028 
4,437 

184,897 

2,600 

26, 591 

4,269 

4,542 

64,709 
52,945 
16,977 
2,503 



265, 138 
5,099 
4,666 
7,741 
9,386 

37,564 

19,489 

273, 120 

4,946 

21,730 

(o) 

8,517 

4,476 

215,665 

1,921 

23,310 

3,846 

9,510 

49, 491 

34,995 

15,866 

1,841 



13 



469,237 



619,068 



814,507 



767,933 



974,273 



1,018,365 



Country. 



1907 



1908 



1910 



1820 to 1910. 



Europe: 

Austria-Hungary 

Belgium 

Bulgaria, Servia, and Montenegro.. 

Denmark 

France, including Corsica 

German Empire 

Greece 

Italy, including Sicily and Sardinia. 
Netherlands... 



338,452 



Norway . 
Poland. 



11,359 
7,243 
9,731 

37,807 

36,580 

285,731 

6,637 

22,133 



Portugal, including Cape Verde and Azores 



Roumania 

Russian Empire 

Spain, including Canary and Balearic Islands.. 

Sweden , 

Switzerland 

Turkey in Europe 

United Kingdom- 
England 

Ireland 

Scotland 

Wales 

Not specified 

Other Europe 



4,384 
258,943 

5,784 
20,589 

3,748 
20,767 

56,637 
34,530 
19,740 
2,660 



168,509 

4,162 

10,827 

4,954 

8,788 

32,309 

21,489 

128,503 

5,946 

12,412 



7,307 
5,228 
156,711 
3,899 
12,809 
3,281 
11,290 

47,031 
30,556 
13,506 
2,287 



170,191 



1,054 

4,395 

6,672 

25,540 

14, 111 

183,218 

4,698 

13,627 

(a) 

4,956 

1,590 

120,460 

2,616 

14,474 

2,694 

9,015 

32,809 
25,033 
12,400 
1,584 



258,737 
5,402 
4,737 



7,383 

31,283 

25,888 

215,537 

7,534 

17,53s 



8,229 

2,145 
186, 792 

3,472 
23,745 

3,533 
18,405 

46,706 
29,855 
20,115 
2,120 



107 



97 



46 



151 



3,172,461 

103,796 

39,440 

258,053 

470,868 

5,351,746 
186,204 

3,086,356 
175,943 

6665,189 

c 165, 182 

132,989 

72,117 

2,359,048 

69,296 

d 1,021, 165 

237, 401 

85,800 

2,212,071 

4,212,169 

488,749 

59,540 

793,801 

2,545 



Total Europe 1,199, 



654,875 



926,291 



25,421,929 



a Included under Austria-Hungary. German Empire, and Russian Empire. 
b Including natives of Sweden who arrived 1820 to 1868. 

c Not including natives of Poland who arrived 1899 to 1910 and were included under Austria-Hungary. 
German Empire, and Russian Empire. 
Not Including natives of Sweden who arrived 1820 to 1868 and were included under Norway. 



12 The Immigration Commission. 

It will be seen from the foregoing table that during the ninety -one 
years considered the United Kingdom furnished more immigrants 
than any of the continental countries, and that Ireland led England 
by approximately 2,000,000. Germany, although leading every single 
country, stands second to the United Kingdom as a source of immi- 
gration, while Austria -Hungary, Italy, and Russia follow in the 
order named. 

OLD AND NEW EUROPEAN IMMIGRATION. 

The movement from the three countries last named is almost 
entirely a development of the past thirty years, during which time 
the source of the principal European immigration to the United 
States shifted from northern and western Europe to the southern 
and eastern countries. In studying the emigration situation in 
Europe the Commission was not unmindful of the fact that the 
widespread apprehension in the United States relative to immigra- 
tion is chiefly due to this change in the character of the movement 
of population from Europe in recent years. Because of this, Euro- 
pean immigration, for the purposes of this report, is divided into 
two general classes, which for convenience of reference may be des- 
ignated as the old and the new immigration. The former class 
includes immigrants from England, Ireland, Scotland, Wales, Bel- 
gium, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, 
and Switzerland, which countries from 1819 to 1880 furnished more 
than 95 per cent of the movement of population from Europe to the 
United States. The latter class, or new immigration, includes immi- 

f rants from Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, Greece, Italy, Montenegro, 
oland, Portugal, Roumania, Russia, Servia, Spain, and Turkey, 
which countries in the decade 1901-1910 furnished about 77 per cent 
of the total number of European immigrants admitted to the United 
States. 

The number and per cent of immigrants from the two sections of 
Europe described, and from all other sources, in each year from 1820 
to 1910, and by decades during that period, are shown in the two 
tables which follow: 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 



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Emigration Conditions in Europe. 



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Emigration Conditions in Europe. 



17 



The crest of the wave in which the old immigration predominated 
was reached in 1882; the crest of the new in 1907, and a survey of 
European immigration in those years, as presented in the following 
table, shows the remarkable change in the character of European 
immigration, which took place during that period of twenty-six years. 

TABLE 4. European immigration to the United States, fiscal years 1882 and 

1907, by country. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner General of Immigration.]- 



Country. 


Year. 


Increase. 


Decrease. 


Per cent distri- 
bution. 


1882. 


1907. 


1882. 


1907. 


Austria-Hungary 


29,150 
1,431 
11,618 
6,004 
250, 630 
126 
32,159 
9,517 
29, 101 
4,672 

' 1,436 
65 
16,918 


338, 452 
6,396 
7,243 
9,731 
37, 807 
36, 580 
285, 731 
6,637 
22,133 
(a) 

9,608 
4,384 
258,943 
11,359 
5,784 
20,589 
3,748 
20, 767 

56, 637 
34, 530 
19, 740 
2,660 


309,302 
4,965 




4.5 
.2 
1.8 
.9 
38.7 

"Jo 

1.5 
4.5 

.7 

.2 
(*) 
2.6 


28.2 
.5 
.6 
.8 
3.2 
3.0 
23.8 
.6 
1.8 
( fl ) 

.8 
.4 
21.6 
.9 
.5 
1.7 
.3 
1.7 

4.7 
2.9 
1.6 
.2 

$ 


Belgium 




Denmark 


4,375 


France, including Corsica 


3,727 

""36," 454" 
253,572 

"(a)"" 

8,172 
4,319 
242, 025 
11,359 
5,406 


German Empire 


212,823 


Greece 


Italy, including Sicily and Sardinia 




Netherlands . . 


2,880 
6,968 
(a) 


Norway . 


Poland 


Portugal, including Cape Verde and Azores 
Islands 


Roumania 





Russian Empire 


Servia, Bulgaria, and Montenegro . . 




Spain 


378 
64,607 
10,844 
69 

82,394 
76, 432 
18,937 
1,656 
4 
38 




.1 

10.0 
1.7 

(") 

12.7 
11.8 
2.9 
.3 

( 6 ) 

(0) 


Sweden 


44,018 
7,096 


Switzerland 




Turkey in Europe 


20, 698 


United Kingdom: 
England 


25, 757 
41,902 


Ireland 


Scotland 


803 
1,004 


Wales 




Not specified 


4 


Europe, not specified 


107 


69 


Total Europe 




048, 186 


1,199,566 


551,380 




100.0 


100.0 







a In 1907 Poland is included under Austria-Hungary, German Empire, and Russian Empire. 
b Less than 0.05 per cent. 

The following table shows the number of European immigrants 
admitted to the United States in 1882 and 1907, classified according 
to old and new immigration, as previously explained: 

TABLE 5. European immigration to the United States, fiscal years 1882 and 

1907, by class. 



Class 


Year. 


Per cent distribu- 
tion. 


1882. 


1907. 


1882. 


1907. 




563, 175 
84,973 
38 


227,851 
971,608 
107 


86.9 
13.1 
(a) 


19.0 
81.0 

(a) 




Not specified 




648, 186 


1,199,566 


100.0 


100.0 





a Less than 0.05 per cent. 



18 



The Immigration Commission. 



The trend of the immigration movement and the relative decrease 
of the old and increase of the new immigration from 1882 to 1907, 
inclusive, are clearly shown by the following chart : 

European immigration to the United States in each fiscal year J882 to J907, 

inclusive, by class. 



100 



Per cent 
40 60 



80 



100 




Emigration Conditions in Europe. 19 

Because of the radical change in the character of European immi- 
gration to the United States in recent years, the Commission, in its 
various lines of investigation, paid particular attention to the peoples 
of southern and southeastern Europe who have come to this country 
as immigrants. For the same reason, the investigation in Europe 
was especially directed toward securing information relative to 
conditions generally in the south and east of Europe, so far as 
such conditions were in any way related to the subject under con- 
sideration. It may be said in this connection, however, that reliable 
data essential to a thorough study of emigration conditions as pre- 
viously outlined are less available in most European countries fur- 
nishing the newer immigration than in others. In consequence, not- 
withstanding the special effort made, it has been impossible to treat 
in all instances the various topics as fully as might be desirable. 
Nevertheless, the Commission's report will, it is believed, clearly illus- 
trate the causes of emigration from Europe to the United States, the 
character of the emigrants, and other important phases of the sub- 
ject under consideration. 

ATTITUDE OF EUROPEAN COUNTRIES TOWARD EMIGRATION. 

All European countries, except perhaps Russia and Turkey, recog- 
nize the right of their people to freely emigrate. Under the Russian 
law citizens of the Empire are in general forbidden to leave the coun- 
try to take up a permanent residence elsewhere, but the fact that 
Russia is now one of the three most important emigrant-furnishing 
nations of Europe indicates that the law in this regard is practically 
obsolete. The same is true as regards the Turkish law upon this 
subject. From a sentimental standpoint emigration from Europe is, 
with a few exceptions, a matter of national regret. In some of the 
countries military reasons inspire a considerable degree of opposition, 
for the reason that emigrants as a rule are of an age which makes 
them liable to military service. There appears to be, also, a well- 
grounded and increasing objection to emigration in some sections of 
Europe because of the economic loss resulting from the exodus of so 
many agricultural and other laborers. In general, however, it may 
be said that emigration is recognized as a phenomenon controlled 
almost entirely by irresistible economic forces which practically 
compel an attitude of acquiescence on the part of governments. 

Some European countries, notably France, Switzerland, Holland, 
and Belgium, have experienced no emigration problem of importance 
in more recent times. In former years Germany was the leading 
emigrant-furnishing nation of the world, but emigration from that 
Empire to the United States, and in fact to all countries as well, 
is now of small importance numerically. During the period when 
the emigration movement from northern and western Europe to 
the United States was at its greatest height Denmark was some- 
what affected. The movement from Denmark, however, was never 
so large as from other Scandinavian countries. The United King- 
dom is still a source of considerable immigration to the United States, 
but the movement is more nearly normal than formerly, and the 
number emigrating is not sufficiently large to create an emigration 
problem. There is also a considerable movement of population from 
the United Kingdom, or more particularly from England and Scot- 
land, to Canada and other parts of the British Empire, but this is 



20 The Immigration Commission. 

encouraged, and in a measure assisted, for England is the only coun- 
try in Europe which openly promotes, or at least sanctions and assists, 
in the emigration of public charges and otherwise undesirable per- 
sons. Such assisted emigration, however, is directed to Canada or 
other British colonies rather than to the United States. 

In most European countries the Government exercises some meas- 
ure of control over emigration. Generally this control concerns 
merely the welfare of the emigrant in protecting him from exploita- 
tion and ill treatment before embarkation and during his voyage at 
sea, although some countries exercise, or attempt to exercise, some 
measure of control over their emigrants long after they have left 
the fatherland. 

The attitude of some Governments toward emigration is naturally 
influenced to a greater or less extent by the permanency of such emi- 
gration. As stated elsewhere, the newer immigration to the United 
States from southern and eastern Europe is to a considerable degree 
a movement of transient industrial workers rather than persons who 
emigrate with the purpose of becoming actual settlers in another 
country. While it is a fact that many who come to the United States 
as intending transients eventually become permanent residents, it is 
also true that many continue in a transient state, and thus retain a 
more than sentimental interest in their native countries. Whatever 
may be the value in an economic sense of this latter class of immi- 
grants to the country in which they may temporarily reside, it is cer- 
tain that they are an important factor in promoting the general 
economic welfare of several European countries. The advantage in 
this regard is in great part due to the large and constant flow of 
so-called immigrant money into such countries from the United 
States. The greater part of this money is sent to countries or sec- 
tions of countries where low economic conditions prevail, and its up- 
lifting effect is generally recognized. Another quite important factor 
in this regard is the immigrant who returns to resume a permanent 
residence in his native country with more or less capital acquired in 
the United States. Through the purchase and development of land 
or by engaging in other enterprises these returned immigrants have 
in many instances greatly benefited the communities in which they 
reside. It may be stated also that the introduction of American 
ideas and methods has in many cases proved a valuable adjunct to 
American-earned capital. 

On the other hand, emigration from some Provinces of southern 
and eastern European countries has been so great that a shortage in 
the common labor supply has resulted. This claim was frequently 
made to members of the Commission by landowners and others in 
various countries. It appears also that, as a rule, wages have in- 
creased considerably in the localities which have furnished large 
numbers of emigrants, but it does not appear that this improvement 
in economic conditions has as yet perceptibly affected the emigration 
movement from such localities. 

In brief, it may be stated that employers of labor may through 
excessive emigration be affected by a shortage of labor and a conse- 
quent rise in wages. But, on the other hand, the economic condition 
of the laboring classes, from which the great majority of emigrants 
are drawn, is favorably affected not only by remittances from the 
United States but, because of a restricted labor supply, by increased 
wages at home. 



CHAPTER II. 
CHARACTER OF EUROPEAN IMMIGRATION. 

The present-day immigration from Europe to the United States is 
for the most part drawn from country districts and smaller cities or 
villages, and is composed largely of the peasantry and unskilled labor- 
ing classes. This is particularly true of the races or peoples from 
countries furnishing the newer immigration, with the conspicuous 
exception of Russian Hebrews, who are city dwellers by compulsion. 
Emigration being mainly a result of economic conditions, it is natural 
that the emigrating spirit should be strongest among those most seri- 
ously affected, but, notwithstanding this, the present movement is not 
recruited in the main from the lowest economic and social strata of 
the population. In European countries, as in the United States, the 
poorest and least desirable element in the population, from an eco- 
nomic as well as a social standpoint, is found in the larger cities, and 
as a rule such cities furnish comparatively few emigrants. Neither 
do the average or typical emigrants of to-day represent the lowest in 
the economic and social scale even among the classes from which 
they come, a circumstance attributable to both natural and artificial 
causes. In the first place, emigrating to a strange and distant coun- 
try, although less of an undertaking than formerly, is still a serious 
and relatively difficult matter, requiring a degree of courage and 
resourcefulness not possessed by weaklings of any class. This natural 
law in the main regulated the earlier European emigration to the 
United States, and under its influence the present emigration, whether 
or not desirable as a whole, nevertheless represents the stronger and 
better element of the particular class from which it is drawn. 

A most potent adjunct to the natural law of selection, however, is 
the United States immigration act, the effect of which in preventing 
the emigration, or even attempted emigration, of at least physical 
and mental defectives is probably not generally realized. The pro- 
visions of the United States immigration law are well known among 
the emigrating classes of Europe, and the large number rejected at 
European ports, or refused admission after reaching the United 
States, has a decided influence in retarding emigration, and naturally 
that influence is most potent among those who doubt their ability to 
meet the law's requirements. 

In its study of the character of European emigration the Commis- 
sion confined itself to the ordinary characteristics and conditions of 
the various races which make for their desirability or undesirability 
as immigrants to the United States. The character of the various 
races from an ethnological standpoint has also been given attention, 
and a comprehensive study in this regard forms a part of the Com- 
mission's general report under the title " Dictionary of Races or 
Peoples." 

a Reports of the Immigration Commission, vol. 5. (S. Doc. 662, 61st Cong., 
3d sess.) 

21 



22 The Immigration Commission. 

In addition to more general observations relative to the character 
of European emigration, the sex, age, occupation, and degree of edu- 
cation are essential to an understanding of the present-day immi- 
grant. 

For the purpose of this discussion, data relative to the above- 
mentioned items have been compiled for an eleven-year period, 1899- 
1909, and the results classified according to the old and new immi- 
gration previously mentioned. In this instance, however, the classi- 
fication is by race or people rather thalh country of origin, which 
arrangement is necessitated by the fact that the data employed has 
since 1899 been so recorded by the Bureau of Immigration. In what 
follows, the old and new immigration will be considered to include 
the following races or peoples : 

Old Dutch and Flemish, English, French, German, Irish, Scandi- 
navian, Scotch, and Welsh. 

New Armenian, Bohemian and Moravian, Bulgarian, Servian 
and Montenegrin, Croatian and Slovenian, Dalmatian, Bosnian and 
Herzegovinian, Finnish, Greek, Hebrew, North Italian, South Italian, 
Lithuanian, Magyar, Polish, Portuguese, Roumanian, Russian, Ruthe- 
nian, Slovak, Spanish, Syrian, and Turkish. 

The classification by country of origin previously employed and the 
present classification by race or people are not entirely comparable, 
because of the wide geographical distribution of various races, a 
conspicuous instance of this being the German immigrants, the greater 
portion of whom now come from Austria-Hungary and Russia rather 
than Germany. This, however, is compensated for in part by the 
emigration from north and west European countries of races indig- 
enous to southern and eastern Europe and, on the whole, it furnishes 
a satisfactory basis for the comparisons made. 

SEX. 

Classified by sex, there appears a wide difference between the vari- 
ous races of immigrants, as is shown by the following table covering 
this item in detail for the eleven years, 1899-1909. 

Nearly all Syrian and a considerable number of Turkish immigrants come 
from Turkey in Asia, but for convenience and because they are so closely allied 
to the people of Turkey in Europe, they are classed here as a part of the new 
immigration from Europe. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 



23 



TABLE 6. European immigration (including Syrian) to the United States, by 
race or people and sex, in the fiscal years 1899 to 1909, inclusive. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner-General of Immigration.] 



Race or people. 


Number. 


Per eent. 


Male. 


Female. 


Total. 


Male. 


Female. 


Armenian ........ 


15,596 
52, 237 
78,947 
251,919 
24, 799 
48,889 
219,222 
89,565 
55, 502 
405, 863 
109, 726 
561,616 
189, 611 
2C8, 123 
1,351,719 
108, 417 
225,272 
567,992 
38,515 
62, 636 
56, 104 
88, 416 
327, 448 
71,392 
242, 620 
37, 402 
34, 487 
11.239 
11,996 
658 


5,394 
39, 490 
3,314 
44, 062 
1,986 
25,757 
135, 894 
46, 473 
39, 174 
277, 132 
8,101 
428, 566 
211,731 
73,765 
367, 541 
44, 127 
84, 777 
252, 724 
26,725 
5,869 
10, 176 
31,052 
206, 821 
40,838 
102, 491 
7,812 
16, 105 
432 
6,512 
265 


20,990 
91, 727 
82, 261 
295, 981 
26,785 
74, 646 
355, 116 
136,038 
94,676 
682, 995 
177, 827 
990, 182 
401, 342 
341,888 
1, 719, 260 
152,544 
310, 049 
820, 716 
62, 240 
68,505 
66, 280 
119, 468 
534, 269 
112, 230 
345, 111 
45,214 
50,592 
11,671 
18, 508 
923 


74.3 
56.9 
96.0 
85.1 
92.6 
65.5 
61.7 
65.8 
58.6 
59.4 
95.4 
56.7 
47.2 
78.4 
78.6 
71.1 
72.7 
69.2 
59.0 
91.4 
84.6 
74.0 
61.3 
63.6 
70.3 
82.7 
68.2 
96.3 
64.8 
71.3 


25.7 
43.1 
4.0 
14.9 
7.4 
34.5 
38.3 
34.2 
41.4 
40.6 
4.6 
43.3 
52.8 
21.6 
21.4 
28.9 
27.3 
30.8 
41.0 
8.6 
15.4 
26.0 
38.7 
36.4 
29.7 
17.3 
31.8 
3.7 
35.2 
28.7 


Bohemian and Moravian 


Bulgarian, Servian, Montenegrin. ... 


Croatian and Slovenian 


Dalmatian, Bosnian, Herzegovinian 


Dutch and Flemish 


English \ 


Finnish.... . . 


French . 


German 


Greek 


Hebrew 


Irish 


Italian, North 


Italian, South 


Lithuanian 


Magyar 


Polish 


Portuguese ... 


Roumanian 


Russian 


Ruthenian 


Scandinavian 


Scotch 


Slovak 


Spanish 


Syrian 


Turkish 


Welsh 


Others 


Total 


5, 667, 928 


2,545,106 


8, 213, 034 


69.0 


31.0 





The rule of disproportion among the sexes does not apply to all 
races composing the new immigration, but the tendency in this regard 
is sufficient to create a wide difference between the old and new classes, 
as is indicated by the following table : 

TABLE 7. European immigration (including Syrian) to the United States, by 
class and sex, in the fiscal years 1899 to 1909, inclusive. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner-General of Immigration.] 







Number. 






Per cent. 




Class. 


Male. 


Female. 


Total. 


Male. 


Female. 


Total. 


Old immigration 


1,329,923 


943, 859 


2,273,782 


58.5 


41.5 


100.0 


New immigration 


4,338,005 


1,601,247 


5, 939, 252 


73.0 


27.0 


100.0 


Total 


5, 667, 928 


2,545,106 


8,213,034 


69.0 


31.0 


100.0 

















79524 VOL 4 11- 



24 



The Immigration Commission. 



In this regard the Hebrew is a disturbing element statistically, as 
will be seen from the following table, involving the same data as that 
preceding, with Hebrew immigrants omitted : 

TABLE 8. European immigration (including Syrian) to the United States, 
Hebrews excepted, by class and sex, in the fiscal years 1899 to 1909, in- 
clusive. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner-General of Immigration.] 







Number. 






Per cent. 






Male. 


Female. 


Total. 


Male. 


Female. 


Total. 


Old immigration 


1,329,923 


934, 859 


2, 273, 782 


58 5 


41.5 


100.0 


New immigration (Hebrew excepted) . . . 


3, 776, 389 


1, 172, 681 


4, 949, 070 


76.3 


23.7 


100.0 


Total 


5, 106, 312 


2, 116,540 


7,222 852 


70 7 


29.3 


100.0 

















The fact that more than three- fourths of the newer immigration, 
Hebrews excepted, is composed of males suggests that there are rela- 
tively fewer families than among immigrants of the older class, in 
which males form 59 per cent of the whole, and, as family immigra- 
tion is naturally more permanent, it follows that the proportion of 
actual settlers is much greater among north and west Europeans than 
among those from the south and east of Europe as a whole. It is 
well known that Hebrew immigration is essentially a movement of 
families, and the same, to a great degree, is true of Bohemians and 
Moravians and Finns, but among the other races composing the new 
immigration the tendency for men to emigrate without their families 
is much more prevalent. 



AGE. 



The element of age among European immigrants of both classes 
and all races is conspicuous because of the large proportion included 
in the age group, 14 to 44 years, as shown by the following table, 
covering European immigration for the eleven years 1899-1909, 
classified by age groups. 



' 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 



25 



TABLE 9. European immigration (including Syrian) to the United States, by 
race or people and age groups, in the fiscal years 1899 to 1909, inclusive. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner-General of Immigration.] 



Race or people. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Under 
14 years. 


14 to 44 
years. 


45 years 
and over. 


Total. 


Under 
14 years. 


14 to 44 
years. 




years 
and 
over. 


Total. 


Armenian 


2,586 
18,965 
' 1,407 
12,711 

662 
16, 121 
52, 459 
12, 623 
13, 227 
116, 416 
7,314 
245, 787 
20, 247 


17, 481 
67, 487 
78,802 
273,685 

25, 278 
53, 147 
262, 334 
119,771 
72, 701 
520, 437 
168, 250 
690, 794 
363, 797 
297, 442 
1,416,075 
137,880 
270, 376 
723, 226 
44, 688 
63,997 
59,625 
110,705 
457, 306 
85,123 
302,399 
37,695 
40, 492 
11,214 
13,537 
762 


923 
5,275 
2,052 
9,585 

845 
5,378 
40, 323 
3,644 
8,748 
46,142 
2,263 
53, 601 
17,298 
13,801 
101,693 
2,660 
12,361 
19, 527 
5,111 
3,032 
1,662 
3,226 
25, 743 
9.950 
10, 555 
3,305 
1,971 
194 
1,654 
32 


20, 990 
91, 727 
82, 261 
295, 981 

26,785 
74, 646 
355, 116 
136,038 
94, 676 
682, 995 
- 177. 827 
990. 182 
401,342 
. 341,888 
1,719.260 
152,544 
310, 049 
820, 716 
65,240 
68,505 
66, 280 
119, 468 
534, 269 
112, 230 
345, 111 
45,214 
50, 592 
11,671 
18,508 
923 


12.3 
2(5.7 
1.7 
4.3 

2.5 
21.6 
14.8 
9.3 
14.0 
17.0 
4.1 
24.8 
5.0 
9.0 
11.7 
7.9 
8.8 
9.5 
23.7 
2 2 
7.5 
4.6 
9.6 
15.3 
9.3 
9.3 
16.1 
2.3 
17.9 
14.0 


83.3 
73.6 
95.8 
92.5 

94.4 
71.2 
73.9 
88.0 
76.8 
76.2 
94.6 
69.8 
90.6 
87.0 
82.4 
90.4 
87.2 
88.1 
68.5 
93.4 
90.0 
92.7 
85.6 
75.8 
87.6 
83.4 
80.0 
96.1 
73.1 
82.6 


4.4 
5.8 
2.5 
3.2 

3.2 
7.2 
11.4 
2.7 
9.2 
6.8 
1.3 
5.4 
4.3 
4.0 
5.9 
1.7 
4.0 
2.4 
7.8 
4.4 
2.5 
2.7 
4.8 
8.9 
3.1 
7.3 
3.9 
1.7 
8.9 
3.5 


100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 

100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
10ft 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100. 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 


Bohemian and Mora- 
vian 


Bulgarian, Servian, 
and Montenegrin... 
Croatian and Slove- 
nian 


Dalmatian, Bosnian, 
and Herzegovinian . 
Dutch and Flemish . . 
English 


Finnish 


French 


German 


Greek 


Hebrew... 


Irish 


Italian, North 


30,645 
201,492 
12, 004 
27, 312 
77, 963 
15, 441 
1,476 
4,993 
5,537 
51,220 
17, 157 
32, 157 
4,214 
8,129 
263 
3,317 
129 


Italian, South 


Lithuanian 


Magyar 


Polish 


Portuguese 


Roumanian 
Russian 


Ruthenian 


Scandinavian . . . 


Scotch. 


Slovak 


Spanish 


Syrian 


Turkish. . . 


Welsh 


Others 


Total 


1,013,974 


6,786,506 


412,554 


8,213,034 


12.3 


82.6 


5.0 


100.0 





The age of European immigrants to the United States during the 
period considered, classified according to the old and new immigra- 
tion, is shown by the following table : 

TABLE 10. European immigration (including 'Syrian) to the United States, ty 
class and age groups, in the fiscal years 1899 to 1909, inclusive. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner-General of Immigration.] 



Class. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Under 14 

years. 


14 to 44 

years. 


45 years 
or over. 


Total. 


Under 
14 
years. 


14 to 44 
years. 


45 years 
or over. 


Total. 


Old immigration 


290,164 
723,810 


1,828,382 
4,958,124 


155,236 
257,318 


2, 273, 782 
5,939,252 


12.8 
12.2 


80.4 
83.5 


6.8 
4.3 


100.0 
100.0 


New immigration 
Total 


1,013,974 


6,786,506 


412,554 


8,213,034 


12.3 


82.6 


5.0 


100.0 





26 



The Immigration Commission. 



The striking feature with regard to the age of immigrants, and 
indeed one of the most striking and significant features of European 
immigration to the United States in any regard, is the fact that so 
many of the immigrants are of the producing and so few of the 
dependent age. 

The Hebrew as a factor in equalizing differences between the old 
and new immigration is again apparent in this case, as will be seen by 
the following table, identical with that above, with the Hebrew 
element excluded : 

TABLE 11. European immigration (including Syrian) to the United States, 
Hebrews excepted, by class and age groups, in the fiscal years 1899 to 1909, 
inclusive. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner-General of Immigration.] 



Class. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Under 14 
years. 


14 to 44 

years. 


45 years 
or over. 


Total. 


Under 14 

years. 


14 to 44 
years. 


45 years 
or over. 


Total. 


Old immigration 


290, 164 
478,023 


1,828,382 
4, 267, 330 


155,236 
203, 717 


2, 273, 782 
4,949,070 


12.8 
9.7 


80.4 
86.2 


6.8 
4.1 


100.0 
100.0 


New immigration (He- 
brew excepted) 

Total 


768, 187 


6,095,712 


358, 953 


7,222,852 


10.6 


84.4 


5.0 


100.0 





OCCUPATIONS. 

Occupation is an important factor in estimating the character of 
emigration, as it indicates the probable industrial status of immi- 
grants after admission to the United States. For convenience immi- 
grants may be divided into the following general classes as regards 
occupation: Professional, skilled laborers, farm laborers, farmers, 
common laborers, servants, miscellaneous, and no occupation; the 
latter class including accompanying women and children. 

The distribution of occupations among European immigrants by 
race or people during the eleven years 1899 to 1909 is shown by the 
table next presented. 



Emigration Condition's in Europe. 



27 



TABLE 12.- -Occupations of European immigrants (including Syrian) to the 
United States, by raee or people, in the fiscal years 1899 to 1909, inclusive. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner-General of Immigration.] 



Number. 



Race or people. 


Profes- 
sional. 


Skilled. 


Farm 
laborers. 


Farm- 
ers. 


Common 
laborers. 


Serv- 
ants. 


Nooccu- 
pation.o 


Mis- 
cella- 
neous. 


Total. 


Armenian 


370 

748 

107 
228 

31 
1,768 
20,041 
314 
5,903 
14,550 
594 
6,836 
4,264 
3,006 
5,586 
148 
1,281 
1,193 
192 
139 
843 
97 
5,076 
4,219 
184 
1,504 
396 
117 
585 
2 


5,971 
22,601 

2,608 
13,952 

2,523 
13,111 
105, 707 
6,380 
20, 829 
125,594 
13,632 
362, 936 
41,486 
56, 854 
199, 024 
8,243 
20, 966 
41,541 
3., 076 
1,852 
5,348 
' 2,095 
86, 921 
42,589 
12,088 
15,000 
7,360 
822 
6,517 
48 


3,080 
8,247 

36,746 
80, 167 

7,178 
7,139 
4,902 
5,604 
5,372 
72, 733 
33,253 
9,633 
15,717 
51,349 
420, 262 
29, 918 
102, 456 
162, 372 
3,023 
38,285 
20, 323 
38, 633 
30.060 
2,235 
85,419 
2,483 
9,756 
3,510 
440 


377 
1,580 

2,782 
4,290 

569 
3,106 
4,954 
1,520 
1,680 
12,021 
2,092 
908 
6,047 
5,656 
12, 290 
355 
1,586 
2,549 
400 
217 
862 
322 
11,009 
1,484 
1,899 
837 
1, 762 
619 
332 
41 


2,481 
7,341 

34,755 
146,278 

12,837 
10,579 
24, 928 
68,243 
8,942 
84,531 
104, 472 
66,311 
' 106,497 
128,579 
587,540 
64,174 
82,501 
320,061 
22,363 
20,411 
24,803 
44, 336 
158, 967 
6,353 
124,201 
6,695 
6,797 
4,878 
1,277 
434 


1,588 
13, 695 

683 

r7,558 

668 
3,558 
27,851 
27.581 
10, 331 
78, 803 
3,892 
61,611 
161,844 
21,465 
76,440 
19,819 
29,558 
111,100 
12,869 
1,617 
2,273 
18, 046 
131,760 
9,125 
39,417 
1,808 
3,548 
154 
1,426 
5 


6,385 
36,505 

4,291 
32,825 

2,799 
32, 543 
137, 662 
25,982 
35,525 
266,819 
15, 935 
445,728 
57,033 
69, 170 
400,546 
29,596 
70, 236 
180, 148 
21,921 
5,723 
10, 965 
15,858 
102,878 
38, 935 
81,463 
11,531 
17,731 
1,056 
7,115 
383 


738 
1,010 

289 
683 

180 
2,842 
29,071 
414 
6,094 
27,944 
3,957 
36, 219 
8,454 
5,809 
17,572 
291 
1,465 
1,752 
1,396 
261 
863 
81 
7,598 
7,290 
440 
5,356 
3,242 
515 
816 
10 


20,990 
91,727 

82,261 
295,981 

26,785 
74, 646 
355, 116 
136,038 
94, 676 
682, 995 
177,827 
990, 182 
401,342 
341,888 
1,719,260 
152,544 
310, 049 
820,716 
85,240 
68,505 
66,280 
119,468 
534, 269 
112, 230 
345,111 
45,214 
50,592 
11,67] 
18,508 
923 


Bohemian and Moravian . . . 
Bulgarian, Servian, and 
Montenegrin 


Croatian and Slovenian 
Dalmatian, Bosnian, and 
Heraegovinian 


Dutch and Flemish 


English ... 


Finnish 


French 


German 


Greek 


Hebrew 


Irish 


Italian, North 


Italian, South 


Lithuanian 


Magyar 


Polish 


Portuguese 


R oumanian 


Russian 


Ruthenian 


Scandinavian 


Scotch 


Slovak 


Spanish 


Syrian 


Turkish 


Welsh 


Others & 


Total . . 




80,3221.247.674 


1, 290, 295 


84, 146 


2,282,565 


890, 093 


2,165,287172,652 


8,213,034 









Including women and children. 



i> 119 Austrians, 800 Hungarians, 4 Transylvanians. 



28 



The Immigration Commission. 



TABLE 12. Occupations of European immigrants (including Syrian) to the 
United States, ~by race or people, in the fiscal years 1899 to 1909, inclusive 
Continued. 



Per cent. 



Race or people. 


Profes- 
sional. 


Skilled. 


Farm 
labor- 
ers. 


Farm- 
ers. 


Com- 
mon 
labor- 
ers. 


Serv- 
ants. 


No 

occupa- 
tion, a 


Miscel- 
laneous. 


Total. 


Armenian . . . 


1 8 


28 4 


14 7 


1 8 


11 8 


7 6 


30 4 


3 5 


100 


Bohemian and Moravian. . . 
Bulgarian, Servian, and 
Montenegrin 


.8 
.1 


24.6 
3 2 


9.0 
44 7 


1.7 
3 4 


8.0 
42 2 


14.9 

3 


39.8 
5 2 


1.1 
4 


100.0 
100 


Croatian and Slovenian 
Dalmatian, Bosnian, and 
Herzegovinian 


.1 
.1 


4.7 
9.4 


27.1' 
26.8 


1.4 
2.1 


49.4 
47 9 


5.9 
2 5 


11.1 
10 4 


.2 
.7 


100.0 
100.0 


Dutch and Flemish 
English 


2.4 
5.6 


17.6 
29 8 


9.6 
1 4 


.2 

4 


14.2 
7 


4.8 

7 8 


43.6 
38 8 


3.8 

8 2 


100.0 
100 


Finnish 


.2 


4.7 


4.1 


1 


50 2 


20 3 


19 1 


3 


100 


French 


6.2 


22 


5 7 


8 


9 4 


10 9 


37 5 


6 4 


100 


German 


2.1 


18.4 


10.6 


.8 


12 4 


11 5 


39 1 


4.1 


100.0 


Greek 


.3 


7.7 


18 7 


2 


58 7 


2 2 


9 


2 2 


' 100 


Hebrew 


.7 


36- 7 


1 


1 


6 7 


6 2 


45 


3 7 


100 


Irish 


1.1 


10.3 


3.9 


1 5 


26 5 


40 3 


14 2 


2.1 


100.0 


Italian, North 


.9 


16.6 


15 


1 7 


37 6 


6 3 


20 2 


1 7 


100 


Italian, South 


.3 


11.6 


24.4 


.7 


34 2 


4 4 


23 3 


1.0 


100.0 


Lithuanian. . 


.1 


5.4 


19.6 


2 


42 1 


13 


19 4 


2 


100 


Magyar 


4 


6 8 


33 


5 


26 6 


9 5 


22 7 


5 


100 


Polish 


.1 


5.1 


19.8 


.3 


39 


13 5 


22 


2 


100 


Portuguese 


.3 


4 7 


4 6 


6 


34 3 


19 7 


33 6 


2 1 


100 


Roumanian 


.2 


2.7 


55.9 


.3 


29.8 


2 4 


8.4 


.4 


100 


Russian ... 


1.3 


8.1 


30 7 


1 3 


37 4 


3 4 


16 5 


1 3 


100 


Ruthenian 


1 


1 8 


32 3 


3 


37 1 


15 1 


13 3 


1 


100 


Scandinavian... . 


1.0 


16.3 


5.6 


2 1 


29 8 


24 7 


19 3 


1 4 


100 


Scotch 


3.8 


37 9 


2 


1 3 


5 7 


8 1 


34 7 


6 5 


100 


Slovak 


1 


3 5 


24 8 


6 


36 


11 4 


23 6 


1 


100 o 


Spanish 


3.3 


33.2 


5 5 


1 9 


14 8 


40 


25 5 


11 8 


100 


Syrian 


.8 


14.5 


19.3 


3.5 


13.4 


7.0 


35.0 


6.4 


100.0 


Turkish 


1.0 


7.0 


30.1 


5.3 


41.8 


1 3 


9 


4 4 


100.0 


Welsh 


3.2 


35.2 


2 4 


1 8 


6 9 


7 7 


38 4 


4 4 


100 


Others b 


2 


5 2 




4 4 


47 


5 


41 5 


1 i 


100 






















Total 


1.0 


15 2 


15 7 


1 


9 7 8 


10 8 


26 4 


2 1 


100 























a Including women and children. 



& 119 Austrians, 800 Hungarians, 4 Transylvanians. 



According to the old and new immigration classification the dis- 
tribution of occupations is as follows : 

TABLE 13. Occupations of European immigrants (including Syrian) to the 
United States, l)y class, in the fiscal years 1899 to 1909, inclusive. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner-General of Immigration.] 



Occupation. 


Number of persons. 


Per cent. 


Old immi- 
gration. 


New immi- 
gration. 


Old. im- 
migra- 
tion. 


New im- 
migra- 
tion. 


Professional . . . 1 .. 


56,406 
442, 754 
138, 598 
40, 633 
402, 074 
424, 698 
678, 510 
90,109 


23, 916 

804, 920 
1,151,697 
43, 513 
1,880,491 
465, 395 
1, 486, 777 
82,543 


2.5 
19.5 
6.1 
1.8 

17.7 
18.7 
29.8 
4.0 


0.4 
13.6 
19.4 

3L7 
7.8 
25.0 
1.4 


Skilled laborers 




Farmers 


Common laborers 








Total 


2,273,782 


5,939,252 


100.0 


100.0 





Emigration Conditions in Europe. 



29 



The relatively large proportion of skilled laborers, the smaller 
proportion of unskilled, and the almost total absence of farm laborers 
among Hebrew immigrants practically places that race with the 
older immigration so far as occupations are concerned, and the elimi- 
nation of Hebrews from the preceding table makes possible a clearer 
illustration of the comparative occupational status of the old and 
new immigration, as shown by the following table : 

TABLE 14. Occupations of European immigrants (including Syrian) to the 
United States, Hebrews excepted, by class, in the fiscal years 1899 to 1909, 
inclusive. 





Number of persons. 


Per cent. 


' 








New 


Occupation. 


Old immi- 
gration. 


New immi- 
gration 
(Hebrews 
excepted). 


Old 
immi- 
gration. 


immi- 
gration 
(He- 
brews ex- 










cepted). 


Professional ? 


56, 406 


17,080 


2.5 


0.3 


Skilled laborers 


442,754 


441, 984 


19.5 


8.9 


Farm laborers 


138, 598 


1, 142, 064 


6.1 


23.1 


Farmers 


40 633 


42 605 


1.8 


9 


Common laborers 


402, 074 


1, 814, 180 


17.7 


36.7 


Servants 


424, 698 


403, 784 


18.7 


8.2 


No occupation 


678, 510 


1,041,049 


29.8 


21.0 


Miscellaneous . 


90,109 


46, 324 


4.0 


.9 


Total 










2, 273, 782 


4,949,070 


100.0 


100.0 





An analysis of this table shows that almost 60 per cent of the 
new immigration, Hebrew excepted, during the ten years considered 
was composed of farm and other unskilled laborers; while these 
classes furnished less than 25 per cent of the older immigration. The 
per cent of skilled laborers is more than twice as great in the older 
class, but the reverse is true of servants, which may be accounted for 
by the fact that females are relatively fewer among the newer 
immigrants. The percentage of farmers as distinguished from farm 
laborers is twice as great in the older immigration, but the actual 
number is so small in either case that it is unimportant except to 
emphasize the fact that land owners or independent farmers, irre- 
spective of race, do not, as a rule, emigrate to the United States. 



LITERACY. 



In none of the factors under consideration, unless it be that of per- 
manence of residence, is there so wide a difference between the old 
and new classes of immigration, as in the matter of degree of educa- 
tion, as will be noted from the table next presented, which shows the 
extent of illiteracy among the various races or peoples of European 
immigrants admitted to the United States during the eleven years, 
1899-1909. 



30 



The Immigration Commission. 



TABLE 15. Number and per cent of illiterates, 14 years of age and over, in each 
race or people of European immigrants (including Syrian) admitted into the 
United States in the fiscal years 1899 to 1909, inclusive. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner-General of Immigration.] 



Race or people. 


Total num- 
ber 14 
years of 
age or over. 


Persons 14 years of 
age or over who can 
neither read nor 
write. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Armenian 


18, 404 
72, 762 
80,854 
283, 270 
26, 123 
58, 525 
302, 657 
123,415 
81,449 
566, 579 
170, 513 
744, 395 
381,095 
311,243 
1,517,768 
140, 540 
282, 737 
742, 753 
49,799 
67, 029 
61,287 
113,931 
483, 049 
95,073 
312, 954 
41,000 
42, 463 
11,408 
15, 191 
794 


4,433 
1,246 
33, 759 
103, 156 
10, 789 
2,767 
3,419 
1,681 
4,401 
28,854 
45,960 
191, 544 
10, 233 
36, 869 
822,113 
68, 555 
32, 170 
263, 177 
33,960 
23, 232 
23, 607 
58, 070 
2,168 
682 
69, 220 
6,004 
22, 978 
6,722 
309 
53 


24.1 
1.7 
41.8 
36.4 
41.3 
4.7 
1.1 
1.4 
5.4 
5.1 
27.0 
25.7 
2.7 
11.8 
54.2 
48.8 
11.4 
35.4 
68.2 
34.7 
38.5 
51.0 
.4 
.7 
22.1 
14.6 
54.1 
58.9 
2.0 
6.7 


Bohemian and Moravian 


Bulgarian, Servian, and Montenegrin 


Croatian and Slovenian 


Dalmatian, Bosnian, and Herzegovinian 


Dutch and Flemish 


English 


Finnish 


French 


German . 


Greek 


Hebrew . . . 


Irish. 


Italian North 


Italian, South * 


Lithuanian 


Magyar . . . 


Polish 


Portuguese 


Roumanian 


Russian 


Ruthenian 


Scandinavian 


Scotch 


Slovak 


Spanish 


Syrian 


Turkish 


Welsh 


Others 


Total 


7, 199, 060 


1,912,131 


26.6 





The above table classified according to the old and new immigra- 
tion is as follows : 

TABLE 16. Number and per cent of illiterates, 14 years of age and over, in each 
class of European immigration (including Syrian) in the fiscal years 1899 to 
1909, inclusive. 



Class. 


Total num- 
ber 14 years 


Persons 14 
over wh 
read and 


years or 
o do not 
write. 






Number. 


Per cent 




1 983 618 


52 833 


2 i 




5 21 r > 442 


1 859 298 


oc c 










Total 


7, 199, 060 


1 912 131 


26 6 











Contrary to the rule previously noted the elimination of Hebrew 
immigrants does not essentially affect the relative standing of the old 
and new immigration so far as degree of education is concerned, for 
while the percentage of illiterates of that race is considerably below 
the average of the new class as a whole, the difference is less con- 
spicuous than in the matters of sex, age, occupation, and permanence 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 31 

of residence in the United States. It will be rioted that among the 
newer immigrants the Portuguese furnish the largest percentage of 
illiterates, while the Bohemians and Moravians and Finns are almost 
at the other extreme. The latter exceptions, however, have little effect 
on the general result. 

Whether the high percentage of illiteracy among the newer immi- 
grants is due chiefly to environment or to Inherent racial tendencies 
can not well be determined. The former would seem to be the more 
equitable explanation were it not for the fact that races living under 
practically the same material and political conditions show widely 
varying results. Conspicuous in this regard are the Germans, the 
majority of whom, as previously stated, now come from Austria- 
Hungary and Russia, as compared with other races from those 
countries. 



LITERACY IN EUROPE. 



Because of the possibility that the literacy of immigrants may be 
an important factor in the future immigration policy of the United 
States, the Commission has given some attention to the subject of 
literacy in Europe as a whole, as well as to the situation in each of 
the chief immigrant-furnishing countries. 

As suggested by the foregoing tables showing the degree of educa- 
tion among the various races of European immigrants coming to the 
United States, illiteracy exists in the various countries of Europe in 
widely different degrees. Comparison, however, in respect to the 
amount of illiteracy which prevails in specific countries is difficult, 
because of the different means by which data relative to it are secured 
in the several countries. In the majority of the European States the 
military recruitment records afford a partial measure of the literacy 
of the population, but, of course, an illiteracy rate based on such 
records is open to the objection that it is representative only of a 
selected class and not of the total population over an age at which 
they might be expected to read and write. For the purposes of an 
immigration study, however, data of this nature are valuable, for the 
reason that immigrants and recruits are, as a rule, drawn from 
the same classes in the population. Unfortunately data relative to the 
literacy of recruits are not available for all European countries, the 
most important omissions being Austria-Hungary and Russia, both 
of which are among the three largest immigrant-furnishing nations 
of Europe. However, the following table, which shows the per cent 
of illiteracy among the recruits of 13 European countries compared 
with the illiteracy among native white males 21 to 24 years of age 
in the United States, will be of interest. With the exception noted, 
the test of literacy in each case is ability to read and write. 



32 



The Immigration Commission. 



TABLE 17. Per cent of illiteracy among the recruits in various European coun- 
tries, and for native white males from 21 to 24 years of age in the United 
States. 



Country. 


Per cent 
of illit- 
eracy 
among 
recruits. o 


Date. 


Source. 




Belgium . . . 


9 1 


1907 


Hiibner's "Tabellen," 1909, p. 93. 




Denmark 


2 


1897 


Do 




France 


3.5 


1906 


Statesman's Yearbook, 1909, p. 751. 




German Empire 


04 


1906 


Do 




Greece 


30 


(b) 


Hiibner's "Tabellen " 1909 p. 93. 




Italy 


30.6 


1905 


Italia Annuario Statistico, 1905-1907. 




The Netherlands 


1 9 


1907 


Nederland Jaarcij fers, 1907, p. 51. 




"RoiimaTiia 


69 


1900-1904 


Annarul Statistico al Romaniei 1907 




Servia 


52.1 


1906 


Serbie-Ammarie Statistique, 1906, p. 


712. 


Sweden . . 


59 


1904 


Statesman's Yearbook, 1908, p. 1238. 




Switzerland 


c 31 


1907 


Statesman's Yearbook 1908, p. 1255. 




United Kingdom 


1.4 


1904-5 


Do. 




United States 


3.8 


1900 


Twelfth Census of the United States, 


Supplementary 








Analysis. 





a In the United States the rate is for native white males from 21 to 24 years of age. 

b Date not given. 

c Forty-three per cent could not write; 0.11 per cent could not read. 

While not conclusive as to literacy among the total population of 
the various countries considered, the data above presented tends to 
substantiate common knowledge that while illiteracy is at a minimum 
in northern and western Europe it is widespread in the southern and 
eastern countries, all of which contribute largely to the present tide of 
immigration to the United States. 

Statistics relative to literacy, based on census records, are available 
for some of the principal immigrant-furnishing countries of Europe. 
These data are based on such different proportions of the population 
in various countries that comparisons with each other or with the 
United States are difficult, and in most cases impossible, but never- 
theless they are valuable and interesting for the purposes of this 
report. 

The following table shows the per cent of illiterates among a cer- 
tain proportion of the population of the countries specified, the test 
of literacy, except as noted, being the ability to read and write : 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 



33 



TABLE 18. Per cent of illiteracy among the populations of specified European 
countries and of the United States. 



Country. 


Per cent 
of illit- 
eracy. 


Date. 


Basis. 


Source. 


Austria 


23 8 


1900 






Belgium 


21 9 


1900 


Total population 


p. 6. 


Finland 


a 1 2 


1900 




gique. 1906, p. 74. 


Hungary . 
Italy 


41.0 
48 5 


1900 
1905 


over. 
Total civil population 6 years 
of age or over. 


Magyar Statisztikai Evkony, 
1905, p. 324. 


Portugal 


75.1 


1900 


over. 
... .do 


1907, p. 245. 


Roumania 


61 4 


1899 


Population 10 years of age or 


1367. 


Russia 


72 o 


1897 


over. 


1907, p. 5. 


Servia 


83.0 


1900 


over. 
Total population 


Statesman's Yearbook 1908 p 


Spain 


63.8 


1900 


do 


1485. 
Espana Censo de la Poblacion, 


United States 


10.7 


1900 


Population 10 years of age or 
over. 


1900 Vol. II, p! xi. 
Twelfth Census, United States, 
Supplementary Analysis. 



a Per cent not able to read. 

Information relative to illiteracy in Great Britain, France, and 
Germany is not available, but it is well known that the per cent is 
low compared with the countries of eastern and southern Europe 
above considered. In the Scandinavian countries illiteracy is said to 
be almost nonexistent, and this statement is substantiated by the fact 
that the percentages of illiterates among Scandinavian immigrants to 
the United States is smaller than among any other immigrants. In 
Norway no attempt is made to secure statistics relative to illiteracy 
for the reason that little exists. This fact is interestingly stated by 
the late Hon. O. Gude, minister of Norway to the United States, in 
reply to an inquiry from the Immigration Commission relative to the 
subject. Mr. Gude says: 

I have the honor to advise you that the central bureau of statistics at Kristi- 
ania has, through the Norwegian foreign office, informed this legation that no 
statistics have been issued concerning the percentage of illiterate persons in 
Norway for the simple reason that the bureau has supposed that the persons 
that can not read nor write hardly will amount to 1 pro niille or less and that 
they will be found as such very rare exceptions in that country, that the 
bureau of statistics has not considered it worth while to compute any statistics 
in that respect. 

There is no doubt that race influence and development are inti- 
mately connected with the problem of illiteracy. The most striking 
instance of this is the almost complete literacy of the Germans, not 
only of the Germans of Germany, but of the Germans of Austria, of 
Finland, and of Russia. In the latter case they maintain their high 
standard in the face of great odds. The Roumanians, on the other 
hand, not only show a rate of illiteracy in their own country which 
is unparalleled elsewhere, but they likewise push up the illiteracy 
rate of every other country of whose population they are a part. It 
should be noted in this connection, however, that some of the races in 
Europe have a very high illiteracy rate in their native countries, but 

t 

See Table 15 on p. 30. 



34 The Immigration Commission. 

in other places where they live under more favorable economic con- 
ditions they show a marked improvement in this respect. 

Another characteristic of illiteracy is its greater prevalence in those 
countries that have a heterogeneous population. For instance, in 
Russia, Austria, and Hungary the problem of primary education has 
been hard to solve, because each has a population in which the vari- 
ous elements are unlike in race, language, history, religion, and 
Eower, and it is only natural that such a condition should result in 
ick of education among the people. Switzerland, however, is a con- 
spicuous exception to this rule. In the population of that country 
there are three distinct groups German, French, and Italian 
each using the native language of their race, and there is practically 
no illiteracy. The school problem in Switzerland, however, is not 
complex, for the reason that each Canton controls its own educational 
system and the largest proportion of the population of each Canton is 
of the same race or people. 

The most general location that can be made of illiteracy in Europe 
is that it prevails to the greatest degree in the southern and eastern 
countries, including Spain and Portugal, and that the minimum 
amount is found in the northern and western countries. Moreover, 
a study of the illiteracy figures for each country shows invariably 
a higher rate for the rural population than for the urban. In coun- 
tries where the rural population predominates, this tends to push 
up the general rate. 

An examination of the illiteracy figures by sex shows that women 
are more frequently unlettered than men. Moreover, the gap be- 
tween the sexes in this respect is widest in the countries and in the 
Provinces where illiteracy is comparatively the greatest. As illiteracy 
declines the breach narrows, the women making better progress than 
the men. The greater degree of ignorance prevailing among the 
female population of some countries which are most backward in 
their civilization is due mainly to the inferior status of women in 
such countries. Among the countries of Europe, Russia and the 
Balkan States are the most notable examples in this regard. In 
some parts of the former country the proportion of ill-iterate women 
is from three to four times as great as that of the men, while in 
Roumania the proportion of men who can read and write is almost 
four times that of the women. In the case of the Jews the difference 
between the literacy of the sexes is due in part at least to the feeling 
of the parents that it is a religious duty to educate the boys of the 
family, while less heed is given to the instruction of the daughters. 
An additional factor is that in the most sparsely settled regions 
the difference between the school attendance of boys and girls is 
greater than in the more populated regions. This indicates that the 
inaccessibility of schools may be the reason of the small attendance 
of the girls and the consequent greater illiteracy among them. 

But probably the most apparent cause of illiteracy in Europe, as 
elsewhere, is poverty. The economic status of a people has a very 
decided effect upon the literacy rate. For instance, the difference be- 
tween the prevailing rates of illiteracy in north and south Italy is 
to a considerable measure due to the difference in the economic condi- 
tions of these two regions. Sweden recognizes that poverty affects 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 35 

educational facilities, and in order to avoid this she entirely sup- 
ports the primary schools in a few of the northern districts where the 
economic conditions are so poor that adequate maintenance by the 
local municipalities would be impossible. Another phase of the eco- 
nomic factor is the need of children's service at home. This is said 
to have been especially operative in south Italy and Ireland. 

The present aspect of the problem, however, is encouraging, even 
though the rate of illiteracy in some countries is still alarmingly high. 
Even in Russia and Roumania the trend is constantly toward greater 
literacy, and the same is true of other southern and eastern Euro- 
pean countries. Emigration undoubtedly has stimulated education. 
This is repeatedly remarked in Italy and in parts of the Slavic coun- 
tries, and it probably has had the same effect in some other parts of 
Europe, particularly if there has been any return movement of 
population. 

MONEY SHOWN BY IMMIGRANTS. 

It is impossible to determine with any degree of accuracy the 
amount of money or the value of the property brought to the United 
States by immigrants. The only available information upon the sub- 
ject is contained in the records of the Bureau of Immigration and 
Naturalization, and results from a provision of the immigration law 
which directs that there shall be secured from each immigrant the 
following information : 

Whether in possession of $50, and, if less, how much ? 

It will be noted that the law does not contemplate a record of the 
actual amount of money brought, the intent being merely to deter- 
mine whether immigrants are possessed of a sufficient amount to 
carry them to their destination or to provide against their immedi- 
ately becoming public charges. In many cases the amount of money 
possessed has an important bearing on the admissibility of the 
immigrant. 

Reports of the Commissioner-General of Immigration show the 
number of persons of each race or people showing $50 or over, the 
number showing less than $50, and the total amount shown. These 
data, so far as they relate to European immigrants admitted to the 
United States during the five fiscal years ending June 30, 1909, are 
shown by the table next presented. 



36 



The Immigration Commission. 



TABLE 19. Honey shown on admission to the United States by European immi- 
grants (including Syrian), by race or people, in the fiscal years 1905 to 1909, 
inclusive. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner-General of Immigration.] 



Race or people. 


Total 
number 
showing 
money. 


Number showing 


Per cent show- 
ing 


Amount 
per capita 
of those 
showing 
money. 


$50 or 
over. 


Less than 
$50. 


$50 or 
over. 


Less 
than 
$50. 


Armenian 


10,347 
43,555 
69,905 
170,604 
20,673 
33,552 
193, 759 
63,279 
49,928 
315,332 
131,215 
310,522 
191-341 
185,219 
880, 126 
80,669 
181,010 
440, 764 
27,477 
56,313 
47,542 
82,934 
242,657 
69,335 
167, 934 
29,823 
20,634 
10, 076 
9,491 


1,190 
6,763 
2,124 
5,622 
1,325 
12,914 
108, 737 
5,561 
26,997 
96,910 
9,108 
36,341 
32,308 
25,611 
44, 295 
2,622 
7,640 
12,054 
3,175 
912 
3,529 
1,054 
33, 118 
34, 154 
4,357 
11,782 
5,038 
725 
4,716 


9,157 
36, 792 
67,781 
164,982 
19,348 
20,638 
85,022 
57, 718 
22, 931 
218, 422 
122, 107 
274/181 
159, 033 
159,608 
835,831 
78, 047 
173,370 
428, 710 
24,302 
55,401 
44, 013 
81,880 
209,539 
35, 181 
163,577 
18,041 
15,596 
9,351 
4,775 


11.5 
15.5 
3.0 
3.3 
6.4 
38.5 
56.1 
8.8 
54.1 
30.7 
6.9 
11.7 
16.9 
13.8 
5.0 
3.3 
4.2 
2.7 
11.6 
1.6 
7.4 
1.3 
13.6 
49.3 
2.6 
39.5 
24.4 
7.2 
49.7 


88.5 
84.5 
97.0 
96.7 
93.6 
61.5 
43.9 
91.2 
'45.9 
69.3 
93.1 
88.3 
83.1 
86.2 
95.0 
96.7 
95.8 
97.3 
88.4 
98.4 
92.6 
98.7 
86.4 
50.7 
97.4 
60.5 
75.6 
92.8 
50.3 


$35.43 
42.34 
18.05 
15.81 
21.23 
74.07 
79.54 
24.06 
90.52 
60.32 
24.17 
31.40 
33.76 
31.68 
18.04 
13.72 
19.37 
14.60 
23.60 
15.16 
21.79 
12.76 
31.07 
70.60 
17.44 
61.41 
54.31 
29.65 
72.78 


Bohemian and Moravian 


Bulgarian, Servian, and Montenegrin 


Croatian and Slovenian 


Dalmatian, Bosnian, and Herzegovinian.. 
Dutch and Flemish 


English . . 


Finnish 


French 


German 


Greek 


Hebrew 


Irish 




Italian, Sou Ih 


Lithuanian 


Magyar 


Polish 


Portuguese 




Russian 


Ruthenian . 




Scotch 


Slovak 




Syrian 


Turkish 


Welsh 


Total 


4,136,016 


540,682 


3,595,334 


13.2 


' 86.9 


30.14 





The difference between the old and the new immigration in the 
matter of money shown on admission to the United States appears in 
the following table : 

TABLE 20. Money shown on admission to the United States by European immi- 
grants (including Syrian), by class, during the fiscal years 1905 to 1909, 
inclusive. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner-General of Immigration.) 



Class. 


Total num- 
ber showing 
money. 


Number showing 


Per cent showing 


Amount 
per 
capita oi 
those 
showing 
money. 


$50 or 
over. 


Less than 
$50. 


$50 or 
over. 


Less 
than 
$50. 




1,105,395 
3,030,621 


349. 854 
190,828 


755, 541 
2,839,793 


31.6 
6.3 


68.4 
93.7 


155. a) 
20.99 






4, 136, 016 


540,682 


3,595,334 


13.1 


86.9 


30.14 





As previously suggested, the amounts specified in the above tables 
do not represent the actual amount of money brought, for the reason 
that immigrants having $50 or more are not required to state the 
exact amount in their possession. It will be noted, however, that in 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 



37 



the case of southern and eastern Europeans only 6.3 per cent of those 
showing money are recorded as having $50 or more, so that the total 
amount shoAyn by immigrants of this general class is undoubtedly a 
close approximation to the total amount in their possession. The fact 
that 31.6 per cent of the older-class immigrants showing money were 
possessed of $50 or more makes it impossible to so closely estimate the 
total amount brought by such immigrants. 

The above tables deal only with the number of persons showing 
money, and exclude those showing no money at all, which class, of 
course, includes children and other dependents. The amount of 
money shown by all European immigrants of the various races, com- 
pared with the total number of such immigrants admitted to the 
United States during the period considered, is indicated by the fol- 
lowing table : 

TABLE 21. Money per capita shown on admission to the United States by Euro- 
pean immigrants (including Syrian}, by race or people, in the fiscal years 1905 
to 1909, inclusive. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner-General of Immigration.] 



Race or people. 


Total num- 
ber coming 


Total num- 
ber show- 
ing money. 


Total amount 
of money 
brought. 


Amount per capita. 


Based on 
total 
coming. 


Based on 
those 
showing 
money. 


Armenian 


14, 569 
67, 194 
73, 582 
189, 097 
22, 271 
56, 172 
276, 626 
74,598 
74, 979 
468, 471 
143, 249 
700,014 
238, 619 
224, 329 
1,104,539 
100, 499 
227,327 
549, 732 
40,985 
60,477 
57,477 
92, 572 
302, 664 
98,066 
199, 326 
36,654 
29,367 
10,709 
13, 675 


10,347 
43, 555 
69,905 
170, 604 
20, 673 
33, 552 
193, 759 
63, 279 
49,928 
315, 332 
131,215 
310,552 
191, 341 
185,219 
880, 126 
80, 669 
181,010 
440, 764 
'27,477 
56, 313 
47,542 
82, 934 
242, 657 
. 69,335 
167, 934 
29,823 
20,634 
10. 076 
9,491 


$366,600 
1,844,035 
1,261,786 
2, 697, 273 
438,991 
2, 485, 099 
15,410,689 
1,522,759 
4, 519, 278 
19,019,661 
3,171,625 
9,751.679 
6,459,342 
5,867,237 
15,879,590 
1,106,393 
3,506,264 
6,433,483 
648,386 
853, 725 
1,035,847 
1,057,978 
7,538,958 
4,895,111 
2,929,044 
1,831,356 
1. 120, 570 
298,783 
690,778 


$25. 16 
27.44 
17.15 
14.26 
19.71 
44.24 
55.71 
20.41 
60.27 
40.60 
22.14 
13.93 
27.07 
26.15 
14.38 
11.01 
15.42 
11.70 
15.82 
14.12 
18.02 
11.43 
24,91 
49.92 
14.69 
49.96 
38.16 
27.90 
50.51 


$35.43 
42.34 
18.05 
15.81 
21.23 
74.07 
79.54 
24.06 
90.52 
60.32 
24.17 
31.40 
33.76 
31.68 
18.04 
13.72 
19.37 
14.60 
23.60 
15.16 
21.79 
12.76 
31.07 
70.60 
17.44 
61.41 
54.31 
29.65 
72.78 


Bohemian and Moravian 


Bulgarian, Servian, and Montenegrin 


Croatian and Slovenian 


Dalmatian, Bosnian, and Herzegovinian 
Dutch and Flemish 


English 


Finnish 


French 


German . 


Greek 


Hebrew . 


Irish 


Italian, North 

Italian, South 


Lithuanian .... 


Magyar 


Polish. 


Portuguese 


Roumanian 


Russian 


Ruthenian 


Scandinavian 


Scotch 


Slovak 


Spanish 


Syrian 


Turkish... 


Welsh 




Total 


5,547,839 


4,136,016 


124, 642, 320 


22.47 


30.14 





38 



The Immigration Commission. 



The amount of money shown per capita of all European immi- 
grants included in the preceding table, classified according to the old 
and new immigration, is indicated in the following table: 

TABLE 22. Money per capita shown on admission to the United States by Euro- 
pean immigrants (including Syrian), ~by class, in the fiscal years 1905 to 1909, 
inclusive. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner-General of Immigration.] 



Class. 


Total num- 
ber coming. 


Total num- 
ber showing 
money. 


Total amount 
of money 
shown. 


Amount per capita. 


Based on 
total 
coming. 


Based on 
total 
number 
showing 
money. 


Old immigration .... 


1,529,272 
4,018,567 


1,105,395 
3,030,621 


$61,018,916 
63, 623, 404 


S39. 90 
15.83 


$55. 20 
20.99 


New immigration 


Total 


5,647,839 


4,136,016 


124,642,320 


22.47 


30.14 





According to the Bureau of Immigration records, as indicated in 
the above tables, the average amount of money shown by all Euro- 
pean immigrants admitted to the United, States during the six fiscal 
years ending June 30, 1909. was $22.47. The race showing the 
greatest amount of money per capita was the French, with $60.27, 
and the Lithuanians were lowest, with $11.01 per capita. Among the 
races showing the largest number of immigrants and the smallest 
amount of money per capita are the Polish, 549,732 immigrants, with 
an average of $11.70 each ; Hebrew, 700,014 immigrants, with $13.93 
each; and South Italian, 1,104,539 immigrants, with $14.38 each. 

As in other matters previously discussed, there is a wide difference 
between the olcl and new immigration in the matter of money brought 
to the United States, the former -showing $39.90 per capita, or two 
and one-half times as much as the latter, w r hich was only $15.83 per 
capita. The aggregate amount of money shown by all European 
immigrants during the six years considered was $124,642.320; the 
amount accredited to southern and southeastern Europeans being 
$63,623,404, which is less than the amount sent by immigrants in 
the United States to either Austria-Hungary or Italy in the year 
1907. The total amount of money sent to European countries by 
immigrants in the United States in the year mentioned is conserva- 
tively estimated at $275,000.000. or more than twice as much as was 
brought by all immigrants from Europe in six years. 



Immigrant Banks. Reports of the Immigration Commission, vol. 37. 
Doc. No. 753, 61st Cong., 3d sess.) 



(S. 



CHAPTER III. 



PERMANENT AND TEMPORARY EMIGRATION. 

In the matter of stability or permanence of residence in the United 
States there is a very wide difference between European immigrants 
of the old and new classes. The fact that under the immigration 
law of 1907 a detailed record is kept of aliens leaving United 
States ports makes possible a study of the tendency of the different 
races or peoples to leave the country within varying periods after 
arrival. The departure of aliens from the United States can not 
fairly be compared with arriving immigrants in the same or another 
year, but these items contrasted indicate clearly the races or peoples 
which, in the main, regard this country as a permanent home 'and 
those which to a large extent consider it only as a field for remuner- 
ative labor during times of industrial prosperity. 

The fiscal year 1906-7 being one of unusual industrial activity 
was marked by the largest immigration in the history of the coun- 
try, but following the beginning of the industrial depression* in 
October of the fiscal year 1907-8 there was a sudden reversal in the 
tide, and during the remainder of that year there was a great exodus 
of European aliens. The participation of the various European 
races or peoples in the unprecedented immigration of 1907 and in 
the exodus during 1908 is shown by the following table : 

TABLE 23. European immigrants (including Syrian) admitted to the United 
States during the fiscal year 1907, and European emigrant aliens (including 
Syrian) departing from the United States during the fiscal year 1908, by race 
or people. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner-General of Immigration.] 



Race or people. 


Immigrants admitted, 
1907. 


Emigrant aliens de- 
parting, 1908. 


Number. 


Per cent 
of total. 


Number. 


Per cent 
of total. 


Armenian 


2,644 
13,554 
27, 174 

47,826 
7,393 
12,467 
51, 126 
14, 860 
9,392 
92,936 
46,283 
149, 182 


0.2 
1.1 
2.2 
3.9 
.6 
1.0 
4.1 
1.2 
.8 
7.5 
3.7 
12.1 
3.1 
4.2 
19.6 
2.1 
4.9 


234 
1,051 
5,965 
28,584 
1,046 
1,198 
5,320 
3,463 
3,063 
14,418 
6,766 
7,702 
2,441 
19,507 
147,828 
3,388 
29,276 


0.1 
.3 
1.6 
7.5 
.3 
.3 
1.4 
.9 
.8 
3.8 
1.8 
2.0 
.6 
5.1 
38.8 
.9 
7.7 






Croatian and Slovenian 






English 


Finnish 






Greek 


Hebrew 


Irish 


51,564 
242, 497 
25,884 
60,071 


Italian South 


Lithuanian , 


Magyar 



a Section 12, immigration act of February 20, 1907. 



79524 VOL 



39 



40 



The Immigration Commission. 



TABLE 23. European immigrants (including Syrian) admitted to the United 
States during the fiscal year 1907, etc. Continued. 



Race or people. 


Immigrants admitted, 
1907. 


Immigrant aliens de- 
parting, 1908. 


Number. 


Per cent 
of total. 


Number. 


Per cent 
of total. 


Polish 


138, 033 
9,648 
19, 200 
16, 807 
24,081 
53,425 
20.616 
42,041 
9,495 
5,880 
1,902 
2,754 


11.2 

.8 
1.6 
1.4 
2.0 
4.3 
1.7 
3.4 
.8 
.5 
.2 
.2 


46, 727 
898 
5,264 
7,507 
3,310 
5,801 
1.596 
23^573 
1,977 
1,700 
1,276 
163 


12.3 
.2 
1.4 
2.0 
.9 
1.5 
.4 
6.2 
.5 
.5 
.3 
.0 


Portuguese 


Roumanian 


Russian 


Ruthenian 


Scandinavian 


Scotch 


Slovak 


Spanish 


Syrian 


Turkish 


Welsh 


Total 


1,237,341 


100.0 


381,044 


100.0 







The radical difference between the old and new immigration with 
regard to stability of residence during a period of depression is more 
clearly shown by the following table : 

TABLE 24. European immigrants (including Syrian) admitted to the United 
States during the fiscal year 1907, and European emigrant aliens (including 
Syrian) departing from the United States during the fiscal year 1908, by class 
of immigration. 



Class. 


Immigrants admitted, 
1907. 


Emigrant aliens de- 
parting, 1908. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Old immigration 


281,322 
956,019 


22.7 
77.3 


34,000 
347, 044 


8.9 
91.1 


New immigration 


Total 


1,237,341 


100.0 


381,044 


100.0 





The one conclusion to be drawn from the record of departures from 
the United States, as shown by the above table, is that as a whole 
the races or peoples composing the old immigration are essentially 
permanent settlers, and that a large proportion of the newer immi- 
grants are simply transients whose interest in the country is meas- 
ured by the opportunity afforded for labor. 

Conspicuous among the newer immigrants as exceptions to this 
rule are the Hebrews, who formed more than 12 per cent of the Euro- 
pean immigration in 1907 arid only slightly more than 2 per cent of 
the exodus in 1908, indicating a degree of permanency not reached 
by any other race or people in either class. 

The races or peoples conspicuous as showing the smallest degree 
of permanency are the Croatians and Slovenians, South Italians, 
Slovaks, and Turkish. 

In both the old and new classes the exodus of 1908 was composed 
largely of recent immigrants, about To per cent of the former and 
83 per cent of the latter having resided in the United States con- 
tinuously five years or less. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 



41 



EXTENT AND CHARACTER OF THE RETURN MOVEMENT. 

From available data it appears that at least one-third of all Euro- 
pean immigrants who come to the United States eventually return to 
Europe. It seems to be a common belief that this outward movement 
is largely composed of persons who follow seasonal occupations in the 
United States and who consequently come and go according to the 
seasonal demands for labor. Such is not the case, however, for as 
nearly as can be judged from existing data a very large proportion 
of those who return to Europe do not come again to this country. 
Prior to the fiscal year 1908 data respecting the number of outgoing 
aliens were not secured bj the immigration authorities. Owing to a 
provision of the immigration law of 1907 such -data are now available 
for the three fiscal years, 1908 to 1910, and in the table following 
the number of European emigrant aliens are. shown in comparison 
with immigration from Europe for the same years. 

TABLE 25. European immigrants (including Syrian) admitted to the United 
States, who gave Europe or Turkey in Asia as their last permanent residence, 
and European emigrant aliens (including Syrian) departing from the United 
States during the fiscal years 1908, 1909, and 1910, l)y race or people. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner-General of Immigration.] 



Race or people. 


Immigrant 
aliens 
admitted. 


Emigrant 
aliens 
departed. 


Number 
depart- 
ing for 
every 100 
admitted. 


Armenian 


11,440 


1 240 


u 


Bohemian and Moravian 


25 188 


2 653 




Bulgarian, Servian, and Montenegrin 


37, 286 


10, 759 


29 


Croatian and Slovenian 


78,658 


44 316 


56 


Dalmatian Bosnian and Herzegovinian 


10 331 


1 990 


19 


Dutch and Flemish 


29 004 


2 845 


10 


English 


101,611 


11,152 


11 


Finnish . . . 


32, 752 


5 197 


16 


French 


21 298 


9 112 


43 


German 


192, 644 


35,823 


19 


Greek. 


86, 257 


21, 196 


25 


Hebrew 


236, 100 


18, 543 


g 


Irish... 


93, 090 


5,728 


6 


Italian, North 


77,661 


47,870 


62 


Italian South 


457, 414 


255,188 


56 


Lithuanian 


51,129 


7,185 


14 


Magyar 


78 Q01 


50 597 


64 


pohsh ::;::::::;::::: 


269, 646 


82, 080 


30 


Portuguese 


18, 426 


2,436 


13 


Roumanian 


30, 949 


8,275 


27 


Russian. 


41,578 


15, 924 


38 


Ruthenian 


55, 106 


6,681 


12 


Scandinavian 


113, 786 


11, 193 


10 


Scotch 


42, 737 


3,417 


8 


Slovak 


70, 717 


41,383 


59 


Spanish 


10, 299 


3,646 


35 


Svrian 


13,507 


3,584 


27 


Turkish... 


4,261 


2.949 


69 


Welsh. . 


5,562 


394 


7 










Total 


2, 297, 338 


713, 356 


32 











The Immigration Commission. 



The foregoing data, classified according to the old and new immi- 
gration, are as follows : 

TABLE 26. European immigrants (including Syrian) admitted to the United 
States, and European emigrant aliens (including Syrian) departing from the 
United States during the fiscal years 1908, 1909, and 1910, by class. 



Class. 


Immigrant 
aliens 
admitted. 


Emigrant 
aliens 
.departed. 


Number 
depart- 
ing for 
every 100 

admitted. 


Old immigration 


599, 732 


79,664 


13 


New immigration 


1, 697, 606 


633,692 


37 










Total 


2, 297, 338 


713, 356 


32 











It will be noted that for every 100 European immigrants admitted 
to the United States during the period 32 departed from the country. 
There is a striking preponderance of southern and eastern Europeans 
in the outward movement, and their relative lack of stability of resi- 
dence as compared with the older immigrant classes is clearly shown 
by the fact that of the former 37 departed for every 100 admitted, 
while among the latter the proportion was only 13 departed to 100 
admitted. 

THIRD-CLASS PASSENGER MOVEMENT, 1899-1909. 

While the above tables cover comparatively a short period of time 
and include at least one year when the outward movement was abnor- 
mally large, they, nevertheless, seem to indicate, on the whole, about 
the normal status of the inward and outward movement of Europeans 
in recent years. This belief is substantiated by the steamship com- 
panies' records of west and east bound steerage passengers between 
European and United States ports during the years 1899 to 1909, 
which data are shown in the following table : 

TABLE 27. Movement of third-class passengers between the United States and 
European ports during the calendar years 1899 to 1909, inclusive, by years. 

[From reports of the Trans- Atlantic Passenger Association.] 



Year. 


British ports. 


North continental ports. 


West- 
bound pas- 
sengers 
from. 


East-bound 
passengers 
to. 


Per cent 
of excess 
of west 
bound.a 


West- 
bound pas- 
sengers 
from. 


East-bound 
passengers 
to. 


Per cent 
of excess 
of west 
bound.o 


Igqq 


115,818 
153,352 
148, 706 
211,121 
255, 475 
289, 144 
273, 634 
351,086 
397, 247 
164, 742 
244, 647 


50.740 
59,504 
52, 439 
58, 307 
78, 649 
124, 707 
76, 955 
94, 262 
136, 963 
179, 138 
101,075 


39.1 
44.1 
47.9 
56.7 
52.9 
39.7 
56.1 
57.7 
48.7 
64.2 
41.5 


188. 096 
249, 687 
269, 567 
359, 740 
421,928 
330, 298 
483, 704 
568, 736 
664, 633 
185, 483 
433, 860 


44, 661 
68. 019 
60,074 
73,842 
87,111 
96,564 
75,034 
120, 264 
213, 551 
223, 701 
96.. 416 


61.6 
57.2 
63.6 
65.9 
65.8 
54.8 
73.1 
65.1 
51.4 
69.3 
63.6 


1900 


1901 


1902 


1903 


1904 


1905 : 


1906 


1907 


1908 


1909 


Total 


2,604,972 


1,012,739 


44.0 


4,155,732 


1,159,237 


56.4 





a Per cents were figured on the following basis: West + east = divisor; west east = dividend. 
& Eastbound traffic in excess. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 



43 



TABLE 27. Movement of third-class passengers between the United States and 
European ports during the calendar years 1899 to 1909, etc. Continued. 



Year. 


Mediterranean ports. 


All ports. 


West- 
bound pas- 
sengers 
from. 


East-bound 
passengers 
to. 


Per cent 
of excess 
of west 
bound. o 


West- 
bound pas- 
sengers 
from. 


East-bound 
passengers 
to. 


Per cent 
of excess 
of west 
bound.* 


1899 


76,678 
99,886 
126, 667 
182,034 
209, 970 
142,915 
246, 587 
303,259 
316,170 
69, 325 
271,159 


22, 068 
28,014 
28,450 
44,809 
86, 152 
149,878 
91,450 
123, 550 
204,664 
254, 340 
89,200 


55.3 

56.2 
63.3 
60.5 
41.8 
62.4 
45.9 
42.1 
21.4 
657.2 
50.5 


380, 592 
502,925 
544, 940 
752,895 
887, 373 
762, 357 
1,003,925 
1,223,081 
1, 378, 050 
419, 550 
749, 666 


117, 469 
155, 537 
140, 993 
176,958 
251,912 
371,149 
243,439 
338,076 
555, 178 
657, 179 
286, 691 


52.8 
52.8 
58.9 
61.9 
55.8 
34.5 
61.0 
56.7 
42.6 
622.1 
44.7 


1900 . 


1901 


1902 


1903 


1904 


1905 


1906 . . 


1907 


190S 


1909 . . 


Total 


2, 044, 650 


1, 122, 605 


29.1 


8,805,354 


3, 294, 581 


45.5 





a Per cents were figured on the following basis: West-t- east= divisor, west= 
6 Eastbound traffic in excess. 



east dividend. 



The following table presents the same data in a somewhat different 
form: 

TABLE 28. Movement of third-class passengers between the United States and 
European ports during the period 1899 to 1909, inclusive. 

[Compiled from reports of the Trans- Atlantic Passenger Association.] 



Ports. 


Number of passengers. 


Number 
arriving 
for every 
100 leaving. 


Leaving 
for 
United 
States 
ports. 


Arriving 
from 
United 
States 
ports. 


British ports 


2,604,972 
4, 155, 732 
2, 044, 605 


1,012,739 
1,159,237 
1,122,605 


39 
28 
55 






Total 


8,805,354 


3,294,581 


37 





These figures are not entirely comparable with the Bureau of Im- 
migration statistics previously shown because the latter include only 
immigrant and emigrant aliens, while the steamship association data 
are based on steerage passengers of all classes. Moreover, the bureau 
figures include all immigrants regardless of the class of transporta- 
tion. However, the fact that nearly all immigrants travel in the 
steerage, and that relatively few besides immigrants do so makes it 
entirely safe to employ the figures last presented for the purpose of 
approximating the extent of the inward and outward movement 
under discussion. 

By comparing the bureau and steamship data it will be seen that 

Hthe former, covering a longer period of time, show the largest relative 
outward movement, and indicate that the tendency of European im- 
migrants to leave the United States in large numbers is not peculiar 
to the three years previously mentioned. The above data are further 
substantiated by official Italian statistics, which show that from 1887 
to 1907, 2,231,961 Italians departed in the steerage from ports of that 



44 



The Immigration Commission. 



country for United States ports while during the same period 972,695 
returned in the steerage from the United States. 

The cause of the large outward movement, and especially that part 
which apparently leaves the United States permanently, can only be 
conjectured. That it is not due to lack of opportunity for employ- 
ment, except in a period of depression, is evident from the fact that 
there is a steady influx of European laborers who have little or no 
difficulty in finding employment here. It seems reasonable to sup- 
pose that the movement is due to various causes, including dissatis- 
faction, ill health, the desire to rejoin family and friends, and the 
fulfillment of an ambition to possess a sufficient amount of money 
to make life at home less of a struggle. 

SEX AND AGE OF EMIGRANT ALIENS. 

The following table shows the sex and age of European aliens leav- 
ing the United States during the three fiscal years ending June 30, 
1910: 

TABLE 29. European emigrant aliens (including Syrian) departing from the 
United States during the fiscal years 1908, 1909, and 1910, by race or people, 
sex, and age. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner-General of Immigration.] 



Race or people. 


Num- 
ber re- 
porting. 


Sex. 


Age. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Male. 


Fe- 
male. 


Male. 


Fe- 
male. 


Under 
14 
years. 


14 to 

44 
years. 


45 
years 
or 
over. 


Under 
14 
years. 


14 to 

44 
years. 


45 
years 
or 
over. 


Armenian 


1,296 
2,693 
10, 997 
44, 703 

1,993 
3,117 
15, 628 
5,796 
9,729 
37, 837 
21,500 
19,250 
6,491 
49,060 
257, 283 
7,190 
50,918 
82,530 
2,619 
8,345 
17,301 
6, 685 
13, 939 
4,491 
41,693 
6,094 
3,918 
3,032 
460 


1,203 
1,805 
10, 684 
35, 637 

1,886 
2,286 
9,991 
4,550 
5,808 
24, 422 
20, 805 
14, 348 
3,195 
42, 939 
230,077 
5, 736 
40,470 
65, 795 
1,787 
7,739 
14, 555 
5,660 
9, 352 
2,922 
33,613 
5,192 
3, 113 
2,911 
315 


93 
888 
313 
9,066 

107 
831 
5, 637 
1,246 
3, 921 
13,415 
695 
4,902 
3,296 
6, 121 
27,206 
1,454 
10,448 
16, 735 
832 
606 
2, 746 
1 025 
4,587 
1,569 
8,080 
902 
805 
121 
145 


92.8 
67.0 
97.2 
79.7 

94.6 
73.3 
63.9 
78.5 
59.7 
64.5 
96.8 
74.5 
49.2 
87.5 
89.4 
79.8 
79.5 
79.7 
68.2 
92.7 
84.1 
84.7 
67.1 
65.1 
80.6 
85.2 
79.5 
96.0 
68.5 


7.2 
33.0 

2.8 
20.3 

5.4 
26.7 
36.1 
21.5 
40.3 
35.5 
3.2 
25.5 
50.8 
12.5 
10.6 
20 2 
20! 5 
20.3 
31.8 
7.3 
15. 9 
15.3 
32.9 
34.9 
19.4 
14.8 
20.5 
4.0 
31.5 


35 
162 

77 
990 

45 
272 
1,487 
357 
523 
2,329 
270 
1,416 
275 
2,031 
10, 978 
357 
1,928 
3,397 
208 
85 
762 
120 
758 
440 
1,373 
367 
147 
31 
34 


1,077 
2,215 
10,266 
40,445 

1,784 
2,481 
11,811 
5,005 
7,814 
30, 996 
19,571 
15,800 
5, 292 
43,219 
222,408 
6,238 
44, 544 
72, 755 
1,964 
7,547 
15,212 
6,056 
11,628 
3,503 
36,809 
5,110 
3,353 
2,800 
346 


184 
316 
654 
3, 268 

. 164 
364 
2,330 
434 
1,392 
4,512 
1,659 
2,034 
924 
3,810 
23, S97 
595 
4,446 
6,378 
447 
713 
1,327 
509 
1,553 
548 
3,511 
617 
418 
201 
80 


2.7 
6.0 
.7 
2.2 

2.3 
8.7 
9.5 
6.2 
5.4 
6.2 
1.3 
7.4 
4.2 
4.1 
4.3 
5.0 
3.8 
4.1 
7.9 
1.0 
4.4 
1.8 
5.4 
9.8 
3.3 
6.0 
3.8 
1.0 
7.4 


83.1 
82.3 
93.4 
90.5 

89.5 
79.6 
75.6 
86.4 
80.3 
81.9 
91.0 
82.1 
81.5 
88.1 
86.4 
86.8 
87.5 
8S.2 
75.0 
90.4 
87.9 
CO. 6 
83.4 
78.0 
88.3 
83.9 
85.6 
92.3 
75.2 


14.2 
11.7 
5.9 
7.3 

8 2 
11.7 
14.9 
7.5 
14.3 
11.9 
7.7 
10.6 
14.2 
7.8 
9.3 
8.3 
8.7 
7.7 
17.1 
8.5 
7.7 
7.6 
11.1 
12 2 
8.4 
10.1 
10.7 
6.6 
17.4 


Bohemian and Mo- 
ravian 
Bulgarian, Servian, 
and Montenegrin. 
Croatian and Slove- 
nian 


Dalmatian, Bos- 
nian, and Herze- 
govinian 


Dutch and Flemish. 
English 


Finnish 


French 


German. 


Greek 


Hebrew 


Irish 


Italian. North 
Italian, South 
Lithuanian 


Magyar 


Polish 




Roumanian 


Russian 


Ruthenian 


Scandinavian 


Scotch 


Slovak 


Spanish 


Syrian 


Turkish 
Welsh 


Total 


736,588 


608, 796 


127, 792 


82.7 


17.3 


31,254 


638,049 


67,285 


4.2 


86.6 


9.1 





o See p. 229. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 



45 



The preceding table with the various races or peoples classified ac- 
cording to the old and new immigration previously described is as 
follows : 

TABLE 30. European emigrant aliens (including Syrian) departing from the 
United States during the fiscal years 1908, 1909, and 1910, by class, sex, 
and age. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner-General of Immigration.] 



Class. 


Num- 
ber re- 
porting. 


Sex. 


Age. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Fer cent. 


Male. 


Female. 


Male. 


Fe- 
male. 


Under 
14 
years. 


14 to 44 
years. 


45 years 
or over. 


Under 
14 
years. 


14 to 

44 
years. 


45 
years 
or 
over. 


Old immigration. . . 
New immigration.. 

Total 


91,692 
644,896 


58,291 
550, 505 


33, 401 
94, 391 


63.6 
85.4 


36.4 
14.6 


6,118 
25, 136 


73,871 
564, 178 


11,703 
55,582 


6.7 
3.9 


80.6 

87.5 


12.8 
8.6 


736,588 


608,796 


127, 792 


82.7 


17.3 


31,254 


638,049 


67, 285 


4.2 


86.6 


9.1 





The tables show a striking predominance of males in the movement 
from the United States to Europe, 82.7 per cent of all departing 
aliens and 85.4 of the southern and eastern Europeans being of that 
sex. The fact that 86.6 of all departing aliens were from 14 to 44 
years of age indicates that the outward movement is largely composed 
of persons in the prime of life. 

LENGTH OF RESIDENCE IN THE UNITED STATES. 

The table next presented shows the length of residence in the 
United States of European aliens who left the country during the 
fiscal years 1908 to 1910. 



46 



The Immigration Commission. 



TABLE 31. European emigrant aliens (including Syrian) departing from the 
United States during the fiscal years 1908, 1909, and 1910, by race or people 
and period of residence in the United States. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner-General of Immigration.] 



Race or people. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Un- 
known. 


Not 
overs 
years. 


5 to 
10 
years. 


10 to 
15 

years. 


15 to 

20 
years. 


Over 
20 

years 


Un- 
known. 


Not 
overs 
years. 


5 to 
10 

years. 


10 to 
15 
years. 


15 to 
20 
years. 


Over 
20 
years. 


Armenian 


15 
23 
190 

288 


808 
2,150 
10,114 
36,585 

1, 652 
2,380 
11,567 
3,693 
6,581 
29, 146 
18,006 
16, 413 
3,936 
37, 579 
212, 584 
5,942 
43, 924 
71,247 
1,889 
7,815 
14, 223 
5,812 
8,276 
3,201 
34,681 
5,001 
2,584 
2,642 
328 


368 
431 
656 
7,285 

308 
402 
1,502 
1,281 
1,903 
5, 402 
3, 051 
2,102 
1,306 
9, 135 
38, 488 
1,070 
6,119 
9,536 
562 
464 
1,633 
750 
2,436 
353 
5,858 
697 
1,072 
315 
41 


67 
34 
22 
310 

13 
69 
371 
151 
361 
699 
179 
178 
298 
923 
2, 846 
104 
367 
808 
60 
11 
173 
77 
353 
71 
478 
254 
133 
32 
9 


36 
35 
9 
157 

11 

35 
231 
76 
340 
653 
60 
101 
212 
500 
1,441 
57 
168 
438 
51 
1 
81 
29 
285 
37 
273 
41 
45 
12 
12 


2 

20 
6 

78 

9 
40 
219 
45 
345 
644 
20 
52 
261 
262 
599 
17 
56 
131 
57 
6 
38 
13 
191 
59 
117 
39 
12 
5 
12 


1.2 
.9 
1.7 
.6 

.0 
6.1 
11.1 
9.5 
2.0 
3.4 
.9 
2.1 
7.4 
1.3 
.5 
.0 
.6 
.4 
.0 
.6 
6.7 
.1 
17.2 
17.1 
.7 
1.0 
1.8 
.9 
12.6 


62.3 
79.8 
92.0 
81.8 

82.9 
76.4 
74.0 
63.7 
67.6 
77.0 
83.7 
85.3 
60.6 
76.6 
82.6 
82.6 
86.3 
86.3 
72.1 
93.6 
82.2 
86.9 
59.4 
71.3 
83.2 
82.1 
66.0 
87.1 
71.3 


28.4 
16.0 
6.0 
16.3 

15.5 
12.9 
9.6 
22.1 
19.6 
14.3 
14.2 
10.9 
20.1 
18.6 
15.0 
14.9 
12.0 
11.6 
21.5 
5.6 
9.4 
11.2 
17.5 
7.9 
14.1 
11.4 
27.4 
10.4 
8.9 


5.2 
1.3 
.2 

.7 

.7 
2.2 
2.4 
2.6 
3.7 
1.8 
.8 
.9 
4.6 
1.9 
1.1 
1.4 
.7 
1.0 
2.3 
.1 
1.0 
1.2 
2.5 
1.6 
1.1 
4.2 
3.*4 
1.1 
2.0 


2.8 
1.3 
.1 

.4 

.6 
1.1 
1.5 
1.3 
3.5 
1.7 
.3 
.5 
3.3 
1.8 
.6 
.8 
.3 
.5 
1.9 
(a) 
.5 
.4 
2.0 
.8 
.7 
.7 
1.1 
.4 
2.6 


0.2 
.7 
.1 
.2 

.5 
1.3 
1.4 
.8 
3.5 
1.7 
.1 
.3 
4.0 
.5 
.2 
.2 
.1 
.2 
2.2 
.1 
.2 
.2 
1.4 
1.3 
.3 
.6 
.3 
.2 
2.6 


Bohemian and Mo- 
ravian 


Bulgarian, Servian, 
and Montenegrin. 
Croat! an and Slove- 
nian 


Dalmatian, Bos- 
nian, and Herze- 
govinian 


Dutch and Flemish. 
English 


191 
1,738 
550 
199 
1,293 
184 
404 
478 
661 
1,325 


Finnish 


French 


German 


Greek 


Hebrew 


Irish. 


Italian North 


Italian, South 
Lithuanian 


Magyar 


284 
370 


Polish 


Portuguese 


Roumanian 


48 
1,153 
4 
2,398 
770 
286 
62 
72 
26 
58 


Russian 


Ruthenian 
Scandinavian 


Scotch 


Slovak 


Spanish 


Syrian .... 


Turkish 


Welsh 


Total 


13,070 


600,759 


104,526 


9,451 


5,427 


3,355 


1.8 


81.6 


14.2 


1.3 


.7 


.5 





o Less than 0.05 per cent. 

The preceding table with the various races or peoples classified 
according to the old and new immigration is as follows : 

TABLE 32. European emigrant aliens (including Syrian) departing from the 
United States during the fiscal years 1908, 1909, and 1910, by class and period 
of residence in the United States. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner-General of Immigration.] 



Class. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Un- 
known 


Not 
over 5 
years. 


5 to 10 

years. 


10 to 
15 

years. 


15 to 

20 
years. 


Over 

20 
years. 


Un- 
known 


Not 
over 
5 
years. 


5 to 
10 

years. 


10 to 
15 
years. 


15 to 
20 
years. 


Over 
20 
years. 


Old immigration . .' 
New immigration . 

Total 


7,125 
5,945 


65,415 
535,344 


13,345 
91, 181 


2, 231 
7,220 


1,805 
3,622 


1,771 
1,584 


7.8 
.9 


71.3 

83.0 


14.6 
14.1 


2.4 
1.1 


2.0 
.6 


1.9 
.2 


13, 070 


600,759 


104, 526 


9,451 


5,427 


3,355 


1.8 


81.6 


14.2 


1.3 


.7 


.1 





Emigration Conditions in Europe. 



47 



OCCUPATIONS OF EMIGRANT ALIENS. 

The occupational status of European aliens departing from the 
United States during the three years under consideration is shown by 
the following table : 

TABLE 33. European emigrant aliens (including Syrian} departing from the 
United States during the fiscal years 1908, 1909, and 1910, by race or people 
and occupation. 

[Compiled frem reports of the United States Commissioner- General of Immigration.] 



Race or people. 


Number reporting. 


Profes- 
sional. 


Skilled. 


Farm 
labor- 
ers. 


Farm- 
ers. 


Com- 
mon 
labor- 
ers. 


Serv- 
ants. 


No 
occupa- 
tion. 


Miscel- 
lane- 
ous. 


Total. 


Armenian. 


17 
31 

12 
42 

3 
134 
1,138 
18 
887 
1,486 
40 
231 
171 
453 
500 
10 
114 
92 
14 
11 
116 
5 
376 
164 
37 
239 
23 
19 
20 


201 
460 

631 
7,821 

198 
586 
3,783 
1,253 
1,959 
5,912 
906 
6>385 
972 
8,916 
11,796 
677 
4,087 
5,491 
372 
290 
1,892 
609 
3,012 
1,472 
4,545 
2,124 
274 
307 
139 


26 
5 

79 
808 

43 
21 
28 
9 
120 
107 
157 
2 
12 
2,252 
1,402 
7 
100 
86 
6 
24 
39 
11 
53 
7 
7(5 
39 
30 
25 


9 
89 

180 

887 

36 
136 
323 
168 
216 
1,335 
87 
64 
114 
476 
905 
35 
867 
706 
111 
194 
242 
64 
655 
49 
940 
147 
46 
39 
11 


832 
1,117 

9,518 
30, 169 

1,493 
953 
1,497 
2,375 
1,442 
11,671 
18,073 
4,875 
1,255 
28,331 
207,505 
4,834 
34,323 
58, 178 
1,055 
7,084 
10,711 
4,911 
2,759 
345 
27,204 
1,246 
1,660 
2,314 
59 


31 

256 

65 
792 

24 
118 
1,035 
321 
1,073 
3,867 
178 
910 
1,921 
1,180 
4,905 
161 
2,687 
2,969 
290 
137 
444 
235 
1,885 
272 
1,821 
162 
110 
32 
30 


86 
676 

253 
3,546 

147 
834 
4,921 
1,039 
2,833 
10, 138 
830 
3,899 
1,275 
5,633 
26,839 
1,391 
8,070 
14,044 
601 
482 
2,229 
806 
2,391 
1,202 
6,487 
1,066 
660 
119 
121 


79 
36 

69 
350 

49 
144 
1,165 
63 
1,000 
2,028 
1,045 
2,480 
293 
1,158 
2,106 
75 
386 
594 
170 
75 
475 
40 
41'0 
210 
297 
1,009 
1,043 
151 
22 


1,281 
2,670 

10,807 
44,415 

1,993 
2,926 
13,890 
5,246 
9,530 
36,544 
21,316 
18,846 
6,013 
48, 399 
255, 958 
7,190 
50,634 
82,160 
2,619 
8,297 
16, 148 
6,681 
11,541 
3,721 
41,407 
6,032 
3,846 
3,006 
402 


Bohemian and Moravian 
Bulgarian, Servian, and 
Montenegrin 


Croatian and Slovenian 


Dalmatian, Bosnian, and 
Herzegovinian 


Dutch and Flemish 


English 


Finnish ... 


French 


German 


Greek 


Hebrew... 


Irish. .... 


Italian, North 


Italian, South 


Lithuanian 


Magyar 


Polish 


Portuguese . 


Roumanian 


Russian 


Ruthenian ... t 


Scandinavian 


Scot-ch 


Slovak 


Spanish 


Syrian 


Turkish... 


Welsh. 


Total 




6,403 


77,070 


5,574 


9,131 


477,789 


27,911 


102, 618 


17,022 


723.51S 







48 



The Immigration Commission. 



TABLE 33. European emigrant aliens (including Syrian) departing from the 
United States during the fiscal years 1908, 1909, and 1910, etc. Continued. 



Per cent. 



Race or people. 


Profes- 
sional. 


Skilled. 


Farm 
labor- 
ers. 


Farm- 
ers. 


Com- 
mon 
labor- 
ers. 


Serv- 
ants. 


No 
occupa- 
tion. 


Miscel- 
lane- 
ous. 


Total. 


Armenian 


1.3 


15 7 


2 


7 


64.9 


2.4 


6.7 


6.2 


100.0 


Bohemian and Moravian 
Bulgarian, Servian, and 
Montenegrin 


1.2 
.1 


17.2 
5 8 


.2 
.7 


3.3 

1 7 


41.8 
88.1 


9.6 
.6 


25.3 
2.3 


1.3 

.6 


100.0 
100.0 


Croatian and Slovenian 
Dalmatian, Bosnian, and 
Herzegovinian 


.1 
.2 


17.6 
9 9 


1.8 
2 2 


2.0 

1 8 


67.9 
74.9 


1.8 
1.2 


8.0 
7.4 


.8 
2.5 


100.0 
100.0 


Dutch and Flemish 


4 6 


20 


7 


4 


32 6 


4 


28 5 


4 9 


100 


English 


8 2 


27 2 


2 


2 3 


10 8 


7 5 


35 4 


8 4 


100 


Finnish 


.3 


23 9 


2 


3 2 


45 3 


6.1 


19.8 


1 2 


100 


French . . 


9 3 


20 6 


1 3 


2 3 


15 1 


11 3 


29 7 


10 5 


100 


Gerrian 


4 1 


16 2 


3 


3 7 


31 9 


10 6 


27 7 


5 5 


100 


Greek 


.2 


4 3 


7 


4 


84 8 


g 


3.9 


4 9 


100 


Hebrew . 


1 2 


33 9 


(a) 


3 


25 9 


4 8 


20 7 


13 2 


100 


Irish 


2.8 


16 2 


( \1 


1.9 


20.9 


31.9 


21.2 


4.9 


100.0 


Italian, North . . 


9 


18 4 


4 7 


1 


58 5 


2 4 


11 6 


2 4 


100 


Italian, South 


2 


4 6 


5 


4 


81 1 


1 9 


10 5 


g 


100 


Lithuanian 


.1 


9 4 


.1 


.5 


67.2 


2.2 


19.3 


1 


100 


Magyar 


2 


8 1 


2 


1 7 


67 8 


5 3 


15 9 


g 


100 


Polish 


1 


6 7 


1 


g 


70 8 


3 6 


17 1 


7 


100 


Portuguese 


.5 


14 2 


.2 


4.2 


40 3 


11.1 


22 9 


'5 5 


100 


Roumanian 


. i 


3 5 


3 


2 3 


85 4 


1 7 


5 8 


9 


100 


Russian 


.7 


11.7 


.2 


1.5 


66.3 


2.7 


13.8 


2 9 


100 


Ruthenian 


.1 


9 1 


.2 


1.0 


73 5 


3 5 


12 1 


6 


100 


Scandinavian 


3 3 


26 1 


5 


5 7 


23 9 


16 3 


20 7 


3 6 


100 


Scotch 


4 4 


39 6 


2 


1 3 


9 3 


7 3 


32 3 


5 6 


100 


Slovak 


.1 


11 


.2 


2 3 


65 7 


4 4 


15 7 


7 


100 


Spanish . 


4 


35 2 


6 


2 4 


20 7 


2 7* 


17 7 


16 7 


100 


Syrian 


6 


7 1 


g 


1 2 


43 2 


2 9 


17 2 


27 1 


100 


Turkish... 


.6 


10 2 


.8 


1.3 


77 


1 i 


4 


5 


100 


Welsh 


5 


34 6 


o 


2 7 


14 7 


7 5 


30 1 


5 5 


100 






















Total 


.9 


10 7 


.8 


1 3 


.66 


3 9 


14 2 


2 4 


100 























a Less than 0.05 per cent. 

The above data concerning occupations, classified according to the 
old and new immigration, are as follows: 

TABLE 34. European emigrant aliens (including Syrian) departing from the 
United States during the fiscal years 1908, 1909, and 1910, by class and 
occupation. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner-General of Immigration.] 



Class. 


Number reporting. 


Profes- 
sional. 


Skilled. 


Farm 
labor- 
ers. 


Farm- 
ers. 


Com- 
mon 
labor- 
ers. 


Serv- 
ants. 


No 

occu- 
pation. 


Mis- 
cella- 
neous. 


Total. 


Old immigration 


4,376 

2,027 


17,835 
59, 235 


348 
5,226 


2,839 
6,292 


19,981 
457, 808 


10, 201 
17,710 


23,715 
78,903 


5, 272 
11, 750 


84, 567 
638, 951 




Total 






6,403 


77, 070 


5,574 


9,131 


477, 789 


27,911 


102,618 


17, 022 


723, 518 





Emigration Conditions in Europe. 



49 



TABLE 34. European emigrant aliens (including Syrian) departing from the 
United States during the fiscal years 1908, 1909, and 1910, etc Continued. 













Per cent 










Class. 


Profes- 
sional. 


Skilled. 


Farm 
labor- 
ers. 


Farm- 
ers. 


Com- 
mon 
labor- 
ers. 


Serv- 
ants. 


No 

occu- 
pation. 


Mis- 
cella- 
neous. 


Total. 


Old immigration 


5.2 


21.1 


4 


3 4 


23 6 


12 1 


28 


6 2 


100 


New immigration 


.3 


9.3 


.8 


1.0 


71.7 


2.8 


12.3 


1.8 


100 






















Total 


.9 


10.7 


g 


1 3 


66 


3 9 


14 2 


2 4 


100 























DESTINATION OF EMIGRANT ALIENS. 

The intended future residence of European aliens departing from 
the United States during the three fiscal years ending June 30, 1910, 
is shown by the table which follows : 

TABLE 35. European emigrant aliens (including Syrian) departing from the 
United States during the fiscal years 1908, 1909, and 1910, by race or people 
and country of intended future residence. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner-General of Immigration.] 



Country of intended future residence. 



Race or people. 


Austria- 
Hungary. 


Bel- 
gium. 


Bulgaria, 
Servia, 
and 
Monte- 
negro. 


Den- 
mark. 


France, 
includ- 
ing 
Corsica. 


Ger- 
man 
Em- 
pire. 


Greece. 


Italy, in- 
cluding 
Sicily and 
Sardinia. 




53 




8 




30 


2 


26 


14 




2 590 




1 




17 


32 




2 


Bulgarian, Servian, and Monte- 


2,828 


10 


5,995 




33 


20 


12 


31 


Croatian and Slovenian 


43,800 




92 


2 


44 


44 


14 


181 


Dalmatian, Bosnian, and Herze- 


1 917 




12 




3 






41 




71 


1,551 


1 


4 


74 


65 




6 


En^lish 


45 


2 


2 


1 


100 


42 


3 


48 




14 




2 


9 




4 




1 


French 


73 


274 


2 


1 


8,225 


47 


4 


55 


German 


15,999 


57 


29 


7 


334 


16, 466 


5 


76 


Greek 


139 




23 




112 


4 


19,518 


306 


Hebrew 


4,565 


16 


3 


1 


80 


151 


8 


13 


Irish 


11 








23 


3 


.... 


2 


Italian North 


784 


2 


5 




324 


36 


14 


46,413 


Italian South 


109 


6 


6 




78 


4 


68 


254,799 




137 


1 


1 




1 


14 




2 


Magyar 


50,333 


2 


33 




13 


52 


1 


69 


Polish . .. 


47,949 


3 


9 


2 


15 


675 


3 


39 


Portuguese 


1 








3 






51 
9 


Roumanian 

Russian 


6,633 
991 


5 


17 
2 




59 


80 


1 


28 


Ruthenian 
Scandinavian 
Scotch 
Slovak 
Spanish 
Syrian 


6,556 
37 
3 
41,020 
8 
20 


to to >*> 


1 
2 

26 
4 


1 
1,548 
4 

1 


1 
22 
2 
30 
125 
28 


1 

35 

67 
6 
1 


10 

28 


2 
4 
2 
33 
36 
13 


Turkish 
Welsh 

Total 


81 
1 

226,768 


1 

1,938 


99 
6,375 


1,581 


69 
7 

9,873 


2 

17,876 


138 
19,853 


2 
302,324 



50 



The Immigration Commission. 



TABLE 35. European emigrant aliens (including Syrian) departing from the 
United States during the fiscal years 1908, 1909, and 1910, etc. Continued. 



Country of intended future residence. 



Race or people. 


Nether- 
lands. 


Norway. 


Portugal, 
includ- 
ing Cape 
Verde 
and 
Azores. 


Rou- 
mania. 


Russian 
Empire. 


Spain, in- 
cluding 
Canary 
and 
Balearic 
Islands. 


Sweden. 


Armenian 


1 






7 


14 

8 

45 
49 
6 
50 
5,087 
4 
1,249 
12 
12,723 
6 
5 
6 
6 991 






Bohemian and Moravian . 










Bulgarian, Servian, and Monte- 
negrin 




1 
1 




163 
19 






Croatian and Slovenian 






2 
2 
13 




Dutch and Flemish 


1,034 
55 




2 
16 
25 
1 
2 


English 


5 
32 


1 


1 


Finnish 


French 


2 
22 
1 
25 






24 
9 
3 


German 


1 




18 
4 
346 


Greek 


1 

2 


Hebrew 




4 
5 
3 
1 


Irish 


2 


1 
9 
22 


Italian, North 






5 


Italian, South . . 


1 

4 




24 


Lithuanian 






Magyar. . . 


i 

1 




20 

29 

""i'482" 
2 
1 


55 
33,313 
1 
34 
14,678 
118 
204 
2 
135 






Polish 


1 


"'2, 359" 




3 


Portuguese 


18 
1 
1 


Roumanian 








Russian 


2 


1 




2 


Ruthenian 






2 


4,583 
2 
1 






4,670 
4 
1 


Scotch 








Slovak 






5 




Spanish 






3,447 


Syrian 






2 




5 
13 


3 




Turkish 






41 




Total 












1,150 


4,631 


2,389 


2,143 


74,813 


3,555 


4,739 




Race or people. 


Country of intended future residence. 


Switzer- 
land. 


Turkey in 
Europe. 


United 
King- 
dom. 


Other 
Europe. 


Turkey in 
Asia. 


All other 
countries 


Total. 


Armenian 


5 


85 
1 

1,592 
11 

11 


4 




991 
2 

25 

1 

5 

1 
8 


54 

57 

158 
126 

1 
240 
3,279 
411 
510 
3,926 
419 
418 
681 
779 
2,714 

417 

427 
114 
121 
1,152 
16 
4,409 
928 
55 
1,651 
226 
61 
77 


1,294 
2,710 

10, 927 
44,442 

1,991 
3,085 
14,481 
5,608 
9,622 
39,749 
21,615 
18, 949 
6,409 
48, 649 
257,902 
7,189 
51,014 
82, 507 
2,550 
8,396 
17,076 
6,697 
15,602 
4,345 
41,438' 
5,297 
3,810 
3,010 
471 


Bohemian and Moravian 




Bulgarian, Servian, and Monte- 


12 
44 

1 
1 

20 


2 
12 




Croatian and Slovenian 
Dalmatian, Bosnian, and Herze- 






Dutch and Flemish 


27 
10,786 
23 
58 
110 
14 
492 
5,672 
34 
31 
34 
3 
32 
2 
4 
62 




English 


1 


3 




French 


336 
1,415 
5 
14 




2 
1 


4 

17 
105 
27 
3 
12 
4 


German 


6 
949 
61 


Greek 






Irish 




Italian North 


210 
8 


7 
16 


1 
5 


Italian South 


Lithuanian 




2 
4 


10 
2 




3 


Polish 






1 








48 
3 


3 

6 


Russian 


1 








Scandinavian 


2 


1 


79 
3,396 












Slovak 


13 
1 
1 


28 


6 
11 

7 
9 
384 




6 




11 




73 
2,100 


3,399 
348 




2 


Welsh 




Total 


2,101 


5,005 


21,294 


26 


4,970 


23,431 


736,835 





Emigration Conditions in Europe. 



51 



PERMANENCE OF THE RETURN MOVEMENT. 

How large a proportion 6f the immigrants who return to Europe 
do not come again to the United States can not be definitely deter- 
mined. This, however, can undoubtedly be approximated with a fair 
degree of accuracy by a consideration of the proportion of arriving 
immigrants who have been in the United States previously. These 
data for the fiscal years 1899 to 1910 are shown in the table which 
follows : 

TABLE 36. Total number of European immigrants (including Syrian) admitted, 
and total number who have 'been in the United States previously, during the 
fiscal years 1899 to 1910, inclusive, by race or people. 



[Compiled from the reports of the United States Commissioner-General of Immigration.] 



Race or people. 


Number 
admitted. 


In United States 
previously. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Armenian... 


26,498 
100, 189 
97,391 
335,542 
31,696 
87,658 
408, 614 
151,774 
115,783 
754, 375 
216,962 
1,074,442 
439, 724 
372 r>68 


1,533 
4,066 
7,761 
43,037 
2,392 
9,548 
103,828 
17,189 
33, 859 
86, 458 
12,283 
22,914 
80,636 
56, 738 
262, 508 
6,186 
39, 785 
65, 155 
8,966 
8, 984 
3,451 
18, 492 
86, 700 
27, 684 
71.889 
14, 797 
6,220 
861 
4,232 
795 


5.8 
4.1 
8.0 
12.8 
7.5 
10.9 
25.4 
11.3 
29.2 
11.5 
5.7 
2.1 
18.3 
15.2 
13.7 
3.5 
11.8 
6.9 
12.3 
10.9 
4.1 
12.5 
14.8 
20.2 
19.0 
29.0 
10.9 
6.6 
20.4 
18.7 


Bohemian and Moravian . . 


Bulgarian, Servian, and Montenegrin. ... 


Croatian and Slovenian 


Dalmatian, Bosnian, and Herzegovinian 


Dutch and Fit aish 


English 


Finnish 


French.. . . 


German . 


<Greek 


Hebrew 


Irish 


Italian, North.. 


Italian South 


1,911,933 
175,258 


Lithuanian 


Masryar 


337, 351 
949,064 
72, 897 
82, 704 


Polish 


Portuguese . . 


Roumanian 


Russian 


83,574 
147, 375 
586, 306 
136, 842 
377,527 
51,051 
56, 909 
12,954 
20, 752 
4,253 


Ruthenian 


Scandinavian 


Scotch t 


Slovak 


Spanish 


Svrian 


Turkish... 


Welsh 


Other races . . . 


Total 


9,220,066 


1,108,948 


12.0 





o Figures for 1908, 1909, and 1910 are for " Alien immigrants" only. 

It will be seen that during the fiscal years 1899 to 1910 12 per cent 
of all European immigrants admitted at United States ports had been 
in this country before. As previously shown, the outward movement 
of European aliens in recent years has been approximately one-third 
as great as the number of European immigrants admitted to the 
United States. Comparing this with the fact that only 12 per cent 
of all European immigrants admitted to the United States have been 
here previously, it seems clear that a very large per cent of those 
who leave the United States do so permanently. 



52 The Immigration Commission. 



EFFECTS OF THE RETURN MOVEMENT IN EUROPE. 

In every country of Europe to which large numbers of former emi- 
grants return from America the effects of the return movement are 
apparent. The repatriates as a rule return with amounts of money 
which seem large in the surroundings from which they emigrated. 
Usually, also, their sojourn abroad has made them more enterprising 
and ambitious .and created in them a desire for better things than 
those to which they were formerly accustomed. This desire usually 
leads to the adoption of a higher standard of living, improved meth- 
ods of labor in agriculture and other pursuits. In several parts of 
Europe visited by members of the Commission the dwellings of the 
returned emigrants are conspicuously better than those of their neigh- 
bors, and their economic status as a whole is higher. Their example, 
too, is often emulated by their neighbors, and in consequence the tone 
of whole communities is frequently elevated. This phase of the sub- 
ject is discussed at greater length in articles on the emigration situa- 
tion in the various countries of Europe, which will be found else- 
where in this report. 



CHAPTER IV. 
CAUSES OF EMIGRATION FROM EUROPE. 

PRIMARY CAUSES. 

The present movement of population from Europe to the United 
States is, with few exceptions, almost entirely attributable to eco- 
nomic causes. Emigration due to political reasons and, to a less 
extent, religious oppression, undoubtedly exists, but even in countries 
where these incentives prevail the more important cause is very 
largely an economic one. This does not mean, however, that emigra- 
tion from Europe is now an economic necessity. At times in the 
past, notably during the famine years in Ireland, actual want forced 
a choice between emigration and literal starvation, but the present 
movement results, in the main, simply from a widespread desire for 
better economic conditions rather than from the necessity of escap- 
ing intolerable ones. In other words the emigrant of to-day comes 
to the United States not merely to make a living, but to make a better 
living than is possible at home. 

With comparatively few exceptions the emigrant of to-day is 
essentially a seller of labor seeking a more favorable market. To 
a considerable extent this incentive is accompanied by a certain spirit 
of unrest and adventure and a more or less definite ambition for 
general social betterment, but primarily the movement is accounted 
for by the fact that the reward of labor is much greater in the 
United States than in Europe. 

The desire to escape military service is also a primary cause of 
emigration from some countries, but on the whole it is relatively 
unimportant. It is true, moreover, that some emigrate to escape 
punishment for crime, or the stigma which follows such punishment, 
while others of the criminal class deliberately seek supposedly more 
advantageous fields for criminal activity. The emigration of crim- 
inals of this class is a natural movement not altogether peculiar to 
European countries and, although vastly important because dan- 
gerous, numerically it affects but little the tide of European emigra- 
tion to the United States. 

ECONOMIC CONDITIONS IN EUROPE. 

In order that the chief cause of emigration from Europe may be 
better understood, the Commission has given considerable attention 
to economic conditions in the countries visited, with particular 
reference to the status of emigrating classes in this regard. It was 
impossible for the commissioners personally to make more than a 
general survey of this subject, but because an understanding of the 
economic situation in the chief immigrant-furnishing countries is 
essential to an intelligent discussion of the immigration question, the 

53 



1 



54 The Immigration Commission. 

results of the Commission's investigation in this regard have been 
supplemented by official data or well-authenticated material from 
other sources. 

The purely economic condition of the wageworker is generally 
very much lower in Europe than in the United States. This is espe- 
cially true of the unskilled-laborer class, from which so great a 
proportion of the emigration to the United States is drawn. Skilled 
labor also is poorly paid when compared with returns for like service 
in the United States, but the opportunity for continual employment 
in this field is usually good and the wages sufficiently high to lessen 
the necessity of emigration. A large proportion of the emigration 
from southern and eastern Europe may be traced directly to the 
inability of the peasantry to gain an adequate livelihood in agri- 
cultural pursuits, either as laborers or proprietors. Agricultural 
labor is paid extremely low wages, and employment is quite likely 
to be seasonal rather than continuous. 

In cases where peasant proprietorship is possible the. land hold- 
ings are usually so small, the methods of cultivation so primitive, and 
the taxes so high that even in productive years the struggle for ex- 
istence is a hard one, while a crop failure means practical disaster for 
the small farmer and farm laborer alike. In agrarian Eussia, where 
the people have not learned to emigrate, a crop failure results in a 
famine, while in other sections of southern and eastern Europe it 
results in emigration, usually to the United States. Periods of indus- 
trial depression as well as crop failures stimulate emigration, but the 
effect of the former is not so pronounced for the reason that disturbed 
financial and industrial conditions in Europe are usually coincidental 
with like conditions in the United States, and at such times the emi- 
gration movement is always relatively smaller. 

WAGES IN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES. 

The fragmentary nature of available data relative to wages in 
many European countries makes a satisfactory comparison with 
wages in the United t States impossible. Unfortunately, too, these 
data are missing for countries which are now the chief sources of 
European emigration to the United States. It is possible, however, 
to show the relative wages and hours of labor at a comparatively 
recent date in some leading occupations in the United States, Great 
Britain, Germany, and France, and as the economic status of wage- 
workers is much higher in the three latter countries than in southern 
and eastern European countries the approximate difference between 
wages in such countries and in the United States may be inferred. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 



55 



TABLE 37. Wages and hours of labor in leading occupations in the United 
States, Great Britain, Germany, and France, 19v3. 

[Compiled from Bulletin of the United States Bureau of Labor, No. 54, pp. 1120-1125.] 



Occupation. 


Wages per hour in 


Hours per week in- 


United 

States. 


Great 
Britain. 


Ger- 
many. 


France. 


United 

States. 


Great 
Britain. 


Ger- 
many. 


France. 


Blacksmiths 


$0.30 
.28 
.55 
.36 
.45 
.29 
.30 
.17 
.27 
.35 
.44 
.42 
.46 


$0.17 
.17 
.21 
.20 
.18 
.13 
.17 
.10 
.17 
.18 
.20 
.20 
.21 


$0.12 
.11 
.13 
.13 
.14 
.08 

"."08~ 
.13 
.12 
.11 
.12 
.13 


$0.16 
.15 
.13 
.15 
.13 
.10 
.13 
.10 
.13 
.13 
.15 
.14 
.14 


56. 56 
56.24 
47.83 
49.46 
49.81 
' 47. 98 
56.80 
56. 29 
56. 12 
48. S9 
48.91 
48. 67 
49.54 


53.67 
53.67 
51.83 
50.17 
50.00 
51. 83 
53.67 
52.50 
53.67 
51.00 
49.17 
50. 17 
50.17 


60.19 
60.00 
56.50 
55.30 
51. 08 
59.50 


60.19 
61.50 
63.00 
60.00 
60.00 
63.91 
60. 00 
60.00 
61.50 
60.00 
54.00 
60.00 
66.00 


Boiler makers . . 


Bricklayers...... ... 
Carpenters . . 


Comoositors 


Hod carriers 
Iron molders 
Laborers . 


56. 36 
60.00 
56.25 
56.68 
54.00 
56. 50 


Machinists . 


Painters 


Plumbers.. 


Stonecutters 


Stonemasons 



In the above table the figures for the United States cover a wide 
area, representing the smaller as well as the larger centers of indus- 
try, Avhile those for the European countries were taken in two or 
three of the larger centers of industry in each country. 

As before stated, there are available but little official data relative 
to wages in southern and southeastern Europe, but it is a well-known 
fact that they are very much lower there than in Great Britain, Ger- 
many, or France. The Commission found this to be true in the por- 
tions of Italy, Austria-Hungary, Greece, Turkey, Russia, and the 
Balkan States visited. In fact, it may safely be stated that in the 
latter countries the average wage of men engaged in common and 
agricultural labor is less than 50 cents per day, while in some sec- 
tions it is even much lower. It is true that in some countries agri- 
cultural laborers receive from emplovers certain concessions in the 
way of fuel, food, etc., but in cases of this nature which came to the 
attention of the Commission the value of the concessions was insuffi- 
cient to materially affect the low wage scale, 

COST OF LIVING IN EUROPE. 

It is a common but entirely erroneous belief that peasants and 
artisans in Europe can live so very cheaply that the low wages have 
practically as great a purchasing power as the higher wages in the 
United States. The low cost of living among the working people of 
Europe, and especially of southern and eastern Europe, is due to a 
low standard of living rather than to the cheapness of food and other 
necessary commodities. As a matter of fact, nreat and other costly 
articles of food which are considered as almost essential to the every- 
day table of the American workingman can not be afforded among 
laborers in like occupations in southern and eastern Europe. 
79524 VOL 411 5 



56 The Immigration Commission. 

DESIKE FOE BETTER CONDITIONS. 

Notwithstanding the bad economic conditions surrounding the classes 
which furnish so great a part of the emigration from southern and 
eastern Europe, the Commission believes that a laudable ambition for 
better things than they possess rather than a need for actual necessities 
is the chief motive behind the movement to the United States. 
Knowledge of conditions in America, promulgated through letters 
from friends or by emigrants who have returned for a visit to their 
native villages, creates and fosters among the people a desire for 
improved conditions which, it is believed, can be attained only 
through emigration. Unfortunately, but inevitably, the returned 
emigrant, in a spirit of braggadocio, is inclined to exaggerate his 
economic achievements in America. In consequence, some whose emi- 
gration is influenced by these highly colored statements, accompanied 
perhaps by a display of what to them seems great wealth, are doomed 
to disappointment. The latter, however, naturally hesitate to admit 
their failures, and consequently there is little to disturb the belief 
prevailing in southern and eastern Europe that success awaits all 
who are able to emigrate to the United States. 

POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS CAUSES. 

It is the opinion of the Commission that, with the exception of 
some Russian and Roumanian Hebrews, relatively few Europeans 
emigrate at the present time because of political or religious condi- 
tions. It is doubtless true that political discontent still influences the 
emigration movement from Ireland, but to a less degree than in 
earlier years. The survival of the Polish national spirit undoubtedly 
is a determining factor in the emigration from Germany, Russia, and 
Austria of some of that race, while dissatisfaction with Russian domi- 
nation is to a degree responsible for Finnish emigration. In all 
probability some part of the emigration from Turkey in Europe, 
Turkey in Asia, as well as from the Balkan States, is also attributable 
to political conditions in those countries. There is, of course, a small 
movement from nearly every European country of political idealists 
who prefer a democracy to a monarchial government, but these, and 
in fact all, with the exception of the Hebrew peoples referred to, 
whose emigration is in part due to political or religious causes, form a 
very small portion of the present European emigration to the United 
States. 

CONTRIBUTORY CAUSES. 

Contributory or immediate causes of emigration were given due 
consideration by the Commission. Chief of these causes is the advice 
and assistance of relatives or friends who have previously emigrated. 
Through the medium of letters from those already in" the United 
States and the visits of former emigrants, the emigrating classes of 
Europe are kept constantly, if not always reliably, informed as to 
labor conditions here, and these agencies are by far the most potent 
promoters of the present movement of population. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 57 

LETTERS FROM FRIENDS IN THE UNITED STATES. 

The Commission found ample evidence of this fact in every country 
of southern and eastern Europe. Of the two agencies mentioned, 
however, letters are by far the most important. In fact, it is entirely 
safe to assert that letters from persons who have emigrated to friends 
at home have been the immediate cause of by far the greater part of 
the remarkable movement from southern and eastern Europe to the 
United States during the past twenty-five years. There is hardly a 
village or community in southern Italy and Sicily but what has con- 
tributed a portion of its population to swell the tide of emigration to 
the United States, and the same is true of large areas of Austria, 
Hungary, Greece, Turkey, and the Balkans. There is a tendency on 
the part of emigrants from these countries to retain an interest in the 
homeland, and inconsequence a great- amount of correspondence passes 
back and forth. It was frequently stated to members of the Commis- 
sion that letters from persons who had emigrated to America were 
passed from hand to hand until most of the emigrant's friends and 
neighbors were acquainted with the contents. In periods of industrial 
activity, as a rule, the letters so circulated contain optimistic refer- 
ences to wages and opportunities for employment in the United 
States, and when comparison in this regard is made with conditions 
at home it is inevitable that whole communities should be inoculated 
with a desire to emigrate. The reverse is true during seasons of in- 
dustrial depression in the United States. At such times intending 
emigrants are quickly informed by their friends in the United States 
relative to conditions of. employment, and a great falling off in the 
tide of emigration is the immediate result. 

" The greatest influence in promoting emigration," Consul McFar- 
land says of Bohemia, " comes from relatives and friends in the 
United States who write glowing accounts of the enormous wages 
received, food such as the nobility eat at home, and houses grandly 
furnished." Letters, current gossip, newspaper stories, and the return 
of successful emigrants are the influences which bring individuals to 
the point of believing that the oppressive economic conditions under 
which they live can be escaped. 

In an unpublished report to the Bureau of Immigration Inspectors 
Dobler and Sempsey, who, as elsewhere stated, visited Europe in 
1906, refer to the 

effect produced in peasant villages by the receipt of letters from America con- 
taining remittances of perhaps $60 to $100 * * *. The cottage of the recip- 
1 lent becomes at once the place to which the entire male population proceeds, 
i and the letters are read 'and reread until the contents can be repeated word 
for word. When instances of this kind have been multiplied by thousands, it 
is not difficult to understand what impels poor people to leave their homes. 

The word comes again and again that " work is abundant and 
wages princely in America." In an Italian village near Milan the 
Immigration Bureau's inspectors found an English-speaking peasant 
acting as receiver and distributer of letters from America. Letters 
are sent from village to village by persons having friends in the 
United States, and one letter may influence in this way a score of 
peasants. The comment of another peasant who circulated letters 

Emigration to the United States. Special Consular Reports, Vol. XXX, 
United States Bureau of Statistics, 1904. 



58 The Immigration Commission. 

from "American " friends is significant : " We all like America ; it- 
gives us good cheer to think about it." The effect of such a state of 
mind is obvious. 

INFLUENCE OF RETURNED EMIGRANTS. 

Emigrants who have returned for a visit to their native land are 
also great promoters of emigration. This is particularly true of 
southern and eastern European immigrants, who, as a class, make 
more or less frequent visits to their old homes. Among the return- 
ing emigrants are always some who have failed to achieve success in 
America, and some who through changed conditions of life and em- 
ployment return in broken health. It is but natural that these 
should have a slightly deterrent effect on emigration, but on the 
whole this is relatively unimportant, for the returning emigrant, as 
a rule, is one who has succeeded. and, as before stated, is inclined to 
exaggerate rather than minimize his achievements in the United 
States. In times of industrial inactivity in the United States the 
large number of emigrants who return to their native lands, of 
course, serve as a temporary check to emigration, but it is certain 
that in the long run such returning emigrants actually promote 
rather than retard the movement to the United States. 

The investigators of the Bureau of Immigration were impressed by 
the number of men in Italy and in various Slavic communities who 
speak English and who exhibit a distinct affection for the United 
States. The unwillingness of such men to work in the fields at 25 to 
30 cents a day ; their tendency to acquire property ; their general ini- 
tiative ; and, most concretely, the money they can show, make a vivid 
impression. They are dispensers of information and inspiration, and 
are often willing to follow up the inspiration by loans to prospective 
emigrants. 

The Commission was informed that one-third of the emigrants 
from Syria return for a time to their native country and later go back 
to the United States; but that in the meantime many of them build 
houses much superior to those of their neighbors and by such evi- 
dence of prosperity add to the desire for emigration among their 
countrymen. A man who left a little village in Transylvania in 1904 
with the proceeds of the sale of two head of cattle came back two 
years later with $500, and was the source of a genuine fever of emi- 
gration among his acquaintances, which has increased ever since. It 
is not to be wondered at that 3^oung men of spirit and ambition 
should want to emulate successful friends, and one can easily feel the 
truth of a statement made by a large land proprietor to the Koyal 
Italian Agricultural Commission, elsewhere referred to: "Emigra- 
tion is spontaneous. It becomes like a contagious disease. Even the 
children speak of going to America." 



MUTUAL SAVINGS SOCIETIES. 



Hon. Horace G. Knowles, American minister to Roumania, Servia, 
and Bulgaria, informed the Commission relative to a system of 
mutual savings followed in some very poor Bulgarian villages which 
illustrates the faith in America as the refuge of the poor. Mr. 
Knowles says : 

A number of cases were heard of in nearly every district, where it requii 
the combined savings of years of a score or more of peasants to provide th< 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 



59 



means for one person to emigrate to the United States. They have a kind of 
lottery by which one of the group would have the benefit of the savings of all 
the others and go. The lucky one would, after a few months in the United 
States, repay, with interest, the amount advanced by his compatriots, with the 
result that they all would have a still stronger desire to go to America, and 
then would fall another drawing and another emigrant. 

JOINING FRIENDS IN THE UNITED STATES. 

The importance of the advice of friends as an immediate cause of 
emigration from Europe is also indicated by the fact that nearly all 
European immigrants admitted to the United States are, according 
to their own statements, going to join relatives or friends. The 
United States immigration law provides that information upon this 
point be secured relative to every alien coming to the United States 
by water, and the result, so far as European immigrants admitted in 
the fiscal years 1908 and 1909 are concerned, is indicated by the 
following table : 

TABLE 38. European immigrants (including Syrian) going to join relatives or 
friends in the United States during the fiscal years 1908 and 1909, by race 
or people. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner-General of Immigration.] 



Race or people. 


Total 
number. 


Going to join relatives 
or friends. 


Number. 


Per cent 


Armenian. . 


6,407 
17,014 
24,460 
40,653 
15, 635 
17, 640 
88,077 
18, 433 
32, 304 
131,572 
49,070 
160, 938 
67,612 
49,850 
275,795 
28, 974 
53, 082 


6,288 
16, 703 
21,605 
39, 161 
5,221 
16,304 
70, 502 
17,500 
26. 710 
123, 335 
47, 513 
158,246 
63, 907 
46, 143 
272, 115 
28, 818 
51,838 
143,932 
9,845 
16,618 
25, 503 
27, 543 
63,416 
28,077 
38,371 
7,722 
8,725 
2,956 
3,693 


98.1 
98.2 
88.3 
96.3 
92.7 
92.4 
80.0 
P4.9 
82.7 
93.7 
96.8 
98.3 
94.5 
92.6 
98.7 
99.5 
97.7 
98.8 
86.2 
94.0 
93.9 
97.8 
93.6 
83.9 
99.0 
66. 7 
95. 
93.9 
87.9 


Bohemian and Moravian 


Bulgarian, Servian, and Montenegrin 


Croatian and Slovenian 


Dalmatian, Bosnian, and Her^egovinian. . 


Dutch and Flemish 


English . . . 


Finnish ... 


French . . 


German 


Greek... 


Hebrew... 


Irish 


Italian, North 


Italian, South 


Lithuanian.. 


Magvar 


Polish.. 


145, 670 
11,415 
17, 670 
27, 149 
28,169 
67, 785 
33,460 
38, 756 
11,575 
9,188 
3,147 
4, 203 


Portuguese 


Roumanian 


Russian 


Ruthenian 


Scandinavian . 


Scotch 


Slovak 


Spanish 


Syrian 


Turkish . . . 


Welsh. 


Total.... 


1,405.703 


1,388,310 


94.7 



It will be noted that 94.7 per cent of the total number of European 
immigrants admitted to the United States during the two years under 
consideration had been preceded by relatives or friends whom they 
expected to join. Only one race the Spanish, with 66.7 per cent 
falls greatly below the average in this regard. It is worthy of note 
that the percentage of persons going to join relatives or friends is 



60 



The Immigration Commission. 



greater among the newer immigration from the south and east of 
Europe than among the elder immigrant races from northern and 
western European countries. The difference between the two groups 
in this regard is shown in the following table : 

TABLE 39. European immigrants (including Syrian} going to join relatives 
or friends in the United States during the fiscal years 1908 and 1909, by 
class. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner-General of Immigration.] 



Class. 


Total 
number. 


Going to join relatives 
or friends. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Old immigration . ... 


442,653 
1,023,050 


395, 944 
992, 3(56 


89.4 
97.0 


New immigration 


Total 


1,465,703 


1,388,310 


94 7 





The above table not only indicates a very general relationship 
between admitted immigrants and those who follow, but it suggests 
forcibly that emigration from Europe proceeds according to well- 
defined individual plans rather than in a haphazard way. 

CONTRACTS TO LABOR IN THE UNITED STATES. 

The investigation of the Commission in Europe did not disclose 
that actual contracts involving promises of employment between 
employers in the United States and laborers in Europe were responsi- 
ble for any very considerable part of the present emigration move- 
ment. It will be understood, however, that this statement refers 
only to cases where actual bona fide contracts between employers and 
laborers exist rather than to so-called contract-labor cases, as defined 
in the sweeping terms of the United States immigration law, which 
classifies as such all persons 

who have been induced or solicited to migrate to this country by offers or 
promises of employment or in consequence of agreements, oral, written, or 
printed, express or implied, to perform labor in this country of any kind, skilled 
or unskilled. * * * 

Under a strict interpretation of the law above quoted it would seem 
that in order to escape being classified as contract laborers, immi- 
grants coming to the United States must be entirely without assur- 
ance that employment will be available here. Indeed, it is certain 
that European immigrants, and particularly those from southern 
and eastern Europe, are, under a literal construction of the law, for 
the most part contract laborers, for it is unlikely that many emi- 
grants embark for the United States without a pretty definite knowl- 
edge of where they will go and what they will "do if admitted. 
Natural instinct dictates such a condition, even though the contract- 
labor law, in letter if not in spirit, forbids even the semblance of an 
agreement in this regard. 

" It should not be understood, however, that the committee believes 
that contract labor in its more serious form does not exist. Undoubt- 
edly many immigrants come to the United States from southern an< 
eastern Europe as the result of definite, if not open, agreements wit " 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 61 

employers of labor here, as is shown by the separate report of the 
Commission on the subject, but, as previously stated, actual and 
direct contract-labor agreements can not be considered as the direct 
or immediate cause of any considerable proportion of the European 
emigration movement to the 'United States. As before stated, emi- 
grants as a rule are practically assured that employment awaits 
them in America before they leave their homes for ports of embarka- 
tion, and doubtless in a majority of cases they know just where and 
what the employment will be. This is another result of letters from 
former emigrants in the United States. In fact, it may be said that 
immigrants, or at least newly arrived immigrants, are" substantially 
the agencies which keep the American labor market supplied with 
unskilled laborers from Europe. Some of them operate consciously 
and on a large scale, but, as a rule, each immigrant simply informs 
his nearest friends that employment can be had and advises them 
to come. It is these personal appeals which, more than all other 
agencies, promote and regulate the tide of European emigration to 
America. 

ASSISTANCE OF FRIENDS. 

Moreover, the immigrant in the United States in a large measure 
assists as well as advises his friends in the Old World to emigrate. 
It is difficult and in many cases impossible for the southern and east- 
ern European to save a sufficient amount of money to purchase a 
steerage ticket to the United States. No matter how strong the de- 
sire to emigrate may be its accomplishment on the part of the ordi- 
nary laborer dependent upon his own resources can be realized only 
after a long struggle. To immigrants in the United States, however, 
the price of steerage transportation to or from Europe is relatively 
a small matter, and by giving or advancing the necessary money they 
make possible the emigration of many. It is impossible to estimate 
with any degree of accuracy what proportion of the large amount of 
money annually sent abroad by immigrants is sent for the purpose 
of assisting relatives or friends to emigrate, but it is certain that the 
aggregate is large. The immediate families of immigrants are the 
largest beneficiaries in this regard, but the assistance referred to is 
extended to many others. 

Just what proportion of the present immigration is assisted in this 
way can not be determined. Some indication of this, however, is 
contained in the probable fact that about 25 per cent of the immi- 
grants admitted to the United States come on steamship tickets paid 
for in this country. In the calendar year 1907, 27.6 per cent or 64,384 
of the 233,489 steerage passengers embarking at Naples for the United 
States were provided with prepaid tickets. In all probability this 
is a fair average for all European ports. 

STEAMSHIP TICKET AGENTS. 

Next to the advice and assistance of friends and relatives who have 
already emigrated, the propaganda conducted by steamship ticket 
agents is undoubtedly the most important immediate cause of emi- 
gration from Europe to the United States. This propaganda flour- 

Reports of the Immigration Commission, vol. 2, Contract Labor and As- 
sisted and Induced Immigration. 






62 The Immigration Commission. 

ishes in every emigrant-furnishing country of Europe, notwithstand- 
ing the fact that the promotion of emigration is forbidden by the 
laws of many such countries as well as by the United States immigra- 
tion law, which provides as follows : a 

SEC. 7. That no transportation company or owner or owners of vessels, or 
others engaged in transporting aliens into the United States, shall, directly 
or indirectly, either by writing, printing, or oral representation, solicit, invite, 
or encourage the immigration of any aliens into the United States, but this 
shall not be held to prevent transportation companies from issuing letters, cir- 
culars, or advertisements stating the sailings of their vessels and terms and 
facilities of transportation therein, and for a violation of this provision any 
such transportation company, and any such owner or owners of vessels, and 
all others engaged in transporting aliens into the United States, and the agents 
by them employed, shall be severally subjected to the penalties imposed by 
section 5 of this act. 

The penalty referred to in the above-quoted section is $1,000 for 
each offense. It is, of course, difficult, if not impossible, to secure a 
really effective enforcement of this provision of the United States 
law, but undoubtedly it does supplement the emigration laws of 
various European countries in compelling steamship ticket agents to 
solicit emigration in a secret manner rather than openly. 

It does not appear that steamship companies, as a rule, openly or 
directly violate the provisions of the United States immigration law 
quoted, but through local agents and subagents of such companies 
it is violated persistently and continuously. Selling steerage tickets 
to America is the sole or chief occupation of large numbers of per- 
sons in southern and eastern Europe, and from the observations of 
the Commission it is clear that these local agents, as a rule, solicit 
business, and consequently encourage emigration, by every possible 
means. 

No data are available to show even approximately the total num- 
ber of such agents and subagents engaged in the steerage-ticket busi- 
ness. One authority stated to the Commission that two of the lead- 
ing steamship lines had five or six thousand ticket agents in Galicia 
alone, and that there was " a great hunt for emigrants " there. The 
total number of such agents is very large, however, for the steerage 
business is vastly important to all the lines operating passenger ships, 
and all compete for a share of it. The great majority of emigrants 
from southern and eastern European countries sail "under foreign 
flags; Italian emigrants, a large proportion of whom sail under the 
flag of Italy, being the only conspicuous exception. Many Greek, 
Russian, and Austrian emigrants sail on ships of those nations, but 
the bulk of the emigrant business originating in eastern and southern 
European countries, excepting Italy, is handled by the British, Ger- 
man, Dutch, French, and Belgian lines. There is at present an agree- 
ment among the larger steamship companies which, in a measure, 
regulates the distribution of this traffic and prevents unrestricted com- 
petition between the lines, but this does not affect the vigorous and 
widespread hunt for steerage passengers which is carried on through- 
out the chief emigrant-furnishing countries. 

The Commission's inquiry and information from other sources 
indicates that the attempted promotion of emigration by steamship 
ticket agents is carried on to a greater extent in Austria, Hungary, 

Immigration act of February 20, 1907. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 63 

Greece, and Russia than in other countries. The Russian law, as 
elsewhere stated, does not recognize the right of the people to emi- 
grate permanently, and while the large and continued movement of 
population from the Empire to overseas countries is proof that the 
law is to a large degree inoperative, it nevertheless seems to restrict 
the activities of steamship agents. Moreover, there were, at the time 
of the Commission's inquiry, two Russian steamship lines carrying 
emigrants directly from Libau to the United States, and the Gov- 
ernment's interest, in the success of these lines resulted in a rather 
strict surveillance of the agents of foreign companies doing business 
in the Empire. Because of this much of the work of these agents 
is carried on surreptitiously. In fact, they were commonly de- 
scribed to the Commission as ^secret agents." Emigration from 
Russia is, or at least is made to appear to be, a difficult matter, and 
the work of the secret agents consists not only of selling steamship 
transportation, but also in procuring passports, and in smuggling 
across the frontier emigrants who for military or other reasons can 
not procure passports, or who because of their excessive cost elect 
to leave Russia without them. This was frequently stated to the 
Commission, and Inspector Cowan, of the Bureau of Immigration, 
who investigated emigration conditions in Russia in 1906, makes 
essentially the same assertion. A Russian official at St. Petersburg 
complained to the Commission that Jewish secret agents of British 
lines in Russia had been employed to induce Christians, not JCAVS, to 
emigrate. Mr. Cowan also reported that it was learned that some 
letters had been received by prospective emigrants containing more 
information than the dates of sailing, etc. (as provided by section 1 
of the immigration act), and also that on market days in some places 
steamship agents would mingle with the people and endeavor to 
incite them to emigrate. 

The Hungarian law strictly forbids the promotion of emigration, 
and the Government has prosecuted violations so vigorously that at 
the time of the Commission's visit the emigration authorities ex- 
pressed the belief that the practice had been effectually checked. It 
was stated to the Commission that foreign steamship lines had con- 
stantly acted in controvention of the Hungarian regulations by 
employing secret agents to solicit business, or through agents writing 
personal letters to "prospective emigrants advising them how to leave 
Hungary without the consent of the Government. Letters of this 
nature were presented to the Commission. Some of them are accom- 
anied by crudely drawn maps indicating the location of all the 
Iimgarian control stations on the Austrian border, and the routes 
f travel by which such stations can be avoided. The Commission 
/as shown the records in hundreds of cases where the secret agents 
f foreign steamship companies had been convicted and fined or 
prisoned for violating the Hungarian law by soliciting emigra- 
tion. It was reported to the Commission that m one year at Kassa, 
Hungarian city on the Austrian border, eight secret agents of 
e German lines were punished for violations of the emigration 
aw. 

In Austria at the time of the Commission's visit, there was compar- 
atively little agitation relative to emigration. Attempts had bee 
made to enact an emigration law similar to that of Hungary, but 




i made 



64 The Immigration Commission. 

these were not successful. The solicitation of emigration, however, 
is forbidden by law, but it appeared that steamship ticket agents 
were not subjected to strict regulation as in Hungary. Government 
officials and others interested in the emigration situation expressed 
the belief that the solicitations of agents had little effect on the emi- 
gration movement, which was influenced almost entirely by economic 
conditions. It was not denied, however, that steamship agents do 
solicit emigration. 

The Italian law strictly forbids the solicitation of emigration by 
steamship agents and complaints relative to violations of the law were 
not nearly so numerous as in some countries visited. Nevertheless 
there are many persons engaged in the business of selling steerage 
tickets in that country and the Commission was informed that consid- 
erable soliciting is done. This is confirmed by Hon. T. V. Powderly, 
of the Bureau of Immigration, who investigated emigration condi- 
tions in Italy in 1906. Mr. Powderly states that steamship agents 
solicit business much as insurance agents do, and that in many in- 
stances they do not concern themselves with the character or mental 
or physical condition of their customers, their sole object being to 
increase their commissions. He states that one method adopted is to 
translate editorials and articles from American newspapers relative 
to the prosperity of the United States, which articles are distributed 
among prospective emigrants. He also reports a curious method of 
presenting at church doors cards containing verses and hymns in 
praise of the United States. 

The Commission found that steamship agents were very active in 
Greece, and that the highly-colored posters and other advertising 
matter of the steamship companies were to be found everywhere. 
According to its population Greece furnishes more emigrants to the 
United States than any other country, and the spirit of emigration is 
so intense among the people that solicitation by steamship companies 
probably plays relatively a small part, even as a contributory cause 
of the movement. 



ASSISTED EMIGRATION. 



The United States immigration law numbers among the excluded 
classes a 

any person whose ticket or passnge is paid for with the money of another, or 
who is assisted by others to come, unless it is affirmatively and satisfactorily 
shown that such person does not belong to one of the foregoing excluded 
classes, and that said ticket or passage w;is not paid for by any corporation, 
association, society, municipality, or foreign government, either directly or 
indirectly. 

Emigration from Europe to the United States through public as- 
sistance is so small as to be of little or no importance. It is con- 
ceivable as well as probable that local authorities sometimes assist in 
the emigration of public charges and criminals, but such instances 
are believed to be rare. It is admitted that local officials in Italy 
sometimes issue to criminals passports to the United States in viola- 
tion of the decree forbidding it, but even this is not a very common 
practice. As a matter of fact, European nations look with regret 

. , _ 

Immigration act of February 20, 1907, sec. 2. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 65 

on the emigration of their young and able-bodied men and women, 
and the comity of nations would prevent the deportation of criminals 
and paupers to a country whose laws denied admission to such classes, 
however desirable their emigration might be. Besides, the assisted 
emigration to the United States of the aged or physically or mentally 
defective would be sure to result in failure because of the stringent 
provisions of the United States immigration law. In the earlier 
days of unrestricted immigration it is well known that large num- 
bers of paupers and other undesirables were assisted to emigrate, or 
were practically deported, from the British Isles and other countries 
to the United States. Even at the present time, as shown in the 
Commission's report on the immigration situation in Canada, there 
is a large assisted emigration from England to Canada and other 
British colonies, but it does not appear that there is any movement 
of this nature to the United States. 

On the other hand, various nations of the Western Hemisphere 
make systematic efforts in Europe to induce immigration. The Cana- 
dian government maintains agencies in all the countries of northern 
and western Europe, where the solicitation of emigration is per- 
mitted, and pays a bonus to thousands of booking agents for direct- 
ing emigrants to the Dominion. Canada, however, expends no 
money in the transportation of emigrants. Several South American 
countries, including Brazil and Argentine Republic, also systemat- 
ically solicit immigration in Europe. 

Several American States have attempted to attract immigrants by 
the distribution in Europe of literature advertising the attractions of 
such States. A few States have sent commissioners to various coun- 
tries for the purpose of inducing immigration, but, although some 
measure of success has attended such efforts, the propaganda has had 
little effect on the movement as a whole. 



JEWISH EMIGRATION SOCIETIES. 



In many cities of Europe are societies whose purpose is to assist 
I the Jews of Russia and Roumania to emigrate and to protect them 
i on their journey to ports of embarkation. It would be strange if 
some of these societies did not assist emigrating members of the race 
i in violation of the letter of the United States law, although no such 
! instances came directly to the attention of the Commission. From 
i all that could be learned from and about the more important Jewish 
organization of this nature, however, it appears that they do not as- 
sist emigrants to the extent of affording them transportation to the 
United States. 

The Roumanian agent of the Jewish Colonization Association, 
otherwise the Baron de Hirsch Fund, stated to the Commission that 
the society does not financially assist any Jew to go to the United 
States. He said that the organization sends to Canada and Argen- 
tina persons who have actually been expelled from farming villages 
and thereafter refused admission to some large city, in which cases 
the emigrant pays all the fare he is able to, and the organization 
pays the rest. 

The Immigration Situation in Other Countries. Reports of the Immigration 
imission, vol. 40. (S. Doc. 761, 61st Cong., 3d sess.) 



66 The Immigration Commission. 

The foregoing attitude of the organization toward assisting emi- 
gration from Roumania to the United States is substantiated by 
the experience of a member of the Commission in conversation with 
workers in the sweatshops of the Jewish quarter in Bucharest, which 
is stated as follows : 

I went into each shop, without previous notice, and in nearly every shop 
some man or woman expressed a desire to go to America. Whenever such a 
wish was expressed, I asked, " Why not go to the Jewish Colonization Society? " 
And in every instance the people told me that the society only helps those who 
can pay their own way. One young man asked me if a hundred francs would 
take him to America, and I told him no, but suggested that he take his 100 
francs to the society and ask them for the balance, but he said he knew this 
would be useless. Nearly every worker in these shops would go to America 
if possessed of the necessary money. At the various houses they brought me 
pictures of prosperous looking relatives in the United States, but in many 
instances they said that their relatives either had practically forgotten them, 
or that they seldom heard from them. 

Officials of the Jewish Colonization Association in Paris stated 
the objects of that organization to the Commission. It was pointed 
out that every country from which many citizens emigrate was com- 
pelled to frame laws regulating this emigration, and protecting the 
emigrant from various frauds and abuses he is liable to meet with 
on his way. The Jews alone w^ere up to recent date unprotected, and 
were easy prey of unscrupulous agents, runners, money changers, etc., 
and the association endeavored to protect them in this regard. Emi- 
grants leaving Russia and Roumania were assisted in securing pass- 
ports. In those countries, it was stated, the Jewish Colonization 
Association has an arrangement with the governments whereby pass- 
ports are given gratis to Jewish emigrants who are recommended by 
the association, provided they declare that they will never return 
to their native land, while in cases where the emigrants themselves 
apply for passports, the cost is about 30 rubles in Russia, and 25 lei 
in Roumania. Moreover, when an emigrant applies for a passport, 
he often has to wait weeks, even months before the document is 
issued, while the representatives of the association generally get the 
passport within a few days after applying. It was further stated 
that many emigrants do not know where it is best for them to go, 
and that the local committees of the association give such persons 
advice in this regard. Of late, the officials said, they are advising all 
those who express a desire to emigrate to the United States to go to 
the Southern and Western States. The Russian division of the 
association has issued tracts in the Russian and Yiddish languages 
describing in detail the resources of such States and the opportuni- 
ties they offer to immigrants. Previously it was often the case that 
many emigrants who suffered from contagious eye and scalp diseases 
sold out all their belongings and Avent to ports of embarkation intend- 
ing to embark for the United States. These were rejected by the 
steamship companies and many families were thus ruined, and often 
remained in the port cities, becoming public charges on the Jewish 
communities. To obviate this the Jewish Colonization Association 
has physicians who carefully examine all those intending to go to 
the United States, and who apply to them, before leaving their native 
cities. 

The Commission was assured that this is all the assistance ren- 
dered to Jewish emigrants to the United States who come in contact 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 67 



with the association, and that under no circumstances are emigrants 
going to the United States given any material assistance. In excep- 
tional cases, it was stated, as after an anti-Jewish riot in Russia or 
Roumania, when material assistance is absolutely necessary, the emi- 
grants are assisted to go to Argentina, Brazil, or, rarely, to Canada, 
but that the United States as a destination in such cases is out of the 
question. 

Mr. Jaques Bigart, secretary of the Alliance Israelite Universelle, 
Paris, and executive manager of all the work and activites of the alli- 
ance, assured the Commission that the alliance never assists emi- 
grants who are on the way to the United States. In substantiation 
of this assertion several letters were exhibited which were addressed 
to the local committees in Roumania, Russia, Germany, and Austria, 
and in which it is emphatically stated that Jewish emigrants to the 
United States should only be given proper advice as to cost of trans- 
portation, the shortest routes to travel, etc., and should also be aided 
to procure passports, but that under no circumstances should they be 
materially assisted. M. Bigart said that persons who are destitute 
and deserving of material assistance are assisted to emigrate to South 
America, particularly Argentina and Brazil, and in exceptional cases 
to Canada. 

EMIGRATION OF CRIMINALS. 

That former convicts and professional criminals from all countries 
come to the United States practically at will can not and heed not 
be denied, although it seems probable that in the popular belief the 
number is greatly exaggerated. This class emigrates and is admitted 
to this country, and, in the opinion of the Commission, the blame 
can not equitably be placed elsewhere than on the United States. 
The Commission is convinced that no European government encour- 
ages the emigration of its criminals to this country. Some coun- 
tries take no measures to prevent such emigration, especially after 
criminals have paid the legal penalties demanded, but others, and 
particularly Italy, seek to restrain- the departure of former convicts 
in common with other classes debarred by the United States immi- 
gration law. The accomplishment of this purpose on the part of 
Italy is attempted by specific regulations forbidding the issuance of 
passports to intended immigrants who have been convicted of a fel- 
ony or other crime or misdemeanor involving moral turpitude within 
the meaning of the United States law. Under the Italian system 
local officials furnish the record upon which is determined the in- 
tending emigrant's right to receive a passport, and it is not denied 
that some officials at times violate the injunctions of the Government 
in this regard, but, as a whole, the Commission believes the effort is 
honestly made and in the main successfully accomplished. The weak- 
ness and inefficiency of the system, however, lies in the fact that 
passports are not demanded by the United States as a requisite of 
admission, and although subjects of Italy may not leave Italian ports 
without them, there is little or nothing to prevent those unprovided 
from leaving the country overland without passports or with pass- 
ports to other countries and then embarking for the United States 
from foreign ports. Thus it is readily seen that the precaution of 
Italy, however effective, is practically worthless without cooperation 
on the part of the United States. 



CHAPTER V. 
INSPECTION OF EMIGRANTS ABROAD. 

The practice of examining into the physical condition of emigrants 
at the time of embarkation is one of long standing at some European 
ports. In the earlier days, and in fact until quite recently, the pur- 
pose of the inspection was merely to protect the health of steerage 
passengers during the ocean voyage. The Belgian law of 1843 pro- 
vided that in case the presence of infectious disease among passengers 
was suspected there should be an examination by a naval surgeon, in 
order to prevent the embarkation of afflicted persons. The British 
steerage law of 1848, the enactment of which followed the experiences 
of 1847, when thousands of emigrants driven from Ireland by the 
famine died of ship fever, provided that passengers should be exam- 
ined by a physician, and those whose condition was likely to endanger 
the health of other passengers should not be permitted to proceed. 
Similar laws or regulations became general among the maritime 
nations and are still in effect. 

The situation is also affected somewhat by provisions of the United 
States quarantine law, which require American consular officers to 
satisfy themselves of the sanitary condition of ships and passengers 
sailing for United States ports. The laws above referred to are in- 
tended to prevent the embarkation of persons afflicted with diseases 
of a quarantinable nature, and the only real and effective protec- 
tion this country has against the coming of the otherwise physically 
or mentally defective is the United States emigration law, which, 
through rejections and penalties at United States ports, has made 
the transportation of diseased emigrants unprofitable to the steamship 
companies. This law is responsible for the elaborate system of exami- 
nation which prevails at ports of embarkation and elsewhere in 
Europe at the present time. 

EFFECT OF UNITED STATES IMMIGRATION LAWS. 

The selection of immigrants by means of national laws denying 
entrance to the United States to persons of certain classes began in 
1875 a with the enactment of a statute which provided that 

It shall be unlawful for aliens of the following classes to immigrate into the 
United States, namely : Persons who are undergoing a sentence for conviction 
in their own country of felonious crimes other than political or the growing out 
of or the result of such political offenses, or whose sentence has been remitted 
on condition of their emigration, and women " imported for the purposes of 
prostitution." 

It was further provided that 

Every vessel arriving in the United States may be inspected under the direc- 
tion of the collector of the port at which it arrives, if he shall have reason to 






Act of Mar. 3, 1875 ; 18 Stat., pt 3, p. 477. 



70 The Immigration Commission. 

believe that any such obnoxious persons are on board; and the officer making 
such inspection shall certify the result thereof to the master or other person in 
charge of such vessel, designating in such certificate the person or persons, if 
any there be, ascertained by him to be of either of the classes whose importa- 
tion is hereby forbidden. When such inspection is required by the collector as 
aforesaid, it shall be unlawful, without his permission, for any alien to leave 
any such vessel arriving in the United States from a foreign country until the 
inspection shall have been had and the result certified as herein provided ; and 
at no time thereafter shall any alien certified to by the inspecting officer as 
being of either of the classes whose immigration is forbidden by this section be 
allowed to land in the United States, except -in obedience to a judicial process 
issued pursuant to law. 

The act of August 3, 1882, prohibited the landing at United States 
ports of any 

convict, lunatic, idiot, or any person unable to take care of himself or herself 
without becoming a public charge. 

This act also provided that all foreign convicts, except those con- 
victed of political offenses, should, upon arrival, be sent back to the 
nations to which they belonged. In 1885 b contract laborers were 
added to the other excluded classes. 

The first really comprehensive immigration law, however, was en- 
acted in 1891. c This provided for a medical examination of immi- 
grants arriving at United States ports by surgeons of the Marine- 
Hospital Service, and for the exclusion of idiots, insane persons, 
paupers, or persons likely to become a public charge, persons suffer- 
ing from a loathsome or a dangerous contagious disease, criminals, 
polygamists, and certain classes of assisted immigrants. The act of 
1891 further provided 

that all aliens who may unlawfully come into the United States shall, if prac- 
ticable, be immediately sent back on the vessel by which they were brought in. 
The cost of their maintenance while on land, as well as the expense of the re- 
turn of such aliens, shall be borne by the owner or owners of the vessel on 
which such aliens came; * * * 

This legislation marked the real beginning of the systematic ex- 
amination of immigrants at United States ports, and the number of 
rejections which resulted soon compelled steamship companies to exer- 
cise some degree of care in the selection of steerage passengers at 
foreign ports. 

The necessity of an examination abroad, however, was greatly in- 
creased by two subsequent events. The first of these occurred in 1897, 
when trachoma d was classed by the United States Public Health and 
Marine-Hospital Service as a " dangerous contagious " disease within 
the meaning of the immigration law of 1891, and the second in 1903, 
when Congress, by the immigration act of that year, 6 provided that a 
fine of $100 should be imposed on steamship companies for bringing 
to a United States port an alien afflicted with a loathsome or dan- 
gerous contagious disease, when the existence of such disease might 



a Immigration act of August 3, 1882 ; 22 Stat, p. 214. 

* Contract Labor act of Feb. 26, 1885 ; 23 Stat., p. 332. 
c Immigration act of Mar. 3, 1891 ; 26 Stat., p. 1084. 

* Granulation of the conjunctiva of the eyelids attended by Inflammation. 
Webster. 

Immigration act of Mar. 3, 1903; sec. 9, 32 Stat., pt. 1, p.' 1213. 



" 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 



71 



have been detected by a competent medical examination at the foreign 
port of embarkation. 

As already noted, previous to this enactment the law merely pro- 
vided that steamship companies should return rejected aliens at their 
own expense, a requirement obviously difficult of enforcement, and, 
in any event, not very expensive to the carrier. The fine of $100 
in each case of a loathsome or dangerous contagious disease that 
might have been detected at a foreign port, however, made the elimi- 
nation of such- cases a business necessity, and it was not long until a 
much more thorough and effective examination abroad was instituted 
by the steamship companies. 

The immigration law of 1907, at present in force, increased the 
causes for which a fine of $100 may be imposed on steamship com- 
panies to include also idiots, imbeciles, epileptics, and persons af- 
flicted with tuberculosis, whose condition might have been detected 
at the foreign port of embarkation. 



IMMIGRANTS REJECTED AT UNITED STATES PORTS. 

The effect of the various laws in debarring undesirable immi- 
grants since 1892 is indicated by the following table, which shows the 
number rejected by years at all United States ports as compared 
with the total number of immigrants admitted in such years : 

TABLE 40. Immigrants admitted and aliens debarred at United States ports 
during the fiscal years 1892 to 1910, inclusive. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner General of Immigration.] 



Year. 


Immigrants 
admitted. 


Aliens 
debarred. 


Ratio. 


1892. 


579, 663 


2, 164 


1 to 268 


1893 


439, 730 


1.053 


1 to 418 


1894 


285, 631 


1,389 


1 to 206 


1895. 


258,536 


2,419 


1 to 107 


1890 


343,267 


2,799 


1 to 123 


1897 


230, 832 


1,617 


1 to 143 


1898 


229, 299 


3 030 


1 to 76 


1899 


311,715 


3,798 


1 to 82 


1900 


448, 572 


4,246 


1 to 106 


1901 


487,918 


3,516 


1 to 139 


1902.. 


648, 743 


4,974 


1 to 130 


1903 


857, 046 


8,769 


1 to 98 


1904 


812, 870 


7,994 


1 to 102 


1905 


1,026,499 


11,879 


1 to 86 


1906. 


1,100,735 


12, 432 


1 to 89 


1907 


1,285,349 


13,064 


1 to 98 


1908... 


782, 870 


10,902 


Ito 72 


;1909... 


751, 786 


10,411 


Ito 72 


1910 . 


1,041,570 


24, 270 


1 to 43 










Total. 


11,922,631 


130, 721 


Ito 91 











It will be remembered that in 1897 the United States Public Health 
ind Marine-Hospital Service classed trachoma as a " dangerous 
contagious " disease, within the meaning of the United States immi- 




a Immigration act of Feb. 20, 1907. 
70524 VOL 411 6 



72 The Immigration Commission. 

p 

gration law. The cause of this action is explained in a publication of 
the Marine-Hospital Service, as follows : 

The increasing prevalence of trachoma in the United States attracted wide- 
spread attention for some years prior to 1897. Cases and outbreaks of the dis- 
ease, especially among school children and the alien population, were noted by 
numerous observers, and because of the contagiousness of the disease and the 
seriousness of its sequelae, it was regarded as a menace to the public health. 

Fewer cases had been observed among native-born Americans, and the in- 
crease was attributed to the influx of a large alien population to the congested 
centers along the Atlantic seaboard and elsewhere. 

During the past twenty-five years immigrants have come from as many 
countries. During the first fifteen years of this quarter of a century the bulk 
of immigration came from northern Europe, principally Germany, Scandinavia, 
and the British Isles countries in which trachoma is relatively infrequent. 
During the past twelve years the tide of immigration from southern Europe has 
been steadily increasing, until at the present time the larger part of the alien 
population arriving at our shores originates in Italy, Austria-Hungary, the 
Russian Empire, and countries bordering on the northern and eastern shores 
of the Mediterranean. 

This change in the source of arriving immigrants and resulting difference in 
the character of the people is very significant, and in all probability accounts for 
the marked increase of the disease noted above. 

Prior to 1897 ophthalmologists and representative bodies urged that imme- 
diate steps be taken to prevent the further importation of the disease, in the 
belief that such precautions would be an important factor in the elimination 
of the disease from the country. Dr. Miles Standish, of Boston, an eminent 
authority on diseases of the eyes, in an article which appeared in the Medical 
Communications of the Massachusetts Medical Society (vol. 17, No. 11), 
referred to this question in part as follows : 

" I may say in passing that the presence of acute trachoma in the con- 
junctiva of immigrants should be a good an,d sufficient reason for turning them 
back whence they came. A large proportion of these cases within a few 
months after their arrival become incapacitated and are public charges. And 
not only this, but were it not for the new cases thus introduced in the great 
tenement localities of our large cities, it is my opinion that the disease would 
soon become extremely rare in this part of the country." 

No doubt existed as to the seriousness of trachoma. Its contagious character 
was admitted, and it was believed that fresh importations only served to 
propagate the disease and cause additional burdens on the State. A communi- 
cation was therefore addressed to the Commissioner of Immigration, October 
30, 1897, declaring that the disease should be classified as " dangerous con 
tagious," in accordance with the immigration law' of 1891, thus making man- 
datory the deportation of all arriving aliens who are so afflicted. 

Since that time thousands of aliens afflicted with trachoma have been certi-, 
fied at United States ports and excluded from landing. 

The effect of making trachoma a cause for debarring alien immi- 
grants from entering United States ports is clearly apparent in the 
preceding table. The order, as above stated, was issued on October 
30, 1897, or three months after the beginning of the fiscal year 1898, 
and it will be noted that rejections during that year reached a total 
of 3,030 as compared with 1,617 in the preceding fiscal year 1897, an 
increase of 87.4 per cent, while the ratio of rejections to admissions 
increased from 1 to 143 in 1897 to 1 to 76 in 1898. 

As indicated by the table, the proportion of rejections to admis- 
sions has decreased notably in some years since 1898, but this is due 
to causes other than loathsome or dangerous contagious diseases, as 
will be seen from the next table which shows the principal causes 
for which aliens were rejected in the years under consideration. 

Trachoma, its Character and Effects. Public Health and Marine-Hospital 
Service of the United States. Washington, 1907. 



. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 



73 



TABLE 41. Aliens debarred at all United States ports during the fiscal years 
1892 to 1910. inclusive, by cause. 

[Compiled from annual reports of the Commissioner-General of Immigration.] 



Year. 


Total 
debarred. 


Cause of debarment. 


Loathsome 
or 
dangerous 
contagious 
diseases. 


Otrer 
phj sical 
or rhei tal 
diseases 
or defects. 


Pauf ers 
or persons 
likely to 
become 
public 
charges. 


Contract 
laborers. 


Allother 
causes. 


18 c i2 


2,164 
1,053 
1,389 
2,419 
2,799 
1,617 
3,030 
3,798 
4,246 
3,516 
4,974 
8,769 
7,994 
11,874 
12, 432 
13,064 
10,902 
10,411 
24, 270 


80 
81 
15 


21 
11 
9 
6 
11 
7 
13 
20 
33 
22 
34 
24 
49 
130 
231 
218 
1,246 
726 
696 


1,002 
431 

802 
1,714 
2,010 
1,277 
2,261 
2,599 
2,974 
2,798 
3,944 
5,812 
4,798 
7,898 
7,069 
6,866 
3,710 
4,402 
15,918 


932 
518 
553 
694 
776 
328 
417 
741 
833 
327 
275 
1,086 
1,501 
1,164 
2,314 
1,434 
1,932 
1,172 
1,786 


129 
12 
10 
5 


1893 


1894 


1895 


1896 


2 
1 

258 
348 
393 
309 
709 
1,773 
1,560 
2,198 
2,273 
3,822 
2,900 
2,382 
3,123 


1897 


4 
81 
90 
13 
60 
12 
74 
86 
484 
545 
724 
1,114 
1,729 
2,747 


1898 


1899 


1900 


1901 


1902 


1903 


1904 


1905 


1906 


107 


1908 


1909 


1910 




Year. 


Per cent. 


Loathsome 
or 
dangerous 
contagious 

diseases. 


Other 
physical 
or mental 
diseases 
or defects. 


Paur ers 
or re? sons 
like y to 
become 
public 
charges. 


Centre ct 
laborers. 


All other 
causes. 


1892 


3.7 
7.7 
1.1 


1.0 
1.0 
.6 
.2 
.4 
.4 
.4 
.5 
.8 
.6 
.7 
.3 
.6 
1.1 
1.9 
1.7 
11.4 
7.0 
2.8 


46.3 

40.9 
57.7 
70.9 
71.8 
79.0 
74.6 
68.4 
70.0 
79.6 
79.3 
66.3 
60.0 
66.5 
56.9 
52.6 
34.0 
42.3 
65.6 


43.1 
49.2 
39.8 
28.7 
27.7 
20.3 
13.8 
19.5 
19.6 
9.3 
5.5 
12.4 
18.8 
9.8 
18.6 
11.0 
17.7 
11.3 
7.4 


6.0 
1.1 
.7 
.2 


1893 


1894 . 


1895 


1896 


.1 
.1 
8.5 
9.2 
9.3 
8.8 
14.3 
20.2 
19.5 
18.5 
18.3 
29.3 
26.6 
22 9 
12! 9 


1897 


.2 
2.7 
2.4 
.3 
1.7 
.2 
.8 
1.1 
4.1 
4.4 
5.5 
10.2 
16.6 
11.3 


1898 


1899 


1900 . 


1901 


1902 


1903 


1904 t 


1905 


1906 


1907 


i 1908 


' 1909. . . 


i 1910 





It will be noted from the above table that between 1898 and 1909 
there was a great increase in the proportion of rejections on account 
of loathsome and dangerous contagious diseases, as well as on account 
of other physical or mental diseases or defects, while there was a 
large decrease in the proportion of those rejected as paupers or per- 
sons likely to become public charges. The change in this regard in 
the fiscal year 1910 was due to the fact that an unusually large num- 
ber of aliens were rejected as paupers or persons likely to become 






74 The Immigration Commission. 

public charges, the fluctuation being due, in all probability, to admin- 
istrative interpretation of the law. 

Since the enactment of the immigration law of 1903, when carriers 
were for the first time subjected to a penalty, other than the obliga- 
tion of returning those rejected, for bringing diseased aliens of cer- 
tain classes to United States ports, fines for such action have been 
assessed in various fiscal years as follows: 

1904- _ $28,400 

1905 27, 300 

3906 . 24,300 

1907 37, 200 

1908 26,700 

1909 27,400 

1910 29, 900 

While the amount of fines imposed in any one year has not been 
large, compared with the rejections of aliens on account of loathsome 
or dangerous contagious diseases, ,as will be seen by reference to the 
table on page 73, it is certain that the law in this regard' has been 
exceedingly useful in preventing the embarkation of diseased emi- 
grants at foreign ports. 

The two sections of the law of 1907 which are responsible for the 
steamship companies' interest in an effective medical examination of 
emigrants at ports of embarkation abroad are as follows : 

SEC. -9. That it shall be unlawful for any person, including any transporta- 
tion company other than railway lines entering the United States from foreign 
contiguous territory, or the owner, master, agent, or consignee of any vessel to 
bring to the United States any alien subject to any of the following disabilities : 
Idiots, imbeciles, epileptics, or persons afflicted with tuberculosis or with a 
loathsome or dangerous contagious disease, and if it shall appear to the satis- 
faction of the Secretary of Commerce and Labor that any alien so brought to 
the United States was afflicted with any of the said diseases or disabilities at 
the time of foreign embarkation and that the existence of such disease or dis- 
ability might have been detected by means of a competent medical examination 
at such time, such person or transportation company, or the master, agent, 
owner, or consignee of any such vessel shall pay to the collector of customs of 
the customs district in which the port of arrival is located the sum of one 
hundred dollars for each and every violation of the provisions of this section ; 
and no vessel shall be granted clearance papers pending the determination of 
the question of the liability to the payment of such fine, and in the event such 
fine is imposed, while it remains unpaid, nor shall such fine be remitted or 
refunded. * * * 

SEC. 19. That all aliens brought to this country in violation of law shall, if 
practicable, be immediately sent back to the country whence they respectively 
came on the vessels bringing them. The cost of their 'maintenance while on. 
land as well as the expense of the return of such aliens shall be borne by the. 
owner or owners of the vessels on which they respectively came; and if any 
master, person in charge, agent, owner, or consignee of any such vessel shall 
refuse to receive back on board thereof, or on board of any other vessel owned 
or operated by the same interests, such aliens, or shall fail to detain them 
thereon, or shall refuse or fail to return them to the foreign port from which 
they came, or to ray the cost of their maintenance while on land, or shall make 
any charge for the return of any such alien, or shall take any security from 
him for the payment of such charge, such master, person in charge, agent, 
owner, or consignee shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor and shall, on 
conviction, be punished by a fine of not less than three hundred dollars for 
each and every such offense; and no vessel shall have clearance from any port 
of the United States while any such fine is unpaid. * * * 



The measures taken by steamship companies at the various po 
of Europe to avoid the penalties imposed by these sections will appear 
later. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 75 



THE UNITED STATES QUARANTINE LAW. 

Mention has been made of the United States quarantine law as a 
partial safeguard against the embarkation of diseased emigrants for 
the United States. It is this law which authorizes American con- 
sular officials, acting as quarantine officers, to participate with more 
or less effectiveness, according to circumstances, in the inspection of 
emigrants abroad, and as the activities of -such officers at European 
ports will be frequently referred to in what follows such parts of the 
quarantine law of 1893 as relate to their duties in this regard are 
given herewith in order that the situation may be fully understood : 

SEC. 1. That it shall be unlawful for any merchant ship or other vessel from 
any foreign port or place to enter any port of the United States except in 
accordance with the provisions of this act and with such rules and regulations 
of State and municipal health authorities as may be made in pursuance of, or 
consistent with, this act; and any such vessel which shall enter, or attempt 
to enter, a port of the United States in violation thereof shall forfeit to the 
United States a sum. to be awarded in the discretion of the court, not exceed- 
ing five thousand dollars, which shall be a lien upon said vessel, to be recovered 
by proceedings in the proper district court of the United States. * * * 

SEC. 2. That any vessel at any foreign port clearing for any port or place in 
the United States shall be required to obtain from the consul, vice-consul, or 
other consular officer of the United States at the port of departure, or from 
the medical officer where such officer has been detailed by the President for 
that purpose, a bill of health, in duplicate, in the form prescribed by the Sec- 
retary of the Treasury, setting forth the sanitary history and condition of said 
vessel, and that it has in all respects complied with the rules and regulations 
in such cases prescribed for securing the best sanitary condition of the said 
vessel, its cargo, passengers, and crew ; and said consular or medical officer is 
required, before granting such duplicate bill of health, to be satisfied that the 
matters and things therein stated are true; and for his services in that behalf 
he shall be entitled to demand and receive such fees as shall by lawful regu- * 
lation be allowed, to be accounted for as is required in other cases. 

The President, in his discretion, is authorized to detail any medical officer 
of the Government to serve in the office of the consul at any foreign port for 
the purpose of furnishing information and making the inspection and giv- 
ing the bills of health hereinbefore mentioned. Any vessel clearing and sailing 
from any such port without such bill of health, and entering any port of the 
United States, shall forfeit to the United States not more than five thousand 
dollars, the amount to be determined by the court, which shall be a lien on the 
same, to be recovered by proceedings in the proper district court of the United 
States. * * * 

SEC. 3. * * * The Secretary of the Treasury shall make such rules and 
regulations as are necessary to be observed by vessels at the port of departure 
and on the voyage, where such vessels sail from any foreign port or place to 
any port or place in the United States, to secure the best sanitary condition 
of such vessel, her cargo, passengers, and crew; which shall *be published 
and communicated to and enforced by the consular officers of the United 
States. * * * 

SEC. 4. That it shall be the duty of the Supervising Surgeon-General of the 
rine-Hospital Service, under the direction of the Secretary of the Treasury, 
perform all the duties in respect to quarantine and quarantine regulations 
ich are provided for by this act, and to obtain information of the sanitary 
dition of foreign ports and places from which contagious and infectious 
diseases are or may be imported into the United States, and to this end the 

Jular officer of the United States at such ports and places as shall be desig- 
d by the Secretary of the Treasury shall make to the Secretary of the 
sury weekly reports of the sanitary condition of the ports and places at 
which they are respectively stationed, according to such forms as the Secre- 
tary of the Treasury shall prescribe. * * * 

An act granting additional quarantine powers and imposing additional 
ties upon the Marine-Hospital Service. Approved Feb. 15, 1893 ; 27 Stat. L., 
449. 




E 




76 The Immigration Commission. 

SEC. 5. That the Secretary of the Treasury shall from time to time issue to 
the consular officers of the United States and to the medical officers serving 
at any foreign port, and otherwise make publicly known, the rules and regu- 
lations made by him, to be used and complied with by vessels in foreign ports, 
for securing the 'best sanitary conditions of such vessels, their cargoes, pas- 
sengers, and crew, before their departure for any port in the United. States, 
and in the course of the voyage. * * * 

SEC. 7. That whenever it shall be shown to the satisfaction of the President 
that by reason of the existence of cholera or other infectious or contagious 
diseases in a foreign country there is serious danger of the introduction of the 
same into the United States, and that notwithstanding the quarantine defense 
this danger is so increased by the introduction of persons or property from such 
country that a suspension of the right to introduce the same is demanded in 
the interest of the public health, the President shall have' power to prohibit, in 
whole or in part, the introduction of persons and property from such countries 
or places as he shall designate and for such period of time as he may deem 
necessary. 

It will be noted from the above-quoted provisions of the quaran- 
tine law that consular officers are required to satisfy themselves that 
ships sailing to United States ports, as well as the cargo, passengers, 
and crew of such ships, are in good sanitary condition. This is the 
basis for such consular examinations of emigrants as are in force at 
European ports. 

An important provision of the law is that which authorizes the 
President to detail medical officers to serve in the office of the consul 
at any port for the purpose of making the quarantine law effective. 
This authority has been exercised at various times. In fact, during 
the winter of 1899-1900 officers of the Marine-Hospital Service were 
on duty at the American consular offices in London, Liverpool, Glas- 
gow, Queenstown, Southampton, Havre, Marseille, Hamburg, 
Bremen, Antwerp, Rotterdam, Naples, Genoa, Barcelona, and Cadiz. 
This detail was made on account of the appearance of plague in 
various parts of Europe. The plague having disappeared, these 
officers were recalled in the summer of 1900, with the exception of 
four, who were detailed for service for a time in the offices of the 
American consuls-general in London, Paris, Berlin, and Vienna, and 
one who remained at Naples, where, as will be explained, officers of 
the Marine-Hospital Service have since been stationed for the pur- 
pose of examining emigrants. 

INSPECTION OF EMIGRANTS IN EUROPE. 

How to prevent the embarkation at foreign ports of emigrants 
who, under the immigration law, can not be admitted at United 
States ports, is a serious problem, in which the welfare of the emi- 
grant is the chief consideration. In a purely practical sense, except 
for the danger of contagion on shipboard, the United States is not 
seriously affected by the arrival of diseased persons at ports of 
entry, because the law does not permit them to enter the country. 

From a humanitarian standpoint, however, it is obviously of the 
greatest importance that emigrants of the classes debarred by law 
from entering the United States be not allowed to embark at foreign 
ports. This is accomplished in a large measure under the present 
system of inspection abroad, for in ordinary years at least five in- 
tending emigrants are turned back at European ports to one debarred 
at United States ports of arrival. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 77 

In view of the importance of the subject, the Commission made a 
careful investigation of examination systems prevailing at the ports 
of Amsterdam, Antwerp, Bremen, Cherbourg, Christiania, Copen- 
hagen, Fiume, Genoa, Glasgow, Hamburg, Harve, Libau, Liverpool, 
Londendorry, Marseille, Messina, Naples, Palermo, Patras, Piraeus, 
Queenstown, Rotterdam, and Southampton, from which ports prac- 
tically all emigrants for the United States embark. 

There is little uniformity in the systems of examination in force 
at these ports. At Naples, Palermo, and Messina, under authority 
of the United States quarantine law, and by agreement with the 
Italian Government and the steamship companies, the medical exami- 
nation of steerage passengers is made by officers of the United States 
Public Health and Marine-Hospital Service, who exercise practically 
absolute control in this regard. These officers examine for defects 
contemplated by the United States immigration law every intended 
emigrant holding a steerage ticket and advise the rejection of those 
whose physical condition would make their admission to the United 
States improbable. While acting unofficially these officers have the 
support of both government and steamship officials, and their sug- 
gestions relative to rejections are always complied with. 

The other extreme, so far as United States control is concerned, 
exists at Antwerp, where the Belgian Government is unwilling to 
yield even partial control of the situation, this attitude being due in 
part to a former disagreement incidental to the administration of 
the United States quarantine law at that port. At this port not even 
American consular officers are permitted to interfere in the examina- 
tion of emigrants. Between these extremes there exists a variety 
of systems in which, for the most part, American consular officials 
perform more or less important functions, as outlined in the United 
States quarantine law previously referred to. As a practical illus- 
tration of the value of examinations at the various ^European ports 
in preventing the embarkation of diseased or otherwise undesirable 
emigrants, the Commission, as will appear later, has made a compara- 
tive study showing rejections, by cause, at United States ports of 
emigrants from different ports of Europe. 

The examination of intending emigrants, however, is not confined 
entirely to ports of embarkation, but in several instances is required 
when application for a steamship ticket is made or before the emi- 
grant has proceeded to a port of embarkation. The most conspicuous 
example of such preliminary examination is the control-station sys- 
tem which the German Government compels the steamship companies 
to maintain on the German-Russian and German- Austrian frontiers. 
There are 13 of these stations on the frontier and 1 near Berlin. 
Germany, as a matter of self -protection, requires that all emigrants 
from eastern Europe intending to cross German territory to ports of 
embarkation be examined at such stations, and such as do not comply 
with the German law governing the emigrant traffic through the 
Empire or who obviously would be debarred at United States ports, 
are rejected. During the year ending June 30, 1907, 11,814 out of 
455,916 intended emigrants inspected were turned back at these 
stations. The German control-station system is discussed at greater 
length elsewhere. 1 ' 






See p. SO. & See p. 93. 



78 The Immigration Commission. 

In some countries an effort is made to prevent intending emigrants 
from leaving home unless it is evident that they will meet the re- 
quirements of examinations at control stations, ports of embarka- 
tion, or of the United States immigration laws. This is particu- 
larly true of Hungary, where at several points there is local super- 
vision of the departure of emigrants for seaports. While this 
supervision is largely due to Hungary's purpose of controlling emi- 
gration, particularly where emigrants are liable to military service, 
the system prevents many from leaving home who would be rejected 
at ports of embarkation on account of disease. Members of the 
Commission witnessed an examination of this nature at Budapest 
and at Kassa, the northern terminus of the Hungarian state railway, 
where a government control station had recently been established. 
Formerly the examination at Kassa was controlled by the city police, 
but at the time of the committee's visit it was under the supervision 
of the frontier state police. It was the duty of the officer in charge 
at Kassa to examine all intended emigrants on their arrival at the 
railway station and to. see that their departure was in accordance 
with both the Hungarian and the United States law. There was no 
medical examination, but the officer advised those whose physical 
condition was obviously defective that they would probably be re- 
jected at the port of embarkation or at the United States port of 
arrival. Such emigrants, however, were allowed to proceed if they 
were disposed to do so. A case of this nature was observed by 
members of the Commission at the police-control station at Budapest, 
where a youthful emigrant who met the requirements of the Hun- 
garian law was allowed 'to proceed to Fiume with a warning that 
he would be rejected there. 

The numbers of rejections at the police-control stations in Hun- 
gary is not inconsiderable. According to the police records, 9.489 
emigrants arrited at Kassa during the calendar year 1906 and 262 
were rejected, while during the first five months of 1907. 6,526 emi- 
grants arrived and 207 were rejected. 

Medical examinations, with a view to determining the admissi- 
bility of emigrants under the United States law, are not uncommon 
in connection with the sale of steamship tickets. A member of 
the Commission, found this to be the practice in Warsaw, where the 
ticket business is carried on secretly. At Gothenburg it was stated 
that steamship agents were particular not to sell tickets to emigrants 
whom they suspected of being diseased until the applicant had passed 
a private medical examination. The most conspicuous example of 
examinations in connection with the purchase of United States tickets 
was found in Greece, and this resulted from a most forcible illustra- 
tion of the rigidity of the United States law. 

In 1906 the Austro-Americano Company, which was then new in 
the emigrant carrying business, had over 300 emigrants refused 
admission to the United States and returned on a single voyage. 
On arrival at Trieste these returned emigrants mobbed the steamship 
company's office, and the experience resulted in the establishment by 
the Austro-Americano Company of a systematic scheme of examining 
intended emigrants in Greece. Agents of the company in that 
country sent their head physician to study the medical examination 
of immigrants at United States ports, and physicians were pr~ 




Emigration Conditions in Europe. 79 

vided for the forty subagencies of the company in different parts of 
Greece. Under the system in force in Greece, before any document 
is given to an intended emigrant he is examined by the physician 
attached to the subagency. If that physician accepts him he re- 
ceives a medical certificate, makes a deposit toward the price of his 
ticket, and space is reserved for him on a steamer. When he goes 
to the port of embarkation, the emigrant is examined by the com- 
pany's head physician, and if accepted is permitted to complete his 
purchase of a ticket. On the day of sailing all emigrants are again 
examined at the company's office. Following the inauguration of 
this system of examinations there was a great and immediate reduc- 
tion in the number of rejections at United States ports of immigrants 
brought from Greece by the Austro- Americano Line. 

In Italy it is the policy of the Government to examine the records 
of intended emigrants at the time application is made for a passport, 
and unless the applicant can comply with the Italian and United 
States laws the passport is refused. But this refers particularly to 
the cases of criminals and convicts rather than to the physically de- 
fective, and usually Italian and many other emigrants are given their 
first medical examination at ports of embarkation. 

From records of steamship companies aitd official records at ports 
of embarkation the Commission secured data relative to rejections at 
most of the principal ports of Europe, and also records of rejec- 
tions at the German control stations, for the thirteen months ending 
December 31. 1907. During that period 11,882 intended emigrants 
destined to the ports of Bremen, Hamburg, and Rotterdam were 
turned back at the control stations referred to, and 27,799 more were 
rejected at the ports of Bremen, Fiume, Genoa, Glasgow, Hamburg, 
Havre, Libau, Liverpool, Messina, Naples, Palermo, Patras, Queens- 
town, Rotterdam, and Trieste, a total of 39,681. It was impossible 
to secure data respecting rejections at some ports, and at others 
complete data were not available. Consequently, the total given 
above undoubtedly falls considerably short of the total number who 
were turned back. 

During the fiscal year ending June 30, 1907, a total of 13,064 immi- 
grants were rejected at United States ports, and for the three fiscal 
years ending June 30, 1909, the total number of immigrants from 
all sources rejected was 34,377, or 5,304 less than were turned back 
at the European ports and control stations above mentioned in a 
period of thirteen months. 

The large number of rejections at United States ports is not es- 
sentially an unfavorable reflection on the medical examinations con- 
ducted 'in Europe for the reason that the latter are in the main 
onfined to the physical condition of emigrants, while at United 
tates ports the examination is much broader, as may be illustrated 
y the fact that more are rejected there as paupers and persons likely 
o become public charges than on account of physical defects. 6 It is, 
of course, in the interest of the steamship companies that persons 
likely to be rejected at United States ports be denied the privilege 
of crossing the ocean, for rejected persons must be returned at the 
xpense of the company bringing them, and besides there is the 

See Table 45, p. 122. 6 See table, p. 73. 



80 The Immigration Commission. 

likelihood of a fine being imposed for bringing diseased persons. 
But this is not all, for, in addition to the requirements of the 
United States law relative to the return of rejected immigrants to 
ports of embarkation, European laws, as a rule, require that steam- 
ship companies forward those returned to their homes, or home 
countries, which in many cases are at a considerable distance from 
the ports at which the rejected ones embarked. The Italian law 
relative to emigrants returned from foreign ports imposes even 
greater burdens on the carriers. Under that law the returned emi- 
grant is entitled to damages from the carrier if he can prove that 
the carrier was aware, before his departure from Italy, that he could 
not be admitted under the law of the country to which he emigrated. 
A tribunal known as the arbitration commission has been established 
in each Province of Italy to examine cases of this nature, and the 
emigrant who has been returned may make a claim before that com- 
mission without expense to him. In many cases, besides returning 
the passage money, the carrier is compelled to pay the returned 
emigrant for loss of wages incurred by reason of his journey across 
the sea. For these reasons the transportation of emigrants who can 
not be admitted to the United States is usually unprofitable, but not- 
withstanding this fact some companies are willing to assume con- 
siderable risk for the sake of increasing their steerage business. In 
the main, however, the examinations conducted at the various ports 
are good and effective, so far as concerns the physical condition of 
emigrants, and as a safeguard against the transportation of the dis- 
eased, who are certain to be rejected at United States ports, they are 
of the greatest importance, a fact whicli the Commission believes is 
not always fully realized by students of the immigration problem in 
the United States. 

INSPECTION AT PORTS AND CONTROL STATIONS. 

In order that the various systems of examination in force at 
European ports may be understood, a description of the method of 
handling and examining emigrants at the principal ports is given 
herewith. 

ANTWERP. 

Unlike other European ports, American officials have no part in 
the examination or embarkation of emigrants sailing from Antwerp 
for the United States. Belgium will not tolerate the least interfer- 
ence on the part of officials of foreign governments in the matter, and 
consequently the American consular authorities are not permitted to 
even perfunctorily perform the duties required by the United States 
quarantine law in connection with the departure of vessels for United 
States ports. 

The inspection of emigrants departing from Antwerp and bound 
for the United States is entirely under the supervision of the Belgian 
commission of emigration, which is composed of a commissioner, an 
assistant commissioner, a chief surgeon, an assistant surgeon, and 
nine inspectors. The governor of the Province is ex officio president 
of this commission. The commission has been in operation since 1884. 
The object of the organization is to see to the safety and well-being 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 81 

of emigrants while they are in Belgium; to secure them against un- 
scrupulous exploiters; to inspect their lodging houses; to prescribe 
necessary sanitary measures ; to isolate all cases of contagious disease. 
The commission is always willing to carry out the inspection in 
accordance with the requirements of foreign countries as far as they 
are compatible with the Belgian law, but the Government recognizes 
no power in any foreign official to exercise authority or supervision. 
A few hours before sailing emigrants pass an inspection under 
Belgian laws by Belgian officials. The steamship line is represented 
by its chief physician and the surgeon of the outgoing ships. Every 
emigrant is carefully examined, particularly as to the condition of 
his eyes and skin. If passed he receives an inspection card which 
admits him to the steamer and without which he can not go aboard. 
These cards are stamped by the Belgian inspectors rather than by 
American consular or medical officers, as is usual at European ports. 
On two occasions in recent years officers of the United States 
Public Healthand Marine-Hospital Service have been detailed for 
service at Antwerp in connection with the inspection of emigrants 
and emigrant-carrying ships sailing for United States ports. Fol- 
lowing the cholera epidemic at Hamburg in 1892, Congress enacted 
the quarantine law of February 15, 1893, and in April of the latter 
year an officer of the service referred to was stationed at Antwerp, 
as a few cases of cholera had been reported at that port. This officer 
was permitted by the Red Star Line to act officially on their ships 
sailing for the United States, but was allowed to attend the inspection 
of emigrants on shore only in a non official capacity. The detail 
ended in December, 1893, when United States Marine-Hospital offi- 
cers stationed at various European ports were recalled. An officer of 
this service was again detailed for service at Antwerp in December, 
1899, when the plague was prevalent in eastern Europe. This officer 
was allowed to be present at the inspection of emigrants, but merely 
as a spectator, and the examination, as before, was exclusively con- 
ducted by the Belgian officials. 

Only one steamship line, the Red Star, carries emigrants from the 
port of Antwerp to the United States. This line has a fleet of six 
steamers, two of which transport emigrants exclusively. Most of 
the emigrants arrive on the day previous to the sailing and are 
lodged in the numerous boarding houses for this purpose, which are 
supervised by the sanitary authorities of the port and the Belgian 
commission of emigration. Emigration from Belgium is small, and 
most of the steerage passengers carried by the Red Star line come 
from eastern Europe. 

The Commission did not secure a record of rejections at Antwerp, 
but as in the case of other ports at which eastern Europeans apply 
for passage a considerable numbor are turned back. A large propor- 
tion of the emigrants intending to sail from Antwerp, however, pass 
through the control stations on the German- Austrian frontier, and 
many, of course, are rejected as a result of the examination there who 
otherwise would be turned back at Antwerp. 

It is interesting to note that, although American officials have no 
part in the examination of emigrants at Antwerp, the records of re- 
jections at United States ports indicate that the examination there 
is more effective than at most European ports. During the period 



82 The Immigration Commission. 



covered by the Commission's inquiry, as will appear later, the per 
cent of steerage passengers embarking at Antwerp who are rejected 
at United States ports is much smaller than among emigrants from 
Bremen, Hamburg, and Rotterdam. Practically the same classes of 
emigrants embark at these ports as at Antwerp, and at all but the 
latter American consular officers have a part in the examination. 

BRITISH PORTS. , 

The British aliens act of 1905 a provides that 

An immigrant shall not be landed in the United Kingdom from an immigrant 
ship except at a port at which there is an immigrant officer appointed under 
this act, and shall not be landed at tiny such port without the leave of that 
officer given after an inspection of the immigrants made by him on the ship, or 
elsewhere if the immigrants are conditionally disembarked for the purpose, in 
company with a medical inspector, suc.h inspection to be made as soon as 
practicable, and the immigration officer shall withhold leave in the case of any 
immigrant who appears to him to be an undesirable immigrant within the 
meaning of this section. 

It is further provided that 

For the purposes of this section an immigrant shall be considered an un- 
desirable immigrant if he can not show that he has in his possession or is in 
a position to obtain the means of decently supporting himself and his de- 
pendents (if any) ; or if he is a lunatic or an idiot, or owing to any disease 
or infirmity appears likely to become a charge upon the rates or otherwise a 
detriment to the public ; or if he has been sentenced in a foreign country with 
which there is an extradition treaty for a crime, not being an offense of a 
political character, which is, as respects that country, an extradition crime 
within the meaning of the extradition act, 1870 ; or if an expulsion order under 
this act has been made in his case; but, in the case of an immigrant who 
proves that he is seeking admission to this country solely to avoid prosecution 
or punishment on religious or political grounds or for an offense of a political 
character, or persecution, involving danger of imprisonment or danger to life 
or limb, on account of religious belief, leave to laud shall not be refused on the 
ground merely of want of means, or the probability of his becoming a charge 
on the rates, * * * 

The above provisions of law, however, afford no protection to the 
United States, for aliens in transit through Great Britain to another 
country are not considered as " immigrants " within the meaning of 
the British law, as wfll be seen from section 8 of the aliens act, which 
provides in part as follows : 

The expression "immigrant" in this act means an" alien steerage passenger 
who is to be landed in the United Kingdom, but does not include any passenger 
who shows to the satisfaction of the immigration officer or board concerned with 
the case that he desires to land in the United Kingdom only for the purpose of 
proceeding within a reasonable time to some destination out of the Unired 
Kingdom; or any passengers holding prepaid through tickets to some such 
destination, if the master or owner of the ship by which they are to be taken 
away from the United Kingdom gives security to the satisfaction of the sec- 
retary of state that, except for the purposes of transit or under other circum- 
stances approved by the secretary of state, they will not remain in the United 
Kingdom or, having been rejected in another country, reenter the United King- 
dom, and that they will be properly maintained and controlled during their 
transit. * * * 

It is apparent from the above-quoted sections of the aliens act that 
transmigrants of any class are free to enter Great Britain, provided 
there is an assurance that undesirables will not be permitted to remain 

5 Edw., 7 ch., 13. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 83 



in the country. The attitude of Great Britain differs from that of 
Germany in this regard, for the law of the latter country provides 
that intending emigrants to the United States shall not be. permitted 
to pass through German territory if it is obvious that they could not 
be admitted at United States ports. The situation in Canada is 
similar to that in Germany, the Canadian immigration law provid- 
ing that no immigrant, passenger, or other person, unless he is a 
Canadian citizen, or has Canadian domicile, shall be permitted to 
land in Canada, or in case of having landed in or entered Canada 
shall be permitted to remain therein, who belong to any of the follow- 
ing classes, hereinafter called " prohibitive classes " : Idiots, imbeciles, 
feeble-minded persons, epileptics, insane persons, and persons who 
have been insane within five years previous. Persons afflicted with 
any loathsome disease or with a disease which is contagious or in- 
fectious or which may become dangerous to the public health, whether 
such persons intend to settle in Canada or only to pass through 
Canada in transit to some other country. 

In assuming no authority over persons in transit the British aliens 
act puts on the steamship companies the responsibility of turning 
back at British ports of embarkation emigrants who are deemed as 
undesirable within the meaning of the United States immigration 
law. 

Under the British merchant shipping act of 1894-1897, however, 
a medical inspection of emigrants is made at every port of embarka- 
tion. This is provided for in the following sections of the act 
referred to: 

Medical inspection. 

SEC. 306. (1) An emigrant ship shall not clear outward or proceed to sea 

until (a) either a medical practitioner, appointed by the emigration officer at 

the port of clearance, has inspected all the steerage passengers and crew about 

to proceed in the ship, and has certified to the emigration officer, and that 

officer is satisfied, that none of the steerage passengers or crew appear to be 

by reason of any bodily or mental disease unfit to proceed, or likely to^endanger 

the health or safety of the other persons about to proceed in the ship; or 

(&) the emigration officer, if he can not on any particular occasion obtain the 

attendance of a medical practitioner, grants written permission for the purpose. 

(2) The inspection shall take place either on board the ship, or, in the 

j discretion of the emigration officer, at such convenient place on shore before 

! embarkation, as he appoints, and the master, owner, or charterer of the ship 

i shall pay to the emigration officer in respect of the inspection such fee, not 

exceeding twenty shillings for every hundred persons or fraction of a hundred 

; persons inspected, as the board of trade determine. 

(8) If this section is not complied with in the case of ajiy emigrant ship, the 
master of the ship shall for each offence be liable to a fine not exceeding one 
hundred pounds. 

SEC. 307. (1) If the emigration officer is satisfied that any person on board 
or about to proceed in any emigrant ship is by reason of sickness unfit to pro- 
ceed, or is for that or any other reason in a condition likely to endanger the 
health or safety of the other persons on board, the emigration officer shall pro- 
hibit the embarkation of that person, or, if he is embarked, shall require him 
to-be relanded; and if the emigration officer is satisfied that it is necessary 
for the purification of the ship or otherwise that all or any of the persons on 
board should be relanded, he may require the master of the ship to reland all 
those persons, and the master shall thereupon reland those persons, with s 
much of their effects and with such members of their families as can not, in 
judgment of such emigration officer, be properly separated from them. 



84 The Immigration Commission. 

(2) If any requirement of this section is not complied with in the case of 
any emigrant ship, the master, owner, or charterer of the ship, or any of them, 
shall for each offence be liable to a fine not exceeding two hundred pounds. 

(3) If any person embarks when so prohibited to embark, or fails without 
reasonable cause to leave the ship when so required to be relanded, that person 
may be summarily removed, and shalf be liable to a fine not exceeding forty 
shillings for each day during which he remains on board after the prohibition 
or requirement. 

(4) Upon such relanding the master of the ship shall pay to each steerage 
passenger so relanded, or, if he is lodged and maintained in any hulk or 
establishment under the superintendence of the board of trade, then to the 
emigration officer at the port, subsistence money at the rate of one shilling and 
sixpence a day for each statute adult until he has been reembarked or de- 
clines or neglects to proceed, or until his passage money, if recoverable under 
this part of this act, has been returned to him. 

Similar provisions of law have been in force at British ports for 
more than thirty years. 

It will be noted that the British law is intended solely to prevent 
the embarkation of emigrants or members of the crew who appear to 
be by reason of any bodily or mental disease unfit to proceed, or 
likely to endanger the health or safety of other persons about to 
proceed in the ship. 

While the requirements of the United States immigration law are 
not taken into account, the examination by British medical officers is 
of value in preventing the sailing of some undesirable emigrants, but 
its effectiveness in this regard is greatly impaired by the fact that 
trachoma is not regarded as a dangerous disease within the meaning 
of the British law, which, of course, necessitates a thorough medical 
inspection of emigrants by the steamship companies. 

The method of conducting the examination of emigrants at the 
principal British ports of embarking is shown in what follows : 

Glasgow. 

The method of medical examination in practice here is identical 
with the one which prevails at Liverpool. Continental emigrants, 
upon their arrival at Glasgow, are assigned to the several boarding 
houses licensed by the city of Glasgow for the purpose, and conducted 
under the supervision of the steamship companies. As soon as pos- 
sible after their arrival at the boarding houses they are examined by 
a resident physician and by an eye specialist, both employed by the 
steamship companies. The resident physician makes daily examina- 
tions of such emigrants until the day of sailing. Whenever the eye 
specialist finds the emigrant suffering from 'some eye trouble which, 
in his opinion, would yield to treatment within a reasonable time he 
is put under treatment and held at Glasgow until such time as the 
disease is cured. Those whom he considers incurable are returned to 
their homes. The expense in connection with this treatment is borne 
by the steamship companies. It frequently happens that such emi- 
grants are held at Glasgow under treatment for as long as two or 
three weeks. Emigrants suffering from other diseases which can be 
cured in a short time are also held and treated at the steamship 
company's expense until they are fit to sail. On the day of sailing 
the emigrants are collected and taken to the railway station and 
placed in a special train which conveys them to Greenock, at which 
point they embark on the steamer. The final examination takes place 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 85 

at the gangplank as they proceed from the tender to the steamer. 
Present at this final examination are the American consul or vice- 
consul, the British Board of Trade doctor, the doctor of the ship 
about to sail, and police officers and detectives. The examining officer 
is the ship surgeon and in doubtful cases he consults with the board 
of trade doctor and with the American consular officer. This sys- 
tem of examination has been in force at the port of Glasgow for a 
considerable period, the only departure of importance being that 
when several passengers were rejected at Ellis Island because of 
trachoma the steamship companies appointed an eye specialist to 
examine the eyes of intending emigrants. 

The baggage of emigrants is not disinfected. The usual " inspected 
and passed " label is stamped by an employee of the steamship com- 
pany, who is furnished a rubber consular seal by the consulate for 
that purpose. 

The American consul at Glasgow stated that he did not give any 
special attention to the medical examination of emigrants, as he was 
satisfied that the steamship companies realized their responsibility 
and that they are honest in their efforts to avoid bringing to America 
any alien who would be returned because of some loathsome or con- 
tagious disease. He said, however, that he had always found the 
steamship companies very willing to accept any suggestions in the 
matter. 

During the period December 1, 1906, to December 31, 1907, there 
were 40 rejections at Glasgow on account of the Anchor Line, 26 of 
which were for trachoma. The Allan Line reported only 2 re- 
jections during the same period, both of which were for trachoma. 
The per cent of rejections at United States ports among immigrants 
embarking from Glasgow is larger than for any other British port 
except Londonderry. 

Liverpool. 

Liverpool is one of the four principal ports of Europe for the 

embarkation of emigrants, the others being Naples, Bremen, and 

.Hamburg. Emigrants from all parts of northern and eastern 

Europe pass through the port. The majority of the people from the 

l Continent land at Hull or Grimsby, where they are taken in charge 

i by representatives of the Liverpool lines and directed to their j)ortof 

embarkation. Several agents of the commission employed in the 

investigation of steerage conditions on trans- Atlantic ships passed 

through the port of Liverpool in the guise of emigrants. One of 

these agents describes his experiences there as follows: 

On my arrival at Liverpool we were separated into groups once more. Those 
destined for the White Star Line and the Dominion Line were met by the 
agents of those companies; we were met by an agent of the Cunard Line. 
Large busses with a seating capacity ranging from 6 to 25 awaited us right at 
the depot. Our hand baggage was put on top and off we went to the hotel. 
On our way we were divided again as to nationality, for the companies named 
try as far as possible to keep each nationality under one roof, or at least in one 
part of the hotel, thus avoiding unnecessary difficulties. Here my booted 
Polish friends and their crying children left me for a time to meet me again on 
board the . I was sent to fhe Scandinavian Hotel because they took me 
for a Scandinavian. 






See table, p. 126. 



86 The Immigration Commission. 

The Cunard Hotel system is a village by itself in the center of Liverpool, 
and consists of several buildings, holding over 2,000 guests if need be. In 
those hotels second as well as third cla%s passengers may remain until their 
steamer departs, entirely free of charge. At the Hotel Cunard, where we 
stayed, we were welcomed by a matron and a hotel keeper in the uniform of 
the Cunard Steamship Company. We were asked most kindly to eat something 
before we retired. I said I did not care for anything, but they insisted that I 
should eat something or at least drink a glass of milk. Then my room was 
shown to me. It held 10 beds and was well ventilated and provided with 
steam heat and electric lights. Both beds and floor were clean. I did not see 
any room in this hotel with more than 15 beds in it. Women are strictly 
separated from men in the sleeping rooms. 

There are two dining rooms, one with a seating capacity of about 500, one 
with 200. The meals are wholesome. A printed menu was found in several 
conspicuous places. The Hebrews who stay in a separate hotel get kosher 
cooked meals. 

The toilet and bathrooms were strictly sanitary and every part of them is 
marble and tile lined. The water-closets have running water. The hotel pro- 
vided towels and soap. Mostly all the hotel employees were Britonized for- 
eigners, so as to be able to understand the foreign-speaking guests. In our 
Scandinavian hotel for instance nearly all the employees were Swedes. 

The hotel or emigrant boarding-house system above described is 
similar to those maintained by the other steamship lines carrying 
passengers from Liverpool. On the arrival of emigrants at the 
steamship boarding houses they are examined by resident physicians 
of the steamship companies who visit the houses daily. In cases or 
suspected cases of infectious or contagious disease the emigrants 
are either rejected or held for further observation. 

While the majority of rejections at Liverpool are made at the 
boarding houses, a considerable number are turned back at the 
steamer on the day of sailing. Emigrants are required to board the 
ship several hours before sailing, and there the final examination is 
made. At this time emigrants are examined by one of the resident 
physicians of the steamship company, by the ship's doctor, and 
finally by a medical officer representing the British Board of Trade. 
Under the British law one or more board of trade physicians are 
stationed at every port from which emigrants sail, and at the time 
of the committee's visit the services of four such medical officers were 
required in connection with the embarkation of emigrants at Liver- 
pool. When the examination is concluded a representative of the 
American consulate stamps with the consular seal the inspection 
cards of those passed. As previously explained, the British Board 
of Trade doctors do not inspect emigrants for defects contemplated 
by the United States immigration law, and do not regard trachoma 
as a dangerous disease within the meaning of the British merchant 
shipping act. Consequently steamship companies are forced to exer- 
cise every precaution to prevent the embarkation of persons likely 
to be rejected at United States ports. As usual, particular attention 
is paid to trachoma, and eye specialists are employed by the various 
lines to examine for this disease. 

The various steamship companies at Liverpool endeavor to have 
their agents on the continent require a medical examination of in- 
tended emigrants in connection with the sale of tickets, and it was 
stated that some of the companies allow a fixed sum to cover the 
cost of such examination. Cabin passengers are not medically ex- 
amined at Liverpool. 



: 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 87 

When cholera, plague, or other infectious or contagious diseases 
prevail in continental countries from which emigrants come such 
emigrants are detained at Liverpool for at least five days, and 
are examined daily by the steamship company's resident phy- 
sician, who, after the completion of the observation, certifies to 
the American consul that he has made a daily inspection of the 
detained persons, that they are free from disease, and that they 
will sail on the ship specified. Until this certificate is presented 
the consular bill of health is not issued. On the arrival of pas- 
sengers from infected districts arrangements are made for the 
disinfection of their effects under the supervision of the American 
consulate. This baggage is disinfected in accordance with the 
United States quarantine laws and regulations. A representative of 
the American consulate is always present while the disinfecting 
process is in progress and does not leave the premises until it is 
completed. The committee was informed that the various steamship 
companies are always ready to carry out the requirements and sug- 
gestions of the consulate. 

Hon. John L. Griffiths, American consul at Liverpool, at the time 
of the Commission's inspection, made the following statement rela- 
tive to the situation at that port : 

I have given a great deal of attention to the matter of the examination of 
third-class passengers sailing from this port to America and think that the 
examinations by the medical representatives of the Government and by the 
ships' surgeons are in the main satisfactory. I have had recently an illus- 
tration at this consulate of the rigid character of these medical examinations. 
An Armenian girl has been detained in Liverpool for over six months on 
account of trachoma, and has been pronounced cured by the physician attend- 
ing her, and after such pronouncement has been twice rejected, the first time 
by the White Star Line, and the second time by the Cunard Company. The 
fact that the steamship companies are required to bring back all rejected 
passengers and are penalized for taking them over to America is of course, 
as you recognize, a most efficient safeguard. 

I have talked frequently with the medical officers who conduct the examina- 
tions for the Government and for the steamship companies, and have been 
impressed with their sincere desire to do everything they possibly can to pre- 
vent the sailing of any persons who are tainted with a contagious or infectious 
disease. Each third-class passenger is required to submit to at least three 
medical examinations before being finally accepted or rejected. I required 
; an affidavit from the ship's doctor as to all rejected passengers and the cause 
of rejection, so that evidence may be preserved of these facts. There is a 
representative from the consulate present at the final examination of third- 
class passengers sailing from Liverpool to American ports, and while he is 
not a medical expert and does not in any way control the medical examination, 
he does not stamp the "inspection card" until after the passenger has been 
medically examined and approved. In addition to this the vice-consul or 
nyself is present from time to time at these examinations. During the three 
fears and more that I have been at the Liverpool consulate there has been no 
Complaint as to ill-treatment of any sort on the part of third-class passengers, 
ir of inadequate accommodations, or inefficient or unpalatable food at the 
>oarding houses in Liverpool which are maintained by the steamship companies. 

It is the practice of steamship companies at Liverpool to detain 
n that city all rejected steerage passengers whose physical disabilities, 
n the opinion of the company ? s physician, would be likely to yield 
o medical treatment within a reasonable time. But this is only done 
rhen the company is assured by reliable persons or societies that the 
migrant will be produced when demanded by the steamship com- 

79524 VOL 411 7 



88 The Immigration Commission. 

pany or the inspector appointed under the British aliens act. This 
act permits the transmigration through England of diseased or other- 
wise undesirable aliens who would not be permitted to remain in that 
country, and emigrants other than British finally rejected at British 
ports are deported to the country whence they came. The British 
inspector is advised when emigrants are detained for treatment, as 
above explained, and is also informed as to the final disposition of 
case. The cost of the detention of diseased emigrants held for treat- 
ment is defrayed in various ways. In the case of Hebrews it is 
sometimes borne by the Jewish board of guardians, and sometimes by 
other charitable organizations, and in some cases the steamship com- 
panies meet the expense. 

Londonderry. 

Two steamship companies, the Anchor and Allan lines, transport 
emigrants from Londonderry to the United States. The traffic is 
not large from this port and there are few rejections. Emigrants 
are given a rather perfunctory examination by the medical officer 
of the board of trade when they board the tender which carries them 
to the ship at Moville, about 16 miles distant, and only in cases where 
the emigrant is obviously defective physically or mentally is a care- 
ful examination made. What is really the principal examination of 
emigrants sailing from Londonderry is made when they reach the 
steamer at Moville. Here the ship's doctor examines all passengers 
as they go on board. The American consular agent at London- 
derry attends the first examination. Emigrants embarking at this 
port are described as unusually strong and healthy. The manager of 
the Anchor Line stated to a representative of the Commission that 
according to the records of that company only two passengers had 
been rejected during the previous six years. The manager of the 
Allan Line stated that no records of this nature were kept by that 
company, but that in his opinion not more than six passengers a year 
are rejected. 

Queenstown. 

Queenstown is the chief port of embarkation for Irish emigrants 
They are brought from all parts of the island by rail and are lodged 
in boarding houses while awaiting sailing. Every week several ships 
sailing from Liverpool call at Queenstown for passengers, and usually 
emigrants do not remain at that port more than one night. As emi- 
grants board the tender which takes them to the ship they are given 
the usual examination by a British board of trade physician in the 
presence of the American consul or his deputy. The board of trade 
doctor and the American consular officer go with the emigrants to 
the ship, when they are given another examination by the ship's 
doctor. This includes both second and third class passengers, except 
those who are American citizens, and the examination is made chiefly 
for trachoma. The American consular officer then makes inquiry 
of the ship's doctor regarding the condition of the ship's passengers 
and crew since leaving Liverpool and issues a supplemental bill of 
health accordingly. When necessary, emigrants are vaccinated by 
the ship's doctor during the voyage. Emigrants' baggage is disin- 
fected only when some epidemic disease is prevalent in Ireland. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 



89 



Under normal conditions the usual " inspected and passed " label is 
affixed to the baggage and stamped with the American consular seal 
by an employee of the steamship company. On the whole the exami- 
nation as witnessed at Queenstown impressed the committee as per- 
functory; but, of course, the necessity of a thorough medical exami- 
nation is not so great there as at ports where southern and eastern 
Europeans embark. The number and causes of rejections at Queens- 
town on account of the American White Star and Cunard lines during 
the period covered by the Commission's inquiry are shown by the 
following table: 

TABLE 42. Number of emigrants rejected at Queenstown from December 1, 1906, 
to December 31, 1907, by steamship line and by cause. 



Cause. 


American. 


Cunard. 


White Star. 


Total. 


Trachoma 


2 


62 


22 


86 


Sore eyes % . 




4 


18 


22 






15 


3 


18 












Total 


2 


81 


43 


126 













/Southampton. 

Ships of the American Line have sailed from the port of South- 
ampton since 1882, and during that time emigrants have been ex- 
amined by the board of trade physician in accordance with the 
British regulation governing the embarkation of passengers. Emi- 
grants are also examined by the ship's doctor. From the beginning 
the authority of the United States consul in emigration matters has 
been recognized, and the American Line has enforced strict rules to 
protect steerage passengers from the danger of disease on shipboard. 
A modern disinfecting plant is maintained and when deemed neces- 
sary the baggage and clothing of emigrants are thoroughly disin- 
j fected. A large, well-located building, erected for the purpose, is 
used as an emigrant station, and emigrants arriving prior to the day 
of sailing are housed there. The emigrant station and equipment are 
! inspected b}^ the United States consulate at irregular times, and the 
i ; consul stated that the station has always been found in excellent 
I order and the disinfecting apparatus ready for immediate use. Par- 
. ticular attention is paid to conditions of health prevailing in the 
various parts of continental Europe furnishing emigrants to the 
American Line, and when infectious or contagious diseases prevail 
the traffic from the affected district is either refused or subjected to 
a strict examination and thorough disinfection on arrival at South- 
ampton. 

The details of the examination at Southampton, furnished to the 
Commission by Hon. Albert W. Swalm, United States consul there, 
are as follows: 

On the morning of sailing day two of the consular force go on board the 
vessel. * * * All emigrants coming from noninfected ports are examined 
by two duly qualified physicians. One is the surgeon of the ship, who makes 
the first examination. Those he rejects are put in charge of a steward and 
sept at one side, and those he passes go on to the second physician, who repre- 
sents the English Board of Trade, and if he finds anything not to his profes* 



90 The Immigration Commission. 

sional liking, the emigrant is sent to the rejected line and kept there. The 
final rejection of the ship's surgeon stands absolutely, and such rejected person 
is not allowed free action thereafter, as the company is held by the govern- 
mental authorities responsible for the repatriation of that individual to his 
former home. The English examination also includes the crew, for the dis- 
covery of any disease that might become either infectious or contagious. Emi- 
grants are landed by rail in a large dock shed and the examination takes place 
always in daylight and in a specially well-lighted passageway, and should they 
be needed powerful electric lights may be utilized. Thus each emigrant has 
to pass the critical examination of two physicians, while all the second-class 
passengers are looked after in practically the same way. No baggage of any 
emigrant is allowed to be put on board until the emigrant has passed the medical 
examination. Nor is any such baggage allowed to go on board until it has the 
inspection label pasted on, and this includes every parcel or box. The emi- 
grant rolls are made up, of course, at the company's office, but where a rejec- 
tion occurs a yellow certificate is attached to the sheet and the name or names 
marked out. 

This method of inspection has been in vogue in much the same way as far 
back as 1382 for the American Line, and the English method of examination 
dates back for about fifty years. 

According to the records of the United States consulate, intended 
emigrants were rejected at Southampton in various years as follows: 

1904 422 

1905 594 

1906 487 

1907 226 

1908 (Jan. 1 to Aug. 29) 441 

The above figures include rejections for the American and White 
Star lines, both of which carry emigrants from this port. About 70 
per cent of the rejections were on account of trachoma, and prac- 
tically all rejected had steerage tickets. Under the regulations sec- 
ond-class passengers are also examined, and those sailing first class 
are examined when necessary, but only five cabin passengers had been 
rejected during the three years preceding the committee's visit. 

In the opinion of Consul SAvalm the system of examining emigrants 
at Southampton can not well be bettered, and a careful enforcement 
of all the requirements of the law will accomplish all that is humanly 
possible, unless a control station is established where emigrants can 
be detained for extended medical observation prior to embarkation. 
The consul was also of the opinion that if intended emigrants could 
be compelled to present a medical certificate when applying for a 
steamship ticket much hardship would be avoided. He said that in 
a number of cases families had come to Southampton after sacrificing 
all their possessions in order to buy steamship tickets and had been 
refused the privilege of sailing because some member of the family 
did not pass the medical inspection. 

CHERBOURG. 

The following steamship lines carry emigrants irom the port of 
Cherbourg to the United States : The Hamburg- American, the North 
German Lloyd, the White Star, and the American. Under the 
French law emigrants sailing from a French port must be examined 
by a physician designated by the French Government, and at the time 
of the committee's inquiry two physicians were assigned to Cher- 
bourg for the purpose of making the examination. The steamship 
lines pay jointly to the Government the expenses of the examination. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 



91 



The examination by the government physicians takes place in the 
waiting room near the dock immediately before sailing time. Be- 
sides the two doctors, there are present the post commissioner of 
emigration and several police officers. This examination is of the 
most perfunctory order, rejections being rarely made by them. After 
this the emigrants are taken out to the ship in a tender, and as they 
go aboard they are examined by the ship's surgeon, especially for 
trachoma and favus. Emigration through the port of Cherbourg 
is not large, and complete information relative to rejections was not 
secured by the Commission. The records available, however, show 
that one person holding a second-class ticket and 66 holding steerage 
tickets by the White Star Line were rejected from June 1, 1907, to 
September 30, 1908, and that a total of 950 persons were rejected by 
the American Line during a period of about five years preceding 
the latter date. 

Rejections of persons intending to embark on ships of the Amer- 
ican Line from 1903 to September 30, 1908, are shown by the follow- 
ing table : 

TABLE 43. Number of emigrants rejected at Cherbourg (American Line) from 
1903 to September 30, 1908. 



Year. 


Second 
class. 


Third 

class. 


Total. 


1903 


2 


37 


39 


1904 . 


6 


163 


169 


1905 


4 


249 


253 


1906 


12 


216 


228 


1907 


11 


201 


212 


1908, Jan. 1 to Sept. 30 


5 


44 


49 










Total 


40 


910 


950 











CHRISTIANIA. 



The Scandinavian-American Line is the only steamship company 
carrying emigrants from Christiania direct to United States ports, 
and a large part of the Norwegian emigration is carried on its ships, 
while the remainder embark at British and other European ports. 
Emigrants sailing directly to United States ports are, in accordance 
with the laws of Norway, examined by an official of the board of 
health, but this examination is not required for emigrants who leave 
Norway to embark at foreign ports. The Norwegian emigration law 
allows the official examiantion to be held three days prior to the sail- 
ing of the ship, but, as a rule, it is made on the day of sailing. The 
examination takes place in a waiting room near the steamship quay, 
and second-class as well as steerage passengers are required to undergo 
it. The eyes, tongue, throat, and hands are carefully examined. 
The American consul has no part in the examination at Christiania. 
The steamship company has an American consular seal, and stamps 
each inspection card and the baggage labels, while the consul issues a 
bill of health for ships on the certificate of the chief of the board of 
health that each passenger has been examined and found free from 
disease. Emigrants' baggage is not disinfected at this port. No 
ecord is made of rejections at Christiania, but the chief of the board 






92 The Immigration Commission. 

of health stated that he had never found it necessary -to reject more 
than 2 or 3 per cent of those applying for transportation by the 
Scandinavian- American Line. The United States Immigration Serv- 
ice records show that the per cent of rejections is lower among 
immigrants embarking at Christiania than at most other European 
ports. This, of course, is due in part to the fact that the diseases for 
which most southern and eastern European emigrants are rejected at 
United States ports are not prevalent in Norway. 

COPENHAGEN, 

The Scandinavian- American Line is the only steamship company 
taking emigrants direct from Copenhagen to the United States, and 
aside from the fact that special attention is now given to diseases of 
the eye, the medical examination is practically the same as when this 
line entered the trade. By an agreement with other lines the Scandi- 
navian-American confines its efforts to secure steerage business to 
Scandinavia and Finland, but at the time of the committee's visit 
some Russians were enibarking at Copenhagen. Scandinavian emi- 
grants are not examined prior to their arrival in Copenhagen, but 
agents of the company in Finland are required to have applicants for 
transportation examined before tickets are sold. 

The final examination takes place in the waiting room of the steam- 
ship company on the day of sailing. Steerage passengers then pass 
before a police inspector of the city of Copenhagen, the city physi- 
cian, and the American counsul-general or vice-consul-general. The 
doctors examine the eyes and scalp, and if passed the emigrant's card 
is stamped by the inspector of police and also with the American 
consular seal. When Russian emigrants were carried they were re- 
quired to present a certificate of good health when applying for trans- 
portation. They were also examined by a police surgeon on their 
arrival in Copenhagen, and again on sailing day, and it was stated 
that approximately 10 per cent were rejected on account of disease. 
Very few Scandinavian or Finnish emigrants are rejected. Formerly 
first and second cabin passengers were examined at this port, but this 
practice was discontinued. 

Baggage of emigrants is inspected by an American consular officer, 
but disinfection is not required, unless there is an epidemic in the 
territory from which the emigrant comes. 

FITJME. 

Emigration to the United States through the port of Fiume began 
in 1904, when the Hungarian Government contracted with the Cunard 
Line to send two steamers a month to that port. Previous to that 
time the large emigration from Hungary embarked at various ports, 
but a large portion of it was directed to Fiume when a through steam- 
ship service to the United States was established. The system of 
handling and examining emigrants at Fiume is modeled after the 
system iii force at Hamburg. This was adopted after a Hungarian 
commission had studied the situation at that port. At the time of 
the committee's visit a new emigrant station, or emigrant hotel, was 

See table, p. 126. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 93 

nearing completion. This building, which is said to have cost about 
$300,000, is of steel and concrete construction, and is one of the best 
emigrant stations in Europe. Railway trains carrying intended emi- 
grants are run directly to the station. Upon their arrival these emi- 
grants are put into what is known as the " unclean " section of the 
station, and as soon as practicable are given a medical examination 
by a resident physician in the employ of the steamship company, and 
whenever deemed necessary they are required to bathe. They are 
then transferred to the " clean " section of the station, where they 
are daily inspected by physicians, and remain there until the day of 
sailing. At the time of embarkation emigrants are marched to the 
steamer, where they are examined by a physician appointed by the 
American consul and paid by the steamship company, the resident 
physician of the steamship company, and by the ship's doctor. The 
American consul is always present when the final medical examina- 
tion takes place, and baggage is disinfected and labeled under his 
direction. The consul stated that every possible facility was afforded 
to the doctor employed by the consulate. It was stated to the com- 
mittee that the consulate doctor had not recently found it necessary 
to make any recommendations for rejections over the decision of the 
steamship company's resident physician, for the reason that the 
latter had been unusually severe in rejecting all persons having 
tubercular affections of any kind, trachoma, scars, favus, cancer, 
syphilis, and venereal diseases of all kinds, and that but few emi- 
grants from Fiume were rejected at New York. A member of the 
Commission witnessing the examination at Fiume was satisfied that 
it was strict in the highest degree, and this is substantiated by the 
records of the United States Immigration Service at New York, 
which, as will appear later, a shows that the per cent of rejections is 
much smaller among immigrants sailing from Fiume than from any 
other south European port. 

During the period covered by the committee's inquiry, December 1, 
1906, to December 31, 1907, 4,789 intended emigrants were rejected 
at Fiume. 

GERMAN CONTROL STATIONS AND PORTS. 

Control stations. 

One of the most interesting instances of emigrant inspection in 
Europe is the control-station system on the German-Russian and 
German-Austrian frontier. There are thirteen of these stations 
located at railway points along the border, and through them passes 
a great tide of eastern European emigration which embarks at Brit- 
ish, French, Dutch, Belgium, and German ports. At these stations 
emigrants are required by a law of Germany to submit to a medical 
inspection, and those not meeting the requirements of that country 
or who obviously can not comply with the physical test applied to 
immigrants at United States ports are not allowed to pass over Ger- 
man soil, and every year thousands are turned back to the country 
whence they came. 

The system had its origin in the cholera epidemic of 1892, when the 
port of -Hamburg was badly infected, the disease presumably being 

See table, p. 126. 



4 The Immigration Commission. 

introduced by Russian emigrants bound for the United States. Im- 
mediately following this outbreak it was decreed that such emigrants 
should not be allowed to pass through German territory and sol- 
diers were stationed along the frontier to enforce the decree. This 
regulation w,as in effect for several months and resulted in a great 
loss to the steamship companies, for by that time the emigration 
movement from Russia to the United States had become large. The 
Hamburg- American and North German Lloyd lines were finally able 
to effect a compromise with the Government whereby the steamship 
companies were to erect and maintain control stations at frontier 
railway towns where all emigrants should undergo a thorough ex- 
amination before being allowed to pass through Germany. The pur- 
pose of these stations and the arrangements under which they were 
conducted in the period immediately following their establishment 
are shown in an order of the German minister of the interior, dated 
April 3, 1895, a translation of which was published in the annual 
report of the United States Commissioner-General of Immigration 
of that year. The text of the order follows : 

By reason of the refusal of the American immigration officials to land pauper 
immigrants, it was necessary to enact measures to prevent the overburdening 
of the German institutions for the poor with such alien immigrants as had been 
debarred in the United States and returned to German ports of embarkation. 
For that purpose it had been ordered that all alien emigrants crossing the 
Russian-Prussian or the Austro-Prussian frontiers on their way to the seaports 
shall be subjected to an examination by the police, and those who have been 
found liable to refusal by the American authorities as paupers shall not be 
granted permission to continue the trips to the seaports. These measures were 
compiled for the last time in the decree of October 8, 1893. Furthermore, in 
order to regulate the transit of emigrants from the Russian and the Austrian 
frontiers through Prussia to Hamburg and Bremen, and in view of certain 
guaranties furnished by them, some concessions were recently made to the 
North German Lloyd, in Bremen, and to the Hamburg-American Company, in 
Hamburg, as to their contracts for the transport of emigrants corning from 
Russia and Galicia at their crossing of the frontier. According to that 
arrangement, so-called control stations were established by the above-named 
steamship companies on the Russian frontier, viz, at Bajorhen (district of 
Memel), at Eydtkuhnen (district of Stalluponen), at Prostken (district of 
iLyck), at Illowo (district of Neidenburg), and at Ottlotschin (district of 
Thorn). 

At these stations all emigrants are subjected to an examination as to their 
health, and such persons as do not seem liable to be refused admission by the 
American authorities and whose transportation to America is undertaken by a 
representative of the above-named steamship companies will be permitted to 
continue their journey even without the prescribed certificates as to their 
pecuniary possessions, passports, or cabin tickets still in force, and they shall 
then be transported by the representative steamship companies, if possible, 
in separate sections and without being brought in contact with other people, to 
the ports of embarkation. Similar facilities have been arranged on the Austrian 
frontier at Myslowitz (district of Kattowitz) and at Ratibor, at which sta- 
tions, however, a medical examination is not required, but the name of each 
passenger contracted by the steamship companies is recorded under police 
supervision in two separate registers. On the other side, the North German 
Lloyd and Hamburg-American companies have assumed the following obli- 
gations : 

Both companies are to be held responsible severally and jointly for expenses 
accruing to the State, communities, or institutions for the poor 

(a) From the ^transportation of emigrants admitted to those stations, re- 
spectively, at either Myslowitz or Kattowitz under the easier terms, no matter 
whether or not the emigrants were actually received in the stations, and in 
whatever direction or for whatever reason they were transported. 

([>) From food, lodging, and medical treatment (and eventually, in cases 
of death, burying) for such emigrants in transit, no matter whether or not 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 95 

such expenses were incurred at those stations or somewhere else in Germany, 
or during the transport to or from the seaports. 

These obligations of both steamship companies remain binding toward state, 
communal, or other institutions for the poor, even if such emigrants as have 
been admitted at those control stations should purchase tickets from other 
companies. Whenever, therefore, emigrants in transit of the above-described 
kind should fail to reach the respective ports of their destination, or should 
desire to return from America, via Germany, to their original countries, all 
expenses incurred from sojourn or transportation (eventually also of feeding) 
to state, communal, or other institutions for the poor must be borne by the 
steamship companies, which in every case must be notified whether or not the 
individual case concerns an emigrant who had been received at the frontier by 
one of the two steamship companies, which will be ascertained by an examina- 
tion of the emigrant or by the papers in his possession. The minister of the 
interior will act as agent in the matter of settling the amount of expenses to be 
borne by those companies in order to get an idea of the number and the amount 
of such cases. It is hoped and expected that they will not be ver^ numerous, 
as it is in the very greatest interest of the steamship companies themselves to 
avert such expenses by using their utmost discretion. 

At the time of the committee's visit control stations were main- 
tained at the following border points: Russian frontier Bajohren, 
Eydtkuhnen, Illowo, Insterburg, Ostrowo, Ottlatschin, Posen, Prost- 
ken, Tilsit; Austrian frontier Bingerbruck, Leipsig, Myslowitz, 
and Ratibor. An interior station was maintained at Ruhleben, near 
Berlin, where emigrants not passing through the border stations were 
inspected. These control stations are maintained by the two German 
steamship lines, the Hamburg- American and North German Lloyd, 
and the Holland- American, Red Star, White Star, Cunard, Amer- 
ican, and French lines, for, by a concession of the Government, emi- 
grants booked for passage on the foreign lines mentioned are per- 
mitted to pass through the station and over German territory. Emi- 
grants holding tickets by lines other than those mentioned are not 
permitted to pass the control stations. Rejections on this account are 
frequent, the total for the year ending June 30, 1907, being 664. If 
such emigrants are willing and able to purchase tickets by one of the 
licensed lines, they are of course allowed to proceed, but otherwise 
they must seek another route to their port of embarkation. The sta- 
tions are under the supervision of the German Government and police 
officers are in constant attendance. These officers examine emigrants 
in accordance with the provisions of German regulations, with espe- 
cial regard to the matter of steamship tickets referred to. 

Members of the Commission visited the control stations at Mys- 
lowitz, Ottlotschin, Bajohren, and Eydtkuhnen, but witnessed the 
inspection of emigrants only at Myslowitz. This is located at the 
junction of the three countries, Germany, Russia, and Austria, and 
is one of the most important stations. Like most of the stations it 
is equipped for the housing of emigrants awaiting transportation to 
ports of embarkation, and is provided with a steam disinfecting plant 
whicli is ready for use at all times. The German regulation formerly 
required that the clothing and other effects of all emigrants be 
disinfected at control stations, but at the time under consideration 
this was done only when the examining physician deemed such a 
course advisable. Facilities for bathing were also provided, and this 
was compulsory when advised by the medical examiner. The Mys- 
lowitz station was equipped with an emergency hospital with accom- 
modations for about 100 persons, and the commissioners were 
informed that in cases of contagious or infectious disease afflicted 



96 



The Immigration Commission. 



persons and all those with whom they had come in contact were 
removed there for treatment or observation. 

As witnessed by members of the Commission the inspection of 
emigrants at control stations is more nearly like the examination at 
United States ports than is the usual examination at European ports 
of embarkation. This is due to the fact that the amount of money 
possessed by emigrants is taken into account there, while at ports 
of embarkation this is not considered. As usual the medical ex- 
amination was particularly directed toward the discovery of 
trachoma and favus. 

An agent of the Commission employed in the investigation of the 
steerage on emigrant-carrying ships passed through the control 
station at Myslowitz, and her experiences there are recorded in the 
Commission's report on Steerage Conditions. 

During the fiscal year ending June 30, 1907, a total of 1,199,566 
European immigrants were admitted at United States ports, and 
during the same period 455,916 intended emigrants were inspected 
at German control stations. While the above numbers are not 
strictly comparable it is clear that approximately one-third of all 
emigrants from Europe to the United States pass through these 
stations, and that fact emphasizes their importance in the system of 
emigration selection abroad which the United States immigration 
law has made necessary. 

Through the courtesy of the Hamburg-American Line's officials 
at Hamburg, the Commission secured an interesting statistical state- 
ment relative to activities at the various stations during the year 
ending June 30, 1907. This is shown in brief in the following table : 

TABLE 44. Number of emigrants inspected at German control stations, and 
number and per cent rejected, by stations, year ending June 30, 1907. 

[Compiled from statistics furnished by the Hamburg-American Line.] 



Control station. 


Number of 
emigrants 
inspected. 


Emigrants rejected. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Russian frontier: 


3,875 
21,512 

28,683 


282 

638 
1,677 
360 
380 
838 
1,064 
386 
1,048 


7.3 
3.0 
5.8 
4.0 
3.5 
6.3 
14.0 
1.7 
9.7 




Illowo 


Insterburg 


8,948 
10, 773 
13, 221 
7,609 
22. 408 
10,835 




O ttlotsohin - .' 


Posen \. . . 




Tilsit 


Total 


127,864 


6,673 


5.2 


Austrian frontier: 


637 
92. 414 
113 343 


78 
454 
1.969 
2,343 


12.2 
.5 
1.7 
2.3 






Ratibor 


103,215 


Total 


309, 609 


4,844 


1.6 
1.6 

27e 




18, 443 


297 




455,916 


11,814 





"Steerage Conditions. Reports of the Immigration Commission, vol. 37. (& Do< 
No. 753, 61st Cong., 3d sess.) 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 



97 



During the period covered by the above table 13,064 aliens were 
debarred for all causes at all United States ports, or only 1,250 
more than were turned back at the German control stations alone. 

The causes of rejections at the stations are shown in the following 
table: 

TABLE 45. Number of emigrants rejected at German control stations, by cause, 
year ending June 80, 1907. 

[Compiled from statistics furnished by the Hamburg- American Line.] 



Cause. 


Number 
rejected. 


Per cent of 
total. 


Medical: 
Trachoma 


5 000 


42 32 


Favus 


510 


4 32 


Granulosis 


3 779 


31 99 


White pox.. .. 


14 


12 


Cataract 


1 


(a\ 


Croup 


27 


23 


Rash . 


50 


42 


Consumption 


3 


03 


Lupus 


4 


03 


Blind 


7 


06 


Measles 


10 


08 


Jaundice 


2 


02 


Fever 


102 


86 


Catarrh 


112 


95 


Cripple 


14 


.12 


Other diseases 


281 


2 38 








Total 


9,916 


83.93 


Other than medical: 


755 


6.39 


Unlicensed lines ... 


664 


5.62 


Other reasons 


489 


4.14 








Total 


1,908 


16.15 








Grand total 


11 814 


100.00 









a Less than one one-hundredth of 1 per cent. 

It will be noted from the above table that diseases of the eye are 
the principal causes of rejection, trachoma and granulosis together 
accounting for 74.3 per cent of all rejections made. It will also be 
noted that 1,908 persons, or 16.2 per cent of the whole, were rejected 
for reasons other than medical, which is a much larger proportion 
than is shown at ports of embarkation. It would appear, however, 
that of this class of rejections only 755, classified as " without means," 
were turned back because of the likelihood that they would be rejected 
under the provisions of the United States immigration law. 

A description of the examinations in force at Bremen and Ham- 
burg follows. 

Bremen. 

The laws of Bremen relative to emigration through that port are 
similar to the laws of Hamburg, and the systems of handling emi- 
grants are much alike at both ports. The North German Lloyd is 
the only steamship line carrying passengers from Bremen, and the 
steerage business of the company is largely in the hands of F. Missler, 
a general ticket agent, with headquarters at Bremen and agencies and 
subagencies in every part of Austria and Hungary, as well as in other 
emigrant-furnishing countries. Mr. Missler is reputed to be a shrewd 

.d capable business man, and certainly he has achieved success in 



98 The Immigration Commission. 

securing steerage passengers for the North German Lloyd. In Aus- 
tria and Hungary the advertising matter distributed by agents selling 
steerage tickets by this line may or may not contain any reference 
to the steamship company represented, but invariably the name and 
picture of Mr. Missler are conspicuously displayed, and he is well 
known to thousands of the emigrating classes who have never heard 
of the North German Lloyd. 

At the time of the committee's visit emigrants embarking at Bremen 
were practically in charge of Mr. Missler's agents during their stay 
in the city. For the most part they were housed in a new emigrant 
hotel owned jointly by the North ^German Lloyd and Mr. Missler. 
This is located on the outskirts of the city and is a model of its 
kind. Emigrants were maintained at this hotel at a low price 
while awaiting sailing. Russian Jews were not allowed at the 
new building, but were housed at one of the older buildings. The 
Jewish quarters were not so well equipped as the new station, but 
they were comfortable and, it appeared, were well conducted. It is 
not compulsory that emigrants patronize either of these stations, 
however, and, as at Hamburg, some emigrants were lodged at board- 
ing houses in the city. These boarding houses are licensed by the 
government of Bremen and are closely watched by the Bremen health 
office. The authorities here, as at Hamburg, are especially watchful 
in the case of emigrants from Russia, and when an epidemic prevails 
in that country they are examined on arrival at Bremen and kept 
under medical surveillance until danger of infection is past. 

The final medical examination of all emigrants takes place in a 
building adjoining the railway station when the train for Bremer- 
haven is boarded. This examination is conducted by a' physician 
employed by the American consul, who is reimbursed by the steam- 
boat company for expenditures on this account. 

Particular attention is paid to the eyes, and in this the consulate's 
physician is assisted by a specialist. Emigrants are also examined 
as "to their general physical condition. At times when emigration is 
large several medical assistants participate in the examination, and 
usually the ship's doctor is present. The American consul or vice- 
consul always attends the final inspection, and the Commission was 
informed that the steamship company invariably acted favornbly 
upon the consul's advice in the matter of rejections. At Bremen 
every emigrant is vaccinated before boarding the ship. Second- 
class passengers from Russia and Hungary are examined as to the 
condition of their eyes. As is the case at Hamburg, police officers 
are always present at the final inspection for the purpose of detecting 
military deserters, criminals, etc., and the Commission was informed 
that the German police will, on request, return to Austria-Hungary 
any Austrian or Hungarian who has not performed the military 
service required by that country. 

During the thirteen months ending December 31, 1907, 3,178 in- 
tended emigrants were rejected at the port of Bremen, and 8,110 more 
intending to embark at Bremen were rejected at the various control 
stations. This total number of rejections, 11,288, was greater than 
at any other European port for the period covered by the Commis- 
sion's inquiry, Napes, with 10,224 rejections, being the nearest com- 
petitor. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 



99 



The causes for which rejections were made at Bremen and control 
stations on account of the North German Lloyd Line are shown by 
the following table : 

TABLE 46. Number of persons intending to embark at Bremen who icere rejected 
at control stations and at Bremen from December 1, 1906, to December 31, 
1907, by cause. 



Cause. 


Rejected at 


Total. 


Bremen. 


Control 
stations. 


Trachoma 


1,571 
28 
1,101 
34 
444 


3,998 
2,751 
348 
426 

587 


5,569 
2,779 
1,449 
460 
1,031 


Granulosa 


Other diseases of eye 


Favus 


Other diseases 


Total 


3,178 


8,110 


11,288 





It is interesting to note in this connection that during the period 
covered by the Commission's inquiry the per cent of rejections at 
United States ports was larger among immigrants sailing from 
Bremen than from any European port excepting Marseille a*id 
the Greek port or Piraeus. 

Hamburg. 

Although emigrants sailing from Hamburg for the United States 
had been subjected to some sort of medical inspection since 1870, it 
was not until the outbreak of cholera in 1892 that it became anything 
more searching than a scrutiny of the emigrants passing in line be- 
fore the inspectors. At that time those suspected of having con- 
tagious diseases, such as smallpox, measles, and scarlet fever, were 
given a more careful examination, but many cases of favus and 
trachoma were allowed to pass unnoticed until rejections at United 
States ports of persons afflicted with these diseases and the imposi- 
tions of fines upon the steamship companies for bringing them in- 
creased the vigilance of the examining officials. After the outbreak 
of cholera the Hamburg- American Line engaged an American physi- 
cian to watch the disinfection of baggage at Hamburg and the medi- 
cal examination of emigrants to the United States. Later a physi- 
cian of the Public Health and Marine-Hospital Service was detailed 
for duty at Hamburg to enforce the United States quarantine regu- 
lations, but this officer was recalled, with other officers of the service, 
and the examination was carried on as before, except that increasing 
attention was paid to cases of favus and trachoma. 

The Auswandererhallen of the Hamburg- American Line, which is 
the only steamship company carrying emigrants from the port of 
Hamburg, consists of a small but regularly laid out village on the 
outskirts of the city. Along the streets of this village, each of which 
bears a name appropriate to the place and the business conducted 
there, are various buildings devoted to the housing, feeding, and ex- 



1 



< See table, p. 126. 



100 The Immigration Commission. 

amining of the many thousands of emigrants who annually sail from 
that port for the United States. 

This station has been in existence for many years, but recently its 
capacity was greatly increased by the erection of a large number of 
new buildings, most of which were in use at the time of the com- 
mittee's visit. The so-called old station is a collection of one-story 
brick buildings, and the buildings of the newer station are of the 
same general type, although somewhat larger. The entire village is 
surrounded by a paling of a height sufficient to prevent persons 
leaving the grounds except by the regular exits. Within the village 
are Protestant and Catholic chapels and a Jewish synagogue, in each 
of which services are regularly conducted. 

The Auswandererhallen is sufficiently large to comfortably house 
4,000 persons at a time, and is regarded as the most complete emi- 
grant station in Europe. Sleeping accommodations at this station 
are in large, well-ventilated, and well-kept dormitories. The dining 
halls are also large, airy, and clean, and the food furnished on the 
occasion of the committee's visit was plentiful and excellent. The 
customary rule of separating women and men, except in the case 
of families, is followed, not only as regards sleeping dormitories but 
in the dining halls as well. 

Emigration through the port of Hamburg originates chiefly in 
Austria-Hungary and Russia, and, as previously explained, these 
emigrants, as a rule, pass through the German control stations on the 
Russian and Austrian frontiers, and the emigrant trains bringing 
them to Hamburg discharge their passengers at the gates of the 
Auswandererhallen. Arriving emigrants are first placed in the " un- 
clean " section of the station and, as soon as convenient, are given a 
thorough medical examination by physicians of the Hamburg- Amer- 
ican Line, who must be approved by the Hamburg government. 
The examination for trachoma is made by an eye specialist, and all 
are particularly inspected for diseases of an epidemic character. The 
station is at all times subject to inspection by medical officers of the 
Hamburg government, and cases of a severe character must be re- 
ported to the state authorities. At this examinntion the pvnminin<r 
physician determines whether the emigrant shall be compelled to sub- 
mit to a bath and to the disinfection of his clothing and baggage. 
The bath and disinfection were compulsory after the epidemic of 
cholera in 1892 until May 15, 1907, when "the steamship company 
succeeded in persuading the Hamburg government to modify the 
regulation to include only such emigrants as were designated by the 
examining . physician. The bath and disinfection house is clean, 
well arranged, and well equipped for the purpose. 

After the medical examination emigrants, with the exception of 
those from Russia, are free to visit the city and to remain at emigrant 
boarding houses there if they choose. It was stated, however, that 
from three-fourths to four-fifths of the emigrants elected to remain 
at the Auswandererhallen. After passing the examination emi- 
grants are transferred from the " unclean " to the " clean " section 
of the station, the Russian Jews being housed and fed in quarters 
separate from emigrants of other races. As previously stated, these 
Russian emigrants are not permitted to leave the station until the 
day of sailing, this rule, it was said, being due to a regulation of 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 101 

the Hamburg government rather than to the initiative of the steam- 
ship company. Russian Jews pay a fixed charge covering their 
entire stay at the Auswandererhallen, whether that stay be long or 
short, but other classes are charged a fee which at the time of & the 
committee's visit was 2 marks (46 cents) a day. A hotel is main- 
tained in connection with the station where emigrants can have better 
accommodations at a small advance in price. A hospital is main- 
tained within the grounds, and at the time of the committee's visit 
a larger hospital was under construction. The new hospital is some- 
what removed from the other buildings of the station, and is suffi- 
ciently large to accommodate all the occupants of any one of the 
sleeping dormitories at the station, so that in the event of an epi- 
demic disease breaking out in a dormitory all its occupants can be 
isolated until danger from contagion is past. This hospital was 
erected at the instance of the Hamburg authorities, who, since the 
cholera epidemic of 1892, have enforced stringent regulations govern- 
ing the handling of emigrants at that port. In fact, the Auswan- 
dererhallen, while owned and operated by the Hamburg-American 
Line, is under the constant supervision of the Hamburg police, a 
special commissioner of that department being permanently assigned 
to the station. As an illustration of the care exercised by the gov- 
ernment of Hamburg to prevent the introduction of disease by emi- 
grants, it may be stated that the Hamburg- American Company is 
required to maintain an elaborate disinfection plant where sewage 
from the Auswandererhallen is thoroughly disinfected before reach- 
ing the city sewers. Emigrants quartered" in boarding houses in the 
city are examined daily by medical officers of the Hamburg govern- 
ment as a precautionary measure. 

The final examination of emigrants is made on the day of em- 
barkation as emigrants go aboard the tender which carries them to 
the ship. This is done by medical officers of the Hamburg govern- 
ment, assisted by a resident physician of the Hamburg-American 
Company. The ship's doctor is usually present also. At this exami- 
nation emigrants who have been lodged elsewhere than at the Aus- 
wandererhallen are carefully examined for trachoma and favus by a 
specialist employed by the steamship company. 

An American consular officer invariably is present at the final 
examination, and also representatives of the Hamburg emigration 
service, and officers of the criminal police, whose duty is to inspect for 
criminals, military deserters, etc. At the time of the committee's 
inquiry American consular officers did not assume nluch authority in 
connection with the examination and embarkation of emigrants, but 
it was stated that their suggestions or requests were always readily 
complied with, and that doubtful cases were sometimes submitted to 
them for decision. 

Emigrant baggage of certain classes, such as bedding, not disin- 
fected at a control station is disinfected at Hamburg, and this is done 
in the case of all baggage coming from districts where epidemic dis- 
eases prevail. At the Auswandererhallen the process of disinfection 
is carried on under the direction of police commissioners stationed 
there, with occasional inspection under the authority of the American 
consul-general. The baggage of emigrants housed outside the emi- 
grant station is inspected and disinfected under the direction of the 
American consul-generaL 



102 



The Immigration Commission. 



First and second cabin passengers are not subjected to a medical 
examination at Hamburg. Emigrants embarking at Hamburg are 
not vaccinated prior to embarkation, but all steerage passengers ex- 
cept American citizens are vaccinated by the ship's doctor soon after 
sailing. 

All disbursements made by the American consul-general in con- 
nection with the examination of emigrants and the disinfection of 
their baggage are refunded by the Hamburg- American Line. 

During the period December 1, 1906, to December 31, 1907, cov- 
ered by the Commission's inquiry, 2,094 intended emigrants were 
rejected at Hamburg, and 3,233 intending to embark at Hamburg 
were turned back at the various control stations. The causes for 
which these rejections were made are shown in the following table: 

TABLE 47. Number of persons intending to embark at Hamburg who were re- 
jected at control stations and at Hamburg, from December 1, 1906 to December 
81, 1907, by cause. 

[Compiled from statistics furnished by the Hamburg- American Line.] 



Cause. 


Rejected at 


Total. 


Control 
stations. 


Ham- 
burg. 




1,768 
1,017 
240 
20 

188 


2,343 

324 
10 
17 


4,111 
1,017 

564 
30 
205 


Conjunctivitis 


Favus 






Total 


3,233 


2,694 


5,927 





HAVRE. 



The decree of the French Government, May 21, 1861, required all 
emigrant ships to be inspected by a physician, who had been regularly 
appointed by the French commissioner of emigration. This decree 
was the beginning of medical inspection at Havre and it is still in 
force. 

This action of the French Government was supplemented in 1884 
by the United States State Department, which instructed the consul 
at Havre to designate a local physician to act as sanitary inspector 
for all vessels bound for the United States. His duties were to 
examine passengers, baggage, and merchandise and to report by 
cable if any contagious or infectious disease was aboard at the time 
of departure. This precaution, however, had been occasioned by the 
appearance of cholera in Europe and was discontinued in 1885 upon 
the disappearance of that plague. 

The medical examination of emigrants as it is now carried on in 
Havre is based on the requirements of the immigration laws of 1893 
and the quarantine regulations of February 24, 1893. It has, how- 
ever, been slightly modified by changes in our immigration and quar- 
antine laws and supplemented by consular regulations. 

Emigrants who depart from Havre for the United States are 
brought to that port by two special trains which arrive at least four 
and a half hours before the sailing, so that at least that much time ' ~ 



1 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 103 

afforded for the inspection. One of these special emigrant trains 
comes from Modane, Italy, and brings Italians, Syrians, Armenians, 
and Greeks. The last three come from their respective countries by 
steamers to Marseille, where they are subjected to a medical exami- 
nation by the French . health authorities before they are allowed to 
land. If admitted they are dispatched by train to Macon, a railway 
junction in the east of France, where it joins the section from 
Modane, Italy. The other emigrant train starts from Basel, Switzer- 
land, carrying emigrants from Austria-Hungary, Germany, Kou- 
mania, and Switzerland. They congregate at Basel and proceed to- 
gether to Havre. Upon their arrival at Havre the emigrants are sent 
to a large waiting room which adjoins the examination room. 

The medical examination is made by the resident physician of the 
Compagnie Generale Transatlantique, assisted by any other surgeons 
of that line who may be in port, the surgeon of the ship on which 
the emigrants are sailing, an oculist employed by the steamship com- 
pany, and a doctor representing the French commissioner of immi- 
gration. The American consul also participates in the examination. 
Each emigrant is vaccinated by one of the company's doctors and 
given a red card on which is printed the word " Vaccinated." 
Another doctor then examines his scalp and skin, and a third his eyes. 
If he is found free from any disease which would be a cause of rejec- 
tion at New York he is allowed to retain the vaccination card, with- 
out which he can not go aboard the ship. If the emigrant is sus- 
pected of any disease which might be a cause of rejection he is de- 
prived of his red card and held for a second examination. The final 
decision in the doubtful cases is made after a consultation of the 
examining force. 

In addition to the medical examination the baggage of emigrants 
is inspected, and if it comes from countries where epidemics prevail 
it is disinfected in accordance with the requirements of the United 
States quarantine laws and regulations. Passengers coming from 
cholera-infected districts are detained for five days previous to em- 
barkation; those from plague-infected countries for seven days; and 
those who have been exposed to the infection of typhus fever for 
twelve days. First and second clask passengers sailing from this port 
are not examined. Exception, however, to this rule is made of sec- 
ond-class passengers who arrive in the emigrant trains. 

The following are the number and cause of rejections that were 
made at the port of Havre during the period December 1, 1906, to 
December 31, 1907: 



Trachoma 147 

Pellagra 47 

Herpes 34 

Conjunctivitis 19 

Psoriasis 16 

Tuberculosis 13 

Eczema 11 

Whooping cough 

Chicken pox 8 

Favus 8 

Deformities __ 7 



Measles 5 

Partial paralysis 4 

Partial blindness 3 

Gastritis 

Mumps 2 

Rachitis 

Advanced pregnancy 

Cancer 1 

Goiter 

Total 340 



' 



70524 VOL 4 11- 



104 The Immigration Commission. 



LIBAU. 



A committee of the Commission visited Libau and at that time ships 
of the Russian East Asiatic Company and the Russian Volunteer Fleet 
were carrying emigrants from the port of Libau. A little later, how- 
ever, the service of the latter company was suspended. It was stated 
to the committee that formerly there was considerable rivalry between 
the two steamship lines, but differences had been adjusted and both 
were represented at Libau by one firm of general ticket agents. The 
committee was informed that applicants for steerage tickets at sub- 
agencies in the interior of Russia were required to undergo a physical 
examination by a local physician. If passed by this physician an order 
is given on the head office of the company at Libau for a ticket. Upon 
arrival at Libau intending emigrants are examined by a physician 
employed by the steamship line, and certificates are issued to physi- 
cally sound persons. Without this certificate the 'purchase of a ticket 
can not be completed. There is no emigrant station at Libau where 
persons could be housed while awaiting embarkation, and this want is 
supplied by emigrant boarding houses. The committee inspected 
several of these houses. Some were clean, others exceedingly dirty, 
and none were provided with facilities for bathing. Occupants pay 
about 10 cents a night for lodging. Occupants have the use of the 
kitchen for cooking their own food, or meals will be furnished by the 
house if desired. All of the boarding houses visited were kept by 
Hebrews, but in no instance were the guests confined to any one race, 
and Poles, Hebrews, and Lithuanians were dwelling in apparent har- 
mony under one roof, and in many instances in the same room. The 
committee was informed that the two steamship companies contem- 
plated erecting conjointly an emigrant hotel or station or possibly 
an emigrant village similar to Auswandererhallen at Hamburg. 

The examination of emigrants by the company's resident physician 
is supplemented by an inspection by the ship's doctor at the time of 
embarkation. This official, at the time of the committee's visit, paid 
little attention to emigrants holding a medical certificate from the 
resident physician, but confined his attention mainly to those without 
certificates or whose certificates bore a notation or request for further 
examination. The municipality of Libau also employs a physician 
whose duty it is to examine emigrants arriving at Libau. The com- 
mittee was informed that this examination amounted to little except 
during an outbreak of cholera in Russia, when the municipal physi- 
cian carefully examined emigrants on their arrival and daily during 
their stay in Libau. 

The American consular agent at Libau had practically no part in 
the examination of emigrants at the time of the committee's visit. 
At the examination witnessed this official was represented at the 
dock by a clerk who could not speak English, and who mechanically 
placed the consular seal on every inspection card presented to him 
without even looking at the person to whom the card had been issued. 
The committee did not see the consular agent, but was informed that, 
like his clerk, he could not speak English. It was stated that he 
never attended the embarkation of emigrants, and in fact only signed 
the ship's bill of health when it was sent to his house or office. 

No records of rejections are kept at the American consular agency, 
and the manager of the Russian East Asiatic Company stated th J 
no record was made of rejections on account of that line. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 



105 



Rupture 6 

Conjunctivitis 1 

Total__ _ 654 



Such records were kept for ships of the Russian Volunteer Fleet, 
however, while that line was carrying emigrants from Libau, and 
from December 1, 1906, to May 10, 1908, a total of 654 persons were 
rejected at Libau, from the following causes: 

Trachoma 402 

Trachoma and favus 87 

Favus 84 

Catarrh 56 

Favus and catarrh 18 

A member of the committee who embarked at Libau on a ship of 
the Russian Volunteer Fleet noted that a large force of Russian 
police was stationed at the dock pending the departure of the 
steamer, and that a number of police officers remained on the steamer 
until the outer harbor was reached. On this occasion several hun- 
dred friends of the emigrants, who had come to witness the em- 
barkation, were driven from the dock by mounted policemen before 
the ship sailed, while any attempt on the part of emigrants on board 
the ship to shout or sing was promptly suppressed by the police on 
board. It was explained that this is occasioned by the fact that 
many of the emigrants are revolutionists who feel that once on 
board a ship bound for America they have taken the first step toward 
freedom, and accordingly they have in the past given vent to their 
feelings by singing the Marseillaise and waving red flags. To pre- 
vent a repetition of such scenes the police control mentioned was 
inaugurated. 



MAKSEILLE. 



When a committee of the Commission visited Marseille there was 
but one steamship line', the Cyprien Fabre, carrying emigrants direct 
from that port to the United States, and the number carried was 
small. But notwithstanding this the city is an important emigration 
center, its importance in this regard being due to the fact that nearly 
all the Mediterranean lines which carry emigrants from the Levan- 
tine and Black Sea regions discharge them at Marseille. Conse- 
quently the city is practically a detention camp for thousands of 
Turks, Syrians, and other peoples of southeastern Europe, some of 
whom embark at Marseille, while the majority are forwarded by emi- 
grant trains to Havre, Cherbourg, or Boulogne, where they take pas- 
sage for the United States. Still others embark at St. Nazaire, 
France, for the port of Vera Cruz, Mexico. Among the latter are 
many diseased persons who have been assured that they can reach the 
United States in no other way, while others who doubtless would be 
admitted at United States ports are deluded into going via Mexico 
by the spoilers who prey upon ignorant emigrants at Marseille and 
eastern Mediterranean ports. Immigration of this class through 
Mexico has for many years been one of the serious problems of the 
United States Immigration Service. In the annual report of the 
Commissioner-General of Immigration for 1908 (p. 144), the super- 
vising inspector of the Mexican border comments on the situation 
as follows : 

The influx of Syrians by way of the Mexican border is a matter of long 
standing, and represents now, as it has for several years past, a constant 
attempt on the part of members of this race to secure entrance to the United 






106 The Immigration Commission. 

States through Mexico, as a result either of being refused passage for Atlantic 
ports of the United States or through advices given by unscrupulous individuals 
at the various rendezvous of immigrants in Europe to the effect that the route 
to the United States via Mexico, while longer and more expensive, afforded a 
surer means of ingress into this country. A very large percentage of Syrian 
arrivals at Mexican border ports are found to be suffering with diseases of a 
contagious character, or to have been suffering from same at some time in the 
past; and practically the entire remainder is made up of aliens who have been 
told by runners in Europe that they were afflicted with some excludable ail- 
ment, when, in reality, no disability of such character existed. Syrian immi- 
gration by way of the Mexican border is, therefore, likely to continue in con- 
siderable volume until such time as the impression is removed at the seaports 
of southern Europe that the Mexican route affords a more favorable means for 
Syrian aliens to secure entry into the United States than by the usually traveled 
lines leading to the Atlantic coast ports of this country. 

Trachoma and other loathsome or dangerous contagious diseases 
within the meaning of the United States immigration law are particu- 
larly prevalent in countries which furnish most of the emigrants 
traveling via Marseille. In fact the committee was informed by a 
steamship agent whose territory embraced Greece and the near east 
that 70 per cent of the people in Syria are afflicted with trachoma, 
and that on account of the prevalence of the disease his company had 
given up the idea of getting much Syrian business. 

Emigrants gathered at Marseille are quartered in lodging houses, 
several of which were inspected by the committee and found to be 
extremely dirty, as were most of the occupants. As a rule the 
steamship tickets held by emigrants arriving at Marseille entitle 
them to lodging, without board, during their stay at that port. Emi- 
grants who are unable to meet the requirements of the physical ex- 
amination to which they are subjected at Marseille often remain 
there for treatment in the hope of finally being allowed to sail for the 
United States. 

It is the custom of the Fabre Line, and of all other steamship com- 
panies having ticket agencies at Marseille, not to sell tickets to the 
United States to emigrants until they produce a medical certificate 
from the company's doctor to the effect that their physical condition 
complies with the requirements of the United States law. The Fabre 
Line also employs a specialist in eye diseases who examines espe- 
cially for trachoma. The final examination of emigrants sailing 
direct from Marseille is made by the ship's doctor in the presence of 
an American consular officer, and the inspection and disinfection of 
baggage is under the direction of the American consulate-general in 
accordance with the United States quarantine laws. The Fabre Line 
ships have- no second-class cabins, and carry only a small number of 
first-class passengers from Marseille. These are not subjected to a 
medical inspection before purchasing tickets unless there is reason to 
believe that they are traveling first class in order to escape the 
steerage-passenger examination. Emigrants are vaccinated in the 
presence of an American consular officer. 

No record is kept of rejections at Marseille, but the Fabre Com- 
pany stated that the number of applicants for passage by that line 
rejected at the preliminary and final examinations was equal to about 
30 per cent of the total number transported. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 107 



PATBAS. 



Direct emigration from the Greek port of Patras to the United 
States began in 1904, when 13 emigrants departed. The number in- 
creased to 429 in 1905, 7,921 in 1906, and 21,207 in 1907. After the 
initial attempt at transporting emigrants direct from Greek ports 
several steamship companies entered the business, but as a rule these 
did not long continue, and at the time the Commission inspection was 
made the great majority of emigrants sailed on steamers of the 
Austro-Americano Line. Emigrants embarking at Patras are drawn 
from Greece, Macedonia, Asia Minor, and the islands of the Archi- 
pelago. 

There is no provision of Greek law governing the medical inspec- 
tion of emigrants or members of ships' crews sailing from ports of 
Greece, and the examination of emigrants is entirely in the hands of 
the steamship companies and United States consular authorities. 
Previous mention has been made of the unique system of medical ex- 
amination prevailing in connection with emigration from the port 
of Patras. This system, it will be remembered, grew out of the re- 
jection at New York of a large number of Greek emigrants sailing 
on a ship of the Austro-Americano Line. Following this incident 
the company inaugurated a system which included not only an ex- 
amination at the time of embarkation, but also one in connection 
with the sale of steamship tickets to intended emigrants. At the 
time of the committee's visit this company had forty ticket agencies 
and subagencies in various parts of the country and at each of these 
the company provides for a medical examination of intended emi- 
grants at the time application is made for a ticket. An emigrant 
accepted by an examining physician. is required to make a deposit 
toward the cost of a steamship ticket, is given a certificate showing 
that he has passed the first examination, and a reservation on the 
steamer is made. On reaching Patras the intending emigrant is 
again examined by the steamship company's head physician, and if 
accepted is allowed to complete the purchase of a ticket. On the day 
of sailing all emigrants are brought to the company's office and again 
examined. As each passes the doctor he is stamped on the wrist with 
one of seven stamps. No one knows until the morning of sailing 
which stamp is to be used, and when that is^ determined the captain 
of the ship is notified In a sealed envelope just before the final in- 
spection is commenced, and no one is admitted to the ship unless both 
his ticket and his wrist bear the proper inspection mark. This pre- 
caution is taken to prevent the substitution of another person for one 
who has successfully passed the examination, a practice that is not 
uncommon at some ports of embarkation. It would seem that the 
method adopted to prevent this at Patras would make substitution 
difficult, as the ink used on the stamp is of a special kind, containing 
a nitrate which makes 'it indelible and unalterable for some time. 
The head physician of the Austro-Americano Line had studied the 
system of examining immigrants at United States ports and was 
familiar with the requirements of the United States law in that 
regard. The other examining physicians employed by the company 
were, according to the United States consul at Patras, well-qualified 






108 The Immigration Commission. 

medical men. The committee was informed that out of the last 
7,000 emigrants sailing from Patras ,not one had been rejected at a 
United States port on account of loathsome or contagious diseases. 
This was attributed to the vigilance of the steamship company at the 
port of embarkation. The records of rejections at United States 
ports, however, do not substantiate the above statement, for during 
the months of January, February, and March, 1907, a period covered 
by the statement, seven immigrants out of 1,397 sailing from Patras 
were debarred at United States ports on account of trachoma, and 
the per cent rejected for all medical reasons was considerably above 
the average for all ports of Europe. Notwithstanding this, however, 
the committee believes the system of examination in force at Patras 
is, both theoretically and practically, a most excellent one. 

Another feature of the examination at Patras not observed else- 
where was that emigrants were required to sign a statement relative 
to their criminal record, the amount of money in their possession, 
and other matters referred to in the examination at United States 
ports. 

All baggage brought to Patras by emigrants is placed in a ware- 
house and subjected to inspection and a thorough disinfection before 
being transferred to the ship. The United States consul or his as- 
sistant receives the key to the warehouse and holds it until the disin- 
fection process is completed, and then issues stamped labels, which are 
fixed to each article of baggage. At times ships regularly sailing from 
Patras call for emigrants at the Greek port of Zante, and on such 
occasions a United States consular assistant is detailed to supervise 
the inspection of baggage, but the passengers are not examined until 
the ship reaches Patras. At Calamatta, where a few emigrants 
occasionally embark, the French consular agent supervises the in- 
spection of baggage and the medical examination. 

During the thirteen months ending December 31, 1907, a total of 
1,174 emigrants intending to embark at Patras for the United States 
on steamers of the Austro- Americano Line were rejected. The 
causes of rejection in these cases were as follows: 

Trachoma 1, 052 

Malarial diseases 29 

General debility 19 

Loss of hands or fingers 28 

Crippled and deformed 35 

Disfiguring scars 10 

Imbecility 1 

Total 1, 174 

During 1907 emigrants intending to sail by the Prince Line were 
rejected at various ports as follows: 

Patras 191 

Calamatta .. 06 

Zante 14 

Total 271 

During the period covered by the committee's investigation some 
emigrants sailed from Patras by the Hellenic Transatlantic Steamship 
Line, but data relative to the number of rejections made on account 
of that line were not available. 






Emigration Conditions in Europe. 109 



PIBAEUS. 



The examination of emigrants at Piraeus is conducted by the 
steamship companies and the system in force at the time the com- 
mittee's inspection was made was similar to that at Patras. Emi- 
grants were carried from this port on ships of three transatlantic 
companies, the Prince Line, the Fabre Line, and the Austro- Amer- 
icano. The examination was conducted by the ship's doctor in the 
presence of a United States consular officer. Persons applying for 
passage on ships of the Austro- Americano Line were subjected to an 
examination under the direction of the ticket agent selling the trans- 
portation, but on the whole the inspection at this port appeared to be 
more perfunctory than at Patras. 

Data are not available to show the number of rejections on account 
of the Austro-Americano line during the period covered by the com- 
mittee's inquiry, but the representatives of the company at Piraeus 
stated that only about 3 per cent of those applying for passage were 
rejected. The reasons given for the small number of rejections were 
that a large number of the emigrants came from Thessaly and 
Macedonia, where the people are healthy, and that the examination 
at Piraeus was only preliminary to a more careful inspection when 
the ship reached Patras. 

While at Patras a member of the Commission inspected the Greek 
ship Moraitis, which had just sailed from Piraeus. : This was the 
first Greek emigrant ship, and was built solely for emigrant and 
cargo traffic. The ship made but few trips under the original com- 
pany, which failed, and no record of rejections could be secured. 



ROTTERDAM. 



The Holland-American Line entered the emigrant-carrying trade 
from the port of Rotterdam nearly forty years ago. For several 
years the only medical inspection was a casual one made by the ship's 
doctor as the emigrants passed in line before him. Later, on account 
of the prevalence of cholera in Europe, the company employed a 
resident physician and a more thorough medical examination was 
inaugurated. Following the epidemic of cholera at Hamburg in 
1892 the United States Government detailed an officer of the Public 
Health and Marine-Hospital Service for duty at Rotterdam, as was 
done in the case of several other European ports. This official re- 
; mairied at Rotterdam only until the epidemic of cholera subsided, but 
i during that time he advised with the local physicians relative to the 
rejection of emigrants in connection with his duties as a sanitary 
officer. The system of examination at the time of the committee's 
visit had been in force about fourteen years, except that two physi- 
cians were employed as emigration increased, and two eye specialists 
were added to the staff in 1903 when a more rigid examination for 
trachoma was necessitated by rejections at United States ports on 
account of that disease. 

Emigrants from the interior of Europe who purchase their tickets 
at agencies of the Holland- American Line are brought to Rotter- 
dam four or five days before the departure of the steamer on which 
they expect to sail. Emigrants from Russia are given orders for 






110 The Immigration Commission. 

tickets by subagents of the company in that country, and if they are 
passed at the control stations on the German frontier they receive 
their tickets from other agents in the border towns and proceed 
to Rotterdam. Emigrants from nearby points usually arrive at 
the port on the day before sailing. All emigrants for the Holland- 
American Line are met on arrival in the city by uniformed runners 
and conducted to the emigrant station or hotel which is maintained 
by the company. This station was inspected by members of the 
Commission and by an agent of the Commission engaged in the 
investigation of steerage conditions, and the impression was .that, 
although erected nearly twenty years ago, it was one of the best of 
several similar stations in Europe. The building is large, well 
equipped, and well kept. 

Instead of the large sleeping dormitories which are the rule at 
most European emigrant stations, the Rotterdam station is divided 
into small rooms similar to steerage staterooms on a steamship. The 
walls of these rooms extend only part way to the ceiling, and they 
are fitted with four or six iron berths similar to those used in the 
steerage. The steerage of Holland-American steamers is, as a 
rule, divided into staterooms instead of large domitories, and offi- 
cials of the company stated to the committee that the similar equip- 
ment at the emigrant station accustomed emigrants to the accom- 
modations on shipboard. The building is well lighted and ventilated, 
and spacious wash and bath rooms are provided. The building is so 
constructed that should occasion arise it would be possible to effec- 
tually quarantine 800 persons. The emigrant station at Rotterdam 
has been rather severely criticized and the committee was informed 
that in previous years emigrants had not been sufficiently protected 
from the spoilers who, everywhere and in every way possible, seek 
to get what little money they may have. It was stated, however, 
that conditions in this regard were greatly improved at the time of 
the committee's visit, and that the steamship company did whatever 
was possible to protect the emigrants. 

As previously stated emigrants, as a rule, arrive at Rotterdam 
several days prior to their embarkation. This gives opportunity for 
a thorough medical inspection, and each immigrant is examined 
daily by the company's resident physicians. On the day before 
sailing emigrants are examined for eye diseases by two specialists 
employed by the steamship company. The final examination is 
made from 3 to 6 hours before the departure of the steamer. This 
is attended by the American consul-general or his deputy, a physi- 
cian employed by the consulate-general, the ship's doctor, an officer 
of the state committee charged with the supervision of emigration 
through the Netherlands, and a Rotterdam police officer whose duty 
it is to watch for fugitives from justice. According to the United 
States quarantine regulations the inspection cards of all emigrants 
permitted to embark are stamped with the consular seal. All second- 
class passengers, except American citizens having passports, and 
citizens of the Netherlands and Germany, are subjected to the exami- 
nation prescribed for steerage passengers. Emigrants are vaccinated 
as soon as practicable after the vessel sails. 



See " On the Trail of the Immigrant," Steiner. 






Emigration Conditions in Europe. 



Ill 



At the time the Commission's inspection was made ships of the 
"Russian East Asiatic Line from Libau called at Rotterdam for pas- 
sengers. Emigrants intending to sail on ships of this line were quar- 
tered in so-called hotels maintained by philanthrophy or charity, or 
at private hotels, of which there were several conducted more espe- 
cially for the accommodation of emigrants. Steerage passengers 
embarking on boats of the Russian East Asiatic Line at Rotterdam 
were inspected by a physician who is a member of the state com- 
mittee on the supervision of emigration. This physician also in- 
spected emigrants who had boarded the ship at Libau. 

During the period January 1, 1904, to September 4, 1908, a total 
of 2,523 emigrants intending to embark on ships of the Holland- 
American Line were rejected at Rotterdam. The distribution of 
these rejections by years and cause is shown by the following table: 

TABLE 48. Number of emigrants rejected at Rotterdam (Holland-American 
Line) from January 1, 1904, t September 4, 190$, by years and cause. 



Cause. 


1904 


1905 


1906 


1907 


1908, to 
Sept. 4. 


Total. 


Trachoma 


739 


704 


461 


228 


96 


2 228 


Favus 


45 


88 


59 


66 


13 


271 


Other causes 


7 


9 


5 


3 




24 
















Total 


791 


801 


525 


297 


109 


2,523 

















During the thirteen months especially covered by the committee's 
inquiry December 1, 1906, to December 31, 1907303 Holland- 
American Line emigrants were rejected at Rotterdam, and 555 were 
turned back on account of the same line at Vienna, the Austrian 
headquarters of the line, and at the German control stations. Tra- 
choma was the cause of the great majority of these rejections. 

Those rejected were distributed according to country or province 
of origin, as follows : 



Russia 561 

Hungary 202 

Roumania 27 

Austria 22 

Galicia 17 

The Netherlands __ 14 



Croatia 7 

Germany 5 

Turkey 2 

Belgium 1 

Total__ - 858 



No data were secured relative to rejections at Rotterdam on ac- 
count of the Russian East Asiatic Line. 



TRIESTE. 



Trieste is the only trans- Atlantic port of Austria, and a consid- 
erable number of immigrants embark there on ships of the Austro- 
Americano and Cunard lines. These emigrants are drawn chiefly 
from Austria, Hungary, Russia, and the Balkan States. The first 
ship to carry emigrants from Trieste to the United States sailed on 
June 9, 1904, and for a little more than a year the medical examina- 
ion was confined to that made by the ship's doctor, when the Austro- 
A.mericano Company employed a resident physician to take charge 
)f the medical inspection of all emigrants. The American consul 



112 The Immigration Commission. 

at Trieste has attended personally, or by deputy, all examinations 
since the beginning of the traffic, and Austrian police officers are 
present for the purpose of inspecting passports and military papers 
of the emigrants. The Austro-Americano policy of examining 
prospective emigrants in connection with the sale of tickets, previ- 
ously described, is enforced at Trieste as well as at the Greek ports 
of Patras and Piraeus, but no records are available to show how 
many applicants are rejected at such preliminary examinations. 
Except in the case of American citizens, the medical examination of 
first and second class passengers at Trieste by the steamship com- 
pany is the same as that prescribed for steerage passengers, but no 
American consular inspection is made of cabin passengers. 

The Austro-Americano Company owns a large building at Servi- 
ola, a suburb of Trieste, known as the " Pension of the Austro- 
Americano Company." This building contains more than TOO beds 
and emigrants awaiting embarkation are lodged there. The inspec- 
tion and medical examination take place at the pension. Emigrants 
are first required to pass before a captain of police, who, with the 
assistance of detectives, examines their passports, military papers, 
etc. If these are not satisfactory, all documents are taken from the 
emigrant and he is detained under police guard for further exami- 
nation. The police inspection, however, is made solely for local 
reasons, rather than to prevent the embarkation of persons debarred 
by the United States immigration law. 

After passing the police inspection, emigrants enter a large room, 
where they are examined by the resident physician of the Austro- 
Americano Line assisted by a nurse and the physician of the steam- 
ship on which the emigrants are to sail. As is the case at all ports, 
particular attention is given to the eyes. This is the principal and 
final medical examination, but previous to this the resident physician 
examines persons lodged at the pension. At the final examination 
persons likely to be debarred at United States ports for medical 
reasons are rejected, but those only slightly affected are allowed to 
proceed if it is thought by the examining physicians that they can 
be cured during the voyage. 

From the medical examination the emigrants pass before the 
American consul. This official exercises unusual authority in reject- 
ing emigrants, and it was stated to the committee that his request 
that an emigrant be not allowed to embark on the ground that he was 
generally or specifically undesirable was invariably respected by the 
steamship company. The consul pays particular attention to cases 
of young girls traveling alone, and if they can not show that they 
are emigrating with the permission of their parents or that they are 
going to relatives in the United States, they are usually debarred at 
the consul's request and turned over to the police, who require the 
steamship lines to return them to their homes. In the case of Aus- 
trian girls the police act without the advice of the consul, but they 
make no effort to stop girls coining from other countries. 

The examination system just described applies only to passengers 
intending to sail by the Austro-Americano Line, but a similar system 
prevails in the case of those embarking on ships of the Cunard Line. 

See p. 107, 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 113 

Emigrants seeking passage on Cunard ships are examined by the 
company's resident physician on their arrival at Trieste and those 
clearly not qualified are immediately rejected. The final examina- 
tion takes place on board the ship just prior to sailing. As passen- 
gers board the ship they are examined by the company's resident phy- 
sician and the ship's doctor. Those rejected are deprived of their 
tickets and other papers and are required to leave the ship at once. 
Those passed are then inspected by a police captain and the American 
consul. First and second cabin passengers, excepting American citi- 
zens, are subject to practically the same examination as is given those 
holding steerage tickets. This method of examination has been in 
force since 1903, when the Cunard Line began taking emigrants from 
Trieste. 

The baggage of passengers sailing on ships of the Austro- Ameri- 
cano Line is disinfected at the company's pension. While the proc- 
ess is under way the door of the disinfecting room is locked and sealed 
with the American consular seal. The key is retained by the con- 
sular officer in charge until the disinfection is completed. 

According to the American consul, Hon. George M. Hotschick, the 
medical examination of the Austro- Americano Line at Trieste was 
formerly very superficial and ineffective. He states that during 
the month of April, 1906, three Austro-Americano ships carrying 
1,610 emigrants sailed from Trieste for New York. Of this num- 
ber 514, or nearly one-third of the total number carried, were refused 
admission to the United States and were returned to Trieste. This 
resulted in the immediate adoption of a more rigorous examination 
at that port which at once reduced the number of rejections to a 
minimum. Consul Hotschick states that in May and June of the 
same year, 1906, three ships of the same line sailed with 1,156 emi- 
grants, of whom only two were rejected at New York. With the 
reorganization of the system the American consul became an im- 
portant factor in the examination of emigrants at Trieste as pre- 
viously shown, and it is probable that he exercises greater authority 
in this regard than the American consul at any other European port. 
In fact, the situation at Trieste at the time of the committee's visit 
probably represented the possible maximum of consular control of 
normal emigration from a foreign port under the present United 
States quarantine laws and regulations. 

During the period covered by the committee's inquiry, December 1, 
1906, to December 31, 1907, the number of intended emigrants re- 
jected at Trieste on account of the two steamship lines mentioned 
were as follows : 

Austro-Americano Line 279 

Cunard Line 118 

Total - 397 

ITALIAN PORTS. 

In 1899 Assistant Surgeon Heiser, of the United States Public 
Health and Marine-Hospital Service, was detailed, under authority 
of the quarantine law of 1893, for service at the port of Naples on 
account of the prevalence of the plague in Egypt. In connection 
~rith his quarantine functions Dr. Heiser made an examination 



114 The Immigration Commission. 

of all emigrants departing for the United States, but later, on the 
request of the steamship companies, and by agreement with the 
Italian Government, he began to examine emigrants for defects 
contemplated by the United States immigration law, and to recom- 
mend for rejection those whom he believed would be refused admis- 
sion at United States ports. This arrangement has since been con- 
tinued. The Public Health and Marine-Hospital surgeons have 
no official standing in Italy, except that of quarantine officers at- 
tached to American consulates, and the examination of emigrants as 
conducted by such officers at the above-named ports is in reality 
unofficial, and is effective only because the Italian Government and 
the steamship companies invariably accept their decisions in the mat- 
ter of rejections. 

At the time of the committee's visit Passed Asst. Surg. Allan J. 
McLaughlin was in charge of the examination at Naples, and was 
assisted by Assistant Surgeon Foster of the service, and Acting 
Assistant Surgeon Bunocore, an Italian specialist in diseases of the 
eye. That Doctor McLaughlin's authority, although only delegated 
by the Italian Government and the steamship companies, was prac- 
tically absolute, is shown by his reply to an inquiry by the committee 
as to whether his rejections were accepted by the steamship companies 
and the Government. Doctor McLaughlin said : 

By the company and the Government; by the Italian officer representing the 
navy who goes on board the ship ; by the doctor of the port ; by the inspector of 
emigration ; by the entire commission. There is never a question. They some- 
times ask for a second inspection if the man is rejected by one of my assistants, 
but that is all, and of course that is always made. 

The agreement under which emigrants are examined by United 
States medical officers at Naples extends also to the ports of Palermo 
and Messina, and the examinations there are made by Italian physi- 
cians, who are acting assistant surgeons of the United States Public 
Health and Marine-Hospital Service. These officers have the same 
duties and exercise the same authority as do the medical officers at 
Naples. The expense of the medical examination at these ports is 
borne by the United States Public Health and Marine-Hospital Serv- 
ice, the annual salaries of medical officers, assistants, and clerks at 
Naples and Palermo being $11,290, while incidental expenses amount 
to about $500 additional. 

The inspection and disinfection of emigrant baggage at Naples, 
Palermo, and Messina is also made under the direction of the United 
States Public Health and Marine-Hospital surgeons, but in this they 
act officially as quarantine officers, and the expense is borne by the 
steamship companies. 

The agreement under which the medical examination of emigrants 
at Italian ports is made by United States officers was largely pos- 
sible because of the sincere desire of the Italian Government to pro- 
tect Italian emigrants. The willingness of the steamship companies 
to agree to such an arrangement is easily understood, for the United 
States immigration law, through restrictions and fines, makes a 
thorough examination at ports of embarkation absolutely essentif* 
to the carriers, and the fact that the United States Government coi 

Italian Emigration Commission. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 115 

ducts the examination at Italian ports merely relieves the steamship 
companies from the expense and trouble of doing it. 

The reason for the attitude of the Italian Government, however, is 
entirely different from that of the steamship companies. Italians 
constitute the great majority of all emigrants sailing from the ports 
of Italy for the United States. In this respect the emigration situa- 
tion there is materially different than in other countries from whose 
ports large numbers of emigrants sail, and consequently Italy's inter- 
est in the emigration movement is unlike that of other nations gen- 
erally. Only a small fraction of the emigrant traffic to the United 
States through the ports of England, Germany, France, Belgium, and 
the Netherlands originates in those countries, and it is only natural 
that the problem there should be protection from emigration, rather 
than the protection of the emigrant. Of course the laws of the 
countries named dp, in a measure, promote the welfare of the 
emigrant, but such is not their primary purpose. 

The emigration law of Italy, however, is designed to protect the 
Italian emigrant not only at the ports of embarkation but on the sea, 
and after their arrival in a foreign country, and it is the desire of the 
Government to prevent, so far as is possible, the embarkation of those 
likely to be subjected to the hardship and disappointment of rejection 
at United States ports. This is one of the purposes for which the 
Italian emigration commission was created, and as it is only reason- 
able that United States medical officers, experienced in the examina- 
tion of immigrants at United States ports, should be better able than 
Italian physicians to determine the admissibility of intended emi- 
grants under the United States law, the commission and Government 
are fully in accord with the present system. Consequently the pur- 
poses of both the steamship companies and the Italian Government 
are served at the expense of the United States, which country, in the 
opinion of the committee, as will appear later, receives little or no 
practical benefit that does not accrue under the examination systems 
in force at other ports of Europe. 

The details of the examination at the four Italian emigration 
ports Naples, Palermo, Messina, and Genoa follow : 

Naples. 

In recent years Naples has led all European ports in the number 
of emigrants embarking for the United States. At the time of 
the committee's visit 12 steamship companies, including the White 
Star, North German Lloyd, Navigazione Generate Itahana. La 
Veloce, Fabre, Lloyd-Italiano, Hamburg- American, Anchor, Lloyd- 
Sabaudo, Spanish, Sicula-Americanp, and the Prince lines carried 
immigrants from this port. The above lines are mentioned in the 
order of their importance as emigrant carriers at the time under 
consideration. Emigrants arriving in Naples are quartered in board- 
ing houses, which are under the supervision of the Government, and 
are frequently examined by sanitary officers and emigration officials. 
Steamship companies are required to board emigrants for one day 
prior to sailing, and if departure is delayed they must continue to 
maintain them until the ship sails and in addition must pay each 
2 lire (40 cents) a day as damages for his detention. 



II 



116 The Immigration Commission. 

The medical examination of emigrants at Naples takes place in 
the Capitaneria, a large building on the water front, just prior to 
the sailing of the ship. Emigrants pass in line before two sur- 
geons of the United States Public Health and Marine-Hospital 
Service, one of whom examines for trachoma and the other for favus 
and other defects. The inspection is made in the presence of the 
Italian emigration commission, representatives of the police depart- 
ment, and a detail of carabinieri reali, or military police. Usually 
there are also present the ship's doctor, a doctor of the port, the 
Italian naval surgeon, who represents the Government on all ships 
taking emigrants from Italian ports, and an inspector of emigration. 
Persons rejected by the United States medical officers are imme- 
diately removed from the inclosure. Persons not rejected pass before 
a police officer, who examines their passports, and if this is satis- 
factory the emigrant then goes aboard a lighter and is carried to the 
ship. At the gangway or the vessel emigrants are met by police 
officers and a representative of the United States medical officials, 
who sees that inspection cards are properly stamped and baggage 
labeled to indicate that it has passed the sanitary inspectors. Knives 
are also taken from the emigrants at this time by the police. If 
everything is satisfactory at this point the seal of the United States 
Public Health and Marine-Hospital Service is stamped on the in- 
spection card. After passing the first group of inspectors emigrants 
are again examined for trachoma and favus by the ship's doctor. 
This supplementary medical visit on this ship was inaugurated at 
the request of the United States medical officer in charge to prevent 
substitution, which previous to that time had been quite common. 
The usual method of substitution was as follows: A healthy man 
who had no intention of going to the United States would pass 
through the medical inspection on shore without difficulty and re- 
ceive the inspection card entitling him to board the steamer. Out- 
side he would pass the card to a waiting diseased man and the latter 
would go to the ship. Doctor McLaughlin explained the origin of 
the medical examination by the ship's doctor at the gangway as 
follows : 

* * * This supplemental visit at the gangplank was started by an incident 
which I will relate. I reported these facts in my annual report July 1, 1906. 
It is rare to have a case found at New York for which they can fine the com- 
pany. I reported that it would be impossible to stop this substitution with 
the force I had. Within two months after that a steamer went into New York 
with 10 cases of trachoma. She hailed from Naples. The company was fined 
$1,000. Any one of the 10 cases could have been detected by a layman, they 
were so grave. They were not cases which required any skill to detect them. 
It was palpable that the emigrants had never passed our inspection at all. 
Doctor Stoner, chief medical officer at Ellis Island, happened to be in Naples 
at the time, and we had a little conference at the consulate, at which were 
present the vice consul, Dr. Stoner, and representatives of the steamship 
companies. The steamship companies were very much worked up over paying 
the fine, when, as they said, they were doing everything they could to carry out 
our laws, giving me every support possible. They said it was unjust that the 
fine should have been inflicted. I said that I could not be responsible; that my 
visit was only advisory; that I could not police the harbor of Naples; and that 
the best thing they could do would be to put a doctor at the gangplank and 
make a supplemental visit, and hold any suspicious cases for my opinion later: 
that I felt sure the United States would not furnish any more doctors. They 
accepted the suggestion and put the system into operation. Since that time I 
have had no complaint whatever from New York. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 117 

The United States officers at Naples take no part in the examina- 
tion of second-class passengers, except that occasionally their advice 
is sought concerning questionable cases. The second-class passengers 
are examined by a physician employed expressly for this purpose by 
the steamship companies, in conjunction with and under the super- 
vision of the Italian emigration commission. 

In addition to the medical examination, the United States Public 
Health and Marine-Hospital surgeon in charge at Naples has full 
control of the inspection and disinfection of emigrant baggage. 
This is done in a well-equipped plant near the emigrant station, and 
at the time of the committee's visit one inspector and seven assistant 
inspectors were employed in the work. These men were under the 
control of the Marine-Hospital surgeon, acting officially as a quaran- 
tine officer, and the expense was borne by the steamship companies. 

Emigrants are required to be vaccinated before embarking at 
Naples. This was done in a station near the place of embarkation 
at the expense of the steamship companies, but under the supervision 
of the United States medical officers. 

American consular officers have absolutely no part in the examina- 
tion of emigrants at Naples, the usual consular function being dele- 
gated to the Marine-Hospital officer in charge. The consul, however, 
signs the bill of health in conjunction with the medical officer. 

Messina.* 

The medical examination of emigrants at Messina dates from 1905, 
when the Italian Government decreed that it should be an " emigra- 
tion port." Previous to that time nearly all emigrants from this 
district embarked at Naples or Palermo. At the time of the com- 
mittee's visit the situation at Messina was like that at Palermo. 
Emigrants embarking on ships sailing direct to United States ports 
were examined by an acting assistant surgeon of the United States 
Public Health and Marine-Hospital Service, while those leaving on 
ships which touched at Naples were inspected by the Italian authori- 
ties and the ship's doctor. The examinations are practically identical. 
At times when a considerable number of emigrants were embarking 
the examination was held in a building erected for the purpose and 
at other times on board the ship. As at all ports, the attention of the 
examining surgeons was directed toward the discovery of trachoma 
and favus and other diseases or defects which could be detected by a 
hurried inspection. Unlike most other ports, first and second class 
passengers were examined at Messina. 

The practice of avoiding the medical examination through substi- 
tution formerly prevailed at Messina, as at Naples, but Hon. Charles 
McCaughey, formerly American consul there, stated to the committee 
that he had broken up the system by causing each emigrant passing 
the examination to be conducted to the ship by a police officer^ The 
American consul or vice-consul always attends the examination of 
emigrants at Messina, and it was stated to the committee that every 
courtesy was shown them and their recommendations relative to re- 
jections always accepted without question. It was also stated that in 

The services of the United States medical officer at Messina were discon- 
tinued on February 1, 1909, as it had ceased to be a port of emigration on 
account of the destruction of the city by the earthquake of December 28, 1908, 



118 The Immigration Commission. 

several instances, owing to private information, criminals were pre- 
vented from embarking for the United States through the interven- 
tion of the American consul. 

The disinfection of emigrants' baggage is carried on under the 
direction of the American consul. 

From December 1, 1906. to December 31, 1907, a total of 1,807 
emigrants were passed and 194 rejected at Messina. All but 5 of the 
rejections were for trachoma. 

Palermo. 

The sanitary inspection of emigrants to the United States was 
begun at Palermo on the occasion of the outbreak of cholera in 1893, 
a surgeon of the American Marine-Hospital Service being at that 
time assigned to Naples, with jurisdiction extending over the Pa- 
lermo district. Later, and up to 1901, the medical examination was 
made by a steamship company surgeon or by a local doctor employed 
by the American consulate at the expense of the steamship company. 
In February, 1901, the United States Marine-Hospital surgeon in 
charge at Naples began sending one of hi& assistant surgeons to 
Palermo each time there was a departure of a steamer direct to the 
United States. The voyage between Palermo and Naples, however, 
being a very fatiguing and often a stormy one of twelve hours by 
small packets, such visits were discontinued in 1903, and a local 
doctor was at that time named as an acting assistant surgeon of the 
Marine-Hospital Service and assigned to duty at this port, and at the 
time of the Commission's inspection this arrangement was in force. 

Emigrants arriving at Palermo are lodged in boarding houses 
until embarking. On the day of sailing emigrants are examined in 
a building on the water front. A small room is utilized for the 
examination, and, unlike the practice at other ports, each is exam- 
ined separately. An acting assistant surgeon of the United States 
Public Health and Marine-Hospital Service conducts the examina- 
tion in the presence of an American consular officer, Italian emigra- 
tion officials, the health officer of the port, a naval surgeon represent- 
ing the Italian Government, and the ship's doctor. There is also 
present a resident physician representing the steamship company who 
attends to the vaccination of emigrants who are passed, and an agent 
of the company who withdraws the tickets of rejected persons. The 
examination, as at other ports, is particularly for trachoma and favus. 
The decisions of the United States medical officer are absolute, but in 
doubtful cases the other medical men present are frequently con- 
sulted with. After passing the examining physician emigrants ar< 
vaccinated and then inspected by the American consular officer, whc 
officially stamps the inspection cards. The final inspection is made 
by an inspector of emigration, who sees that emigrants' passports 
and papers comply with the Italian law. Inspection cards are taken 
from emigrants as they board the steamer by a representative of the 
American consul. This is done in order that they may be compared 
with the passenger list of the steamer, and the cards are returned to 
the captain of the ship with that list. 

The disinfection of baggage is done by persons employed by the 
American consulate, the 'expense being borne by the steamship 
companies. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 119 

There is no formal examination of first and second class passengers 
at Palermo, and it was frequently stated to the committee that at this 
and other Italian ports persons clearly of the steerage class fre- 
quently embarked second class because they could not pass the phys- 
ical examination to which steerage passengers were subjected. In this 
connection Hon. William H. Bishop, American consul at Palermo, 
made the following statement to the Commission : 

Under instructions from Naples there is no inspection by the consulate of 
first or second class cabin passengers. These are supposed to be looked over by 
the company's surgeon and are taken at the company's risk. I understand 
that such passengers were at one time regularly inspected, but there being so 
many Americans among them, and as most Americans come abroad without any 
papers to show their nationality, there was no way to distinguish natives from 
aliens, protest was made by the former as for an indignity suffered and the 
examination of all alike was dropped. The circumstance adds new force to 
the argument that all Americans should provide themselves with a passport 
for their proper identification before leaving their own country. 

In my opinion it should be possible to subject alien passengers of the first 
and second class to the same examination as those in the steerage, for the 
reason that some of the latter who would be ineligible on the grounds of health 
or a criminal record now make the sacrifice to pay the higher fare for the very 
purpose of escaping the consular investigation. For some reason or other 
the Italian Government does not require its subjects to take out passports in 
these classes, and their penal record is therefore not inquired into, as it is 
for the steerage. As a matter of fact nearly all such cases seem to pass 
our immigration authorities at Ellis Island. 

Some of the steamship lines carrying emigrants from Palermo 
sail direct to United States ports, while others touch at Naples on 
the outward voyage. This complicates the situation at the former 
port, for the reason that steerage passengers sailing direct from 
Palermo are examined by the United States medical officer, while 
those going via Naples are inspected only by the Italian emigration 
commission and the steamship companies; the examination by marine- 
hospital surgeons taking place at Naples. A further complication 
arises from the fact that by permission of the Italian Government 
ships of the White Star Line touching at the various Italian ports 
are regarded as in the coastwise traffic. Because of this arrange- 

\ ment emigrants sailing from Palermo by White Star boats are set 
ashore at Naples and examined there by both the United States and 
Italian officials. With regard to the complex situation at that port 

! Consul Bishop in a statement to the Commission said : 

Out of all this arises, it is seen, a complex condition of affairs into which 
simplicity and, if possible, uniformity, should be introduced. In my opinion 
the entire operation should be done either there or here and not divided. 
******* 

It is clearly a hardship that emigrants beginning their journey on a steamer 
continuing to the United States from here and only calling at Naples should 
have to proceed to Naples before taking their inspection, at the risk of rejec- 
tion and return from there, and it would also be if an inspection were to take 
place here under our quarantine laws and were not recognized there, making 
a secondary one necessary there. In the year 1907 there sailed from this 
port to the United States direct 28,814 passengers, and by way of Naples in 
the manner described about 20,000. All these should be handled here uniformly. 
This would be an advantage to the latter class of emigrants and would be 
welcomed also by the steamship companies conveying them. 



70524 VOL 411 9 




120 The Immigration Commission. 

During the period covered by the committee's inquiry December 
1, 1906, to December 31, 1907 24,868 emigrants were examined by 
the United States medical officer at Palermo, and 2,246 of these were 
rejected. The causes of rejection were: 

Suspected trachoma 1, 191 

Trachoma 883 

Other causes __ 172 



Total 2, 246 

The above figures do not include emigrants who, as previously 
stated, embark at Palermo, but are examined at Naples. 

Genoa. 

The examination of emigrants at Genoa at the time of the com- 
mittee's visit was conducted under the direction of the Italian 
authorities. At times since its establishment in 1899 the system in 
force at Naples and other Italian ports has included Genoa, but as 
a rule United States medical officers have no part in the inspection. 

Emigrants awaiting embarkation at Genoa are lodged in board- 
ing houses which, as at all Italian ports, are under the supervision 
of the emigration commission. The examination occurs, just previous 
to sailing, in a large waiting room at the pier or, if the number of 
passengers is small, on board the ship. The actual medical examina- 
tion is usually made by the ship's doctor in the presence of a physi- 
cian attached to the office of the captain of the port, and the surgeon 
of the royal navy, who sails with the ship. The passports of the 
persons passed by the doctors are then examined by Italian officers. 
The inspection and disinfection of baggage is made under the direc- 
tion of the American consul in accordance with United States quar- 
antine laws, the expense being borne by the steamship companies. 

From the foregoing it is clear that the steamship companies are 
in the main responsible for the medical examination of emigrants 
at European ports of embarkation, and that they are the chief bene- 
ficiaries of the system. A study of the situation also shows that the 
real controlling factor in the situation at every port is the United 
States immigration law, for without it there would be no examina- 
tion worthy of the name. 

SUMMARY. 

Methods of conducting the inspection differ. At some ports the 
examination as a rule extends over several days, and specialists are 
employed to detect trachoma, which disease is the chief factor in 
making a competent examination necessary. At others, and par- 
ticularly at some ports of call, the inspection is conducted hurriedly 
and under seemingly unfavorable circumstances. In some instances 
American officials have absolutely no part in the work and exercise 
no authority; in others American consuls participate actively, and 
in the notable case of the Italian ports American medical officers 
absolutely control the situation. This being the case, it is obvious 
that any attempt to determine the efficiency of the systems at the 
various ports must be largely a study of the methods employed. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 121 

In this connection it is necessary only to note the real and final 
authority in determining rejections at the different ports under con- 
sideration for causes contemplated by the United States immigration 
law. In some instances this is difficult on account of apparently 
divided authority, but the following summary, it is believed, fairly 
represents the situation at each port: 

Antwerp : Physician employed by steamship company. 

Bremen: Physicians employed by American consul. 

Cherbourg: Ship's doctor. 

Christiania : Physician of the board of health. 

Copenhagen: Municipal physician. 

Fiume: Physician employed by steamship company, who also acts 
for the American consul. 

Genoa : Ship's doctor. 

Glasgow: Ship's doctor. 

Hamburg: Physicians (including eye specialists) employed by 
steamship company. 

Havre: Physicians (including an eye specialist) employed by the 
steamship companies. 

Libau : Physician employed by steamship company. 

Liverpool : Physicians employed by steamship companies. 

Londonderry : Ship's doctor. 

Marseille: Physicians (including an eye specialist) employed by 
steamship company, and the ship's doctor. 

Messina: Acting assistant surgeon of the United States Public 
Health and Marine-Hospital Service. 

Naples: Officers of the United States Public Health and Marine- 
Hospital Service. 

Palermo: Acting assistant surgeon of the United States Public 
Health and Marine-Hospital Service. 

Patras: Physicians employed by steamship companies. 

Piraeus: Ship's doctor. 

Queenstown: Ship's doctor. 

Rotterdam : Physicians (including eye specialists) employed by the 
steamship company; a physician employed by the American consul- 
ate general, and the ship's doctor. 

Southampton: Ship's doctor. 

Trieste: Physicians employed by steamship company, and the 
ship's doctor/ Police officers. The American consul exercises un- 
usual authority. 

Number of emigrants rejected. 

% 

Because of the absence of records the Commission was unable to 
ascertain for any stated period the total number of rejections made 
at all European ports included in the inquiry. In the case of some 
ports information was available for only a part of the steamship 
lines embarking emigrants there, and in other cases the number of 
persons rejected was found, but the cause of rejections could not be 
ascertained. Consequently the material at hand is incomplete, but 
it is sufficient to illustrate the great sifting process that goes on at 
control stations and ports before emigrants are finally allowed to 
embark for the United States. 






122 



The Immigration Commission. 



The following table shows such information as was available rela- 
tive to the number of rejections at the ports and* control stations indi- 
cated during the thirteen months ending December 31, 190T, which 
was the period particularly covered by the Commission's inquiry : 

TABLE 49. Number of emigrants rejected at ports and control stations specified, 
from December 1, 1906, to December 31, 1907. 



Port or control station. 


Number 
rejected. 


Port or control station. 


Number 
rejected. 


Antwerp a 




Londonderry " 




Bremen: 




Marseille o 




Control stations .... 


8,110 


Messina 


194 


Port 


3,178 


Naples 


10,224 


Cherbourg a 




Palermo 


2,368 


Christiania a 




Patras 


1,174 


Copenhagen o 




Piraeus <* 




Fiume 


4,789 


Queenstown 


124 


Genoa & 


382 


Rotterdam: 




Glasgow 


40 


Control stations 


538 


Hamburg: 




Port 


303 


Control stations 


3,234 


Southampton a 




Port 


2 694 


Trieste 


397 


Havre 


340 






Libau c 


654 


Total 


39,681 


Liverpool d 


938 















o No data. 

b Includes only North German-Lloyd and Navigazione Generate Italiana lines. Other lines carrying 
emigrants from Genoa to United States ports are the Hamburg- American, La Veloce, Lloyd Italiano, Lloyd 
Sabaudo, Spanish, and the White Star. 

c Includes only Russian Volunteer Fleet. The Russian East Asiatic Line aho carries emigrants from 
Libau. 

d Includes only American and Cunard lines. Other lines carrying emigrants from Liverpool to United 
States ports are the Allan, Dominion, and White Star. 

Includes only A ustro- Americana Line. Other lines carrying emigrants from Patras to United States 
ports are the Prince, Fabre, and Hellenic-Transatlantic. 

It will be noted from the above table that Naples leads every other 
port in the number of emigrants rejected, with Fiume second and 
Bremen third. However, when rejections at control stations are 
also taken into account Bremen stands first with 11.288 rejections 
as compared with 10,224 at Naples, and Hamburg third with 5,928. 
With the exception of Naples, data are not available to show the 
number of emigrants embarking at the various ports during th( 
period considered, and consequently a comparison between the num- 
ber carried and the number rejected, except at Naples, is impossibl* 
In the number of emigrants embarking, however, Naples is first, fol- 
lowed by Bremen, Liverpool, and Hamburg, in the order named, tht 
number carried from each port during the calendar year 1907 bein^ 
approximately as follows: 

Naples 1 240, 1J 

Bremen 203, 7< 

Liverpool 177, Gc 

Hamburg 142> 794 

In the case of Naples, the number stated was taken from the records 
of the United States Public Health and Marine-Hospital Service at 
that port and is correct. The figures for the other ports > are taken 
from the report of the trans- Atlantic passenger movement issued by 
the associated steamship lines and represent the number of steerage 
passengers carried on vessels sailing from such ports for the United 
States. Not all of these are alien emigrants, however, and the num- 
bers stated include steerage passengers embarking at ports of call 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 123 

during the voyage, but neither of these classes is large compared 
with the number of real emigrants embarking at the home port of the 
various lines. Moreover, the figures for Liverpool do not include 
emigrants destined to the United States who sail from that port to 
Canadian ports, but the number in this class is not sufficiently large 
to change the relative standing of the ports as above stated. Data 
are not available relative to the number of emigrants embarking at 
Fiume and Patras during the entire calendar year 1907, but the 
arrivals at United States ports from the ports mentioned during the 
months of January, February, March, July, August, and September 
of that year were as follows : 

Fiume 22, 085 

Patras 6,296 

Assuming, what is doubtless correct, that the above figures repre- 
sent approximately one-half of the number of emigrants carried from 
such ports during the calendar year 1907, it will be seen that the 
proportion rejected there is very much larger than at Naples, Bremen, 
or Hamburg. 

As previously explained, it is impossible to state the exact number 
of intended emigrants who are refused passage to the United States 
from European ports during any given period. From the preced- 
ing table it is seen that of the ports included within the Commis- 
sion's inquiry no data relative to rejections were available for Ant- 
werp, Cherbourg, Christiania, Copenhagen, Londenderry, Marseille, 
Piraeus, and Southampton, while for Genoa, Liverpool, Libau, and 
Patras the record is incomplete. This is particularly unfortunate 
in the case of Liverpool, which is one of the four great emigration 
ports of Europe. Moreover, the inquiry did not include the minor 
ports of Barcelona, Bordeaux, Boulogne, Cadiz, Calais, Dover, 
Gibraltar, Hull, Leghorn, Plymouth, and Stettin, at all of which 
some emigrants embarked for the United States during the year 1907. 
No data whatever could be secured relative to the number of appli- 
cants who on account of their physical condition were refused trans- 
portation by agents of the various lines requiring a medical examina- 
tion in connection with the sale of tickets. It is believed, however, 
that the number rejected in this way is relatively small. 

From the foregoing it is clear that while the number of rejections, 
39,681, shown in the preceding table in all probability represents 
the greater part of all rejections at ports of embarkation and else- 
where in Europe, the number would be considerably increased were 
complete data available. Of course any estimate of the total number 
rejected would of necessity be largely speculative, but it seems safe 
to assume that during the period of 'the thirteen months. December 
1, 1906, to December 31, 1907, covered by the Commission's inquiry, 
at least 50.000 intended emigrants were refused transportation from 
European ports to the United States because of the probability that 
they would be debarred at United States ports under the provisions 
of the immigration laws. 

During the yeai' 1907 steamers of the Hamburg-American Line sailing^ from 
Hamburg embarked passengers at Boulogne, Cherbourg, Plymouth, and South- 
ampton ; steamers of the North German Lloyd sailing from Bremen, at, Cher- 
bourg and Southampton ; and ships of the Cunard and White Star lines, sailing 

)m Liverpool, at Queenstown. 



124 



The Immigration Commission. 



Causes of rejections. 

Of the 39,681 intending emigrants rejected, as shown by the pre- 
ceding table, the cause of rejection was available in 34,228 cases. 
These data for each port classified according to the principal causes 
of rejection are shown in the following table: 

TABLE 50. Number of emigrants rejected at European ports and control sta- 
tions specified, from December 1, 1906, to December 31, 1907, by cause. 



Port or control sta- 
tions. 


Total. 


Number rejected for 


Per cent rejected for 


Tra- 
choma. 


Other 
diseases 
of the eye. 


Favus. 


All other 
causes. 


Tra- 
choma. 


Other 

diseases 
of the eye. 


Favus. 


All other 

causes. 


Bremen: 
Control stations. . 
Port 


8.110 
3, 178 
40 

3,234 
2,694 
340 
654 
938 
194 
10, 224 
2, 3fc8 
1,174 
124 

535 
303 
118 


3,998 
1,5,1 
26 

1,768 
d2,343 
147 
0489 
814 
1S9 
5, lit) 
O.'JS 
1,052 
84 

464 

234 
50 


o3,099 
b 1, 129 


c 1,017 
() 
22 
1 
21 

3,019 
1,244 

22 




48 


426 
34 


240 
324 
8 
102 
26 

576 




60 
66 
10 


587 
444 
14 

209 

27 
163 
62 
77 
5 
1,513 
186 
122 
18 

11 
3 

10 


49.3 

49.4 
65.0 

54.7 
87.0 
43.2 
74.8 
86.8 
97.4 
50.0 
39.6 
89.6 
67.7 

86.7 
77.2 
42.4 


38.2 
35.5 
.0 

31.4 
.0 
6.5 
.2 
2.2 
.0 
29.5 
52.5 
.0 
17.7 

.0 
.0 
40.7 


5.3 
1.1 
.0 

7.4 
12.0 
2.4 
15.6 
2.8 
.0 
5.6 
.0 
.0 
.0 

11.2 
21.8 
8.5 


7.2 
14.0 
35.0 

6.5 
1.0 
47.9 
9.5 
8.2 
2.6 
14.8 
7.9 
10.4 
14.5 

2.1 
1.0 

8.5 


Glasgow 


Hamburg: 
Control stations. . 
Port 
Havre 


Libau / 


Liverpool A 


Messina 


Naples 


Palermo 


Patras 
Queenstown 


Rotterdam: 
Control stations . . 
Port 


Trieste; 


Total ' 


34,228 


19, 283 


9,622 


1,872 


3,451 


56.3 


28.1 


5.5 


10.1 





a Including 2,751 for "granulosis." 

b Including 28 for "granulosis." 

c All "conjunctivitis." 

d Trachoma (conjunctivitis). 

See Trachoma. 

/ Includes only Russian Volunteer Fleet. The Russian East Asiatic Line also carries emigrants from 
Libau. 

g Including 87 for "trachoma and favus." 

A Includes only American and Cunard lines. All other lines carrying emigrants from Liverpool to United 
States ports are the Allan, Dominion, and the "White Star. 

Includes only Austro-Americana Line. Other lines carrying emigrants from Patras to United States 
ports are the Prince, Fabre, and Hellenic-Transatlantic. 

; Includes only Cunard Line. Detailed data for Austro-Americana Line not available. 

It will be noted that of 34,228 rejections, 19,283, or 56.3 per cent, 
were for trachoma, and 9,622, or 28.1 per cent of the whole, were for 
other diseases of the eye which for the most part could doubtless be 
classified as trachoma. Consequently it may be said that practically 
84.4 per cent of all the rejections considered were for a disease which 
previous to 1897 was not a cause for the debarment of immigrants 
at United States ports of arrival. The port of Havre shows the 
smallest per cent, 49.7, rejected for trachoma and other diseases of 
the eye, and Messina the highest, with 97.4 per cent rejected for 
trachoma alone. The small proportion of rejections at Havre on 
account of eye diseases is due to the fact that a considerable number 
were rejected at that port for pellagra and other diseases not repre- 
sented in large proportions at other ports. At every other port, 
except Glasgow, 75 per cent or more of the rejections were on 
account of trachoma and other diseases of the eye. 

It is worthy of note that practically all of the rejections under dis- 
cussion were for some physical or mental disability. This is per- 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 125 

haps only natural in view of the fact that the inspection at prac- 
tically every port is conducted purely from a medical standpoint. In 
much of the data secured by the Commission the causes of rejection 
were not given in great detail, the classification " other causes " in- 
cluding a considerable proportion of the rejections at several ports. 
So far as shown by the data, however, all of the rejections under con- 
sideration were for plwsical or mental causes except in the follow- 
ing instances : Liverpool, 4 " arrested ; " Trieste, 2 " without means," 
117 " rejected by police; " Queenstown, 1 " refused examination." 

It does not appear, however, that the police inspection at Trieste 
is an attempt to prevent the embarkation of persons likely to be ex- 
cluded from the United States, and consequently it can hardly be 
considered as a means of protecting the United States against the 
coming of undesirable classes. 

It is of course possible that among emigrants rejected for " other 
causes " there were some criminals, prostitutes, procurers, paupers, 
contract laborers, or other classes specifically debarred by the United 
States immigration law, but if so the number is too small to be 
worthy of consideration. 

At the German control stations on the Russian and Austrian 
boundaries the amount of money possessed by intended emigrants is 
taken into consideration and according to the records 755 persons 
were rejected there during the year 1907 for " want of means." 

On the whole, however, the examination abroad as conducted at the 
time of the Commission's visit and at the present time affords prac- 
tically no protection from any of the classes debarred by the United 
States law except the physically or mentally defective, and this not- 
withstanding the fact that at several ports American consular officers 
actively participate in the inspection, and are accorded the privilege 
of rejecting emigrants who are undesirable within the meaning of 
the United States immigration law. 

INSPECTION ABROAD BY AMERICAN OFFICIALS. 

!The system of emigrant inspection in force at Naples, Messina, and 
Palermo is of particular interest because of the somewhat prevalent 
belief that an examination by United States medical officers at ports 
of embarkation would prevent the sailing of persons who could not 
be admitted to the United States under the provisions of the immigra- 
tion law. In his annual report for the fiscal year 1900, Hon. T. V. 
Powderly, Commissioner General of Immigration, reiterated a rec- 
ommendation that had been made in the two preceding reports of 
the bureau, as follows: 

That physicians representing the Government be stationed at the foreign 
ports of embarkation for the purpose of examining into the physical condition 
of aliens who are about to embark for the United States. Experience of the 
ability and energy of the surgeons of the United States Marine-Hospital Service 
leaves no room for doubt that, should they be assigned to such duty, but few 
cases of this dangerous disease would be permitted to embark, and that, besides 
accomplishing the most important object of preventing the introduction of 
trachoma (or other contagious diseases of the nonquarantinable class), the 
delay and trouble and uncertainty incident to examination at the ports of the 
United States, where limited accommodations and an ever-increasing and con- 
tinuous flow of arrivals necessitate a degree of expedition not always consistent 
with thoroughness, would be avoided. 

See p. Ill et seq. 



126 



The Immigration Commission. 



The late Frank P. Sargent, for many years Commissioner General 
of Immigration, was an advocate of this policy, and in annual re- 
ports of the bureau repeatedly urged that it be adopted. In 1906 
Commissioner General Sargent, in referring to the examination of 
immigrants, said : 

The ideal plan for controlling this situation, however, is the one that has 
been urged by the bureau for years ; i. e., the stationing of United States medical 
officers abroad, with the requirement that all prospective passengers shall be 
examined and passed by them as physically and mentally fit for landing in this 
country. This would prevent the emigration, not only of those afflicted with 
contagious diseases, but also of those afflicted with idiocy and insanity. 

Fortunately the plan so long and urgently advocated by Messrs. 
Powderly and Sargent has been in operation at Italian ports long 
enough to demonstrate its usefulness, and to make possible a com- 
parison of results between the inspection as conducted there and at 
other European ports. 

Since the only purpose of the medical inspection of emigrants at 
European ports of embarkation, as here considered, is to avoid rejec- 
tions and penalties at United States ports, the only fair and adequate 
test of the efficiency of such examinations is the record of rejections 
by the United States immigration service. In order to apply this 
test the commission secured from unpublished records of the Bureau 
of Immigration and Naturalization data showing the number of alien 
immigrants arriving at United States ports from the various ports of 
Europe and the number of such arrivals who were refused admission 
to the United States for purely medical reasons. This record covers 
six months of the year 1907, when the method of conducting medical 
examinations at the various European ports was as previously de- 
scribed. Thus the results are perfectly comparable. 

The following table shows the result of the inquiry referred to : 

TABLE 51. Number carried and number and per cent of persons debarred for 
medical causes, by port of embarkation, at trans-Atlantic ports, during Janu- 
ary, February, March, July, August, and September, 1907. 



Port of embarkation. 


Number 
carried. 


Debarred. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Antwerp 


28, 267 


50 
485 
3 
3 
5 
37 
17 
36 
179 
122 
37 
144 
9 
7 
4 
311 
61 
36 
16 
16 
62 
23 
27 


0.18 
.61 
.15 

1 

!47 
.57 
.61 
.18 
.36 
.25 
.31 

1(5 




80,004 
2,016 
1.7G4 
2, 560 
22, 085- 
7,154 
9,295 
55.877 
27, 354 
8,979 
57 728 




Christiania 






Genoa 


Glasgow 




Havre 


Libau 


Liverpool 


Londonderry 


2,240 
746 
1,172 
95,000 
13,118 
6, 296 
2, 602 
8,726 
17, 291 
9,193 
8 594 


Marseille 


Messina 


Naples 


Palermo , 


Patras . - .- 


Piraeus 


Queenstown 


Rotterdam 


Southampton 


Trieste 


Total 




468,061 1,690 





Annual Report of the Commissioner General of Immigration, 1906, p. 63. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 127 

As previously stated this table shows the number of alien steerage 
passengers reaching United States ports from the various ports of 
Europe specified and the number and per cent of such passengers 
debarred under the provisions of the United States immigration law. 

In the first place it is of interest to note the fact that the number 
debarred is remarkably small when compared with the total number 
carried. This alone clearly illustrates the fact that, as a whole, the 
medical inspection of emigrants prior to embarkation at European 
ports is thoroughly effective. Only 0.36 per cent of the persons car- 
ried were debarred at United States ports for medical reasons, which 
is a much smaller proportion than were rejected at Italian ports and 
German control stations for the same causes. 

During the year ending June 30, 1907, 5.5 per cent of all emigrants 
examined by American medical officers at Italian ports were rejected, 
while 2.2 per cent of all examined at German control stations during 
a like period were turned back for purely medical reasons. 

For the purpose of this study, however, the above table is chiefly 
interesting as illustrating the relative effectiveness of the examination 
at the various European ports under consideration. In the beginning 
it may be well to state that at some ports it is entirely possible for 
diseased emigrants to avoid the medical inspection by means of sub- 
stitution, as previously explained, or by surreptitously boarding the 
vessel. Moreover, the class of emigrants carried from the various^ 
ports may, and doubtless does, affect the situation somewhat. For 
instance, practically all emigrants from Christiania are Scandi- 
navians, and trachoma and favus, which combined are the principal 
cause of medical rejections at United States ports, do not prevail in 
Scandinavian countries. Every other port, however, is to a greater 
or less extent affected by one or both of these diseases. Copenhagen is 
perhaps only slightly affected through emigration from Finland, 
where trachoma is prevalent, and Glasgow, because relatively few 
continental emigrants sail from that port. Trachoma is not un^ 
known in Ireland, but it does not exist to such an extent as in south- 
ern and eastern Europe, and consequently Queenstown and London- 
derry can not perhaps be fairly classified with other ports with 
regard to the particular kinds of loathsome contagious diseases which 
cause the rejection of so many aliens at United States ports. 

Liverpool. Southampton, and the continental ports, with the ex- 
ception of Christiania and Copenhagen, all draw the greater part of 
their emigrant traffic from southern and eastern Europe, and while 
of course the degree to which the diseases under consideration prevail 
differs in various sections, nevertheless such diseases are sufficiently 
widespread to require a careful medical inspection of emigrants 
coming from those sections. Because of this fact the results of the 
inspections at these ports are fairly comparable, which makes pos- 
sible a reasonable test of the relative effectiveness of the different 
inspections. 

It will be noted from the preceding table that the percentage of 
rejections was smallest among emigrants embarking at Cherbourg, 
only three rejections out of 2^016 emigrants carried being recorded, 




128 The Immigration Commission. 

This result is particularly noteworthy because Cherbourg draws 
emigrant traffic from the Levantine countries, where trachoma and 
favus are widespread, as well as from other southern and eastern 
European countries. Moreover, it is only a port of call and no 
elaborate system of medical inspection prevails there, the ship's 
doctor being the determining factor in the matter of rejections. 

The largest percentage of rejections occurs among emigrants 
embarking at Marseille, which is not surprising because of the fact 
that steerage passengers sailing from that port are largely drawn 
from Syria and countries of southeastern Europe, where trachoma is 
particularly prevalent. 

A rather curious situation is found in comparing rejections among 
emigrants from the four ports of Antwerp, Bremen, Hamburg, and 
Kotterdam. The steerage business of these four lines is very largely 
recruited in eastern Europe, and the class of emigrants embarking is 
much the same at each port. It is true also that the great majority 
of all emigrants embarking at the German ports, and a large part of 
those sailing from Antwerp and Kotterdam, are subjected to an 
inspection at the German control stations. Notwithstanding these 
facts, however, there is a wide difference in the proportion of persons 
embarking at the four ports Avho are debarred at United States ports 
for medical causes. These proportions are as follows: Bremen, 1 in 
165 ; Rotterdam, 1 in 279 ; Hamburg, 1 in 312 ; Antwerp, 1 in 565. 

It is necessary to note in this connection that the three ports having 
the largest proportion rejected each have excellent emigrant sta- 
tions, superior facilities for handling emigrants, and elaborate and 
apparently thorough systems of inspection. At Bremen, which port 
makes by far the worst showing in the matter of debarments at 
United States ports, it will be remembered that the determining 
factor in the matter of rejections is a physician in the employ of the 
American consulate, while at Antwerp, which shows relatively a 
very small proportion of emigrants rejected at United States ports, 
American consular or other officials have absolutely no part in the 
inspection. 

Most interesting of all, however, is a comparison between Antwerp 
and Naples, for it will be recalled that the emigrant-inspection sys- 
tems in force at these ports represent extremes, so far as American 
control is concerned, the inspection at Naples being entirely in the 
hands of United States Pubjic Health and Marine-Hospital surgeons. 
Measured by debarments at United States ports, however, the inspec- 
tion at Antwerp is considerably more effective, for while the pro- 
portion refused admission to the United States is only 1 in 565 
among emigrants embarking at that port, the proportion among 
emigrants sailing from Naples is 1 in 305. In the case of other 
Italian ports where American medical officers were in charge the 
proportion of emigrants debarred at the United States ports is as 
follows: Palermo, 1 in 215; Messina, 1 in 293; while among emi- 
grants embarking at Genoa, where, during the period under con- 
sideration, the medical inspection was made by ships' doctors, the 
proportion of rejections was only 1 in 421. It may be said, however, 
that the particular diseases for which emigrants are debarred at 
United States ports are not so prevalent among classes embarking at 
Genoa as at the more southern ports of Italy. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 129 

A comparison between the Adriatic ports of Trieste and Fiume is 
interesting. At the latter port the medical inspection is made by a 
steamship company doctor and a physician employed by the Amer- 
ican consul, but the Commission was informed that the examina- 
tion by the former was so rigid that it had not been necessary for 
the consulate physician to reject any emigrants for some time previ- 
ously. The American consul attends the examinations but does not 
exercise unusual authority. At Trieste the medical inspection is 
made by resident physicians of the steamship company and the ship's 
doctor, while the American consul at the time under consideration 
exercised a greater degree of authority than was exercised by such 
consular officers at any other European port. The consul informed 
the Commission that he insisted on rejections not only for trachoma 
and favus, but for less conspicuous physical defects as well. Ex- 
perience at United States ports with emigrants from Fiume and 
Trieste indicate that, notwithstanding the great degree of authority 
exercised by the consul at the latter port, the inspection at Fiume 
is much more effective. In fact the proportion debarred at United 
States ports among emigrants from Fiume is only 1 to 597, or the 
same as in the case of Christiania, while the proportion debarred 
among emigrants sailing from Trieste is 1 to 318. The proportion 
debarred among emigrants embarking at the Greek ports of Patras 
and Piraeus is large, being 1 to 175 in the case of the former and 
1 to 163 in the case of the latter. 

OPINIONS OF AMERICAN OFFICIALS. 

Opinions differ as to the value of an inspection of emigrants by 
American medical officers at ports of embarkation, but while the com- 
mittee found some American officials acquainted with the situation 
who praised the system in force at Naples and other Italian ports, 
none gave it unqualified approval. 

Some of the opinions expressed by such officials are given herewith. 

Passed Asst. Surg. Allan J. McLaughlin, of the United States Pub- 
lic Health and Marine-Hospital Service, who was for several years 
in charge at Naples, at a hearing before the committee made the fol- 
lowing statement : 

Doctor MCLAUGHLIN. This station is unique. It is the only place in Europe 
where this visit is made. If it was started as an experiment, it has lasted long 
enough to justify one in drawing conclusions. If it is good here, it ought to 
exist in every other port in Europe. That looks to me like a plain proposition 
It has existed seven years. Why should it exist in Naples and nowhere else? 
Seven years is a good long while for an experiment. If it is a good thing, it 
ought to exist in other ports as well. 

Senator DILLINGHAM. What do you think about it? 

Doctor MCLAUGHLIN. It is a good thing for a good many people. It largely 
depends on the humanitarian sentiment and public opinion in the United States. 
It is of great assistance to the steamship companies. 

Senator DILLTNGHAM. In complying with the law? 

Doctor MCLAUGHLIN. In complying with the law. It helps them to carry out 
the law. It encourages them to carry out our law. It is a fine courtesy to the 
Italian Government in trying to protect their emigrants. It is of great value 
to the emigrant himself. It is a fine piece of philanthropy. 

Senator DILLINGHAM. It prevents the rejection at our ports of an emigrant, 
and the expenditure of his time and money in the journey? 

Doctor MCLAUGHLIN. Yes, sir. It is a fine piece of philanthropy from a 
humanitarian standpoint. * * * 






130 The Immigration Commission. 

It will be noted that, in Doctor McLaughlin's opinion, the system 
was of value to the Italian Government, the steamship companies, 
and the emigrant, but he was silent as to its value to the United 
States. 

In reply to an inquiry relative to the effectiveness of the examina- 
tion at Naples, Mr. Homer M. Byington, for many years American 
vice-consul at that city, said : 

The effect of it has been to eliminate the enormous rejections for physical 
defects which formerly occurred at New York. Now there are hardly ever more 
than 10 emigrants returned by one ship, whereas in former years it ran any- 
where from 10 to 50. The Government and the steamship companies have 
heartily cooperated with the medical inspector, with the exception of the matter 
of first and second class, in regard to which the steamship companies at first 
endeavored to avoid the inspection of passengers, and so successfully that orders 
were received from the Surgeon-General of the Public Health and Marine-Hos- 
pital Service that first and second class passengers be not examined. Since 
then nearly all the friction has occurred over contagious diseases, particularly 
of the eyes, in the case of first and second class passengers; so that I am of the 
opinion that the steamship companies themselves would now be very glad to 
have those classes examined. In fact, some of them have requested it. Until 
first and second class aliens are examined the same as the third class, there is 
always a chance for friction to arise. So far as third class are concerned every- 
thing has been done that can be done. 

Asst. Surg. R. A. C. Wollenberg, of the United States Public 
Health and Marine-Hospital Service, who succeeded Doctor Mc- 
Laughlin as medical officer in charge at Naples, in a statement to the 
Commission, said : 

A foreign inspection alone can never protect the United States against aliens 
with trachoma, favus, etc. Without the examination at Ellis Island and other 
ports the examination here would have little value against the unscrupulous 
persons who make a business of evading our immigration laws. The evils of 
substitution and other means of evading the inspection here concern the poor 
emigrant and the authorities whose duty it is to protect him, the steamship com- 
panies, and, least of all. the United States. An emigrant so deceived, upon being 
returned from Ellis Island, often makes complaint to authorities there, stating 
the amount of money he paid for evading inspection. The steamship com- 
panies pay fines for him in these cases and consequently are very much con- 
cerned in preventing these evils. The United States is, of course, very anxious 
to prevent such evasion of its foreign inspection, but is sufficiently protected by 
the rigid inspection made at our American ports. 

Hon. Caspar S., Crowninshield, American consul at Naples, said : 

I believe the service to be of great value, both to the emigrant and the United 
States. This inspection would be still more useful, I believe, if the American 
physicians were granted more power. At present they act principally in an 
advisory capacity to the steamship companies. I think that the examination of 
emigrants should be made by one or more individuals each one being an 
American medical officer, and also by an inspector with full authority to pre- 
vent departures when he sees proper. It seems to me that every important 
port of emigration should be provided with such a service. Another method 
would be to employ American inspectors in foreign ports in addition to medical 
experts, but, in any case, the latter should have the power of rejection in cases 
of disease the rejection of which is mandatory in America. Under the present 
system officers of the Public Health and Marine-Hospital Service are handi- 
capped by responsibility without authority. 

Dr. Arthur S. Cheney, American consul at Messina, who later 
perished when that city was destroyed by an earthquake, did not par- 
ticularly discuss the system of examination peculiar to Italian ports, 
but said of the inspection of emigrants in general : 

In the medical examination so much attention is directed to determining the 
presence or absence of trachoma that other equally sound causes for rejection 



Emigration Conditions in Europe. 131 

may possibly be overlooked. If any improvement in this line could be made 
it would be to have each emigrant introduced, one at a time, into the examining 
room, in order that further attention might also be given, in those sometimes 
suspicious cases, to the possible presence of loathsome ^diseases, such as venereal 
and skin diseases. Undoubtedly such a procedure would take more time and 
might be open to objections on other grounds, but, on the other hand, it is just 
as true that all other medical causes of rejection are now too much neglected 
to search for the more common cases of trachoma. 

Hon. William H. Bishop, American consul at Palermo, at which 
port, as elsewhere stated, the United States Marine Hospital surgeon 
examines only a part of the emigrants embarking, the remainder be- 
ing examined at Naples, said: 

I recommend that an American medical inspector be stationed here to have 
entire control of emigration at this port, leaving the consulate free to attend to 
the development of its large commercial and allied interests, * * * If it. 
not be thought desirable to appoint a medical inspector, I recommend a trial of 
the plan of abolishing all control of emigrants on this side of the ocean and 
throwing the entire responsibility for them on the steamship companies, by 
much increasing their present scale of penalties; largely strengthening at the 
same time the force at Ellis Island, now perhaps sometimes borne down by 
sheer weight of numbers, so that it could deal at full leisure with all the new 
arrivals in one day. It is generally believed that it is on the American side of 
the water that the really effective control and relief for abuses are to be found. 

Hon. Clarence Slocum Rice, American consul at Fiume, said : 

I think all consular officers would feel more sure of the benefit they try to 
effect by conscientious supervision if they had the services of an American 
surgeon. 

Hon. Horace Lee Washington, American consul-general at Mar- 
seille, said: 

In my opinion, the double examination of intending emigrants, that is to say, 
examination prior to the departure of the ship from the foreign port and re- 
examination by the American officers at the port of arrival, is indispensable to 
the satisfactory enforcement of the law. Personal appreciation of the eligibil- 
ity of individuals is likely to vary so that it is absolutely necessary to have 
the first official inspection checked by a second at the port of arrival. Honest 
doubt may exist at the port of departure in regard to the admissibility of par- 
ticular subjects, with the result that such persons are permitted to ship for 
the United States, disease developing during transit, and unless a second in- 
spection is provided at the port of arrival, such persons would undoubtedly be 
admitted to the country. It is within my knowledge that emigrants are fre- 
quently regarded unfavorably by certain specialists and recommended to navi- 
gation companies by others. 

Hon. Frank D. Hill, American consul-general at Barcelona, said: 

I may state that since my connection with this consulate general I have 
accompanied the sanitary inspector on a number of his visits and have been 
able to convince myself of the ready cooperation of the ships' surgeons and 
employees. Furthermore, it appears only natural that any measures tending* 
to alleviate the work of ship's surgeon and lessen the risks of embarking pas- 
sengers liable to deportation must be welcomed by the shipping companies. 
It will be remarked that the natural play of the (United States) immigration 
laws and regulations of July 1, 1907, is to develop a severity on the part of 
shipping companies and their surgeons which, as regards certain phases of 
their work, is liable to exceed that of United States immigration officers. The 
tendency is to reject all passengers about whose admissibility even the slightest 
doubt may be entertained. For example, instances have come under my ob- 
servation of the rejection by ships' surgeons of passengers (the individuals 
in question were bound for Cuba, but for the purposes of the point their des- 
tination fts indifferent) who were suffering from rather doubtful cases of 

<*See p. 119. 



132 The Immigration Commission. 

trachoma and would possibly have been passed after careful examination by 
United States or Cuban immigration officers. It is obviously impossible for 
a ship's surgeon who is obliged to pass on a large number of passengers in a 
very short space of time to make a thorough examination of doubtful cases, 
the result being that the existence of the slightest indication may be sufficient 
to cause rejection. As the majority of passengers thus rejected are poor and 
ignorant, the possibility of appeal to a more complete examination is prac- 
tically null. 

Hon. Herbert H. D. Peirce, formerly Third Assistant Secretary 
of State, and later American minister to Norway, made a statement 
to the Commission, based upon his experience in making inspections 
of consulates. Mr. Peirce said : 

My own opinion is that sanitary inspection of emigrants to the United 
States should, if possible, be made before they embark for our shores, and that 
such inspection should be made by properly qualified medical officers of the 
United States, who should submit their reports to the respective consuls to 
whose staffs they should be attached, and this inspection should be so thor- 
ough and complete as to make it clear that at the time of embarkation the 
emigrant is not suffering from any disease which he may bring into the United 
States and communicate to others there. 

Under our laws a ship sailing from a foreign port to a port of the United 
States is obliged to be furnished a bill of health signed by the consul or other 
competent officer of the United States. I am, for my part, unable to see how 
the consular or other officer can give a proper and valid bill of health of a 
vessel unless he knows of his own knowledge, or is in some manner properly 
assured, as to the sanitary condition of the emigrants she carried. This is 
particularly the case as regards ships carrying large numbers of third-class 
passengers huddled together in limited space, and in case of bad weather sub- 
jected to conditions favorable for development .of incipient disease. 

I am aware of the fact that the present system, which amounts to leaving 
it to the ship officers to decide whether the immigrant will probably be ac- 
cepted at the port of destination, and there finally deciding his admission or 
return upon an examination by the inspectors at this port, is regarded by 
certain officials as the better way of dealing with the question. But, while 
I recognize the fact that these officials have the advantage of dealing with 
the question practically, I can not but think that it is better to prevent 
the shipment of an infected immigrant who has not as yet become a public 
charge upon the company for his passage rather than to leave the question 
of his admission until the company has been at the cost of bringing him to 
our shores, and must, if he is rejected, be at the further charge of taking him 
back. The carrying of emigrant passengers is a business undertaking, and I 
am led to believe a profitable one. If I am correctly informed, while the rate 
of passage, third class, is about $30, the cost to the steamship company is 
about $10 per head. This is a rate of profit which would seem to warrant 
taking some risks, and it is probable that the ships' doctors are more animated 
by the interests of their companies than by those of a foreign government. 
While doubtless it is true, as claimed, that diseases like smallpox, cholera, 
and other virulent epidemics will develop during the passage, who can say 
what seeds a tubercular subject whose symptoms are perhaps not very pro- 
nounced may not sow among his fellow passengers during a stormy winter 
passage across the Atlantic? 

But there is another class of most dangerous immigrants whose entry into 
the United States is, so far as I am aware, unprovided against. I refer to 
the sufferers from the venereal diseases. It has always seemed to me during 
my observations of immigrant inspection that in keeping the close watch we do, 
or did when I was conversant with the subject, against trachoma, and paying 
no attention to possible venereal infection, we were straining at a gnat and 
swallowing a camel. 

I can not believe that it is a really safe plan to permit vessels carrying 
emigrants and clearing for ports of the United States to be furnished with 
a clean bill of health by the consul of the clearing port unless he has good 
assurance of the health as regards communicable diseases of the passengers. 
Such assurance can only be given him by a duly qualified and competent 
medical officer of his own government after a full inspection of the passengers. 






Emigration Conditions in Europe. 133 

And I would remark that the method of standing at a turnstile while the 
emigrants pass through can give but little information to either physician 
or layman. 

Our law authorizes " the President, in his discretion, to detail any medical 
officer of the Government to serve in the office of the consul at any foreign 
port for the purpose of furnishing information and making inspection and 
giving the bills of health hereinbefore mentioned." Doubtless these functions, 
if observed to the letter, are such as a medical officer of our Government serv- 
ing in the office of a consul may be properly detailed so far as regards our 
relations with foreign powers. But the phrase which permits the medical 
officer to grant the bills of health has created, at times and at certain ports, 
no little friction. It gives to the medical officer a superior authority over the 
consul which has been resented, not only by the consular officers, but where 
the medical officer has undertaken to enter into relations with the officials 
of the government to which the consul is accredited, by that government. 
Governments do not, under consular treaties, generally agree to an interchange 
of medical inspectors, and on all accounts it is clear to me, from my experience 
in the matter, that it is better, both for the avoidance of friction and to the 
end of holding one officer responsible in matters of clearance of vessels, that 
the consul only should grant and sign the bill of health, guided by the advice 
of the medical officer who should make his report in each case to the compe- 
tent department of our Government. 

If objection is made that an adequate system of inspection at every port of 
call would involve great expense in maintaining many medical staffs, it may 
be answered that, while our country welcomes wholesome, healthy, and de- 
sir?) ble immigrants, it is not seeking them, and the maintenance of a reasonably 
sufficient number of immigrant clearing consulates is all that can be asked. 
The companies should ship their third-class passengers from those ports, and 
their tallies on arrival should agree with the consular manifest. 

Hon. Henry W. Diederich, American consul-general at Antwerp, 
who through years of service as consul at Bremen had much experi- 
ence in connection with the examination of emigrants, made the 
following statement to the Commission : 

I personally looked over and supervised the inspection of about 1,000,000 
emigrants and their baggage in the six years of my incumbency of the Bremen 
consulate, and it is from my experience in this field that I venture to offer the 
following suggestions : 

I consider the idea of having all the inspection of emigrants done at the ports 
of embarkation by, or at least under the supervision of, a surgeon of the Ameri- 
can Marine-Hospital Service as impracticable, for various reasons. To begin 
with, the consent of the foreign governments would have to be gotten first, but 
even granted that this could be accomplished, it seems utterly impossible for an 
American medical officer to perform his functions without clashing with local 
authorities and also with foreign, colleagues who must assist him. Some years 
ago an excellent young man was sent by the Marine-Hospital Service to 
Bremen, but at the end of the year he was rather glad to return home, because 
he found that the inspection was most thoroughly done, and done by German 
physicians far more competent than himself. Besides, he had kept me quite 
busy keeping peace between him and the government and steamship officials, 
In discussing this question it should always be remembered that medical 
students in the leading countries of this continent get a far more thorough 
professional training than they do in our own, generally speaking, and that the 
governments themselves are more strict in issuing licenses to practice medicine. 
So no American consul will ever have any difficulty in finding competent medical 
assistance, and I therefore am firmly convinced that if we would avoid much 
unpleasant experience, not to say downright humiliations, all inspections should 
be made consular inspections; that is to say, every consul should be authorized 
to appoint a first-class foreign physician to take charge of the entire work and 
to be responsible to the consulate only, and all the expenses for such inspection 
should be charged to the steamship companies. This is practically the way it is 
done at Bremen. 

Quite a number of reports on consular inspection were sent to the department 
by me during my incumbency of the consulate at Bremen, and in each and 
every one of them I pointed out the necessity of a uniform practice everywhere. 
The present lack of system in this most important work is very deplorable, for 






134 The Immigration Commission. 

obvious reasons. Most inspections, in my opinion, are defective in one respect. 
The people are not vaccinated on shore, but this is done out at sea by the ship's 
Burgeon. A number of surgeons have admitted to me from their own personal 
knowledge that such vaccinations performed after the ship has left the port are 
not only a great hardship to the emigrants, many of whom are suffering all the 
horrors of mal de mer, but also the results are very unsatisfactory, because the 
work often can not be properly done. Our quarantine laws require that every- 
thing must be done to secure " the best sanitary condition of vessels, cargoes, 
passengers, and crew before their departure for any port of the United States," 
and as these aliens oftentimes come from countries where smallpox is frequently 
epidemic, it is a necessary precaution to vaccinate all steerage passengers, but 
it should be done before embarkation. 

But there is one other reason, and that a most important one, why these 
aliens should be vaccinated carefully on shore before they are admittted to the 
steamer. To be vaccinated they must disrobe sufficiently to expose the entire 
arm to the shoulders, which, in many instances, renders the physician able at a 
glance to form an opinion as to the physical condition of the emigrant. Besides, 
the physician in grasping the arm of the person to be vaccinated at once feels 
Whether the temperature is normal or not, and can order in all doubtful cases 
that the temperature be taken immediately. In this way quite a number of 
cases of pulmonary and other diseases were discovered at Bremen. To go 
beyond this and to examine emigrants for venereal diseases would seem to me 
to be well-nigh impossible without increasing the medical staff enormously, 
and whether it might pay to do that I am not in a position to express an 
opinion. 

There always was. and still is to-day, a doubt in my mind whether or not the 
entire inspection of emigrants should not be left with the foreign trans- 
portation companies whose self-interest compels them to' examine most rigor- 
ously all third-class passengers before bringing them to our shores. It must 
also be borne in mind that most all the aliens starting from Russia, Austria- 
Hungary, and the Balkan States already undergo, and in some cases repeatedly, 
a sifting process before they reach the port of embarkation. As already 
stated, I myself made it my business to be present at most of the inspections 
at Bremen Curing all the years I was there as American consul. I did this 
hard and disagreeable work because I found it was the only way for me to 
make sure that things were done right, and yet with all the painstaking care 
my recollection is that we never rejected more than 2,200 people in a year, out 
of a total of more than 100,000. This always led me to believe that many of 
our people at home, chiefly through misrepresentations in the press, had exag- 
gerated ideas about the number of diseased persons brought to our country 
through immigration. I repeat, that of all the American consular officers I 
myself have seen more emigrants at closest range and have voluntarily under- 
gone more personal hardship than any of my colleagues, and it is my opinion 
that with all the consular reports sent in on the subject of immigration, with 
all the discussion in the press and in the Halls of Congress, and with all the 
official reports by committees and emissaries sent abroad at government expense 
to look into the conditions of emigration, there is still much of error on this 
question, and little of the truth known. I think if it would be possible to have 
the Bremen consular inspection, with some modifications which I might sug- 
gest, we would have every reason to feel safe from physically undesirable immi- 
grants entering the country. The results at Ellis Island and other immigra- 
tion stations fully confirm what I say. With all the admirable system of in- 
spection the number of aliens rejected at the ports of arrival is fortunately 
exceedingly small, which fact speaks loudly in favor of the inspections at the 
ports of embarkation. I repent that while I think we should control inspec- 
tion at both ends, at the same time I admit that the steamship companies under 
our present strict rules and regulations, with heavy fines and penalties imposed 
on them for every undesirable alien they attempt to land on our shores, might 
be safely intrusted with this work at the ports of embarkation, as is being done 
here at Antwerp by the Red Star Line, particularly in view of the fact that 
most foreign governments are strongly opposed to have even our consular 
officers take charge of emigrant inspection at their ports. 






PART II.-THE EMIGRATION SITUATION IN ITALY. 






79524 VOL 411 10 



135 



PART II THE EMIGRATION SITUATION IN ITALY, 



CHAPTER I. 
IMMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES FROM ITALY. 

From July 1, 1819, to June 30, 1910, 3,086,356 immigrants giving 
Italy as the country of their last permanent residence were admitted 
to the United States, the number of immigrants from that country 
during the period mentioned being surpassed only by the number 
from Great Britain, 7,766,330, of whom 4,212,169 came from Ireland; 
Germany, 5,351,746; and Austria-Hungary, 3,172,461. The move- 
ment of population from England, Ireland, and Germany to the 
United States, however, is one of long standing compared with that 
from Italy, for of the total number from the latter country, 97.4 per 
cent have come since 1880, 87.4 per cent since 1890, and 66.2 per cent 
since 1900. 

IMMIGRATION BY YEARS, 1820 TO 1910. 

The growth of the movement from Italy was slow. In the fiscal 
year 1820 only 30 persons were recorded as coming from that coun- 
try, and, except for the fiscal year 1833, when 1,699 persons were 
admitted, the total number in any fiscal year did not reach 1,000 
until 1854, while less than 2,000 were recorded for each year prior 
to 1870. The development of the movement is shown in the following 
table, which gives the total immigration from Italy in each fiscal 
year from 1820 to 1910 : 

TABLE 1. Immigration to the United States from Italy, including Sicily and 
Sardinia, for the years ending June 30, 1820, to 1910. 

[Compiled from Statistical Review of Immigration,. 1819-1910. Reports of the Immigration Commission, 

vol. 3.] 



Year. 


Number. 


Year. 


Number. 


Year. 


Number. 


Year. 


Number. 


1820 


30 


1844 


141 


1868o 


891 


1892. .. 


61,631 


1821 


63 


1845 


137 


1869 


1,489 


1893 


72, 145 


1822 


35 


1846 


151 


1870 


2 891 


1894 


42,977 


1823.. 


33 


1847 


164 


1871 . . 


2,816 


1895 


35, 427 


1824 


45 


1848 


241 


1872 


4,190 


1896 


68,060 


1825 


75 


1849 


209 


1873 


8,757 


1897 


59,431 


1826... 


57 


1850 b 


431 


1874 


766 


1898 


58,613 


1827 


35 


1851 


447 


1875 


3,631 


1899 


77,419 


1828 . 


34 


1852 


351 


1876 


3,015 


1900 


- 100, 135 


1829 


23 


1853 


555 


1877 


3,195 


1901 


135,996 


1830 


g 


1854 


1 263 


1878 


4,344 


1902 


178,375 


1831 . . 


28 


1855 


1,052 


1879 


5,791 


1903 


230,622 


18326 


3 


1856 


1 365 


1880 


12,354 


1904 


193,296 


1833 


1 699 


1857 


1 007 


1881 


15,401 


1905; 


221,479 


1834... 


105 


1858 


1,240 


1882 


32, 159 


1906 


273, 120 


1835.. 


60 


1859 


932 


1883 


31,792 


1907 


285,731 


1836. . 


115 


1860 


1 019 


1884 


16,510 


1908 


128,503 


1837 


36 


1861 


811 


1885 


13,642 


1909 


183,218 


1838 


86 


1862 


566 


1886 


21,315 


1910 


215,537 


1839... 


84 


1863 


547 


1887 


47,622 






1840. . 


37 


1864 


600 


1888 


51,558 


Total... 


3,086,356 


1841. 


179 


1865 


924 


1889 


25,307 






1842 


100 


1866 


1,382 


1890 


52,003 






1843 


117 


1867 


1,624 


1891 


76,055 
























Six months ending Juae 30. 



fr Fifteen months ending Dec. 31. 



137 



138 



The Immigration Commission. 



This table clearly indicates the remarkable growth of the move- 
ment from Italy since 1880, when for the first lime the number of 
immigrants from that country exceeded 10,000, to 1907, when 285,731 
were admitted. 'It is interesting to note also that the number ad- 
mitted in 1907, as well as in 1906, exceeded the total immigration from 
Italy to the United States from 1820 to 1887. 

IMMIGRATION BY SEX AND DECADES, 1871 TO 1910. 

Immigration from Italy from 1871 to 1910, inclusive, by decades 
and sex, is shown in the following table: 

TABLE 2. Immigration to the United States from Italy, ~by sex and decades, 

1871 to 1910. 

[Compiled from Statistical Review of Immigration 1819-1910. Reports of the Immigration Commis- 
sion, vol. 3.] 



Period. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Total. 


Male. 


Female. 


Male. 


Female. 


1871 1880 


55, 759 

307 309 


41,779 
243, 923 
o 317, 023 
1,612,996 


13, 980 
63, 386 
a 106, 902 
432, 881 


74.9 
79.4 

74.8 
78.8 


25.1 
20.6 
25.2 
21.2 


1881 1890 


1891-1900 


(351,893 
2,045,877 


1901-1910 


Total 


3,060,838 


2, 215, 721 


617, 149 


78.2 


21.8 





a Figures by sex not given for 1893, 1894, 1895, and 1899. 

This table shows even more clearly the remarkable development of 
immigration from Italy in recent years, and also the important fact 
that 78.2 per cent of the immigrants for whom sex was reported dur- 
ing the period considered were men. The facts indicate that the 
movement has been essentially one of individuals rather than fam- 
ilies, and in consequence it follows that the number of permanent 
settlers has been relatively much smaller than among the English, 
Irish, and other immigrants who came largely in family groups. 

ITALIAN AND OTHER EUROPEAN IMMIGRATION. 

The following table shows a comparison between Italian immigra- 
tion and European immigration as a whole during the period under 
consideration : 

TABLE 3. Immigration to the United States from Italy compared with toti 
European immigration (including Turkey in Asia), by decades, 1820 to 1910. 

[Compiled from table on pages 6-11.] 



Period. 


Total 
European 
immigra- 
tion. 


Italian im 
Number. 


migration. 

Per cent of 
total Euro- 
pean im- 
migration. 

I 

2.5 
6.5 
18.2 
24.9 


1820-1830a , 


106, 508 
495,688 
1,597,501 
2, 452, 660 
2, 065, 272 
2, 272, 329 
4, 739, 266 
3, 585, 777 
8,213,409 


439 
2, 253 
1,870 
9,231 
11, 725 
55,759 
307,309 
651,893 
2,045,877 


1831-1840 . 


1841 1850 


1851-1860 


1861-1870 


1871 1880 


1881-1890 


1891-1900 . 


1901 1910 


Total ] 


25,528,410 


3,086,356 


12.1 





o Eleven years. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe : Italy. 



139 



It will be noted that in each period previous to 1870 Italy fur- 
nished less than 1 per cent of the total number of European immi- 
grants admitted to the United States. The growth in the movement 
during the decade, 1871-1880, increased the proportion to 2.5 per 
cent of the whole, and in succeeding decades the relative importance 
of Italy as a source of European immigration increased to such an 
extent that in the ten fiscal years ending June 30, 1910, practically 
one-fourth (24.9 per cent) of the total European immigration to the 
United States originated in that country. 

ITALIANS IN THE UNITED STATES, 1850 TO 1900. 

Italian immigrants who came to the United States prior to 1870 
followed the tendency of practically all immigrants of that period 
and settled in all parts of the country. Up to that time, however, 
the numbers were small, and since the movement from Italy began 
to assume large proportions they have shown a growing tendency 
to settle in the North Atlantic States. This tendency is clearly in- 
dicated by the following tables, the first of which shows the distri- 
bution among the various States of persons born in Italy, in census 
years since 1850, and the second the per cent of Italian-born persons 
in the larger geographical divisions : 

TABLE 4. Distribution of persons of Italian birth in the United States, by 
States and Territories, in the census years 1850 to 1900, inclusive. 



Geographic divisions. 


1850. 


I860. 


1870. 


1880. 


1890. 


1900. 


Continental United States 


3,679 


11,677 


17, 157 


44,230 


182 580 


484 027 
















North Atlantic division 


1 301 


3 267 


5 336 


22 914 


118 621 


352 065 
















Maine 


20 


49 


48 


90 


253 


1 334 


New Hampshire 




18 


9 


32 


312 


947 


Vermont 


7 


13 


17 


30 


445 


2 154 


Massachusetts 


197 


440 


454 


2,116 


8,066 


28, 785 


Rhode Island 


25 


33 


58 


313 


2,468 


8 972 


Connecticut 


16 


70 


117 


879 


5,285 


19 105 


New York 


833 


1,910 


3,592 


15, 113 


64, 141 


182,248 


New Jersev 


31 


109 


257 


1,547 


12,989 


41,865 


Pennsylvania 


172 


625 


784 


2,794 


24,662 


66 655 


South Atlantic division 


357 


802 


781 


1,378 


4,894 


10,509 
















Delaware 




4 


5 


43 


459 


1 122 


Maryland 


82 


229 


210 


477 


1,416 


2,449 


District of Columbia 


74 


97 


182 


244 


467 


930 


Virginia 


65 


263 


162 


281 


1,219 


781 


West Virginia 






34 


48 


632 


2 921 


North Carolina .... 


. 4 


27 


19 


42 


28 


201 


South Carolina 


59 


59 


63 


84 


106 


180 


Georgia 


33 


48 


50 


82 


159 


218 


Florida 


40 


75 


56 


77 


408 


1,707 


North Central division 


389 


2,180 


2,767 


5,454 


21,837 


55,085 
















Ohio 


189 


616 


564 


1 064 


3,857 


11,321 


Indiana .. 


6 


421 


95 


198 


468 


1,327 


Illinois 


43 


224 


761 


1,764 


8,035 


23,523 


Michigan 


14 


87 


110 


555 


3,088 


6,178 


Wisconsin 


10 


113 


104 


253 


1,123 


2,172 


Minnesota 


1 


47 


40 


124 


828 


2,222 


Iowa . . 


1 


30 


54 


122 


399 


1,198 


Missouri 


125 


603 


936 


1,074 


2,416 


4.345 


North Dakota 


1 










/ 700 


South Dakota 


Y 


1 


4 


71 


290 


360 


Nebraska. . . 




20 


44 


62 


717 


752 


Kansas.... 




18 


55 


167 


616 


987 



Dakota Territory until 1900. 



140 



The Immigration Commission. 



TABLE 4. Distribution of persons of Italian birth in the United States, by States 
and Territories, in the census years 1850 to 1900, inclusive Continued. 



Geographic divisions. 


1850. 


1860. 


1870. 


1880. 


1890. 


1900. 


South Central division 


1,396 


2,307 


3,178 


4,385 


12,314 


26, 158 
















Kentucky 


144 


235 


325 


370 


707 


679 


Tennessee 


61 


379 


483 


443 


788 


1,222 


Alabama 


90 


214 


118 


114 


322 


862 


Mississippi 


121 


114 


147 


260 


425 


845 


Louisiana 


924 


1,279 


1,889 


2,527 


7,767 


17,431 


Arkansas 


15 


17 


30 


132 


187 


576 


Indian Territory 












573 


Oklahoma 










11 


28 


Texas 


41 


69 


' 186 


539 


2,107 


3,942 


Western division 


-236 


3,121 


5,095 


10,099 


24,914 


40,210 
















Montana 






34 


64 


734 


2,199 


Idaho 






11 


35 


509 


779 


Wyoming 






9 


15 


259 


781 


Colorado 




6 


16 


335 


3,882 


6,818 


New Mexico. . . 


i 


11 


25 


73 


355 


661 


Arizona 






12 


104 


207 


699 


Utah 


1 


59 


74 


138 


347 


1,062 


Nevada 




13 


199 


1,560 


1,129 


1,296 


Washington 




11 


24 


71 


1,408 


2,124 


Oregon 


5 


34 


31 


167 


589 


1,014 


California .... 


229 


2,987 


4,660 


7,537 


15,495 


22, 777 

















TABLE 5. Per cent of persons of Italian birth in each geographical division of 
the United States, in the census years 1S50 to 1900, inclusive. 



Geographic division. 


1850. 


I860. 


1870. 


1880. 


1890. 


1900. 


North Atlantic division 


35 4 


28 


31 1 


51 8 


65 


72 7 


South Atlantic division 


9 7 


6 9 


4 6 


3 1 


2 7 


2 2 


North Central division 


10 6 


18.7 


16.1 


12 3 


12.0 


11.4 


South Central division 


37 9 


19 8 


18 5 


9 9 


6 7 


5 4 


Western division 


6.4 


26.7 


29.7 


22.8 


13. 6 


8.3 

















It will be observed that in 1850 there were more persons of Italian 
birth in the South Central States than in any other geographic divi- 
sion, Louisiana having a larger number than any other State. In 
1860 the largest proportion was found in the North Atlantic States, 
New York leading every other State. In 1870, however, California 
led in the number of Italian-born persons and the western division 
of States had 29.7 per cent of the total Italian population of the 
country, as compared with 31.1 per cent in the North Atlantic divi- 
sion. By 1880 New York again led in the number present, and 51.8 
per cent of all Italians were in the North Atlantic States. Between 
1880 and 1900 the proportion increased until in the latter year 72.7 
per cent of persons of Italian birth were found in the North Atlantic 
and 11.4 per cent in the North Central divisions. In 1900, of a total 
of 484,027 Italian-born persons in the United States, 182,248 were 
found in the State of New York, the other States having a large 
number being as follows: Pennsylvania, 66.655; New Jersey. 41.865; 
Massachusetts, 28,785; Illinois, 23,523; California, 22,777; Connec- 
ticut. 19,105 ; Louisiana, 17,431 ; and Ohio, 11,321. This clearly illus- 
trates the fact that the Italians who came between 1880 and 1900 for 
the most part settled in States where industrial activity was the 
greatest and where the largest cities were located. An exception to 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 



141 



this rule, however, is found in the long-established and steadily in- 
creased movement to California and Louisiana. Only two States, 
Virginia and Kentucky, show a decrease in the number of Italians be- 
tween 1890 and 1900. 

HOMOGENEITY OF ITALIAN IMMIGRATION. 

As elsewhere explained, the population of Italy is almost per- 
fectly homogeneous, and therefore practically all immigrants com- 
ing from that country are Italians. As a matter of fact, since 1899, 
when immigration statistics were first recorded by race or people, 
not more than one-tenth of 1 per cent of all the immigrants from 
Italy were of races other than Italian. The Bureau of Immigration, 
following the general practice of ethnologists, divides the people of 
Italy into two races North Italians and South Italians, the former 
being natives of the compartimenti of Piedmont, Lombardy, Venetia, 
and Emilia, and the latter natives of the remainder of continental 
Italy and the islands of Sicily and Sardinia. The character of Italian 
immigration in this regard since 1899 is shown in the f ollowing^table : 

TABLE 6. Immigration to the United States from Italy, fiscal years 1899 to 
1910, inclusive, l)y races or peoples. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner General of Immigration.] 



Fiscal years 


Number. 


Per cent. 


North 
Italian. 


South 
Italian. 


All 
others. 


Total. 


North 
Italian. 


South 
Italian. 


All 

others. 


1899 


11,821 
15, 799 
20,324. 
25, 485 
34,571 
34, 056 
35,802 
40, 940 
47, 814 
21 , 494 
22, 220 


65,587 
84. 329 
115, 659 
152,883 
195,993 
159, 127 
185, 445 
231,921 
237, 080 
108,824 
160,800 
188,616 


11 
7 
13 
7 
58 
113 
232 
259 
237 
185 
198 
222 


77,419 
100, 135 
135,996 
178,375 
230, 622 
193, 296 
221,479 
273, 120 
285, 731 
138, 503 
183, 218 
215,537 


15.3 
15.8 
14.9 
14.3 
15.0 
17.6 
16.2 
15.0 
16.7 
16.7 
12.1 
12.4 


84.7 
84.2 
85.0 
85.7 
85.0 
82.3 
83.7 
84.9 
83.2 
83.1 
87.8 
87.5 


( 

(a 

( 
(a 

w ai 

.1 
.1 
.1 
.1 
.1 
.1 


1900 


1901 


1902 


1903 


1904 


1905 


1900 


1907 


190S 


1909 


1910 


26, 699 


Total 


337,025 


1,884,864 


1,542 


2,223,431 


15.2 


84.8 


.1 





fl Less than 0.05 per cent. 

The estimated population of Italy on January 1, 1907, was 
33.640,705, of whom 13,799,473, or 41.1 per cent of the total, were in 
the compartimenti of Piedmont, Lombardy, Venetia, and Emilia. 
Assuming that practically all North Italian immigration originates 
in these sections of Italy, it will be seen that with 41.1 per cent of 
the population the compartimenti named furnish only about 15 per 
cent of the Italian movement to the United States. 

It is noteworthy that almost all of the Italians who come to the 
United States are direct from Italy. The following figures show 
the total number of North and South Italians who came to this coun- 



6 See p. 177. 




142 



The Immigration Commission. 



try during the 11 fiscal years ending June 30, 1909, and the number 
and proportion that were from Italy : 

TABLE 7. Total immigration to the United States of races or peoples specified 
and per cent of such immigration which originated in Italy, fiscal years 1899 
to 1910, inclusive. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner-General of Immigration.] 





Total 


From ] 


ta!y. 




number. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Italian, North 


341,888 


310, 326 


90.8 


Italian. South ; 


1, 719, 260 


1,696,248 


98.7 











ITALIAN EMIGRATION TO OTHER COUNTRIES. 

Although the northern compartimenti do not contribute largely to 
the movement to the United States when compared with the south, 
nevertheless there is a large emigration from them. For the most 
part, however, this proceeds to France, Germany, Switzerland, and 
other European countries rather than over seas, although there is a 
considerable movement of North Italians to South American coun- 
tries. The following table compiled from Italian data shows the 
emigration movement from Italy in 1907, by compartimenti and 
destination : 

TABLE 8. Emigration from Italy in 1907, by compartimenti and destination. 
[Compiled from Bollettino dell' Emigrazione, anno 1908, No. 23, Rome, 1908.] 



Compartimenti. 


Emigration to 


Per cent to 


Trans- 
oceanic 
countries. 


Europe 
and 
Mediter- 
ranean 
countries. 


Total. 


Trans- 
oceanic 
countries. 


Europe 
and 
Mediter- . 
ranean 
countries, 

58.5 

%: 

86.2 
75.6 

. 11 

18.8 

'?:! 

14.8 
2.7 
2.2 

5.9 
71.1 


Northern Italy: 
Piedmont 


26,232 
6,914 
15, 506 
14,703 

10,022 
13, 778 
13,664 
4,096 
15,485 

44,024 
70, 228 
25,313 
14,685 
46, 184 

91.902 
3; 335 


37,012 
1,760 
45, 449 
91,510 

31,076 
23,670 
10,925 
11,535 

3,588 

6,475 
5,915 
4,399 
403 
1,045 

5,718 

8,294 


63, 244 
8,474 
60,955 
106,213 

41,098 
37, 448 
24, 589 
15, 631 
19, 073 

50, 499 
76,143 
29,712 
15,088 
47, 229 

97,620 
11,659 


41.5 
79.2 
25.4 
13.8 

24.4 
36.8 
55.6 
26.2 
81.2 

87.2 
92.2 
. 85.2 
97.3 
97.8 

94.1 

28. 9 


Li^uria 


Loinbardy 


Venetia 


Central Italy: 
Emilia 


Tuscany 


Marches 


Perugia (Umbria) 


Roma (Latium) 


Southern Italy: 
Abruzzi and Molise 


Campania 




Basilicata 


Calabria 


Islands: 
Sicily 


Sardinia 


Total 


415,901 


288, 774 


704, 675 


59.0 


41.0 





Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 



143 



This table, classified according to geographical divisions, is as 
follows : 

TABLE 9. Emigration from Italy in 1907, ~by geographical divisions and 

destination. 

[Compiled from Bollettino dell' Emigrazione, anno 1908, No. 23, Rome, 1908.] 



Geographic division. 


Emigration to 


Per cent to 


Trans- 
oceanic 
countries. 


Europe 
and 
Mediter- 
ranean 
countries. 


Total. 


Trans- 
oceanic 
countries. 


Europe 
and 
Mediter- 
ranean 
countries. 


Northern Ital v , 


63, 155 
57,045 
200, 434 
95, 267 


175, 731 
80,794 
18,237 
14,012 


238, 886 
137,839 
218, 671 
109,279 


26.4 
41.4 
91.7 
87.2 


73.6 
58.6 
8.3 
12.8 


Central Italy 


Southern Italy 


Islands 


Total... 


415,901 


288, 774 


704, 675 


59.0 


41.0 



It will be seen from the above tables that 41 per cent of the total 
emigration movement from Italy in the year considered was destined 
to neighboring countries, this tendency being much more marked in 
the northern and central compartimenti. Liguria, geographically a 
northern, and Roma, a central, compartimento, however, are conspicu- 
ous exceptions to this rule, for 79.2 per cent of the total emigration 
from the former and 81.2 from the latter was transoceanic. More than 
90 per cent of the emigrants from Calabria, Basilicata, Sicily, and 
Campania went over seas, while the other extreme is found in Venetia, 
86.2 per cent of the emigration from that compartimento going to 
nenr-by countries. 

The number of persons emigrating from each compartimento of 
Italy in 1907 and the relation such emigration bore to the total popu- 
lation of each are shown in the following table : 

TABLE 10. Emigration from Italy in 1907 compared with population, ~by com* 

partimenti. 

[Compiled from Bollettino dell' Emigrazione, anno 1908, No. 23, Rome, 1908.] 



Compartimenti. 


Estimated 
popula- 
tion, 
Jan. 1, 
1907. 


Emigration to- 


Number of emigrants to 
each 1,000 population. 


Trans- 
oceanic 
countries. 


Europe 
and 
Mediter- 
ranean 
countries. 


Total. 


Trans- 
oceanic 
countries. 


Europe 
and 
Mediter- 
ranean 
countries. 


Total. 


Northern Italy: 
Piedmont 


3,423,854 
1,157,784 
4, 497, 327 
3,368,117 

2, 510, 175 
2, 656, 382 
1, 070, 055 
688, 078 
1,278,309 

1,455,086 
3, 199, 158 
2,041,399 
470, 385 
1,411,348 

3,571,771 

841,417 


26, 232 
6,714 
15,506 
14, 703 

10, 022 
13, 778 
13, 664 
4,096 
15,465 

44, 024 
70, 228 
25, 313 
44, 685 
46, 184 

91,902 
3,365 


37,012 
1,760 
45, 449 
91,510 

31,076 
23,670 
10, 925 
11,535 
3,588 

6,475 
5,915 
4,399 
403 
1,045 

5,718 
8,294 


63, 244 
8,474 
60,955 
106, 213 

41,098 
37, 448 
24,589 
15,631 
19,073 

50,499 
76, 143 
29,712 
15,088 
47,229 

97,620 
11,659 


7.7 
5.8 
3.4 
4.4 

4.0 
5.2 
12.8 
6.0 
12.1 

30.3 
22.0 
12.4 
31.2 
32.7 

25.7 
4.0 


10.8 
1.5 
10.1 
27.2 

12.4 
8.9 
10.2 
16.8 
2.8 

4.4 
1.8 
2.2 
.9 
.7 

1.6 
9.9 


18.5 
7.3 
13.6 
31.5 

16.4 
14.1 
23.0 
22.7 
14.9 

34.7 
23.8 
14.6 
32.1 
33.5 

27.3 
13.9 


Liguria 


Lombavdv 


Venetia 


Central Italy: 
Emilio 




Marches 


Perugia (Umbriaj 
Roma (Latium) 


Abruzzi and Molise 
Campania 




Basilicata 


Calabria 


Islands: 
Sicily 


Sardinia 


Total 




33,640,705 


415, 901 


288,774 


704,675 


12.4 


8.6 


20.9 



144 



The Immigration Commission. 



This table, classified according to geographical divisions, is as 
follows : 

TABLE 11. Emigration from Italy in 1907 compared with population, by 
geographical divisions. 

[Compiled from Bollettino dell' Emigrazione, anno 1908, No. 23, Rome, 1908.] 







Emigration to- 


Number of emigrants to 
each 1,000 population. 




Estimated 








popula- 














Geographic division. 


tion, 
Jan. 1, 


Trans- 


Europe 

and 




Trans- 


Europe 
and 






1907. 


oceanic 


Mediter- 


Total. 


oceanic 


Mediter- 


Total. 






countries. 


ranean 




countries. 


ranean 










countries. 






countries. 




Northern Italy 


12 447 082 


63 155 


175 731 


238, 886 


5 1 


14 1 


19 2 


Central Italy 


8,203,059 


57, 045 


80, 794 


137, 839 


.6 


.9 


1.6 


Southern Italy .... 


8, 577, 376 


200, 434 


18, 237 


218, 671 


23.4 


2.1 


25.5 


Islands 


4 413 188 


95 267 


14 012 


109 279 


21 6 


3 2 


24 8 


Total 
















33,640,705 


415, 901 


288, 774 


704, 675 


12.4 


8.6 


20.9 





The above tables show clearly that emigration is not peculiar to 
the southern sections of Italy as might be inferred from that part 
of the movement which is directed to the United States. As pre- 
viously explained, the movement from the south is largely trans- 
oceanic and more permanent, while a large proportion of those leav- 
ing the northern and central compartimenti go temporarily to adja- 
cent European countries. Nevertheless the cause of the movement 
is practically the same in both cases. 

The figures show that the proportion of the population emigrating 
from Venetia, a northern compartimento, exceeds that of Sicily, and 
is larger than from any other compartimento except Abruzzi, Cala- 
bria, and Basilicnta. while emigration from Apulia, a southern com- 
partimento, is relatively smaller than from Piedmont. This shows 
also that emigration is not peculiar to South Italians in a racial sense, 
as United States statistics might seem to indicate, and an even 
stronger illustration of this is found in the fact that Liguria, which 
is inhabited by the South Italian race, shows a smaller rate of emi- 
gration than any other compartimento. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 



145 



DESTINATION OF TRANSATLANTIC EMIGRATION. 

The destination of trans- Atlantic Italian emigration in recent years 
is shown in the following table : 

TABLE 12. Number and per cent of trans-Atlantic emigrants from Italy destined 
to each specified country, 1900 to 1908, inclusive. 

[Compiled from Great Britain Statistical Abstract, 1897 to 1907-8, p. 25.] 



Country of destination. 


Number. 


1900. 


1901. 


1902. 


1903. 


1904. 


1905. 


1906. 


1907. 


1908. 


United States and Canada... 

Mexico, Colombia, Vene- 
zuela, Central America, 
and West Indies 


|89,400 


121,139 
3,497 

1,418 
82. 159 
739 

64,090 
5,134 


193, 772 
2,951 

1,211 
40, 434 
679 

37,979 
5,560 


197, 855 
2,528 

1,331 

27, 707 
539 

45, 160 
5,293 


168,789 
4,748 

1,828 
19, 724 
1,383 

53, 102 


316,797 
5,930 

2,044 
30, 079 
1,034 

88,840 


358,569 
10,032 

2,346 
27, 808 
1,055 

109,538 


298, 124 
10, 436 

2.626 
21.298 
1,676 

80.. 143 


131,501 
5,988 

1,029 
15,558 
754 

82,575 


2,523 


Brazil 


27, 438 
409 

42,720 
3,137 


Chile, Peru, and Bolivia 
Argentine Republic, Uru- 
guay, and Paraguay 
Parts of America not dis- 
tinguished 


Total America. 




















165,627 


278, 176 


282,586 


280,413 


249,574 


444, 724 


509,348 


414,303 


237,405 




Country of destination. 


Per cent. 


1900. 


1901. 


1902. 


1903. 


1904. 


1905. 


1906. 


1907. 


1908. 


United States and Canada.. . 

Mexico, Colombia, Vene- 
zuela, Central America, 
and West Indies 


| 54.0 


43.5 
1.3 

.5 
29.5 
.3 

23.0 
1.8 


68.6 
1.0 

.4 
14.3 
.2 

13.4 
2.0 


70.6 
.9 

.5 
9.9 
.2 

16.1 
1.9 


67.6 
1.9 

.7 
7.9 
.6 

21.3 


71.2 
1.3 

.5 
6.8 
.2 

20.0 


70.4 
2.0 

.5 
5.5 

.2 

21.5 


72.0 
2.5 

.6 
5.1 
.4 

19.3 


55.4 
2.5 

.4 
6.6 
.3 

34.8 


1.5 
16.6 
.2 

25.8 
1.9 


Brazil 


Chile, Peru, and Bolivia 
Argentine Republic, Uru- 
guay, and Paraguay 
Parts of America not dis- 


Total America 












100.0 


100.0 


100.0 


100.0 


100.0 


100.0 


100.0 


100.0 


100.0 







CHAPTER II. 
ITALY'S ATTITUDE TOWARD EMIGRATION. 

In a statement to the Immigration Commission at Rome, Cav. 
Egisto Rossi, Royal Italian commissioner of emigration, defined 
Italy's attitude toward emigration as follows: 

Our Constitution does not permit us to deprive the people of the right to 
emigrate, but we want the movement to be natural. 

In further explanation Commissioner Rossi submitted to the Com- 
mission a statement issued by him in 1904 when on an official tour of 
inspection in the United States. This statement, which appeared in 
full in the New York Times of March 12, 1904, is in part as follows: 

Since my arrival in your country I have been surprised at the belief enter- 
tained by many that the Italian Government not only looks with favor upon 
our emigration to your country, but actually encourages it. I wish to respect- 
fully deny this. While it is true that the constant increase in the population of 
Italy renders emigration a necessity, it nevertheless is a fact that in certain 
Provinr-ps the great outflow is becoming a positive harm to us. because, despite 
the increase in wages, there is a scarcity in the local supply of laborers. 

Those who were formerly responsible for encouraging emigration were not in 
any way connected with the Government, but were the agents of certain steam- 
ship lines, whose only interest was the sale of steamship tickets on the largest 
possible scale. Indeed, my Government, seeing that such agents were trying to 
foster an artificial emigration over, and above the natural outflow, and with 
the desire of preventing the abuses to which emigrants were exposed, brought 
before Parliament the law of January 31, 1901, which, while it recognizes the 
isrJ>t oi ; expatriation and emiirratiou, so hedges it around with special safe- 
uards that it may well be called a restrictive law. * * * In three years' 
istence the department has not encouraged emigration toward any definite 
lace. * * * If all emigrants were to follow its advk-e they would all stay 
at home. There could be no higher definition of the policy of the department 
than this. * * * You are aware how promptly and gladly my Government 
granted to the United States permission to have medical committees at our ports, 
granting them the right to examine the emigrants and prevent those from sail- 
ing who are physically unfit. * * * In conclusion, let me say that the 'de- 
partment which I have the honor to represent not only does not encourage emi- 
gration, but does everything in its power to fight those who would force its 
increase. The most recent example 'is this: Our law allowed steamship com- 
panies to have an agent in every commune in the Kingdom, but by an amend- 
ment of January 4, 1904, the number of such agents is reduced to one for each 
company, and only one for every group of 20 to 30 municipalities. 

THE ITALIAN EMIGRATION LAW. 

The Italian emigration law of 1901, referred to in the above state- 
ent, with some amendments, is still in force. The main provisions 
nd the purpose of the Italian law were explained by Commissioner 
ssi, in a statement to the Commission, substantially as follows : 

The Italian law aims to protect emigrants during the different stages through 
which they pass from the time of leaving their native village or town until 
they reach their destination in a foreign country and after landing there. 

147 



148 The Immigration Commission. 

The law and regulations provide that in all centers of emigration there must 
be an unpaid committee consisting of various officials and others, which com- 
mittee is bound to give the emigrant all information about the country to 
which he intends to go, and the conditions on which he can be admitted. It 
helps the emigrant in getting a passport, gives him information concerning 
steamers, the cost of tickets, etc. On the journey to an Italian port the emi- 
grant is very often guided and directed by the same committee. If the number 
of emigrants is considerable, the steamship company will supply an agent to 
take charge of them from the home town to the port. 

The law directs that emigrants on arriving at Naples, Genoa, Messina, or 
Palermo shall go to some hotel authorized by the bureau of emigration. This 
authorization is only given to the best houses, and they are continually under 
the inspection of a doctor appointed by the prefetto at each port. Lodging and 
food from the day before sailing are paid for by the steamship companies. 
With u, however, this is considered as a temporary provision, because when 
funds are available the Government will provide homes or hotels for emigrants 
at the ports of Naples, Genoa, and Palermo. These are to be large hotels, with 
everything necessary for the emigrant. 

The protection of emigrants on board ship is intrusted to the commissario 
regio, a surgeon of the navy medical corps, who must accompany each ship 
carrying Italian emigrants from Italian ports, and whose salary and expenses 
must be paid by the steamship companies. This officer acts as an emigrant 
inspector during the voyage, and it is his duty to see that the quantity and 
quality of food provided is in accordance with law. He also has to take note 
of the hygienic conditions of the ship during the voyage and receive all com- 
plaints made by emigrants. In the matter of complaints he attempts to adjust 
difficulties with the captain of the ship; otherwise he transmits the complaint 
to the Italian consul at the port of landing or to the proper official in Italy 
upon his return. If the complaint is well founded and involves a violation of 
our law, the steamship company is liable to a fine. a 

The third and last phase through which the emigrant passes is just when he 
lands, and it is a time when he needs the special protection which is provided 
by article 12 of our law in the following terms : 

" In all foreign states to which Italian emigration turns with preference the 
foreign office shall, after coming to an understanding with the local govern- 
ments, institute bureaus for the protection and information of and supply of 
labor to emigrants. The foreign office shall, in accordance with by-law, appoint 
traveling inspectors in transoceanic countries. Officers of the consular service 
can be appointed to these berths. Such inspectors shall keep the chief commis- 
sioner posted with the conditions of Italian emigrants in such countries, whose 
desires or necessities they shall transmit to the commissioner." 

These are the phases through which the emigrant passes as contemplated by 
our law : First, in the town where he resides and from which he intends to 
go abroad ; then in the large ports, where the inspectors go aboard the steamer 
to ascertain that it is in the condition required by law, because otherwise the 
emigrants can not leave on the steamer. Very often telegrams are sent to the 
commissariato stating that the provisions of a particular steamer are not suffi- 
cient or that the hospital lacks certain supplies. Then we have to telegraph 
that the steamer can not start until the conditions of the law have been complied 
with. 

The new law requires that each adult emigrant must pay a tax of 8 lire 
($1.60). 

The law prescribes only four ports of emigration : Naples, Genoa, Palermo, 
and Messina. 6 From other ports there is no emigration. If people want to 
emigrate to America, they must go through these ports. 

There is a special article in the Italian emigration law which prohibits send- 
ing an emigrant to a country unless the emigrant can comply with the condi- 
tions of the laws of the country to which he seeks to go. Therefore when an 
emigrant is rejected at a foreign port the responsibility falls upon the steam- 
ship company and the emigrant is entitled to be reimbursed and to receive an 

<* For further discussion of the Italian system of regulating the carriage of 
steerage passengers at sea, see Steerage Legislation, 1819-1908. Reports of the 
Immigration Commission, vol. 39 (S. Doc. No. 758, 61st Cong., 3d sess.). 

6 Following the earthquake of December, 1908, Messina was abandoned as an 
emigration port 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 149 

Indemnity for the journey he has made. So there are lots of lawsuits against 
the steamship companies, and very often a company is condemned to pay a 
large indemnity to an emigrant rejected by the United States. It is a matter 
of law, and the steamship company is presumed to know the law. We fine the 
steamship company if through negligence or for some other reason they allow 
people to start who are not in condition to be admitted at ports of destination. 
In each Province we have an arbitration commission, which has the right to 
examine those cases. Every emigrant rejected by the United States has a 
right to submit his complaint to this commission, which examines the case and^ 
gives its decision, and in a proper case fines the steamship company. The law 
speaks very clearly on that point. It says : 

"Art. 24. The carrier is responsible for damages toward the emigrant who 
may have been refused lauding at a port of destination because of provision of 
foreign laws on immigration, when the emigrant can prove that the carrier was 
aware before his sailing of the circumstances which determine such refusal." 

The emigrant who is returned may make a claim before the arbitration com- 
mission without expense to him, and in many cases, besides the passage money, 
the carrier has to pay all the loss of wages for the thirty or forty days that 
the man has been on his journey. 

Our constitution does not permit us to deprive the people of the right to 
emigrate, but we want the movement to be natural. Article 17 of our law pre* 
vents such artificial movements. It states very clearly that 

" Carriers and their representatives are forbidden from persuading people to 
emigrate. In accordance with article 416 of the Penal Code, whoever shall, by 
poster, circular, or guide concerning emigration, publish wittingly false news on 
emigration or diffuse in the Kingdom news or information of such a nature 
printed abroad, shall be punished with imprisonment up to six months and 
with a fine of 1,000 lire. The circulars and advertisements, of whatever nature 
they' may be, made by the carrier, shall indicate the gross and net registered 
tonnage and the speed of the steamer, the date of sailing, the ports called at; 
en route, and the duration of the entire voyage." 

It. is well known that the Italian Government not only seeks to 
regulate emigration in the interest of the emigrant before embarka- 
tion and during the voyage at sea, but also that it undertakes to 
prevent Italians from going to countries or sections of countries 
where it is believed they will not prosper or receive adequate protec- 
tion. For several years the Italian authorities have discouraged 
emigration to Brazil because of a report by an inspector to the effect 
that Italian laborers were badly treated in that country, and during 
the recent financial depression in the United States the people were 
officially advised not to emigrate while the depression continued. 

WARNING AGAINST LABOR CONTRACTS. 

In 1908 the Italian authorities issued a circular with a view to 
checking emigration under labor contracts to certain ports of the 
United States. A translation of this circular is presented herewith 
for the purpose of illustrating Italy's attitude in this regard. 

[Italian official order Emigration to Southern States Translation.] 
CIRCULAR IN BE EMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES. 

Circular No. 17.] DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, 

COMMISSIONER OF EMIGRATION, 

Rome, March 15, J908. 

The royal consular authorities for the States of Mississippi, Louisiana, Ar 
kansas, Florida, Alabama, and Texas (United States of America) have reported 
upon the deplorable conditions under which many of our compatriots exist who 
have emigrated thither in conformity with contract-labor agreements, entered 
into within the Kingdom between them and not a few unscrupulous farmers and 
planters. 



I 



150 The Immigration Commission. 



The unlawful practices of criminal agents that this office swight to stamp 
out by circular No. 147, dated February 12, 1906, and by other means are 
still carried on in Italy through subterfuges, which, in the interest of the most 
ignorant of our compatriots and of those most needing protection, must be 
combated by every means which the law places at the disposal of the author- 
ities. 

Chief among the illegal practices employed by persons interested in this 
clandestine emigration is that of propagating false information, made to appear 
as coming to the Kingdom from emigrants already settled in the southern re- 
gions of the North American Confederation. By this false information, de- 
scribing in glowing terms the healthfulness of the country and the high wages 
paid, the belief is spread that emigrants are summoning from Italy their rela- 
tions and friends and are sending them prepaid tickets for the voyage. 

In reality the fact is that the emigrant who gives ear to such glowing ac- 
counts is often put to work in unhealthy places, from which, even should he 
wish to do so, he can not depart, because he must, by his work, refund the 
cost of the prepaid ticket, and because the laws of the said States give to the 
creditor-employer the right to have the debtor-employee arrested and to detain 
him until, by his work, he has canceled the entire amount of his debt. Quite 
recently not a few cases of flight on the part of compatriots unable to stand 
the conditions of existence imposed upon them have been followed by arrest 
(peonage) and ill treatment. In these cases the local laws have been unable 
to right the wrongs of our emigrants, bound as they are by contracts forced 
upon them by criminal agents. 

I therefore most earnestly call the attention of you, sirs, to the foregoing 
facts, and, with the aim of putting a check to this inhuman traffic, pray you 
to see to it that no passports for the southern regions of the United States, and 
esi>ecially Mississippi, be given to compatriots who do not direct themselves 
thither upon their own initiative, paying the cost of the voyage with their own 
money. To those who intend to emigrate to the above mentioned States with a 
prepaid ticket, a passport should be refused unless (and this must be proved 
to the authority who grants an application for a passport to be the undoubted 
fact) the ticket for the voyage has been sent to Italy by a near relative ef the 
prospective emigrant already residing there, who under the law is obliged 
to provide for the maintenance of the said prospective emigrant, or unless a 
nulla osta from the royal Italian consulate at New Orleans is produced. 

However, it will be well that you, sirs, see to it that every application for a 
passport made by an emigrant whose destination is the Southern States of the 
North American Confederation be followed by an investigation having for its 
object the ultimate running to earth of the criminal agent and his accomplice 
operating in your district. 

This office depends upon the active and efficient cooperation of you, sirs, in 
order successfully to prevent our compatriots from becoming victims of the 
felony provided against by article 416 of the Penal Code. 

A word of assurance would be welcome. 

The General Commissioner. 

(Signed) REYNAUDI. 

To the prefects, subprefects, chiefs of police, and district commissioners of 
the Realm. 



CHAPTER III. 
CAUSES OF EMIGRATION FROM ITALY. 

The territory comprising Italy has been a part of the civilized 
world since the dawn of history, but politically the Italy of to-day 
is among the newer nations of the world. Prior to 1859 what are 
now the compartimenti of Piedmont, Liguria, and Sardinia formed 
a part of the Kingdom of Sardinia; Venetia and Lombardy were 
provinces of Austria ; Tuscany was a grand duchy ; Marches, Perugia 
(Umbria), Eoma (Latium), and the Provinces of Bologna, Ferrara, 
Fordi, and Ravenna, in Emilia, were a part of the Papal State, 
while the Kingdom of Naples (including Abruzzi, Campania, Apulia 
Basilicata, and Calabria), with Sicily, formed the Kingdom of the 
Two Sicilies. By the peace of Zurich in 1859, Victor Emmanuel, 
King of Sardinia, obtained Lombardy, and in the following year it 
was annexed to his Kingdom. Tuscany, Marches, and Perugia were 
annexed to Sardinia in the same year, and in 1861 United Italy, 
which included all of the present territory of the Kingdom except 
Venetia and Roma (Latium) became a fact. In 1866 Venetia was 
ceded to Italy by Austria, and in 1870 the remaining part of the 
Papal States, now Roma, was annexed to the new Kingdom, and in 
the following years the city of Rome became its capital. 



DENSITY OF POPULATION. 




Italy is more densely populated than any other European country 
except Belgium, the Netherlands, and England, the number of in- 
habitants per square mile in 1909 being 310, according to an official 
estimate of the population in that year. It is said that the popula- 
tion has increased steadily notwithstanding the large emigration of 
recent years, the total at the beginning 01 1909 being estimated at 
34,269,764, as compared with 32,475.253 shown by the census of 1901. 
The birth rate is high, the excess of births over deaths during the 
five years 1904-1908 being 1,845,775, or an average of 369,155 for each 
year. As stated elsewhere, there is no general relation between over- 
population and emigration in the case of most European countries, 
but this is particularly noteworthy so far as Italy is concerned, be- 
luse the resources of the country are not sufficient, or at least at the 
resent time are not sufficiently developed, to afford means for the 
dequate support of the large and growing population, and emigra- 
ion is simply a natural consequence. 

WEALTH AND ITS DISTRIBUTION. 

Compared with most other European countries, Italy is poor in 
most of the essentials which make for the material prosperity of a 
nation. In this regard Prof. Francesco S. Nitti, a well-known econo- 

79524 VOL 411 11 15] 






152 The Immigration Commission. 

mist and member of the Italian Parliament, and to whom the Com- 
mission is indebted for much information respecting the emigration 
situation in his country, says : 

Italy, that conquered the world in the Roman epoch, that was the museum 
of all arts in the middle ages, whose modern civilization is admirable for its 
efforts toward self-renovation, has been and still remains, a poor country. 
Above all, it suffers from impecuniosity, from want of money, deficiency of 
capital. * * * 

Not only ignorant people, but 'also many who are considered learned, and 
many of them in good faith, think Italy a very rich country. For most Ital- 
ians our country is the favorite of nature; it wants nothing. God made Italy 
rich and beautiful. " Ricca, ma ricca assai," says a romantic poem very 
often repeated. And so he who says that Italy is a naturally poor country is 
at once classified among the lovers of paradoxes. The most elementary truths 
are considered as paradoxes intended to impose upon public opinion; there is 
nothing more offensive for people accustomed to scientific research than to 
see the conclusions which are the fruit of work and experience considered as 
eccentricities and exaggerations. 

What is Italy? It is, first of all, a small country. Its territory only meas- 
ures 286 thousand square kilometers, which is much less than half the terri- 
tory of Austria-Hungary, and little more than half the territory of France. 
In 20 years Italy will have, perhaps, notwithstanding its emigration, a larger 
population than either of these countries. Such a small surface gives life to a 
great number of men, the greatest, perhaps, which Europe has supported from 
the most remote antiquity to our days. Among large nations (small ones we 
need not consider) only Great Britain has more inhabitants than Italy in pro- 
portion to its territory. But Great Britain still has immense riches in its 
underground, the Black Indies of coal and of iron ; its immense empire of the 
seas, colonies at least 100 times larger than Italy, which would allow a much 
more numerous population to live and prosper. The territory of Italy is very 
small, but it is rendered still smaller by the fact that Italy is the most moun- 
tainous of the great countries of Europe. And, moreover, the fertile plain in 
many places of the peninsula and of the islands is in its turn rendered unpro- 
ductive by the malaria. Two millions of Italians, at least, are ill of the 
malaria every year, and agriculture is consequently often rendered impossible 
in those places where it would produce most. The scarce territory becomes 
still more limited ; the underground is very poor. 

The malaria, however, is not invincible; if Italy has no mineral wealth it 
possesses great hydraulic resources. This is true. But it is also true that 
under the present methods of production Italy is still a poor country. More 
than all, it is an impecunious country, with scarce, capital and slow accumula- 
tion. Individual victories are difficult; the struggle is often hard and bitter, 
and the victors gain a reward unequal to their efforts. 

Prof. Nitti, in the same work, shows that the geographical distribu- 
tion of wealth in Italy is unequal, the southern compartimenti being 
much poorer than those of the north. He states that northern Italy 
has 36 per cent of the population, 47 per cent of the total wealth, 
and about 60 per cent of the national savings, while southern Italy, 
exclusive of Sicily and Sardinia, has 26 per cent of the population, 
20.6 per cent of the wealth, and only 10.3 per cent of the savings. 

This, doubtless, fairly represents the difference between the 
economic situation of the people in northern and southern Italy. In 
some sections of the north there is considerable industrial activity 
along various lines and agricultural conditions are good, but in the 
south there has been 'Comparatively little industrial progress and the 
agricultural resources in many sections are poor, or poorly devel- 
oped. Consequently economic conditions in the southern provinces 






"The Wealth of Italy," Francesco S. Nitti. Translated from the Italian 
by E. C. Longobardi. Rome, 1907. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 153 

are generally much worse than in the north. It would seem, how- 
ever, that in all parts of the country emigration is an economic ne- 
cessity ; for, as shown by the table on page 142, there is a large annual 
movement of population, even from the more prosperous northern 
compartimenti, and the fact that the northern emigration is largely 
seasonal and proceeds to France, Germany, and Switzerland, rather 
than overseas, does not change the situation. 

It is clear, moreover, that practically all emigration from Italy 
is primarily due to purely economic causes. As in the case of many 
European countries, some emigrate to avoid the performance of mili- 
tary duty and others leave to escape punishment for crime, but there 
seems to be little or no emigration for political reasons. 

THE AGRICULTURAL SITUATION. 

In the census of 1901, 9,611,003 persons, or 37.8 per cent of the total 
population of Italy 9 years of age and over, were reported as being 
engaged in agriculture, forestry, or cattle raising. Of these, 6,411,- 
001, or 66.7 per cent, were males. It is from this class that much of 
the emigration from Italy is drawn. The northern Provinces of 
Italy, generally speaking, are more fertile than those of the south, and 
more progressive agricultural methods are employed, but on the whole 
the agricultural development of the country is admittedly poor, the 
returns for capital invested usually small, and the wages paid farm 
laborers always low. 

In the southern provinces, and in other sections as well, improved 
methods of agriculture by which the best could be made of the land 
have as yet scarcely been introduced. As a general thing, crude im- 
plements are used and primitive means of cultivation prevail. To 
this fact, perhaps, even as much as to the character of the soil, may be 
attributed the small returns for labor which are quite generally re- 
ported even in productive seasons. Under the most favorable condi- 
tions, the Commission was informed, little more than a bare living 
can be made by the tenant farmer or small landholder, and his lot is 
hard indeed when a pest destroys the olives, as occasionally happens, 
or in the mountain districts floods and landslides ruin the vineyards 
or the year's crops. The distance from markets is said to be a serious 
obstacle to success in many parts of Italy, an instance being men- 
tioned, by way of illustration, where a man was obliged to make a 
four hours' journey to sell a load of wood valued at about 20 cents. 



OUTHEEN ITALY. 




The Commission was repeatedly informed that, as a rule, agrarian 
irsuits in southern . Italy and Sicily are not largely remunerative 
ven among the large landholders, and that in the case of small own- 
ers or tenants the returns are meager indeed. In one province of 
Sicily the Commission was told that a sufficient number of vines to 
require the attention of a man, woman, and three or four children 
would ordinarily yield an income of about $300 a year, and unless 
the land was owned by the person who occupied it one-half of the 
income went to the owner. In such cases, however, it was stated that 






154 The Immigration Commission. 

the work required only about one-half of the family's time and the 
remainder of the year they could work for wages elsewhere. In this 
province, as in most sections of Italy visited by the Commission, 
every available bit of ground was utilized, and although the work 
was usually done in a crude way the land was carefully cultivated. 
It was stated that there was not a single plow throughout the whole 
of one province visited, the ground being broken by hand implements 
and cultivated in the same way. The grain was reaped with a sickle 
and there was no modern farming machinery of any character. 

A member of the Commission, accompanied by an official of the 
Italian emigration bureau, traveled 200 miles through Calabria on a 
tour of inspection and found some advanced farming methods in 
practice. The physical characteristics of this province are wild and 
rugged, and aside from a small number of silk mills and a few other 
industrial establishments of minor importance agriculture is almost 
the sole occupation of the people. Here, as in other parts of Italy, a 
kind of intensive cultivation is found. Vineyards and fields of grain 
cover the mountains from base to summit, while every foot of the 
fertile valleys is tilled. The people are evidently industrious, and 
especially the women, who carry burdens up to 200 pounds on their 
heads without seemingly great effort. They were seen carrying in 
this fashion logs, bags of grain, fish, water, all the various kinds of 
crops, besides great bundles of fagots for firewood. 

Emigration from this section had been very large, starting origi- 
nally because of the absolute necessity of getting bread. Few of the 
emigrants had returned permanently except those who had con- 
tracted disease and came back to their old home to die. As else- 
where in southern Italy, the people practically all live in villages and 
many go several miles to and from their work daily, sometimes in 
carts carrying 15 to 20 workers, including men and women and chil- 
dren of both sexes. 

In the section of Calabria which was visited, agriculture is carried 
on by old-fashioned methods, but more plows were seen than in Sicily 
and some reapers and thrashing machines are in use there. On con- 
siderable areas of the ground, however, machinery could not be 
utilized to advantage and there is much hand tilling. The houses 
along the way were not thoroughly inspected, but it may be said that 
in general they are not clean. 

There, as elsewhere in Italy, it was reported that wages had in- 
creased since emigration reduced the available labor supply; the 
minimum wage of a day laborer being about two and one-half lire 
(50 cents) a day, where formerly it was from 60 to 80 centesemi 
(12 to 16 cents). It was also stated that there had been a large in- 
crease in the price of farm products. The roads traversed in Calabria 
were for the most part excellent. They are largely old roads but 
where new ones are constructed they are up to the old standard. 
Everywhere in Calabria it was found that the people had a high re- 
gard for America and Americans. In every village visited some one 
was found who could speak English, and some male member of 
every family interviewed had emigrated to America. The money 
sent back from America by emigrants had been of great benefit to the 
country and had helped to take the people out of the grasp of usurers 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 155 

who formerly charged exorbitant rates, sometimes as high as 5 per 
cent a month, for money. Some returned emigrants had bought 
small parcels of land and thus encouraged the tendency to break up 
large holdings. The money of emigrants had also gone into im- 
provements until the section visited is unquestionably in a better 
condition to support a larger population than eked out an existence 
there at the time the great emigration movement began. Everywhere 
the expression was heard that emigration was originally to get bread 
but that now the people went to make and save money. 

NORTHERN ITALY. 

Following the investigations in the agricultural regions of southern 
Italy and Sicily members of the Commission proceeded to the more 
highly developed sections in the northern compartimenti. Although 
conditions are generally better there than in the south, the returns for 
labor in agricultural pursuits are small and the large annual emigra- 
tion to France, Germany, and Switzerland during the summer seasons 
suggests that the normal labor supply largely exceeds the demand. 

In Tuscany the Commission was informed that agricultural condi- 
tions are good. There are many small as well as large landowners 
in this compartimento, as well as many tenant farmers. There are a 
large number of farms of only 2 or 3 acres, but the land is so care- 
fully cultivated that even this amount will afford support for a 
peasant family. Many of the peasants have to walk 8 or 10 miles 
a day to and from their farms and the hours of work are long. It 
was stated that wages for farm hands average about 50 cents a day. 
In speaking of conditions in this part of Italy, the American consul 
at Florence, Hon. Jerome A. Quay, said : 

The better class of people do not leave here, because they are prosperous. 
They are a peaceful people, although hot-headed, and are well satisfied. There 
is no rioting or discord. I have never seen a drunken man in Italy that is, a 
native. 

In Lombardy the Commission found that a large part of the land 
is owned by wealthy proprietors, who let it out in large and small 
parcels. Some of the tenants in turn sublet to small farmers. The 
farm buildings generally belong either to the owner of the land or to 
groups of lessees who have been in the business so long that they have 
established a practically permanent control of the land they occupy. 
The small farmer leasing the land from one of the two classes above 
him pays rent for the buildings, the average rent of farmhouses 
being about $6 per year per room. There is no fixed rule governing 
the terms of contracts for lands, but most of the farmers pay at least 
a portion of their rent in produce, and it is said that comparatively 
few pay entirely in cash. The Commission was informed that the 
value of the land, generally speaking, was from $250 to $300 per acre, 
with a tendency to increase. Few of the small farmers handle much 
money during the year. They are compelled to lead an exceedingly 
frugal life, accumulating just enough produce in the summer to carry 
them and their families through the winter. 

The Commission was informed that there is a growing class of 
farmers who lease large tracts of lands and sublet or employ help to 






156 The Immigration Commission. 

carry them on. Some of these men are progressive and are intro- 
ducing modern farming machinery, which up to this time is compara- 
tively little used or appreciated. The large renters have in some 
cases inaugurated the practice of acting as selling agents for the small 
tenant farmers who rent from them. In such cases the produce is 
either purchased outright or sold on commission by the lessor. The 
Commission w r as informed that the farm wages in Lombardy average 
from 30 to 40 cents a day for men and 15 to 25 cents for women and 
children. 

Lombardy leads all other compartimenti of Italy in both the num- 
ber and proportions of the population employed in industrial estab- 
lishments, Tuscany being the nearest competitor in this regard. The 
manufacturing centers have drawn many from the country districts, 
but notwithstanding the industrial demand 60,955 persons emigrated 
from the compartimenti in 1907, 45.449 of whom went to other parts 
of Europe. This movement, as before explained, is largely confined 
to northern Italy, and although it is for the most part temporary 
emigration as compared with the transoceanic movement from the 
southern compartimenti, it nevertheless strengthens the suggestion 
previously made, that considering its present status, industrially, agri- 
culturally, and commercially, all sections of Italy are overpopulated. 



AGRICULTURAL WAGES. 



Occasional mention has been made of the wages paid agricultural 
laborers in various sections of Italy visited by the Commission, but 
these data are too fragmentary to be representative of the country 
as a whole or even of the compartimento or province to which the 
figures relate. The range of wages, according to the Commission's 
informants, varied widely. It was stated that in some districts of 
Sicily and Calabria farm hands received from 14 to 20 cents a day, and 
that even at such rates employment was not continuous. The other 
extreme was mentioned by a Government official at Rome, who said 
that one of the largest landholders in the vicinity of that city had 
been compelled to pay 7 lire ($1.40.) per day for labor in the wheat 
fields, but this was admitted to be an exceptional case. 

The Commission's information as a whole, however, was to the 
effect that from 2 to 2-J- lire (40 to 50 cents) per day was the usual 
total wage for men employed in agricultural labor, and this was said 
to be considerably above the general wage rate of previous years, the 
increase in practically every instance being charged to a reduction 
of the labor supply through emigration. 



ALLOWANCES. 



In addition to the money wage paid to agricultural laborers in 
Italy some allowance of food and drink, or produce, is usually made. 
The amount and value of such allowances vary greatly, but the fact 
that the practice is so generally followed throughout Italy makes 
it a most important factor in any discussion of Italian farm wages. 
The custom prevails in all parts of the Kingdom, although it is not 
so nearly universal in the northern as in the central and southern 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 157 

compartimenti. Out of 102 localities investigated by the Italian 
Bureau of Labor, food or wine was furnished in 89, -and of the 13 
localities where such allowances, were not made all but 1 were in 
the extreme northern compartimenti. It appears, however, that in 
the comparatively few localities where the practice is not followed 
money wages are sufficiently high to make up the difference. Allow- 
ances given vary from a little bread or wine to full board and lodg- 
ing, and they are almost always larger in summer than in winter. It 
is probably a fair estimate that the average allowance of food and 
drink given to farm laborers throughout Italy amount in value to 
about 10 cents a day in winter and 15 a day in summer, except in 
the harvest season, when a greater allowance is made than during 
other summer months, because during the harvest employers may 
furnish three or four meals a day to the reapers and then the value 
of food and drink allowed rises to 25 or even 40 cents a day. 

It is stated that, as a general thing, allowances of the kind referred 
to make the average actual wages of farm laborers about 30 per cent 
higher than the average money wages. An exception may be noted 
in the compartimento of the Marches, which shows a lower money 
wage than any other part of the Kingdom, but it is said that 
allowances of food, etc., are greater there than in other comparti- 
mento. This is probably accounted for by reason of the backward- 
ness of the Marches and the fact that less money is handled than 
elsewhere, although actual wages are said to be about as high there 
as in other parts of Italy. With the exception noted, allowances are 
of about the same value in all the compartimenti. The data at hand 
do not warrant the drawing of any distinction in this regard between 
the northern, central, and southern sections of the country, in spite 
of the fact that the practice of making wage payments entirely in 
money seems to be confined to the north, for even there it is so infre- 
quently done that it does not greatly disturb the computation. The 
figures given above apply only to men. Women and children, 
although their wages are much lower, receive much less in allowances 
of food and drink. 

Besides the allowances of food, drink, or produce, workmen en- 

gaged regularly on large plantations are generally furnished with 
some sort of habitation, but these homes, especially in the south, as a 
rule afford little more than mere shelter. 

OFFICIAL WAGE STATISTICS. 

Although, as previously stated, the data collected by the Com- 
mission relative to wages are fragmentary and therefore unsatis- 
factory, the general estimate based upon them does not differ greatly 
from farm-wage statistics gathered by ihe Italian bureau of labor 
in 1905, according to the bureau's report upon the subject. In this 
inquiry the report states no attempt was made to investigate the 
rages of contract or quasi-contract laborers as js done in the official 
;atistics of France and England, but only the wages of those casual 
iborers who are so numerous in Italy and who in great part consti- 
ite the true proletariat among field laborers. 

The result of the bureau's investigation appears in part in the fol- 
>wing table, showing the wages of male farm laborers .in every Com- 



158 



The Immigration Commission. 



partimento of Italy during each month, and also the mean wage for 
the entire year: 

TABLE 13. Daily wages of male farm laborers in Italy (not including value of 
allowances a ) in 1905, by months and compartimcnti. 

[Compiled from "Dati Statistic! sul Mercato del lavoro in Agricoltura nel 1905," Roma, 1906.] 



Comparttmenti. 


1 


4 

1 


| 


P< 
3 


| 


1 


J>> 

"3 
i-^ 


bi 

3 

<1 


! 


1 


| 


2 

p 


pi 

3 


& 


3 


Northern Italy: 
Piedmont. . 


10.25 
.25 
.22 
.29 

.22 
.22 
.34 
.15 

.22 
.23 

.29 
.25 
.25 
.31 
.29 

.32 
.31 

\26 


$0.27 
.25 
.29 
.26 

.23 
.27 
.34 

.18 

.24 
.28 

.32 
.28 
.25 
.29 
.31 

.29 
.29 

.27 


$0.33 
.25 
.31 
.29 

.30 
.29 
.33 
.20 

.27 
.39 

.37 
.31 
.25 
.36 
.36 

.29 
.35 

.31 


$0.39 
.25 
.33 
.32 

.32 
.31 
.34 
.19 

.39 
.31 

.39 
.35 
.30 
.36 
.29 

.31 
.35 


$0.56 
.25 
.41 
.35 

.41 
.40 
.32 
.25 

.35 
.50 

.39 
.39 
.34 
.35 
.37 

.29 
.35 


$0.70 
.25 
.42 
.46 

.42 
.55 
.34 
.42 

.44 
.46 

.46 
42 
.36 
.63 
.39 

.37 
.39 


$0.70 
.34 
.40 
.41 

.54 
.61 
.34 
.43 

.51 
.68 

.42 
.33 
.34 
.41 
.41 

.35 
.43 


$0.52 
.48 
.37 
.31 

.43 
.48 
.34 
.26 

.33 

.48 

.40 
.38 
.30 
.42 
.37 

.27 

.29 

.38 


$0.46 
.48 
.24 
.29 

.35 
.39 
.24 
.24 

.23 
.34 

.32 
.33 
.33 
.33 
.39 

.28 
.31 


$0.42 
.48 
.27 
.28 

.28 
.37 
.34 
.22 

.23 
.30 

.31 

.39 
.38 
.30 
.34 

.27 
.31 

.32 


$0.40 
.48 
.25 
.26 

.28 
.29 
.34 
.21 

.23 
.31 

.32 
.32 
.35 
.32 
.35 

.28 
.34 

.31 


$0.27 
.48 
.23 
.25 

.25 
.27 
.19 
.20 

.23 
.29 

.36 
.27 
.30 
.31 
.35 

.30 
.31 

.29 


$0.25 
.25 
.22 
.25 

.22 
.22 
.19 
.15 

.22 
.23 

.29 
.25 
.25 
.29 
.29 

.27 
.29 

.26 


$0.70 
.48 
.42 
.46 

.54 
.61 
.34 
.43 

.51 

.68 

.46 
.42 
.38 
.63 
.41 

.37 
.43 

.45 


$0.44 
.38 
.31 
.34 

.35 
.39 
.32 

.26 

.33 

.39 

.37 
.33 
.32 
.36 
.35 

30 
.34 

.34 


Liguria 
Lombard y 
Venetia 
Central Italy: 
Emilia 
Romagna 


Tuscany 
Marches 
Perugia (Um- 
bria) 
Roma (Latium) 
Southern Italy: 
A b r u z z i and 
Molise 
Campania 
Apulia 


Basilicata 
Calabria 
Islands: 
Sicily 

Sardinia 


Kingdom, 
mean 


.34 


.37 


.44 


.45 


.33 



a To these figures should be added, in general, about 30 per cent for allowances of food, drink, produce, etc. 

It will be seen from this table that wages ranged from 15 cents a 
day in the Marches in January to TO cents a day in Piedmont in 
June. There is also a wide difference in the mean wage reported for 
the two compartimenti, it being 26 cents a day in the Marches and 44 
cents in Piedmont. It should be remembered, however, that in the 
former compartimento cash wages are relatively low, and allowances 
of food, wine, or produce relatively high. The table also shows that 
as a whole there is not a very wide difference in farm wages through- 
out Italy, which fact is in accord with the Commission's observations. 

CASH INCOMES OF FARM LABORERS. 

To find the highest possible monthly income in cash of the average 
farm laborer in the year 1905, the Italian bureau of labor computed 
the number of possible working days in each compartimento for each 
month, i. e., the number of days, not holidays, when the weather per- 
mitted farm work. By multiplying this by the average daily wage 
for the given month in the given compartimento, the average income 
for that month was obtained, assuming that the laborer worked every 
possible working day. No statistics of unemployment were obtained. 
The sum of these products for each of the twelve months then gives 
the average yearly income for each compartimento on the given 
assumption. 



I 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 



159 



The result of this computation is shown in the following table : 

TABLE 14. Annual and monthly incomes in cash of male agricultural workers 
in Italy in 1905, by compartimenti. 

[Compiled from "Dati Statistic! sul Mercato del lavoro in Agricoltura nel 1905," Roma, 1906.] 



Compartimenti. 


Annual 
income. 


Minimum monthly. 


Maximum monthly. 


Mean 
monthly 
income. 


Month. 


Income. 


Month. 


Income. 


Piedmont 


$103.20 
78.10 
67.59 
74. 35 
71.51 
82.08 
70.98 
50.37 
63.11 
91.90 
80.53 
77.89 
75.81 
81.53 
84.78 
75.51 
89.03 


January. . . 
May 


$4.01 
3.01 
2.66 
2.87 
2.55 
2.44 
2.70 
1.39 


July 


$16.68 
13.05 
8..31 
8.92 
13.51 
13.37 
8.44 
9.55 
12.27 
16.89 
9.13 
8.20 
7.77 
12.54 
11.46 
8.43 
11.29 


$8.60 
6.51 
5.63 
6.20 
5.96 
6.84 
5.91 
4.20 
5.26 
7.66 
6.71 
6.49 
6.32 
6.80 
7.06 
6.29 
7.42 


Liguria 


September 
July 
...do 
do 


Lombardy . . 


January... 
November 
February . 
January... 
December. 
January. . . 


Venetia 


Emilia 


Romagna .... 


...do 
do 


Tuscany 


Marches 


do . 


Perugia (Umbria) 


November 
February . 
January 


1.62 
4.20 
2.32 


do 


Roma (Latium) 


do 


Abruzzi and Molise 


do 


Campania 


February . 
January 


3.92 
3 26 


do 


Apulia 


do 


Basilicata 


February . 
January... 
December. 
February . 


1.74 
4.05 
4.34 
4.92 


June 


Calabria 


August 
June 


Sicily 


Sardinia 


July 







HOURS OF LABOR. 

The following table, compiled from the statistics of the Italian 
bureau of labor, shows the average number of hours per day worked 
by farm laborers in each Italian compartment. The figures are 
obtained by deducting rests from the average length of the working 
day, both of which are given in detail in the Italian figures. The 
longest hours of actual labor are found in Piedmont, in June, 13 
hours 50 minutes; the shortest, in Apulia, in February, 5 hours 45 
minutes. 

TABLE 15. Hours of labor on farms in Italy (deducting rests) in 1905, ~by 
months and compartimenti. 

[Compiled from "Dati Statistic! sul Mercato del lavoro in Agricoltura nel 1905," Roma 1906.] 



Compartimenti. 


Jan- 
uary. 


Feb- 
ruary. 


March. 


April. 


May. 


June. 


July. 


Au- 
gust. 


Sep- 
tem- 
ber. 


Octo- 
ber. 


No- 
vem- 
ber. 


De- 
cem- 
ber. 


Mean 
for 
year. 


, Piedmont 


H. TO. 

8 40 
6 15 
10 
7 15 
7 10 
6 
7 50 
8 
8 30 
8 30 
7 35 
8 25 
6 50 
9 
8 05 
8 55 
8 30 


H. TO. 

9 45 
7 
10 
8 30 
8 
8 10 
9 20 
8 40 
9 
9 
8 55 
8 10 
5 45 
9 
8 35 
9 
9 


H. TO. 
10 40 
9 
10 
10 
9 10 
8 25 
9 50 
10 20 
10 
,10 30 
9 30 
9 35 
8 30 
9 30 
9 55 
10 15 
9 30 


H. TO. 

11 30 
9 50 
10 
11 15 
9 40 
8 55 
10 35 
10 50 
11 
9 45 
10 30 
10 
8 30 
9 30 
10 55 
10 15 
9 30 


//. m. 
12 
11 
15 
11 15 
11 30 
9 30 
11 30 
11 25 
11 
10 15 
11 55 
10 40 
9 25 
11 30 
10 40 
10 40 
9 30 


H. TO. 

13 50 
11 15 
10 
11 45 
12 
10 40 
11 40 
12 10 
11 
13 10 
11 45 
12 
9 35 
11 30 
11 10 
11 05 
9 30 


H. TO. 
13 40 
11 30 
10 
11 30 
11 50 
11 45 
11 20 
11 40 
12 
13 10 
11 45 
11 10 
9 30 
12 30 
11 10 
11 10 
9 30 


H. TO. 

12 
11 

10 30 
10 
10 45 
10 15 
11 15 
10 15 
10 30 
10 30 
10 45 
10 45 
9 45 
10 
10 
11 30 
10 


H. m. 
10 30 
8 55 
10 30 
9 45 
10 15 
9 30 
9 45 
9 30 
10 
10 30 
10 30 
10 
9 55 
10 
9 30 
10 15 
10 


H. TO. 

10 

8 55 
10 
9 45 
9 45 
8 45 
9 15 
8 45 
8 15 
9 30 
8 30 
9 30 
9 
9 30 
9 45 
9 30 
9 30 


H. TO. 
8 45 
8 
10 
8 30 
8 30 
8 15 
8 15 
8 15 
8 15 
9 
7 35 
9 
8 
9 30 
8 45 
9 45 
8 


H. TO. 

9 
7 30 
10 
8 15 
8 
7 30 
7 45 
7 30 
8 30 
8 30 
7 30 
8 15 
7 15 
9 
8 15 
8 45 
8 . 


H. TO. 
10 52 
9 14 
10 05 
9 44 
9 43 
9 
8 57 
9 03 
9 57 
9 20 
9 54 
9 42 
8 36 
10 07 
9 49 
10 03 
9 13 


Venetia 


! Liguria 


Lombardy ........ 


Emilia 


Romagna 


Marches 


Umbria 


Tuscany 


Latium 


Abruzzi. 


Campania 


Apulia 


Basilicata . . 


Calabria 


Sicily 


Sardinia. 


Average for 
Kingdom 
(circ.) 


8 


8 30 


9 40 


10 10 


10 50 


11 25 


11 30 


10 30 


10 


9 20 


8 35 


8 10 


9 39 



160 



The Immigration Commission. 



WOMEN AND CHILD LABOR. 



Female and child labor has become constantly more common in 
Italian agriculture as emigration has drawn away the able-bodied 
men, and by some the increasing tendency to employ women as 
workers in the hardest labor of the fields is regarded as an important 
evil effect of emigration. In North Italy women and children are 
very commonly employed in factories, but seldom as hired laborers 
in agriculture, although they frequently assist the head of the family 
in cultivating the family's own ground. 

From the following table of wages of women and children on 
farms it will appear that, while men's wages have increased largely 
in the southern compartimenti of large emigration, Basilicata, Cala- 
bria, and Sicily, the wages of women have remained very low. In 
this regard the south is still far behind the north. The wages of 
children seem to be quite as high in the south as in the north, in so far 
as they are employed at all, but most northern provinces do not re- 
port child labor on farms. 

TABLE 16. Average daily wages of women and children farm hands in Italy in 

1905, by compartimenti. 

[Compiled from "Dati Statistic! sul Mercato del lavoro in Agricoltura nel 1905," Roma, 1906.] 



Compartimenti.* 


Wages of women. 


Wages of children. 


Mean. 


Minimum. 


Maximum. 


Mean. 


Minimum. 


Maximum. 


Piedmont . .. 


10.24 
.21 
.22 
.23 
.14 
.19 
.23 
.17 
.15 
.14 
.15 
.12 
.15 
.15 


$0.21 
.15 
.14 
.12 
.10 
.12 
.13 
.12 
.14 
.10 
.14 
.10 
.14 
.10 


fO.27 
.25 
.29 
.30 
.24 
.45 
.37 
.37 
.19 
.20 
.17 
.14 
.17 
.17 








Venetia 








Emilia 


$0.15 


$0.10 


$0.24 


Romagna 




.10 
.13 
.13 
.12 
.13 
.14 
.15 
.17 
.15 
.15 


.08 
.10 
.10 
.12 
.10 
.12 
.12 
.14 
.12 
.12 


.13 
.21 
.17 
.12 
.15 
.16 
.21 
.19 
.17 
.19 


Peni "ia (Umbrla) 


Roma (Latium) 


Abruzzi and Molise 




Apulia 


Basilicata * 


Calabria 


Sicilv 

Sardinia . 





a In Tuscany and Liguria neither women nor children are reported as employed; in Piedmont, Lom- 
bardy, Venetia, and Romagna no children; and in Lombardy returns for women were only made for th 
first half year. 

Liguria and Tuscany do not appear in the above table and it is 
stated that neither women nor children are employed as field laborers 
for wages in those compartimenti. According to the Italian bureau 
of labor these are the only sections of Italy in which such conditions 
prevail. In Piedmont, Lombardy, Venetia, and Romagna women 
but not children are employed. In Abruzzi, Emilia, and Roma 
children are said to be employed only at certain seasons of the year, 
while in the remaining compartimenti their -employment is almost 
continuous and they are found in most of the occupations in which 
men are engaged. 

AGRICULTURAL UNIONS. 

The system of agriculture prevailing in Italy, with many large 
estates and many laborers hired by single men or groups of men, has 
made possible the organization of farm laborers on an extended scale. 



Emigration Conditions in t Europe: Italy. 



161 



The process of organization has been progressing rapidly for a num- 
ber of years, and has already become an important factor in the 
agrarian situation in Italy, as will appear from the number of unions 
recorded, and the large number of agriculturists who have partici- 
pated in strikes in recent years. These data are shown in the fol- 
lowing table : 

TABLE 17. Agricultural labor unions in Italy, compared with the number of 
strikes among agricultural laborers, by compartimenti. 

[Compiled from Italia Annuario Statistico, 1905-1907.] 



Compartimenti. 


Population, 
1901. 


Unions, 1907. 


Strikes, 1901 to 1904, 
inclusive. 


Number. 


Member- 
ship. 


Number. 


Partici- 
pants. 


Northern Italy: 
Piedmont 


3.317,401 
1 077 473 


84 
9 

168 
28 

626 
35 

21 
29 
52 

7 
27 
59 
3 
15 

137 
3 


18, 616 
944 
24,119 
6,205 

115,194 
3,537 
4,624 
5,883 
7,260 

995 

5,897 
37, 203 
242 
4,103 

43, 787 
904 


81 


22,415 




Lornbardy ... 


4, 282, 728 


507 
113 

264 

22 


104,754 
44,742 

200,995 
8,297 


Venetia ... . 


3, 134, 467 

2,445,035 
2,549,142 
1,060,755 
667, 210 
1, 196, 909 

1,441,551 
3, 160, 448 
1,959,668 
490, 705 
1,370,208 

3,529,799 
791,754 


Central Italy: 
Emilia 


Tuscany . .. 


Marches 


Perugia (Umbria) 


29 
23 


22,011 
12,953 


Rome (Latium) .... 


Southern Italy: 
Abruzzi and Molise 


Campania 


2 
32 
1 
1 

29 
1 


500 
46,538 
800 
50 

23,035 
50 


Apulia 


Basilicata 


Calabria 


Islands: 
Sicily 


Sardinia. 




32,475,253 


1,303 


279,513 


1,105 


487, 140 





Of the 1,105 strikes among agricultural laborers from 1901 to 1904, 
as shown by the above table, a large majority were reported as suc- 
cessful or partly successful. 



HOUSING CONDITIONS. 



The peasants' huts are mostly low, one-roomed hovels, often with 
no opening except the door. The floor is of earth or sometimes of 
stone. The furniture is usually one or two beds, and a bench or 
wooden chest, or perhaps a chair, and fires are built on a stone hearth. 
Such animals as the family possesses pigs, chickens, and perhaps a 
donkey share the family quarters, but there is said to be a growing 
tendency to have separate dugouts or lean-tos for the donkey and 
pigs. But even in 1907, in the village of Scilla, Calabria, where 
emigration had been extremely heavy and the post-office contained 
$120,000 of emigrants' savings, the Royal Italian Agricultural Com- 
mission found animals kept in a majority of the houses. The Royal 
Commission reports one farmer who was more fortunate than many 
in having a two-roomed house, but in these two rooms lived the 
farmer, his wife, an unmarried son and daughter, a married son, his 
wife, and a child, a pig, and some chickens. Often 8 or 10 people of 
various ages and both sexes sleep in one or two beds, in the midst ot 






162 The Immigration Commission. 

pigs and chickens. Under the beds are stored the produce, usually 
potatoes and corn, which must support the family through the winter, 
when there is little or no work. 

DISTANCE FROM WORK. 

As elsewhere stated, the peculiar location of most villages in Italy, 
and, indeed, in Europe generally, is responsible for one hardship to 
the peasants. In medieval times it was unsafe for the people to live 
in houses widely separated from each other; they were compelled by 
necessity to live in fortified towns and villages if possible, on steep 
hillsides where they were safe from sudden attack. Though these 
conditions have passed away, the towns still remain in their old loca- 
tions, usually on high hills, and always at a considerable distance 
from the fields, where most of the inhabitants work. Separate home- 
steads on the American plan, located on the farms worked by the 
householders, are very rare. The laborers often have to walk 4 
or 5 miles to their work in the morning, and sometimes they have to 
spend as much as four hours a day in walking to and from the fields 
where they are employed. 

Transportation between towns in some sections is very difficult, 
owing to lack of good roads, although the main thoroughfares of 
Italy are as a rule excellent. In the south, however, there is only 
one government provincial road for each province, and the other 
roads used by the peasants are often grooves that have been washed 
out by mountain torrents in the rainy season. Wagons, or even carts, 
are impossible on some of these paths, and in many cases if the 
peasant wants to carry a load to town he piles it on the back of his 
donkey or the head of his wife. 

Lack of water is another difficulty in many of these hill towns. 
There are no pipes for carrying it, and very few wells in the country ; 
the town fountain is the only source of supply, and the people must 
carry it thence on their heads or on their donkeys' backs. Often it 
has to be carried 1 or 2 miles. 



METHODS OF CULTIVATION. 



The peasants are further handicapped by antiquated agricultural 
methods. This is especially true in the south, where wheat is prac- 
tically the only grain crop, while the practice of planting it alone year 
after year, without the use of fertilizers, sterilizes a soil which in 
most parts of Basilicata and Calabria is barren enough at best. The 
principal tool is the zappa, a kind of hoe, and sometimes there is a 
spade also. Many peasants have no plow at all, and still more have 
only a small and ancient one, which scarcely does more than scratch 
the surface. Consequently it is not uncommon for them to dig the 
whole field and prepare it for planting by hand. Artificial fertilizers 
are scarcely used in the south. 

In the northern and north-central provinces much more enlightened 
methods are beginning to be introduced. The principle of rotation 
of crops is becoming known ; chemical fertilizers are more and more 
used ; improved agricultural machinery is being adopted ; and the soil, 
naturally more fertile than that of some southern sections, is being 
made to yield abundantly. 



.. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 163 

COST OF LIVING. 

While it is well known that the wages paid farm hands in Italy are 
yery much lower than are paid to the same class of labor in the United 
States, there is a somewhat prevalent belief that the wide difference is 
in effect materially reduced because of the low cost of living in Italy. 
As a matter of fact there is but little difference in the cost of food in 
the United States and Italy, but there is a wide difference in the 
standard of living in the two countries, and because of this, and this 
alone, the Italian laborer is able to exist on the small wages earned. 
Meats, for instance, are as high or higher in Italy, but this has little 
effect on the Italian peasants for they rarely eat meat because they 
can not afford it. Sugar is higher in Italy and among the poorer 
classes is a luxury, and even salt, being a government monopoly, is 
so expensive that it must be used sparingly. On the other hand, 
vegetables and fruit are cheaper, and wine, which forms an impor- 
tant part of an Italian laborer's food supply, can be had at ex- 
tremely low prices. Probably a detailed comparison of all food- 
stuffs, article by article, would show some advantage in cheapness 
on the side of Italy, but the advantage would not be large. 

The usual diet of the Italian peasantry consists of potatoes, beans, 
spaghetti, soup, wine, and generally polenta (Indian meal mush), and 
bread. The bread is usually made of maize, and it is commonly said 
that only returned emigrants can afford white bread. Even in 
plentiful times meat is eaten not oftener than once a week. Families 
have to live most frugally even during the summer in order to save 
enough of the harvest to carry them through the winter. Moreover, 
there has been in recent years a large increase in the cost of living in 
Italy, for farm products as a rule have greatly risen. From the 
investigation of the Commission it would seem that the cost of living, 
especially in southern Italy, has risen in as great a proportion as 
wages, which is conservatively estimated at from one-third to one- 
half, while in some sections having 'a high rate of emigration it is 
said that the increase in wages in ten years has been about 100 
per cent. 

Viscount Combes de Lestrade thinks that in Sicily the increase is 
even greater than the increase in wages. Every town reported by 
the Royal Agricultural Commission, in so far as this matter is men- 
tioned in the report, shows increase. Antonio Mangano 6 says that 
in visiting Italy recently, after an interval of eight years, he found 
that all foodstuffs are noticeably higher; that wine, for instance, has 
advanced 3 or 4 cents a liter, and that vegetables are 20 to 30 per cent 
higher. This works special hardship upon some professional men, 
small officials, and petty proprietors, for they have had no corre- 
sponding increase in income, as the peasants have, but often the 
contrary. 

FARM WAGES AND EMIGRATION. 

In the year 1906, according to the Italian records, 787,975 persons 
emigrated from Italy. This number includes the emigration to other 
countries of Europe and to African and Asiatic countries bordering 
, 

International Economic Review, Aug. 13, 1007; article quoted^ by Antonio 
Mangano in " Effect of emigration upon Italy," Charities, Vol. XIX, p. 1484. 

6 " Effects of emigration on Italy," Charities, Vol. XIX, p. 1484. 






164 



The Immigration Commission. 



on the Mediterranean Sea as well as to transoceanic countries. This 
number represented 24 for every 1,000 of the population, and varied 
from 8 in Liguria and Sardinia to 41 per 1,000 in Calabria. 

The average yearly wages paid to farm laborers in the same year 
varied from $50.37 in the Marches to $103.20 in Piedmont, and the 
mean daily wage from 26 cents in the former to 44 cents in the latter 
compartimento. The average hours of labor varied from nine per 
day in Romagna to ten hours and fifty-two minutes in Piedmont. 
The relation between hours of labor and wages and emigration from 
the various compartimenti is shown by the following table : 

TABLE 18. Farm wages and hours of labor in Italy compared with emigration 
in 1906, by compartimenti. 

[Compiled from "Dati Statistic! sul Mercato del lavoro in Agricoltura nel 1905," Roma 1906.] 



Compartimenti. 


Average 
hours 
per day. 


Wages 
per 
day. 


Average 
yearly 
wage. 


Emigrants. 


Number. 


Number 
per 1,000 
of total 
popula- 
tion. 


Northern Italy: 
Piedmont 


H. M. 

10 52 
10 5 
9 44 
9 14 

9 43 
9 
9 57 
8 57 
. 9 3 
9 20 

9 54 
9 42 
8 36 
10 7 
9 49 

10 3 
9 13 


$0.44 
.38 
.31 
.34 

.35 
.39 
.32 
.26 
.33 
.39 

.37 
.33 

.32 
.36 
.35 

.30 
.34 


$103. 20 
78.10 
67.59 
74.35 

71.51 

82.08 
70.98 
50.37 
63.11 
91.90 

80.53 
77.89 
75.81 
81.53 

84.78 

75.51 
89.03 


33,885 
6,630 
20,046 
16,338 

42,681 


21 
8 
14 
32 

17 


Liguria 


Lombardy 


Venetia 


Central Italy: 
Emilia 


Romagna 


Tuscany 


37,111 
34,501 
14,786 
18,507 

58,032 
89,769 
33,762 
18,098 
54,084 

127,603 
6,672 


14 
32 
22 
15 

40 
28 
17 
38 
41 

36 
8 


Marches 


Perugia (Umbria) 


Roma (Latium) 


Southern Italy: 
Abruzzi & Molise 


Campania 


Apulia 


Basilicata 


Calabria .... 


Islands: 
Sicily 


Sardinia . .. 


Average for Kindgom 


9 39 


.34 


77.54 




24 





There seems to be no general connection between low farm wages 
and emigration, in the different compartimenti. In Abruzzi, Basili- 
cata, and Calabria, where the rate of emigration is the highest, rang- 
ing from 38 to 41 per 1,000 population, yearly wages are reported 
to be higher than in Liguria, where the rate of emigration is only 8 
per 1,000. Of the eight compartimenti, Lombardy, Venetia, Emilia, 
Tuscany, Marches, Perugia, Apulia, and Sicily, which show a yearly 
wage below the average, only two, Venetia and Sicily, show a rate of 
emigration in excess of the average for the Kingdom, and, as is well 
known, the emigration movement from Venetia is largely to other 
European countries, while Sicilian emigrants practically all go beyond 
the seas. 

THE INDUSTRIAL SITUATION. 

The economic question in Italy is largely agrarian. In the north, 
notably in Lombardy, Tuscany, Liguria, and Piedmont, manufac- 
turing has become an important factor in the situation, but in the 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 



165 



central and southern parts of the Kingdom there has been compara- 
tively little development along this line. In Italy as a whole, ac- 
cording to the census of 1901, 9,666,467 persons 9 years of age and 
over were engaged in agriculture, forestry, cattle raising, fishing, 
and the chase, while only 3,989,816 were reported as engaged in other 
industries. In Germany, where the agrarian and manufacturing in- 
dustries are both highly developed, 9,883,257 persons, according to 
the occupation census of 1907, were engaged in agriculture, cattlo 
raising, forestry, hunting, and fishing, and 11,256,254 persons in 
;< mining, metal works, and other industries." This illustrates in a 
general way the relative backwardness of Italy in industry. 

The distribution of the industrial population of Italy among the 
various industries in 1901 was as follows: 

TABLE 19. Number of persons 9 years of age or over in industrial occupations 
in Italy in 1901, by sex and industry. 

[From the Statesman's Year-Book for 1907, p. 1130.] 



industry. 


Male. 


Female. 


Total. 


Extractive industries 


90,680 


979 


91,659 


Mineral metal and mechanical work 


326,082 


3,069 


329, 151 


Stone clay etc 


129, 460 


5,890 


135,350 


Building 


558,890 


5,908 


564,798 


Wood straw furniture . . 


343,139 


67, 796 


410, 935 




46,628 


12,346 


58,974 


Textile '. 


121,479 


661,774 


783,253 




54,496 


15,558 


70, 054 


Clothing and adornment 


574,666 


539, 177 


1,113,843 




270,431 


44,069 


314,500 


Various industries 


102,439 


14,860 


117,299 


Total 


2,618,390 


1,371,426 


3,989,816 











Persons engaged. 




166 



The Immigration Commission. 



EMPLOYEES IN INDUSTKIAL ESTABLISHMENTS. 

According to the Italian "Annuario Statistico " for 1907, there 
were 117,278 industrial establishments in the Kingdom in 1905-6. 
In these were employed 1,412,262 persons, of whom 558,187 were 
women. The distribution of these establishments and employers by 
compartimenti is shown in the following table : 

TABLE 20. Number of industrial establishments in Italy and persons employed 
in such establishments, in 1905-6, by compartimenti. 

[Compiled from " Italia Annuario Statistico," 1905-1907.] 



Compartimenti. 


Number 
of estab- 
lish- 
ments. 


Number of employees. 


Total 

per 
1,000 
popu- 
lation. 


Male. 


Female. 


Total. 


15 years 
and over. 


Under 15 
years. 


15 years 
and over. 


Under 15 
years.. 


Northern Italy: 
Piedmont 


9,611 

2,936 
17,218 
8,036 

6,840 
13,086 
4,090 
2,083 
4,060 

5,795 
10,246 
6,310 
1,917 
6,749 

16,232 
2,069 


82, 822 
39, 798 
142, 145 
62, 262 

37, 701 
88, 162 
19, 261 
14, 883 
25, 181 

16, 460 
77,332 
31,860 
4,027 
22,634 

88, 343 
19, 138 


5,886 
2,005 
18, 136 
6,850 

4,7/2 
6,210 
2,215 
324 
1,599 

1,251 
9,909 
3,307 
302 
1,993 

16,452 

855 


61, 539 
11,179 
157, 606 
44,750 

16,500 
86, 969 
11,078 
2,658 
3,241 

2,831 
24, 941 
1,633 
437 
5,430 

6,649 
2,147 


15, 124 
2,691 
39,528 
12,308 

12,022 
26, 978 
2,270 
478 
374 

339 

2,668 
720 
68 
986 

1,844 
201 


165, 371 
55, 673 
357, 415 
126, 170 

70, 995 
208,319 
34, 824 
18, 343 
30,395 

20,881 
114,850 
37, 520 
4,834 
31,043 

113,288 
22, 341 


50 
52 
83 
40 

29 
82 
33 
27 
25 

14 
36 
19 
10 
23 

32 
28 


Liguria 


Lombardy 


Venetia 


Central Italy: 
Emilia 


Tuscany 


Marches 


Perugia (Umbria) 


Rome (I atium) 


Southern Italy: 
Abruzzi and Molise 


Campania 


Apulia 


Rasilicata 


Calabria 


Islands: 
Sicily 


Sardinia 


Total 


117, 278 


772,009 


82,066 


439, 588 


118, 599 


1, 412, 262 


43 





The above data, arranged according to the larger geographical 
divisions of Italy, are shown by the following table : 

TABLE 21. Number of industrial establishments in Italy and persons employed 
in such establishments, in 1905-6, by geographical divisions. 



Geographical division. 



Northern Italy. 
Central Italy . . 
Southern Italy. 
Islands 



Number of employees. 



and over. 



and over. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 167 

The tables thus given do not of course represent the total number 
of persons engaged in industry in Italy a but only such as are em- 
ployed in industrial establishments. They are interesting, however, 
as showing how small a proportion of the total population is em- 
ployed in this way and also how much smaller that proportion is in 
southern Italy and the islands of Sicily and Sardinia. 

The two compartimenti which stand ahead of any others in per- 
centage of industrial workers, Lombardy and Tuscany, also have 
much the largest percentage of women workers, and a very large 
percentage of children. The women amount to nearly as many as 
the men in Tuscany and to considerably more than the men in 
Lombardy. This suggests a fact, which in general holds good 
throughout Italy, that wherever industrial development is most 
marked female and child labor is common. This is indicated by 
the small proportion of women to men in the south compared with 
the large proportion in the north. In Sicily, where manufacturing 
is crude and still largely individualistic in methods, the number of 
men and boys working in such occupations exceed the number in 
Piedmont, but of women and girls nine times as many are so em- 
ployed in Piedmont as in Sicily. This is partly due to the differ- 
ences in the industries but by no means entirely so. It is characteris- 
tic of textile industries that they can employ female labor to good 
advantage. But great numbers of women are employed in other 
industries in Italy. The fact that the number of women employed in 
all industrial labor amounts to about four-sevenths of the number of 
men shows that women must be generally employed wherever their 
employment is physically possible. 

It is said that the labor of women and children in a very large 
degree has made possible the present industrial development of Italy. 
Women and child labor is regulated under law of July 7, 1907, which 
provides briefly as follows : 6 

1. Twelve years is minimum age of admission to industrial estab- 
lishments generally. 

2. For underground work in mines the minimum age is 13 if steam, 
electricity, or similar power is used, otherwise it is 14. 

3. Children under 15 years of age and women under 21 may not 
be employed at work that is too fatiguing, dangerous, or unhealthful, 
even though such work is carried on in establishments not subject to 
the law. 

4. In the sulphur mines of Sicily children 14 years of age may be 
employed to fill and empty, ovens. 

5. Night work is prohibited for male persons under 15 years of 
age and for all female persons. The .prohibition of night work for 
females may be suspended at certain seasons of the year and in cases 
where there would otherwise be an inevitable loss. 

6. Children between 12 and 15 must not be employed more than 
eleven hours per day. Female persons of whatever age must not be 
employed for more than twelve hours. 

See table, p. 165. 

* Child Labor Legislation in Europe. Bulletin No. 89, United States Bureau 
f Labor. 

79524 VOL 411 12 




168 



The Immigration Commission. 



INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT. 

Statistics relative to the development of some of the leading 
industries in Italy show that the increase in manufacturing, al- 
though marked in some lines, has not been extensive as a whole. 
However, progress is being made in practically all industries for 
which data are available and the outlook is regarded as encouraging. 
The following tables compiled from the Italian Statistical Yearbook 
for 1905-1907 show the status of several representative industries in 
the Kingdom at different periods of time : 

TABLE 22. Number of establishments, number of employees, and value of prod- 
ucts, in several representative industries in Italy in the years specified. 

[Compiled from " Italia Annuario Statistico," 1905-1907.] 
MINES. 



Year. 



Number. 



Value of 
products. 



Number of 
employees. 



1896 1,052 $9,451,037 46,352 

1,404 13,858,186 57,849 

1901 1,619 16,346,113 67,665 

1904 1,546 16,444,552 62,385 

1906 1,294 17,894,495 62,558 

QUARRIES. 

1890 5,925 $9,210,020 39,706 

1901 11,441 7,179,967 56,948 

1906 11,565 9,280,599 65,648 

FURNACE AND KILNS. 

1890 12,678 $19,881,113 85,061 

1901 11,269 23,204,838 94,313 

1906 11,344 26,438,743 96,3CO 

CHEMICAL FACTORIES. 

1893 281 $5,043,791 3,275 

1901 412 12,311,482 7,393 

1906 , 268 19,748,552 10,397 

PAPER MILLS. 

1876 521 . 17,312 

1896 1... 244 15,766 

405 19,088 



SILK MILLS. 



1876. 
1891. 
1903. 



3,829 



2,084 
2,162 



200,393 
172,356 
191,654 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 



169 



TABLE 22. Number of establishments, number of employees, and value of prod- 
ucts, in several representative industries in Italy in the years specified Con- 
tinued. 

COTTON FACTORIES. 



Year. 


Number. 


Number of 
active 
spindles. 


Num- 
ber of 
active 
looms. 


Number and age of employees. 


Over 15. 


Under 15. 


Total. 


Male. 


Female. 


Male. 


Female. 


1876 


650 
727 
769 


715, 304 
2,111,170 
1,933,953 


26,778 
78,306 
78,700 


15,558 
34,738 
34, 335 


27,309 
82,932 
82,056 


1] 
4,358 
4,739 


,174 
13, 170 
17,750 


54,041 
135, 198 
138,880 


1900 


1903 





LINEN, HEMP, JUTE, AND MIXED STUFFS-FACTORIES. 



1876 


241 


50 149 


5 378 


4 578 


5 959 


2 247 


12 784 


1903 


309 


106, 878 


8,016 


8,571 


13 147 


1,047 [ 2,920 


25,685 



















These tables seem to indicate that while the industries considered 
have grown to a greater or less extent during the period of time 
covered, their progress, as a whole, has perhaps not kept pace with 
industrial progress in other countries. There was a large increase in 
the value of mine products, as well as the number of persons em- 
ployed in mining between 1896 and 1906, but the value of quarry 
products was practically the same in 1906 as in 1890, although there 
was a large increase in the number of persons employed. 

The output of furnaces and kilns increased in value from 1890 to 
1906, and the number of employees was considerably larger in the 
latter year. The value of chemical factory products and the number 
of persons employed in that industry increased more than threefold 
from 1893 to 1906, but the number of persons employed in paper mills 
was but little larger in 1903 than in 1876. 

The number of silk mills and silk mill employees decreased from 
1876 to 1903, but there was a considerable increase in the product 
during that period. The number of silk mills in operation and the 
number of persons employed in that industry are not available for 
the years following 1903, but the output increased from 5,651,000 
kilograms in 1904 to 6,047,000 in 1906. 

Between 1876 and 1903 the number of active spindles in Italian 
cotton factories increased from 715,304 to 1,933,953, and the number 
of persons employed was about two and one-half times greater in the 
latter year. It is interesting to note from the table relative to cotton 
factories that, between 1900 and 1903, the number of adults employed 
decreased while the number of children increased. In 1900, 13,170 
girls under 15 years of age were employed, and in 1903 the number 
was 17,750. Women and children constituted more than 75 per cent 
of the total employees in the latter year. 

Among the industries above mentioned cotton factories employ a 
much larger number of persons than any of the others with the ex- 
ception of silk mills. Nevertheless the industry is not an extensive 
one in Italy, for, according to the United States census of 1900, the 
city of Fall River, Mass., has more than one and one-half times as 
tnany spindles as the whole Kingdom. 



170 



The Immigration Commission. 



In the other textile establishment combined under linen, hemp, jute, 
and mixed stuffs, it will be noted that the number of active spindles 
and persons employed a little more than doubles between 1876 and 
1903. 

INDUSTRIAL WAGES AND HOURS OF LABOR. 

No general or summary data of wages and hours of labor in indus- 
trial pursuits in Italy are given by the Italian bureau of labor, but 
detailed reports in this regard are available for a few typical estab- 
lishments in some of the more important industries. From these re- 
ports, as well as from some unofficial sources, are compiled the follow- 
ing table, which doubtless is a fairly accurate statement of wages and 
hours of labor in the industries under consideration. Wherever pos- 
sible the minimum, maximum, and mean wage is given for 1900-1903 
and for 1907, during which period the emigration movement from 
Italy was very large. 

TABLE 23. -Wages and hours of labor in various industries in Italy, "by com- 
partimenti and occupation. 

MINES. 



Compartimenti and occupation. 


Mean daily 
wage in 


1901. 


1907. 


Romagna and the Marshes (sulphur mines): 


JO. 44 
.32 

.83 
.52 

.47 
.55 
.40 
.56 


$0.56 
.42 

.83 
.58 

.47 
.58 
.42 
.58 




Sicily (sulphur mines): 




Sardinia: 
Miners 




Carters 


Machinists 





Hours of labor are generally 8 for underground men and 10 for outside men. 
QUARRIES (8 ESTABLISHMENTS). 



Occupation. 


Daily wages in 1902-3. 


Daily wages in 1907. 


Minimum. 


Maximum. 


Mean. 


Minimum. 


Maximum. 


Mean. 


Miners and di^^ers 


$0.39 
.38 


$0.81 
.66 


$0.58 
.50 
.45 


$0.48 
.48 
.42 


$0.96 
.75 
.67 


$0.70 
.65 
.55 













Hours of labor average about 9 daily. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 



171 



TABLE 23. Wages and hours of labor in various industries in Italy, by coin- 
partimenti and occupation Continued. 

PRINTING AND BINDING. 



Occupation. 


Daily wages in 1907. 


Minimum. 


Maximum. 


Mean. 


Compositors: 


$0.71 
.13 
.71 
.45 
.15 


$1.60 
.60 
1.28 
.89 
.40 


$1.00 

.39 
1.00 
.80 
.30 


Apprentices... 


Mechanics ^. 


Binders (male) 


Female employees . 





Increase in wages over 1901 said to be from 10 to 20 per cent. 
Hours of labor, 9 to 10 daily. 

FOUNDRIES AND MACHINE SHOPS (14 ESTABLISHMENTS CONSIDERED, BESIDES SOME 

GENERAL REPORTS.) 

The rate of wages paid employees in foundries and machine shops 
varies greatly, according to the nature of work done, and no accurate 
summary can be made with the data at hand. In the various grades 
of work the mean wage ranges from about 50 cents to $1.25, or even 
higher, but the commonest mean is 60 to 90 cents. It is stated that 
wages increased from 10 to 25 per cent from 1901 to 1907, according 
to the nature of the work done. Hours of labor are ordinarily 10 
daily. 

CHEMICAL FACTORIES. 

Average daily wages, 60 to 80 cents. 

BUILDING TRADES. 



Occupation. 


Daily wages in 1904. 


Minimum. 


Maximum. 


Mean. 


Masons 


$0.30 
.30 


$1.20 
1.40 


$0. 50-80. 60 
.60- .70 
.60- .70 
.80-1.00 
.40- .50 


Carpenters 


Stonecutters (in Turin) 





















BRASS WORKERS AND FOUNDERS. 

Mean daily wages in 1903, 60 cents to $1. 

PAPER MILLS (2 ESTABLISHMENTS). 



Sex of employees. 




Establishment A 
Establishment B 
female: 

Establishment A 
Establishment B 



Daily wages in 1907. 



Minimum. Maximum. Mean. 



\ $0.37 



.16 
.40 



$0.64 



.21 
.44 



$0.46 
.58 




Increase in wages over 1902: Establishment A, men about 10 per cent; women, none. Establishment 
very slight; not over 5 per cent for both sexes. Hours of labor, 10J daily in both plants. 



172 



The Immigration Commission. 



WOODWORKERS (2 ESTABLISHMENTS). 




Daily wages in 1907. 


Minimum. 


Maximum. 


Mean. 


Woodworkers . . 


$0.33 


$1.00 


fO.55 





Increase in wages over 1901, 5 to 10 per cent in 1 establishment. 
Hours of labor, 8 to 11 daily, according to season. 

FURNITURE FACTORY (1 ESTABLISHMENT). 



Sex of employees. 


Daily wages in 1907. 


Minimum. 


Maximum. 


Mean. 


Male 


$0.58 
.19 


$0.93 
.35 




Female 








Increase in wages over 1901, 25 per cent for males; somewhat less for females. 
Hours of labor, 10 to 10$ daily. 

SILK MILLS (3 ESTABLISHMENTS OFFICIALLY REPORTED, BESIDES VARIOUS NON- 
OFFICIAL REPORTS). 


Sex of employees. 


Daily wages in 1907. 


Minimum. 


Maximum. 


Mean. 


Male 


$0.40 
.10 


$0.60 
.25 




Female . ....... ... 









Comparatively few men are employed. Adult females are paid not less than 16 cents, and their average 
wage is about 20 cents per day. There has been no important change in wages since 1901. 
Hours of labor average from 10 to 11 daily. 

WOOLEN FACTORIES (2 ESTABLISHMENTS). 



Sex of employees. 


Daily wages in 1907. 


Minimum. 


Maximum. 


Mean. 


Male 


$0.46 
.30 


$1.00 
.53 


$0.70 
.40 


Female .... 





Increase in wages over 1901: Males, 10 per cent; females, 15 per cent. Unofficial data from various sources 
indicate that the reported wages for 1907 are considerably above the average for the Kingdom. 
Hours of labor in two factories reported, 10 daily. 

COTTON MILLS. 



Sex of employees. 


Daily wages in 1907. 


Minimum. 


Maximum. 


Mean. 




$0.38 
.15 


$0.77 
.40 


$0.00 
.30 







Increase in wages over 1901: Male, 25 per cent; female, 15 per cent. 
Hours of labor average 11 daily. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 173 



LINEN AND HEMP MILLS. 



Sex of employees. 


Daily wages in 1907. 


Minimum. 


Maximum. 


Mean. 


Male . .... 


$0.47 
.20 


$0.77 
.38 


$0.60 
.30 







Increase in wages over 1901: Male, 25 per cent or more; female, everywhere considerable; in some places 
as high as 100 per cent. 
Hours of labor average about 10$ daily. 



FEMAL-E TEXTILE WORKERS. 

Of 155,000 women and girls employed in textile industries in No- 
vember, 1903, according to " La Douna ell' Industria Italiana," bul- 
letin of the Italian bureau of labor, over 67,000 were paid 1 lira (20 
cents) per day or less, while about the same number received over 
1 lira, but not over 1.50 lire (30 cents). According to this statement 
over 86 per cent of the female textile workers received 30 cents or 
less per day in the year mentioned. 

SKILLED MECHANICS IN CITIES. 



A summary of the data available shows that in the larger cities 
skilled workmen, such as master mechanics and those engaged in 
building trades, etc., are usually able to command from $1 to $1.50 
per day, while in the smaller cities from 60 cents to $1 is the usual 
range. 

COMMON UNSKILLED LABOR. 

From such information as is available it would appear that the 
average wages of common unskilled workers in Italian cities and 
towns is about 50 cents per day. The Commission was informed that 
60 cents was the usual rate in Home and Milan, and from 40 to 60 
in Turin. 

It is unnecessary to point out that much or the above data is based 
on a very limited number of establishments and consequently can 
not be accepted as representing the situation in the Kingdom as a 
whole The figures are, however, practically all derived from offi- 
cial Italian publications, and may be taken as representative of the 
field covered in each industry. As such they shed light on the sub- 
ject under consideration. . . 

It will be noted that wages paid industrial workers especially in 
the more or less skilled occupations, as a rule are considerably higher 
than are paid agricultural laborers, but all things considered it seems 
improbable that the difference much more than compensates for the 
higher cost of living in industrial communities. Certainly the wages 
paid and the opportunity to work afforded to skilled laborers is not 
sufficiently high to prevent the emigration of this class, for from 
July 1, 1898, to June 30, 1909, &6,854, or 16.6 per cent, of all North 
Italians, and 199,024, or 11.6 per cent, of all South Italians, admitted 
to the United States were classed as skilled. 



174 The Immigration Commission. 



LIVING CONDITIONS. 



Living conditions are generally better among industrial workers 
than among the lower-paid agricultural laborers, but the range of 
wages paid is sufficient to show that the standard is low compared 
with the standard usually found in American communities. As 
previously stated, the cost of food does not differ greatly in Italy and 
the United States. James E. Dunning, American consul at Milan, 
stated that in 1907 the cost of commodities was higher in that city 
than in the United States. Sugar was quoted at 16 cents a pound ; 
beefsteak from 26 to 30 cents ; milk 7 and 8 cents a quart, while coffee, 
tea, beans, chocolate, cheese, and bread cost as much or more than in 
the United States. All observers agree that the poor in Italy live 
miserably. Among industrial workers as a rule meat is a luxury, 
and vegetables, soups, macaroni, and bread are the chief articles of 
diet. Few of the conveniences of life are within the people's means, 
the bare necessities have to suffice, and the quality of what they can 
get is usually of the poorest. 

An illustration of the standard of living even in one of the most 
progressive sections of Italy is contained in the following : Members 
of the Commission visited a cotton mill near Milan, where a large 
dormintory was being erected by the proprietor for girls and women 
employed in the mill. In this building, which the Commissioners 
found spacious and very'well equipped, the proprietor stated that he 
would furnish full board and room for 8 cents a day. This was in- 
tended to merely cover the cost, but in view of the fact that food 
supplies are not much, if any, lower in Italy than in the United 
States, it follows that at 8 cents a day for room and meals the actual 
standard of living would necessarily be very low indeed. 



L/YBOR UNIONS AND STRIKES. 



In recent years the labor-union movement has grown rapidly and 
to large proportions among the industrial as well as the agricultural 
workers of Italy, and it is said that the activities of the unions have 
helped to advance wages in both fields. In 1907, according to " An- 
nuario Statistic " for 1905-1907, there were 2,950 industrial unions in 
the Kingdom, with a total of 362,533 members. From 1901 to 1904, 
inclusive, there were 3,032 industrial strikes, involving 621,737 work- 
ers, and in the various years from 63 to 80 per cent of the strikes 
were reported as " successful " or " partly successful." 



INDUSTRY AND EMIGRATION. 



Only 43 persons out of every 1,000 of the total population of Italy 
were employed in industrial establishments in 1906. In the same year 
24 out of every 1,000 of population emigrated. Consequently, Italy 
lost in a single year through emigration nearly one-half as many 
people as were employed in the mines, quarries, and factories of the 
kingdom. This comparison is shown in detail in the table next 
presented. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 



175 



TABLE 24. Number cf industrial establishments and employees in Italy com- 
pared with emigration from Italy, in 1906, by compartimenti. 

[Compiled from " Italia Annuario Statistico," 1905-1907.] 



Compartimenti. 


Number of 
industrial 
establish- 
ments. 


Employees. 


Emigrants. 


Number. 


Per 1,000 of 
total popu- 
lation. 


Number. 


Per 1,000 of 
total popu- 
lation. 


Northern Italy: 
Piedmont 


9,611 
2,936 
17, 218 
8,036 

6,840 
13,086 
. 4, 090 
2, 083 
4,060 

' 5,795 
10, 246 
6,310 
1,917 
6,749 

16, 232 
2,069 


165,371 
55,673 
357, 415 
126, 170 

70,995 
208,319 
' 34, 824 
18, 343 
30, 395 

20,881 
114,850 
37, 520 
4,834 
31,043 

113,288 
22,341 


50 
52 
83 
40 

29 
82 
33 
27 
25 

14 
36 
19 
10 
23 

32 
28 


33,885 
6,630 
20,046 
16,338 

42,681 
37, 111 
34, 501 
14,786 
18,507 

58,032 
89,769 
33, 762 
18,098 
54,084 

127,603 
6,672 


21 

8 
14 
32 

17 
14 
32 
22 
15 

40 
28 
17 
38 
41 

4 

8 


Liguria .... 


Lombardy 


Venetia 


Central Italy: 
Emilia 


Tuscany.. . 


Marches 


Perugia (Umbria) 


Roma ( Latium) 


Southern Italy: 
Abruzzi et Molise 


Campania 


Apulia 


Basilicata 


Calabria 


Islands: 
Sicily 


Sardinia 


Total 


117, 278 


1, 412, 262 


43 


787,977 


24 





It will be seen that as a rule the heaviest emigration originated in 
the compartimenti where the proportion of industrial workers was 
smallest. This is true of Abruzzi, Basilicata, and Calabria, where the 
number of emigrants was relatively greatest and the proportion of 
industrial workers lowest. Of the four northern compartimenti, 
Venetia has much the smallest proportion of persons employed in 
industrial establishments and by far the highest proportion of emi- 
grants. Lombardy and Tuscany have the highest proportion of 
industrial workers and the lowest proportion of emigrants of any 
compartimenti of continental Italy excepting Liguria. The small 
proportion of emigrants from the latter compartimento is in part 
accounted for by the fact that 25.5 per cent of the population there is 
in the commune of Geneva, and it is well known that comparatively 
little Italian emigration originates in the large cities. The same con- 
dition is found in Koma (Latium) , where 38.7 per cent of the popula- 
tion in 1901 was found in the commune of Kome. From this it seems 
clear that industrial conditions to a great degree regulate the present 
emigration movement from Italy. 



CHAPTER IV. 
CHARACTER OF ITALIAN IMMIGRATION. 

NORTH AND SOUTH ITALIANS. 

Ethnologically there are two distinct branches of the Italian race^ 
the North and the South Italian. In the " Dictionary of Races or 
Peoples" which forms a part of the Commission's general report, 
these branches are fully discussed from a scientific standpoint and 
consequently an extended description is unnecessary here. It may be 
briefly said, however, that the North Italians have a large admixture 
of Celtic and ^ Teutonic blood, while the South Italians are largely 
a mixed type in which Greek, Spanish, Saracen, and other blood is 
more or less prominent. As previously stated the Bureau of Immi- 
gration classification, which is generally accepted as the correct one, 
considers as North Italians all persons who are natives of the corii- 
partimenti of Piedmont, Lombardy, Venetia, and Emilia, and as 
South Italians those native to Liguria, Tuscany, Marches, Perugia 
(Umbria), Roma (Latium)^Abruzzi and Molise, Campania, Apulia, 
Basilicata, Calabria, and the islands of Sicily and Sardinia. The 
infusion of the blood of so many races has produced various types 
in the different sections of Italy. It is said that the people of Pied- 
mont have the largest admixture of Celtic blood, and that they re- 
semble the French in many respects. The Lombards have both 
Teutonic and Celtic strains and consequently the men are generally 
tall and of powerful build as compared with most other Italians, 
while fair hair and blue eyes frequently occur. A different type 
occurs in the Sicilians, who are said to be largely a mixture of 
Italian, Greek, Spanish, and Arab with some infusion of Teutonic 
blood. Sardinians have a considerable infusion of Spanish blood, 
while the Neopolitans are said to incline slightly toward the African 
or negro type. The South Italian as a general thing is smaller in 
statue than those of the north, although in Calabria and Basilicata 
where Greek blood is prominent some of the men are of powerful 
build. 

To the student of Italian immigration to the United States the 
South Italian movement numerically and otherwise is of by far 
the greatest importance. In the 11 years ending June 30, 1909, 83.4 
per cent of the total immigration of Italians was made up of South 
Italians, the number admitted during that period being 1,719,260, 
while the number of North Italians admitted was only 341,888. The 
numerical preponderance of the former race when compared with the 
latter of course adds vastly to its relative importance in this respect, 
but, in popular opinion at least, it is the character rather than the 

Dictionary of Races or Peoples. Reports of Immigration Commission, vol. 
& (S. Doc. No. 662, 61st Cong., 3d sess.) 

177 



178 



The Immigration Commission. 



number of South Italians which constitutes the real problem. It 
is generally accepted that the North Italians make a most desirable 
class of immigrants. They are more progressive, enlightened, and it 
is claimed are more easily assimilated than their southern country- 
men, who, because of their ignorance, low standards of living, and 
the supposedly great criminal tendencies among them are regarded 
by many as racially undesirable. 

Something of the character of Italian immigrants may be presented 
statistically as follows: 



SEX. 

Reliable data concerning the sex distribution among earlier immi- 
grants are not available, but a computation from old records shows 
that from July 1, 1819, to June 30, 1910, about 78 per cent of all 
immigrants from Italy to the United States were males, indicating, 
as elsewhere suggested, essentially a movement of individuals rather 
than families. For the twelve years ending June 30, 1910, these 
data are available for North and South Italian immigrants separately, 
and it is shown that during this period 78.3 per cent of the former 
and 78.6 per cent of the latter were males, indicating litle change in 
this regard in recent years. 

AGE. 

The Bureau of Immigration and Naturalization records show that 
an overwhelming proportion of Italian immigrants admitted to the 
United States are between the ages of 14 and 44 years. During the 
eleven years ending June 30, 1909, 87 per cent of the North Italians 
and 82.4 per cent of the South Italians so stated their age. In both 
races the proportion under 14 years was considerably greater than 
the proportion above 45 years. 

The following table shows the number and proportion of each race 
in the various age groups for the fiscal years 1899 to 1909, inclusive : 

TABLE 25. Italian immigration to the United States, fiscal years 1899 to 1909, 

inclusive, by age groups. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner General of Immigration.] 







Number. 






Per cent. 




Race or people. 


Under 14 
years. 


14 to 44 

years. 


45 years 
and over. 


Under 14 

years. 


14 to 44 
years. 


45 years 
and over. 


Italian North 


30, 645 


297,442 


13, 801 


9 


87 


4 




201, 492 


1,416,075 


101 693 


11 7 


82 4 


5 a 

















OCCUPATIONS OF ITALIAN IMMIGRANTS. 

Nearly all Italians who come to the United States as immigrants 
are drawn from the laboring classes of their native country, and the 
great majority are rated as common or farm laborers. The follow- 
ing table shows the occupational status of both North and South 
Italian immigrants for the eleven years ending June 30, 1909 : 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy 



179 



TABLE 26. Italian immigration to the United States, fiscal years 1899 to 1909, 
inclusive, by occupations. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner General of Immigration.] 



Race. 


Profes- 
sional. 


Skilled. 


Farm 
laborers. 


Farmers. 


Common 
laborers. 


Servants. 


Other 
occupa- 
tion. 


No 

occupa- 
tion. 


Italian, North 


9 


16 6 


15 












Italian, South 


3 


11 6 


24 4 


7 




6.3 


1.7 


20.2 
















1.0 


23.3 



It will be noted that the proportion of skilled workers is larger 
and the proportion of farm laborers considerably smaller among 
North Italians than among those from the south. This is natural, for 
the reason that the southern compartimenti are so poorly developed 
in an industrial way that the proportion of skilled laborers in the 
population is small and the proportion of agricultural workers large. 
The proportion of servants in the Italian movement as a whole is 
small when compared with immigration from some other European 
countries, and the proportion of farmers is also much smaller. The 
proportion of those rated as having no occupation, which classifica- 
tion includes for the most part women and children, is somewhat 
Jarger among South Italians, and this may be considered as showing 
that the number of families is relatively greater among the latter. 
This is also indicated by a larger proportion of females among South 
Italian immigrants. 

PHYSICAL CONDITION. 

Generally speaking, both branches of the Italian race are by nature 
strong, vigorous, and capable of great physical endurance. As a race 
they have few vices which lead to physical deterioration. Drunken- 
ness is rare among them, and the out-of-door country life, which is 
the lot of the great majority of the emigrating classes, has kept them 
largely free from deteriorating influences. Moreover, the immigra- 
tion movement to the United States is recruited from the young and 
most vigorous element in the Italian population. In fact, the situa- 
tion from the Italian standpoint can not be better described than by 
quoting from the Sicilian newspaper which, in discussing the emigra- 
tion from that island, said : " It is the strongest and best arms that 
are leaving us." 

As explained elsewhere, 6 United States Public Health and Marine- 
Hospital surgeons are stationed at Italian ports for the purpose of 
examining into the physical condition of intending emigrants. This 
practice dates from 1899, when fear that the plague, then prevalent 
in Egypt, would be introduced into the United States through vessels 
from Mediterranean, led to the detail of American surgeons to make 
a sanitary inspection of ships sailing from Naples, and in subsequent 
years large numbers of intended imigrants have been turned back at 
Italian ports, mostly on account of trachoma. 



See table, p. 27. 



* See p. 113. 



180 The Immigration Commission. 

Exact statistics as to the extent of trachoma are not available, but 
various scattered investigations have been made, based mainly on 
school inspections and army recruitments. In one public school 
near Syracuse 36 per cent of the pupils were found to be trachoma- 
tous. In another school in Calabria, where there were 34 pupils, 28 
were found .to be affected with the disease. In 1892 in one of the 
sections of Palermo it was found that among a school population of 
607 there were 160 cases of trachoma. Figures based on army recruit- 
ments show a steady increase. They indicate also that the disease 
prevails more in maritime places than inland, and that, with some 
exceptions, it becomes progressively more frequent from north to 
south, assuming a grave epidemic character in Sicily and Sardinia, 
the climate, topographical conditions, and uncleanly, habits of the 
people in Southern Italy being conducive to the diffusion and per- 
sistence of the disease. Dispensary reports from Turin also show 
that the disease is greatly on the increase in Italy. The Marine-Hos- 
pital Report referred to states that : 

Valenti, in a critical study of the levy of Italiap troops, presents certain con- 
clusions showing the increased proportion of trachoma between the years 1880 
and 1894. For instance, the figures for the Province of Lecce are 1 per 1,000 in 
1880 and 17.70 per 1,000 in 1894; in Bari, almost no return in 1880 and 12.70 
per 1,000 in 1894 ; and in Sicily and Sardinia, hotbeds of trachoma, the increase 
is still more marked, reaching in 1894 in Catania 21.5 per 1,000. in Cagliari 28 
per 1,000, and in Sassari 38 per 1,000, whereas in 1880 the number of cases was 
so insignificant as not to be deemed worthy of note. 

Professor Fortunato states that from all available means of obser- 
vation it might almost be said that the entire population of some of 
the maritime Provinces of Sicily and Sardinia is trachomatous. Pro- 
fessor de Vincentiis, a celebrated Neapolitan oculist, has declared that 
75 per cent of the cases that present themselves at the Italian ophthal- 
mic clinic are trachomatous. 

In Naples, 6 the great number of rejections for trachoma has induced 
certain medical practitioners and quacks to advertise quick cures for 
the disease, and the business of " fixing up " trachomatous emigrants 
has attained considerable proportions. 

The second important cause for the rejection of emigrants at 
Italian ports is favus, but the number turned back on that account is 
not very large. The inspecting physicians find it in all its stages. 
Diagnosis is difficult because of the custom which prevails in Italy 
of smearing infants' heads with a tarry preparation, which is apt to 
produce a chronic eczematous condition. Seborrhoea, eczema, and 
ringworm of the scalp are also commonly met with in the inspection, 
and if severe enough constitute a cause for rejection. 

GENERAL. 

While in Italy the Commission received many expressions of 
opinion respecting the general character of Italian emigration to 
the United States. These included the opinions of Americans who 
had long resided in Italy, and of leading Italians in various parts of 

Annual Report, United States Public Health and Marine-Hospital Service, 
1903, pp. 377-378. 

6 Annual Report of the United States Public Health and Marine-Hospital 
Service, 1901, p. 465. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy 181 

the Kingdom, and almost without exception it was asserted that the 
country emigrants as a rule represented the best type of the classes 
from which they were drawn, but that the opposite was generally true 
of the comparatively few who left the cities. 

From the various expressions of opinion above referred to the fol- 
lowing are presented as being fairly representative : 

OPINION OF DR. ALLAN J. M'LAUGHLIN. 

Passed Assist. Surg. Allan J. McLaughlin, for several years in 
charge of the United States Public Health and Marine-Hospital 
Service station at Naples, in an interview with the chairman of the 
Commission, said in substance as follows: 

Generally speaking, I think the best feature of the Italian emigration is that 
the bulk of it, I should say over 90 per cent, is made up of country people, or 
people from small villages. I think most of the trouble makers in America, 
those who give the bad reputation to Italian immigration, will be found to be 
former residents of Naples or Palermo. They come from the big cities and form 
here what is known as the " mala vita " of the cities. They do not emigrate in 
large numbers, but the element is bad. They will give us trouble, and they do 
give us trouble in our large cities. They go to the United States not to work, 
but to live on the other emigrants. You will find them in Mulberry street. 
Lieutenant Petrosini can tell you about them. The police officers of New York 
know .them. That element is as bad as it can be, and when one of its members 
commits a crime, of course the whole thing is charged up in the newspapers to 
the Italian immigrants. But the Italian emigration, the contadino, the man 
from the country, impresses me as being a healthy animal, ignorant, but with 
splendid adaptability, quick to learn, bright, considering that he is a descendant 
of a race ill treated for centuries, quick tempered, perhaps, and passionate. 
They do what they are told to do. When they are rejected they cry. They 
make a fuss ; but they do not threaten to use the knife or do anything like that 
as you might expect. Their offenses are not of a serious sort. Physically they 
are very rugged and strong when they arrive here. They are not large, in fact, 
rather thin. They are capable of doing a long day's work and possess a great 
deal of endurance. 

I think that it is true that the United States gets the cream of those who 
have enterprise enough to exercise an initiative. In fact, one of the complaints 
of the present day of the Italian officials is that the very best young blood 
of the Italian plebes is going out of the country. They recognize that fact. 
It is the man with the initiative who leaves. That is the law in emigration. 
I think all in America I hope I have gotten over it, although I was the same 
as everybody else at first are inclined to think that all immigrants belonging 
to one race are good and all belonging to another race are bad. In fact, about 
the worst emigrants we get in America, physically, morally, and intellectually, 
are those classed as English. So it is not fair to say that because a man 
belongs to a certain race he is a good immigrant or a bad immigrant, because 
we all know that if we get the best type of the Englishman he would be the 
best type of immigrant we could get, but the best Englishman does not come. 
The immigrant we get, known as the English, is the product of the slums a 
Jew, a Syrian, the element from Whitechapel and Liverpool, the dregs of the 
great city. The country people from England do not go as a rule, but we get a 
few Cornish miners who are good people. It is a mistake to consider an immi- 
grant bad because he belongs to some one race. The thing is to treat the 
immigrant as an individual. Treating an Italian from that standpoint, you will 
find the Italian as good as any of the other races from farther north, with the 
possible exception of those from Scandinavia and the British Isles. But I do 
not think the Polacks and the Magyars and the Slovaks, who are considered 
by some as superior to the Italians, are superior. I think one is as good as 
the other, but of course it is pretty hard to get people to look at it from that 
standpoint. 



182 The Immigration Commission. 

OPINION OF REV. N. WALLING CLARK. 

Rev. N. Walling Clark, an American, who for a long period has 
been in charge of the educational work of the Methodist Church in 
Italy, and who has had an exceptional opportunity to study Italian 
character, in a statement to the Commission said in part as follows: 

As to the character of the Italian workmen, they are industrious, quite 
decidedly so. They are ready to work and work hard from early morning until 
late at night. They are not intemperate, notwithstanding the fact that a great 
deal of wine is drunk in this country. They drink it as men in foreign coun- 
tries drink milk, but it is almost an uncommon thing to see a drunken man in 
the agricultural districts. They are good to their families. The family life, 
of course, is not developed anything like it is with the laboring classes at home. 
They do not know much about the home life, and yet they are most affectionate 
toward their children and reasonably faithful to their wives as a rule. There 
is, however, a great deal of laxity of marital relation growing out of the lack 
of a divorce law. 

The class of emigrants who go to the United States are unquestionably the 
more enterprising, the better element ; only those would be able to go who have 
the money to get tickets; many are too poor to go. Educational facilities are 
very limited. The majority 80 per cent, I have even heard 85 per cent are 
illiterate. Comparing the country and the city people those who emigrate to 
the United States I believe that the country people are more desirable than 
those from the cities. The people from the cities are more immoral, more 
vicious, and also from the standpoint of . hygiene the country people are more 
desirable. With regard to ability to read and write, a larger proportion can in 
the city than in the country. In northern Italy the percentage of illiterates is 
much less than in the south. 

I believe the Italians under proper restrictions are the most desirable emi- 
grants to the United States. I think there should be pretty severe restrictions. 
T,heir documents should be examined carefully. Nothing is done in Italy until 
the papers are examined very carefully. When this is done, as far as it can 
be done, and all possible restrictions are put upon men entering the United 
States that is men of vicious character then I believe the Italian is a very 
desirable emigrant. There is no emigrant who goes from Europe who is a 
better worker, a man who has more power of enduring work, and he is a will- 
ing worker and has the desire to work. There is no man who is more sus- 
ceptible to moral and intellectual influence ; he is not set in his ways ; he has not 
the stubbornness of some of the northern races; he is easily molded and adapts 
himself to conditions. 

As to the comparative value of the German and Italian emigrants to the 
south, I would say that the German has desirable qualities which the Italian 
has not. That is, the German is very solid ; very stolid ; he does not get angry 
quickly. He moves slowly, but he is, perhaps, a little surer. In some respects 
he is more reliable. On the other hand, the Italian, as a rule, is the quicker 
and more intelligent worker, and would slave like a dog if you get his confi- 
dence. He will work for you from morning until night with the greatest 
devotion. 

I think the Italians are quite saving. They are inclined to put money In 
the savings banks. The postal savings service here is one of the most pros- 
perous branches of the Government. There are not many cases in Italy where 
a man can save sufficient money to buy a farm, but there are many cases where 
a man has saved money in America and returned here, bought a farm, and 
settled down. I think the Italian would save his money and buy farms in the 
United States if he had the proper opportunity, but perhaps not to so large 
an extent as do the Germans. 

Among prominent Italians interviewed by the Commission, some 
of whom were students of the emigration situation in their country, 
the feeling prevailed that Italy had lost and was continually losing 
much of its best peasant blood. Many expressions of regret were 
heard from Italian officials and others, but as a rule it was recognized 
that emigration resulted from an economic necessity which could not 
be satisfied, and therefore was inevitable. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 183 

CHARACTER OF SICILIAN IMMIGRATION. 

In a report to the Department of State, dated May 2, 1906, William 
Henry Bishop, American consul at Palermo, submits quotations from 
the country correspondents of a leading Sicilian newspaper, which 
show the local estimate of the character of emigration from that 
island. 

The text of Consul Bishop's report follows: 

REPORT ON THE IMPROVED CHARACTER^F^HE EMIGRATION FROM SICILY TO 

It seems desirable to report upon competent testimony that a considerable 
improvement is taking place in the character of the emigration going from 
Sicily to the United States. The testimony is that contained in the advices of 
the local correspondents stationed at various small points throughout the 
island, which appear on the page devoted to country and suburban matters in 
the L' Ora, of Palermo, probably the leading daily paper in Sicily. As these 
accounts were in no way prepared for the foreign eye, or for any official or 
polemical purpose, but only by way of a routine chronicle of the happenings of 
life in the minor communities, they are spontaneous and unbiased and have an 
authority that can hardly be impeached. While it is not to be supposed that 
some undesirable subjects do not still succeed in evading all the restrictions 
imposed against their entering the United States, the intelligence therein 
gathered at least strikes a more encouraging note and presents a more cheerful 
side of the great immigration problem, which is so often treated among our 
people only with pessimistic gloom. 

My extracts are nine in number, from widely separated places, and cover a 
period of about three months, but do not assume to be exhaustive even for the 
period. I translate from the Italian originals as follows: 

" Girgenti (Province of Girgenti), February 6, 1906: The emigration this year 
is assuming extraordinary proportions. The local ticket agencies are continu- 
ally crowded with people who would like to depart at once, but can not do so, 
as the steamers are filled up already for the months of February and March. 
The part of our populaton, too, that is emigrating is the youngest, sturdiest, and 
the soundest morally. It can not be said that they are driven out by dire want 
and necessity; they are lured away rather by the desire to better themselves 
in the world and make a possible fortune. Whole families, including old folks, 
women, and children, and young couples but just married are seen bidding fare- 
well to their homes. Many are of a class possessing some little property, the 
easy so-called borghesi (meaning a lower middle class). All this is coming to 
be a serious cause of anxiety, as an inevitable shortage of labor is imminent, 
while labor was never so much needed in our region as now, engaged as we are 
in the renewing of our vineyards. When and how will a stop be put to this 
feverish tendency of our steady-going farm population, which till now had re- 
mained doggedly obtuse to any suggestions of emigration? 

"Raffadili (Province of Girgenti), February 11: Disintegrated by the in- 
creasing current of emigration, it has looked lately as if our local pride, the 
musical band, would have to go to pieces and be abolished. It was greatly 
feared that we must lose its young and skillful director, Signer Parisi, who had 
excellent offers from several other towns. However, although many of the 
musicians have decided to leave for the new world in search of large gains. 
I am able to announce that the band has now been reconstructed and Signor 
Parisi will remain. 

" Gratteri (Province of Palermo), March 11: The emigration in this district 
continues, and it is with veritable grief that we see entire families departing, 
going to take up their residence in distant lands, in search of bread and work. 
If this state of things continues it will produce the gravest consequences, and 
it is difficult even now to find sufficient labor to till the ground. 

"Raccalmuto (Province of Girgenti), March 12: This year the emigration 
for America has taken on alarming proportions. Within a few months several 
hundred laborers have departed, not being able here to properly provide for 
their families. It is an exodus sorrowful to witness, since it is the best and 
strongest arms that are leaving us, who will be extremely missed in the sulphns 
industry. A hundred more are to go in the course of this month and April. 

79524 VOL 411 13 



184 The Immigration Commission. 

The effects of the emigration are already felt in the enhanced cost of manual 
labor. 

" Montelepre (Province of Palermo), March 14: The growing economic de- 
pression has caused the enterprising and robust youth of this place to tnrn their 
eyes to distant America. These young men confiding in their strength and the 
vision of a happy future, are leaving in large numbers, parents often encour- 
aging their sons, wives their husbands, and sisters their brothers, to go. But 
this emigration, which comprises even people in fairly easy circumstances, is 
matter of anxious worry with land owners, who see good hands becoming 
always scarcer and the rate of wages of those that remain every rising. They 
fear that soon the land will not give a sufficient yield to meet the many heavy 
demands upon it. 

" Falcone (Province of Messina), April 11: The condition of agriculture and 
landowners in this vicinity is causing much uneasiness on account of the grow- 
ing evil of emigration. Even from so small a place as this (2,119 inhabitants) 
not a week passes in which there are not many departures for America, and it 
is always the stoutest arms, the robust youth, that go. A few days back not 
less than 30 persons left here in a single day. The country is becoming de- 
populated ; the land is abandoned. Even being willing to concede any advance 
in wages whatever, it is often impossible to find a man for the most essential 
farm labors. 

" Kaggi (Province of Messina), April 11: For several months past the de- 
partures for America from this village follow fast one upon another. It is for 
the most part the young, in all the vigor of life, who thus adventure beyond the 
ocean. If you ask them where they are going and to what kind of labor, they 
answer that they do not know; they are only after a bright and enticing hope 
of fortune, which, as we know, often proves but a bitter illusion. 

" Spadaf ora (Province of Messina), April 22: The emigration of the Sicilian 
laborers is a social danger. No one seems to regard the new aspect that emi- 
gration has taken on. Why do we not ask ourselves the question: What 
element is the main body of emigrants now composed of, in comparison with 
that of heretofore? It used to be the poor and needy, who could not find pay- 
ing work in Italy; but at present we see the departure in troops of thrifty, 
forehanded mechanics and laborers, for whom there lacks at home neither 
steady employment nor good remuneration for it. And these men do not go 
alone ; the most depressing feature of it all is that they take their whole fami- 
lies with them. This constitutes a grave peril for our country, for when an 
emigrant takes his family along it means that it is his settled purpose never 
to return. Such emigration exhausts the very lifeblood of the nation. What 
remedies can we devise for so crying an evil?" 

Thus the reports continue to come in, and the burden of them all is the same 
namely, the progressive loss of much-needed labor and disastrous increase in 
the price of that which remains. It is clear from these laments, by those who 
should be excellent judges of the subject, that the emigration from this quarter 
is now considered to be of an unusually valuable quality. It would seem to 
rest with our own people only to keep it from congesting in the cities, and 
spread it over the large expanses where it can be advantageously used, to derive 
from it the greatest benefits. 

American Consulate, Palermo, Italy, May 2. 1006. 

WILLIAM HENRY BISHOP, Consul. 



CHAPTER V. 
ILLITERACY IN ITALY. 

ILLITERATES IN THE GENERAL POPULATION. 

In common with other southern and eastern European countries 
the proportion of illiterates among Italians is very high ; 48.5 per 
cent of the total population 6 years of age and over and 52.3 per 
cent 21 years and over being so classed by the census of 1901. Among 
the so-called emigrating classes in the southern compartimenti, which 
furnish the greater part of the immigration to the United States, the 
proportion of illiterates is considerably higher than in the country 
as a whole. Data relative to illiteracy among military conscripts as 
well as among persons contracting marriage are also available for 
Italy, and these fully confirm the census returns. Data from all 
these sources, however, show that a rather remarkable change has 
occurred in the educational status of the people of Italy during recent 
years and the situation in all parts of the kingdom is steadily im- 
proving. This is clearly indicated by the following table, which 
shows the proportion of illiterates of different age groups in the 
years 1872, 1882, and 1901. 

TABLE 27. Per cent of illiterates in the population of Italy in 1812, 1882, and 
1901, ~by sex and age groups. 

[Compiled from " Italia Annuario Statistico," 1905-1907.] 





1872. 


1882. 


1901. 




Male. 


Female. 


Total. 


Male. 


Female. 


Total. 


Male. 


Female. 


Total. 


6 years and over 
12 years and over 


61.9 
60.0 


75.7 
75.2 


68.8 
67.6 


54.6 
53.3 


69.3 

69.8 


61.9 
61.6 


42.5 
42.0 


54.4 
55.5 


48.5 
48.8 


21 years and over 


60.2 


77.4 


68.7 


53.9 


72.9 


63.4 


43.9 


00.4 


52.3 



Apart from showing the large proportion of illiterates in the 
population, and the marked improvement in the situation between 
1872 and 1901, the most significant feature of this table is the rela- 
tively higher percentage of illiteracy among females. This, it is 
claimed, is due to the generally inferior status of women in Italian 
affairs, the female population, especially in the lower classes, being 
excluded from all public life. If any benefit is recognized as being 
derived from an education the boy rather than the girl is naturally 
the claimant for it. 

The general decrease in the prevalence of illiteracy is due to a 
growing appreciation of the value of an education and the gradual 
extension and improvement of the public-school system. Italy has a 



" Italy." Prof. W. Deecke, p. 289. 



185 



186 



The Immigration Commission. 



compulsory school-attendance law and the State maintains the 
secondary schools and universities. The expense of maintaining 
elementary schools, however, is placed upon the communes and 
provinces, and many of these are too poor to provide adequate school 
facilities. Consequently, in many parts of central and southern Italy 
school privileges are not available to a large part of the population. 
The effect of this condition is clearly indicated in the following table, 
which shows the percentage of illiterates, by age .groups, in each 
compartimento : 

TABLE 28. Per cent of illiterates in the population of Italy in 1901, by sex and 
age groups and compartimenti. 

[Compiled from " Italia Annuario Statistico," 1905-1907.] 



Per cent of illiterates 



Compartimenti. 


6 years and over. 


21 years and over. 


Male. 


Female. 


Total. 


Male. 


Female. 


Total. 


Northern Italy: 
Piedmont 


13.8 
21.9 
20.4 
27.9 

42.0 
42.0 
54.1 
52 


21.4 
31.2 
22.7 
42.7 

50.6 
54.5 
70.5 
69.1 
50.6 

79.8 
72.6 
75.3 
83.1 
87.0 

76.6 
76.1 
54.4 


17.7 
26.5 
21.6 
35.4 

.46.3 
48.2 
62.5 
60.3 
43.8 

69.8 
65.1 
69.5 
75.4 

78.7 

70.9 
68.3 
48.5 


16.8 
24.6 
24.0 
30.7 

46.8 
41.7' 
55.4 
54.0 
37.9 

59.5 
57.3 
63.3 
67.4 
67.7 

64.9 
59.4 
43.9 


28.8 
38.6 
28.9 
52.2 

59.6 
58.7 
76.2 
75.7 
55.1 

85.2 
76.5 
80.3 
87.9 
89.5 

81.4 
80.5 
60.4 


22.9 
31.6 
26.4 
41.7 

53.1 
50.1 
66.2 
64.4 
46.1 

73.4 

67.5 
71.9 
78.7 
79.8 

73.2 
69.6 
52.3 


Llguria 




Venetia 


Central Italy: 
Emilia 


Tuscany . . . 


Marches 


Pamela (Umbrla) 


Roma (Latium) 


37.7 

58.5 
56. 9 
63.7 
66.5 
69.2 

65.2 
61.0 
42.5 


Southern Italy: 
Abruzzi 


Campania 




Basilicata 


Calabria 


Islands: 
Sicily 


Sardinia 


Kingdom 





This table illustrates the wide difference between conditions of 
literacy in the north and south, the extremes for persons 6 years of 
age and over being found in Piedmont, where 17.5 per cent, and in 
Calabria, 78.8 per cent, are unable to read and write. The reason 
for the wide difference between the northern and southern comparti- 
menti in this regard is explained by Egisto Rossi, royal Italian com- 
missioner of emigration, who, in a statement to the Immigration 
Commission, said in substance: 

The classes of Italian emigrants which would be most affected by an edu- 
cational test in the United States law are those belonging to the agricultural 
districts of the southern provinces, and I will tell you the reason for that. We 
have a compulsory educational law, as you know. It makes it the duty of a 
commune to have a school for a determined number of inhabitants, and those 
people are supposed to be not very far away from the school and to be able to 
send their children to the school and have them come back the same day. This 
is very easy in the cities or in the northern provinces, where all sections are 
full of people, where the communi are near each other. There you have a 
school corresponding to the needs of our population, and it is very easy for the 
children to go from their own houses to the school. In addition to that, we 
must remember that the communi in the northern Provinces have better means ; 
they are richer. They can appropriate for the maintenance of elementary 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 



187 



schools larger amounts than in the southern provinces. In the southern country 
the population is more scattered. You will find a town of 5,000 people. In this 
town you will find a school, and the boy or girl goes to the school, and they can 
enforce the law, and every parent who does not send his children to school is 
subject to a fine. But around these little villages there are fifteen or twenty 
thousand people, scattered at a distance of 5 or 6 kilometers, and the communi, 
in order to provide instruction for the children of these people scattered over 
that distance ought to open schools at distances between them not greater than 
5 or 10 kilometers in order to reach every part of its jurisdiction. But you 
can not conscientiously compel these people living at a distance of 15 to 20 
kilometers from the school to send their children every morning and bring 
them back every evening. The poor parents can not send the boy such a dis- 
tance, and the communi is not in position to provide nearer accommodations. 
This accounts for a great deal of the illiteracy. The General Government 
bears the expense of universities and of secondary schools, but the expense 
of common-school education is placed upon the municipalities. Since we have 
seen the consequences of the present system there is a strong opinion in favor 
of passing over the elementary schools to the Government and of appropriating 
money to provide schools as the necessity requires. I have been advocating 
this change in the system. 

SCHOOL ATTENDANCE. 

As suggested by Mr. Rossi, the compulsory school law has been 
very imperfectly carried out in central and southern Italy on account 
of the inability of the communes to furnish the needed instruction. 
School attendance, however, is rapidly rising, the number of pupils 
in the elementary schools during the last forty years, allowing for the 
increase of population, having increased 121.2 per cent. The follow- 
ing table gives the proportion of each sex attending the public ele- 
mentary schools in the various compartimenti in the periods 1883-4 
and 1901-2 : 

TABLE 29. Proportion of male and female pupils in Italian elementary public 
schools per 1,000 of the total population, in 1883-4 and 1901-2, t>y comparti- 
menti. 

[Compiled from "Italia Annuario Statistico," 1905-1907.] 



Compartimenti. 


Proportion of pupils per 1,000 population. 


Males. 


Females. 


1901-2. 


1883-4. 


1901-2. 


1883-4. 


Northern Italy: 


124.0 
99.3 
112.1 
113.5 

97.3 

74.2 
77.5 
78.9 
74.7 

71.7 
62.6 
53.7 
57.6 
53.6 

56.9 
61.4 
85.1 


127.0 
93.0 
106.7 
107.2 

78.4 
56.1 
57.8 
62.0 
56.1 

61.8 

54.4 
41.8 
47.9 
49.8 

41.3 
59.4 
75.9 


113.1 

89.2 
99.4 
92.1 

84.6 
60.9 
54.1 
63.5 
69.0 

50.2 
45.1 
49.5 
39.7 
32.5 

53.2 
57.5 
71.7 


114.2 
82.1 
95.1 

82.5 

64.9 
44.8 
40.2 
48.7 
58.9 

43.8 
41.7 
40.1 
32.0 
31.0 

36.7 
49.6 
63.6 








Central Italy: 
Emilia 






Perugia (Umbria) 




Southern Italy: 








Calabria 


Islands: 
Sicily 









188 



The Immigration Commission. 



With one exception. Piedmont, the school attendance for each class 
has increased to a marked degree, but in spite of a slight falling off 
in the proportions Piedmont still maintains its lead much in advance 
of any other compartiineiito. Calarbria has the lowest record both 
for boys and girls. 

MOVEMENT TO REDUCE ILLITERACY. 

In 1904 a campaign was begun for the more effectual suppression 
of illiteracy. By a law enacted that year the former age limit for 
compulsory school attendance, 6 to 9 years, was continued for com- 
munes where there was no higher elementary school, but in com- 
munes having the latter the compulsory school age was raised to 
twelve years. This law also provided that illiterates should be sub- 
ject to various disabilities: no illiterate born after 1885 will be al- 
lowed to carry arms ; no one born after 1890 will be allowed to open 
any establishment under police supervision tavern, cafe, etc. un- 
less he himself is able to draw up formal application for permission ; 
and no one born after 1900 will be admitted to a salaried position \n 
the public administration unless he produces a certificate of primary 
instruction. Under this law 7 and also that of July, 1906, 5,000 addi- 
tional evening and Sunday schools were to be provided for the adult 
illiterate. As stated by Mr. Rossi, there is at present on foot the 
strongly favored movement to place the maintenance of the elemen- 
tar} T school upon the Government, so that they might be provided 
as necessity required, and thus make possible the enforcement of the 
compulsory attendance law. 

ILLITERACY AMONG CONSCRIPTS. 

A study of illiteracy among military conscripts in Italy is of spe- 
cial interest in this connection, for the reason that both emigrants 
and recruits are largely drawn from the same age groups. The pro- 
portion of illiterates among conscripts in the years 1872, 1901, and 
1904 is shown in the following table : 

TABLE 30. Proportion of illiterates among Italian conscripts per 100 enrolled, 
in 1872, 1901, and 1904, ly compartimenti. 

[Compiled from "Italia Annuario Statistico," 1905-1907.] 



Compartimenti. 


1904. 


1901. 


1872. 


Northern Italy: 
Piedmont . ..... . . 


8 9 


11 3 


26 2 


Liguria 


15 5 


16 4 


35 1 


Lombardy 


14.6 


15 3 


33 1 


Venetia 


21 5 


23 6 


51 4 


Central Italy: 
Emilia 


26.8 


30 5 


58 5 


Tuscany 


29 1 


37 2 


55 2 


Marches 


40 2 


43 2 


66 7 


Perugia (Umbria) 


40.4 


38 6 


66 6 


Roma (Latium) .. 


29 g 


33 2 


59 7 


Southern Italy: 
Abruzzi 


43.6 


44 2 


66 9 


Campania i 


42 5 


44 2 


71 3 


Apulia 


50 3 


53 1 


71 2 


Basilicata 


61.1 


49 2 


75 


Calabria 


51 8 


54 1 


77 i 


Islands: 

Sicily 


51 5 


53 3 


78 7 


Sardinia 


53 8 


52 9 


72 5 


'Kingdom 


31 2 


32 6 


56 5 











Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 



189 



This table clearly shows a rather remarkable advance in literacy 
among Italian young men, the proportion of those who could not 
read and write having decreased from 56.5 per 100 in 1872 to 31 2 
per 100 in 1904. In Perugia, Basilicata, and Sardinia the proportion 
of illiterates increased slightly between 1901 and 1904, but there was 
a decrease in every other compartimento and in each instance the de- 
crease for the longer period, 1872 to 1904, was sufficiently large to 
show conclusively that great progress has been made. 

That literacy has steadily increased among all classes of Italian 
young men is shown from the following table which gives the pro- 
portion of illiterates among military conscripts according to their 
occupation : 

TABLE 31. Proportion of illiterates among Italian conscripts per 100 enrolled, in 
periods specified, by occupation. 

[Compiled from "Italia Annuario Statistico," 1905-1907.] 













Per- 






Com- 






Period. 


Agri- 
cultur- 
ists and 
related 
occupa- 
tions. 


Sailors 
and 
fisher- 
men. 


Masons, 
miners, 
etc. 


Work- 
men of 
other 
indus- 
tries 
and ar- 
tisans. 


con- 
nected 
with 
the 
prep- 
aration 
and sale 


Trades- 
men in 
general. 


Ser- 
vants 
in gen- 
eral. 


mon la- 
borers 
not al- 
ready 
speci- 
fied and 
profes- 


Pro- 
prie- 
tors. 


Total. 


















sional 
















ables. 






beggars. 






1871-1875 


65.7 


60.7 


44.0 


34.4 


30.6 


18.3 


46.3 


75.8 


14.0 


53 5 


1S76-1880 . . 


63.4 


59.4 


40.8 


32.6 


29.7 


16.8 


46.1 


70.2 


14 


50 3 


1881-1885 


60 5 


58 4 


39.6 


29.9 


29 1 


11.7 


42 


62 2 


13 8 


47 3 


1880-1890 


56.0 


54.6 


36.5 


26.8 


25.2 


10.1 


37.8 


61.9 


11.5 


43.1 


1891-1895 


52.2 


51.4 


32.7 


25.8 


23.7 


8.2 


32.1 


54.7 


10.8 


39 4 


189(5-1900 


47.8 


42.4 


28.6 


23.0 


21.3 


5.9 


30.3 


49.7 


9.6 


35.4 


1901-1905 


43.0 


35.9 


25.3 


21.4 


19.8 


4.0 


25.4 


42.1 


7.9 


31.6 

























The three classes in which inability to read and write has been 
and continues to be most widespread are -agricultural laborers, com- 
mon laborers, and sailors and fishermen. Of these the first two form 
the most considerable part of Italian immigration to the United 
States. It should also be noted that it is in the very three classes 
where illiteracy is most prevalent that the decline in the rate from 
1871-1875 to 1901-1905 has been most marked. During that period 
the percentage of illiterates among the total number of recruits fell 
from 53.5 per cent to 31.6 per cent, a difference of 21.9 per cent. For 
the common laborers and professional beggers the difference in the 
rates for that period was 33.7 per cent ; for the sailors and fishermen 
it was 24.8 per cent ; for the agricultural laborers it was 22.7 per cent. 
In the other occupations the decline in the percentage of illiterates 
was less than that for the total number of conscripts. 



190 



The Immigration Commission. 



MARRIAGE RECORDS. 

Marriage records are another source of data respecting literacy in 
Italy, the test in this case being the ability of the contracting parties 
to sign the marriage register. The record in this regard for the 
years 1872, 1901, and 1905 is shown by the following table: 

TABLE 32. Per cent of illiterates among persons contracting marriage in the 
various compartimenti of Italy in 1872, 1901, and 1905, by sex. 

[Compiled from "Italia Annuario Statistico, " 1905-1907.] 



Per cent of illiterates. 



Compartimenti. 




Male. 






Female. 






Total. 







1872. 


1901. 


1905. 


1872. 


1901. 


1905. 


1872. 


1901. 


1905. 


Northern Italy: 
Piedmont 


24.1 


5.6 


4.2 


46.6 


7.1 


5.9 


35.3 


6.3 


5.0 


Liguria 


38.8 


12.5 


9.4 


56.5 


16.7 


13.8 


47.6 


14.6 


11 6 


Lombardy 


37.7 


10.6 


8.1 


53.5 


11.6 


9.0 


45.6 


11.1 


8.5 


Venetia 


47.0 


18.0 


14.6 


80.1 


32.8 


25.9 


63.5 


25.4 


20.3 


Central Italy: 
Emilia 


58.9 


32.8 


26.2 


77.1 


42.6 


35.3 


68.0 


37.7 


30.8 


Tuscany 


46.1 


28.0 


25.9 


71.9 


48.8 


43.5 


59.0 


38.4 


34.7 


Marches 


63.6 


42.3 


36.5 


82.2 


63.9 


59.2 


72.9 


53.1 


47.8 


Perugia (Umbria) . . 


61.2 


42.6 


38.8 


82.1 


65.1 


61.1 


71.6 


53.9 


50.0 


Roma (Latium) 


32.3 


30.3 


26.9 


57.0 


49.3 


45.6 


44.6 


39.8 


36.2 


Southern Italy: 
Abruzzi 


72.3 


45.4 


39.9 


93.2 


73.1 


68.6 


82.7 


59.2 


54.2 


Campania 


69.0 


46.5 


41.8 


87.4 


67.5 


62.9 


78.2 


57.0 


52.4 


Apulia 


80.5 


55.1 


54.4 


93.3 


73.3 


72.5 


86.9 


64.2 


63.4 


Basilicata . . 


85.9 


63.8 


61.4 


96.1 


79.4 


77.6 


91.0 


71.6 


69.5 


Calabria 


81 


63.9 


59 3 


94.9 


83.8 


80 8 


88 


73 9 


70 


Islands: 
Sicily.. . . 


79.5 


56.2 


52.5 


91.5 


69.7 


65.1 


85.5 


63.0 


58.8 


Sardinia 


70 6 


51 1 


48 5 


87.8 


71.7 


70 


79 2 


61 4 


59.3 


Kingdom 


56.2 


32.7 


30.3 


75.3 


46.1 


43.5 


65.8 


39.4 


36.9 























This table is of particular interest because it includes persons of 
both sexes who correspond' in age to a very large proportion of the 
emigrant group. It shows also the greater prevalence of illiteracy 
among women, and the same steady improvement in educational con- 
ditions throughout Italy which have been noted in preceding tables. 
As shown in all other tables, the percentage of illiterates among per- 
sons contracting marriage in the northern compartimenti of Pied- 
mont, Liguria, and Lombardy is very much smaller than in other 
parts of Italy. Moreover, the decrease in illiteracy between 1872 
and 1905 was relatively much greater in these compartimenti, the 
changed educational status of women in this section being especially 
noteworthy. 

ILLITERACY AMONG ITALIAN IMMIGRANTS. 

Unfortunately none of the data contained in the above tables are 
entirely comparable with statistics relative to illiteracy among Italian 
immigrants admitted to the United States. Table 30, showing the 
degree t)f illiteracy among military conscripts, concerns an age group 
which approximates the emigrant group, but it includes persons of 
one sex only. Table 32 also concerns persons of what may be called 
the emigrant age, and both sexes are represented, but in both these 
tables the data relate to all sections of Italy and to all classes in the 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 



191 



population, whereas by far the greater part of the emigration move- 
ment to the United States is drawn from the southern compart imenti 
and from the peasant class. Moreover, data are not available to show 
the relative educational status of country and city dwellers in Italy 
but it was stated to the Commission that superior school facilities in 
the cities had considerably reduced the degree of illiteracy prevailing 
there. This fact further complicates the situation, for it is well 
known that the country districts furnish by far the greater proportion 
of immigrants. It is, therefore, impossible to determine from exist- 
ing data how greatly the educational status of Italian immigrants to 
the United States differs from corresponding groups in the population 
of Italy as a whole. 

During the fiscal years 1899 to 1909, inclusive, 1,829,011 Italian 
immigrants, 14 years of age and over, were admitted to the United 
States, and of these 858,982, or 47 per cent, were illiterate. The dis- 
tribution of these immigrants in the different years, and among North 
and South Italians, is shown in the following table : 

TABLE 33. Number and per cent of illiterates among Italian immigrants 14 
years of age and over admitted to the United States, fiscal years 1899 to 1909, 
inclusive. 

[Compiled from reports of the United States Commissioner General of Immigration.] 



Fiscal year. 


Number of arrivals 14 years 
and over. 


Numbmof illiterates 14 years 
and over. 


Per cent of illiterates. 


North 
Italians. 


South 
Italians. 


Total. 


North 
Italians. 


South 
Italians. 


Total. 


North 
Italians. 


South 
Italians. 


Total. 


1899 


11,625 
15,742 
20,273 
25,405 
34,025 
33,066 
36, 361 
42,293 
47,556 
21,925 
22, 972 


53,266 
71,814 
99,910 
135.961 
174,498 
138, 434 
169,475 
213,982 
217,607 
92,082 
150,739 


64,891 
87,556 
120,183 
161,366 
208,523 
171,500 
205.836 
256,275 
265,163 
114,007 
173,711 


1,320 
1.804 
3, 122 
3,550 
4,283 
4,150 
5,058 
5,042 
4,741 
1,885 
1,908 


30,463 
39, 150 
58,493 
76,529 
84,512 
74,889 
95, 407 
114,957 
115,803 
46,654 
85,256 


31,783 
40,954 
61,615 
80,085 
88, 795 
79,039 
100,465 
119,999 
120,544 
48,539 
87,164 


11.4 
11.4 
15.3 
13.9 
12.5 
12.3 
13.9 
11.9 
9.9 
8.5 
8.3 


57.2 
54.5 
58.5 
56.2 
48.4 
54.0 
56.2 
53.7 
53.2 
50.6 
56.6 


49.0 
46.8 
51.3 
49.6 
42.6 
46.1 
48.8 
46.8 
45.5 
42.6 
50.2 


1900 


1901 


1902 


1903 


1904 


1905 


1906 


1907 


1908 


1909 


Total.. 


311,243 


1,517,768 


1,829,011 


36,869 


822, 113 


858, 982 


11.8 


54.2 


47.0 



As stated elsewhere the United States Bureau of Immigration and 
Naturalization classifies as North Italians the people who are native 
to the compartimenti of Piedmont, Lombardy, Venetia, and Emilia, 
while natives of the rest of Italy are classed as South Italians. Else- 
where in this report the racial or ethnological difference between 
North and South Italians is discussed, and it is shown that, in 
popular opinion at least, the North Italians are a superior race. 
The above table shows that their educational status is much above 
that N of the South Italians just as the tables derived from Italian 
statistical data show that the proportion of illiterates in the popu- 
lation of North Italy is much smaller than in the southern comparti- 
menti. A comparison of Table 33 with the preceding tables, how- 
ever, indicates that the line which divides the people of Italy into 
two general classes, so far as literacy is concerned, can not be drawn 

See p. 177. 



192 The Immigration Commission. 

between North and South Italians, as those races are defined by 
the Bureau of Immigration. This conclusion is based on a consider- 
ation of illiteracy in Liguria and Emilia. Geographically, Liguria 
is classed as a part of Northern Italy, while Emilia is one of the so- 
called central compartimenti, but according to the Bureau's classi- 
fication the people of the former are South Italians and those of 
Emilia, North Italians. Keference to Tables 28, 30, and 32 shows 
that the educational status of Ligurians, who are South Ital- 
ians, approximates that of the population of Piedmont and Lom- 
bardy, who are North Italians, while the degree of illiteracy pre- 
vailing among the people of Emilia, also North Italians, approxi- 
mates that found in the other central and southern compartimenti. 
From this comparison it would appear that the degree of illiteracy 
prevailing in the different sections of Italy was dependent upon 
economic and other conditions rather than upon race. Liguria, in 
every way, is one of the most' advanced sections of Italy, and Emilia, 
while more advanced than some of the southern compartimenti, is, 
nevertheless, generally backward when compared with the more 
northern parts of the country. Consequently it would seem that 
backwardness along educational and other lines is not inherent in 
the South Italian nor progress in the North Italian, as is perhaps 
the popular belief in the United States. 

As before stated, it is impossible from a consideration of the pre- 
ceding statistical data to determine whether the proportion of illiter- 
ates among Italian immigrants to the United States is greater or 
less than among corresponding classes in Italy. All things consid- 
ered, however, the group considered in Table 32, which shows the 
educational status of persons contracting marriage, more nearly cor- 
responds to the immigrant group than any of the others. In the 
matter of age the marriage group would probably correspond rather 
closely to the immigrant group, but, as before pointed out, the former 
is drawn from all sections of the country and from all classes of the 
population, while immigrants are largely from the peasant class of 
the more southern compartimenti. Moreover, among the immigrants 
males predominate, and males are conspicuously less illiterate than 
females. It will be noted from the two tables referred to that in 
1905 36.9 of the total population contracting marriage and 48.8 per 
cent of the immigrants were illiterate. 

EFFECTS OF EDUCATIONAL TEST. 

In ascertaining the educational status of immigrants to the United 
States no practical test is applied, and the data upon the subject 
result only from an inquiry as to the ability of each individual to read 
and write. The records of the Immigration Bureau, however, as 
shown in Table 33 so nearly approximate the Italian records shown in 
other tables that it is safe to assume that the data relative to arriving 
immigrants fairly represent the educational status of Italians coming 
to the United States. Therefore, if illiterates, without exceptions, 
were denied admission Italian immigration undoubtedly would be 
reduced to about one-half its present volume. 

It is certain that the peasant classes of the southern compartimenti 
would be severely affected by the application of a literary test, but it 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 193 

may be doubted whether such a test would very greatly reduce the 
coming of the morally undesirable. No data are available to sl^v 
conclusively what sections of Italy furnish the criminal clement, 
which is so prominent among Itatian immigrants, but different per- 
sons conversant with the subject expressed to the Commission the 
belief that the great majority of such criminals were products of the 
cities and towns. The Commission was unable to secure statistics 
relative to the literacy of criminals in Italy, but all available informa- 
tion leads to a belief that as a rule the worst type of the Italian crimi- 
nal possesses some degree of education. 

Passed Asst. Surg. Allan J. McLaughlin, of the United States 
Public Health and Marine-Hospital Service, a well-known writer on 
immigration subjects, who was in charge of the Naples station at the 
time of the Commission's visit, made the following statement to the 
Commission : 

The adoption of an educational test by the United States would fall heavier 
on the contadini than on the city population. The city population is smart. 
The rascal who makes trouble in New York is very apt to be able to read and 
write, while the innocent, simple, childlike contadini are illiterate. 

In discussing the relative literacy of city and country immigrants 
with a member of the Commission, Homer M. Byington, American 
vice-consul at Naples, said: 

There are no statistics as to those coming from the cities, but from my expe- 
rience I should say that the percentage would be very much larger, because the 
people in the country have absolutely no facilities for education, whereas in the 
cities the majority learn to read and write. With regard to the ability of the 
city criminal to read and write I will say that it depends entirely upon the class 
you take him from. There are two classes from the cities the lower class and 
the highqr class. The higher class all know how to read and write and depend 
upon their wit and ability in crime, whereas the lower class depend upon their 
physical force. In Naples most of the leaders of the secret societies, like the 
Mafia and the Camorra, know how to read and write. 



CHAPTER VT. 



CRIME IN ITALY, 

CHARACTER AND NUMBER OF CRIMES REPORTED, 1880-1906. 

Criminality among Italians in the United States has become a mat- 
ter of such great moment in recent years that a brief study of the 
crimes of that race in their native country will be of interest. For- 
tunately official records are available to show the number of crimes 
of different classes reported to the authorities in Italy for various 
periods of time from 1880 to 1906, and these data for Italy as a whole, 
as well as for each compartimento, are presented in the tables which 
follow. It will be understood that in each instance the tables refer 
to crimes committed and reported rather than to convictions for 
crimes, the former data obviously being of greater value for the pur- 
pose at hand because they more nearly indicate the actual prevalence 
of crime in Italy. 

The first series of tables show the number and class of crimes re- 
ported in each compartimento in the years specified. 

TABLE 34. Number and character of crimes on which action was taken by the 
office of the public prosecutor, and by the prwtors, Italy, in various periods 
from 1880 to 1906, by compartimenti. 

[Compiled from Statistica Guidiziaria Penale, per gli anni 1905-1906, Roma, 1909.] 

PIEDMONT. 



Description of crimes. 


1880 to 
1886. 


1887 to 

1889. 


1890 to 
1892. 


1893 to 
1895. 


1896 to 
1898. 


1899 to 
1901. 


1902 to 
1904. 


1905. 


1906. 


Violence, resistance to, and 
insults against authority 




707 
824 

332 
232 
4,193 
3,756 

170 
7,735 
1,470 

5,412 

9,908 


813 
1,386 

282 
194 
3,870 
4,221 

231 
8,871 
1,342 

4,860 
15,212 


962 
1,528 

337 
235 
4,674 
4,701 

244 
8,641 
1,541 

5,767 
14,654 


923 
1,599 

361 
199 
4,713 
5,224 

260 
9,437 
1,673 

6,262 
13,990 


955 
1,109 

383 
202 
4,794 
5,413 

214 

8,578 
1,823 

6,740 
15,797 


965 
1,452 

395 
187 
4,690 
5,387 

219 
9,063 
1,593 

7,470 
14,925 


1,078 
2,000 

389 
168 
4,756 
4,721 

197 
10.074 
1,593 

6,833 
15,499 


1,139 
2,215 

418 
132 
4,441 
4.677 

263 
11,097 
1,720 

6,979 
16,290 


Offenses against public faith 
and credit 
Offenses against public de- 
cency and good morals 


1,755 

237 
258 




Criminal libel and slander 




Robbery, extortion, and 
blackmail 


278 








Other crimes foreseen by the 




Misdemeanors provided for 
in the penal code, and 
crimes and misdemeanors 
provided for in special laws 
and in general and local 
regulations 




Total 





34,739 


41,282 


43,284 


44,641 


46,008 


46,346 


47,308 


49,371 







195 



196 



The Immigration Commission. 



TABLE 34. Number and character of crimes on which action was taken by the 
office of the public prosecutor, etc. Continued. 

LIGURIA. 



Description of crimes. 


1880 to 
1886. 


1887 to 
1889. 


1890 to 
1892. 


1893 to 
1895. 


1896 to 
1898. 


1899 to 
1901. 


1902 to 
1904. 


1905. 


1906. 


Violence, resistance to, and 
insults against authority 




557 


588 


741 


585 


597 


694 


782 


794 


Offenses against public faith 
and credit 


643 


427 


686 


809 


444 


390 


374 


570 


800 


Offenses against public de- 
cency and good morals 
Murder and homicide 


121 
99 


1.58 
113 


164 
109 


215 
102 


193 

82 


227 
79 


254 
73 


257 

88 


222 
80 


Willful personal injuries 




2,390 


2,137 


2,220 


2,253 


2,180 


2, 699 


2.964 


2,867 


Criminal libel and slander 




2,385 


2,870 


3,090 


3,620 


3,511 


3,261 


3,115 


3,448 


Robbery, extortion, and 
blackmail 


48 


97 


122 


76 


89 


96 


121 


137 


154 


Larceny 




3 601 


4,277 


3,993 


4,628 


5,035 


5,316 


5, 768 


6,003 


Swindles and other frauds. . 




728 


768 


9G6 


1,023 


983 


1,030 


1,085 


1,132 


Other crimes foreseen in the 
penal code 




2,407 


2,668 


3,062 


3,477 


2,771 


3,039 


3,090 


3,390 


Misdemeanors provided for 
in the penal code, and 
crimes and misdemeanors 
provided for in special laws 
and in general or local regu- 
lations 




7,630 


12,602 


10,653 


12,077 


12,808 


14,075 


15,234 


14,637 






















Total 




20 493 


26 991 


25, 927 


28, 471 


28,677 


30,936 


33,090 


33,527 























LOMBARDS. 



Violence, resistance to, and 
insults against authority 




753 

998 

376 
110 

4, 4(19 
3,788 

113 

8,156 
1,904 

5,437 
13,191 


793 
1,243 

313 
103 

3,767 
4,783 

179 
9,795 
1,830 

4,729 
16, 627 


866 
1,335 

357 
120 
4,267 
5,124 

162 
9, 672 
1,833 

5,235 
16,837 


1,009 
1,550 

418 
108 
4,983 
5,357 

191 
11,335 
2,552 

5,902 
16,548 


1,063 
1,043 

430 

96 
5,911 
5,753 

272 
11,040 
2,407 

6,825 
20,142 


1,200 
1,202 

485 
121 
6, 256 
6,232 

298 
12, 996 
2,546 

8,038 
20,767 


1,256 

1,796 

474 
101 
6,520 
6, 103 

302 
14, 691 
2,546 

7,916 
22,460 


1,662 
1,558 

476 
147 
6,331 
6, 333 

367 
16, 196 
2,417 

7,380 
24,774 


Offenses against public faith 
and credit 


1,335 

317 
126 

171 


Offenses against public de- 
cency and good morals 
Murder and homicide 


Willful personal injuries 
Criminal libel and slander 
Robbery, extortion, and 
blackmail 


Larceny 


Swindles and other frauds 
Other crimes foreseen by the 
penal code 




Misdemeanors provided for in 
the penal code and crimes 
and misdemeanors pro- 
vided for in special laws 
and in general or local regu- 
lations 




Total 






39,295 


44, 162 


45, 808 


49,953 


54, 982 


60, 141 


64, 225 


67, 641 







VENETIA. 



Violence, resistance to and 
insults against authority... 
Offenses against public faith 
and credit 


1 677 


933 
734 


914 

868 


907 
1 046 


1,056 
1 082 


1,131 

674 


919 

785 


1,090 
930 


1,187 
1 423 


Offenses against public de- 
cency and good morals 
Murder and homicide 


260 
151 


345 
132 


265 
106 


287 
103 


290 
85 


256 
84 


295 

77 


315 
65 


360 
72 


Willful personal injuries 




3,001 


3,245 


3,518 


3,575 


3,657 


4 25Q 


4 042 


4 266 


Criminal libel and slander 




4,772 


5, 118 


5 344 


5 712 


5 810 


6 190 


6 ^8 


5 871 


Robbery, extortion, and 
blackmail 


101 


79 


94 


104 


102 


80 


79 


100 


90 


Larcenv 




12, 107 


10,915 


9,074 


8 478 


7 559 


8 744 


9 135 


q 989 


Swindles and other frauds 




1 516 


1 266 


1 205 


1 344 


1 443 


1 150 


1 234 


1 287 


Other crimes foreseen by the 
penal code 




5,363 


4 912 


5 141 


5 333 


5 654 


6 184 


6 362 


6 516 


Misdemeanors provided for 
in the penal code, and 
crimes and misdemeanors 
provided for in special laws 
and in general or local regu- 
lations 




14 049 


16 536 


17 344 


16 942 


18 194 


17 859 


19 293 


29 165 






















Total 




43 031 


44 239 


44, 073 


43 999 


44 542 


46 541 


48 834 


60 226 























Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 



197 



TABLE 34. dumber and character of crime* on which action mis taken by the 
office of the public prosecutor, etc. Continued. 



EMILIA. 



Description of crimes. 


1880 to 
1886. 


1887 to 
1889. 


1890 to 
1892. 


1893 to 
J89S. 


1896 to 
1898. 


1899 to 
190). 


1902 to 
1904. 


1905. 


1906. 


Violence, resistance to, and 
insults against authority . . . 




550 


788 


873 


ono 










Offenses against public faith 
and credit 


1 447 


783 


901 


1 191 








836 


842 


Offenses against public de- 
cency and good morals 
Murder and homicide 


16l' 
158 


204 
141 


180 
141 


178 


218 


247 


249 


1,181 
284 


1,259 
273 


\\ illful personal inj uries 




3 037 


2 754 


2 047 


9 ggl 


9 Q(*r 




103 


118 


Criminal libel and slander 
Ilobbery, extortion, and 
blackmail 


213 


2,411) 
135 


2,709 
187 


3,178 


3,418 


3,376 


3,612 


3,408 


3,420 


Larceny . 




5 817 


475 












154 


Swindles and other frauds 




1 045 


944 


936 








9,535 


9,417 


Other crimes foreseen by the 
penal code 




4 324 


4 9 48 


4 055 


4 675 


5 315 


c 790 






Misdemeanors provided for 
in the penal code and 
crimes and misdemeanors 
provided for in special laws 
and in general or local regu- 
lations 




10 733 


14 0^7 


17 166 




91 17 s ; 




























Total 




29 1S5 


34 390 


3" G93 


40 718 


40 C77 





























TUSCANY. 



Violence, resistance to, and 
insults against authority. . . 




202 


702 


894 


926 


890 


927 


962 


968 


Offenses against public faith 
and credit. . 


731 


704 


911 


1 183 


1 099 


838 


1 060 


815 


472 


Offenses against public de- 
cency and good morals 
Murder and homicide 


274 
224 


288 
162 


240 
131 


263 
151 


254 
122 


283 
101 


313 
110 


255 
91 


236 
90 


Willful personal injuries 




3,000 


2, 931 


3,270 


3,400 


3,588 


4,434 


4,838 


3,938 


Criminal libel and slander. . 




3,577 


2, 951 


3,208 


3 370 


3,225 


3 235 


3 102 


2 823 


Robbery, extortion, and 
blackmail 


147 


124 


110 


147 


207 


210 


172 


153 


155 


Larceny 




4,588 


5, 394 


5, 429 


0, 553 


7,442 


7,201 


7,593 


8,104 


Swindles and other frauds 




888 


831 


981 


1 190 


1.205 


1,210 


1,012 


850 


Other crimes foreseen \iy the 
penal code 




3,506 


3,334 


4, 103 


4,710 


5,004 


5,097 


5,184 


5,430 


Misdemeanors provided for 
in the penal code, and 
crimes and misdemeanors 
provided for in special 
laws, and in general or 
local regulations 




15, 831 


17, 606 


26, 490 


34,585 


32,878 


25,888 


30,853 


30,966 






















Total 




33 530 


35 201 


46. 119 


50,503 


55, 670 


49, 647 


54,858 


54,032 























MARCHES AND UMBRIA. 



Violence, resistance to, and 
insults against authority. . 
Offenses against public faith 
and credit 


847 


519 
581 


592 
] , 052 


652 

982 


718 
012 


669 

487 


636 
499 


651 

474 


.595 
506 


Offenses against public de- 
cency and good morals 
Murder and homicide 
Willful personal injuries 


142 
206 


170 
108 

3,886 


158 
162 
3, 595 


16U 
168 
3,048 


183 
135 

4,000 


185 
101 
3,537 


211 
97 
3,842 


186 
96 
4,321 


230 
106 
4,300 


Criminal libel and slander . . . 




1.808 


2,408 


2,908 


3, 185 


3. J21 


2,976 


2, 603 


2,585 


Robbery, extortion, and 
blackmail 


08 


40 


74 


83 


84 


01 


60 


60 


70 


Larceny 




3.601 


4,538 


4.874 


5.656 


o, 904 


6,015 


5, 391 


5,546 


Swindles and other frauds 




642 


635 


655 


751 


694 


590 


617 


618 


Other crimes foreseen by the 
penal code 




3, 019 


3,879 


4,070 


4, 673 


4,917 


4.982 


4,322 


4,366 


Misdemeanors provided for 
in the penal code, and 
crimes and misdemeanors 
provided for in special 
laws and in general or local 
regulations 




7,305 


8.583 


9,102 


9.509 


9, 877 


9, .569 


9,473 


9,9(52 


Total 




21, 859 


25, 676 


27, 371 


29,512 


29,613 


29, 477 


28,194 


28,884 























198 



The Immigration Commission. 



TABLE 34. Number and character of crimes on which action was taken by the 
office of the public prosecutor, etc. Continued. 

ROMA (LATIUM). 



Description of crimes. 


1880 to 
1886. 


1887 to 
1889. 


1890 to 
1892.- 


1893 to 
1895. 


1896 to 
1898. 


1899 to 
1901. 


1902 to 
1904. 


1905. 


1906. 


Violence, resistance to, and 
insults against authority 




1,020 


1,308 


1,267 


1,254 


1,362 


1,489 


1,470 


1,539 


Offenses against public faith 
and credit . . 


452 


617 


913 


839 


743 


1,224 


1,448 


1,124 


792 


Offenses against public de- 
cency and good morals 
Murder and homicide 


188 
235 


250 

250 


261 
191 


278 
209 


266 
143 


382 
131 


461 
158 


362 
136 


325 

104 


Willful personal injuries . . 




4,977 


3,821 


3,791 


4,696 


4,618 


4,377 


3,976 


3 940 


Criminal libel and slander 




1,613 


2,298 


2,902 


3,670 


3,954 


3,933 


2,907 


2,734 


Robbery, extortion, and 
blackmail . . .... 


153 


166 


166 


204 


JOG 


121 


120 


146 


120 


Larceny 




6,195 


6,674 


7,970 


7,982 


8,269 


8,919 


9,580 


9,822 


Swindles and other frauds . . . 




1,305 


1,385 


1,778 


1,772 


1,875 


1,913 


2,OS1 


1,469 


Other crimes foreseen by the 
penal code 




4,109 


4,525 


5,311 


6,778 


7,072 


7,541 


6,557 


5,530 


Misdemeanors provided for 
in the penal code, and 
crimes and misdemeanors 
provided for in special laws 
and in general or local regu- 
lations 




16, 738 


32, 101 


43,687 


79,543 


74, 697 


69,606 


78, 775 


87,599 






















Total 




37,240 


53,643 


68,236 


107, 013 


103, 705 


99 965 


107 114 


113 974 























CAMPANIA AND MOLISE.a 



Violence and resistance to and 
insults against authority . . . 
Offenses against public faith 


1,470 


1,808 
1,509 


2,435 
1,729 


2,562 
1,603 


2,724 
1,646 


2,504 

1,254 


2,502 
1 662 


2,450 
1 159 


2,597 
1 270 


Offenses against public de- 
cency and good morals 


662 


575 


990 


1,095 


1,276 


1,460 


1,694 


1,238 


1 478 


Murder and homicide ^ 


1,139 


807 


830 


802 


855 


725 


673 


580 


434 


Willful personal injuries 




18, 487 


16, 279 


16,702 


17, 549 


17 264 


20 238 


19 793 


17 672 


Criminal libel and slander 
Robbery, extortion, and 
blackmail 


524 


4,877 
281 


8, 984 
339 


10, 798 
382 


12, 408 
560 


11, 842 
494 


12,410 
954 


10, 837 
1,139 


11,008 
1,557 


Larceny 




9,913 


11,854 


12, 928 


15, 805 


16, 791 


16,131 


13 951 


14 618 


Swindles and other frauds 




2,121 


2,616 


2,645 


3,476 


3,388 


3 666 


3 464 


3 660 


Other crimes foreseen by the 
penal code 




14, 530 


16, 395 


18, 758 


22, 517 


24,036 


24, 964 


21, 692 


25 561 


Misdemeanors provided for 
in the penal code and 
crimes and misdemeanors 
provided for in special laws 
and in general or local regu- 
lations 




29,808 


41, 9C1 


38, 959 


45, 351 


42 384 


48 387 


48 649 


60 987 






















Total 




84, 716 


104, 352 


107, 234 


124, 167 


122, 142 


133 281 


124 952 


140 742 























a The data for the years 1880-1886 refer not only to Campania and Molise, but also to Basilicata, because 
the penal statistics up to the end of 1883 do not distinguish the proceedings of the courts of Potenza from 
that of the court of appeals at Naples. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 



199 



TABLE 34. Number and character of crimes on which action was taken by the 
office of the public prosecutor, etc. Continued. 

BASILlCATA.o 



Description of crimes. 


1880 to 
1886. 


1887 to 
1889. 


1890 to 
1892. 


1893 to 
1895. 


1896 to 
1898. 


1899 to 
1901. 


1902 to 
1904. 


1995. 


1906. 


Violence, resistance to and 
insults against authority... 
Offenses against public faith 
and credit 




284 
120 


224 
162 


236 
180 


215 
227 


247 


223 


168 


167 


Offenses against public de- 
cency and good morals 




151 


163 


374 










220 


Murder and homicide 




149 


125 


113 


92 






173 


161 


Willful personal injuries 




2,721 


2 273 


2 145 


2 OQI 










Criminal libel and slander 




1,011 


1 297 


1 682 


1 079 








1,793 


Robbery, extortion, and 
blackmail 




23 


20 


21 


38 


00 






1,176 


Larceny 




3,512 


3 827 


3 181 


2 950 


o i ep 








Swindles and other frauds 




246 


209 


223 


272 


316 


oni 


OQ1 




Other crimes foreseen by the 
penal code 




2,504 


2,954 


3 652 


3 677 


3 G70 








Misdemeanors provided for 
in the penal code, and 
crimes and misdemeanors 
provided for in special 
laws and in general or 
local regulations 




3,788 


3,811 


3 280 


3 121 


3 091 


3 054 


2 758 


2 9">fi 






















Total 




14,509 


15,065 


14 887 


14 633 


14 631 


14 610 


12 865 


12 379 























ABRUZZI. 



Violence, resistance to, and 
insults against authority... 




513 


508 


528 


C87 


634 


672 


570 


481 


Offenses against public faith 
and credit 
Offenses against public de- 
cency and good morals 
Murder and homicide 
Willful personal injuries 
Criminal libel and slander. . 


520 

166 
220 


424 

167 
180 
5,442 
1,733 


536 

210 

180 
4,767 
2,858 


523 

252 
164 
4.728 
3, 549 


306 

341 
175 
5,186 
4,325 


294 

326 
158 
4,971 
4,091 


386 

319 
111 
5,296 
3,505 


433 

357 
103 
5,246 
3 354 


372 

306 
97 
4,550 
3 057 


Robbery, extortion, and 
blackmail 


43 


21 


31 


47 


55 


42 


29 


30 


35 


Larceny 




5,018 


5,593 


5,719 


6,668 


6,689 


7,019 


5,755 


5,530 


Swindles and other frauds 




401 


352 


437 


547 


608 


606 


400 


371 


Other crimes foreseen by the 
penal code 




3,608 


4,899 


5,596 


6,996 


6,790 


6,476 


5,348 


5,305 


Misdemeanors provided for 
in the penal code, and 
crimes and misdemeanors 
provided for in special laws 
and in general or in local 
regulations 




8,692 


8,900 


8,254 


8,754 


8,742 


9,558 


9,014 


8,564 






















Total 




26, 199 


28, 834 


29, 797 


34, 040 


33,345 


33,977 


30,610 


28,668 























For the three years 1884-1886 data for Basilicata were recorded separately instead of 
with data for Campania and Molise, as had been the practice previously. During the three 
years the character and number of crimes reported were as follows : Counterfeiting and 
forgery, 116; offenses against public decency and good morals, 106; murder and homicide, 
126 ; robbery, extortion, and blackmail, 27. 



79524 VOL 4 11- 



-14 



200 



The Immigration Commission. 



TABLE 34. Number and character of crimes on which action was taken by the 
office of the public prosecutor, etc. Continued. 

APULIA. 



Description of crimes. 


ISSO.to 
1886. 


1887 to 
1889. 


1890 to 
1892. 


1893 to 
1895. 


1896 to 
1908. 


1899 to 
1901. 


1902 to 
1904. 


1905. 


1906. 


Violence, resistance to, and 
insults against authority. . - 




1,070 
419 

308 
249 
7.249 
3,216 

86 
6, 693 
978 

4,652 
9,984 


948 
812 

493 
227 
7,017 
4,999 

112 
6,640 
832 

6,621 
10,630 


1,003 

787 

596 
243 
7,655 
6,419 

99 
7,398 
1,145 

8,366 
11, 107 


1,238 

754 

818 
289 
8,402 
7,316 

127 
9,788 
1,494 

10,185 
11,870 


1,214 
818 

784 
228 
8,273 
7,367 

133 
11,938 
1,427 

11,039 
11,435 


1,375 
712 

775 
187 
8, 636 
6,737 

138 
13,681 
1,388 

11,745 
11,788 


1,219 
510 

701 
152 

8,265 
6,088 

130 
10,816 
1,178 

10, 361 
11,740 


1,290 
428 

758 
165 
8,153 
6,014 

151 
10,554 
1,021 

10,609 
11,691 


Offenses against public faith 
and credit 


545 

216 
256 


Offenses against public de- 
cency and good morals 
Murder and homicide 


Willful personal injuries 


Criminal libel and slander 




Robbery, extortion, and 
blackmail 


77 


Larceny 


Swindles and other frauds . . . 




Other crimes foreseen in the 
penal code 




Misdemeanors provided for 
in the penal code, and 
crimes and misdemeanors 
provided for in special 
laws, and in general or in 
local regulations 




Total 






34,904 


39,331 


44,818 


52,281 


54, 656 


57, 162 


51,160. 


50,837 







CALABRIA. 



Violence, resistance to, and 
insults against authority 




802 


801 


864 


888 


898 


766 


787 


790 


Offenses against public faith 
and credit . 


230 


267 


437 


641 


585 


519 


423 


533 


450 


Offenses against public de- 
cency and good morals 
Murder and homicide 


373 
423 


464 
358 


507 
339 


549 
354 


590 

267 


549 
251 


634 
174 


642 
166 


591 

165 


Willful personal injuries 




9,106 


7,890 


7, 904 


8,048 


7,358 


7,330 


7 048 


6 806 


Criminal libel and slander 




3 480 


4 869 


5 218 


5 616 


5 566 


5 250 


4 476 


4 926 


Robbery, extortion, and 
blackmail 




85 


77 


83 


125 


122 


82 


103 


75 


Larceny . 




5 003 


5 702 


5 645 


7 567 


8 717 


6 777 


5 636 


5 931 


Swindles and other frauds. .. 




865 


773 


795 


992 


1,027 


887 


'675 


'757 


Other crimes foreseen in the 
penal code 




7 824 


10 214 


10 726 


12 124 


12 071 


11 035 


q 132 


10 331 


Misdemeanors provided for 
in the penal code, and 
crimes and misdemeanors 
provided for in special laws 
and in general or in local 
regulations 




12 098 


12 446 


11 158 


12 327 


11 568 


10 500 


9 820 


10 441 






















Total 




40 352 


44 055 


43 937 


49 129 


48 646 


43 957 


39 018 


41 263 























SICILY. 



Violence, resistance to, and 
insults against authority 




1,643 


1,696 


1,999 


2,057 


2 050 


1 858 


1 833 


1 610 


Offenses against public faith 
and credit 
Offenses against public de- 
cency and good morals 
Murder and homicide 


826 

570 
939 


900 

674 
875 


1,405 

1,058 
984 


1,615 

1,307 
954 


1,560 

1.615 
1.000 


1,574 

1,774 
918 


1.438 

1,946 
826 


1,339 

1,912 

787 


1,092 

1,901 

727 


Willful personal injuries 




13,217 


11,733 


12,174 


12,912 


12 392 


13 207 


12 475 


11 314 


Criminal libel and slander 




6,897 


10, 128 


12, 308 


13 501 


13 302 


13 900 


11 860 


11 168 


Robbery, extortion, and 
blackinail 


515 


470 


645 


841 


1,049 


1 060 


1 114 


1 272 


I 006 


Larceny 




11,178 


12, 940 


13, 793 


17,445 


19 107 


15 980 


16 243 


14 369 


Swindles and other frauds. . . 




2, 366 


2,186 


2,696 


3,396 


3, 583 


3,152 


3 125 


2 814 


Other crimes foreseen in the 
penal code 




11,545 


15, 782 


19, 095 


21,587 


21 800 


21 639 


19 446 


18 764 


Misdemeanors provided for 
in the penal code, and 
crimes and misdemeanors 
provided loi in special laws 
and in general or in local 
regulations 




15.682 


16,254 


17,225 


18, 558 


10 781 


17 967 


652 


18 347 






















Total 




65,447 


74,811 


84,007 


94,680 


97,431 


93,027 


90,944 


83,112 























Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 



201 



TABLE 34. Number and character of crimes on which action was taken by the 
office of the public prosecutor, etc. Continued. 

SARDINIA. 



Description of crimes 


1880 to 
1886. 


1887 to 
1889. 


1890 to 
1892. 


1893 to 
1895. 


1896 to 
1898. 


1899 to 
1901. 


1902 to 
1904. 


1905. 


1906. 


Violence, resistance to, and 
insults against authority.. . 




415 
138 

128 
164 
2,023 
3,338 

88 
4,887 
865 

6,471 
6,225 


421 

476 

151 
171 
1,906 
4,104 

149 
5,760 
903 

7,050 
7,575 


619 
551 

177 
194 
2,121 
4,331 

202 
6,624 
1,298 

7,437 
10, 571 


620 
531 

173 
209 
2,087 
4,383 

196 
8,075 
1,422 

8,102 
8,342 


638 
467 

209 
153 
2,180 
4,362 

161 
8,436 
1,778 

10,035 
8,958 


617 

487 

211 
151 

2,438 
4,500 

131 

8,663 
1,778 

10, 555 
7,708 


676 
428 

217 
145 

2,462 
4,048 

140 

7,777 
1,661 

9,612 
7,135 


593 

489 

189 
117 
2,265 
3,703 

167 
8,311 
1,434 

9,534 
7,327 


Offenses against public faith 
and credit 
Offenses against public de- 
cency and good morals 
Murder and homicide 


344 

102 
186 


Willful personal injuries 


Criminal libel and slander 




Robbery, extortion, and 
blackmail . 


97 


Larceny 


Swindles and other frauds . . . 
Other crimes foreseen in the 
penal code 





Misdemeanors provided for 
in the penal code, and 
crimes and misdemeanors 
provided for in special law 
and in general or local regu- 
lations .. . . 




Total 






24,742 


28,666 


34, 125 


34, 140 


37,377 


37,239 


34,301 


34,129 







The above data are presented for Italy as a whole in the following 
table, which also shows the relation between the crimes of each class 
and the total population of the country : 

TABLE 35. Average annual number of crimes on which action was taken by 
the office of the public prosecutor, and by the prwtors, and the proportion of 
crimes to every 100,000 inhabitants, Italy, in various periods from 1880 to 
1906, by class of crime. 

[Compiled from Statistica Giudiziaria Penale, per gli anni 1905-1906, Roma, 1909.] 



Description of crime. 


1880 to 1886. 


1887 to 1889. 


1890 to 1892. 


Average 
annual 
number. 


To every 
100,000 
inhabit- 
ants. 


Average 
annual 
number. 


To every 
100,000 
inhabit- 
ants. 


Average 
annual 
number. 


To every 

100,000 
inhabit- 
ants. 


Violence, resistance to, and insults against 






11,775 
9, 446 

4,590 
4,089 
87,796 

48, 727 
1,977 
98,005 
17,342 

84,774 

181,720 


39.62 
31.78 

15.44 
13.76 
295. 41 
163.96 
6.65 
329. 76 
58.35 
285.23 

611.43 


13, 531 
13,577 

5,441 
3,993 
77,985 
64,657 
2,536 
109, 255 
16,872 
97,071 

235,780 


44.58 
44.73 

17. 93 
13.16 
256.94 
213. 03 
8.36 
359. 97 
65. 59 
319.83 

776.85 


Offenses against the public faith and credit. 
Offenses against public decency and good 


12, 822 

3,789 
4,260 


44.70 

13.20 
16.10 














2,559 


8.89 
















Misdemeanors provided for in the penal 
code, and crimes and misdemeanors pro- 
vided for in special laws or in local and 
general regulations 












550,241 


1,851.39 


640,698 


2, 110. 97 









202 



The Immigration Commission. 



TABLE 35. Average annual number of crimes on which action was taken by the 
office of the public prosecutor, etc. Continued. 



Description of crime. 


1893 to 1895. 


1896 to 1898. 


1899 to 1901. 


Average 
annual 
number. 


To every 
100,000 
inhabit- 
ants. 


.A verage 
annual 
number. 


To every 
100,000 
inhabit- 
ants. 


Average 
annual 
number. 


To every 
100,000 
inhabit- | 
ants. 


Violence, resistance to, and insults against 
authority 
Offenses against the public faith and credit. 
Offenses against public decency and good 
morals 


14,973 
14,813 

6,234 

4.043 
81,464 
74, 820 
2,852 
112,121 
19,134 
110,374 

256,488 


48.33 
47.81 

20.12 
13.05 
262. 94 
241. 50 
9.20 
361.90 
61.76 
356.26 

827. 87 


15,704 
13,521 

7,157 
3,874 
86,737 
82, 790 
3, 427 
130,240 
23,022 
127,003 

310, 402 


49.68 
42.77 

22.64 
12.25 
274. 38 
261. 80 
10.84 
412.00 
72.83 
401. 76 

98i. 91 


15,599 
11,599 

7,676 
3,411 
85,798 
82,394 
3,221 
136, 387 
23,651 
133, 739 

311,527 


48.38 
35.97 

23.81 
10.58 
266.11 
255.55 
9.99 
423. 01 
73.35 
414. 79 

966.21 


Murder and homicide 


Willful personal injuries 


Criminal libel and slander. . 
Robbery extortion and blackmail 


Larceny 


Swindling and other frauds 


Other crimes foreseen by the penal code. . . 
Misdemeanors provided for in the penal 
code, and crimes and misdemeanors pro- 
vided for in special laws or in local and 
general regulations 


Total 


697,316 


2, 250. 74 


803,877 


2, 542. 95 


815, 002 


2, 527. 75 




Description of crime. 


1902 to 1904. 


1905. 


1906. 


Average 
annual 
number. 


To every 
100.000 
inhabit- 
ants. 


Number. 


To every 
100,000 
inhabit- 
ants. 


Number. 


To every 
100,000* 
inhabit- 
ants. 


Violence, resistance to, and insults against 


16,596 
13,111 

8,412 
3,106 
92, 717 
82,563 
3,676 
138,564 
22,884 
138,408 

298,644 


47. 51 
39. 91 

25. H2 
9.46 
282. 43 
251. 50 
11.19 
422.08 
69. 56 
421. 61 

909. 70 


15,828 
13, 432 

7,762 
2,847 
91,471 
74, 214 
4, 131 
134, 676 
22, 047 
124, 830 

320, 249 


47.56 
40.36 

23. 32 
8.55 
274.83 
222. 98 
12.41 
404. 64 
66.24 
375. 06 

962.20 


16, 254 
13, 346 

7,924 
2,612 
85,593 
72, 943 
4,391 
138. 144 
' 20, 711 
128,744 

354,918 


48. 60 
39.90 

23.69 
7.81 
255. 94 
218. 12 
13.13 
413. 09 
61. 96 
384.99 

1,061.31 


Offenses against the p ablic faith and credit . 
Offenses against public decency and good 
morals 


Murder and homicide 


Willful personal injuries 


Criminal libel and slander 


Robbery, extortion, and blackmail 




Swindling and other frauds 
Other crimes foreseen by the penal code 
Misdemeanors provided for in the penal 
code, and crimes and misdemeanors pro- 
vided for in special laws or in local and 
general regulations 


Total 


817,631 


2, 490. 60 


811, 487 


2, 438. 15 


845,580 


2,528.54 





A comparison between crimes of each class and the total population 
of the different compartimenti in the period 1902 to 1906, inclusive^ 
is presented in the table next submitted. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 



203 



TABLTC 3(>. Proportion of crimes to every 100,000 inhabitants, based on tlic 
average annual number of crimes in the period 1902 to 1906, inclusive, Italy, 
by compartinienti and class of crime. 

[Compiled from Statistica Giudiziaria Penale per gli anni, 1905-1906, Roma, 1909.] 



Description of crime. 



Proportion of crimes to every 100,000 inhabitants in- 



Pied- 
mont. 



Liguria. 



Lom- 
bardy. 



Venetia. 



Emilia. 



Tuscany. 



Violence, resistance to, and insults against 
authority 

Offenses against the public faith and credit. 

Offenses against public decency and good 
morals 

Murder and homicide 

Willful personal injuries 

Criminal libel and slander 

Robbery, extortion, and blackmail 

Theft (larceny) 

Swindling and other frauds 

Other crimes foreseen by the penal code. . 

Misdemeanors provided for in the penal 
code, and crimes and misdemeanors pro- 
vided for in special laws, and in local or 
general regulations 



27.28 
45.75 

10.63 

4.59 

124. 18 

136. 42 

5.96 

258. 11 

43.20 

193. 33 



408.65 



56.68 



19.22 

6.00 

215.80 

253.27 

10.15 
429.54 

82.25 
241.71 



1,117.17 



32.50 
34.69 

11.99 

3.05 

157. 66 

155.22 

8.10 

348.39 

62.83 

196.50 



546.15 



30.96 
28.97 



2.26 
129.70 
188.91 

2.62 

279.02 

36.74 

193.34 



627.69 



31.83 
45.61 

10.54 

4.07 

118.09 

142.80 

5.77 

367.45 

42.56 

233.44 



734,08 



38.85 
36.84 

11.78 
4.21 

182.06 
128.89 
6.80 
307.59 
45.29 
213.61 



1,150.23 



Total . 



1,258.10 



2,470.42 



1,537.1 



1,529.81 



,736.24 



2, 126. 15 



Description of crime. . 



Violence, resistance to, and insults against 
authority 

Offenses against the public faith and credit. 

Offenses against public decency and good 
morals 

Murder and homicide 

Willful personal injuries 

Criminal libel and slander 

Robbery, extortion, and blackmail 

Theft (larceny) 

Swindling and other frauds 

Other crimes foreseen by the penal code. . . 

Misdemeanors provided for in the penal 
code, and crimes and misdemeanors pro- 
vided for in special laws, and in local or 
general regulations 



Total. 



Marches 

and 
Umbria. 



36.11 
28.35 

12.01 

5.67 

230. 63 

161.59 

3.55 

331.77 

34.38 

270.57 



551.12 



1,665.75 



Roma. 



121.50 
101.77 

33.65 

11.61 

342. 15 

283.46 

10.18 

750.32 

150-99 

564.18 



6,098.64 



8,468.45 



Campania 

and 
Molise. 



71.07 
41.98 

44.16 
17.17 
555.87 
334. 47 
31.47 
435. 75 
102.03 
691.55 



1,442.60 



5,768.12 



Basilicata. 



41.90 
29.54 

35.14 
13.44 

415.28 

282.83 
4.34 

628. 46 
56.16 

754.19 



620.66 



Abruzzi. 



56.82 
36.35 



475.84 

313.59 

2.83 

599. 15 

47.97 

557.32 



856.87 



2,881.94 2,986.67 



Description of crime. 



Apulia. 



Calabria. 



Sicily. 



Sardinia. Kingdom. 



Violence, resistance to, and insults against 
authority 

Offenses against the public faith and credit. 

Offenses against public decency and good 
morals 

Murder and homicide 

Willful personal injuries 

Criminal libel and slander 

Robbery, extortion, and blackmail 

Theft (larceny) 

Swindling and other frauds 

Other crimes foreseen by the penal code . . 

Misdemeanors provided for in the penal 
code, and crimes and misdemeanors pro- 
vided for in special laws, and in local or 
general regulations - 

Total 



66.61 
30.84 

37.99 

8.81 

424.94 

324.42 

6.96 

626. 60 

63.87 

564.28 



590.30 



55. 60 
32.33 

45.02 
12.26 

514.39 

361.36 
6.08 

457. 78 
58.75 

754.40 



746. 73 



50.48 
37.75 

54.03 

22.35 
354.95 
362. 34 

31.46 
439.72 

86.17 
577. 28 



520.04 



76.56 
58.38 

25.47 

17.55 

295. 45 

521.46 

17.20 

1,032.57 

206. 87 

1,246.84 



922.33 



47.74 
40.02 

24.77 

8.94 

275. 54 

239.00 

11.83 
416. 75 

67.34 
404.81 



950.97 



2,745.62 



3,044.70 



2,536.57 



4,420.68 



2,487.71 



204 



The Immigration Commission. 



While the preceding tables reveal the criminal records of Italy so 
clearly that an extended analysis is unnecessary, the data respecting 
some classes of crime are of such great significance in a consideration 
of Italian immigration to the United States that attention should be 
directed to them. In this connection the data respecting murder and 
homicide are the most interesting features of the tables, because of 
a remarkable decrease in the number reported between the period 
] 880-1886 and the year 1906, and also because of the striking preva- 
lence of such crimes, even in the later years, in the compartimenti 
which are the chief sources of immigration to the United States. 



MURDER AND HOMICIDE. 

Between the period 1880-1886 and the year 1906 the number of 
murders and homicides in the Kingdom of Italy as a whole decreased 
from a yearly average of 4,260, or about 16 to every 100,000 of the 
total population in the former period, to 2,612 in 1906, the proportion 
of such crimes to the population in that year being 7.8 per every 
100,000 persons. Reference to the table below will show that the de- 
crease occurred in every compartimento except Lombardy, where an 
increase from 126 in the former period to 147 in the year 1906 is 
recorded. It will be noted, however, that even in Lombardy, with 
the exception of 1906, the general trend was downward during the 
period considered. As shown by the following table, the decrease 
in the number of murders and homicides was not peculiar to any par- 
ticular section of Italy : 

TABLE 37. Increase or decrease in number of murders and homicides between 
the period 1880-1886 and the year 1906, Italy, ly compartimenti. 

[Compiled from Table 34, pp. 195-201.] 



Compartimenti. 


Number of murders and 
homicides reported. 


Per cent of 
decrease. 


Yearly 

average, 
1880-1886. 


1906. 


Piedmont 


268 
99 
126 
151 
224 
158 
206 
235 
6807 
220 
256 
c!26 
423 
939 
186 


132 
80 
147 
72 
90 
118 
106 
104 
434 
97 
165 
58 
165 
727 
117 


48.8 
19.2 
ol6.7 
52.3 
59.8 
25.3 
48.5 
55.7 
46.2 
55.9 
35.5 
54.0 
61.0 
22.6 
37.1 






Venetia 




Emilia 






Campania and Molise 


Abruzzi 


Apulia 


Basilica ta 


Calabria 


Sicily 


Sardinia 





Increase. 



t> Yearly average for 1887-1 



c Yearly average for 1884-1886. 

To what extent emigration is responsible for the remarkable de- 
crease in the number of murders and homicides in Italy, as shown 
above, obviously can not be mathematically determined. However, 
in view of the fact that the decrease has been coincident with the emi- 
gration movement, and also with the startling growth of Italian 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 



206 



?o ?f & the . same nature in the United States, it is impossible 
avoid the conclusion that the very desirable result in Italy had 
been due n. large part to the emigration to this country of criminals 
and the criminally mclmed. There are of course other elements 
which should be taken into consideration, such as the advance of 
civilization and the better enforcement of law in parts of llalvbu 

krl^n r > h^lT above . des <="bed the responsibility can not in 
large part be shifted from emigration 

It does not appear in every case that the decrease in crime has been 
greatest in compartimenti from which the heaviest emigration has 
taken place but in Abruzzi, Basilicata, and Calabria, which com- 
partimenti furnish the greatest number of transoceanic emigrants 
according to the population, there has been an exceptionally large 
decrease in the number of murders and homicides committed On the 
other hand, Sicily which has a large emigration, and Liguria, which 
has much the smallest emigration in proportion to population show 
nearly the same per cent of decrease in crimes of this class. 

A serious aspect of the situation is presented in Table 36, which 
shows that the prevalence of murder and homicide is as a rule much 
greater in compartimenti which furnish the largest number of trans- 
oceanic emigrants, and consequently are the source of the greater 
part of the Italian movement to the United States. The following 
table, compiled from Tables 36 and 10, while not furnishing exact 
comparison in the case of all compartimenti, nevertheless illustrates 
the point under discussion. 

TABLE 38. Murders and homicides in Italy and transoceanic emigration from 
Italy, in years specified, by compartimenti. 

[Compiled from Tables 36 and 10.} 



Compartimenti. 


Proportion 
of murders 
and homi- 
cides to every 
100,000 in- 
habitants 
1902-1906 
(yearly 
average). 


Transoceanic 
emigration 
in 1907. 


Number of 
transoceanic 
emigrants to 
each 1,000 
population. 


Piedmont 


4 59 


26 232 


7 7 


Liguria 


6.00 


6 714 


5 8 


Lombardy 


3.05 


15 506 


3 4 


Venetia 


2.26 


14 703 




Emilia 


4 07 


10 022 




Tuscany 


4 21 


13 778 


C 


Marches and Umbria ... 


5.67 


17,760 


9 9 


Roma 


11.61 


15 485 


12 1 


Campania and Molise 


17.17 


a 70 228 


a 22 


Abruzzi 


9.90 


644,024 


630 3 


Apulia .... , 


8.81 


25,313 


12 4 


Basilicata 


13.44 


14,685 


31 2 


Calabria 


12.26 


46 184 


39 7 


Sicily 


22 35 


91 902 


25 7 


Sardinia 


17.55 


3,365 


4 


Kingdom 


8.94 


415, 901 













Campania alone. 



Abruzzi and Molise. 



This table shows clearly that the northern compartimenti which 
furnish comparatively few transoceanic emigrants in proportion to 
the population have a much smaller proportion of murders and homi- 



\ 



206 The Immigration Commission. 

cides, while as a rule the opposite is true of the central and sou thorn 
sections, by far the worst situation appearing in Sicily, which fur- 
nished 91,902 transoceanic emigrants in 1907 and had the remark- 
able record of a yearly average of 22 murders and homicides to every 
100,000 of the population during the period 1902-1906. 

OTHER CRIMES AND OFFENSES. 

The number of crimes classed as "willful personal injuries " also 
decreased in the Kingdom as a whole during the period considered, 
but the per cent of decrease was small compared with that of murder 
and homicide. The decrease, however, was confined entirely to 
Emilia, Roma, Compania, Basilicata, Abruzzi, Calabria ; and Sicily, 
and it is interesting to note that the five compartimenti last named 
contribute a larger proportion of their population to the trans-Atlantic 
emigrant movement than do any other sections of Italy. There was 
an increase for Italy as a whole in the number of crimes and offenses 
included in the other classes considered in the tables, but this was not 
general throughout the compartimenti. Crimes of " violence, resist- 
ance to and insults against authority " decreased in the four great im- 
migrant-furnishing compartimenti of Bascilicata, Abruzzi, Calabria, 
and Sicily. 

" Offenses against the public faith and credit " increased from a 
yearly average of 12,822 in 1880-1886 to 13,346 in 1906, but the pro- 
portion of such offenses decreased from 44.70 to 100,000 of the popu- 
lation in the former period to 39.90 in 1906. Decreases in the num- 
ber of offenses of this class are noted in Venetia, Emilia, Tuscany, 
Marches, Umbria, Compania, Molise, Abruzzi, and Apalia. 

The number of " offenses against public decency and good morals " 
increased in every compartimento except Tuscany, the increase for 
the Kingdom as a whole being from an annual average of 3,789 in 
1880-1886 to 7,924 in 1906. The largest number of these crimes are 
reported for Sicily, which also shows the greatest increase in the pe- 
riod considered. 

The number of cases of " criminal libel and slander " reported in- 
creased from an average of 48,727 in the years 1887-1889 to 72,943 in 
1906, Tuscany being the only compartimento to show a decrease. 

In the class of crimes stated as " robbery, extortion, and blackmail " 
the number of cases increased from a yearly average of 2,559 in 1880- 
1886 to 4,391 in 1906, but decreases are noted in Piedmont, Venetia, 
Emilia, Roma, Abruzzi, and Calabria. It is perhaps worthy of note 
that of the three classes of crime, " murder and homicide," " willful 
personal injuries," and "robbery, extortion, and blackmail," which 
are largely responsible for the criminal reputation of Italians in the 
United States, the last named is the only one for which a consistent 
decrease is not shown in the largest emigrant-furnishing comparti- 
menti of Italy. There was a large increase in the number of larceny 
cases for the Kingdom and decreases only in Venetia and Basilicata. 
In the crimes or offenses classed as " swindling or other frauds " the 
increase was smaller, and decreases occurred in Venetia, Tuscany, 
Basilicata, Abruzzi, and Calabria. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 



207 



The following table shows the annual average number and the num- 



in 



her per 100,000 inhabitants of offenses classed as "misdemeanors" 
-1906 for each compartimento and for Italy as a whole : 

TABLE ^.Average annual number of misdemeanors on which action was taken 
by the office of the public prosecutor, and by the prwtors, 1902 to 1906 in- 
clusive, by compartimenti. 

[Compiled from Statistica Giudiziaria Penale per gli anni 1905-6 ; Roma, 1909.] 



Compartimenti. 


Misdemeanors reported. 


Total. 


Beggary. 


Carrying arms. 


Drunkenness. 


Others.o 


Aver- 
age an- 
nual 
num- 
ber. 


To 
every 
100,000 
inhab- 
itants. 


Aver- 
age an- 
nual 
num- 
ber. 


To 

every 
100,000 
inhab- 
itants. 


Aver- 
age an- 
nual 
num- 
ber. 


To 

every 
100,000 
inhab- 
itants. 


Aver- 
age an- 
nual 
num- 
ber. 


To 
every 
100,000 
inhab- 
itants. 


Aver- 
age an- 
nual 
num- 
ber. 


To 
every 
100.000 
inhab- 
itants. 


Piedmont 


14, 747 
13, 964 
20, 796 
19, 285 
27, 637 
17,928 
9,337 
74, 831 
49, 255 
2,832 
9,011 
10, 990 
9,910 
17,658 
7,413 

305, 594 


393. 55 
1,081.91 
518. 45 
593, 17 
1, 139. 52 
724.61 
534. 40 
6,081.78 
1,394.34 
590. 95 
834. 70 
551. 67 
711. 15 
494. 24 
909.52 

924.86 


375 
817 
946 
577 
470 
293 
97 
1,731 
820 
8 
35 
69 
47 
168 
19 

6,475 


10.01 
63.33 
23.58 
17.73 
19.37 
11.98 
5.53 
140. 70 
23.22 
1.75 
3.22 
3.46 
3.40 
4.70 
2.28 

19.59 


518 
460 
780 
608 
774 
596 
910 
884 
5,066 
529 
627 
1,665 
1, 901 
2,112 
396 

17, 826 


13.82 
35.62 
19.46 
18.70 
31.92 
24.06 
52.11 
71.83 
143. 41 
110.46 
58. 05 
83.60 
136. 39 
59.12 
48.56 

53.95 


1,631 
1,458 
2,238 
1,873 
983 
853 
478 

r,o2o 

1,026 
163 
558 
500 
686 
357 
537 

14, 367 


43.53 
112.96 
55.80 
57.62 
40.55 
34.47 
27.34 
83.40 
29.03 
34.00 
51.73 
25.07 
49.23 
9.98 
65. 94 

43.48 


12,223 
11.229 
16,832 
16,227 
25,410 
16, 183 
7,852 
71, 190 
42,343 
2,132 
7,791 
8,756 
7,276 
15, 021 
6,461 

266,926 


326. 19 
870.00 
419.61 
499, 12 
1,047.68 
654.10 
449.42 
5, 785. 85 
1,198.68 
444.74 
721. 70 
439.54 
522. 13 
420.44 
792.74 

807.84 


Liguria 


Lombardy 


Venetia 


Tuscany 


Emilia 

Marches and Umbria. . 
Roma (Latium) 


Campania and Molise. 
Basilicata 


Abruzzi 


Apulia. 


Calabria 


Sicily 


Sardinia 


Kingdom 





i This includes misdemeanors provided for in the penal code, in special laws, and in local or general 
regulations. 

This table is inserted for the purpose of showing how inconspicu- 
ous a place drunkenness occupies among the crimes and offenses of 
Italy. Reference is made elsewhere to the fact that Italians in Italy, 
and particularly in the southern sections, are a remarkably sober peo- 
ple, and this is substantiated by the above table. When contrasted 
with more serious crimes a curious situation appears, for a compari- 
son between the above table and Table 36 shows that for Italy as a 
whole several of the higher crimes occur more frequently than drunk- 
enness. In Sicily even murder and homicide appears to be consider- 
ably more common than drunkenness, the proportion of such crimes 
being 22.35 annually per 100,000 inhabitants in the former case and 
only 9.98 annually for 100,000 in the latter. 



CHAPTER VII. 
EMIGRATION OF THE CRIMINAL CLASSES. 



r future of the Italian immigration movement to the 

United States is the fact that it admittedly includes many individuals 
belonging to the criminal classes, particularly of southern Italy and 
Sicily. Moreover, the prevailing alarm in this respect is not oc- 
casioned entirely by the fact that a good many actual criminals come 
to the United States from Italy, but also by the not unfounded belief 
that certain kinds of criminality are inherent in the Italian race. 
In the popular mind, crimes of personal violence, robbery, blackmail^ 
and extortion are peculiar to the people of Italy, and it can not be 
denied that the number of such offenses committed among Italians in 
this country warrants the prevalence of such a belief. Accompany- 
ing a tendency to commit crimes of the nature stated is also a seem- 
ingly inherent ability to avoid arrest and conviction, the experience 
of both American and Italian officials in this respect being much 
the same. 

It is generally and reasonably said that the prevalence of the 
above enumerated crimes among Jtalians of the southern comparti- 
menti and Sicily is due to conditions under which these people lived 
for centuries. The territory known in earlier times as the " Two 
Sicilies," which included the southern part of the Italian mainland 
and the island of Sicily, was almost from the beginning of history 
subject to the despotic rule of various peoples. The Greeks, Nor- 
mans, Spanish, French, and Austrians were at different times in pos- 
session of all or a part of the " Two Sicilies," and the people were 
almost constantly under a despotism which retarded progress and 
even civilization. 

Conditions, however, have steadily improved under the enlightened 
government which has been accorded to the " Two Sicilies " since 
they became a part of united Italy in 1861. The spirit of brigandage 
which formerly prevailed has almost disappeared with the passing 
of old leaders, and the people are said to be slowly losing the old 
characteristics of lawlessness which have made members of the race 
so conspicuous in the criminal element of the United States during 
recent years. 

It is certain that many Italian criminals, both those who had served 
sentences and others who had escaped punishment, have come to the 
United States during the past 30 years. It was frequently stated to 
members of the Commission in southern Italy and Sicily that crime 
had greatly diminished in many communities because most of the 
criminals had gone to America. An Italian official in Messina who 
was interviewed by a representative of the Commission stated that 
southern Italy was a hotbed of crime several years ago; that criminals 
were in abundance, but that very few of them are left now. When 
asked as to their whereabouts, he replied : " Why, they are all in the 

209 



210 The Immigration Commission. 

United States." He illustrated this contention by saying that in the 
city of Palermo a few years ago there were between 400 and 500 Ital- 
ians with criminal records continually under police surveillance, but 
that less than a dozen of this class remained, the rest having emi- 
grated to America. The chief of police at Palermo failed to cor- 
roborate this story, although he admitted that the number of criminals 
in the city had decreased. 

Various other persons interviewed by commissioners volunteered in- 
formation similar to that above quoted. Of course, most of the state- 
ments were more or less indefinite, but they were sufficient to show 
that the emigration of the criminal element is a matter of common 
knowledge in Sicily and southern Italy. 

EFFECT ON EMIGRATION. 

A member of the Commission found that some Calabrians and 
Sicilians of the better class were refraining from emigrating to the 
United States because of the " black hand," while some had actually 
returned from the United States to Calabria and Sicily to find safety 
from it. Instances of this tendency were found in Syracuse, Messina, 
and in two Calabrian villages, and it was evident that the "black- 
hand " agitation in this country not only restricted emigration, but 
drove back to Italy immigrants who felt safer even in Calabria and 
Sicily tnan in New York City. At Gallina, Calabria, a prominent 
Italian asked why the " black hand " was not suppressed in New York, 
where it was worse than in Sicily.' He said there was a man then 
living in Gallina who had been in a good position on the New York 
Central Railway. He had received two " black-hand " letters demand- 
ing money, and rather than take any chances had come back to Cala- 
bria, where he felt safe. The gentleman interviewed expressed the be- 
lief that the " black hand " was a real deterrent to emigration. 

PASSPORTS DENIED TO CRIMINALS. 

It is provided in the Italian law that no subject of Italy shall be 
allowed to emigrate without a passport, and the law also stipulates 
that no passport shall be issued if the applicant is not admissible 
under the laws of the country to which he proposes to emigrate. 
Therefore the Italian law in effect denies a passport to the United 
States to any person who has " been convicted of * * * a felony 
or other crime or misdemeanor involving moral turpitude," because 
the law of this country denies admission to immigrants of that class. 
From all that could be learned by the Commission the Italian law 
in this regard is generally well enforced, but as the possession of a 
passport is not a requisite of admission to the United States the 
vigilance of Italian officials avails little in preventing the coming 
of criminals to this country. Passports to other countries whose 
laws are less rigid than the United States are issued to criminals 
without question, and once out of Italy there is little to prevent 
their coming to the United States. Moreover, it is not difficult for 
Italians to leave Italy overland without passports, in which case 
they can easily embark fop the United States at some French, Ger- 
man, or other port. According to the Commission's information 
many criminals reach this country by both of the methods referred to. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 211 

__ _______^^^__^_____^_____ 

DECREE GOVERNING ISSUANCE OF PASSPORTS. 

As passports play so important a part in the administration of the 
Italian emigration law, a reference to the laws and regulations gov- 
erning their issuance will be of interest in this connection. The 
royal decree of January 31, 1901, " on the "granting of passports to 
foreign countries and instructions relative thereto," as amended by 
royal decree of November 20, 1902, provides that passports to foreign 
countries are granted in the name of the King to subjects: 

In the Kingdom by the minister of foreign affairs, and under his 
authority by the prefects, subprefects, district commissioners, or by 
the chiefs of police if the latter are especially authorized to do so 
by the prefects. 

In foreign countries by the royal diplomatic and consular offi- 
cers, and by royal consular agents, if they are authorized to do so by 
the consul to whom they are responsible. 

Whoever desires a passport in the Kingdom must apply either 
orally or in writing to the mayor of the commune (town) where he 
has his usual residence, and the latter shall request the passport of 
the proper authority by forwarding a certificate of " nulla osta." 

It is prohibited to act on application for a certificate of " nulla 
osta " or to issue passports to foreign countries to persons who are 
shown to be in one of the following classes : 

1. Those who are abandoning persons whom they are legally bound 
to support, and who do not make suitable provisions for their care. 

2. Persons who, according to the civil laws, are subject to the 
authority of others, if they lack the consent of the persons to whom 
they are subject, or, in the absence of such persons, of the judge of 
the chief towns of the district, or otherwise of the justice of the 
peace; and, in the case of persons under 16 years of age, if there 
are reasons for believing that it is desired to take them abroad for 
immoral purposes, or in order to perform work in industries which 
are dangerous or injurious to health. 

3. Persons who must serve a sentence in prison for any crime, or 
against whom there has been issued a warrant of arrest or an order 
to appear in criminal proceedings begun for an offense punishable by 
solitary confinement or detention of not less than one year. 

4. Persons entered on the recruiting roll for the army, who are 
in the Kingdom and have attained, or do attain, the eighteenth year 
of age, except by permission of the prefect or subprefect. 

5. Soldiers of the first category of the army, who are in the King- 
dom and who have not reached the age of 28 years, except by per- 
mission of the commander of the district. 

6. Soldiers of the first category of the army, who are in the King- 
dom and who have attained the twenty-eighth but not the thirty- 
second year of age, if notice has not been previously given to the 
commander of the district of their intention of leaving the Kingdom. 

-7. Persons inscribed on the recruiting roll of the navy, who are 
in the Kingdom and have attained or do attain the eighteenth year 
of age, except by permission of the harbor master. 

A declaration that there is no legal obstacle to the applicant's receiving a 
passport. 



212 The Immigration Commission. 



8. Soldiers belonging to the royal equipage corps, who are in the 
Kingdom, except by permission of the commander of the corps, and 
through him of the harbor master. 

The permission referred to under paragraphs 4, 5, 7, and 8 will 
be refused on instructions from the ministers of war and navy when- 
ever there is reason to believe that the person who requests the pass- 
port wishes to go abroad in order to escape some military duty. 
The privilege of emigration may be temporarily suspended in ex- 
ceptional cases with respect to all soldiers, by royal decree, upon the 
recommendation of the ministers of war and navy. 

9. Citizens of foreign countries who, asking for a passport after 
the 1st of January of the year in which they reach the twentieth year 
of age, do not prove their regular status with regard to the obligation 
to perform military service, persons shirking military duties, and 
deserters. 

10. Persons liable to be denied admission to the country of their 
intended, destination because of provisions of the immigration law 
of that country. 

11. Persons who are expressly prohibited from emigrating by some 
other order. 

The following persons may be inscribed on the same passports : 

The head of a family with his wife and relatives in the ascending 
or descending line habitually residing with him; a guardian with 
the persons under, his charge; a brother who has attained his major- 
ity, together with his minor brother and any unmarried sisters resid- 
ing with him. 

Passports to foreign countries, whether issued in Italy or abroad, 
shall last three years. However, persons who are inscribed on the 
recruiting rolls shall not have a passport issued to them for a period 
of time reaching beyond the date on which the recruitment for their 
class is authorized. 

Passports which have expired for not over three months may be 
directly renewed by one of the authorities competent to issue pass- 
ports without the .formality of securing another certificate of " nulla 
osta," provided the proper declaration is made on the passport itself, 
and upon payment of the fee which would be due for a new passport. 
The renewals shall not be made for a longer period than three years 
each, and must be renewed every time it is shown that the applicant 
does not fulfill the conditions under which alone the passport may 
be issued to him in accordance with the present decree. 

Passports for foreign countries shall be subject to the payment of 
a fee, which shall be, according to the class, 10.2 lire or 2.2 lire. 

First-class passports issued to persons in easy circumstances are 
subject to a fee of 10.2 lire. 

Second-class passports issued to persons not coming within the 
foregoing category are subject to a fee of 2.2 lire. 

Passports issued or renewed, either in Italy or abroad, to persons 
going abroad, or who are abroad for the purpose of obtaining work, 
and to their families, and those to all persons who are in a condition 
of destituteness, shall be free of charge. 

Royal diplomatic and consular officers in foreign countries may 
issue or renew passports in accordance with the royal decree when 
it is evident to them that the applicant fulfills the conditions pre- 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 213 

scribed in order that passports may be issued to him; or, when this 
is not known to them, on the basis of a gratuitous declaration that 
there is no obstacle, issued by the proper prefect. 

The minister of foreign affairs, with the consent of the minister of 
the interior, may, with respect to all or certain classes of persons, 
temporarily suspend the issuance of passports to certain res-ions for 
reasons of public order, or when the lives, liberty, or property of emi- 
grants might be gravely endangered. 

All authorities who have the power to issue passports to foreign 
countries may withdraw them even before their expiration when it 
becomes known to them that the holder no longer fulfills the condi- 
tions required by the royal decree for the issuance of passports abroad. 

INSTRUCTIONS TO OFFICERS ISSUING PASSPORTS. 

As an evidence of the interest of the Italian Government in the 
matter of passports to the United States, a recent circular of instruc- 
tions upon the subject, issued by the minister for foreign affairs is 
given herewith in part : 

CIRCULAR OF THE MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS No. 13, DECEMBER 10, 1908, 
TO THE PREFECTS, VICE PREFECTS, DISTRICT COMMISSIONERS, MAYORS, AND 
ROYAL DIPLOMATIC AND CONSULAR OFFICERS IN REGARD TO THE GRANTING OF 
PASSPORTS FOR THE UNITED STATES. 

Certain difficulties which recently have arisen concerning the granting of 
passports to the United States make it advisable for me again to remind the 
royal authorities in charge of this service of the rules of the Italian regulations 
as well as the American law on immigration. 

Article III of the royal decree dated January 31, 1901 (No. 36), amended by 
the decree of November 20, 1902 (No. 523), provides that it is forbidden to 
issue declarations of "nnlla osta " (nothing to the contrary) and passports to 
persons likely to be rejected from the country of destination by reason of the 
local law of immigration. 

The immigration law of the United States dated February 20, 1907, provides 
as follows: 

( Sections 2, 3, and 4 of the United States immigration law quoted. ) 

This department has already recommended to the competent royal authori- 
ties before granting certificates of " nulla osta " or passports to examine dili- 
gently and to discover if the applicant complies with the requirements for 
admission into the United States. 

Above all it is necessary to make certain that the applicant for a passport is 
not a person likely to become a public charge, and that he has not been con- 
victed of crime involving moral turpitude, and that he does not emigrate under 
a labor contract. In all those cases the passports must be refused. 

The royal Government while insisting that all regulations actually in force 
in the Kingdom in regard to the granting of passports be scrupulously enforced, 
is firmly decided to cooperate with the Governments of the countries of destina- 
tion of Italian emigrants for the exact enforcement of their immigration laws. 

Nor is it superfluous for me to recall the fact that according to Article IX 
of the regulations on emigration, officers who do not attend in the granting of 
passports in the ways prescribed by law will be punished by the department 
to which they belong as their remissness deserves. 

The service of granting passports up to the present, with few exceptions, 
has been conducted with the care that its importance has demanded, and I 
regret to be obliged on account of the few exceptoins above mentioned to again 
state the law and urge its enforcement. 

I rely strongly upon the diligence and the zeal of the officers to whom the 
present is addressed in order that this service be conducted always and every- 
where according to the exact rules established by our regulations a'nd agree- 
ably with the rules in foreign countries which govern immigration. 



214 The Immigration Commission. 

STATEMENT OF EG1STO ROSSI. 

In a conference with members of the Immigration Commission at 
Rome, Egisto Rossi, royal Italian commissioner of emigration, ex- 
plained the Italian passport system and its relation to the emigration 
of criminals to the United States substantially as follows : 

The law prescribes that the emigrant, especially for America, must have a 
passport before leaving the country, but to get a passport means that he must 
have nothing pending with the courts and be exempt from military service. 
If it is found that a man has fallen into some trouble with officers of justice and 
is under judgment, he can not leave, so when an emigrant arrives in the United 
States with a passport you may be sure that from our standpoint he is an 
honest man. Those who can not procure a passport seek to emigrate clan- 
destinely to cross the frontier and embark at some foreign port. Sometimes 
they are afraid that on arriving at their destination a passport will be required, 
and they produce a fraudulent or an old passport pertaining' to a period of 
time when there was no complaint against them. Fortunately or unfortunately, 
a passport is seldom required at Ellis Island. Sometimes American officials 
find a man who has committed a crime and who has entered the. United States 
and who had a passport. Then those officials have argued, without further 
evidence, that we even allow criminals to come into the United States, because 
this man has a passport and this passport has been given by one of our officers. 

Many people who have done something wrong in Italy and find it impossible 
to get a genuine passport in a regular way cross the frontier and embark at 
foreign ports, usually at Antwerp, Hamburg, or Havre. 

When I was at Ellis Island, on the arrival of steamers from Havre and other 
foreign ports one of my clerks had special instructions to inquire whether arriv- 
ing Italians had passports. When it was found that a man had no passport he 
was interrogated as to how he got there without one. The man would say, " I 
was working in Switzerland or Germany and decided to come to the United 
States. Of course, being abroad, I could not get a passport from Italy. I could 
have obtained it by writing or by going myself, but it would have taken too 
long." Sometimes the story was true, and then my inquiries stopped at once. 
In other cases I found that the people had come from Italy by crossing Ger- 
many or Switzerland, because, having committed a crime or offense, they 
could not get a passport in Italy, and so tried to escape in that way. 

It is required that Italians going to other European countries have a passport, 
but it is not so necessary as in the case of those who leave for America. A 
passport for other European countries is easily obtained, but not very often 
asked for by the French, Swiss, or German authorities. 

If a man has served his sentence for a crime, so far as we are concerned he 
can get a passport. Sometimes this has been misunderstood by the United 
States. I remember one case ; it was that of a man who had committed a very 
high crime. His family, who were in San Francisco and were in good condition, 
sent for him as soon as he had left prison, after having served twenty-five years. 
From the Italian standpoint such a man, having served his sentence, is entitled 
to a passport, but from the standpoint of the United States he is an ex-convict 
and can not land. 

After the expiration of the sentence the ex-convict is sometimes subject to one 
or two years of vigilance by the police, and he must remain in the country as 
long as this vigilance lasts. 

Colonel Stump, former Commissioner-General of Immigration, came to Italy 
in 1897, and in a talk with our minister of foreign affairs complained about the 
action of people in coming to the United States without having penal certificates. 
He asked that our Government provide all emigrants to the United States with 
penal certificates a clear title and not to allow anybody to go who was an 
ex-convict. In accordance with Colonel Stump's request we sent to the prefetti 
a circular stating the kind of crimes for which emigrants were excluded from 
the United States, and urging them not to issue passports to any class of ex- 



a From 1895 to 1901 Mr. Rossi was chief of the Italian bureau for the protec- 
tion of Italian immigrants and was stationed at Ellis Island during a portion 
of that time. The bureau went out of existence in the latter year, and Mr. 
Rossi bas since been connected with the emigration service in Italy. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 215 

convicts. There have been cases where intending emigrants have been im- 
prisoned for fifteen or twenty days, or a month, for some small offense, for petty 
larceny, such as the stealing of eggs. In those cases the question has been asked 
whether the prefetti could issue the passport. There has been a good deal of 
perplexity about the question. So the question was asked of the Commissioner- 
General of Immigration in Washington whether, if a man had served a sentence 
of twenty days for a small larceny and we gave him a passport, he would be 
admitted. The answer came that they could not state. That they wanted to 
see the man and to talk with him ; that the penal certificate must describe the 
kind of crime he has committed, and if he had served only fifteen or twenty 
days, when he came before the board of special inquiry they would determine 
whether there is danger of his becoming a criminal or not. 

In Italy there was arrest and imprisonment for debt some years ago (bank- 
rupts), but now it is different, and it has been abolished, unless a bankruptcy is 
fraudulent. A man can get a passport and leave the country without paying his 
debts; that is not a part of the examination preliminary to the issuance of a 
passport. 

When an emigrant asks for a passport of the syndic, he sends the demand to 
the tribunal to examine and determine whether the man is in right condition 
to go, and then it goes to the commander of the military district, and if he 
reports that the man is not an ex-convict and has nothing pending against him 
he can leave. There has been a great deal of prejudice in the United States 
against criminals from Italy, and the attempt has been made to lay the re- 
sponsibility upon our Government, but, as I have said before, if Italian crim- 
inals have sought entrance into the United States it has been from foreign 
ports. Under the instructions given to all the prefetti in Italy with respect 
to the requirement of the American law a passport is not issued in Italy where 
a man can not comply with the terms of the American law. There is a special 
article in the Italian emigration law which prohibits sending an emigrant to 
a country unless the emigrant can comply with the laws of the country to 
which he seeks to go. 

The possibility of an examination of intended emigrants in Italy 
by United States officials was discussed with Mr. Rossi, and the fol- 
lowing extract from the report of the Commission's conference with 
him at Rome will be of interest in this connection : 

The CHAIRMAN. There are many people in the United States of the im- 
pression that if there could be an American agent of our department here to 
advise concerning to whom passports should be issued, when any case arises 
involving moral turpitude, it would be an advantage. I wish to ask whether 
such a scheme would be practical under any circumstances? 

. Mr. Rossi. This question was asked me some time ago by American Am- 
bassador Meyer, the predecessor of Mr. Griscom, and I remember I 4iad a long 
talk about it. It knew the American Government would like it, especially if 
by a moral discrimination made at the port the necessity of sending back 
emigrants could be obviated. For instance, when a man is physically examined 
and you find he is an able-bodied man, competent of earning a livelihood, if 
you could certify also to his moral character, it would be an ideal system. 
But for the moral information we are dependent entirely upon the prefetti. 
Suppose the man has been in different provinces, so that you would have t< 
get his record from each. In this and other cases it may be that it would 
take a long time. Then, again, suppose you find an officer who does not do his 



s difficult. The moral character of .an 

mav only be ascertained in some measure by penal certificates before 
rivl tte TassDort If rtfe penal certificate states that the intending emigrant 
has c S ommittenuch and such* a crime, he is naturally excluded from em.gratmg 

^~ *^ and that your own 



ficate of crimes committed a long time ago. 
79524 VOL 4 11 - 15 



216 The Immigration Commission. 

The CHAIEMAN. If I understand you, if a man has behaved well for some 
years after the expiration of his sentence, you do not mention i 
countries, but you do mention it for the United States? 

Mr. Rossi. We do not mention it for any country. But whenever t 
ing emigrant for the United States has not a clear title, no matter i: 
was committed fifteen years ago, we do not allow him to go to your count 
as the American law declares that an ex-convict has not the right to < 
there and a passport can not be given him, but as to other countries having B 
such requirements we give the passports. 

ALLEGED VIOLATIONS OF THE PASSPORT LAW. 

It was stated to members of the Commission by various persons in 
Italy that the law regulating the- granting of passports was not car- 
ried out to the letter, but that ex-convicts who had led an upright life 
for some time after leaving prison would sometimes be furnished with 
passports to the United States, notwithstanding their criminal rec- 
ord. Others claimed that passports were sometimes furnished to 
criminals through connivance with minor officials. Undoubtedly in- 
stances of this nature occur, but the Commission, after hearing much 
evidence from various sources, is convinced that the law is admin- 
istered as thoroughly as is practicable and in perfect good faith on the 
part of the Government. 

In discussing this matter with a member of the Commission, Mr. 
Homer M. Byington, for a long time American vice-consul at Naples, 
stated that the Italian Government respects our laws in not giving to 
ex-convicts a passport for America, but that they will give an ex- 
convict a passport for any other foreign country. He said it is stated 
in the passport for what destination the emigrant is leaving, so that 
an inspector examining the passport at the port of embarkation could 
readily take note of the same and could advise the officials at United 
States ports concerning it. When asked whether the Italian Govern- 
ment would be willing to have an officer of the United States sta- 
tioned at Naples to advise our Government of the leaving of ex-convict 
emigrants holding passports for other countries, Mr. Ityington replied 
that as long as the officer was attached to the American consulate and 
subject to the consul it was his opinion that the Italian Government 
would have no objection whatever, so long as his work was tactfully 
and inconspicuously performed. Mr. Byington further stated that 
such an officer would unquestionably be necessary at Havre, where, by 
an investigation of the emigrant list prepared at the time of sailing, 
he would be able to ascertain the names of all the Italian emigrants 
and might call for their passports. In this way any Italian who had 
escaped over the border without a passport would be detected. He 
also expressed the belief that passports should be examined at the port 
of debarkation in the United States. Such frauds as exist regarding 
passports, said Mr. Byington, could only occur through improper 
conduct on the part of individual officers and are not in any way 
traceable to the Italian Government, which has given orders to the 
contrary. 

Mr. Byington was asked the question : 

Do you mean that minor officials in the districts are sometimes susceptible to 
bad influence? 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 
And his reply was as follows: 



Vp ind ' iC L a Smal ? Sici ! ian town stated that sometimes pass- 
s were issued to convicts who had served out their terms and were 



' "^ to thOSe Wh Se g in the 



did 

It was learned by a member of the Commission at Messina that 
Italians who land in America turn their passports over to 
friends in Italy who can not obtain them by reason of their bad 
This practice could be stopped by stamping on such pass- 
ports, preferably with a perforated stamp, the word " admitted '^and 
the date. Thus the passport could not again be used. No legislation 
is necessary for this innovation. 

In regard to passports to convicts, the prefetto of the Province of 
biracusa assured a member of the Commission that none were issued 
in that province either to the United States or to Canada, and he 
cited the Canadian act of August 23, 1900, which excludes convicts, as 
does the United States law, and also cited the Italian statute, which 
prohibits the giving of passports to convicts. 

An Italian emigration official in Sicily stated that people destined 
for the United States do not get passports in cases where the laws 
of the United States exclude them, but that to Canada or other 
points anybody can get a passport, even those who have com- 
mitted crimes. He said that when a man came to him with a pass- 
port he did not go deeply into the question of how it was obtained, 
and that when a criminal is going on a Canadian or other passport 
the police look after him and see that he leaves. He also cited the 
case of a man who was landed at New York and then sent his pass- 
port back to a friend who had been rejected. The latter then went 
to New York. It was further stated that there is a regular business 
of this kind, passports being returned to be used by some one else 
who can not get one. Those obtaining passports to France, or some 
other European country, he said, find it ve^ easy on reaching some 
foreign port to proceed to the United States. This official stated 
that in his opinion the majority of Italians arriving at American 
ports with passports from any but Italian ports of embarkation are 
persons with criminal records, to whom the Italian Government has 
refused passports for the United States. 

It was generally admitted that some criminals from Calabria had 
gone out clandestinely, both as seamen and through Marseille and 
Havre, but it was denied, where investigation was possible, that 
passports were issued to criminals. 

Hon. Charles M. Caughey, formerly American consul at Messina, 
in a letter to the American ambassador at Rome, dated May 26, 1906, 
comments on the situation in substance, as follows : 

No man has any difficulty in getting passport unless he still owes a penal debt 
which must be paid, and sometimes even that is no bar to his leaving, and his de- 
parture is discovered (?) too late to stop him. In this case, of course, the for- 
mality of a passport is dispensed with, and he reaches New York either by being 
put upon ship's articles or by enrolling himself under the standard of the pa- 



218 The Immigration Commission. 

drone. I have personally talked with men who have represented the padroni in 
Sicily, and have had placed before me absolutely convincing proofs, but unfor- 
tunately I could not get possession of the papers, letters, etc. One man who is 
now here was employed in New York to gather the newly naturalized and take 
them before a notary, and when the passports were received from Washington 
they were " loaned," for a consideration, to the padroni. The carelessness ( if the 
word be appropriate) of the notaries in taking the description of the applicant 
is a great aid to the padrone in indiscriminately distributing the passports. 
I cite a case in point. A few days ago there passed through my hands two 
passports, Nos. 4556 and 4557, issued by our passport bureau to Guiseppe Pizzar 
Ello and Gaetano Puzzarella, brothers, but names spelled differently. In the 
description both of these men are credited with dark hair, while, on the con- 
trary, both are gray, in fact almost white, and one is very bald. 

Let there be a thorough examination of emigrants holding American passports 
before they land, and the result, I feel confident, will prove that my assertions 
are far from being mythical. The naturalized Sicilian, when he finds that he 
can not get his passport on time, has not the slightest hesitancy in taking out 
an Italian one, and it is no unusual thing to find him furnished with both. If 
such a man got his just deserts, his act, I respectfully submit, should be regarded 
as an ipso facto renunciation of citizenship, and, if possible, his papers should 
be confiscated. It is an abuse which, in my opinion, can be stopped in one way 
only, and that is (if the arrangement can be made with the Italian Government) 
to require the clerk of each court which issues naturalization papers to furnish 
the name to the Secretary of State, who, through the Italian embassy, would 
forward it to the foreign office at Rome, who would, in turn, notify the mayor 
of the city or commune to which the man belongs to make note of the fact 
against his name on the records. This method would be most effectual, for 
in the smallest commune in Italy there is a complete list of every man, woman, 
and child claiming residence within its limits. 

In answer to an inquiry by a member of the Commission, the chief 
of police of the Province of Messina said that if a convict had be- 
haved well since his release from prison after two years or so had 
passed a passport to America would be given him. He explained 
that the emigrant had to obtain from the mayor of the commune in 
which he lived a " nulla osta " (no obstacle) , which he brought to him. 
He then investigated the man's condition and criminal record. If 
the applicant was a married man he would compel him to bring evi- 
dence of the consent of his wife to his leaving, and if everything 
seemed satisfactory the passport was issued. He said that he had 
access to the records of the criminal career of the applicant and could 
ascertain whether he had been convicted of a crime and also whether 
he was under surveillance by the police. He admitted that passports 
had been issued to some convicts, but he did not know how many. 
The prefect of Messina, however, stated that there was an order re- 
stricting the issuance of passports for emigrants to the United States 
who hau committed crimes, but that it did not apply to Canada. 

EVASIONS OF THE PASSPORT LAW. 

As already suggested the chief problem of the Italian criminal 
or ex-criminal who desires to emigrate is that of getting out of Italy 
rather than that of getting into the United States. The law requir- 
ing that persons leaving the country be provided with passports, as 
stated by Mr. Rossi, does not prevent their leaving the country over- 
land, but the movements of the people are so closely watched in 
Italy that even this method is attended with some difficulty. In any 
event the law which refuses passports to classes debarred from the 
United States is sufficiently effective to make its successful evasion 
a seemingly difficult matter. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 219 

Several methods are employed by the criminal classes in leaving 
Italy and gaining admission to the United States. So far as the 
Commission was able to ascertain, the most common method is to 
leave overland without a passport or to secure a passport to some 
other country and then proceed to the United States. Another com- 
mon method is that of shipping as a sailor and deserting the ship at 
some American port. In the latter case the course pursued is as 
follows: An Italian intending to emigrate, who has been rejected 
by the Government, either for disease or on account of a criminal 
record, arranges with the captain of a small Italian vessel to engage 
him as a sailor, or it is arranged through a shipping agency, or, 
as in Messina, by- a man who makes a specialty of this sort of busi- 
ness. The captain of the ship goes to the captain of the port and 
says he wants to ship the man, which he is permitted to do. At 
the next port the captain goes to the captain of the port and takes 
the man with him and says he does not need the man longer, upon 
which statement the captain of the port gives him his libretto, or,' 
as it is called in the United States, his discharge. With this dis- 
charge the supposed sailor can be shipped as a seaman or in any 
other capacity on board a ship of any nationality, and, either with 
or without the consent of the captain of such ship, leave the ship 
at the American port first touched and becomes a resident of the 
United States. It is also possible that magistrates or other proper 
authorities in cities and inland villages give passports to criminals 
and others rejected for various causes, for political or other reasons^ 
as it is entirely 'in the hands of the police authorities of those places 
to certify as to the character of the persons desiring to secure 
passports. 

It appears, therefore, that Italians rejected on account of disease or 
criminal records may effect a landing in the United States by any 
of the following means: 

By securing passports for Canada and breaking their journey be- 
tween the port of arrival in the United States and their Canadian 
point of destination. 

By securing passports for France or other European countries, or 
by going to such countries without passports and sailing from some 
foreign port to the United States. 

By securing passports for South American countries and then pro- 
ceeding more & or less directly to the United States. 

By shipping as seamen, firemen, etc., on ships destined to the 
United States, using the method outlined and deserting at the first 
American port reached. 

By securing passports as a matter of favor from the authorities 

issuing them. ~, , , f 

The opinions above expressed are confirmed by Hon. Charles M. 
Caughey, American consul at Messina, who, in a statement to the 
Commission, said in part : 

In my fourteen years of experience, studying the question of emigration in 
its kaleidoscopic phases, I have seen numerous changes made in our laws all 
wU the aim of restricting the emigration of undesirable aliens, but I regret to 
sly that the -reatly desired end has not by any means been accomplished. 
? y * * The vttal question is, that notwithstanding the rigor of our regu- 
lation^ the verv worst element of the Sicilian criminal class finds its way to 
the United States there to increase the membership of " mano nero or the 
- black hand ''To-day I se upon the street one of that class who still reeks 



220 The Immigration Commission. 

with the prison taint surrounded by his boon companions. Suddenly I miss 
his familiar appearance, and when I ask where he is I am told : " Oh, he is in 
New York." How did he get there? There is a certain man here whose sole 
occupation is to guarantee (and I regret to say he fulfills his contracts) to put 
criminals and rejected emigrants safe beyond the portals of Ellis Island. How 
is it done? Ask the captain or the purser of any of the large liners how much 
he was paid to put the man on the ship's articles at Naples or Genoa as an 
infirmarian, emigrant steward, coal passer, etc., and at New York does he not 
desert? At Messina they do not try such expedients, for the captains and 
pursers are afraid since I reported the steamship Gerty to Ellis Island, and 
the former was arrested, fined, and discharged by her owners. There are 
numerous other ways, which I shall not dilate upon, but would most respect- 
fully suggest as a tentative plan to at least ameliorate the situation, that 
there be attached to every consulate at a port of emigration one official, or 
more if necessary, whose sole duty should be to investigate the record of 
every intending emigrant; and in order that the work be thoroughly done, the 
steamship companies should be obliged to furnish the consulate with the 
emigrants' names and all necessary details at least one month prior to the 
date fixed for their departure, and the expenses of this investigation should 
be paid by the companies. They no doubt would raise a hue and cry, claiming 
that such a rule hampers their business, etc. To this I would reply that the 
United States Government is not the guardian of their interests, but of its 
own. There is not the slightest doubt that any expense incurred will be added 
to the price of the ticket. 

I have said advisedly that ttiis would be a tentative scheme, for I have no 
idea that it would be absolutely effective. So far as this port is concerned, 
I have broken up the old system of substitution by causing each emigrant, 
after he has passed the inspection, to be conducted personally on board by a 
carabiniere, or a police officer. The system of putting such men upon the 
articles is also checked by the medical visit to the crew, but this does not 
reach the healthy criminal who finds his way, not only in the crew, but also 
as a third-class passenger, escorted to the ship by the police and furnished 
with a passport for Canada; but there is one method, all else failing, that 
would be effective. It is this: At present tte responsibility is divided; place 
it all upon the companies. Let our vlovernment recall every official abroad in 
the interest of emigration, except one of the Marine-Hospital Service to be 
attached to the embassy of each country, so as to be on the spot in case of an 
outbreak of cholera, yellow fever, etc. Let the disinfection of the baggage be 
absolutely under the control of the consulate, the expenses thereby incurred 
being as at present defrayed by the companies; let the companies take all 
the responsibility of those who emigrate, the medical visits being made by their 
own physicians, Ellis Island requiring that upon every passport there be the 
photograph of the emigrant, and that he or she bear with them a " fede penale," 
or penal sheet, issued by the questor of the city, town, or village from which 
he or she comes. I am confident that with such a regulation in force the com- 
panies would be allies by necessity, and the number of those rejected at Ellis 
Island would be nil, and the criminal classes would no longer contribute to 
increase our population of Italians, which in New York City alone outnumbers 
that of the entire city of Florence, 



CHAPTER VTII. 
THE EFFECT OF EMIGRATION ON ITALY. 

As noted elsewhere, the extent of the emigration from Italy has not 
prevented a substantial increase in the population during recent years. 
In 1881 the population was 28,460,000; in 1901, 32,475,000; and, 
according to official estimates, it had increased to 34,270,000 on Jan- 
uary 1, 1909. The percentage in the population of persons 21 to 50 
years of age, however, fell from 40.29 per cent in. 1881 to 35.59 per 
cent in 1901, a showing distinctly a relative loss of nearly 5 per cent 
in an age group from which a large majority of the emigrants are 
drawn. In many towns or localities in southern Italy and Sicily the 
Commission was informed that the population had decreased in 
some instances greatly because of the large numbers who had gone 
to the United States and South America, and it would be surprising, 
in view of the great emigration of the past ten years, if a census at 
the present time did not show a considerably smaller percentage of 
young men and women than were present in 1901. 

The Koyal Italian Agricultural Commission, which investigated 
migration conditions in Basilicata and Calabria subsequent to the 
Immigration Commission, found that there had been a large decrease 
in population in many communities visited, and in every case this was 
reported as being due to emigration. 

In several villages visited by the Commission the smallness of the 
proportion of young men was plainly noticeable and in some hardly 
any were to be "seen, the population being composed almost entirely of 
old men, women, and children. Inquiry as to the whereabouts of the 
young men always brought the reply " gone to America." This 
movement of population has naturally affected economic and other 
conditions throughout Italy for the better or the worse, according to 
the point of view. As will be seen later, the reduction of the labor 
supply through emigration has resulted in large increases in wages 
among the laboring classes, and consequently the condition of the 
nonlandholding peasantry has greatly improved. Landowners, both 
large and small, however, are seriously affected by the high wages and 
lack of labor, and many of the smaller proprietors have been ruined. 

On the other hand, the money sent from America by emigrants has 
in many communities lifted the proletariat from abject poverty to 
comparative comfort, and many returned emigrants have become 
small landowners and by introducing improved methods have suc- 
ceeded. Moreover, it was everywhere apparent that the returned 
emigrants, or "Americans," as they are usually called, have adopted 
a much higher standard of living. Their houses are conspicuously 
better than those of the peasants who have not emigrated, and domes 

tt See statement of Egisto Rossi, p. 214. 

221 



222 The Immigration Commission. 



tic animals are not housed under the same roof, as is common in 
southern Italy. Some details of the changed conditions resulting 
from emigration are given in what follows. 

WAGES AND LABOR SUPPLY. 

It is admitted by all who are familiar with the situation that the 
enormous exodus of workers from Italy during the past decade has 
been the chief cause of the increase in wages paid for common labor. 
There have been other causes, notably the many successful strikes 
among agricultural and industrial labor unions, referred to else- 
where, but in practically every community visited by the Immigra- 
tion Commission the reduction of the available labor supply by reason 
of emigration was believed to be responsible for the almost universal 
increase in wages. A large landholder, who was a member of the 
Camera de Deputati, 5 stated to the Commission that while in the past 
emigration may have been of service to Italy by taking away the sur- 
plus population, he believed it was not so now, as too many have gone 
and are going. He frankly admitted that his point of view was to 
some extent commercial, as he found it impossible to get all the labor 
needed for his estate, and also was obliged to pay higher wages to his 
farm laborers. He said that formerly he paid less than 2 lire (40 
cents), but at that time was obliged to pay 2^ and 3 lire (50 and 60 
cents) , and could not get enough men at these prices. 

The prefetto of the Province of Siracusa said that since the large 
emigration began wages had increased from 1 lira (20 cents) to over 
2 lire (40 cents) ; that laborers were hard to get, and that all food 
products had risen in value. 

The sub-prefetto of Reggio stated to the Commission that in his 
opinion the emigration movement was too great for Italy's good and 
that he regretted that Columbus discovered America. He said that 
small landowners were being ruined; that laborers' wages had risen 
and that they were hard to get. 

The prefetto of the Province of Messina said that since emigration 
began wages had greatly increased, and laborers were scarce. 

A physician in the Province of Messina stated that the increased 
prosperity had favorably affected the professional classes as well as 
laborers, as where he formerly got a fee of 2 lire (40 cents) for a 
professional visit, he sometimes got 5 lire ($1) at present. 

As previously mentioned, the Royal Italian Agricultural Commis- 
sion made an investigation of emigration conditions in the comparti- 
menti of Basilicata and Calabria subsequent to the Immigration Com- 
mission's visit to Italy. The line of inquiry followed by both com- 
missions was much the same and, through the courtesy of the Italian 
officials, the unpublished report of the royal commission was made 
available to the Immigration Commission. From this report is taken 
the following information respecting wages and emigration in various 
sections of the compartimenti named : 

Albano-di Lucania. Population, 2,400. About 600, with their families, have 
emigrated. Workmen are lacking, and during the harvest season proprietors 
apply to peasants coming from the Province of Lecce. Wages of day laborers 

See p. 174. 6 Lower house of the Italian Parliament. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 223 

which eight or ten years ago were 50 centesimi (10 cents) daily, with food are 
now more than doubled, and the quest of day laborers is always more difficult. 
>nmll proprietors claim that they have been ruined by the emigration and the 
consequent augmentation of wages. One small proprietor said that once 
peasants hired by the day were satisfied with modest food, but that now they 
pretend to want first-quality food. 

Commie di Pignola di Basilicata.The sindico (mayor) states that the 
population is continually diminishing in consequence of emigration. In 1881 
Pignola had 4,000 inhabitants; in 1901 there were 2,557, and now (1907) only 
2,100. Wages, which until ten years ago were only a few centesimi a day, are 
doubled as a result of emigration. Now wages of day laborers are li lire (30 
cents) a day, with food, and even women earn from 1 to 1 lire a day, according 
to the season. A proprietor who possesses 1,500 sheep and 500 she-goats says 
that in consequence of augmented wages he has difficulty in making between 4 
and 5 per cent profit on a capital of 20,000 lire ($4,000). Times are hard 
among laborers, however. Many peasants here do not use bread, but live on 
potatoes and beans. Wages are higher, it 'is true, but the labor lasts only three 
or four months yearly. 

Potenza.Dr. - - has purchased, at the price of 22,000 lire ($4,400), 
200 hectares (494.2 acres) of mountainous land which he cultivates as well as 
possible by means of modern systems. Notwithstanding great anticipations he 
can not, in consequence of lack of laborers, Cultivate directly and must have 
recourse to the mezzadria (partnership) system. 

Laurenzana. The mayor says that while in 1881 this district had a popula- 
tion of 7,300, in 1901 it was reduced to 4,300, and now (1907) it has about 
3,000 inhabitants, the greater part having emigrated, principally to North 
America. Before, the only cause of emigration was misery, now it is the 
spirit of imitation and the hope of savings. He states that formerly the small 
proprietors let their land, a recourse which has gone now because of emigra- 
tion. They are now obliged to cultivate their fields or abandon them. Day 
laborers, or peasants, become every day scarcer, notwithstanding the higher 
wages. In the village there were many closed and abandoned houses. Many 
were threatening to fall in and others had been demolished. The mayor con- 
cluded his testimony by declaring that proprietors of the small and middle 
classes, who were so much damaged by emigration, should be exempted from 
the payment of the ground tax for thirty years. A small proprietor and tenant 
stated that every year lands are abandoned for want of laborers. " The aug- 
mented wages and the diminished income ruined us all." 

Corleto Perticare. Population, 4,500. A well-known senator, who was pre- 
fect before, recognizes that the emigration at first was useful to the lower 
classes. In this village there are now very few indigents; everyone pays his 
taxes and "a shepherd lives better than a schoolmaster." A muleteer earns 
no less than 800 lire ($160) yearly. Only the land proprietors, the small and 
large ones, are damaged by the augmented wages and want of laborers. Every 
peasant eats white bread. But for the emigration the population would con- 
tinually increase and the misery would be augmented. 

Viggiano. The mayor states that the population is diminishing; that it was 
7,000 In 1881 and scarcely 5,000 now (1907). Two-thirds of the emigrants from 
Viggiano are street players (soriatori ambulant!) and they go to all parts of 
the world, even to China and Alaska. In the district the property is divided, 
and every family possesses an orchard or vineyard, and the land is fertile. 
Day laborers come from the Province of Lecce. Wages vary from 2 to 2.50 
lire (40 to 50 cents) per day, without food. A large proprietor, who is a doctor 
of agrarian science, complains of the scarcity of manual labor, although wages 
have been doubled in recent years. He says that it is impossible to find people 
to look after the cattle, and that not even children will mind the sheep. Cer- 
tainly emigration has improved conditions of living at Viggiano. 

Moliterno. The mayor says that the population of the village was 6,500 in 
1881 5600 in 1901, and is still diminishing. The emigration consists for the 
most part of young peasants. A large proprietor says that in consequence of a 
scarcity of laborers half of the land remains uncultivated. Wages of laborers 
are 2 lire (40 cents) a day, besides 1* liters of wine and breakfast without 
bread. An old peasant, asked why so many people go to America, answered : 
"Because the tenants obtain too little from the land. One lira and fifty (30 
cents), the wages of a clay laborer, is not sufficient to maintain a large family. 

Lo^f/ro.-Population in 1881 about 6,000, now decreased one-third because 
of emigration. A large proprietor said that day laborers who earned until 



224 The Immigration Commission. 

last year 1 lira '(20 cents) a day now ask 1.25 lire (25 cents), with food. 
Women who were before satisfied with 50 centesimi (10 cents) daily now ask 
between 60 and 75 centesiini (12 and 15 cents). Another proprietor says the 
land is very poor and gives no profit, so the proprietors do not find it con- 
venient to employ laborers at so high wages. 

Latronica. The mayor says that the population is decreasing; 2,300 inhabi- 
tants are in the village and 1,500 are in America. Peasants are now in better 
circumstances than before. Small proprietors, on the contrary, are ruined; 
from their poor ground they only obtain enough to pay the ground tax. One 
proprietor who employs modern systems of cultivation pays peasants who work 
by the day 2 lire, with a liter of wine. He asserts that ha finds as many labor- 
ers as he wishes, and that only those who pay low wages complain of the 
scarcity of workers. 

Normanno. Population, 4,500. Has increased wages of day laborers to be- 
tween 1.50 and 1.70 lire (30 and 34 cents) a day, with meals, and 2.50 lire (50 
cents) during the harvest. Small proprietors claim that they are ruined. 

Gastrovillari. Population, 9,900. Between 3,500 and 4,000 have emigrated. 
The mayor says that wages of day laborers are now more than doubled. Man- 
ual labor is wanting to such a degree that the municipality was unable to find 
an assistant to the street sweeper. Enthusiasm for emigration has become so 
great that a father refused the hand of his daughter to a young man unless he 
would first go to America. One proprietor stated that the scarcity of manual 
labor is such that he found it more convenient to purchase chemical fertilizer 
in Naples, as he found no men 'to transport the natural local manure. In con- 
sequence of emigration the most distant lands have been abandoned, and stock 
grazing has been given up for want of shepherds. The largest proprietor in 
this region says that in the last twenty years his income was reduced three- 
fourths. Wages have increased two-thirds. During the sowing the peasants 
demand 3 lire (60 cents) per day with meals, and in the harvest season 5 and 6 
lire ($1 to $1.20) per day with meals. He adds that for want of men, women 
are employed in all kinds of agricultural labor; that during the harvest they 
earn 2 lire (40 cents) per day and for other labor between 1 and 1.25 lire, with 
meals in both instances. 

Spezzano Albanese. The vice mayor stated that the population is 3,500, but 
1,500 of them are in America. Manual labor is wanting and wages are aug- 
mented one-third. 

Sanftli. Population, 4,600. The mayor calculates that about 1,500 have gone 
to the United States. Wages have increased to 1.50 and 1.70 lire (30 and 34 
cents) per day, besides food and wine, and yet manual labor is wanting. 

Gellico. Population, 3,050, of which 1,000 have emigrated. The mayor says 
that the country has now no peasants. Only 20 of them remained who worked 
by the day. A baker says that, thanks to emigration, the laborers are now bet- 
ter treated by their masters. 

Fiori. A foreman of cowboys said that he earned 200 lire ($40) a year and 
received 12 tomoli of corn and a ricotta (whey cheese) daily. "Until now," he 
said, " we have been quiet, but we will obtain something more. America has 
awakened us." 

Rolliano. Population, 8.500. Two or three thousand are in America.* The 
mayor was opposed to emigration. He said that wages have doubled and that 
proprietors do not find any more tenants. 

Tiriolo. The mayor states that the population 4,236, according to the last 
census has decreased because of emigration, which had been very strong for 
ten or twelve years. Wages have risen to between 1.30 and 1.50 lire (26 and 30 
cents) and very often to 2 lire (40 cents) per day. Bricklayers earn up to 5 
lire per day. And yet young laborers are no more to be found ; only old people 
and boys. 

Scilla. Population, about 7,000. About 2,000 have emigrated, but the secre- 
tary of the council states emigration is now stationary. The wages of peasants, 
which formerly were 3 " carlina r ' (i.27 lire), are now 2, 2.25, and 2.30 lire (40, 
45, and 46 cents), besides wine. Wages of women have also increased. 

Other instances respecting the effect of emigration on wages in 
Italy might be quoted, but the above are sufficient to show that in the 
sections visited by the Italian Agricultural Commission and the Im- 
migration Commission a relatively large increase has resulted. The 
details given apply to the compartimenti of Basilicata, Calabria, and 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 225 

Sicily, all of which have contributed largely to the emigration move- 
ment in recent years. The inquiry in southern Italy was largely 
confined to these compartimenti, but the Commission was informed 
that the upward wage movement due to emigration affected the whole 
country, although to a greater degree in the south than elsewhere. 

Egisto Rossi, Royal Italian Commissioner of Emigration, said to 
the Commission, in substance: 

The effect upon wages of such large numbers leaving Italy is shown by the 
fact that for ordinary work wages have increased 50 per cent Instead of 
getting 1.50 or 2 lire (30 cents or 40 cents) they got 3 or 4 lire (60 cents or 
80 cents) a day. For common labor, if you take the time during the crop 
season, wages have increased tremendously. One of the largest proprietors 
of land in the country about Rome says that in order to get men to mow the 
wheat he had to pay 7 lire ($1.40) a day, but of course that is during an ex- 
ceptional period of the year. Ten years ago you could get laborers for 2 lire 
(40 cents) a day, and you have to work harder now to find the people. In 
Calabria it is just the same. You can not get the people even if you pay good 
wages, and so the proprietors are obliged to reduce the areas under cultiva- 
tion. Where there was the vine, you now find the prairie, because for the 
prairie you need only the sun and the rain and a mowing once a year. I 
know a man who offered to divide his property into lots of 50 or 100 acres, 
and he said : "All you have to pay me for the land is the price you would 
pay in Argentina." He tried very hard to get the people to stay here. Wages 
in Italy have increased and are going to increase because of lack of labor. 
Public opinion is now quite alarmed. In Rome the price paid for common 
labor and for mechanics is between 3 and 5 lire (60 cents and $1), and some 
mechanics get more than 5 lire. In some factories where workmen have to 
care for machinery they are well paid. In the country districts common labor 
brings between 1.50 and 2.50 lire (30 cents and 50 cents) a day. This move- 
ment has been helped a great deal by the labor party, which has organized 
in the country districts many agricultural leagues. Whenever a proprietor of 
land undertakes some special work in an agricultural field he encounters this 
league, which dictates the scale of wages. That, together with the volume of 
emigration, makes it not at all surprising that there has been an increase in 
wages equal to 50 per cent in the agricultural field for common labor. 

LOSS TO PROPRIETORS. 

Frequent reference has been made to the statements of landowners 
in southern Italy who assert that they can not profitably cultivate 
their holdings because of the scarcity of laborers and the prevailing 
high rate of wages. It was everywhere stated that many small pro- 
prietors had literally been ruined. This is undoubtedly true, but 
the fact that the average wages for farm labor is apparently consid- 
erably less than 50 cents a day even in the busy seasons at least sug- 
gested a belief that the proprietors' real difficulty is due to reasons 
other than the wage rate. 

Modern agricultural methods are unknown in a great part of Italy, 
and the land although carefully is not scientifically cultivated. In 
some sections farm machinery is not used at all. In fact, it was 
stated to the Commission that in one large section there was not a 
single plow, and that all cultivation was done with crude hand im- 
plements. Commercial fertilizers are but little used, and everything 
is done in a most primitive way. With a condition like this prevail- 
ing it is not surprising that the proprietors failed to succeed. It is 
the belief of some students of the situation that nothing but the in- 
troduction of modern methods of agriculture can solve the agrarian 
problem of Italy. One landowner at Latronico, who has installed 
modern systems of cultivation and modern farm implements, and 



226 The Immigration Commission. 

who pays relatively high wages stated that he finds all the laborers 
he wants and that it is only proprietors paying low wages who 
complain. 

The royal Italian commissioner of emigration in his annual report 
for 1904 takes this view, holding that the scarcity of labor should 
merely stimulate proprietors to use their land more carefully, intro- 
ducing machinery, fertilizer, and rotation of crops, and paying bet- 
ter wages. In that case, he believes, they will have no difficulty in 
securing labor and making money. 

Most proprietors in South Italy either can not, because of lack 
of means, or will not adopt the plan outlined by the royal commis- 
sioner. Occasionally a landed man buys modern machinery, thus 
keeping his farm under profitable cultivation, but many are selling 
their lands piecemeal, while others are discouraged and their hold- 
ings practically go to waste. This course seems to be common in 
Basillicata and parts of Calabria and Abruzzi. 

With small proprietors the matter often resolves itself into a ques- 
tion of tilling the fields with their own hands. Even then they can 
get along only with difficulty because they have not the means of 
installing modern implements. One such declared to the Royal Ital- 
ian Agricultural Commission that he could only get an income of 100 
lire ($20) from his estate, while he had to pay 250 lire ($50) taxes; 
he had abandoned 50 hectares (125 acres) of mountain lands. Some 
estates are sold at auction to pay the taxes. Another proprietor said 
that while until ten years ago he obtained 6,000 lire ($1,200) yearly 
from renting his land he can not now get enough to pay the ground 
tax, which is 4 to 5 lire per hectare (30 to 40 cents per acre), be- 
cause now no one will either rent the land or work for the owner, all 
preferring to emigrate. A large proprietor at Castrovillari said 
that from an estate which twenty-five years ago gave him 24,000 
lire a year ($4,800), he now gets less than 10,000 lire ($2,000) a year 
income. Another proprietor in the same place said his income was 
reduced three-fourths in twenty years. Small proprietors in many 
places declare that peasants, especially the emigrants and their fami- 
lies, live better than they do. The Royal Agricultural Commission 
says in its report : 

On hearing the depositions of these small proprietors, you receive the im- 
pression that they were accustomed to live on the product of small estates 
when the work cost 50 centesimi (10 cents) daily and still less, so that, while 
they are cursing against emigration you must see that they were real parasites 
in damaging the field laborers. 

LAND AND RENT. 

It was impossible for the Commission to make a thorough study of 
the Italian land system and the effects of emigration upon it, but 
in the sections visited by the Commission it was unusual, until emigra- 
tion set in, that a peasant should own land. Emigration, carrying 
with it numerous peasant tenants and workmen out of every Province, 
left few to rent the land or cultivate it. The price of land fell to a 
minimum, thousands of acres were abandoned, and other estates were 
sold to satisfy the taxes. Remote and barren fields were deserted. 
As soon as emigrants returned from abroad with their savings they 
sought investments and a demand for land set in. Irrigated land 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 227 

near a village was naturally preferred. The landlords were not slow 
to take advantage of the new demand and the prices of these lands in 
good locations rose materially. A landowner at Messina told the 
Commission very frankly that he had sold for 600 lire ($120) a piece 
of land which he had valued at 150 lire ($30). "This is due," he 
added, to the better condition of the country." 

Increase in rents as well as in land values occurs chiefly in towns, 
but only after there has been a considerable return of emigrants! 
From this there results improvement in business and in the general 
condition of the people; so that all values, including rents, are 
increased. 



USURY. 



The usury which prevailed in south Italy before emigration has 
disappeared in some places and is everywhere less than formerly. 
This is partly due to the establishment of postal and agricultural 
banks and mutual-aid societies, which furnish money to peasants at 
low rates, but probably emigration has had its influence. Thousands 
of families receive aid from friends abroad, if they do not themselves 
emigrate, and the benefit is not restricted either to those who go or to 
their relatives or immediate friends. 



EXPORTATION OF PRODUCTS. 



One Italian writer on emigration holds that emigration is of bene- 
fit to Italy by creating a demand in America for Italian products 
used by the emigrants, thus stimulating production. He recognizes, 
however, that this is largely counterbalanced by the starting of such 
industries in America, thus supplying the market with American- 
grown or American-made products of the same sort. 



MORALITY. 



Family disorganization has naturally followed in some cases upon 
so many long separations between husbands and wives. In some 
places it seems to have amounted to very little, while in others many 
complaints are made. Sometimes the matter has economic causes. 
A young man leaves his wife, perhaps with one or two children 
dependent on her, without means of support, for a term of years, or 
even deserts her entirely. Cases are by no means unknown in which 
a man marries a second wife in America. The abandoned wife then 
occasionally has to choose between prostitution and beggary or 
starvation. The prefect of Cosenza says: 

To-day we are confronted with prostitution among a class of women who 
formerly, in spite of their poverty, were respectable. Then, too, infanticide is 
rapidly making itself felt an evil unknown here a few years ago. 

The Commission was informed that in some parts of Italy drunk- 
enness had become somewhat prevalent with the return of emigrants. 
As a rule all Italians drink wine, but drunkenness is very rare in most 
places. However, it is said that the habit of using stronger drink, 
acquired in America, is being introduced to some extent by those 
returning. 



228 The Immigration Commission. 

LIVING CONDITIONS. 

While the proprietors suffer from emigration, the effect on the 
peasants is very different. The money sent home to relatives by emi- 
grants has set on their feet struggling peasant families, while the 
higher wages and great demand for labor have helped those who re- 
mained at home. From many places in Calabria comes the report 
that peasants pay their taxes more quickly and live better than do 
the proprietors. Those who formerly could scarcely keep from star- 
vation now often eat solid meals, with white bread, and have meat 
more frequently. The post-offices and banks profit by the savings of 
emigrants, and sometimes towns are partially rebuilt by "Americans " 
returning home to live. 

The effect of these economic changes upon standards of living, how- 
ever, is not so pronounced as might be expected. Physical needs are 
better supplied, and in some places where returned emigrants reside 
in considerable numbers there have been introduced somewhat higher 
ideals of cleanliness and hygiene among the peasantry as a class. But 
where the number of returned emigrants has been small, even the 
better economic situation has not yet prompted the people to improve- 
ment in this regard. For example, Scilla, in Calabria, is a town of 
7,000 inhabitants, and has 2,000 emigrants in America. A sufficient 
number of emigrants have returned to perceptibly increase the value 
of lands near the village, but in 1907 the Royal Italian Agricultural 
Commission reported that nearly all the houses in the place were dis- 
reputable and that animals usually occupied the same rooms as their 
owners, in spite of the fact that 600,000 lire ($120,000) of emigrants' 
savings was lying unused in the post-office. On the whole, the im- 
provement in conditions of living, except where very many emigrants 
have returned, is slight, although there has been a great improvement 
in economic conditions. 

RETURNING EMIGRANTS. 

The number of emigrants who return to Italy from the United 
States, either permanently or temporarily, is very large. According 
to Italian statistics 2,231,961 Italian third-class passengers, prac- 
tically all of whom were emigrants, departed from Italy :rbr the 
United States in the years 1887 to 1907, inclusive, and during the 
same period 972,695 of the same class returned from the United States 
to Italian ports. In other words, 436 passengers of this class re- 
turned to Italy for every 1,000 sailing for the United States. This 
movement by years is shown in the table next presented. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 



229 



fom Italy to the United States and arrivals from the 
Italian third-class passengers, 1881 to 1907, *n- 



elusive 



Compiled from Bolletino Dell' Emigrazione" 1903-1908, and Statistica Emigrazione Italiana L' estrew. 

Io97 1908.J 



Year. 


Departing 
from Italy 
for the 
United 
States. 


Arriving at 
Italian 
ports from 
the United 
States. 


Number 
arriving 
for every 
1,000 de- 
parting. 


1887 


07 091 






1888 

1889 


32,945 
25 434 


6,072 


81 
184 


1890 
1891 


47^952 


2,881 


60 


1892 


42,953 


12,695 


296 


1894 


49,765 

01 CCO 


22,912 


460 


1895 


V7 OKI 






1896 


53 486 


20 8RR 




1897 


47 000 


oo 900 




1898 


cc 07 c 






1899 


63 156 


31 289 


4Q C 


1900 


87 714 


31 966 


qc4 


1901 


12l' 139 


04' A7O 




1902 


193 772 


92 907 


479 


1903 


197*855 


120 645 


BIO 


1904 


168 789 


129 231 


7fifi 


1905 


316* 797 


68 821 


217 


1906 


292 059 


121 620 


416 


1907 


283 671 


177 278 


625 










Total 


2 231 961 


972 695 


436 











According to this table the movement varied greatly in the differ- 
ent years, but in all but four instances decreased emigration was 
accompanied by a relative increase in the return movement, which 
suggests that as a rule the causes which retard emigration also ac- 
celerate the exodus from the United States. It is, of course, impos- 
sible to fix the specific cause of every fluctuation of the movement 
during the period considered, but the effect of financial and indus- 
trial depressions in the United States is clearly apparent so far as 
certain years are concerned. The most conspicuous instance shown 
by the table occurred in the year 1894, following the industrial de- 
pression of that period. In that year the outward movement from 
Italy decreased and the inward movement increased to such an ex- 
tent that the number returning was 848 to every 1,000 emigrating. 
The same tendency was again shown in 1904, immediately following 
the financial depression of the preceding year. 

The most conspicuous example, however, occurred in the fiscal 
year 1908, the last seven months of which witnessed a financial de- 
pression in the United States which had the effect of greatly reducing 
immigration. No statistics for passenger traffic from and to Italian 
ports in that year are available, but United States immigration sta- 
tistics show that from July 1, 1907, to June 30, 1908, 135,247 Italian 
immigrants were admitted and 167,335 aliens of the same race de- 
parted from United States ports. Thus departures exceeded arrivals 
by 32,088, in spite of the fact that the immigration and emigration 
movement was normal during the first five months of the period. 

It is frequently asserted, however, that the return movement of 
Italians and other southern and eastern European immigrants is not 
permanent, but that the same persons come and go and come again 



230 



The Immigration Commission. 



according to the demands of the labor market in the United States. 
This is a fallacy, at least so far as Italians are concerned, for data 
are available to show that the great majority of this race who return 
to Italy do not come again to the United States, and consequently the 
immigration from Italy is for the most part composed of persons who 
are coming to the United States for the first time. From the preced- 
ing table it will be seen that from January 1, 1899, to December 31, 
1907, inclusive, a total of 1,724,952 Italians left Italian ports as steer- 
age passengers for the United States, while during the same period 
798,435 of the same class returned. In these years, it will be seen, 
463 returned to Italy for every 1,000 who left the country. During 
a closely corresponding period, July 1, 1899, to June 30, 1908, accord- 
ing to the records of the United States Bureau of Immigration, only 
196,838 among the 1,792,020 Italian immigrants admitted to this coun- 
try had been here previously. It is clear, therefore, that a very large 
proportion of the number returning to Italy did not again come to 
this country, and that the movement from Italy to the United States 
is not composed largely of the class popularly known as " birds of 
passage " who make Italy their home and America their workshop. 
On the contrary, it is apparent that the vast majority of Italians 
coming to this country either settle here or return permanently to 
their native country. 



CAUSES OF THE RETURN MOVEMENT. 



The reasons why so many Italians return permanently to their 
native country are difficult 01 determination. The immediate reason 
why many leave the United States is of course a temporary lack of 
employment, but this is spasmodic only and does not seem to account 
for the large number of Italians who, regardless of industrial condi- 
tions, are constantly moving toward their native country to remain 
there permanently. 

The steamship Canopic, on which the Commission sailed from Bos- 
ton to Naples in May, 1907, carried in her steerage 224 returning 
Italians, of whom 147 were men, 31 women, and 46 children. Dur- 
ing the voyage members of the Commission interviewed 108 of the 
number,' all of whom were male wage-earners, with a view to ascer- 
taining why they were returning to Italy and whether they intended 
to return to the United States. The reasons for returning to Italy 
were stated as follows: 



Visit 61 

Illness 14 

For family or to marry 13 

Family matters 7 

To enter army or navy 4 

Join family 3 



Dislike of the United States. 

Illness in family 

Business reasons 

Not reported 



Total.. _ 108 



The men interviewed had been in the United States as follows: 
Under five years, 67; five to nine years, 30; ten years or over, 11. 

Seventy-three of the men stated that they expected to return to 
the United States; 24 did hot expect to return, and 11 were undecided. 
The number of persons interviewed was, of course, too small to be 
representative or the return movement. It will be noted that no one 
gave the lack of employment as a reason for leaving the United 
States, which is not at all strange, as at that time industrial condi- 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 231 

tions were excellent, and the canvass was made at a season of the year 
when ordinarily there is a strong demand for labor. A surprising 
feature of the canvass was the proportion of sick persons among those 
returning but the Commission's investigations in Italy disclosed the 
tact that large numbers go back because of sickness, and that among 
them are many returning to their native country to die. Of the 14 
who gave sickness as the reason of their return to Italy several were 
afflicted with tuberculosis in a more or less advanced stage. Onlv 
three were returning because they did not like the United States, and 
it would seem that this could hardly be regarded as an important 
cause on the whole for among returned emigrants in Italy there exists 
very generally a real affection for America. It is undoubtedly true, 
however, that while most Italians like the United States, they have a 
greater and more lasting affection for Italy, and many when they 
have accumulated enough money to insure them a comfortable ex- 
istence there prefer to live in their native land. This, in the opinion 
of the Commission, is the chief cause of the large permanent return 
movement. 

EFFECTS OF THE RETURN MOVEMENT. 

The return to Italy of so large a number of former emigrants, many 
of whom possess savings which to the peasant class seem like for- 
tunes, is having, a most pronounced effect on the country in different 
ways. Moreover, the returned emigrants as a body are much more 
progressive than their old neighbors who have remained at home, 
and generally their standard of living is much higher. Italians 
hold different opinions as to whether the influence exerted by the 
returned emigrant is good or bad, but the majority of those inter- 
viewed by the Commission feel that these repatriates, in common with 
the money sent home by emigrants, have been of inestimable value to 
Italy, and especially to the southern compartimenti. That a stay in 
America has wrought a change in Italian peasants is a fact which is 
noticeable in every part of the Kingdom where repatriates reside, 
The experience of the Commission in this respect coincides with that 
of other observers. John J. D. Trenor, in a report to the United 
States Bureau of Immigration in 1906, says : 

It is not difficult to pick from among the lower classes of Italy individuals 
who have resided in the United States, their look of prosperity being a reliable 
guide in that respect. 

The same writer observed an illustration of this at the port of 
Naples, where one ship was disembarking a load of returned emi- 
grants while another was embarking emigrants for the United States, 
and commented upon it as follows : 

To one side could be seen the steerage passengers, all in neat attire, unfasten- 
ing their well-filled trunks preparatory to the customs inspection, while to the 
other side were the thousand or more awaiting embarkation, but presenting a 
severe contrast to their brethren returning from the States. 

In the parts of southern Italy visited by the Commission the 
changed appearance and conduct of the returned emigrant was com- 
mented upon. Some among the higher classes regarded the change 
with disfavor, as it was said the so-called "Americans " had lost all 
respect for their superiors. Some stated that they were not so re- 

79524 VOL 411 16 



232 The Immigration Commission. 

spectful to the landed proprietors and bought land for themselves, 
usually at high prices. 

Among the peasants, however, there was no complaint in this re- 
spect, for the returned emigrants have pointed the way to better 
things than the Italian peasant is accustomed to and has demon- 
strated that they are attainable. 

In many instances the Commission observed that the standard of 
living among repatriated Italians was noticeably higher than among 
the peasants generally. Their houses were conspicuously better, as 
was the general appearance of their premises. The pigs, donkeys, 
and chickens had been banished from the houses, and there was about 
their homes and themselves an appearance of prosperity which was 
lacking among their nonemigrant neighbors. 

In its report on Basilicata and Calabria the Royal Italian Agricul- 
tural Commission frequently refers to the returned emigrant, his 
changed views of life, and his effect upon his countrymen. The 
report says that 

The first idea of the emigrants who return is to improve their houses. Many 
families that in times past have lived in one room only, and perhaps with a 
pig, now have two or three rooms, besides a kitchen and stable. In America 
they have had their standard of living raised. Those who return from America 
purchase a house with a small estate ; when this is not sufficient they hire some 
lands or work on shares. The "Americans" come back improved, more clever, 
and intelligent 

Some specific instances of the effect on Basilicata and Calabria of 
returned emigrants, and also of money sent home by emigrants, are 
mentioned in the report of the royal Italian commission substantially 
as follows: 

Alcana di Lucania. Some people returning from America acquire small 
estates in the surrounding country. At the post-offices are -deposited 60,000 
lire as savings of the so-called Americans. * * * Returned countrymen do 
not adapt themselves to the hardest labors to which they were subjected in 
other times, except in the case they work on their own estates. Many emi- 
grants, not accustomed to possess money, after returning from America squan- 
der it. A young peasant who emigrated some years ago to New York and 
became a barber had returned to Albano after his parents and sister. The com- 
mission asked him why he emigrated. He said : " I earned only 50 centissimi 
(10 cents) a day in Italy; in New York I earned $12 to $14 a week. I sold my 
barber shop for $500, and am now going back to buy another one." 

Pignola, in Basilicata. Many of the emigrants have been in the United States 
before and need no help in buying their tickets the second time. The mayor 
said: "The greatest impulse (toward emigration) came from the example of 
those emigrants who send money to their families, and, returning from America 
after two or three years, they build a little house or acquire an estate near the 
village." He adds that many returned emigrants squander their savings. 

Polenza. A peasant, after having worked for three years in the United 
States, returned with 1,500 lire ($300) and bought a small estate. He is tenant 
of a larger one, but, as he affirms, the profit is so small that he will be obliged 
to go back to America, " where the laborer earns much more." He lives in only 
one room on the ground floor with his father, wife, two sons, and a donkey. 

Moliterno. The mayor says that those who have been to America do not work 
as willingly now as before. 

Lagonegro. A large proprietor, on being asked why the people emigrate, re 
plied : " They see their countrymen returning well dressed, with an overcoat, a 
cigar in the mouth, and therefore they all wish to go away." It is evident that 
"Americans" live better and have cleaner houses. Emigration has created in 
Lagonegro a small bourgeois class that is called "American." They have re- 
turned from the United States and from Argentina; they have an income of 
from 3 to 5 lire (60 cents to $1) daily; they don't work; and they live like old 
employers in retreat, with their only ambition to become either councilors of 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 233 

100 illlity F foreman of some labor societ y- Of this kind there are about 



Latronico The local emigration is for the most part to the United States. 
The hrst savings are employed by the emigrants to pay their debts ; afterwards 
they build a nice cottage. In fact, all improvements of hygiene in these coun- 
tries are due to emigration. The numerous new houses in every village belong 
to the so-called "Americans;" generally they have one or two rooms on the 
ground floor and two rooms on the first floor. They are built with lime and 
bricks. You don't see the pigs, donkey, or chickens living in the same rooms 
with the proprietors. For animals there is another small building near the 
house. 

Castrovillari. The fortunes of returned emigrants are not large, never sur- 
passing 5,000 or 6,000 lire, but no one is willing to work in the fields. 

Spezzano Albanese. Those who return from America purchase pieces of land. 
The "Americans " buy the houses and dress well. The mayor of San Fill says 
peasants now live better than proprietors. Those who return from America, 
accustomed to high wages and good living, do not adapt themselves any longer 
to the hard labor of the old country * * *. The great advantage of emi- 
gration is in the money earned in America. Three brothers who left the coun- 
try quite poor earned in seven- or eight years in America between 200,000 and 
300,000 lire ($40,000 and $60.000). On their return to San Fili they purchased 
a large wood, many houses, etc. 

Cellico. Here also those who come back purchase houses. 

San Giovanni in Fiore. The larger part of the houses are very dirty ; only in 
the high quarter of the town are there many new and clean houses, without pigs, 
asses, or chickens in the interior. These were built by peasants who returned 
.from America, so that one must admit that if a little civilization has penetrated 
into this large district it is certainly exclusively owing to emigration. Those 
who return from America do not adapt themselves to work on the fields of other 
proprietors ; they prefer to cultivate the fields purchased by their own savings. 
Their ambition is, as soon as they return,, to build a house by their first savings; 
afterwards they purchase an orchard or a vineyard. The mayor thinks that 
emigration is the salvation of the country, and that it has improved economic 
Conditions. " The Americans," he says, " live in new and very clean houses." 
A peasant says one of his sons brought home 1,000 lire ($200) which served to 
build the house, but as half the expense is still to be paid he will emigrate again. 

Rolliano. We have noticed that in these districts only the houses of the so- 
called "Americans " are wholesome. 

Soveria Mannelli. Emigrants generally save 1,000 lire ($200) a year, says 
the mayor. Returning, their first ambition is to purchase a house. Afterwards 
they acquire an estate and cultivate it, so that they are never idle. The new 
houses belong to the "Americans." 

Titiolo. Peasants go to America and come back from there with the greatest 
ease; many of them have been there five or six times; they squander their 
money on travel. "In the interest of the nation," says the mayor, "such a 
wandering ought to be prevented. A law ought to be passed which would pro- 
hibit emigration to those who had already been in America two or three times. 
In this way they would be obliged to establish themselves in America and their 
earnings would be larger." 

Gimigliano. Young people come back dressed much better than rich people. 

Settingiano. Among those who return many squander their money, but in 
every case they have the resources to emigrate again. The secretary of the 
chamber of labor says very few of the 400 members of the labor league are 
intelligent except those who have returned from America. Returned peasants 
desire to have their estates close by the villages. 

Monteleone. The vice-mayor says that between 1,200 and 1,500 lire ($240 
and $300) is sent from America weekly. A large proprietor says that families, 
seeing their heads depart for America, are satisfied because they are sure to 
receive money from there. The houses which were dirty and neglected are now 
improved The relations between the proprietors and peasants have changed 
and there are some peasants whose greetings are surly. Those who return 
from America purchase a house with a small estate; where this is not sufficient 
they resort to hiring lands, or to the partnership system. The Americans 
come back improved, more clever, and intelligent. A peasant said to the com- 
mission : " The Americans have brought here the paradise. 



234 



The Immigration Commission. 



Taverna. A railway official says regarding the many new and clean houses 
in the village : " These, you see, were all built with money that was earned in 
America." 

Maida. Returned emigrants have a capital ranging from 2,000 to 7,000 lire 
($400 to $1,400). 

DISEASE. 

It has been repeatedly asserted that one of the effects of the return 
movement of emigrants has been the increase in Italy of certain dis- 
eases; tuberculosis and syphilis being those most frequently men- 
tioned. A recent writer speaks of 

the diseases the Italians contract here in America, especially consumption, a 
disease which was almost unknown in Italy twenty-five years ago, but is making 
alarming progress among the southern poor, due largely to the returned emi- 
grant. 

As previously stated, many Italians return to their native land 
afflicted with pulmonary tuberculosis. This fact came to the atten- 
tion of the commission on board the Canopic* and later in parts of 
southern Italy, where it was asserted that in almost every village 
there were former emigrants who had come home to die; the majority 
of them having tuberculosis. It was nowhere said, however, that re- 
turned emigrants were responsible for the present prevalence of the 
disease in Italy. As a matter of fact, Italian mortality statistics 
clearly disprove the assertion that the prevalence of tuberculosis in 
Italy is of recent origin. This is shown by the following table : 

TABLE 41. Deaths in Italy from disseminated tuberculosis and pulmonary 
tuberculosis per 100,000 inhabitants, in specified years, by compartimenti. 



Compartimenti. 





1905. 


1901-1905. 


1887-1890. 


Piedmont . . 


143 


140 


160 


Liguria 


175 


172 


198 


Lombardy 


167 


158 


175 


Venetia 


132 


125 


145 


Emilia 


134 


130 


171 


Tuscany 


152 


144 


178 


Marches 


92 


90 


113 


Umbria 


92 


92 


126 


Latium 


124 


124 


161 


Abruzzi 


74 


74 


93 


Campania - 


80 


78 


105 




97 


95 


106 


Basilicata 


61 


57 


66 


Calabria ., 


70 


67 


74 


Sicily 


88 


84 


96 


Sardinia 


146 


124 


134 


Kingdom 


121 


116 


137 











Deaths per 100,000 inhabitants 
in 



The above table shows not only that tuberculosis was prevalent in 
Italy nearly a quarter of a century ago, but also that the mortality 
rate from the disease was considerably greater in 1887-1890 than in 
1905, the decrease being from 137 deaths per 100,000 of the popula- 
tion in the former period to 121 per 100,000 in 1905. There was an 
increase in the mortality rate from 116 to 121 per 100,000 between the 

Antonio Mangano : " The effect of emigration upon Italy," Charities, Feb. 
1, 1908. 

&See p. 230. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Italy. 235 

period of 1901-1905 and the year 1905 which may have been due in 
part to deaths among returned emigrants. This is not apparent from 
the statistics, however, because the increase was general throughout 
Italy and not confined to the southern compartimenti, which furnish 
tne largest proportion of emigrants and consequently are most af- 
fected by the return movement. Moreover, the highest death rate 
rom tuberculosis in 1905 was found in Liguria, which furnishes a 
smaller number of emigrants according to its population than any 
other compartimento, while the lowest rate was recorded for the 

*?i S-^' ^ hlch is one of the g reatest emigrant-furnishing sections 
ot the Kingdom. It will also be noted one ol the three compartimenti 
showing no increase between the period 1901-1905 and the year 1905 
was Abruzzi, which furnishes a larger proportion of trans-oceanic 
emigrants, than any other except Calabria. 

If the death rate from syphilis may be accepted as indicating the 
prevalence of that disease, there is sutecient proof that Italy has not 
been seriously affected by returning emigrants in this regard. Ac- 
cording to the records the mortality rate per 100,000 of the popula- 
tion from syphilis for the periods 1887-1890, 1895-1900, and 1900- 
1905 was as follows: 1887-1890, 6.7; 1895-1900, 7; 1900-1905, 6. 

It will be seen that the death rate from this disease was somewhat 
larger in the earliest period considered than in 1900-1905, when the 
return movement of emigrants was much more pronounced. 

In this connection it may be noted that the death rate in the United 
States from venereal diseases among persons under 45 years was 
higher in 1900 for Italians than for any other element of the white 
population, while among persons 45 years and over group the Italians 
ranked fourth. 

A comparison between the death rate from venereal diseases among 
Italian immigrants and their children and native-born persons whose 
mothers were born in the United States is shown in the following 
table : 

TABLE 42. Death rate in the United States in 1900 from venereal diseases per 
100,000 of the population among Italians and native-born persons of native-' 
lorn mothers, by age groups. 



Birthplace of mothers. 


Under 
15 years. 


15 to 44 
years. 


45 years 
and over. 


Italy 


16.9 


1.7 


2.0 


United States 


3.8 


.4 


.8 











If, as previously stated, the mortality rate from this class of dis- 
eases can be taken as an index to their prevalence, it would seem from 
the figures for Italy and the United States that they were much more 
common among Italians than other races. This being the case the 
United States is me/re seriously affected by the coming of Italians 
than Italy is by their return. 

See table, p. 143. 



PART 1II.-THE EMIGRATION SITUATION IN RUSSIA. 



237 



PART HI, THE EMIGRATION SITUATION IN RUSSIA, 



CHAPTER I. 
IMMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES FROM RUSSIA, 

From July 1, 1819, to June 30, 1910, 2,359,048 immigrants giving 
the Russian Empire or Finland as the country of their last perma- 
nent residence were admitted to the United States. The number of 
immigrants from that country during the period for which data are 
available were surpassed with the number from Great Britain, Ger- 
many, Austria-Hungary, and Italy. 

The emigration movement from Great Britain and Germany has 
been one of long standing, while the movement of population from 
the Russian Empire as well as that from Austria-Hungary and Italy 
has only attained its large volume in comparatively recent years. 
The above figures do not represent the total immigration from Russia 
because prior to 1899 immigration from Poland was recorded sepa- 
rately, and a total of 164,696 persons were admitted to the United 
States from 1820 to 1899 who gave Poland as the country of origin. 
What proportions of these came from Russia and from the Polish 
provinces of Austria and Germany are not known. Since 1899 
Poland has not been considered as a geographical entity in record- 
ing immigration data. 

IMMIGRATION BY YEARS, 1820-1910. 

In the year 1820 only 14 immigrants from the Russian Empire were 
admitted to the United States. Less than 200 were admitted in any 
fiscal year until 1846, when 248 were recorded. That number was 
not equaled again until 1866, and it was not until 1872 that the num- 
ber reached 1,000. From that time there was a constant increase in 
the movement of population from Russia to the United States. The 
development of the movement is shown in the table next presented, 
which gives the total immigration to the United State's from the 
Russian Empire in each fiscal year from 1820 to 1910. 



240 



The Immigration Commission. 



TABLE 1. Immigration to the United States from the Russian Empire and Fin- 
land for the years ending June 80, 1820 to 1910. 

[Compiled from Statistical Review of Immigration, 1819-1910. Reports of the Immigra- 
tion Commission, vol. 3.] 



Year. 


Number. 


Year. 


Number. 


Year. 


Number. 


Year. 


Number. 


1820. . . 


14 


1844 


13 


1868 


141 


1892 


81,511 


1821 


7 


1845 


1 


1869 


343 


1893 


42 310 


1822... 


10 


1846 


248 


1870 


907 


1894 .. 


39, 278 


1823 , 


7 


1847 


5 


1871 


673 


1895 


35,907 


1824 


7 


1848 


1 


1872 


1,018 


1896 


51 435 


1825... 


10 


1849 


44 


1873 . 


1,634 


1897 .. 


25,816 


1826 


4 


1850 b 


31 


1874 


4,073 


1898 


29,828 


1827 


19 


1851 


1 


1875 


7 997 


1899 


60 982 


1828... 


7 


1852 


2 


1876 . 


4,775 


1900 .. 


90,787 


1829 


1 


1853 


3 


1877 


6,599 


1901 


85,257 


1830 


3 


1854 


2 


1878 


3 048 


1902 


107 347 


1831... 


1 


1855 


13 


1879 


4,453 


1903 


136,093 


18326... 


52 


1856 


9 


1880 , 


5,014 


1904 


145 141 


1833 


159 


1857 


25 


1881 


5 041 


1905 


184 897 


1834. . . 


15 


1858 


246 


1882 


16, 918 


1906 


215, 665 


1835. 


9 


1859 


91 


1883 


9,909 


1907 


258, 943 


1836 


2 


1860 


65 


1884 


12 689 


1908 


156 711 


1837... 


19 


1861 


34 


1885 


17,158 


1909 


120,460 


1838... 


13 


1862 


79 


1886 


17,800 


1910 


186 792 


1839 


7 


1863 


77 


1887 


30 766 






1840... 




1864 


256 


1888 


33, 487 


Total 


2,359,048 


1841.. 


174 


1865 


183 


1889 


33,916 






1842... 


28 


1866 


287 


1890 .. 


35, 598 






1843 


6 


1867 


205 


1891 


47,426 























Six months ending June 30. 



*> Fifteen months ending Dec. 31. 



The above table very clearly indicates the remarkable growth of 
the movement since 1882, a movement which reached its height in 
1907, when no less than 258,943 immigrants to the United States re- 
ported Russia as the country of their last permanent residence. In 
fact, the number admitted in 1907 and in 1906 as well exceeded the 
total number admitted during the fiscal years 1820 to 1899, inclusive. 

IMMIGRATION BY SEX AND DECADES, 1871-1910. 

The following table shows the immigration from the Russian Em- 
pire by decades and by sex from 1871 to 1910, inclusive : 

TABLE 2. Immigration to the United States from the Russian Empire and Fin- 
land, l)y sex and decades, 1871 to 1910. 



[Compiled from Statistical Review of Immigration, 1819-1910. 
gration Commission, vol. 3.] 



Reports of the Immi- 



Period. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Total. 


Male. 


Female. 


Male. 


Female. 


1871-1880 


39, 284 
213, 282 
505,280 
1,597,306 


23,419 
138,540 
0202,535 
1,037,960 


15,865 
74,742 
ol24,268 
559, 346 


59.6 
65.0 
62.0 
65.0 


40.4 
35.0 
38.0 
35.0 


1881-1890 


1891-1900 


1900-1910 


Total 


2,355,152 


1,402,454 


774,161 


64.4 


35.6 





Figures by sex not given for 1893, 1894, 1895, and 1S>9. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 241 



, T show clearly the recency of the great volume 
1 c n.u t0 the u Umted States from the Russian Empire. Un- 

L 871-1880 the number of immigrants had not reached 3,000 in any 
decade. During 1871 to 1880, inclusive, 39.284 immigrants were ad- 
mitted. In the succeeding decade the number admitted was 213,282. 
During 1891 to 1900 the number more than doubled, and in the last 
decade 1,597,306 immigrants were recorded. 

During the total period 1871 to 1910, inclusive, 64.4 per cent of the 
immigration from the Russian Empire was of males. The proportion 
of males was considerably less than in the case of Italy or Austria- 
Hungary, this being due to the large proportion of females among 
Hebrew immigrants from Russia. 

RUSSIAN AND OTHER EUROPEAN IMMIGRATION. 

The following table is a comparison of the immigration of the 
Russian Empire and European immigration as a whole for the period 
1820 to 1910: 

TABLE 3. Immigration to the United States from the Russian Empire and Fin- 
land compared with total European immigration (including Turkey in Asia) 
ly decades, 1820 to 1910. 

[Compiled form Table 1, pages 6-11.] 



Period. 


Total 
European 
immigra- 
tion. 


Russian immigration. 


Number. 


Per cent of 
total Euro- 
pean immi- 
gration. 


1820-1830 a 


106,508 
495. 688 
1,597,501 
2,452,660 
2,065,272 
2,272,329 
4,739,266 
3,582,815 
8,213,409 


89 
277 
551 
457 
2,512 
39,284 
213,282 
505.280 
1,597,306 


0.1 
0.1 

n 

0.1 
1.7 
4.5 
14.1 
19.4 


1831-1840 


1841-1850 . . 


1851 1860 


1861-1870 .. 


1871-1880 


1881-1890 


1891-1900 . 


1901-1910 . . 




25,528,410 


2,359,048 


9.2 





Eleven years. 



b Less than 0.05 per cent. 



Prior to 1871-1880 the immigration to the United States from the 
Russian Empire constituted less than 1 per cent of the total Euro- 
pean immigration. Beginning with that period, however, it grad- 
ually becomes an important element, in 1891-1900 forming 14.1 per 
cent of the total European immigration, and in 1901-1910, 19.4 per 
cent of the total immigration to the United States from Europe 
originated in the Russian Empire. 



242 



The Immigration Commission. 



NATIVES OF RUSSIA IN THE UNITED STATES, 1850 TO 1900. 

The following tables show the distribution in the United States in 
each census year from 1850 to 1900 of persons born in Russia (ex- 
cept Poland) : 

TABLE 4. Distribution of persons of Russian birth (except Poland) in the 
United States, by States and Territories, in the census years 1850 to 1900, 
inclusive. 



Geographic division. 


1850. 


1860. 


1870. 


1880. 


1890. 


1900. 


AREA OF ENUMEBA.TION. 

Continental United States 


1,414 


3,160 


4,644 


35,722 


182,644 


423,726 


North Atlantic division 


825 


1,430 


2,014 


7,400 


92,896 


279, 23C 
















New England 
Maine 


2 


9 


18 


54 


420 


1.021 


New Hampshire 






2 


7 


188 


722 


Vermont 


1 


7 


1 


8 


153 


377 


Massachusetts 


38 


61 


154 


462 


7,325 


26, 963 


Rhode Island 


1 


6 


13 


98 


682 


2,429 


Connecticut 


5 


46 


34 


65 


3,027 


11,404 


Southern North Atlantic- 
New York . 


617 


1,013 


1,473 


5,438 


58,466 


165,610 


New Jersey 


22 


38 


90 


301 


5,320 


19,745 


Pennsylvania 


139 


250 


229 


1,040 


17,315 


50,959 


South Atlantic division 


71 


92 


206 


452 


5,900 


16, 472 
















Northern South Atlantic- 
Delaware 


1 


2 


3 


9 


197 


3SO 


Maryland . . . 


23 


15 


50 


213 


4,258 


11,301 


District of Columbia 
Virginia 


2 
8 


5 
14 


22 
39 


67 
39 


244 

407 


807 
1,242 


West Virginia : 






11 


19 


126 


721 


Southern South Atlantic- 
North Carolina 


8 


20 


11 


11 


86 


253 


South Carolina 


19 


19 


31 


29 


178 


316 


Georgia 


8 


11 


32 


33 


282 


1,232 


Florida 


2 


6 


7 


32 


122 


220 
















North Central division 


285 


1,056 


1,276 


25, 031 


69,907 


107,529 
















Eastern North Central- 
Ohio. 


84 


452 


181 


610 


4.576 


8,203 


Indiana 


6 


101 


61 


320 


576 


1,215 


Illinois 


27 


134 


306 


1,276 


8,407 


28,707 


Michigan 


25 


68 


194 


1,560 


11,889 


4,138 


Wisconsin 


71 


95 


102 


312 


2 279 


4 243 


Western North Central- 
Minnesota 


2 


59 


109 


2 272 


7 233 


5,907 


Iowa 


41 


40 


96 


535 


782 


1,998 


Missouri. ... 


29 


72 


140 


340 


2 414 


6,672 


North Dakota 


u 


1 


4 


6 493 


16 496 


/ 14,979 


South Dakota 

Nebraska 


r 


21 


27 


3 281 


5 454 


\ 12,365 
8,083 


Kansas 




13 


56 


8 032 


9 801 


11 019 
















South Central division 


179 


279 


410 


767 


2 713 


8 961 
















Eastern South Central- 
Kentucky 


70 


38 


28 


' 63 


390 


1 076 


Tennessee 


9 


44 


74 


70 


463 


927 


Alabama 


10 


20 


36 


44 


274 


468 


Mississippi 


9 


26 


21 


76 


120 


414 


Western South Central- 
Louisiana. 


65 


84 


165 


158 


345 


692 


Arkansas 


6 


25 


24 


77 


87 


276 


Indian Territory 












200 


Oklahoma , 










57 


2,649 


Texas. ......... . . 


10 


42 


62 


279 


977 


2 259 

















a Dakota Territory until 1900. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 



243 



? ; Pers0ns of Russian Wrto (except Poland) in the 
inlusive* Continu^ ^ Territories > in the c&nsus V ears 50 to 1900, 



Geographic division. 


1850. 


1860. 


1870. 


1880. 


1890. 


1900. 


ABEA OF ENUMERATIONS Continued. 

Continental United States Continued. 
Western division 


54 






















11,228 


11,534 


Kocky Mountain- 
Montana 






7 


25 


719 


394 


Wyoming 






10 
5 


17 


113 


124 


Colorado 




I 


1ft 








New Mexico 


4 












Basin and Plateau- 
Arizona 






5 








Utah 


1 




10 








Nevada 




9 


48 


41 


QQ 




Pacific- 
Washington 




g 


21 


OAK 






Oregon 


1 


22 


fi7 








California 


48 


260 


540 


1 013 


3140 



















TABLE 5. Per cent of persons of Russian Urth. (except Poland) in each geo- 
graphic division of the United States in the census years 1850 to 1900, in- 
clusive. 



Geographic division. 


1850. 


1860. 


1870. 


1880. 


1890. 


1900. 


Total 


100.0 


100 


100.0 


100.0 


100 


100 
















North Atlantic division... 


58.3 


45.3 


43.4 


20.7 


50.9 


65.9 


South Atlantic division. 


5.0 


2.9 


4.4 


1.3 


3.2 


3.9 


North Central division 


20 2 


33 4 


27. 5 


70.1 


38.3 


25.4 


South Central division 


12.7 


8.8 


8.8 


2.1 


1.5 


2.1 


Western division 


3.8 


9.6 


15.9 


5.8 


6.1 


2.7 

















In each census year from 1850 to 1900 the great bulk of persons in 
the United States who had been born in Russia (except Poland) were 
in the North Atlantic and North Central States. Moreover, in every 
instance except two New York has had the greatest number of per- 
sons who were natives of Russia. In 1880 both Kansas and Dakota 
Territory had a larger number of persons born in Russia than New 
York. The rapid increase in the United States of the number of 
persons who were born in Russia began between 1880 and 1890. At 
the former date they numbered 35,722, at the latter date 182,644. In 
1900 the number of persons in the United States reported as having 
been born in Russia reached 423,726. Of the latter number, 165,610 
were reported in New York State. Other States having in 1900 a 
relatively large number of persons born in Russia were as follows: 
Pennsylvania, 50,959; Illinois, 28,707; Massachusetts, 26,963; New 
Jersey, 19,745; North Dakota, 14,979; South Dakota, 12,365; Con- 
necticut, 11,404; Maryland, 11,301; Kansas, 11,019. Six States show 
a decrease in the number of persons born in Russia Michigan, Min- 
nesota, Montana, Wyoming, Nevada, and Oregon. 

The great preponderance of Russian-born persons in New York is 
probably due to the large number of Russian Hebrews who settle in 
New York City. 



CHAPTER II. 
THE AGRARIAN QUESTION MIGRATION TO SIBERIA. 

The extent of the migration movement from European Russia to 
Liberia probably is not generally realized. It is, however, one of the 
greatest movements of population in all history, as is shown by the 

von nnn m the , f^ ^ n months of the year 1908 approximately 
^0,000 persons left their homes in European Russia to settle in the 
Siberian Provinces of the Empire. This number is nearly as great 
as the total immigration to the United States from all sources in the 
fiscal years 1908 or 1909. The movement to Siberia is fostered by 
the Russian Government, and unlike the emigration from Russia to 
the United States it is composed of true Russians largely from the 
central Provinces rather than the so-called "aliens" from the west, 
who so largely make up the transoceanic movement. Of course, the 
migration to Siberia is not comparable with the emigration from 
Russia to America, for in the former case the removal is not beyond 
the confines of the Empire, but nevertheless both serve to illustrate 
the fact that the migratory spirit prevails in practically all parts of 
European Russia. 

The migration movement to Siberia serves the double purpose of 
settling the vast and sparsely populated Provinces in Asiatic Russia 
and of relieving somewhat the relative overpopulation in the Agra- 
rian Provinces of Russia in Europe. The agrarian question has long 
been an important economic problem in Russia and an understanding 
of the situation is necessary to a discussion of the migration and 
emigration of the Russian peoples. There is much literature upon 
the subject, much of which is the work of more or less extreme 
partisans. It is, of course, both impracticable and unnecessary to 
review or consider much that has been written in this regard, but 
with a view to showing the prevailing situation there is presented 
under the next head a brief condensation of a series of lectures de- 
livered in the Imperial University of Moscow by Prof. A. A. Kauf- 
man and published under the title, "The agrarian question in 
Russia." The Commission is creditably informed that Prof. Kauf- 
man is a leading authority upon this subject, and that the work re- 
ferred to is an excellent presentation of the question. The review of 
the work as prepared for the Commission follows: 

THE AGRARIAN QUESTION IN RUSSIA. 8 

Five-sixths of the population of Russia are peasants. Their eco- 
nomic condition is of vital importance to the whole country because 
of their large number and because a normal economic development 
of the Empire is possible only when the peasants, as producers and 
as consumers, participate in the movement. 

Based on Prof. A. A. Kaufman's "Agrarian question in Russia," a course of 
lectures delivered in the Imperial University of Moscow in 1907. 

245 



246 The Immigration Commission. 

A brief discussion of the emancipation of the peasants in 1861 is 
necessary for an understanding of the present situation. Economic 
and political reasons had led to the emancipation. Many landown- 
ers had begun to realize that serfdom did not pay, while the Govern- 
ment had felt keenly that as a tax-paying population the peasants 
would be more satisfactory when free than when enslaved. The 
Crimean war, furthermore, had created a widespread discontent in 
the population, and the Government had felt that it was better to 
emancipate the peasants from above and thereby win their loyalty 
than to wait until their discontent would lead them to emancipate 
themselves from below. 

A considerable difference of opinion existed among the landlords 
in regard to the desirability of granting freedom to the serfs, but 
the landholding class was practically at one in exerting its influ- 
ence toward giving the peasants as little land as possible, and prefer- 
ably no land at all. It was in the interests of the landlords to create 
a class of land-poor or landless peasants, who would clamor for 
employment and would reduce the wages of agricultural labor. And 
since the details of the plan of emancipation were left to the repre- 
sentatives of the landholding classes, whose desire to leave the peas- 
ants as little as possible was counteracted only by the Emperor and 
his representative in the committee, the result was that the freedmen 
had, by about one-fifth, less land to cultivate after emancipation 
than during serfdom. 

The peasants received their freedom nominally without paying 
for it, and they received allotments of land which the Government 
bought from the holders and for which the peasants were to make 
annual payments for forty-nine years. The size of the allotments 
was determined upon for each district in accordance with local con- 
ditions, but in no case were the landlords to lose more than two- 
thirds of their holdings. The peasants were given the option of 
taking one-fourth of their allotments without any payments, and 
about 640,000 peasants did this, partly under duress and partly 
because they expected to lease additional land cheaply and to receive 
good wages for work on the landlords' land. But the peasants were 
disappointed in this respect, because rents went up rapidly and wages 
went down. In addition to this class of land-poor peasants there 
were the former personal servants of the nobility, about 720,000 in 
number, who had received their freedom and nothing more. 

While the peasants were not supposed to pa'y for their persons, the 
arrangement was that they were to pay considerably more for the 
first acre of land than for the others, which practically meant that 
the price of the first acre included a payment for their persons. This 
system of payments, furthermore, resulted in an inequitable arrange- 
ment by which the rate was highest for the poorest peasants. 

The general result of the emancipation was that a considerable 
proportion of the peasants were in a worse economic condition than 
they had been while serfdom prevailed. 

Since 1860 the number of peasants has increased from 50,000,000 
to 86,000,000, while the available land has increased but slightly, so 
that the average amount of land per person was decreased materially ; 
and furthermore the more prosperous peasants have had a large 
progeny and the greater increase among them has tended to reduce 
them to the level of poverty of their poorer neighbors. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 247 



n Slight increase in the productivity of the land 

860, but it has not kept pace with the growth of population, 
and at the same time the prices of agricultural products have de- 

nied so that peasants are obliged to sell more of their products to 
realize the cash needed for their taxes and other necessary expenses, 
and less remains for their own consumption. The result is very 
general underfeeding. The peasants live very largely on bread and 
potatoes and the average amount consumed by them falls far short 
of what is estimated as the necessary minimum for the maintenance 
of health and vigor. 

And yet the demands on the peasant are growing; his dependence 
on factory-made goods increases, and the system of indirect taxation 
continually augments the burden which the poor have to bear in order 
to support the Government. The actual poverty of the peasants arid 
their mode of life are such that a description sounds like an exag- 
geration, and during lean years, which occur about three or four 
times in every decade, there are widespread famines. Gastric and 
other diseases have taken firm root among the underfed peasants, and 
their condition is pitiful in the extreme. 

Being unable to make a living from their land and having no oppor- 
tunity, under the existing methods of agriculture, to use to advantage 
the labor of all the members of a family, many peasants seek employ- 
ment away from their homes. The demand for agricultural labor 
has declined in recent years, and the peasants now generally go to 
the cities to work as drivers and carriers, or in factories, on steam- 
ships, and in railroad construction. They engage for the most part 
in seasonal work, and leaving in the spring they return in the fall 
with perhaps $10 or $15 of savings representing the addition to their 
budget from their outside labor. The risk connected with such work 
is great; having no accurate information the peasants often wander 
about in search of employment; their hours of work when they find 
employment are long, from twelve to fifteen hours, and the food and 
surroundings are miserable. After an absence of from three to six 
months these peasant-laborers often return home with impaired 
health, and in the meantime their crops have often suffered because 
frequently only old men, women, and children remain behind to 
cultivate the land. 

Siberian colonization has often been thought of as the best way of 
relieving the agrarian situation in Russia. Emigration to Siberia 
has been taking place in considerable numbers for more than a 
quarter of a century. The attitude of the Government toward this 
movement has changed several times, but since 1893, when the con- 
struction of the Siberian Railroad began, the Government has been 
encouraging Siberian colonization. In recent years the agrarian 
uprisings have added another motive to the Government's desire of 
relieving the peasants. In 1907 about a half a million peasants 
migrated to Siberia. This movement often results in a benefit to 
the emigrants, but even that is not always true; nearly 20 per cent 
of the colonists return to Russia ruined and about as many remain in 
Siberia as hopeless failures. The best land in Siberia is largely 
occupied at present, and the current of emigration in that direction 
can not increase materially. At best the exodus comprises about one- 



79524 VOL 411 17 



248 The Immigration Commission. 

fourth to one-third of the annual increase in population, and there- 
fore, of course, does not decrease the density of the settlement in 
European Russia. Under the circumstances Siberian colonization 
can not be considered as offering a solution to the agrarian situation. 

The purchase of land by the peasants through the land bank 
has done something in the way of increasing peasant landholding 
but it does, not affect a sufficient proportion of the population to be 
considered as a solution, even in part, of the ominous problem of land 
poverty. 

The situation may be summed up as follows : The peasants are poor 
and are becoming poorer every year; their landholdings decrease as 
the population grows, and there is not enough land in Russia now 
to support her population adequately while the yield of the land re- 
mains as low as it is now. In the yield per acre of wheat, of oats, of 
rye, and of hay, Russia is far and away at the bottom of the list of all 
civilized countries. Poor harvests are more common in Russia than 
elsewhere and the difference between fat and lean years is much 
greater there than in other parts of Europe. 

And yet Russia's climate is fairly good, and her soil is of more 
than average fertility. The reason of the low productivity of Rus- 
sia's soil is to be found in the antiquated methods of cultivation used 
by the peasants. The implements used are primitive and irrational, 
the system of crops is calculated to exhaust the land. Russia's land 
is still cultivated on the principle that exhausted lands can be aban- 
doned and others found, while the increase of population makes a 
more \ntensive and economical system of agriculture imperatively 
necessary. If the peasants spent part of the effort which they use 
in trying to obtain new land to cultivating their own allotments in 
a more satisfactory manner a great step forward would be accom- 
plished. In some of the portions of the Far East Russian colonists 
fail and starve on allotments five and six times as great as those on 
which their neighbors, the Chinese and Koreans, prosper. 

The peasants can hardly be expected to do otherwise than per- 
severe in their traditional methods of land cultivation as long as 
their level of education and intelligence remains as low as it is at 
present. The proportion of persons at school and the per capita 
expenditure for education are lower in Russia than in any other 
civilized country. Besides the peasant's ignorance and isolation 
impede his development; no cooperation, no common action is per- 
mitted to him, and the burden of taxation continually increases, 
leaving less and less margin for attempts at improvements. The 
decline of prices on cereals, partly through American competition, 
and the growth of the factory system which has destroyed home 
industry and made the peasant dependent on manufactured goods, 
without offering him employment in return, have also contributed to 
the peasants, misery and consequent inertia. 

There is no possible solution of Russia's land problem unless the 
productivity of the soil increases; there is not enough land in Russia 
now to support her population as long as^the poor crops, caused by 
primitive methods, persist, and yet the average amount of land per 
person is greater in Russia than in most other European countries. 
A campaign of education, together with encouragement of all at- 
tempts at cooperation, is essential for an improvement of the condi- 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 



249 



tions of Russia's peasantry. An increase in the holdings of the 
poorest peasants may be necessary to help the peasants pull through 
he pi esent acute crisis, but education and modern agricultural 
methods and machinery are the only means which will place Russia's 
peasants on the road to economic advancement. 

MIGRATION TO SIBERIA. 

As stated by Mr. S. Janovsky in an article printed elsewhere in 
this report" there has been an uninterrupted migration of settlers 
trom European Russia to Siberia ever since its annexation to the 
fcmpire. In the first half of the nineteenth century the Government 
itself organized the transportation of State peasants from the prov- 
inces where land was scarce to Siberia. During the transportation 
the Government supplied them with provisions, cared for the sick, 
and previous to their arrival at their destination prepared to provide 
them with bread, hay, cattle, and agricultural implements. Various 
privileges were likewise granted them. Under this system of organ- 
ized migration about 320,000 persons were transported, not all, 
however, to Siberia, as part of the movement was directed to south- 
east Russia, where there was also an abundance of land. 

In addition to the organized migration of State peasants there 
was an independent movement the volume of which is not known. 

The early state-aided migration to Siberia was not continued and 
practically the whole movement to that region ceased until about 1880, 
when coincident with the transoceanic emigration of a considerable 
number of Russian peasants the migration to Siberia was resumed. 
The following figures show the migration to Siberia from European 
Russia from 1881 to 1908: 

TABLE 6. Migration to Siberia from European Russia from 18S1 to 1908, by 

years. 

[Compiled from figures published in the Journal of the Russian Department of Justice, 

April, 1909.] 



Year. 


Number. 


Year. 


Number. 


1881 


36, 000 


1895... 


120,000 


1882 


33, 000 


18% 


6200,000 


1883 


(a) 


197 


63,000 


1884 


(a) 


1898 


6206,000 


1885 


(a) 


1899 


6200,000 


1886 


(a) 


1900 


219,000 


1887 


25,000 


1901 


120,000 


1888 


36 000 


1902 


111,000 


1889 


40,000 


1903 


115,000 


1890 


49,000 


1904 


47,000 


1891 


87 000 


1905 


44,000 


1892 


92 000 


1906 


219,000 


1893 


64,000 


1907 


577,000 


1894 


65,500 


1908 


c 720, 000 











Data not available. 



Estimated. 



From January 1 to November 1, 1908. 



From the above table may be gained a fairly accurate idea of the 
very large proportions which the movement to Siberia has assumed in 
recent years. In 1895 it numbered 120,000 persons and in the fol- 



fl See p. 251. 



250 The Immigration Commission. 

lowing year about 200,000. In 1907 it had exceeded half a million, 
and in the eleven months of 1908 for which data are available the 
migration reached its greatest volume, 720,000 persons being re- 
corded. "The movement, it will be noted, has been subjected to con- 
siderable fluctuations, dropping in 1904 to 47,000, whereas in the 
previous year it had numbered 115,000. However, except for the 
three years, 1903 to 1905, the migration of the peasants to Siberia 
has exceeded the total migration to the United States from the Rus- 
sian Empire. 

Further reference to the movement to Siberia will be found in 
Mr. S. Janovsky's article on Russian Law and Emigration in the 
chapter following. 



CHAPTER III. 
RUSSIA'S ATTITUDE TOWARD EMIGRATION. 



the B n;nn!p f^f kin % the . R f s ^n law does not recognize the right of 
e people to leave Russia for the purpose of taking up a permanent 
residence in another country. At times this attitude has been modi- 
fied somewhat and at the time of the Commission's visit to Russia 
Government had under consideration a proposed law involving 
the legalization and control of emigration. However, so far as the 
Commission is 5 advised, no definite action in this regard has been 
taken. Notwithstanding the fact that Russia does not recognize the 
right of her people to leave the country except temporarily there has 
been a large movement of population from the Empire to foreign 
countries in recent years. In fact, Russia now ranks as one of the 
three great emigrant-furnishing countries of the world, and if the 
movement from European Russia to Siberia be taken into account it 
is by far the most important emigration source. 
In order that the legal status of emigration from Russia may be 
clearly understood there is presented as a part of this report a trans- 
lation of an article by Mr. S. Janovsky entitled " Russian law and 
emigration." This article, which follows in full, was published in 
the journal of the Russian department of justice for the month of 
April, 1909, and the Commission is assured upon high* authority that 
it is an excellent presentation of the matter : 

RUSSIAN LAW AND EMIGRATION. 
I. 

Until very recently the Russian people manifested no interest whatever in 
the subject of emigration. No attention was shown to it by either science, public 
opinion, or the legislature. And this was perfectly natural. Until the beginning 
of the eighties of the last century there was almost no emigration from Russia. 
The figures of the United States, whither the largest number of European emi- 
grants go, show that the emigration from Russia in the years between 1820 
and 1870 amounted, on the average, to a few dozen persons per year. In 1871 
this emigration for the first time exceeded 1,000 persons, thus beginning to 
show a marked increase. Ten years later, in 1881, the number had increased 
to 10,655. Ever since that time the flow of emigration has been constantly 
growing, carrying out of Russia tens of thousands of emigrants every year. 
But during the period preceding the year 1900 the number of emigrants had 
only once (in 1892) reached 81,500, while it generally fluctuated between 20,000 
and 60,000 per year. Thus in proportion to the total population of Russia the 
emigration until the very end of the nineteenth century represented but an in- 
significant quantity (not more than one-third or one-half pro mille). 

But even this insignificant emigration finds no direct justification in the 
economic conditions prevailing in Russia. With its vast possessions in the 
north and east of Europe, and particularly in Siberia and Central Asia, Russia 
under normal conditions can not be considered as a country of emigration. 
On the contrary, she ought to be rather a point of attraction for foreign na- 
tions, and thus be a country of immigration. This was exactly the point of 
view of the Russian Government, when it undertook a whole line of special 
measures in order to encourage immigration of foreigners into Russia. We 
can mention in this connection the Mennonites, whose immigration into Russia 

251 



252 



The Immigration Commission. 



commenced in 1787. In general during the reign of Catherine II the immigra- 
tion of foreigners into Russia assumed extremely large proportions. The 
immigrants were granted religious freedom, exemption from taxation for a 
certain number of years, freedom from conscription, and a sufficient quantity 
of land. Only in 1819 was an Imperial decree issued prohibiting the importa- 
tion of foreigners into Russia. 

The Government was soon thereafter brought face to face with another mi- 
gration. Owing to the increase in population, a scarcity of land began to make 
itself felt in some of the provinces of Russia. The peasants commenced to 
migrate in quest of vacant lands. They were particularly attracted by the 
eastern territories of European Russia and Siberia, which they deemed a 
promised land. In fact, there was an uninterrupted migration of settlers to 
Siberia on foot ever since its annexation to Russia. In the first half of the 
nineteenth century, the Government itself organized the transportation of 
state peasants from the provinces, where land was scarce, to the southeast of 
European Russia and to Siberia. In the new places portions of land were be- 
ing parceled out to the peasants in the steppes not more than 15, and in 
the fields not more than 8 dessiatines (1 dessiatine is equal to 2.7 English 
acres) per person. " In the course of their transportation the Government 
supplied them with provisions, removed difficulties, cared for the sick, and 
before their arrival at the places of their new settlement, the agents of the 
Government prepared to provide them with bread, hay, cattle, and agricultural 
implements." a The settlers were also being supplied with money and were 
being granted various privileges. Under these conditions 320,000 persons were 
transported to Siberia in the years 1831 to 1836. 

Besides the organized emigration, there was also a spontaneous migration 
of the population. Its size was different at different times. Thus, toward the 
end of the seventies the number of emigrants from the Provinces of Ufa and 
Orenburg exceeded 100,000. The Government made many attempts to check 
the independent emigration, but the movement continued notwithstanding. 

Disregarding the migration from certain Provinces of European Russia into 
others, and taking up only the migration into the " Russian colony " Siberia 
then the magnitude of this migration, resembling in a great many respects 
migrations among other nations, could be characterized by the following data : 

Following the Cessation of the emigration organized by the Government the 
movement of settlers into Siberia had almost come to an end. It is only since 
the beginning of the eighties i. e., since the time when the Russian emigra- 
tion, in the proper meaning of the word, had for the first time reached large 
proportions that the migration to Siberia was resumed. It is interesting to 
compare the magnitude of these two phenomena i. e., the emigration to the 
East, to Siberia, and the West, to the United States. 



Year. 


To North 
America. 


To Siberia. 


Year. 


To North 
America. 


To Siberia. 


1881 


10,700 


6 36, 000 


1895... 


36 000 


120 000 


1882 . - 


22,000 


b 33 000 


1896 


51 500 


c200 000 


1883 


12 000 




1897 


26 000 


63 000 


1884 


17,000 




1898 


30 000 


d 206 000 


1885 


17,000 




1899 


61 000 


c200 000 


1886 


18 000 




1900 


9l'oOO 


e 219 000 


1887 . . 


31,000 


25,000 


1901 


85 000 


120 000 


1888 


33. 500 


36,000 


1902 


107 000 


111 000 


1889 


34,000 


40,000 


1903 


136 000 


115 000 


1890 


36,000 


49,000 


1904 .. 


145 000 


47 000 


1891 


47.000 


87,000 


1905 


185 000 


44 ooo 


1892 . . 


81.500 


92.000 


1906 


216 000 


219 000 


1893 


42,000 


64,000 


1907 


259 000 


577 000 


1894 


39,000 


65,500 


1908 (Jan. 1-Nov. 1) 




720 000 















a A. Kaufman on migration, Encycl. diet. 

& I. Hourwich: Emigration of peasants to Siberia. Moscow, 1889. 

c About. 

d For the years 1898 and 1899, according to figures in Great Enc. 

D. V. Emigration for 1908. Viestnik Finansov, 1909, No. 5. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 253 

The constantly increasing wave of emigration finally forced the Government 
to take a serious view upon the question arid substitute the occasional measures 
and separate ukases by a special bill regulating migration, which was enacted 
into law June 13 1889 According to this law, "migration is permissible with 

t preliminary leave from the community, but not otherwise than with the 
preliminary permission of the ministers of the interior and imperial domain 
provided that plausible grounds therefor are presented (there is no definition in 
the law as to the character of the grounds) and that there are vacant parcels 
The law establishes mainly the conditions and the order of settle- 
ment in the new places. It also provides privileges extended to the settlers: 

:-st, exemption from certain payments and taxes, and, second, extension of 
time to perform military service in European Russia for two years and in 
Asiatic Russia for three years. Government agents were put in charge of the 
process of transportation, the aid to the settlers, and their protection on the way. 

In order to conduct a constant supervision over the emigration, a special office 
had been organized, with the rights of a bureau, and subordinated to the de- 
partment of the interior. The subject of emigration awoke great public inter- 
est. Different writers, Yadrinzev, Issaev, Golovatshov, Sushtshinsky, and 
others familiarized the public with the conditions of the emigrants and with 
the suffering which they were undergoing on the way, which caused hundreds 
of deaths among them. To furnish help to the emigrants, private committees 
had been organized in the central points Perm, Tyumen, Tomisk, Irkutsk; 
and an association to furnish assistance to emigrants was organized in St. 
Petersburg. 

Thus, while the migration to the east aroused interest not only of the Govern- 
ment but also of the public, the emigration to the west, on the contrary, attracted 
no attention whatever. However, as we have seen, the latter has assumed 
of late considerable proportions. About 200,000 persons leave Russian territory 
annually to seek more favorable conditions of life elsewhere. Many of them 
perish before ever reaching the distant shores of their destination. But the 
hardship and privation which the majority suffer are so great that many among 
them would have gladly abandoned the intention to emigrate had they only known 
the conditions of the journey. One of te saddest parts of emigration is the ticket 
traffic carried on by the " agents." The emigrating mass consists mostly of 
ignorant peasants and burghers. They are unable to accomplish their purpose 
unassisted. The vast majority among them have never before left their village 
or borough, and now they have to undertake a journey over thousands of miles 
of land and sea, carrying with themselves all their belongings, and frequently 
accompanied by wife and children. How is it to be done? How shall they 
reach the port of embarkation? How much will the journey cost? What is 
to be done with the luggage; what shall they leave and what take along? How 
shall they obtain a passport? These and a number of other questions are in 
the majority of cases beyond the intelligence and experience of the emigrant, 
and to meet the demand a numerous class of middlemen " agents " sprang 
into existence. They act as a medium between the emigrants and the steamship 
companies engaged in the transportation of emigrants from the European ports 
to America, Africa, and other parts of the earth. The functions these middle- 
men perform are of all sorts of form and nature, and they have always and in 
every country carried on a most merciless exploitation of the emigrants. The 
" agents " use every opportunity to rob the emigrants ; they sell them steamship 
tickets at an exorbitant price ; cheat them in the exchange of their money for 
foreign money; keep them for weeks in the ports of embarkation waiting for a 
steamer; and ship them off in crowded apartments together with cattle and 
horses. 

But their principal occupation consists in procuring a foreign passport or in 
helping them to secretly cross the frontier. Every year scores of emigrants 
fall under the bullets of the frontier guard, and still the clandestine traffic goes 
on as usual. 

When similar irregularities and abuses crept out with regard to the eastern 
emigration the Government, as we have indicated in the preceding lines, inter- 
vened:; but the emigration west has until this very day remained without any 
control whatever. It is to the composition of the emigrating mass that we must 
look for the explanation of this indifference on the part of the Government. 
Out of the 200 000 emigrants about half are Jews, and the other half consis 
of Poles Lithuanians, Finns, and Germans. While the element emigrating east, 
to Siberia, is composed of genuine Russians, the emigration west, abroad, con- 



254 The Immigration Commission. 

sists of the so-called alien element. " Laissez faire, laissez passer " is the maxi- 
mum of justice which one would expect from the Government with regard to 
this situation. A small percentage of the emigrants consists also of Russians ; 
these are mainly the Dukhobors and other sectarians. Neither did the migra- 
tion of the latter element serve as sufficient reason for the Government to take 
notice of this phenomenon ; consider it from the standpoint of state interests 
and adjust to it the antiquated legal provisions. 

II. 

Emigration is a thing unknown to the Russian law. According to the strict 
meaning of the statutes which deal with the question of leaving the country, 
emigration i. e., the leaving of the country for an indefinite period of time, 
frequently forever, with the purpose of settling in a foreign country is pro- 
hibited by law- Emigration is an offense punishable under sections 325-327 of 
the penal code, which provide penalties for illegally leaving the fatherland. 
The following acts are considered to be offenses under the law referred to : 

(1) The entering into foreign service abroad without permission of the 
Russian Government. 

(2) The adoption abroad of a foreign citizenship. 

(3) Failure to return from abroad in compliance with the call of the 
Government. 

(4) Sojourn abroad after the time fixed by law has expired without sufficient 
reasons for such a prolonged stay. 

The penalty for these offenses consists of forfeiture of civil rights and expul- 
sion forever from the country (pars. 1^3) or of having the delinquent declared 
a permanent absentee, whereupon his estate is turned over to the board of 
guardians. 

The contents of these sections of the penal code clearly demonstrate the 
incompatibility of the existing laws with the subject of emigration and the 
unavoidable conflict between the two. The duration of the emigrant's stay 
abroad depends primarily on the realization of those economic aims which he 
pursued at the time when he left his country and not on the limitations as to 
his sojourn prescribed by law. On the other hand, after having settled, he very 
frequently becomes a citizen of the foreign country where he has succeeded in 
improving his conditions of life. Thus emigration must be treated as an illegal 
abandonment of one's country. 

However, in the above classification of the kinds of absence from the country 
which are treated as illegal we find no reference to emigration, but this is per- 
fectly natural. No matter how the makers of the penal code were opposed to 
emigration, they could not provide a penalty for it once they recognized the 
legality of going abroad, even though they surrounded it by all sorts of diffi- 
culties. In its general features emigration may not be different from going 
abroad, the animus emigrandi not being always easy to establish; and this is 
the very reason why no penalty was provided for emigration. How strong the 
opposition of the law is to emigration can be seen from section 326, which estab- 
lished the right of the state to cut at pleasure the stay of the citizen abroad; 
and this is the very measure which deprives the subject of the possibility to 
settle legally in a foreign country. 

If emigration to a foreign country is prohibited by law, then, according to the 
general rule, every assistance extended to one in the commission of this illegal 

For a better comprehension of the attitude of the law toward emigration, 
we deem it wise to state the opinion of the Government as expressed in one of 
its acts, which formed the basis for the above-mentioned legislation. The act 
referred to is the ukase of April 17, 1834, " concerning the limitation upon the 
right of sojourn of Russian subjects in foreign lands." It contains the follow- 
ing passage : " Under our laws citizens belonging to the nobility or to other free 
classes are permitted to go abroad furnished with the established passports; but 
they have never been permitted to leave their fatherland and willfully to settle 
in foreign lands. However, the information gathered discloses the fact that 
there were and are cases where persons having obtained passports to go abroad 
established there their residence for an indefinite time and have thus willfully 
converted their leave of absence into emigration. This results in harm to their 
property at home, in squandering their incomes outside the State, in burdening 
their inherited estates with debts, and in the breaking up of the ties which bind 
them to their home and country." 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 255 



ep therein ' becomes an offens * Punishable 

narH^fiPr? ? ^ ?* * U the accessories ^ such an act the law singles 
it particularly those that instigate the commission thereof Section 328 nun- 
ishes with forfeiture of special rights and exile or imprisonment under sub- 
division 5 of section 31 all those ' who will instigate any of the subjects of 
the Empire to emigration abroad." Thus instigation to emigration is from an 
accessory part in the principal offense made to constitute a leparate andTnd 

of i f^*?FyS?l {t iS not affected b ^ the Decisions of the Senate 
of 18*1 (iso 1309) and 1873 (No. 445) and others to the effect that instigators 
are punishable only in the event where the person instigated commits the crime 
to the commission of which he was instigated." Instigation to emigration is 
punishable independent of the results which it accomplishes 

This section (328) might very well remain in force even after emigration 
should be legalized. No state is in a position to permit within its borders a 
free agitation for emigration. Emigration from a political standpoint is unde- 
sirable. It is usually the result of unfavorable economic conditions prevailing 
in a country, with which it is difficult for the population to struggle. But the 
hardship, danger, and risk connected with emigration, as well as the natural 
conservatism of the mass, keep it within certain limits and make it adjust itselt 
to the resources of the country whither it directs itself. But the activity of 
agents, canvassers, and instigators may operate to swell the current of emigrants 
beyond the necessary limits and break the natural equilibrium between supply 
and demand of labor in the country which receives the emigrants. In accord- 
ance with the opinion of the imperial council, which had received the imperial 
sanction, and was promulgated April 26, 1906, section 328 was amended to read 
that the prescribed penalty shall be inflicted upon one " who will spread among 
the population obviously false information concerning the advantage of emigra- 
tion abroad, with the purpose of inducing it to abandon the place of its perma- 
nent residence." This new phraseology of section 328 limited the responsibility 
of the agents to cases where information is spread and such information is 
knowingly false. All other ways of agitation for emigration are thus recog- 
nized as not against the law. In our opinion, as expressed in the preceding 
lines, the new tenor of section 328 is not in consonance with the correctly under- 
stood interests of the population. 

Under our law a citizen can leave the country only for a certain period of 
time. Emigration, in so far as it means the leaving of the country, is governed 
by this rule. The second part of the passport law, edition of 1903, is devoted 
to the matter of temporary leaves abroad, and is entitled : " Foreign passports, 
permission to cross the frontier, and frontier communication." (Sees. 164-244.) 
This part consists of five chapters. Chapter I, " The issuance of passports for 
leave abroad," defines the authorities who issue foreign passports (governors- 
general, governors, and chiefs of police), to whom they are issued ("to Russian 
subjects of either sex upon reaching the age of 25," sec. 170), and in what order. 
(Sees. 165-169.) The general rules established by the law are modified by a 
whole line of exceptions. Thus a special set of rules has been established for 
the following classes with regard to their going abroad: 

(1) Sailors. 

(2) Clerks and laborers who go on boats or on rafts down the rivers. (Sec. 
180.) 

(3) Those that go to the Holy Land to worship. (Sec. 181.) 

(4) Clergy. (Sees. 182-183.) 

(5) Landed proprietors of the western Provinces. (Sec. 184.) 

(6) Landed proprietors of the Provinces of Bessarabia. (Sec. 185.) 

(7) Permanent residents of Poland. (Sec. 186.) 

(8) Pilgrims, Moslems. (Sees. 187-188.) 

(9) Residents of the far distant regions: Transcaucasia, Transcaspian terri- 
tory, and Siberia. (Sees. 189-191.) 

(10) Foreigners. (Sees. 192-193.) 

The cost of a foreign passport, as provided in Chapter II, is 15 rubles for 
every six months ; out of this sum 50 kopecks go to the Crown for printing the 
blanks- 9 rubles 50 kopecks to the pension fund, and 5 rubles represent a 
temporary tax in favor of the Russian Red Cross Society. Citizens of certain 
categories are, however, permitted to obtain passports upon payment of oO 
kopecks for the blanks and 5 rubles for the benefit of the Red Cross. _ 

Penal sts tute, edition of N. S. Taganzev. 



256 The Immigration Commission. 



Chapter III states that the period of permitted sojourn abroad is limited to 
five years. In order to have this time extended an authorization must be ob- 
tained from the provincial authorities. 

Chapter IV deals with the crossing of the frontier on the way aoroad and on 
the way home. 

Chapter V is devoted to frontier communications and contains special rules 
concerning the crossing of the frontier by residents of the neighboring provinces. 

Of these chapters the first three, in so far as they treat of foreign passports, 
have a bearing upon the subject of emigration. Emigration means first of all 
the leaving of one's country and in this respect it must be subjected to all the 
legal provisions pertaining thereto. But there is hardly any part in the code 
of laws which is less capable of practicable application to the question of emi- 
gration than the second part of the passport law. The whole code hardly con- 
tains so many obsolete and ambiguous provisions, so many contradictions, as 
this part. Antiquated rules, which are in obvious contradiction with late en- 
avtments, stand side by side. For example, section 170 declares categorically 
that " foreign passports may be issued to Russian subjects of either sex, only 
upon their having reached the age of 25," while Chapter II of the same part, 
which treats of the form of foreign passports and of the fees charged for the 
latter, provides that " upon payment for the printed blanks only, foreign pass- 
ports are issued to * * (7) children below 10 years of ago." Every per- 
son is entitled to a passport provided that there are no logal objections to it, 
i. e., " if no legal claims have been filed against those that go abroad by private 
creditors or Government oflicers or officials " (sec. 167), while the following 
sections still reiterate that those who go abroad for medical treatment must 
produce a doctor's certificate, and " one who goes abroad to receive an inheri- 
tance must furnish proof thereof." The proviso to section 170 solemnly declares 
that " Russian subjects of the male sex from 10 to 1.8 years of age are granted 
leave to go abroad irrespective of the causes which prompt such a leave." 

Owing to the peculiar character of the law, the practice is devoid of any 
uniformity. Every Province has it own order of issuing foreign passports. In 
certain Provinces, as for instance Czernigov, Mobile v, Yekaterinoslav, every 
family going abroad must pay a passport tax of 15 rubles for every grown 
member thereof. This practice is undoubtedly in utter contradiction with sec- 
tions 189, 200, and others, which require a payment for the foreign passport 
and not a tax upon every individual person; as to section 200 it explicitly 
states that the cost of a passport is 15 rubles, irrespective of the number of 
persons noted therein. In view of the fact that the members of one family, 
when going abroad at the same time, do not receive separate passports, but are 
entered into the passport of the head of the family (according to the tenor of 
sec. 204 and in compliance with sec. 11 of the passport law), they must not 
be subjected to the payment of special taxes. This is the point of view adopted 
by the provincial authorities, with the exception of the authorities of the 
mentioned three Provinces, who entertain a distinct view on this question. An- 
other instance, according to section 194, passports issued in the frontier Prov- 
inces are valid for three weeks, within which time the holder of the passport 
has the right to go abroad, as against the three months' validity of passports 
issued in all other Provinces. The practice has changed this rule; in the 
Province of Kovno, Courland, and others, situated along the frontier, a pass- 
port is valid for three months. In violation of section 164, foreign passports 
are in practice, being issued not by governors-general, but by governors. Life 
itself demanded such a decentralization. As to its other demands, they Ptill re- 
main unsatisfied. According to section 207, as indicated above, the time of 
legal sojourn abroad is limited to five years. In case it is necessary to remain 
there beyond that period, the law prescribes that a petition be sent to the head 
of the respective Province. The granting of such a petition is within his dis- 
cretion. In practice, however, a rule has become established that the time of 

When the Russian steamship companies opened direct communication be- 
tween Libau and America, and the passengers carried from that port reached 
the number of 60,000 per annum, the governor of Courland transferred that 
branch of his office, which was in charge of issuing foreign passports, from 
Mitau, which is the seat of the Province, to Libau. This change was made in 
order to meet the demands of the emigrants, but it is hardly possible to find a 
justification for it in the law. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 257 



tohpament S a ^ 1 ^* 6 P erson bel g only subjected upon his return 
spent abroad P ass P rt tax at the rate of 15 rubles for every six months 

III. 

We have set forth just *. few examples in order to show how unequal the 
if Jfi V he om ? non . "*teh it is supposed to regulate, i. e., to the going 
of citizens abroad. Its inadequacy asserted itself with still greater force 
C nfr0nted with the * reater Phenomenon of the preset Tifl 



In western Europe the legislation concerning emigration regulates to a con- 
siderable extent the following phases thereof. Recognizing the freedom to 
emigrate, the law imposes certain restrictions thereon with regard to certain 
categories of citizens. Furthermore, the law defines the rights and obligations 
of the steamship companies which are engaged in the transportation of emi- 
grants, prescribes the rules controlling the contracts of transportation between 
emigrants and the companies, and the rights and duties of the agents at the 
time such contracts are entered into. The central features of these legislative 
acts are the rules intended for the protection of the emigrants on their way 
and particularly during the sea voyage. 

Finally, in some countries the law points out in detail the legal consequences 
of emigration, endeavoring to reconcile the apparent alienation of the emigrants 
from their country and the impossibility to fulfill all the duties toward it with 
the striving toward the maintenance of the ties between the political body and 
the separate individuals. 

Let us examine the conditions confronting the Russian emigrant with regard 
to these questions. 

To begin with, the Russian law makes it very difficult for a Russian subject 
to leave his native land in a lawful manner, to say nothing of emigration, which 
is absolutely illegal. The authority to issue foreign passports, as we have 
mentioned above, is centralized in those cities which are the seats of the 
provinces. Therefore, in these places the difficulties are little known. But it 
is the rural or town resident in the district to whom they make themselves 
felt. The obtaining of a foreign passport in these places is a matter of several 
months and of great expense. For instance, a resident of a borough who 
decided to go to America must first obtain for himself a local burgher passport. 
Having lived in his native town, he, up till this time, needed no passport what- 
ever. Then, he must procure a certificate to the effect that there are no objec- 
tions to his going abroad. According to section 167, the local authorities are 
obliged to issue such certificates, provided that no legal claims have been filed 
against the applicant by either private creditors or Government offices or offi- 
cials. All this would seem to be very simple. In reality, however, the inter- 
vention of three or four offices is required in order to establish the fact of non- 
existence of objections. This fact must first be certified by the representative 
of the class to which the applicant belongs, as, for instance, the elder ef the 
borough, and then only is the certificate issued by the police. This is the 
beginning of the endless vexations of the emigrant. The petition requesting 
the issuance of the certificate of nonexistence of objections is first detained by 
the police constable, then it goes to the police lieutenant, and finally to the 
police chief of the district. Expedition is not an absolute virtue of these 
officials, and the poor emigrant is compelled to wait several weeks until the 
document is issued to him. Besides the loss of time there is also connected 
with it a loss of money, revenue stamps, and sometimes expenses on traveling 
to the lieutenant or to the chief to expedite the matter, etc. In the cases 
where the applicant does not reside in the place where he is registered, the 
delay is still greater. In such a case the police before issuing the certificate, 
that" there are no objections to the applicant's going abroad, sends an inquiry 
to the police authorities of the place of registry. A correspondence ensues 
which lasts for many months. In some places the custom is to make the inquiry 
by telegraph, the cost of which (3 rubles) is collected by the police from the 
applicant. In these cases the issuing of the certificate is expedited. The 
imperial ukase of October 5, 1906, "repealing certain limitations upon the 
rights of rural residents and other persons belonging to the former taxabl 

a S. Janovsky. Emigration from a legal standpoint ; same publication March, 
1008. 



258 The Immigration Commission. 

classes " had among other sections of the passport law also repealed sections 
46, 48, 52, and 53, which provided that subjects belonging to the taxable classes 
must apply for a passport at the places in which they were registered, and in 
such cases they were being subjected to the payment of various imposts. 
Under section 5 of the ukase permission is granted to obtain passports in the 
place of residence or domicile, the latter being determined by the place of em- 
ployment, occupation, trade, or ownership of real property. Thus the bond of 
such persons with the place of registry has become entirely abolished. Still 
there are even at present police offices which do not issue certificates of non- 
existence of objections otherwise than upon a preliminary communication with 
the authorities of the place of registry. 

The described procedure may, however, in certain respects be treated as 
normal, for in some cases it is considerably more complicated. Take for in- 
stance the case of a woman emigrating with her children to her husband, it being 
of common occurrence among emigrants that the head of the family emigrates 
all alone, and upon settling in the new place sends for his family. In addition 
to the usual procedure of obtaining a passport and a certificate of nouexistence 
of objections, and of payment of 15 rubles and all other expenses, the woman 
must also procure from her husband an authorization to obtain a foreigii 
passport. But owing to the fact that the resident of some borough while emi- 
grating to America hardly ever thinks of these legal requisites which are 
seldom known to him, the woman as a rule has no such document, and 
hence a painful situation is created for the poor woman who is thus unable 
to procure a passport. 

It is therefore no wonder that all these difficulties surrounding the process 
of obtaining a foreign passport, especially when the applicant is a peasant or 
a resident of some obscure borough, brought into being a special type of middle- 
men who take upon themselves the task of procuring all the papers necessary 
for the crossing of the frontier. There are also middlemen (agents) in western 
Europe, who bring the emigrants, scattered all over the country, into communi- 
cation with the steamship companies. But there their activity is under strict con- 
trol and its scope is clearly defined, so that the work of the agents is confined 
exclusively to the selling of tickets; while in Russia the activity of the agents 
is by no means limited to the selling of steamship tickets, their main function 
consisting of furnishing the emigrants with passports. The agents procure 
for the emigrant all the necessary documents, but in view of the above-men- 
tioned fact that it is not always easy to procure them, resort is had to private 
dealings with the police, the officials of the provincial office, etc. If difficulty is 
encountered in obtaining a lega*! passport for the emigrant in his native town, 
or if the police authority of the place of the emigrant's residence refuses to 
issue a certificate of nonexistence of objections, then the agent does not hesi- 
tate to register the emigrant in another district, and hence to obtain there a 
passport. In such a case the police of the district of course offer no opposition 
to the emigrants going abroad. 

If it becomes impossible to obtain a passport the agent undertakes to convey 
the emigrant across the frontier without one. To effect this purpose there are 
entire organizations of agents who bribe the soldiers forming the frontier 
guard, and with their benignant noninterference they succeed in conveying the 
emigrants, usually at night, across the frontier. Sometimes the agents use for this 
purpose the so-called " legitimation " certificates. These certificates are issued 
to residents of the frontier localities for the purpose of allowing them to go 
abroad for a short period of time. a Through the instrumentality of the agents, 
who have the necessary connections thereto with the proper institutions or 
officials, the emigrants are entered in the local registers of the population, thus 
being made to appear as residents of the frontier localities, and in consequence 
thereof acquire the right of having issued to them a " legitimation " certificate 
enabling* them to cross the frontier. 

These are the conditions under which the Russian emigrants leave their 
country. The law, while extending to a certain degree its operation over the 
act of leaving the country, absolutely ignores all the other phases of emigra- 
tion. The activities of the steamship companies engaged in the transportation 
of emigrants are free from any legal regulation whatsoever. It is the good 
fortune of the emigrant that the countries of immigration England and 

a Section 239 of the passport law and section 829 of the code of custom 
houses and regulation. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 259 



-%?*** Sin e .^bushed a Government control over the 
T wl tV egai ' d to the maintenance of the emigrants during 
l t v ,^ y I*** 1 ? 86 of the stringent demands of the English and 
ci CUP fm th * h at ft? RU r ia P steamer s foun <* themselves compelled to exer- 
-SJ ti the ^ health and safety of the emigrants during the passage and to 
pnn ide them with a minimum of comforts 



n^tf.ff ^ Of , a ^ y P rovisions controlling the officers engaged in the 
of tickets of the different steamship companies. When, owing to the 

nint d , e h migrat T' S 2J h ffiCerS Sprang into e xi stence, it became necessary 
to Ming them within the scope of the law governing brokerage offices, the 
opening of which is regulated by the amendment to section 46 of the com- 
mercial code. (Code, Vol. XI, pt. 2, edition 1903.) As it is known, this amend- 
ment provides for the opening of offices to engage " in the making of purchases 
and sales for private persons as well as arranging loans of money rentin" 
houses, and supplying private employers with various kinds of persons." The 
permission to open such an office is granted by the minister of the interior. 
The offices are divided into such that transact business with citizens residing 
outside the place where the offices are situated, through correspondence, and 
others. 

The founders of offices of the first category must furnish security in the sum 
of 15,000 rubles to secure the satisfaction of claims that might be brought 
against them. The founders of offices of the second category must furnish 
security in the sum of 7,500 rubles. The offices of the first category have the 
right to open branches everywhere; but if more than three branches are 
opened, the office must furnish security in the sum of 4,000 rubles for each 
branch so opened, above the permitted three. 

At first several merchants from Libau, who in the eighties of the last cen- 
tury were engaged in selling tickets of the English and German lines, availed 
themselves of the above-outlined concessions. These merchants had for a long 
time monopolized the trade, and only in later years has the department of the 
interior permitted other offices to do business in Libau and other cities. 

The statute concerning brokerage offices enabled a certain number of agents, 
engaged in enlisting emigrants and selling them tickets, to legalize their 
activity. Those agents who did a more extensive business formed relations 
with the offices at Libau and other cities and became legalized as their branches. 
In reality they remained perfectly independent; but in order not to arouse the 
suspicion of the authorities, and also for the purpose of better advertising 
themselves, they adorned their offices with signs: "Branch of the - , 
authorized by the Government office of so-and-so, for the sale of steamship 
tickets to America, Africa, etc." 

It is self-evident that this " legalization " was absolutely insufficient to bring 
order into the business. Unlike our laws, the laws of western Europe do not 
treat the business done by emigration offices alike with the usual business done 
by offices engaged in the purchase and sale of different wares. Enterprises, 
which deal with tens of thousands of men, who, in the majority of cases are 
poor and ignorant, and who entrust themselves to them with their lives and all 
they possess, ought not to be left without the most stringent control on the 
part of the Government. In the different countries of western Europe, the 
Governments, before the issuing of a license to a steamship agent, make a pre- 
liminary investigation as to the moral qualifications of the future agent; the 
activity of the agents is thoroughly regulated by the law and is under strict 
control of the Government, which, in case of necessity, may revoke the issued 
license. There is of course nothing similar thereto in our statute on brokerage 
offices. It must also be remembered that only a small number of agents, who 
are doing an extensive business, have obtained a legal status, while the activity 
of the vast majority of those who are scattered all over the southern and 
western parts of Russia are absolutely under no legal control. They work 
secretly, and the transaction into which they enter with the ignorant emigrants 
are subject to no control whatsoever. As a rule they are not even in writing, 
so that the appetite of the agent is given full sway. The only law which 
has relation to the agents is the previously mentioned section 328 of the 
penal code, which prescribes a penalty for instigation to emigration. But 
utterly fails, especially in its new form, to cover all the multifarious kind! 
activity of the agents that peculiar institution which has grown out of the 
conditions created by a conflict between the unfolding process of life and the 
legal forms fallen into desuetude. 



260 The Immigration Commission. 

Just a few words remain to be said with reference to the consequences ol 
emigration in so far as this can be ascertained from the legislation actually in 
force. Emigration as a legal phenomenon being ignored by the State, it is but 
logical that the latter does not deem it necessary to define its rights and duties 
toward those of its citizens who &re forced to emigrate. The State takes no 
notice of the emigrant, neither when he secretly or openly crosses the frontier, 
nor even when he settles in foreign country. The first time when it sees in 
him an offender is when he either refuses to return to his native country upon 
being called by the Government (sec. 326, penal code), or when he decides to 
strengthen his relations with the foreign country and become a subject thereof. 
(Sec. 325.) But until one of these facts occurs, the emigrant continues to be 
regarded as a Russian subject temporarily sojourning abroad. We can not 
accept the view of Professor Martens, who claims that " under the laws of many 
of the states (Austria-Hungary, Denmark, Sweden, and others), and according 
to the practice of the Russian Government with regard to this question, the 
emigrants, by virtue of the very fact of their leaving their native country, cease 
to be subjects thereof." To prove the truth of his contention, Professor 
Martens cites two cases where the Russian Government refused to come to 
the help of emigrants, who found themselves in distress in foreign lands. In 
the first case, the emigrants were German colonists from the Province of Sara- 
tov, who emigrated to Brazil in 1878 in order to escape military service, and to 
a certain extent also because of false information as to the riches of the 
country. In the other cases the emigrants were Jews, who ran from the 
massacres. The only deduction which, in our opinion, can be made from the 
stated facts is that the Russian Government does not extend sufficient protection 
to its citizens abroad. This can be illustrated by a great many other examples, 
and still they would offer no ground for the inference that the emigrants cease 
to be Russian subjects. On the contrary, they are still under an obligation to 
perform military service, and for the failure to do it, they are liable to the 
same punishment as other Russian subjects. 

IV. 

Life, however, is gradually asserting its rights, which the most backward 
legislatures are forced to recognize. The Russian Government ignored emigra- 
tion, regarding it as a phenomenon affecting only its alien element. But the 
large proportions which the movement assumed brought the Government to the 
realization of the necessity to make some, although it is true weak, attempts 
to regulate it. In the beginning of the nineties, as before mentioned, the ware 
of emigration from Russia had for the first time reached an unprecedented 
height (about 100,000 persons a year) and the Government thought that it was 
high time to enter upon the road of regulating the movement. 

The first act in which the Government demonstrated its attitude toward 
emigration, or rather toward a certain branch thereof, was the order of the 
committee of ministers, concerning the activity in Russia of the Jewish 
Colonization Association, organized in England, which order received the im- 
perial sanction May 8, 1892. 

The Jewish philanthropist, Baron Hirsh, in his desire to alleviate the situa- 
tion of his co-religionists in Russia, decided to found large colonies of Jews 
across the ocean. The first colonies were intended to be purely agricultural 
With this end in view Baron Hirsch acquired in Argentine big tracts of loud, on 
which he intended to found a whole line of colonies. This plan met with a 
ready approval on the part of the Russian Government, which allowed the 
Jewish Colonization Association, organized by Baron Hirsh, to carry on its 
work in Russia. In the rules defining the scope of activity of the association, 
we find the first attempts of the Russian Government to ascertain its attitude 
toward emigration We refer to the following sections of the rules: 

"(15) Under these rules the transportation of Jews is permitted in the fol- 
lowing manner: (a) In families, in which case by a family is meant a father, 
a mother, unmarried sons, and unmarried daughters of any age; and (&) single 
persons, i. e., those that have neither father nor mother, of either sex and of 
any age. 

" (16) Jews who leave Russia under these rules receive from the local gov- 
ernors outgoing certificates gratuitously. 

If. Martens. Modern International Law, Vol. II. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 261 



certiflcates ar 

"(18) The Jews mentioned in the preceding section are freed from military 
^ e ~? Uties and are exclude <l from the conscription lists 

families of these Jews remaining in Russia are not subject to 
any fines nor are they obliged to perform military service instead of those of 
their coreligionists who at the time when they left were of the proper age to 
serve in the army ; but the emigration of Jews mentioned in section 15 of these 
rules does not operate so as to extend to their relatives that remain in Russia 
exemptions from military service on the ground of the composition of their 

IO.I11111GS. 

" (20) If Jews who obtained emigration certificates at a time when they 
were due m the army should remain in Russia until the day when the lots are 
drawn without filing a declaration thereof with the recruiting office, then they 
shall be conscripted to the army the same as delinquents, without being given 
the opportunity of drawing a lot; but those who should give timely notice of 
their having remained in Russia shall be offered the opportunity to draw a 
lot in accordance with the general rules. Jews who should avail themselves of 
these rules to leave Russia and who should fail to become naturalized in the 
foreign country shall upon their return to Russia be compelled to serve in the 
army according to the general rules." 

Thus, these rules, following the laws of the western European countries, 
indicate first of all who may emigrate. But this possibility proves to be very 
limited in its scope. The rules extend the right to emigrate only to entire 
families, or to orphans, who are in the given case regarded as separate and 
independent social units. Opposed to the breaking up of families, the Govern- 
ment intended to protect the interests of those members of the family who 
should happen to remain in Russia. There may be some danger lest members 
of a family that have left Russia earlier should upon settling in the new 
country forget their dependent relatives in Russia, and thus compel them to be- 
come a public charge. This consideration undoubtedly merits attention, but 
this danger could have been prevented in a different way. Other legislatures, 
as for instance, the Hungarian, prohibit emigration to one who leaves behind 
him members of his family without having provided them with means of sub- 
sistence. The same could be embodied in the rules under discussion. But the 
Government pursues another purpose, which it does not try to conceal i. e., 
to rid itself as much as possible of its Jewish subjects. Every family that 
emigrates is being stricken out from the records, class as well as military, and 
is regarded as having abandoned Russia forever, and in such a case as having 
ceased to be a part of the Russian nation. In the face of such an attitude 
it is clear that it is impossible to break up a family, and therefore section 15 
was phrased in a language absolutely incompatible with the demands of life. 
In reality emigration is the very thing that tends to break up the family. As 
a rule it is the head of the family or any other member thereof capable of 
work that emigrates first He finds for himself occupation, and only after 
having permanently settled in the new place sends for his wife, children, 
or others who have remained at home. Some emigrants, on the contrary, after 
having earned a certain amount of money in America, return home to their 
families. It is evident that neither in the first nor in the second case could the 
emigrant avail himself of the permission contained in section 15 of " the rules." 
However, those that emigrate under these rules enjoy quite substantial priv 
ileges. They receive foreign passports or, as they are called, " emigration cer 
tificates " free of charge and are transported by the Russian railroads under 
an emigration tariff, i. e., on a ticket which costs one-fourth of the usual price. 

It is but natural that " the rules," being -intended for the Jewish emigrants 
only, do not touch upon such important questions, in the legislation affecting 
emigration, as regulation of the activity of the steamship companies and other 
emigration enterprises, agents,' etc., all of which is connected with the pro- 
tection of the interests of the emigrant. But on the other hand, " the rules " 
make an attempt to define the legal consequences of emigration. Not even the 
laws of western Europe contain all necessary indications regarding the conse- 
quences connected with emigration the settling in a foreign, mostly far dis- 
tant, State for an indefinite, usually very long, period of time. It is only in the 

o Code of laws of 1892, No. 773. 



262 The Immigration Commission. 

"Italian law of 1901 on emigration that we find provisions dealing in detail 
with this question. 

The attitude of "the rules" under discussion toward this question merits, 
therefore, special consideration. The emigrants who leave Russia under these 
" rules " are freed from military duty. Of course, if they return to Russia, 
they are compelled to perform this duty on the same basis as all other subjects. 
This provision is analogous to the one contained in the Italian legislation, 
which relieves from military duty those children of emigrants who were born 
abroad, as well as those who left the country under 16 years of age. But 
while the Italian law is permeated with a broad political purpose and seeks 
as much as possible to retain the union between the citizen and the State, the 
discussed " rules," on the contrary, clearly reflect the desire of the Government 
not to have the emigrants return to Russia. 

Section 325 of the penal code does not extend its operation to the emigrants; 
on the contrary, " the rules " admit of no doubt, that the Government recog- 
nizes the right of the emigrants to adopt foreign citizenship. ( Sees. 20 and 25. ) 
This relieves the Jewish emigrant from the restriction which weighs upon all 
other Russian subjects, and in this respect it -can be said that their rights are 
enlarged. But, extending to the Jewish emigrants such a liberty, " the rules," 
by section 17, evidently wish to convert this right of abandoning Russian citi- 
zenship into an obligation. The emigrating Jews must divest themselves of 
Russian citizenship, because they are anyhow " regarded as having abandoned 
Russian territory forever." Emigrants are forbidden to return to Russia, as if 
they were punished for some crime. It is true that the imperfection of this 
provision could not help being recognized by th authors themselves of " the 
rules," sections 23 and 25, foresee the possibility of the emigrants returning in 
certain cases, as, for instance, in the event the adjacent States should refuse to 
allow the emigrating Jews to cross their territories, or where the immigration 
countries should deport certain emigrants. On the other hand, keeping within 
the limits of the law, it is impossible to carry out the wish of the Government 
as expressed in section 17. The Government can not deny admission into 
Russia to a returning emigrant who failed to settle and acquire citizenship in 
the foreign country. Expulsion from the state is a penalty inflicted by law 
for certain offenses. In the given case, the emigrant committed no offense 
and consequently is not liable to any punishment, Therefore, section 17 can 
be regarded only as piurn desiderium of the Government declared by it at the 
time when the " rules " of the Jewish Colonization Association were sanc- 
tioned. But so far as its legal significance is concerned section 17 has none 
and can not have any. It simply states one of the conditions on which the asso- 
ciation was permitted to carry on its work in Russia: and the noncornpliance 
therewith may result in a withdraw of the concession. As a matter of 'fact, 
cases did occur where emigrants returned to Russia after having left furnished 
with emigration certificates. In view of section 17 the provincial authorities 
refused to issue to them passports. In one of these cases (Emigrant B. Zlat- 
chevsky, who returned from Argentine), a complaint was brought to the senate. 
The latter sent an inquiry to the department of the interior, which hastened to 
reply that the complainant was permitted to resume his abode in his old place 
of residence. The case was thereupon discontinued and the senate was given 
no opportunity to state its opinion in the matter, which fact is very regrettable. 

a According to sec. 23 of "the rules" the Jewish Colonization Association 
was called upon to deposit with the State Bank, preliminary to its opening of 
activities in Russia, the sum of 100,000 roubles, from which the secretary of 
the interior is authorized to reimburse the Government for the -expense sus- 
tained in returning and resettling those Jews who emigrated with the assist- 
ance of the mentioned association and have obtained emigration certificates, but 
who are not allowed to pass through contiguous countries to ports of sailing, or 
are deported from the country to which they go. 

Sec. 25 states: "The secretary of the interior is authorized, if he deems it 
necessary, to stop the activity of the association in Russia in the following 
cases: (1) If the adjacent countries should oppose the passage through their 
territory of the Jews who emigrate with the assistance of the association; (2) 
if the said Jews would return as persons who have not obtained foreign 
.nationality; and (3) if the sums expended from the indicated above security 
of 100,000 roubles should not be refunded upon a demand of the secretary of 
the interior. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 263 

We know of another case in the history of Russian emigration when the 
Government applied the same principle permission to emigrate on condition 
of not returning to the native land. In this case the persons involved were not 
Jews; but still they belonged to a class of people whose presence in the 
country is, in the opinion of the Government, not desirable. They were dis- 
senters Dukhobors. Oppressed and driven from place to place in Russia, the 
Dukhobors decided to emigrate to a country where they expected to enjoy 
religious freedom. They found Canada to be the most suitable country for 
this purpose. In the beginning of 1898 they were officially permitted to emi- 
grate on condition of forfeiting their right to return to Russia. Unfortunately, 
we are not in possession of detailed information concerning this act of the 
Government. 

Until very recently no attempt was made to regulate emigration, as a whole, 
by law. Only two or three years ago did the Government begin to manifest 
some interest in the subject. In June, 1906, there was organized at the de- 
partment of commerce and industry an interdepartmental commission for the 
purpose of drawing a project of law on the regulation of emigration from 
Russia. The very fact that the commission was attached to the bureau of 
commercial navigation indicates the reason which prompted the Government to 
turn its attention to. this question. Upon the termination of the Russo-Japa- 
nese War the Voluntary Fleet, as well as other private steamship companies, 
which had been engaged exclusively in traffic with the Far East, turned their 
attention to the increased emigration from Russia, which for more than twenty 
years had been furnishing a tremendous income to the foreign steamship com- 
panies, especially to the German and English lines. Since the summer of 1906 
Russian companies opened direct communications between Libau and New 
York; and from their very first start the obstacles, which the present legisla- 
tion puts in the way of a normal development of the business, made themselves 
felt. The bureau of commercial navigation, which uses all possible means for 
the development of the Russian commercial fleet, naturally, could not .help the 
home steamship companies in the given matter, otherwise than by advocating 
the passage of a law regulating emigration from Russia. 

The determination of the Government to go into the emigration question 
was, in our opinion, due also to the fact that the movement assumed exceed- 
ingly large proportions and that persons of Russian nationality, principally 
peasants, began to take part in it. At the present time the emigrating ele- 
ment is no longer confined to Jews, Poles, and Germans, but it comprises also 
a large number of Russians (in 1906-7, 16,085 Russians emigrated to the 
United States). All these causes led to the formation of the interdepart- 
mental conference had by the representatives of the following departments: 
Commerce and industry, interior, foreign affairs, finance, war, navy, and ways 
of communication. To take part in this conference were also invited the 
representatives of the Russian steamship companies and of social organizations 
which have for their aims the protection of the emigrants. 6 During the 
months of June and July the commission thoroughly examined the project of 
the "law on emigration" submitted to it by the bureau of commercial navi- 
gation, and criticised it in all its details. According to the resolutions of the 
commission, the project was changed and resubmitted to the commission when 
?t assembled in 1907. In view, however, of the disagreement between the 
departments of the interior and commerce and industry as to which depart- 
ment s^oud have charge of emigration, the sessions of the commission have 

een suspended and have not as yet been resumed. Therefore the proposed 
?aw has not been perfected by the commission. As a result of its work how- 
evlr the?e was left a printed project which consists of measures suggested at 
the sessions of the commission in 1906. The project consists of five parts 

s follow^ I General rules; II, Enterprises engaged in the transportation of 

to III Agents IV Transportation of emigrants; and V, Penalties 

?m- the violation of he provisions of the law. The project bears a strong 

law of 1897 on emigration, and touches upon all 
^ of'westem Europe usuaUy deal. 



been successful as yet. 

79524 VOL 411 - 13 



264 The Immigration Commission. 

It is too early to go into a detailed study of a law the text of which has 
not yet received its final sanction. But we are in a position to say that the 
principles on which the law is based are identical to those of all the modern 
emigration laws of western Europe. It grants to every citizen the right 
" to emigrate for an indefinite period of time to a foreign country." The 
State assumes the obligation of extending special protection to the emigrants 
as such. On the other hand, the project, similar to the German law of 1897, 
combines the care for the welfare of the large masses of those who emigrate 
to foreign countries, with the defense of the interests and the promotion of 
the home steamship enterprises. The inconcealable tendency of the proposed 
law is to direct, as much as possible, the emigration into the Russian harbors 
and to the ships carrying the Russian flag. The degree in which this desire 
is capable of realization at the present time, or in the coming years, is a 
question which requires serious study. Be it as it may, the proposed law, 
inasmuch as it meets the demands and immediate needs of life, deserves the 
strongest support and the making of more headway than that made until 
now. And yet at the present time there is apparently no hope for its 
becoming law. 



CHAPTER IV. 
CAUSES OF EMIGRATION FROM RUSSIA. 

As previously shown, 43.8 per cent of the immigrants admitted to 
the United States from Russia during the fiscal years 1899-1910 were 
ot the Hebrew race. Poles came next, with 27 per cent of the total 
movement, followed by Lithuanians, 9.6 per cent; Finns 8.5 per 
cent; Germans, 5.8 per cent; Russians, 4.4 per cent; and Scandi- 
navians, 0.8 per cent. It will be noted that comparatively few of 
the immigrants coming during the period under consideration were 
Russian in race approximately 95 per cent of the total number being 
drawn from what is commonly known as the " alien " element in 
Russia's population. The greater part of this element is confined to 
western Russia. More than five-sixths of the Poles live in that part 
of the former Kingdom of Poland, now known as Russian Poland; 
the greater part of the Lithuanians live in Lithuania : the Germans in 
the Baltic Provinces, and the Finns and Scandinavians in Finland. 
German colonies are also found in other parts of the Empire, espe- 
cially in the south. Another branch of the Finnish people, the Ugro 
Finns, inhabit northern and eastern Russia. These are related to the 
Finns, of Finland, but need not be considered in this connection, as 
Finnish immigration to the United States is confined to the latter 
people. As is well known, the residence of Hebrews in Russia is 
for the most part restricted to Poland and certain provinces defined 
as the " Jewish Pale," the whole territory consisting of 25 provinces 
10 in Poland, 3 in Lithuania, 3 in white Russia, and 9 in southwest- 
ern and southern Russia. 

For purposes of a discussion of the causes underlying the present 
emigration movement from Russia, it is essential that Hebrew emi- 
gration be considered separately from that of other races or peoples. 
The Hebrews of Russia are for the most part city dwellers by com- 
pulsion, while the other elements which contribute to the movement 
to the United States are very largely drawn from the agricultural 
districts. For convenience the latter movement will be referred to 
as " peasant emigration," for those composing it usually are of that 
class, although comparatively few of them are true Russian peasants 
in the stricter meaning of that term. The emigration of this class 
will be first considered: 

CAUSES OF PEASANT EMIGRATION. 

The chief motive of the emigration of peasants from western Rus- 
sia to the United States, like that of the movements of the eastern 
peasantry to Siberia, is economic necessity, and the condition which 
has made emigration desirable is largely the result of the following 
general causes: 

(1) The agricultural population forms an undue proportion of the 

total. 

265 



266 



The Immigration Commission. 



The unequal distribution of the population over the country. 
Only a comparatively small proportion of the arable land is 
under cultivation. 

4) The small size holdings. 

5) Antiquated system of cultivation. 

6) The prevailing system of taxation. 

THE LABGE AGRICULTURAL POPULATION. 

The overwhelming extent to which the population of the Russian 
Empire is agricultural may be inferred from the following table 
which shows the population (exclusive of Finland) in town and in 
country : 

i 

TABLE 7. Estimated urban and rural population of the Russian Empire (ex- 
clusive of Finland), January 1, 1907. 

[Compiled from the Statesman's Year-Book, 1909, p. 1153.] 



Division. 


Total 
population. 


Number in 


Per cent in 


Town. 


Country. 


Town. 


Country. 


European Russia . . . 


111,279,500 
11, 138, 700 
10,653,900 
6,893,900 
9,118,000 


13,640,300 
2,461,200 
1,210,800 
611,700 
1, 154, 100 


97,639,200 
8,677,500 
9,443.100 
6,282,200 
7,963,900 


12.3 
22.1 
11.4 

8.9 
12.7 


87.7 
77.9 
88.6 
91.1 
87.3 


Poland 


Caucasus . . 


Siberia 


Central Asia 


Total 


149,084,000 


19, 078, 100 


130, 005, ','{,(} 


12.8 


87.2 





a " The low percentage (of population) of urban Russia is due to the narrow conception of the meaning 
of a city. There are in the Empire 6,37tt settlements, with a population ranging from 2,000 to 41,000 
(the Izhovsky works) and aggregating 23.2 millions (18.5 per cent), which are not considered cities, and 
whose inhabitants are numbered among the rural population. In most of the countries of Western 
Europe all such settlements would be considered cities. In Russia, however, they are classed with 
rural settlements. If the inhabitants of these settlements were added to the city residents, the urban 
population of the Empire would be raised to nearly 32 per cent." (From report of the first general 
census of Russia, 1897. Translation by Dr. I. A. Hourwich.) 

Of the total population of the Russian Empire (exclusive of Fin- 
land) only 12.8 per cent dwell in towns, while 87.2 per cent dwell 
in the country. Furthermore there are in the Russian Empire, not 
including Finland, only 19 towns having a population of over 
100,000. The relatively largest urban population is in Poland, where 
22.1 per cent dwell in towns as compared with 77.9 per cent in the 
country. Siberia, on the other hand, has the smallest proportion 
of urban population. 

It is practically impossible to compare the urban and rural popu- 
lations of the various European countries because of the different 
bases on which population is divided into urban and rural. How- 
ever, from the 87.2 per cent urban population in Russia as com- 
pared with 40.2 per cent in the United States, 77 per cent in Eng- 
land, and 54.3 per cent in Germany, may be inferred that the propor- 
tion of rural population in Russia is unduly large. This situation is 
largely the result of the recency of serfdom in Russia, when the peas- 
ants were attached to the land. The short space of time that has 
elapsed since that period has not been sufficient for the development in 
industry in Russia. Meanwhile the peasants have increased from 
50,000,000 to 86,000,000, and since there has been no industry to 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 



267 



dis P r P rtionatel y lar ge agricultural 



UNEQUAL DISTRIBUTION OF THE POPULATION. 

Russia, as a whole, is the most sparsely settled country in Europe. 
There is, however, a notable difference in the density of the various 
divisions of the Empire as is shown by the following table : 

TABLE 8. Area and estimated population of the Russian Empire (including 
Finland), January 1, 1907. 

[Compiled from the Statesman's Year-Book, 1909, p. 1149.] 



Division of the Empire. 


\ Area 
(English 
square miles). 


Estimated 
population 
in 1907. 


Density 
per 

square 
mile. 


European Russia 


1 862 524 


Ill 279 500 




Poland 


49 018 






Ciscaucasia 


85 201 


4 454 800 


Cft | 










Total Russia in Europe 


1,996,743 


126,873,000 


63.6 


Trans-Caucasia... 


95 402 


6 199 100 




Siberia 


4 786 730 


6 893 900 




Steppes 


710 905 


2 850 100 


4 


Turkestan 


400 770 


5 g5g 400 


He 


Trans-Caspian Province 


213 855 


405 500 


o n 










Total Russia in Asia 


6 207 662 


22 211 000 


3 6 










Total Russian Empire without Finland . 


8,204,405 


149 084 000 


618 2 










Finland 


125 784 


2 925 300 


6 23 2 


Internal waters 


317,468 














Grand total 


8 647 657 


152 009 300 


cly 8 











a Without inner waters. 

& In proportion to the area from which the inner waters are excluded. 

c In proportion to total area. 

In proportion to the total area of the Russian Empire the popu- 
lation is equal to only 17.8 persons per square mile. In European 
Russia, however, there are 59.7 persons per square mile and in Poland 
227.2, the latter being the most densely populated fart of the Empire. 
For the total of Russia in Europe the density per square mile is 63.6, 
which is less than any of the European countries except Norway 
and Sweden. In Siberia there are only 1.4 persons per square mile. 
The density per square mile for the total Russia in Asia is but 3.6. 

Obviously no part of the Russian Empire is overpopulated. There 
is, however, in some parts relative overpopulation, because of the 
primitive agricultural system and the lack of industrial development 
there are not sufficient means to support the people, and the result 
has been migration to Siberia or emigration to North America. 

DISTRIBUTION OF OWNERSHIP OF LAND. 

In 1905 there were 401,435,000 acres of arable land in European 
Russia, but reports for 1907 show that only 200,497,000 acres, Jess 
than half the total amount, were under cultivation. In Poland, how- 
ever, out of the 17,739,000 acres of arable land 13,886,000 acres, or 
more than three-fourths, were reported under cultivation. 



268 



The Immigration Commission. 



The comparatively small proportion of arable land under cultiva- 
tion is due partly to the three-field system which prevails in Russia, 
under which one-third of the land is always idle. Another factor of 
some importance, however, is that the ownership of a large propor- 
tion of the arable land is vested in the State, imperial family, towns, 
etc., who have not the same necessity for cultivation as have the 
peasants, who comprise about five-sixths of the population and own 
in European Russia less than one-third of the arable land. The Com- 
mission is advised, however, that most of the State lands are located 
in the extreme north, partly in the arctic region, and are covered 
with forests, and that in those sections of the Empire where the great- 
est scarcity of land is felt there is practically no State or crown lands. 
The distribution of land in European Russia and Poland according to 
ownership is shown in the following table : 

TABLE 9. The distribution of ownership of the land in European Russia in 
1905 and in Poland in 1907. 

[From the Statesman's Year Book, 1909, p. 1169.] 



Ownership. 


European Russia 
proper. 


Poland. 


1,000 acres. 


Per cent. 


1,000 acres. 


Per cent. 


The State and imperial family, towns, etc 


417,618 
374,634 
274,656 
92, 456 


36.0 
32.3 
23.7 
8.0 


2,184 
12,233 
13, 726 
1,274 


7.4 
41.6 
46.6 
4.4 


Peasants ... 


Private owners 


Unfit for culture 


Total 


1,159,364 


100.0 


29,417 


100.0 





LANDHOLDINGS OF PEASANTS. 

As stated by Prof. Kaufman, at the time of the emancipation of 
the serfs in 1861 the landholding class was practically as one in exert- 
ing its influence toward giving the peasants as little land as possible, 
and preferably no land at all. It was to the interest of the land- 
lords to create a class of land poor or landless peasants, who would 
form a large laboring class and thereby reduce wages. Since the 
details of the emancipation were almost entirely in the hands of the 
landowners, the result was that the freedmen had about one-fifth less 
land to cultivate than during serfdom. The size of the allotment was 
determined upon for each district in accordance with local conditions, 
but in no case were the landlords to lose more than two-thirds of their 
holdings. Instead of accepting their entire allotment and paying 
for it, the peasants were given the alternative of taking one- fourth 
of their allotment without any payments. About 640,000 peasants 
accepted the latter condition, partly under duress and partly because 
they expected to lease additional lands cheaply and to receive good 
wages for work on the landlords' farms. In both respects they were 
disappointed, for rents went up and wages went down. 

6 See p. 246. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 



269 



The number of peasants has continued to increase rapidly, while 
the amount of available land has increased but slightly, so that the 
average amount of land per person has decreased materially. 

The following table shows the amount of arable land per indi- 
vidual in the different countries of Europe and in the United States 
and Canada: 

TABLE 10. The amount of araUe land per individual in various countries of 
Europe and in the United States and Canada. 

[Compiled from the Agrarian Question in Russia, Peter Maslov.] 





Arable 




Arable 


* 


land per 
individ- 




land per 
individ- 


Country. 


ual of 


Country. 


ual of 




total 




total 




popula- 




popula- 




tion. 




tion. 




Acres. 




Acres. 


Canada 


5.94 


France . 


2.21 


United States. . 


5.67 


Hungary 


1.97 


Bulgaria 


5 54 


Austria 


1.84 


Russia 


5 43 




1.67 


Spain 


3.51 


Italy 


1.67 


Denmark 


2.78 


United Kingdom 


1.30 


Sweden 


2 48 


Belgium 


.76 











According to this authority, Canada, the United States, and Bul- 
garia have a greater amount of arable land per individual than 
Russia. 

Although Russia is relatively rich in land, the agriculturists form 
such an unduly large proportion of the total population that the indi- 
vidual holdings of that class are' smaller than in some countries where 
there is a scarcity of land in comparison with the total population. 

ANTIQUATED SYSTEM OF AGRICULTURE. 

A factor which accentuates the relative land shortage of the Rus- 
sian peasant is the antiquated system of cultivation which is still in 
vogue. 

Partly on account of the ignorance of the peasants, partly because 
of their poverty, there has been no development in agricultural 
methods. The modern practice of fertilization and the principle of 
rotation of crops are unknown. Ground is cultivated on the principle 
that exhausted lands can be abandoned and others found, whereas 
the relative land shortage necessitates an intensive, economical system 
of cultivation. As a rule the implements used are of the most primi- 
tive type. 

The result of this antiquated system of husbandry is a low pro- 
ductivity of the soil, the yield per acre of the principal gram crops 
being considerably below that of the other countries of Europe, and 
especially in those countries where there is intensive cultivation. 
The table next presented shows the average yield per acre, 1899 to 
1908, of wheat, oats, barley, and rye in the various countries of 
Europe and the United States. 



270 



The Immigration Commission. 



TABLE 11. The average yield per acre for 1899-1908 of wheat, oats, barley, and 
rye in various countries of Europe and in the United States. 

[Compiled from the Yearbook of the U. S. Department of Agriculture.] 



country. 


Wheat. 


Oats. 


Barley. 


Rye. 


United States 


Bushels. 
13.7 


Bushels. 
29.3 


Bushels 
26.0 


Busheln. 
a 15 8 


European Russia 


6 9.3 


19.7 


c!3. 7 


dll.5 


Germany .... 


&28. 7 


49.6 


34.5 


d25.0 


Austria 


618 7 


29.1 


26.0 


d!8 6 


Hungary proper 


617.1 


30.8 


23.2 


c!7.7 


France 


o20.4 


31.3 


23.5 


ol7.1 


United Kingdom 


32.6 


44.6 


34 7 




Ireland 








d27 













Average yield per acre. 



o Winchester bushel. 



Bushel of 60 pounds. c Average, 1899-1907. <* Bushel of 56 pounds. 



In European Russia the average yield of wheat per acre was 9.3 
bushels, whereas in the United Kingdom it was 32.6 bushels, or more 
than three times as much. Likewise in Germany the average yield 
of wheat per acre was more than three times that in Russia. In a less 
marked degree the remaining countries show a larger yield of wheat 
per acre than Russia. Similarly the average yield per acre in Euro- 
pean Russia of oats, barley, and rye is smaller than that of any 
country for which data are available. 



WAGES OF AGRICULTURAL LABORERS. 



The Commission, during its investigation in Russia, was given the 
informal estimate of 31 to 36 cents a day as the wages of agricultural 
laborers. There is almost an entire lack of official wage statistics in 
Russia but the slight data that are available in general confirm the 
findings of the Commission. The following figures, which were pri- 
marily published in La Russie a la Fin du 19e Siecle ? prepared for 
the Paris Exhibition of 1900, show the wages for agricultural labor 
in 1900: 

TABLE 12. Average daily wage (without -food] of agricultural laborers in the 

Russian Empire in 1898. 

[Great Britain Foreign Labor Abstract, 1906.J 



Season. 


Wages per day 


In the 
"black 
earth 
region, "a 


Outside the 
"black 
earth 
region." 




$0.21 
.29 
.36 


$0.27 
.35 
.33 


During haymaking 


During harvest of cereals . . . 





The " black earth region " is a district of 260,000,000 acres of great fertility. It lies 
to the southeast of an irregular line drawn from the south of the government of Volhynia 
to the north of the government of Ufa. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 271 



> th( f black earth & " the daily wage of 
fr m 1 $0 ' 21 durin S the spring sowing to $0.35 
< . o reals ' utside the " black ^arth reion ? the 
^ the Spring S wing to $ ' 35 



In 1903 United States Consul Diedrich, of Bremen, estimated that 
# b P r ers in Russia received from $0.15 to $0.35 per day. In 
United States Consul Slocum, of Warsaw, reported that in 
Poland farm laborers received about $30 per year in cash and lodging 
and food to the value of $30, making a total of $60. The daily wage 
was from $0,15 to $0.25, according to the season. 

In addition to receiving a low wage, agricultural laborers are fre- 
quently subjected to harsh treatment. They are often abused by 
their masters. The hours of labor are unreasonably long. Their 
food is insufficient and poor, consisting usually of brown bread, pota- 
toes, and milk. Often the laborers sleep out of doors, and if sleeping 
accommodations are provided they are usually hard straw-covered 
bunks in dirty rooms and with no provision for the separation of men 
and women. 

CAUSES OF THE HEBREW EMIGRATION. 

During the twelve years ending June 30, 1910, a total of 1,074.442 
Hebrew immigrants were admitted to the United States, and of 
these 765,531 gave Russia as tta country of last permanent residence. 
These constituted 43.8 per cent of all immigrants admitted from 
Russia during the period. The movement of the race to the United 
States has formed an important part in the general movement from 
Russia and other countries of eastern Europe. It is impossible 
from immigration statistics to trace the early development of 
Hebrew immigration from Russia, for prior to 1909 the records 
do not distinguish between the various races or peoples composing 
the immigrant tide. Probably they were not the first to come in 
considerable numbers, for between 1870 and 1880 a large number 
of Russians settled in the north central division of States. Accord- 
ing to the United States census of 1870 there were only 4,644 persons 
of Russian birth (excluding Poland) in continental United States* 
In 1880 the number had increased to 35,722, of whom 25,031 were 
in the north central division, and only 7,400 in the North Atlantic 
division of States. In the latter year Kansas had a Russian-born 
population of 8,032; Dakota Territory, 6,493; and Nebraska, 3,281. 
Very few of these were Hebrews, however, for since the beginning 
of their immigration the people of this race have for the most part 
settled in th6 cities and industrial centers rather than in agricultural 
States. 

The first Russian Hebrew immigration of numerical importance 
occurred between 1880 and 1890, during which time the total immi- 
gration from Russia to the United States increased from 5,014 in 
the former year to 35,598 in the latter. During that decade there 
was also a considerable immigration from Poland, but as this 
geographical term includes parts of Austria and Germany as well 
as Russian Poland it is impossible to say what proportion came 

Maslov, Peter, " The Agrarian Question' in Russia." 



272 The Immigration Commission. 

from the latter. In 1892 a total of 81,511 immigrants were admitted 
to the United States from Russia, but in the following year it fell 
to 42,310, and four years later, in 1897, it was only 25,816. In 1899, 
when immigration statistics were first recorded by race, 60,982 immi- 
grants were admitted from Russia. Of these 24,275, or 39.8 per cent, 
were Hebrews. This race continued to furnish considerably less than 
one-half of the total Russian immigration until 1904, when the pro- 
portion rose to 53.4 per cent. In the two following years, 1905 and 
1906, it also exceeded 50 per cent of the total, but since the latter 
year its relative importance has declined until in 1909 and again in 
1910 less than one-third of the Russian immigrants admitted to the 
United States were Hebrews. 

As previously stated the situation of the Hebrews in Russian is a 
peculiar one, and therefore their emigration can not be altogether 
attributed to the causes which underlie the emigration of other Rus- 
sian peoples. As a class, Hebrews are not allowed on the land, and 
consequently they are forced to follow urban occupations. 

Moreover, their residence is restricted to certain towns and cities, 
so that they can not seek more advantageous fields in which to carry 
on the occupations which circumstances permit them to engage in. 
As a result of these restrictions, distressing economic conditions pre- 
vail among the Hebrews in many towns and cities, and when to this 
is added the occasional outbreaks against them, resulting in the de- 
struction of life and property, there is a double cause for emigration. 
Undoubtedly the anti-Jewish outbreaks have been the direct cause 
of a considerable part of the Hebrew emigration from Russia, but 
on the other hand, the movement closely resembles the emigration 
from other European countries, which is almost entirely the result 
of economic conditions in such countries and in the United States. 
This is particularly noticeable in the movement following the de- 
pression of 1907-8 in the United States. In 1907 the immigration 
of Hebrews from Russia to the United States was 114,932, but in 
common with practically all immigrant peoples, there was a great de- 
crease in the two following years, 1908 and 1909, when 71,978 and 
39,150, respectively, were admitted. 

However, it is obviously impossible, as well as unnecessary, to de- 
termine the relative weight of various causes of emigration. While 
in Russian the Commission received a variety of opinions upon the 
subject, but as a whole they constitute but little that would be of 
value to the discussion. In St. Petersburg members of the Com- 
mission conferred at length with officials of the Jewish Colonization 
Society, otherwise the Baron de Hirsch Fund, and as a result of the 
conferences officials of that society submitted a memorandum on the 
effect of the legal situation of the Jews upon their emigration from 
Russia. This memorandum, in full, follows: 

EMIGRATION AS A RESULT OF LEGAL SITUATION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA. 

Jews have lived in Russia from very ancient times. There are, for instance, 
traces of the presence of Jews in Crimea in the first century after the birth 
of Jesus Christ. They lived still earlier in the Caucasus and in Trans- 
caucasia. In northern Caucasia and on the lower banks of the Volga, in the 

See table, p. 338. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia 273 

tenth century was consolidated the Khosar Empire, the rulers and the upper 
classes of which professed the Jewish religion and among the inhabitants of 
which were many Jews by race. This Khosar Empire extended over the whole 
of southern Russia, from the Volga to the Dnieper and from the Black and 
Caspian seas to the River Oka. In Kieff, in the eleventh and twelfth cen- 
turies, a certain part of the town was inhabited by Jews. 

But in later times of Russian history, when the Moscow Empire sprang up, 
the Jews played no part in it, the Muscovite princes and tsars forbidding the 
Jews to cross their boundaries. This continued until the end of the eighteenth 
century. At the time of the first and second divisions of Poland. Russia became 
possessed of the provinces of White Russia, Volhynia, and Podolia. At the 
final fall of the Polish Kingdom, in 1795, Russia further gained Lithuania and 
Kin-land. Together with these Provinces the Russian Empire acquired a popu- 
lation of 900,000 Jews. It was then that there arose for the Russian Govern- 
ment the so-called Jewish question. 

What attitude did the government assume toward the million new subjects 
delivered by fate into its hands? Apparently rather an unstable one. 

In the manifesto published at the annexation of White Russia in 1772, Gen- 
eral Governor Count Chernysheff declared, in the name of the Empress Cather- 
ine II, that each and every individual should be guaranteed freedom of religion 
and inviolability of property. 

" It is self -understood," adds the manifesto, " that the Jews inhabiting the 
lands and towns annexed by the Russian Empire will continue to enjoy the 
same freedom with regard to their religion and property now enjoyed by them. 
Her Imperial Majesty, in her great love for humanity, will not suffer them alone 
to be excluded from the mercy and future blessings of her reign, so long as 
they, professing themselves her loyal subjects, will continue to occupy them- 
selves as hitherto with trade and commerce, each according to his condition." 

In 1784 the Jews of White Russia presented a petition to the Empress, in 
which they complained of oppression on the part of the administration and 
begged that the Jews should be allowed equal rights with the rest of the popu- 
lation in the choice of town counselors and judges ; also that during the settling 
of disputes between Jews and Christians in the public courts a certain number 
of the members of the tribunal should be chosen from the Jewish community. 
In answer to this petition appeared the senatorial ukase (1786) which partly 
fulfilled the requests of the Jews. 

In this ukase is expressed the following notable decision of the Empress 
Catherine: "Whereas the above-mentioned inhabitants of Jewish faith (the 
Jews of White Russia) have, by strength of former ukases, been raised to an 
equality with others, it is imperative upon every occasion to observe the prin- 
ciple that each, according to his estate and calling, should enjoy the privileges 
and rights which are his, without distinction of religion and nationality." 

However, notwithstanding the proclamation of the governmental principle 
of Jewish equality, a law regarding those Jews inscribed as citizens and mer- 
chants was passed at the end of Catherine's reign (1794), imposing taxes upon 
them to twice the amount paid by the Christians. 

The Government of Emperor Alexander I was likewise not quite free from 
fluctuations in the Jewish question. 

At the beginning of the reign the tendency of raising the Jews to Russian 
citizenship by measures of enlightenment prevailed. In 1802 Alexander I sum- 
moned a committee to discuss the question of the amelioration of the conditions 
of the Jews in Russia. Two years later, in 1804, the fruit of the committee's 
labor was sanctioned by the Emperor" The act regulating Jewish rights." 

The project of Jewish enlightenment stands first in the plan of the act. Jews 
were to be allowed an entry into the Russian educational establishments and 
encouraged to spread amongst them the use of the Russian tongue. The Jews 
were divided into four classes agriculturists, manufacturers, artisans, mer- 
chants and townsfolk. The agriculturists received considerable privileges with 
regard to taxation ; but inn keeping and land jobbing were two occupations for- 
bidden to the Jews, who were even forbidden to reside in the country. 

In the act of 1804 two provinces were added to those allotted to the Jews- 
Astrakhan and Caucasia. These provinces collectively were given the name of 

th But J fiTtne second half of the reign of Alexander I the governmental methods 
changed in character. The tendency of the Government to assimilate the Jews 
with the Christian population of the Empire was expressed, not through the 



274 The Immigration Commission. 

medium of education, not by efforts to attract the Jews to the Russian public 
schools, but by attempts to spread the Christian religion among them. In the 
year 1817 was founded the " Society of Israelite Christians," which had mis- 
sionary aims, but found little success among the Jews. At the end of the 
reign, in 1825, the Provinces of Astrakhan and Caucasia were again excluded 
from the number of those which formed the Jewish Pale. The Jews were for- 
bidden even a temporary residence in the interior provinces of the Empire and 
also to send goods from the frontier custom-houses to the towns of Great Rus- 
sia. Until this time Jews had little frequented the interior of Russia because of 
want of acquaintance with the inhabitants, but now this slight intercourse 
ceased altogether. 

Under the Emperor Nicholas I the tendency to assimilate the Jews with the 
Christian population became more marked and was expressed in various man- 
ners. Nicholas I removed the complete interdiction on the Jews of visiting the 
interior provinces. Such journeys were now permitted, but only to certain 
classes of Jews merchants, manufacturers, and artisans and for a time not 
exceeding six weeks. In the " Pale " itself certain large towns were proscribed 
to the Jews (Kiev, Nicholaev, Sevastopol). Polish Jews, like foreign Jews, 
were forbidden to cross the Russian frontier. The recruiting season hung like 
an oppressive nightmare over the heads of the Jews. They regarded the recruit- 
ing with terror. It tore them away from their surroundings and for a lifetime 
(the term of service being at that time twenty-five years) and deprived them 
of all possibilities of living according to the dictates of their religion. The 
Government on its side regarded the military service as a means of " nearing " 
the Jews to the Christian population. The Jews were urged by all possible means 
to join the Christian religion. It is since that time that they have been unable 
to attain the rank of officers while still remaining Jews. In order to obtain 
more tangible results in this direction, the Jews were taken from their parents 
as children and sent to the so-called " Cantonist schools," baptized, and in this 
manner transformed into Russian soldiers. The Jewish population regarded 
these institutions with horror and disgust. Chifdren were torn from their 
parents by force or by ruse, spirited away in the dead of night ; homeless Jews 
and Jews possessing no passport were seized and taken as soldiers. 

This gloomy epoch is still retained in the memory of the Russian Jews. 
Various other laws were passed with the object of attracting the Jews to Chris- 
tianity. Those condemned by the courts to certain terms of imprisonment were 
granted freedom on condition of their becoming Christians. Monetary rewards 
were offered to Jews for accepting the Christian religion. To combat the Jewish 
" isolation," punishments were inflicted upon Jews, who by their dress or out- 
ward appearance were distinguishable from the rest of the population. 

Only in the last decade of the reign of Nicholas I the Government became 
convinced that repressive measures alone were inadequate as a means of solving 
the Jewish question, and that it was necessary to raise the level of their educa- 
tion. In 1840, at the instigation of the then minister of instruction, Uvaroff, 
elementary Jewish schools were established with a general course of education, 
and also two "rabbi colleges" for the preparation of educated rabbis and 
schoolmasters. But the Jewish masses, terrorized by the repression of the Gov- 
ernment, regarded this enterprise also with distrust and animosity, and govern- 
mental efforts in this direction had but little success. 

A new epoch for Russian Jews commenced with the ascension of Alexander II 
to the throne. 

Alexander II ascended the throne soon after the famous Crimean campaign, 
which ended in the complete defeat of Russia and the fall of Sevastopol. The 
new Emperor turned his attention to all sides of Russian life, and his greatest 
desire was to awaken the latent strength of the country and to lead it forth upon 
the path of free development. And after the emancipation of the peasants in 
1861, which removed the brand of slavery from the Russian Empire, Alexander II 
earnestly applied himself to judicial reforms and reform in town and country 
administration. The result of his activity was the "Codes of Procedure" of 
1864, famous in modern Russian history. Then it was that public trials, juries, 
elective justices of peace, town and zemstvo self-government were established. 
The reign of Alexander II commenced a new era in Russian life, which naturally 
affected the position of the oppressed and defenseless Jews. The Emperor 
turned his attention seriously to the position of the Jews and at his ascension to 
the throne categorically expressed his desire that they should be raised to the 
same and equal rights with the rest of the population. In order to realize his 
intentions and to break the confines of the " Pale," in which the Jewish popula- 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 275 

nn mi fbly the "Tzar Deliverer "in 1859 conferred the right of liv- 

L y part of Russia upon the Jewish merchants of the first guild, and in 
fxtended this privilege to all Jews who had passed through the highest 
educational establishments. ( These last were even permitted to enter govermnen- 
nce.) In 1865 artisans received the right of free residence throughout the 

mpire for purposes of their trade, and at length, in 1867, retired soldiers 
eceived the same right. Jews were allowed to take part in town and zemstvo 

11-governmg institutions. In this manner the greater part of the Jewish popu- 
lation were free to leave the " Pale " and to live in any part of the country on 
equal terms with the Christians. Under the protection of these new liberating 
acts a considerable number of Jews began to quit the " Pale," life within which 
was growing more and more oppressive. More than that, under influence of a 
tolerant administration which yielded to the liberal tendencies of the times, a 
large number of Jews began to leave the " Pale " without any legal right at all, 
some making toward the central towns, others toward the Baltic Provinces. 
This permeation, commencing at first gradually and cautiously, became in course 
of time quite a natural phenomena. Restraining laws were applied with 
less severity than formerly. Toward the end of the reign of Alexander II the 
Russian population^wus expectantly hoping for the final establishment of legality 
in the country and the Jews for their complete emancipation. 

The assassination of Alexander II put an end to these hopes. The Russian 
Government at the accession of Alexander III set out determinedly upon the 
path of reaction ; its medieval institutions were again proclaimed to be sacred 
and unchangeable, and its reactionary measures placed the whole country, and 
the Jews especially, in the unbearable situation in which it is to-day. The new 
reign opened with an outburst of pogroms upon the Jewish population, which 
preyed upon all the towns of southern Russia and echoed here and there in 
various other parts. We will touch upon this phenomenon peculiar to Jewish 
life later on, but now we will resume our short qutline of the legislating activity 
of the Government. At this time Plehve's influence began to be felt, and 
Pobiedenostzeff became omnipotent at court. Soon after the pogroms, fol- 
lowed on the 3d of May, 1882, the publication of the ill-famed " Temporary 
laws," which have been in operation since that time and which are chiefly re- 
sponsible for that continual unemployment from which the Jewish population 
of Russia suffer so cruelly. The old restrictive laws forbidding the Jews the 
buying or renting of land even within the Pale, and the right of habitation out- 
side the given towns and boroughs of the Pale, were again brought severely 
into force. These " Temporary laws," their severity augmented by adminis- 
trative orders, affected some Provinces to such an extent that nearly the whole 
Jewish population of the villages of these Provinces were forced to move back 
to the towns within the Pale, besides which many small towns were "adminis- 
tratively " changed into villages so as to achieve the banishment of the Jews 
from these parts. 

The "Temporary laws" not only ousted the Jews from agriculture (the prin- 
cipal branch of Russian industry), but it hindered them even in their trading 
and artisanship, which are closely connected with village life. 

Not long after the appearance of the "Temporary laws," in 1883, a high 
commission was founded under the presidentship of Count Palen. It collected 
rich materials upon the Jewish question, and after a wide? investigation 
the commission, consisting exclusively of highly placed bureaucrats, arrived 
at the contusion that the " system of repression and exceptional laws alone haa 
outlived its time and has proved to be wrong. Therefore it is necessary to 
resort to another, opposite course." "Measures of legislation on the Jews," 
declared the commission, " should have but one aim the extinction of any 
special Jewish legislation that is to say, the gradual (even if slow) equal- 
ization of the rights of the Jews with those of all other subjects of the Empire." 

Thus in the first half of the reign of Alexander III representatives of the 
Russian bureaucracy, remembering the traditions of the preceding reign, still 
expressed themselves, though timidly, for the emancipation of the Jews. 

However, the report of the commission was not approved by the Emperor, 
and during the second half of the reign of Alexander III not a year passed 
without some new law limiting the rights of the Jews. Expulsions en masse 
of the Jews from their places of residence became matters of daily occurrence. 
In 1886 began the limitation of the admission of Jews into the educational 
establishments; in 1887 Rostov and Taganrog were excluded from the "Jewish 
Pale." In 1888 Finland was closed to the Jews. In 1889 the right of becoming 



276 The Immigration Commission. 

barristers and lawyers was restricted for the Jews. In 1890 obstacles were 
placed to their participating in share-holding companies. By force of the law 
of 1891, 30,000 Jewish artisans were expelled from Moscow and the Moscow 
Province. Similar expulsions took place from all the interior Provinces of 
Russia, while from the large Provinces of Don, Kuban, and Terek every Jew, 
without exception, was expelled. In 1895 the Jews were forbidden to give their 
children Christian names. In the same year Yalta was excluded from the 
Jewish Pale, etc. 

We should have to fill many pages in order to only enumerate the many laws 
against the Jews issued during the second half of the reign of Alexander III. 

The ascension of Nicholas II did not introduce any substantial ^changes in the 
method of dealing with the Jews. The restraining legislation continued to 
increase, although not so rapidly, and the noose thrown around the Jewish people 
was constantly tightened. 

Let us now summarize briefly the legal situation of the Jews in Russia, in 
order to show the chief causes which make their lives so unbearable and which 
so forcibly impel them to cross the ocean. All the restrictive laws regarding 
the Jews may be classified into four groups : 

I. RESTRICTION IN HABITATION. 

Jews have no right to live freely in all parts of the Empire, but only in the 
small part of it which constitutes the Jewish Pale. The Pale embraces fifteen 
Provinces: White Russia, Lithuania, Ukraina, and Novorossia, i. e., the Prov- 
inces of Vilna, Kovno, Grodno, Minsk, Mohilev, Vitebsk, Volhynia, Podolia, Kiev, 
Tchernigov. Poltava, Bessarabia, Kherson, Ekaterinoslav, Crimea, and the ten 
Provinces of Poland. 

Outside these Provinces only some privileged groups of Jews have the right to 
live, notably, merchants of the first guild, i. e., the biggest traders and manu- 
facturers, Jews who have graduated in the highest educational establishments, 
artisans, persons who have accomplished the military service according to the 
old recruiting laws and their (the soldiers') descendants. However, all parts 
outside the Pale are not free to these privileged persons. For instance, Siberia 
is almost entirely closed to the Jews. A Jew condemned by the law courts to 
deportation to Siberia is forbidden to remain there after the expiration of his 
term, so that habitation in Siberia for a Jew may be only acquired by com- 
mitting a serious crime. The most numerous group of privileged Jews, the 
artisans, are forbidden to settle not only in Siberia, but also in the Moscow 
Provinces and in the Cossack Provinces. And where the Jewish artisan still 
preserves the right to settle according to law, this right is hedged in by so 
many formalities that a Jewish artisan outside the Pale lives in complete 
dependence upon the police, which costs him so much in the way of bribes that 
few artisans avail themselves of their right. Thanks to these difficulties, in 
spite of the comparatively favorable condition of things for tradesmen and 
artisans outside the Pale, there are living now only 6 per cent of the Jewish 
population in other parts of Russia, and of these about half are aborigines, like 
the Jews of the Baltic Provinces, Caucasia, and Central Asia. Although the 
confinement to the Pale is irksome to the Jews, it embraces a considerable terri- 
tory, and the Jews would be able to find more or less sufficient place within it. 
But even on that territory only an extremely small part is really accessible to 
the Jews. Thanks to the temporary laws forbidding them to live in the villages, 
3.000,000 of the Jewish population living within the 15 provinces of the Pale 
are inclosed within a few hundred larger and smaller towns, which are not 
prominent either for commerce or industry. Kiev, the most important indus- 
trial and commercial center of Southwestern Russia, is closed to the Jews, as 
also the largest health resort, Yalta. Restrictive laws are at work in the two 
most important ports on the Black Sea, Sebastopol and Nicholaev. Thus the 
Jews are cut off not only from agriculture, but also, in a large degree, from the 
other industries, as the larger industrial establishments for instance, all sugar 
mills, mines, smelting and metal works, glass works which are situated outside 
the towns. 

II. RESTRICTIONS ON OCCUPATION. 

The most important fact here is that the Jews are entirely cut off from agri- 
culture, the staple industry of three-fourths of the population of Russia. This 
is brought about not only by the interdiction upon Jews of settling outside the 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 277 



Spirit State mo poly about 100,000 



3v mo poy aout 1,00 

their earnings. All the branches of state service are comnletPlv 

almost inaccessible to the Jews. The legal profession is als 



The legal profession is also very restriced 

III. RESTRICTIONS IN EDUCATION. 



r 5S Wia f ^h*^ fr m K iC 5 in means of education- Two and a half million 
roubles of the Russian budget is spent upon paying the interest upon loans on 
armaments upon new railways, on exceptionally expensive police and adminis- 
tration only a small fraction remains for the educational needs of the people. 
Besides which, the Government until lately has looked upon public enlightenment 
mistrustfully. Ihe limitations placed upon their education has been one of the 
heaviest blows aimed at the Jewish population. The Jews, comprising nearly 
half of the town populations within the Pale, are filled with a great longing for 
enlightenment. The limitation of the number of Jewish pupils in governmental 
schools to 10 per cent, together with the small number of educational institu- 
tions, is practically a barrier between the great mass of Jewish youth and the 
enlightenment so ardently desired by 'them. The percentage of Jewish students 
In the higher educational establishments is made still smaller. The fixed per- 
centage was removed in 1906 under the pressure of the revolutionary movement, 
but the victory of reaction has again brought it into force. Not content with 
forbidding the governmental schools to the Jews, the Government until last 
year placed every obstacle in the way of their opening private schools of their 
own, and considering the cultivation of the Jewish masses to be dangerous to 
itself, has forbidden the teaching of the Russian language in the Jewish religion 
schools (heder) and imposing fines upon teachers who infringe that regulation. 

IV. ISOLATION FROM LOCAL SELF-GOVERNING BODIES. 

In 1892 reforms were made in the local self-governing institutions, in the 
sense that the democratic element within them was weakened and administra- 
tive tutelage increased. The Jews were entirely shut out from the semstvo 
corporations. In town corporations Jewish representation was limited to 10 
per cent and this not elected by the population but appointed by the adminis- 
tration. So that even in towns of which Jews form the majority of the popula- 
tion they are almost entirely deprived of any influence over the affairs of the 
town. 

The above enumerated restrictions placed upon the Jews in Russia are suf- 
ficient to demonstrate the distress of the Jewish population. Huddled within 
the towns of the Pale, which, with the exception of Poland, presents absolutely 
no field favorable for economic progress, the Jews are forced to seek a miserable 
livelihood in small trading and artisanship. And even in this they are hamp- 
ered, because without freedom of movement no regular trade and sale of goods 
is possible. By these means an amazing situation is obtained; a hundred 
thousand Jewish traders and artisans, ruined by mutual competition, are starv- 
ing unemployed, while at the same time in the villages and the towns outside the 
Jewish Pale trade is at a standstill for want of organization, and sufficient 
artisans can not be found. Unemployment among the Jews exists, not because 
here is no work for them to do. but because they are forbidden to work in places 
where work is waiting to be done. 

But the restrictive legislation against the Jews does not mean only the limi- 
tation of their rights. Thanks to the peculiar political construction of Russia, 
the administrative powers are exceptionally strong, and they are very far from 
always adhering strictly to the paths of legality. The more a certain part of a 
population is without rights, the more it feels the burden of an oppressive ad- 
ministration. The extraordinary voluminousness, intricacy, and complication 
of the legislation upon Jews gives a possibility of interpreting it in the various 
manners, which makes ttie position of the Jews still more precarious and un- 
stable. For each of their rights, however lawful, the Jews are obliged to bribe 



278 The Immigration Commission. 

the police. A Jew is authorized to live in the country by virtue of having taken 
up his abode there before the law of 1882, but is nevertheless obliged to pay for 
the right, or he is liable at any moment to be banished from the place. Even if 
Jby appealing to the Senate he succeeds in a year or so to establish his right of 
residence in such a spot, he can not repair the damage caused to himself, his 
home, and property by his former expulsion. 

As a Russian writer has recently expressed it, " Each restrictive measure 
passed against the Jews is a living source of bribes for the Russian policeman," 
a fact which causes the local administrators to stand firmly for such legislation 
and upon every occasion to assure the central Government of its necessity. The 
way in which the arbitrary measures of the Government are applied is exasper- 
ating in itself. It is enough to call to mind the famous Kiev "Beats" ( Ob- 
la vy). " Oblavy " means in Russian a certain form of the hunt in which the 
hunters close in on all sides upon their prey to slaughter it. This term is very 
applicable to the method of seizing the " illegally domiciled " Jews in Kiev. 
In the dead of night the police surround the vicinity in which the Jews are 
supposed to be living, burst into the houses, sparing neither the peace of mind 
of inoffensive people nor the shame of women. All those living illegally are 
dragged to the prisons and afterwards sent under convoy, together with 
criminals, from prison to prison until they finally reach the place of their 
" legal " habitation. Needless to say, that the visits of Jews to Kiev, a town 
situated in the very middle of the Pale and connected with innumerable 
branches of economic activity, are absolutely inevitable. 

While placing the Jews in such humiliating conditions, deprived of every 
right, the Russian Government nevertheless deems it just that they should be 
made to fulfill all the obligations of citizenship, even to a greater extent than 
the Christians, and when they, because of emigration are unable to provide a 
sufficient number of healthy recruits, being obliged to provide more soldiers 
comparatively than the Christian population, they are made to pay heavily in 
proportion to the lack, and are accused of evading the recruiting laws. 

But however difficult the legal position of the Jews in Russia, and however 
heavily the tyranny of the Government may oppress them, these things are not 
yet the crowning tragedy of their lives to-day. 

The most terrible feature of the lives of the Russian Jews is the " pogrom." 
Protection of life and property are two things which even the rulers of bar- 
barous countries feel called upon to guarantee their subjects. But this protec- 
tion is not accorded to the Jews in Russia at the present time. The first exten- 
sive pogrom took place soon after the Emperor Alexander mounted the throne 
(Alexander III). The minister of the interior was at that time Count Ignatieff 
and the director of the department of police the famous Von Plehve. At that 
time already the pogroms were remarkable for certain peculiar features. The 
last had taken place not in small out-of-the-way places in which the Government 
had no armed force at command, but in large towns filled with soldiers. The 
Government, which in every case of pogrom had displayed a remarkable in- 
difference, in many cases clearly permitted them. During many of the pogroms, 
especially those of the cruelest nature, disinterested witnesses declared that 
the soldiers called to the spot not only failed to disperse the pogromists, but 
even served them as a kind of escort. While the governmental press tried to 
explain the pogroms as the result of the instinctive hatred of the populace 
toward the Jews, several of the pogromists themselves declared in a court of 
law that they bore no hatred whatever toward the Jews, but took part in the 
pogrom because some persons unknown had assured them that " the Czar had 
ordered the Jews to be beaten and that no punishment would follow." It was 
very strange that as soon as Count Ignatieff relinquished the ministry of the 
interior to Count D. Tolstoy, and a circular was issued that the local governors 
would be answerable to the central powers for allowing disorders, the pogroms 
ceased of themselves, without the slightest effort of administration. In view of 
the public depression which reigned in the country after the victory of reaction, 
the secret of the pogroms of the eighties remained but little investigated. More 
than two decades passed. 

The minister of the interior was then Von Plehve, the former director of 
police under Ignatieff in 1881. The Government was engaged upon a struggle 
with the revolutionary movement, now grown to be a considerable force and 
much more dangerous to the autocratic regime. Then suddenly, unexpectedly, 
the Kishenef pogrom fell like a scourge upon the Jewish population. It 
differed essentially from the pogroms of the eighties. These latter had been 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 279 

chiefly confined to attacks upon property, but here, side by side with these, 
tacks upon the persons of Jews took place. Numerous mutilated corpses, 
adreds of persons crippled and women outraged such horrors as had not 
2n U JJ^ ?i U( i G i ng Within the boun lnrleB of Europe. And this time, it was 
that the police and gendarmes not only patronized but also partici- 
pated in the pogrom. 

The longer the struggle between the Government and the revolutionary move- 
ment continued the more frequent were the pogroms. Their deep significance 
ecame apparent. In the eighties the town populations were perhaps easily 
ited to plunder, but during the last few years some degree of culture and 
consciousness has been spread among them. Participation in pogroms has 
become less attractive to them, and not seldom have occasions occurred when 
the more conscientious elements of the Christian population have endeavored to 
protect the Jews. In order to incite a pogrom it has become necessary to 
spread a wide Chauvinistic agitation, to give rise to rumors that the Jews have 
killed Christian children, that they wish to overthrow the church, etc. On the 
other side, the Jews, despairing of the protection of the authorities, have begun 
to act in defense of their own lives, property, and honor. There has appeared 
a danger of the pogromists being overpowered by the Jews, so that troops are 
summoned to the pogroms not to use their arms against the pogromists, but 
against the Jewish self-defenders. At a given signal in October of 1905, 
pogroms began over nearly the whole of Russia. They were each conducted 
upon a certain plan of one and the same pattern. Bands of pogromists carry- 
ing flags, with troops before and behind them, moved through the streets, laying 
waste to Jewish property and murdering Jews. The attempts of the Jews at 
self-defense brought upon them volleys of rifles, and even of cannon (in Kishe- 
nef). The evident organizers of the pogroms in the ranks of the administration 
were not made answerable for them, but even received rewards and promotions 
(the commander of the Bielostock garrison, Colonel Schreiter, Colonel Tik- 
hanovsky, etc.). Those who were brought to trial were generally members of 
the mob who had but played the r61e of blind tools in the hands of the provo- 
caters These were usually condemned to some slight punishment, but for the 
most part were liberated by imperial order through the intercession of the 
Union of Russian Men (in Ovidiopol, Kertch, Tula, etc.). The r61e of the 
bureaucrats was in this way revealed, and when the former minister of the 
interior, Prince Urussoff, in his famous speech in the first Duma acknowledged 
that he had discovered the existence of a special secret office in the department 
of police for the manufacture of proclamations inciting the population to 
pogroms, and from whence instructors in the art of the pogrom were sent out, 
he openly confirmed before the whole world that which had been suspected long 
before, and the then minister of the interior, M. Stolypin, could only promise 
that this shocking state of things should cease to exist. Nevertheless, after 
that occurred the pogrom in Siedletz. 

In order to show in figures the extent of the pogroms, let us mention that from 
the 17th day of October, 1905, till the end of 1906, 661 towns and cities were devas- 
tated, and the 38,000 families, or 162,000 persons, suffered. General loss during 
the last pogroms amounted to 54,153,853 rubles, 985 persons were killed, 1,492 
wounded heavily, while the number of those wounded in a lesser degree 
amounted to many thousands, 387 women were widowed, 177 children completely 
orphaned, while 1,474 were deprived of one of their parents. 

But one can not estimate the damage done by the pogroms in mere figures. 
Completely destroying the safety of property, the program ruins credit, brings 
about an economic crisis, and throws tens of thousands unemployed workmen 
into the streets. Still more terrible is the effect of the pogroms upon the 
moral atmosphere prevailing among the Jews. The knowledge that m the full 
light of day in the sight of everybody, a crowd of the lowest rabble may burst 
into your house, plundering and murdering, destroying all that you have toiled 
for may violate the honor of those who are dearer than life itself, may maim 
or kill you while those who are set to preserve your security will at best remain 
passive spectators of these events and at worst may take active part m tl 
the knowledge that it is useless to struggle, because behind the Pogromists 
armed force is ranged' against you-such knowledge paralyzes the energy of 
neonle causes them to fly without retrospection, without calculation only to 
escape from 'lie threatening horrors of the pogrom, fnd in such cond itions the 
Jewish population has existed for many years. In some towns, s 
79524 VOL 411 19 



280 



The Immigration Commission. 



Odessa, the pogrom is no extraordinary occurrence, but a chronic phenomenon 
holding the Jews in a perpetual state of panic. 

We have said enough to illustrate the principal reasons of Jewish emigration 
from Russia. The Jews emigrate to various countries, but principally to the 
United States. The emigration statistics of the United States give us the exact 
figures upon the subject. 

Though before 1889 we have only the figures of the total emigration (includ- 
ing non-Jewish) from Russia to the United States, those figures fluctuate accord- 
ing to the difference in the position of the Jews in Russia. 

In 1880-81 (from the 1st July-30th June), notwithstanding the immense 
number of emigrants which had already passed from Europe to the United 
States, only 10,500 emigrants came from Russia. In the following year, 
1881-82, the year of pogroms and the ministry of Count Ignatieff, the number 
of emigrants from Russia rose to 21,500. But in the following year, 1882-83, 
when pogroms were forbidden because of a change of ministry, the number of 
Russian emigrants suddenly fell to 11,920. However, under the influence of 
the temporary laws issued on the 3d of May, 1882, forbidding the Jews to reside 
in the towns and villages outside the Pale and the cultivation of land, the emi- 
gration from Russia began to grow. Already in 1883-84 the number of emi- 
grants from Russia had reached 17,000, and grew in proportion with the increase 
of restrictive legislation. In 1886-87 the number of emigrants from Russia had 
reached already 31,000. The year 1891-92 was one of the most oppressive for 
the Jews. Many thousand families were by administrative order exiled from 
villages and country estates of the southwestern part of Russia. Thirty thou- 
sand Jews were banished from Moscow and the Moscow Province and the same 
expulsions took place in all the interior governments. In this year, 1891-92, 
the Jewish emigration reached the second considerable maximum of 91,000 
persons. Since then the emigration has been on the decrease, reaching in 
1896-97 the minimum of 25,816 persons. This was the time when the political 
tactics of the new Emperor, Nicholas II, had not become sufficiently definite, 
and the Jewish population was hoping for a better future in Russia. In the 
following year statistics of the United States give us not only facts about 
emigration from Russia in general, but immediate figures of Jewish emigra- 
tion. These figures, as we shall see, are illustrative of the wreck of Jewish 
hopes in Russia. 





Number of 




Number of 




Jews emi- 




Jews emi- 


Year of emigration. 


grating 


Year of emigration. 


grating 




from 




from 




Russia. 




Russia. 


1898-99 


24, 275 


1902-3 . . . 


47 689 


1899-1900 


37, Oil 


1903-4 


77' 554 


1900-1901 


37, 660 


1904-5 


92 388 


1901 2 


37,846 


1905-6 


125 284 











The hopes placed by the Russian Jews in the reign of Nicholas II have not 
been realized. The restrictive legislation has not grown milder, but even more 
severe, and the emigration has increased In 1903-4 it increased with unprece- 
dented rapidity. The reason is known, and it is a political one exclusively. 
In April, 1903. took place the Kishenef pogrom, the Jews were seized with a 
panic and realized more strongly, perhaps, than they had ever done before, that 
they lacked even the elementary conditions of personal security. In the begin- 
ning of 1904 the war broke out and in the beginning of 1905 the revolutionary 
movement. The war and the revolution together disorganized the economic life 
of Russia, and the Jews as an industrial and commercial people felt the in- 
fluence of these events the most keenly. The number of emigrations increased, 
especially from the most commercial parts of Russia, Poland, from whence, 
until then, but a small number of Jews had emigrated. At length the pogroms 
of 1905 and the subsequent events transformed the Jewish emigration from 
Russia into a regular political stampede. 

And so we will conclude. The emigration of Jews from Russia is not the 
outcome of some deep economical phenomenon. Russia is a comparatively 
sparsely populated country, and the demand for skilled labor and artisanship 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 281 

? W beiDg transferred t the United States is especially great So 
- e ^ lgra . tln g' not because " iB imposribte for them *o' find 
*!*?***}"* bec * us * the Government deprives them of the 

l thenreof n TP T -^l^ f Ufe and Pr Perty ' ThuS We Can fore " 
ditions of iX^ Jewish emigration. It is entwined with the political con- 

tpT H 6t ^^P ^ 1 ? 8 Cease and the emigration of the Jews 

whh a? * d T de ? bly .. diminish and wil1 resume those ^significant 
which it displayed until the pogrom of Kishenef. 

ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA. 

In 1907 the economic condition of the Jews in Russia was made the 
subject of a special report by Mr. I. M. Rubinow, of the United States 
Bureau of Labor." Data for this study was drawn to a considerable 
extent from an investigation made by the Jewish Colonization Society 
u n o? '-, results of which were published in 1905 under the title 

Sbornik Materialov ob Economicheskom Polozhenii Evreev v 
Rossii " (collection of material in regard to the economic condition of 
the Jews m Russia). This is still the latest source of information on 
that subject, and the Commission has deemed it wise to include in its 
report on Russia the following portion of Mr. Rubinow's report: 

INTRODUCTION. 

The present study of the economic condition of the Jews in Russia is offered 
as a part of a series of studies in immigration and its relation to social and in- 
dustrial questions in the United States. One of the most important elements 
in this problem is the distribution, bo*th geographically and industrially, of 
immigrants arriving in this country. A study of immigration at the present 
time would not be complete without special attention to the Russian Jews, form- 
ing as they do one-eighth of the total number of immigrants now coming to 
our shores, and being found so frequently living and working under harmful 
sweat-shop conditions. Some of the well-known characteristics of these immi- 
grants, such as their tendency to crowd into the great cities and to follow cer- 
tain definite lines of work to the exclusion of the heavier manual trades and 
agriculture, will be much better understood after a study of the conditions and 
restrictions under which they have worked arfd lived before coming to this 
country. 

JEWISH POPULATION. 

As far back as authentic historic records go, Jews are known to have lived 
within the territory at present included in the limits of the Russian Empire, yet 
the Russian Empire as it now exists acquired the vast majority of its Jewish 
citizens at a comparatively recent date. Until 1772 the number of Jews in Rus- 
sia proper was small, because until then the absolutely prohibitive policy of the 
Russian Government made any movement across the Polish-Russian frontier 
practically impossible. The gradual migration of the Jews eastward through 
Europe resulted in concentrating a large number in the Kingdom of Poland, in 
which country and in Lithuania Jews are known to have lived as early as the 
tenth century. The first partition of Poland, in 1792, gave to Russia the section 
known as White Russia and a part of Lithuania, with a large Jewish popula- 
tion ; the second partition, in 1793, and the final partition, in 1795, added the 
ten provinces which now constitute the so-called region of the Vistula. Since 
those events the Russian Empire has remained the home of at least one-half of 
the entire Jewish race. While the total number of Jews in the world is not 
definitely known, the estimate of 11,000,000 is usually accepted as nearly correct. 
According to the Russian census of January 28 (February 9), 1897, the total 



Bulletin of the United States Bureau of Labor, No. 72, September, 1907. 



282 The Immigration Commission. 



number of Jews in the Empire was 5,215,805 or about 50 per cent of all the 
Jews in tne world. Since the total population of the Empire has been deter- 
mined to be 125,640,021, the proportion of the Jewish to the total population is 
therefore only a little over 4 per cent ; but this percentage has little more than 
a theoretical value, because of the very uneven distribution of the Jews over 
the entire territory of the Empire. The policy of the Muscovite Government 
toward the Jews throughout the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries 
was that of absolute exclusion, and with a few qualifications the same policy has 
been enforced within the annexed western territories, which contain the large 
Jewish population. The law of 1769 definitely limited the Jew's right of domi- 
cile to certain provinces, thus establishing the strictly defined Jewish Pale, that 
law being modified in 1804 by the inclusion of several provinces and the ex- 
clusion of others. Several modifications of minor significance have been made 
in subsequent years. The Pale as it exists to-day was established in 1835 by 
the " Code of the rights of the Jews." As thus constituted, the Pale consists 
of twenty-five provinces 6 of the eighty-nine provinces and territories consti- 
tuting the entire Russian Empire. The Pale begins immediately south of the 
Baltic provinces, stretches throughout the west, aud extends over the south as 
far east as the Don Army territory. The combined territory of the Pale is about 
362,000 square miles, or less than 20 per cent of European Russia and only a 
little over 4 per cent of the entire Russian Empire. The Pale includes: 

1. In the Kingdom of Poland (or the region of the Vistula), the Provinces of 
Warsaw, Kalisz, Kielce, Lomza, Lublin, Petrikau, Plock, Radom, Suvalki, and 
Siedlec. 

2. In Lithuania, the Provinces of Vilna, Kovno, and Grodno. 

3. In White Russia, the Provinces of Minsk, Vitebsk, and Moheelev. 

4. In southwestern Russia, the Provinces of Volhynia, Podolia, Kiev (except 
the city of Kiev), Chernigov, and Poltava. 

5. In southern (new) Russia, the Provinces of Bessarabia, Kherson, Yeka- 
terinoslav, and Taurida (except the city of Yalta). 

At various times many modifications of the absolute prohibition to enter the 
interior of Russia were made; but the entire Russian legislation in regard to 
the Jew's right of domicile is much too complicated to be given in detail, and 

The problem of determining the number of Jews in Russia presents some 
serious statistical difficulties, depending upon the different definitions of the 
word " Jew." In the census of 1897 both the religion and the nationality were 
taken account of, the latter being based upon the " mother tongue." In the 
case of the Jews the " Yiddish language " was taken as the decisive feature. 
Accordingly, the following conflicting statements may be formed: Number of 
persons of Jewish religion, 5,215,805; number of persons of Jewish nationality 
as determined by the mother tongue, 5,063,156. A closer examination of the 
census figures shows that there were enumerated 161,505 persons of Jewish 
faith who named other languages than the Yiddish as their mother tongue. On 
the other hand, there were S.856 persons speaking the Yiddish tongue wose re- 
ligious faith was other than the Hebrew. As the special legislation in regard 
to Jews applies to all persons of Jewish faith, 5,215,805 ought to be accepted 
as the correct figure. Yet in the census many important tables take the na- 
tionality (language) basis. The 12,894 Karaites (people of Jewish nationality 
and faith, but of a different sect and exempt from all special Jewish legislation) 
must not be disregarded ; of these 383 claimed Yiddish as their mother tongue, 
and are, therefore, included in the preceding groups. The data therefore may 
be summarized thus : 

Persons of Jewish faith claiming Yiddish as their mother tongue 5, 054, 300 

Persons of Jewish faith claiming other languages as their mother 

tongue 161, 505 

Persons of other faiths claiming Yiddish as their mother tongue 8, 856 

Karaites claiming other languages than Yiddish 12, 511 



Total 5, 237, 172 

It is necessary to add that often in special tables of the census the total num- 
ber of Jews indicated does not agree with either of the totals given here. 

6 The Russian word " gubernia " has often been translated into English as 
" government," under the influence of the French translation " gouvernement." 
preferred. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 283 

consequently only the main features will be stated. Its essential principle is 
that, while the general prohibition remains in force, the following specified 
classes of Jews are given the privilege of domicile throughout the Empire: 

1. Merchants of the first guild i. e., merchants paying a very high business 
license after having paid that license somewhere within the Pale for five 
consecutive years. This right of living anywhere in Russia, outside of the 
Pale, lasts only as long as the payment of the license is continued, but after 
ten annual payments the permanent right of domicile within the city in which 
the payments have been made is acquired. 

2. Professional persons, such as physicians, lawyers, dentists, graduate engi- 
neers, army surgeons, midwives, and graduates of universities and higher institu- 
tions of learning in general, as well as students in such institutions. 

3. Master artisans working at their trades when admitted to their artisans' 
guild, or possessing the necessary legal evidence of proficiency, in their crafts. 

In all these cases the acquired right of domicile extends to the members of 
the immediate family, and in cases of the merchants of the first guild and the 
professional persons to a limited number of servants and clerks of Jewish faith. 
In regard to the Jewish artisans, the limitations are much more numerous; 
and in 1891 their further emigration from the Pale into the interior of the 
Empire was made exceedingly difficult, and those artisans who were living in 
the city, as well as those living in the Province of Moscow, were compelled to 
withdraw. 

Another considerable class of Jews that is permitted to live throughout Russia 
are the discharged soldiers ; but this right is granted only to those who served 
in the army prior to 1874. This class, therefore, can not increase in number. 

Besides these general provisions, there are minor exceptions that grant to 
limited groups of Jews (usually determined as persons or descendants of per- 
sons who were living in certain localities before certain dates) the right to 
remain in specific localities, or, in a few cases, anywhere in the Empire. Among 
these exceptions are to be found the resident Jews of Siberia, Turkestan, 
Caucasus, the Province of Courland, and a few other localities. 

The temporary sojourn without the Pale of Jews who have no right of perma- 
nent domicile is strictly limited by law to from six weeks to two months, and 
then only in cases of proved necessity, such as a lawsuit, commercial transac- 
tions, or probating a will. Moreover, in these cases important limitations have 
been 'introduced. Thus, the important city of Kiev has been excepted from the 
Pale, and even merchants of the first guild may live only in certain districts of 
that city. In 1893 the city of Yalta was excepted, and the important cities of 
Rostov and Taganrog, by being transferred from the Province of Yekateriuoskiv 
to the Don Army Territory, were also excluded from the Pale. 



284 



The Immigration Commission. 



How well the object of this legislation was accomplished will be seen from 
the following official data : 

Total population and number and per cent of Jewish population of the Pale, by 

Provinces, 1897. 

[Compiled from Premier Recensement General de la Population de 1'Empire de Russie 1897.] 



Province or region 


Total pop- 
ulation. 


Persons of Jewish 
faith. 


Number. 


Per cent 
of total 
popula- 
tion. 


Vilna 


1,591,207 
1,603,409 
1,544,564 


204,686 
280, 489 
212, 666 


12.9 
17.5 
13.8 


Grodno 


Kovno 


Lithuania 


4, 739, 180 


697,841 


14.7 


Minsk 


2,147,621 
1,489,246 
1,680,764 


345,015 
175,629 
203,946 


16.1 
11.8 
12.1 


Vitebsk.. 


Moheelev 


Whit) Russia.. 


5,323,631 


724,590 


13.6 


Volhynia... 


2,989,482 
3,018,299 
3,559,229 
2,297,854 
2, 778, 151 


395,882 
370, 612 
433, 728 
114, 452 
110,944 


13.2 
12.3 
12.2 
5.0 
4.0 


Podolia 


Kiev r 


Chernigov 


Poltava 


Southwestern Russia . . . 


14,643,015 


1,425,618 


9.7 


Bessarabia 


1,935,412 
2,733,612 
2,113,674 
1,447,790 


228, 528 
339,910 
101,088 
CO, 752 


11.8 
12.4 
48 

42 


Kherson 


Yekaterinoslav 


Taurida 


Southern (new) Russia 


3,230,488 


730, 278 


9.0 


Warsaw . . 


1,931,867 
840,597 
761,995 
579,592 
1,160,662 
1,403,901 
553, 633 
814,947 
582,913 
772, 146 


351,942 
71,657 
83,221 
91,394 
156,221 
222,558 
51,454 
112, 323 
59, 195 
121,135 


18.2 
8.5 
10.9 
15.8 
13.5 
15.9 
9.3 
.13.8 
10.2 
15.7 


Kalisz 


Kielce 


Lomza. 


Lublin 


Petrikau 


Plock 


Radom 


SuvalM 


Siedlec 


Poland 


9,402,253 
42, 338, 567 


1,321,100 


141 


TotalinPale . 


4, 899, 427 


11.6 





Total population of Russia and number and per cent of Jews, with per cent of 
distribution of Jews, by localities, 1897. 

[Compiled from Premier Recensement General de la Population de I'Empire de Russie, 1897.) 



Locality 


Total popu- 
lation. 


Persons of 
Jewish faith. 


Per cent 
of Jews 
of total 
popula- 
tion. 


Per cent 
of distri- 
bution 
of Jews 


Fifteen Provinces of Pale 


32, 936, 314 


3 578 327 


10 9 


68 6 


The remaining 35 Provinces 


60,506,550 


211,121 


3 


4 












Total European Russia proper 


93, 442 864 


3 789 448 


4 1 


72 6 


Kingdom of Poland . 


9, 402, 253 


1,321,100 


14 1 


25 3 


Caucasus. 


9,289,364 


56,783 


6 


1 i 


Siberia 


ft, 758, 822 


34 792 


6 


7 


Middle Asia.. . . 


7,740,718 


13, 682 


.2 


3 












Total 


125, 640, 021 


5 215 805 


4 2 


100 













Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 285 



P,?p f fi 1 n^ e / eWS ,if eS i ding 1 3 il !. tbe VaSt Russian ^Pi, 93.9 per cent live in the 
Pale (including the ten Polish Provinces), 4 per cent live in the remaining 

Fh i^ Ur P n Russia ' and 2- 1 P er cent live in all the Asiatic possessions of 
the umpire* The Jews, therefore, constitute almost a negligible part of the 
population of Russia beyond the Pale. Hence the present study will naturally 
be devoted almost exclusively to the economic conditions within the Pale 

Even within that limited area the Jews constitute only 11.6 per cent, or about 
one-ninth, of the entire population. The proportion varies considerably from 
one Province or region to another, and the reasons for this variation are not 
difficult to find when the historical line of migration of the Jews is taken into 
consideration. The southern Provinces, having been thrown open to the Jews 
at a comparatively recent date, have a smaller percentage of people of that race 
than has either Poland or Lithuania. 

The Jews living in Lithuania, as well as those who live in White Russia, 
are known as Lithuanian Jews; the Jews of the ten Polish Provinces as 
Polish Jews, and those who have settled in the southwestern region and in 
New Russia as southern Jews. From the American point of view the distinc- 
tions are not without some practical significance, because the Lithuanian Jews 
have until recently constituted the vast majority of the Russian-Jewish immi- 
grants to the United States. The general culture of the Polish Jews is con- 
siderably lower than that of the Lithuanian Jews. The economic condition of 
the Jews in the south of Russia is so much better than that of those in the 
northwest that only since the recent disturbances has the emigration fever 
touched the Jews of that region. Of all the Jews in the Empire, the north- 
western Jews, comprising those in Lithuania and White Russia, constitute 27.3 
per cent, the Polish Jews 25.3 per cent, or approximately the same proportion, 
and the southern Jews, comprising those in southwestern and southern (new) 
Russia, 41.3 per cent. 

Travelers through western Russia have seldom failed to point out the awful 
congestion of Jews in the cities and towns. The census of 1897 shows, how- 
ever, that the Jews constitute only from 8 to 18 per cent of the total population 
of the several provinces. This concentration of the Jews in cities and towns is 
due to the so-called "May laws," promulgated on May 3 (15), 1882, as a result 
of the series of anti-Jewish riots in 1881, which prohibited further settlement 
of Jews within rural districts, i. e., outside of cities and towns. In practice 
this meant not only prohibition of further emigration of Jews from cities into 
the country, but an actual elimination of many Jewish households from rural 
settlements, and their enforced migration into towns and the resultant conges- 
tion of the latter. The tendency of the modern age everywhere is toward emi- 
gration from the rural districts to the city; the Jewish race, however, has 
lived under very exceptional conditions and for centuries has inhabited the 
cities almost exclusively. With the general decline of the prosperity of the 
Russian and Polish nobility, the making of a living became more difficult for 
the Jew, and this led to a moderate though unmistakable tendency to remove 
to the rural districts. Thither went the petty merchant, the liquor dealer, the 
artisan, and finally the prospective Jewish agriculturist. The May laws not 
only stopped this movement but forced many of the Jewish families already 
in the country back into cities. Again, in 1891, thousands of families of Jewish 
artisans and merchants were forced to leave the city of Moscow and other 
interior cities and seek new homes in the cities of the Pale. Both the May 
laws of 1882 and the new executive orders of 1891 caused a considerable in- 
crease in the emigration of Jews to the United States. 



286 



The Immigration Commission. 



The proportion of the Jewish population to the total population of the cities 
of the Pale is shown in the following table : 

Jewish urban population compared with total urban population in the Pcttc, by 

regions, 1897. 

[Compiled from Premier Recensement Ge'ne'ral de la Population de PEmpire de Russie, 1897.] 



Region. 


Total urban 
population. 


Jewish urban population. 


Number. 


Per cent of 
total urban 
population. 


Lithuania 


595, 742 
588, 051 
1,398.717 
1,612,613 
2,158,662 


297, 980 
324, 847 
502,830 
453,980 
813,375 


50.0 
55.2 
35.9 
28.2 
37.7 


White Russia 


Southwestern Russia 


Southern (new) Russia 


Poland 


Total 


6, 353, 785 


2,393,012 


37.7 





These data must be taken with many qualifications, for a great deal of un- 
certainty exists in regard to the Russian definition of the city. Many localities 
not dignified by the name of " gorod " (city) are known as " niiestechko," and 
in these settlements the Jews have retained the right of domicile. These 
" miestechkos " have the economic function of the American village i. e., they 
serve as the commercial, and, to a small degree, the industrial centers of the 
surrounding country. The Russian village, as is well known, is usually an 
agricultural community, and in these villages the Jew is prohibited from 
settling. 

Interesting data that throw some light upon the concentration of Jews within 
the cities and the " miestechkos " have been gathered by the agents of the St. 
Petersburg committee of the Jewish Colonization Society. According to the 
reports of these agents, the urban Jewish population of the Pale at the end 
of the nineteenth century amounted to 3,809,361, or 77.8 per cent of the total 
Jewish population of the Pale in 1897. 

Jewish urban population in the Pale in 1898 compared with total Jewish popu- 
lation in the Pale in 1897, by regions. 

[The figures for 1897 are from Premier Recensement Ge'ne'ral de la Population de 1' Empire de Russie- those 
for 1898 are from the Report of the Jewish Colonization Society.] 







Jewish urban 
(1898 


)opulation 


Region. 


Total Jewish 
population 


Number. 


Per cent 
of total 
Jewish 
population 
(1897). 


Northwestern Russia (Lithuania and White Russia) 


1 422 431 


1 213 054 


85 3 


Southwestern Russia 


1,425,018 


978 406 


68 6 




730, 278 


511 487 




Poland 


1.321,100 


1,106,414 


83 7 










Total 


4,899,427 


3 809 361 


77 8 











In 1898 an extensive investigation into the economic condition of the Russian Jews 
was undertaken by agents of the society. As a result of these investigations two volumes 
were published in the spring of 1905. entitled " Sbornik Materialov ob Economicheskom 
Polozhenii Evreev v Rossii " (Collection of material in regard to the economic condition 
of the Jews in Russia). These volumes contain a wealth of statistical information which 
has been freely used in this study. In fact the statistical data have been taken from 
these volumes unless otherwise credited. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 



287 



the tot,t nnnT g 



18 ' 



^.percentage which the urban Jews form of 



e census TIRQ- n^ W | ln eac V egion embl 'aced within the Pale as shown by 
ensus of 1897. The figures relate only to those cities that are incorporated : 

Jewish population of incorporated cities compared with total Jewish population 
in the Pale, by regions, 1897. 

[Compiled from Premier Recensement Ge^ra! de la Population de 1'Empire de Russie, 1897.] 



Region. 


Total Jewish 
population. 


Jewish population in in- 
corporated cities. 


Number. 


Per cent 
of total 
Jewish 
population. 


Lithuania 


697,841 
724, 590 
1,425,618 
730, 278 
1,321,100 


297,980 
324, 847 
502,830 
453,980 
813,375 


42. t 
44.8 
35.3 
62.2 
61.6 


White Russia 


Southwestern Russia 


Southern (new) Russia 


Poland 


Total 


4,899,427 


2,393,012 


48.8 





It is almost certain that the data obtained in the private investigation are far 
from complete, and that the proportion of Jews living outside of the urban com- 
munities is considerably smaller than one-fifth. It is characteristic that the per- 
centage of Jews living in rural districts is highest in the west and in the south- 
west, where, as will be shown, the Jews have attained considerable success in 
agricultural pursuits and where their general economic position is better. Of 
those Jews who have taken advantage of the right to migrate from their old 
homes in Poland and Lithuania to the new region, a large proportion has evi- 
dently preferred the country to the city. This is significant as additional evi- 
ience of the fact (if additional evidence were necessary) that the remarkable 
concentration of Jews in the city is not a result of economic choice, or even 
economic necessity, but of enforced legislative limitations. 

As was stated before, the Jews were a commercial and industrial race before 
they arrived in Poland, and therefore a strong element in urban population; but 
perhaps nowhere else have they become such a large part of the urban popu- 
lation as in western Russia. 

Jewish population compared with total population of cities investigated by 
Jewish colonization society, by regions, 1898. 



Region. 


Total popula- 
tion of cities in- 
vestigated. 


Jewish population of cities 
investigated. 


Number. 


Per cent of 
total pop- 
ulation. 


Russia 


2,093,259 
2, 565, 763 
1,945,379 
2,702,846 


1,213,054 
978, 406 
511,487 
1, 106, 414 


57.9 
38.1 
26.3 
40.9 






Poland 


Total 


9,307,247 


3,809,361 


40.9 





The difference between these data and those of the official census is explained 
by the development of large cities both in Poland (Warsaw, Lodz etc ) and 
in the south (Odessa and others). The Jewish " miestechko, with its 
economic stagnation and almost total absence of industry, is characteristic of 
the northwestern provinces. These little towns supply a large number of the 
Jewish emigrants to the United States. 



288 



The Immigration Commission. 



The greatest congestion is found in the six northwestern provinces, where the 
Jews constitute almost three-fifths of the population of the cities. In Poland 
the recent development of textile industries has attracted to the cities a con- 
siderable element of German and Polish workingmen, while the mechanical, 
iron, and mining industries of the south have drawn upon the surrounding 
Russian peasantry. The congestion of Jews in the cities of Lithuania has 
been most acutely felt, especially since the May laws of 1882 and the stringent 
regulations of 1891, and it is, therefore, no coincidence that the region which 
shows the greatest percentage of Jews in cities also gives the greatest number 
of emigrants. Scarcely a Jewish family can be found in Lithuania that has 
not some members in the New World. 

It must be remembered that the census data refer to the beginning of 1897, 
i. e., ten years ago. The well-known fecundity of the Jewish race on the one 
hand and the vast migratory element on the other must have introduced many 
important changes in the statistics of Jewish population, which can not be 
ascertained with any degree of accuracy. The census of 1897 was the first 
actual enumeration of population ever undertaken by the Russian Government, 
and it is therefore impossible to determine even the rate of increase. An 
official determination of the Jewish population was, however, made for Poland 
in 1890 and for the remaining fifteen provinces of the Pale in 1881, which gives 
some basis for comparison of the Jewish population at these dates with that of 
1897, and upon which the approximate rate of increase may be computed. 

Jewish population in the Pale in 1881 and 1897, with number and per cent 

of increase, by regions. 

[The figures for 1881 and those for Poland in 1890 are taken from official publications of the Russian ministry 

of the interior.] 



Region. 


1881. 


1897. 


Increase in 16 years. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Northwestern R ussia 


1,243,007 
1,215,393 
453, 765 


1,422,431 
1,425,618 
730,278 


179, 424 
210, 225 
276,513 


14.4 
17.3 
60.9 


Southwestern Russia 


Southern Russia 


Total 


2,912,165 
ol,134,268 


3,578,327 
1,321,100 


666, 162 
& 186, 832 


22 9 

&16.5 


Poland 





In 1890. 



'Increase in 7 years. 



An increase of 22.9 per cent during sixteen years equals about 1.4 per cent 
per year, a very moderate increase indeed. In Poland the increase (during 
seven years) in absolute figures was greater than in northwestern Russia 
during a period more than twice as long, the average annual increase being 
about 2.4 per cent. The average annual increase in northwestern Russia was 
less than 1 per cent. This remarkable difference is undoubtedly due to emigra- 
tion, not only to foreign lands, but also to the southern provinces, since the 
growth of the number of Jews in the south by 60.9 per cent in sixteen years 
would have been impossible without considerable immigration from the north- 
western region. There is some migration from Lithuania into the industrial 
region of Poland, notably the textile district of Lodz, but it is not very large, 
and there is probably a correspondingly large emigration of Polish Jews to 
the United States. The rate of increase shown by the Jews in Poland may, 
therefore, be considered fairly normal. The natural annual increase of the 
Jewish population in Russia would seem to amount to at least 100,000 or 
110,000 persons, and in the ten years which have passed since the census of 
1897 to a little over 1,000,000, but emigration must have considerably reduced 
this increase. The number of Russian-Jewish emigrants to the United States 
alone amounted to many hundreds of thousands, and there was a considerable 
emigration of Russian Jews to Great Britain, while slighter currents carried 
them to many other countries of the civilized w r orld. At present the emigration 
to the United States alone is sufficient to offset the entire natural increase, the 
total emigration possibly causing a reduction of the Jewish population in 
Russia, not only in relative but in absolute figures. The last two years, how- 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 289 

ever, were abnormal in a great many ways and can not be considered a fair 
measure of the normal Russian-Jewish emigration. During the years 1898 to 
1902 the emigration was considerably smaller, and it may safely be assumed 
that the total Jewish population in Russia at present is about 5,500,000. 

No less significant is the tendency of the Jewish population toward wider 
distribution. It has been shown above that the increase in southern (new) 
Russia was considerably greater than in the rest of the Pale. The comparison 
with the increase of the non-Jewish population emphasizes this point. 

Per cent of increase of non-Jewish and Jewish population in 15 provinces of the 

Pale, 1881 to 1897. 



Region. 


Per cent of increase. 


Non-Jewish. 


Jewish. 


Northwestern Russia 


22.7 
22.3 
37.8 


14.4 
17.3 
60.9 


Southwestern Russia . . 


Southern (new) Russia . > 


Total 


2G.O 


22.9 





Another investigator has subdivided the Provinces of the Pale (exclusive of 
Poland) into western, middle, and eastern Provinces, with the following 
results : a 

In five western Provinces the Jewish population increased 7.5 per cent; in 
four middle Provinces the Jewish population increased 29.3 per cent; in six 
eastern Provinces the Jewish population increased 46.8 per cent. 

Notwithstanding the legal difficulties, the eastward pressure of the Jewish 
population is clearly felt within the limits rigidly prescribed by the Govern- 
ment. This in itself suffices to explain why of all the special legislation af- 
fecting the Jew that which limited his right of domicile caused bitter com- 
plaints even many years before the present acute struggle for the emancipation 
of the Jew began. If it be remembered that 125,000 Jews found the means to 
emigrate to the United States within one year though the voyage requires 
considerable capital it will be understood that upon the destruction of legal 
barriers there would follow a considerable migration to the interior of Russia, 
where the prizes offered to business enterprise or skilled trades are no smaller 
than in the United States. Still stronger is the tendency towa'rd removal to 
the rural districts, as such movement means a closer proximity to the natural 
customer of the commercial and the industrial Jew. Notwithstanding the 
strict supervision exercised by the authorities, the efforts of the Jew to enter 
the forbidden regions in circumvention of existing legislation are frequent and 

Pe At S flrst glance there appears to be no valid reason why the simple fact of the 
ethnic and religious homogeneity of 40, 50, or even 60 per cent of the popula- 
tion of some cities of western Russia should be considered a cause of economic 
distress. But when the involuntary nature of this concentration is underst 
the problem becomes much clearer. 

OCCUPATIONS. 

The historical origin of the strict Jewish exclusion laws is to be found in the 
sph of ius antagonism which was perfectly natural in the stage of culture 
that existed in Russia before the nineteenth century. On the other hand, tJ 
snfrit of isolation whYch was strong in the Jews of Poland and Lithuania was 

ssia. 



m 



c w 

the diffusion of the Jewish population throughout Russia. 






^ 

Russia). Vol. I, page xxxiv. 



290 



The Immigration Commission. 



some degree lacking in the mass of the Russian people. Western culture grad- 
ually forced its way into the Jewish communities and for a time the ideal of 
Russification had most ardent supporters in the Jewish young generation. Since 
1875 the conditions have considerably changed. The Jewish right of domicile 
throughout Russia has been subject to further limitations, as already mentioned, 
and these are defended on entirely different grounds. The religious argument 
was laid aside and the economic argument emphasized instead. The argument 
is that the entire Jewish race is a race of traders, and therefore exploiters, and 
that the free admission of the Jews into the interior of Russia would be to the 
extreme disadvantage of the entire Russian nation. It is argued that when 
inclosed within the narrow limits of the Pale and enjoined from entering the 
villages the injury of the exploiting Jew to the economic well-being of the 
Russian peasant would be reduced to a minimum. This line of argument has 
been circulated even beyond the boundaries of Russia and undoubtedly not 
without some influence upon the public mind. This makes the data in regard 
to the occupations of the Russian Jews important and doubly interesting. 

Total Jewish population and number engaged in gainful occupations, by occu- 
pations, 1891. 

[From the Premier Recensement Ge'ne'ral de la Population de PEmpire de Russie, 1897.] 



Class 
No. 


Occupation. 


Persons engaged in gainful 
occupations. 


Members 
of their 
families. 


Total. 


Male. 


Female. 


Total 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 

15 

16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 
40 

41 
42 
43 
44 


Administration, justice, and police 


890 
1,667 
1,028 
53, 194 
173 
82 
6,030 
13,907 
33,609 
2,704 
6,854 
163 
61,992 

33, 346 

11,371 
3,907 
29,047 
61 
1,789 
3,291 
1,955 
1,331 
37 
20,771 
41,506 
21,454 
42, 828 
5,017 
5,137 
3,972 
2,239 
38, 713 
4,432 
13, 487 
7,143 
6,349 
202, 714 
38, 847 
245 

2,588 
2,020 
1,807 
38,050 

3,293 


18 
12 
9 

"~2i" 
2 
2 
196 

1,664 
166 
2,916 
34 
113,740 

25,074 

8,765 
414 
4,054 
5 
305 
89 
15 
50 

""765" 
1,019 
13, 158 
621 
341 
1,843 
116 
255 
7,443 
3,424 
2,222 
73 
162 
51,670 
172 
5 

474 
30 
49 
337 

32 


908 
1,679 
1,037 
53, 194 
194 
84 
6,032 
14, 103 
35,273 
2,870 
9,770 
197 
175,732 

58,420 

20, 136 
4,321 
33, 101 
66 
2,094 
3,380 
1,970 
1,381 
37 
21,476 
42, 525 
34,612 
43, 449 
5,358 
6,980 
4,088 
2, 494 
46, 156 
7,856 
15, 709 
7,216 
6,511 
254, 384 
39,019 
250 

3,062 
2,050 
1,856 
38,387 

3,325 


2,609 
5,844 
3,268 
1,083 
510 
204 
20, 182 
47,594 
90,241 
5,252 
16,415 
432 
159, 105 

113,485 

5,998 
102 
130, 925 
119 
5,031 
9,496 
6,539 
3,873 
92 
50, 744 
96,951 
58, 686 
104,880 
15,333 
13, 742 
12,225 
7,170 
137, 160 
9, 690 
25, 81)4 
14, 245 
12, 026 
528,070 
113, 659 
723 

5,967 
7,702 
5,128 
132,337 

9,379 


3,517 
7,523 
4,305 
54, 277 
704 
288 
26, 214 
61,697 
125,514 
8,122 
26,185 
629 
334, 837 

171,905 

26,134 
4,423 
164,026 
185 
7,125 
12,876 
8,509 
5,254 
129 
72,220 
139, 476 
93,298 
148,329 
20, 691 
20,722 
16,313 
9,664 
183,316 
17, 546 
41,513 
21,461 
18, 537 
782, 454 
152.678 
973 

9,029 
9,752 
6,984 
170, 724 

12,704 


Municipal and local civil service 




Army and navy 


Clergymen orthodox 


Clergymen, other Christian 


Clergymen non-Christian 


Persons serving about churches etc 


Teachers and educators 


Science literature, and art 


Medical and sanitary work 


Service for charitable organizations 


Personal and domestic service 


Living on income from capital or supported 
by relatives . . . 


Supported by the treasury or by charitable 
institutions 


Prisoners and convicts 


Agriculture 


Agriculture and sericulture 


Cattle raising, etc 


Forestry and forest industries 


Fishing and hunting 


Mining 


Metal smelting 


Manufactures of animal products 


Manufactures of wood 


Textile industry 


Manufactures of metal 


Pottery and ceramic industry 


Chemical industry 


Production of spirituous liquors 


Production of other beverages 


Production of foods, animal and vegetable... 
Tobacco and tobacco manufactures 


Printing and paper industries 


Scientiuc instruments, watches, and toys.... 
Jewelry, painting, articles of luxury, etc 
Manufacture of clothing 


Building industry. . . 


Carriage and wooden ship making 
All other persons employed in manufactur- 
ing industry (manufacturers, clerical em- 
plovees, etc.). 


Transportation by water 


Railroad employees . 


Carting and draving . ... 


All other means of communication and 
transportation... 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 



Class 
No. 



Occupation. 


; 

Persons engaged in gainful 
occupations. 


Members 
of their 
families. 


Total. 


Male. 


Female. 


Total. 


45 
46 
47 
48 
49 
50 
51 
52 
53 
54 

55 
56 
57 

58 
59 
60 
61 
62 
63 
64 
65 


Post, telegraph, and telephone 
Institutions of credit and insurance " ' ' 


310 
2,299 
15, 423 
80,637 
15, 745 
46,483 
115,343 
27,051 
4,810 

6,298 
38, 470 
11, 774 

2,776 
6,953 
14,812 
8,534 
10,802 
5,489 
12, 276 
128 
7,484 


16 
109 
552 
15,578 
172 
2,480 
29,716 
662 
1,043 

551 
5,713 

111 

289 
619 
5,058 
1,970 
1,334 
3,508 
4,430 
1, 148 
7,943 


326 
2,408 
15,975 
96,215 
15,917 
48,963 
145,-059 
27, 713 
5,853 

6,849 
44,183 
12,551 

3,065 
7,572 
19,870 
10,504 
12, 136 
8,997 
16,706 
1,276 
15, 427 


818 
5,376 
53,581 
302, 722 
62, 669 
172,624 
442,048 
94,094 
15,967 

20,899 
114,700 
42, 153 

7,695 
19,979 
49, &M) 
32,682 
44, 440 
18, 237 
25,770 
488 
16,037 


1,144 

7,784 
69,556 
398,937 
78,586 
221,587 
587, 107 
121,807 
21,820 

27, 748 
158,883 
54,704 

10,760 
27,551 
69,720 
43,186 
56,576 
27,234 
42,476 
1,764 
31,464 


Commercial middlemen 


General commerce 


Trad ing in grain... 


Trading m all other agricultural products 
J radmg m structural material and in fuel" ' 
1 fading in various goods for domestic use " " 
1 radmg in metal goods, machinery, and' 
<irnis .-.. 
Trading in textiles and clothing! 


Trading in furs, leather, etc. 


Trading in articles of luxury, science arts 
etc 


Trading in other goods 


Peddlers and hucksters.... 


Hotel and restaurant keepers 


Dealers in spirituous liquors .. 


Cleanliness and hygiene. . . 


Indefinite occupations... 


Prostitutes 


Occupations unknown 






,204,937 


325,370 


, 530, 307 


,532,849 


5,063,156 



, i.? S on . cise and clear statement of the main facts of this table it has been 
thought desirable to prepare a table that will be, as far as possible, comparable 
with the occupation grouping of the United States census. For this purpose it 
was necessary to eliminate several classes that are omitted in United States 
occupation statistics, namely, class 14, "living on income from capital, or 
supported by relatives ; " class 15, " supported by the treasury or by private 
charitable institutions ; " class 16, " prisoners and convicts ; " class 64, " prosti- 
tutes ; " and class 65, " occupations unknown." 

The one deviation from the United States system permitted is the distinction 
between those occupied in commerce and those in transportation. 

With these modifications the distribution of the Russian Jews into the main 
occupation groups is as follows: 

Number and per cent of Jews in the Russian Empire engaged in each group of 
gainful occupations, ~by sex, 1S97. 

[Compiled from Premier Recensement Ge'ne'ral de la Population de I'Empire de Russie, 1897.] 



Class 
Nos. 


Group of occupations. 


Males. 


Per 
cent. 


Females. 


Per 

cent. 


Total. 


Per 
cent. 


17-21 


Agricultural pursuits 


36, 143 


3.1 


4, 468 


1.6 


40, 611 


2 9 


1-3, 5-11 


Professional service 


66, 944 


5.8 


5,006 


1.8 


71,950 


5 


4, 12, 13, 


>Personal service a, 


152, 450 


13 3 


125,016 


44 3 


277 466 


19 4 


60-63 
22-40 

41-45 


Manufacturing and mechanical 
pursuits. 
Transportation 


458, 810 
45, 480 


39.9 
4.0 


83,753 

4fi4 


29.7 
.2 


542, 563 
45, 944 


37.9 
3.2 


46-59 


Commercial pursuits 


388 874 


33.9 


03, 319 


22.4 


452, 193 


31 6 




















Total 


1, 148, 701 


100.0 


282,026 


100.0 


1,430,727 


100.0 



















a In order to make figures comparable with figures in the United States census, hotel, restaurant, and 
saloon keepers are included in personal service. 

Ill view of the theory generally accepted both in Russia and in the United 
States, that the European Jew is in the majority of cases a merchant and only 
in America is transformed into a productive worker, it is important to empha- 
size the fact that of those who were employed in 1897 only one-third of the 
males and less than one-fourth of the females were occupied in commercial 



292 



The Immigration Commission. 



undertakings, or only 31.6 per cent of all the Jews employed, while the manu- 
facturing and mechanical pursuits claimed almost two-fifths of those engaged in 
gainful occupations. 

The small number of Jews engaged in agriculture is clearly brought out in the 
table. The economic function of the Jewish population of Russia may be 
further elucidated by a comparison of the occupation statistics of the Jews with 
those of the non-Jewish population of Russia. 

Number and per cent of Jews and of other persons in the Russian Empire en- 
gaged in each group of gainful occupations, 1897. 

[Compiled from Premier Recensement G6n6ral de la Population de 1'Empire de Russie, 1897.] 



Group of occupations. 


Persons 
other than 
Jews. 


Per 
cent. 


Jews. 


Per 
cent. 


Agricultural pursuits 


18 204 676 


60 5 


40 611 


2 9 


Professional service 


916, 863 


3.0 


71,950 


5 


Personal service a . . 


4, 872, 546 


16.2 


277, 466 


19 4 


Manufacturing and mechanical pursuits * 


4 627 356 


15 4 


542 563 


37 9 


Transportation 


668, 801 


2.2 


45, 944 


3 2 


Commerce a, 


804, 137 


2 7 


452 193 


31 6 












Total 


30 094 379 


100 


1 430 727 


100 













o In order to make figures comparable with figures in the United States census, hotel, restaurant, and 
saloon keepers are included in personal service. 

According to this table, 60.5 per cent of the non- Jewish population in gainful 
occupations in Russia were engaged in agriculture, while of the Jews 2.9 per 
cent were so employed. Of persons other than Jews only 2.7 per cent were 
engaged in commerce, while 31.6 per cent of the Jews were so engaged. The 
proportion of Jews in manufacturing and mechanical pursuits was nearly two 
and a half times as great as that of persons other than Jews employed ii/those 
pursuits. Although the Jews constitute only a little over 4 per cent of the 
entire Russian population, the number of Jews employed in manufacturing and 
mechanical pursuits is 10.5 per cent of the total population so engaged, and the 
Jews engaged in commerce represent 36 per cent of the whole commercial class. 
This table shows, however, that the entire commercial class in Russia consti- 
tutes only 4 per cent and the Jews engaged in commerce only 1.4 per cent of the 
total number of persons in gainful occupations in Russia. 

Since the Jews occupy but a small portion of the vast Empire, a comparison 
limited to that portion seems to promise more practical results. 

Number and per cent of Jews and of other persons in the Pale engaged in each 
group of gainful occupations, 1897. 

[Compiled from Premier Recensement G6n6ral de la Population de 1'Empire de Russie, 1897.] 



Group of occupations. 


Total em- 
ployed. 


Per 
cent. 


Jews. 


Per 

cent. 


Persons 
other than 
Jews. 


Per 

cent. 


Agricultural pursuits 


6,071,413 


55.9 


38,538 


2.9 


6, 032, 875 


63.2 




317, 710 


2.9 


67, 238 


5 1 


250 472 


2 6 


Personal service o 


2, 139, 981 


19.7 


250, 078 


18.8 


1, 889, 903 


19.8 


Manufacturing and mechanical pursuits... 
Transportation 
Commerce <* 


1,573,519 
211,983 
556, 086 


14.4 
2.0 
5.1 


504,844 
44, 177 
426, 628 


37.9 
3.3 
32.0 


1,068,675 
167,866 
129, 458 


11.2 
1.8 
1.4 
















Total 


10,870,692 


100.0 


1,331,503 


100.0 


9, 539, 189 


100.0 

















a In order to make figures comparable with figures in the United States census, hotel, restaurant, and 
saloon keepers are included in personal service; hence the totals for commerce in this table do not agree 
with those given in the tables on pages 290-1. 

With, a commercial class that amounts to only 5.1 per cent of the working 
population of the Pale, the claim of the overcrowding of that class would hardly 
Seem justified, and the Jews inhabiting the large cities naturally fill this class. 
Within the Pale the Jews employed in commerce constitute more than four- 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 



293 



fifths of all persons so employed, and in the industrial class (manufacturing 
and mechanical pursuits) more than one-third. 

In reality the contrast between the number of Jews employed in the various 
groups of occupations and the number of persons other than Jews employed in 
the same groups is still stronger than these tables indicate, because of the 
peculiarities of the Russian occupation statistics. In the class of persons 
employed all persons actually working are not reported, but only the "self- 
dependent " ones. Thus, of a large agricultural family, containing from three 
to six adult workers, only one person the head of the family is reported as 
" employed in family," while in the United Stales census all persons occupied 
in farm work would be so reported. If the children and dependents are added, 
the agricultural class swells considerably, and the percentage of the commercial 
class is correspondingly reduced. 

An analysis of the statistics of the occupations of the Jews by separate re- 
gions shows that, while there is a general uniformity, there are characteristic 
differences in the distribution, especially in the comparative proportions of the 
industrial arid commercial classes. In the northwest, namely, in Lithuania and 
in White Russia, the industrial occupations claim a much greater proportion of 
the employed than commerce (44.2 per cent against 23.8 per cent and 42.2 per 
cent against 27.4 per cent, respectively). This difference is significant in view 
of the greater congestion of the Jews in the northwest and their lower economic 
condition, as will be indicated in another section. It will be shown that in 
these Provinces there is a process of rapid shifting from the commercial pur- 
suits to industrial work, and here also the labor movement is strongest. It is 
from these provinces that until very recently emigration to the United States 
was strongest. The following table shows the distribution of Jews in the vari- 
ous occupation groups for each region of the Pale and for Russia outside of the 
Pale: 

Number and per cent of Jews in each group of gainful occupations in the Pale, 
by regions, and in Russia outside of the Pale, 1897. 

[Compiled from the separate reports on Provinces of Premier Recensement General de la Population de 

1'Empire de Russie, 1897.] 



Groups of gainful occupations. 


Lithuania. 


White Russia. 


Southwestern 
Russia. 


Southern (new) 
Russia. 


Number. 


Per 

cent. 


Number. 


Per 

cent. 


Num- 
ber. 


Per 

cent. 


Number. 


Per 
cent. 




8,279 
10,455 
38,819 

90,322 
8,053 
48, 608 


4.0 
5.1 
19.0 

44.2 
3.9 
23.8 


8,223 
11,556 
31,865 

83,656 
8,507 
54,359 


4.2 

5.8 
16.1 

42.2 
4.3 
27.4 


6,427 
21,226 
62, 112 

132,787 
11,481 
142,368 


1.7 
5.6 
16.5 

35.3 
3.1 
37.8 


9,614 
10, 571 
37, 473 

74,361 
6,202 
76, 151 


4.5 
4.9 
17.5 

34.7 
2.9 
35.5 






Manufacturing and mechanical pur- 
Suits 




Commerce a 




204,536 


100.0 


198, 166 


100.0 


376, 401 


100.0 


214,372 


100.0 


. 


Groups of gainful occupations. 


Poland. 


Pale. 


Russia out- 
side of Pale. 


Russian Em- 
pire. 


Number. 


Per 
cent. 


Number. 


Per 
cent. 


Num- 
ber. 


Per 
cent. 


Number. 


'Per 
cent. 




5,995 
13,430 

79,809 

123,718 
9,934 
105, 142 


1.8 
4.0 
23.6 

36.6 
2.9 
31.1 


38,538 
67, 238 
250,078 

504,844 
44, 177 
b 426, 628 


2.9 
5.1 
18.8 

37.9 
3.3 
32.0 


2,073 
4,712 
27,388 

37,719 
1,767 
25,565 


2.1 
4.7 
27.6 

38.0 
1.8 
26.8 


40,611 
71,950 
277, 466 

542,563 
45,944 
452, 193 


2.9 
5.0 
19.4 

37.9 
3.2 
31.6 






Manufacturing and mechanical pur- 
suits 






Total 


338,028 


100.0 


1,331,503 


100.0 


99,224 


100.0 


1,430,727 


100.0 


a in order to make figures comparable with figures in the United States census, hotel, restaurant, and 
saloon keepers are included in personal service. .y.,.. nri ^nees 290-1 for the reason stated in note o. 
b This total does not agree with that shown in 



294 The Immigration Commission. 

AGRICULTURE. 

AGRICULTURAL COLONIES. 

Numerically, the farmers do not represent a very considerable proportion of 
the Jewish race in Russia ; but in view of the almost universal conviction" that 
the Jewish character is incompatible with agricultural pursuits, it will be a 
revelation to many Americans to learn that there are more than 40,000 Jews in 
Russia who are independently employed in farming and that more than 150,000 
persons are supported by them, so that altogether over 190,000 persons of Jewish 
faith derive their subsistence from agricultural pursuits. This fact makes the 
data in regard to Jewish agriculture not only interesting, but of practical impor- 
tance to the people of the United States. The condition of the Jewish farmers 
in Russia has been the subject of many thorough investigations, the most recent 
and exhaustive being that made by the St. Petersburg committee of the Jewish 
Colonization Society. The data for this investigation were gathered by a house- 
to-house canvass at the end of the last century and the results were published in 
1904. This source will be mainly relied upon for statistical information as to 
agricultural conditions. 

When Russia, by the annexation of a portion of Poland, acquired authority 
over a large Jewish population, the Jews represented the commercial and the 
industrial classes of Poland. During the first half of the nineteenth century 
the acknowledged effort of the Russian Government was to break up Jewish 
exclusiveness and encourage the assimilation of the Jews with the Russian 
people. 

A part of this policy was the effort to attract Jews to agricultural pursuits, 
and to this end purchase and rental of land by Jews were encouraged by Alexan- 
der I and by Nicholas I. During the reign of the former the law of December 
9, 1804, was passed, a law which not only permitted the settlement and the buy- 
ing of land by Jews in new Russia, but created a fund for the settlement of 
Jews in agricultural colonies in that sparsely settled part of the Empire. Special 
inducements also were offered to Jewish colonists, as, for instance, freedom from 
military service for twenty-five and even fifty years. Several colonies were 
established, and by 1810 about 1,700 Jewish families were settled on the lands 
of the Province of Kherson. 

In that year the transfer of Jew r s to new Russia was discontinued because of 
the exhaustion of the funds assigned. In 1823 a grant of 50,000 rubles made 
possible the further settlement of about 500 Jewish families. 

This concluded the experiments of colonizing new Russia with Jews during 
the reign of Alexander I. During the reign of his successor, Nicholas I, similar 
efforts, assisted by private benevolence, were directed toward voluntary settle- 
ment of Jews in country districts, and in the forties, in accordance with the 
provisions of the law of April 13 (25), 1835, several colonies were established in 
the Provinces of Kherson and Yekaterinoslav. These efforts, at least as far as 
new Russia was concerned, were discontinued in 1865. The experiment of send- 
ing Jewish would-be agriculturists to Siberia, which was undertaken in 1835, 
was abandoned in the following year. In new Russia the number of colonies 
grew from 15 in 1847 to 371 in 1865. The law of 1835 was also operative in the 
western provinces, but the condition of the soil and the life of agricultural 
classes in that region were not such as to attract the Jews. In 1859 the settle- 
ment of Jews on government lands in the western region was stopped, and in 
1864 the colonizing of Jews on private lands was .prohibited. 

The attitude of the Government toward the question of colonizing Jews and 
attracting them to an agricultural life has evidently changed. The reason 
usually given for this change was the small attendant success. When the radi- 
cal nature of the experiment is considered, it seems evident that the process 
could not prove immediately successful. The evidences of the desire to engage 
in agricultural pursuits were many, and toward the second half of the nine- 
teenth century a general decline of the prosperity of the urban Jew, caused by 
the Polish insurrection, created the proper conditions for Jewish land settle- 
ment, but unfortunately the attitude of the Government had changed. Finally, 
the May laws of 1882, while they did not affect the colonies as such, put an end 
to the application of Jewish private enterprise and capital to land ownership 
and farming, which had been making rapid strides contemporaneously with, 
but independently of, the colonies. These laws prohibited the Jews from buying 
or renting lands outside of the limits of the cities and incorporated towns (the 
so-called "miestechkos"). These temporary rules, which extended to the 15 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 



295 



provinces of western Russia, exclusive of Poland, were never repealed, and in 
lu Poland WGre pr0hlblted from bu y in S or Anting land from the peasants 

The size of the homestead is one of the main factors in the economic situation 
)t a farmer. The standard of agricultural technique prevailing in Russia makes 
intensive agriculture almost an impossibility and demands a large farm A hun- 
dred years ago agricultural methods in Russia were still more primitive than 
they are now, and it was hardly to be expected that the Jew, as a beginner in 
agriculture, would immediately excel his Russian neighbor in the methods of 
tilling the soil. In the province of Kherson, where nearly 25 per cent of all 
the Jewish "colonists" are located, and where on the whole they have been 
most successful, the original "colonists" were granted homesteads of 30 des- 
siatines (81.06 acres), but the increase of population, division of households, 
etc., have considerably decreased the size of the land holdings of the farmers. 
In the western region the average size of a lot on which the Jewish colonist 
started his agricultural career was still smaller, usually about 20 dessiatines 
(54.04 acres). 

The following table shows the total number of Jewish colonies, the number 
of Jewish peasant families, and the area of land in their possession: 

Number of Jewish colonies, households, and members, and acres held by the 
colonists, by regions, 1898. 



Region. 


Number 
of colo- 
nies. 


Households. 


Number of 
acres. 


Number. 


Members. 


Northwestern Provinces 


188 
60 
48 
(a) 


2,731 
2,227 
5,592 
2,509 


18,504 
12, 155 
32,683 
12, 545 


66, 012. 5 
. 31,975.5 
171, 390. 6 
36,028.5 


Southwestern Provinces 


Southern (new) Russia 


Poland *~ 


Total 


&296 


13,059 


75,887 


305, 407. 1 





a Not reported. 



b Not including colonists in Poland not reported. 



In new Russia the average holding per household is 11.34 dessiatines (30.6 
acres), while in the northwestern provinces the average farm is but 8.95 dessia- 
lines (24.2 acres), although the quality of the land is much inferior to that of 
the black soil of new Russia. In the southwestern provinces, as well as in 
Poland, the average size of a farm is only 5.31 dessiatines (14.3 acres). The 
average farm of the Jewish peasant, therefore, contains no more than 8.66 
dessiatines (23.4 acres). 

Of all the experiments to turn the Jew to an agricultural life the colonies 
established in the Province of Kherson were placed under the most favorable 
conditions and gave the best results. These colonies deserve, therefore, detailed 
description. The colonies werev started with an allotment from the Government 
of 30 dessiatines (81.06 acres) for each family, but under the influence of 
varying conditions this equality did not persist very long. There began in the 
Jewish colonies the same process of differentiation that is characteristic of the 
entire Russian peasantry, so that only a portion of the colonists' households are 
provided with sufficient land to make a practical success of farming. This is 
clearly shown in the table next submitted. 



79524 VOL 4 11- 



-20 



296 



The Immigration Commission. 



Number and per cent of Jewish households and of acres owned, and average 
size of holding, in the colonies of Kherson, by groups of households, 1898. 





Households. 


Acres owned. 


Average 
holding 
(acres). 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


No land 


611 
483 
836 

728 
529 


19.2 
15.2 
26.2 
22.8 
16.6 








Less than 13.5 acres 


4,923 
19,172 
30, 009 
42, 846 


5.1 
19.8 
31.0 
44.1 


10.2 
22.9 
41.3 
81.0 


13. 5 to 27 acres 


27 to 54 acres 


54 acres or over 


Total 


3,187 


100.0 


97,010 


100.0 


30.4 





Only one-sixth of the households own at present 54 acres or more per family, 
and this one-sixth owns 44.1 per cent of the entire land of the colonies. Many 
of the farmers have extended their activity by renting, since 1,165 households 
were found to rent additional land, the total area rented in 1898 amounting to 
25,203i dessiatines (68,099.2 acres). On the other hand, 811 households let out 
a part or the whole of their holdings, the total area let out amounting to but 
7.524| dessiatines (20,331.2 acres). If the amount let out is subtracted from 
the amount rented there is shown a net increase in holdings due to rentals of 
17,678J dessiatines (47,768 acres), or an average for the 3,187 households of 
5.5 dessiatines (14.9 acres). 

The following table shows the effect of the renting of land upon the average 
size of the farming establishments : 

Average size of allotments oivncd, average net increase due to rentals, and 
average size of total holdings in the colonies of Kherson, by groups of house- 
holds, 1898. 

[The " average net increase due to rentals " is the excess of the amount of land rented 

over the amount let out.] 



Households owning 


Average 
size of 
allotment 
owned 
(acres). 


Average 
net in- 
crease due 
to rentals 
(acres). 


Average 
total 
holdings 
(acres). 


No land 




25. 7 


25.7 


Less than 13.5 acres 


10.2 


22.4 


32.6 


13 5 to 27 acres . 


22.9 


20.0 


42.9 




41.3 


8.6 


49.9 


54 acres or over 


81.0 


a 3. 5 


77.5 










Total 


30.4 


14.9 


45.3 











Excess of land let out over land rented. 

Agricultural pursuits are not congenial to all colonists in the same degree. 
While there are undoubtedly many who prefer to lease their comparatively large 
holdings, which they are prohibited by law from selling, there is a sufficient 
number of others who are anxious to apply their labor to farming on rented land. 

If the condition of the surrounding Russian peasantry be taken as a basis of 
comparison, these Jewish peasants are fairly well provided with working live 
stock, the average number of horses per family being 2.28. Yet there are 1,018 
households that do not possess any horses at all, and 216 that possess only 
one horse each, so that only 1,953, or 61.3 per cent, of the households own two 
horses or more. 

In the character of their agricultural methods, the kind of implements they 
use, and the crops they grow, the Jewish peasants of these colonies of the 
Province of Kherson differ little from their Russian neighbors, from whom 
they receive their first lessons in agriculture. Like the Russian peasants, the 
Jews plant more than two-thirds of their land in cereals, the rest being left for 
grazing purposes; but grass sowing is almost unknown. The climate of 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 




b , 

and practically all the rest in winter clrea ?' A "'" ther Spring cereals ' 
in 1898 by the statistician of the Provfn^' n^i-h " g t0 n c m Parl*> made 
planted in cereals 983 per cent of ST 2 K & ers n . the Jewish colonists 
peasants of the same distHct 964 per ce, ? the"^ cn . ltl tlon : * Hn-an 



erthe ho , 



The returns from agriculture can not be very great when such methods are 



Bushels 
On private estates ______ 

On lands of German colonists _____ 

On lands of Bulgarians _____________ 

On lands of Jewish colonists _______________ 7 ~ 3 

On lands of Russian peasants _____________ I ____ ~ ~ 6 *g 

According to these figures the Jews show better results than the Russian 
peasants, whose only occupation for many centuries was agriculture 

Whatever the returns, it is important to know that the majority of the 
colonists make use only of their own labor in tilling their land. Very few 
colonists, mainly those whose possessions are considerably above the average 
employ hired labor all the year round. The number of such households is 
only 210, or 6.6 per cent of the total, and the average number of laborers em- 
ployed per household is 1.82. The number of families that are forced to hire 
additional labor during the season of plowing, or more especially of harvesting 
and thrashing, is considerably greater, namely, 686, or 21.5 per cent; but many 
families who also hire permanent laborers are here included. The total num- 
ber of households employing hired labor, whether permanently or temporarily 
is only 704, or 22.1 per cent of all households. 

Even if the rental value of land be disregarded, it can not be claimed that 
the reward of the labor of practically all the members of the family is con- 
siderable. By a careful calculation, based upon the average yield of the land 
and the price of cereals, the average annual income of a household has .been 
estimated at 139 rubles ($71.59) from grain farming, and with the addition of 
the products of live stock (dairying and slaughtering), at 200 rubles ($103). 
In discussing this estimate an investigator says : 

" Such an income would scarcely be sufficient for a family of a Russian 
peasant, who needs about 35 rubles ($18.03) per capita for his bare subsist- 
ence, according to the investigations of the well-known Russian statistician, 
Mr. Shcherbina. But the standard of a Jewish family is evidently higher. 
The Jewish population of the colonies has kept certain civilized customs, 
which they find difficult to give up; thus they do not spare expenses for teach- 
ing their children ; they are accustomed to better food, and they dress better 
on holidays, and have considerable expenses for religious purposes, for medical 
treatment, etc. From data in regard to the budgets of five agricultural Jewish 
families in the Province of Vilna, it appears that the normal budget of a Jewish 

See Sbornik Materialov ob Economicheskom Polozhenii Evreev v Rossii 
(Collectton of material in regard to the economic condition of the Jews in Rus- 
sia), VoL I, p. 40, 



298 The Immigration Commission. 

family is not less than 300 rubles ($154.50). Persons well acquainted with the 
life of the southern colonists estimate the normal expenditures of a family at 
the same figure. No matter how approximate our calculations, one may assert 
with a reasonable degree of certainty that the income from agriculture does 
not by far correspond to the needs of the population of the colonies, and that 
subsidiary occupations therefore are a necessity for some part of the families." 

Facts seem to support this reasoning, for a considerable number of the 
families in the colonies have been forced to look for additional sources of 
income. Of the 3,187 families living in the Khejson colonies, only 1,563, or 
49 per cent, have no other occupation but agriculture ; 1,194 families, or 37.5 per 
cent, have an additional occupation; and 430 families, or 13.5 per cent, have 
abandoned agriculture and have devoted themselves to other occupations. The 
proportion of the latter is not great enough to support the claim that the Jewish 
colonists have proved unwilling or unfit to be land tillers. At the same time, 
the possibilities of profitable employment at commerce and handicrafts for local 
demand, as well as the demand of the surrounding rural communities, have been 
utilized by some of the colonists. The amount of available labor in a family 
seems to have been the decisive factor in the combination of agriculture with 
other pursuits, for of the families without any adult workers only 21.5 per cent 
pursue at the same time other occupations than farming; of the families with 
one worker, 35.3 per cent, and of the families with more than one worker, 47.6 
per cent. With the growth of population and the consequent reduction of the 
available land supply per household, this tendency to pursue other occupations 
must inevitably grow. A comparative statement is possible for one county 
(uyezd), the county of Elisabetgrad, where a similar investigation was made 
some fifteen years earlier. The proportion of households employed at agricul- 
ture alone decreased from 65.9 per cent to 47.9 per cent, while the proportion 
of those who combined agricultural work with other pursuits increased from 
24.8 per cent to 32.7 per cent, and the proportion of those who abandoned agri- 
culture rose from 9.3 per cent to 19.4 per cent. These changes took place dur- 
ing the comparatively short period of fifteen years, from 1883-1885 to 1898-99. 
During the same period the population of the 3 colonies located in this " uyezd " 
increased more than 50 per cent, and the average supply of land per person de- 
creased from 17.5 to 10.1 dessiatines (from 47.3 to 27.8 acres). In the neighbor- 
ing Province of Yekaterinoslav 17 colonies were established within the decade 
1845-1855 and under conditions very similar to those in Kherson. The allot- 
ment of land was the same, i. e., 30 dessiatines (81.1 acres), except for two 
colonies, where it was 35 dessiatines (94.6 acres) and 40 dessiatines (108.1 
acres), respectively. The average amount of land per family in 1897 was 12.5 
dessiatines (33.8 acres), or about the same as in the Province of Kherson. In 
addition to the 17,650 dessiatines (47,690 acres) owned, 7,814 dessiatines 
(21,113 acres) were rented. A detailed investigation was made in these colonies 
in 1890, when their condition was described as fairly satisfactory. At that time 
749 households were found, of which 524, or 70 per cent, tilled their land by their 
own labor ; 93, or 12.4 per cent, made use of hired labor in addition to their own ; 
77, or 10.3 per cent, relied upon hired labor exclusively; and only 55 families, 
or 7.3 per cent, did not occupy themselves with agriculture at all. Like the 
colonists of Kherson, those of Yekaterinoslav grow cereals, preferably wheat, 
rye, and barley, to the exclusion of everything else. 

In the realization of its object of attracting the Jews toward agriculture the 
Government pursued two lines of activity. The one consisted in Settling the 
Jews in the sparsely populated lands of New Russia, the other in encouraging 
voluntary settlement of Jews on state or c-n private lands. In the latter case 
the land was either bought or rented. Although the Jewish colonies were 
entitled to a subsidy at the time of settling in their new homes, the land was 
usually so poor and the success of the Jewish farmers often so indifferent that 
many of the colonists were forced to leave their colonies and return to the towns. 
Nevertheless, the investigation undertaken by the agents of the Jewish Coloniza- 
tion Society in 1S99 proved the existence of 248 Jewish agricultural settlements, 
containing a population of 4.958 families, or 30,659 persons. But the land at 
the disposal of these families is limited to 36,265 dessiatines (97,988 acres), 
which gives an average of 7.3 dessiatines (19.7 acres) per family, or 1.2 des- 
siatines (3.2 acres) per person. How insufficient this area is for grain farming 
may be judged from the fact that the average plat owned by the Jewish colonist 
is considerably smaller than the corresponding plat of his peasant neighbor. 
Thus, in the six northwestern provinces the average amount of arable land per 
each male person of the peasant class was 2.25 dessiatines (6.1 acres), while 



__ Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia 299 

?nz S Jn th r by m r f than W P6V Cent The ProWbitLonagaust Jews buy! 

of 188 whic D pro ces ' whi <* dates back to 1864, and the laws 

h 



Under these conditions successful agriculture was hardly to be expected 



2i 

QQ o Per ent Ot the colonists Caving less than 2.5 dessiatines (68 
acres), 39.9 per cent from 2.5 to 10 dessiatines (6.8 to 27 acres) and only 18 
per cent more than 10 dessiatines (27 acres). Only a little more than one 
half of the colonists actually plow their own land, and the average surface 
cultivated by a family is equal to 4 dessiatines (10.8 acres) in the northwestern 
provinces and only 2.5 dessiatiues (6.8 acres) in the southwestern region The 
methods and the implements, or rather their absence, are similar to those of the 
ignorant peasants of Lithuania or of White Russia, and practically all these 

farmers " without land are forced to look to other fields for support Thus 
only 13 per cent of the fmilies devoted themselves entirely to agriculture In 
addition to agriculture the handicrafts, commerce, and unskilled labor were the 
principal occupations of the colonists. The statement that if the families with 
less than 2.5 dessiatines (6.8 acres) be excluded three-fourths of the remaining 
families plow their land would seem to show that the utmost use is made of the 
laud. Although the main colonies of Jewish land tillers are located in the 
Provinces of Kherson and Yekaterinoslav, numerous colonies, as well as 
individual land tillers, are scattered throughout the Jewish Pale, and even in 
Siberia may be found several villages inhabited by Jewish peasants. A few 
words may be added to show the condition of these peasants. 

In Bessarabia 9 colonies were established between 1836 and 1853, 5 of them 
on bought lands and 4 on lands acquired by rentals that run from 25 to 50 
years. At the expiration of the contracts it was impossible to renew them in 
3 out of these 4 colonies, and only 6. colonies exist at the present time. In 
many details these Bessarabian colonies differ from those' already described. 
The enforced removal of Jews from villages has crowded into the colonies many 
families in no way connected with agricultural pursuits, and this has given to 
the colonies the appearance of commercial towns. Out of 1,500 families only 
536 own land, and their average laudholdings are but 5.48 dessiatines (14.8 
acres), which is a great deal less than the average holdings in Kherson, and 
also less than the average holdings of the peasants of this Province, 8.2 dessia- 
tines (22.2 acres). On this land grain farming plays a small part, only 67 
per cent of the land being under grain, the main cereal being maize. The 
colonies have a comparatively large grazing area, and several colonies keep large 
flocks of sheep for commercial purposes. Another distinctive feature of these 
colonies is a considerable development of various kinds of special crops, such 
as fruit, tobacco, and grapes. Not only in the colonies, but also in the Russian 
villages of the Province, do Jews occupy themselves with tobacco culture ; in 
fact, almost all the tobacco growing in Bessarabia is done by Jews. The com- 
petition of the world's crop is gradually reducing the profits of this crop and 
is forcing the planters not provided with suflicient land for grain farming into 
viticulture. The results of this highly intensive crop are not very favorable, 
because of the primitive wine-making methods in use. 

In Poland Jewish agriculture was encouraged mainly by grants of long 
periods of freedom from military service, and since that service, before the 
introduction of the new military system, lasted about twenty-five years the 
inducement was not inconsiderable. Though this privilege was withdrawn in 
1864 many cases of settlement of Jews on farms occurred after that date, 
especially since the right of the Jew to acquire land remained unassailed in 
Poland longer than anywhere else in the Empire. Altogether 2,509 families of 
Jewish agriculturists, living either on separate farms or in small colonies, were 
found in Poland, who held about 15,000 dessiatines (40,503 acres), or about 6 
dessiatines (16 acres) per family. 



300 



The Immigration Commission. 



The results of these experiments furnish sufficient material for a judgment 
of the social worth of these efforts. In so far as the simple question of the 
fitness of the Russian Jew for an agricultural career is concerned it seems to 
have been proved beyond doubt. Within a period of less than fifty years thou- 
sands of families have established themselves in rural communities, and tilling 
the land has been usually their main and often their only occupation. If their 
economic position is usually precarious, the same is true of the Russian peasant 
in general. The Jewish peasant suffers from the same cause as his neighbor 
namely, an insufficiency of land but suffers to a still greater degree. Both 
till their laud with antiquated methods and inefficient implements. Both apply 
methods of extensive agriculture to a plat of land, which, in view of its small 
dimensions, demands a highly intensive cultivation. It is small wonder that in 
either case <*rain farming should lead to economic distress. In addition to 
these obstacles the Jew has to contend with a great many difficulties of a legal 
nature, yet it is universally acknowledged that the physical effects of the fifty 
years of farming have had an excellent influence on the health and muscular 
development of the colonists. The Jew of Bessarabia, for instance, has none 
of the physical characteristics that are supposed to be so typical of the Lithu- 
anian Jew. Had the first benevolent efforts of the Government toward the in- 
troduction of agriculture among the Jews been continued, agriculture might 
have become an important occupation of the Jews, especially in view of the 
many idealistic movements to return to the land which have sprung up several 
times during the last thirty years, and caused the organization of agricultural 
colonies of Russian Jews in many parts of the world. 

TRUCK FARMING. 

It is still the custom in Russia to think of grain farming only when speaking 
of farming, because of the very slight development of other specialized forms 
of farming, or to use the inaccurate Russian expression, the cultivation of com- 
mercial crops. Therefore the comparative popularity of these special branches 
of agriculture among Jews, which the official occupation statistics fail to indi- 
cate, is the more significant. 

Through a private enumeration, which, is far from being complete, the follow- 
ing figures were obtained. 

Jews employed in special brandies of agriculture, by regions and kind of 

farming, 1898. 



Kind of farming. 


Southern 
(new) 
Russia. 


South- 
western 
provinces. 


North- 
western 
provinces. 


Poland. 


Total. 


Fruit growing 


622 


1.641 


7,129 


1,907 


11,299 


Tobacco culture 


1,015 


625 


40 


15 


1,695 


Viticulture 


658 


117 




5 


780 


Other special fanning 


27 


36 




30 


93 














Total 


2,322 


2,419 


7,169 


1.957 


13, 867 


Dairy fanning 


495 


970 


3 798 


2 191 


7 454 


Apiculture ... 


34 


57 


59 


50 


200 














Total 


2,851 


3,446 


11 026 


4 igg 


21 521 















In view of the many difficulties of acquiring land, these specialized branches 
of farming that require only limited areas and a great outlay of labor are most 
suitable for the Jews. Altogether the 13,867 farmers had at their disposal 
only 19,475 dessiatines (52,621 acres), which gives an average of 1.4 dessiatines 
(3.8 acres) per farmer, and the acquisition of even these small tracts of land 
was exceedingly difficult, as the May laws of 1882 prohibit the sale or lease of 
land outside of city limits to Jews. As a result 7,714 dessiatines (20,843 acres), 
or nearly two-fifths of the entire land of these special farms, are within the city 
limits, and of the remaining 11,761 dessiatines (31,778 acres) only 1,336 dessia-- 
tines (3,610 acres) are the property of the farmers. Some renting of laud to 
Jews outside the city limits continues notwithstanding the strict laws prohibit- 
ing it, but the insecure position of the tenant, who is at the mercy of the land- 
lord and without the protection of the law, can not have a very stimulating 
effect upon Jewish agriculture. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 



INDEPENDENT FARMING. 

^SSS^SSJ^-^SS^SS^f'^ haS bee " alllllied to -Brtc-ltnral 
inducement for Jewi^ ca^tT fenter the LK? ^ C '", ld LaVe been no 

(At in. IVn <innoT V>^1 <T->^ . 









15 provinces of the Pale__ 

10 Polish provinces _____________ I-I--I-III_-~III~~I 926 913 



Total in the Pale 



-i CiJ.t: j. <ilt7 A >, QOA 

All other European Russia - 0014 -- 

Caucasus - - "Jj ^ 

Siberia "IIZZ ig' A?? 

Middle Asia 



Total in the Empire 6,422 684 

Although this area is considerable, it is only a small part of the total area 
of the country. In the Pale, where Jewish occupancy of estates is most 
common, it does not exceed 1.5 per cent; and only in Poland, where the restric- 
tions of Jewish land occupation are least stringent, does the proportion reach 
2.o per cent of the land area of more than 5 per cent of the land in private 
ownership, that is, the land not in the possession of the peasants. In Poland, 
of the land occupied by the Jews, 86 per cent is owned and 14 per cent is 
leased; in the remaining provinces of the Pale 32.5 per cent is owned and 67.5 
per cent is leased. The difference is evidently to be explained by the differences 
of the legal conditions in the two regions, caused by the May laws of 1882. 
Some twenty years ago the central statistical committee published the results 
of a similar investigation for 12 provinces of the Pale. It is thus possible 
to make a comparison between Jewish land occupancy in 1881 (before the May 
laws) and in 1900, for these 12 provinces of the Pale. The provinces of Vilna, 
Minsk, Moheelev, and the 10 provinces of Poland are not included. 

Jewish landholdings in 12 provinces of the Pale, 1900 compared ivith 1881, by 

tenure. 



Tenure of farms. 


Acres in 
1881. 


Acres in 
1900. 


Decrease. 


Acres. 


Per cent. 


Owned 


1,847,879 


1,022,418 
785,523 


825, 4G1 
4,614,851 


44.7 
85.5 


Rented 


5, 400, 374 


Total 


7,248,253 


1,807,941 


5,440,312 


75.1 





The Jewish Colonization Society made an independent investigation of these 
estates, which included 1,210,796 dessiatines (3,271,571 acres), or practically 
the entire area owned by Jews. The investigation showed that practically all 
of the land is in the hands of owners of large estates, and only a small part 
(less than 1.5 per cent) belonged to those persons owning a farm so small that 
the proprietor probably gave to it his labor as well as his capital and manage- 
ment. 



302 



The Immigration Commission. 



The following table shows the number and area of farms owned by Jews in 
12 provinces of (.ho Pale, by size of farms : 

Number and a-f* of farms owned by Jews in 12 provinces of the Pale, by size 

of farms, 1898. 



Size of farms. 


Farms. 


Area 
(acres). 


Per cent 
of area. 


Average 
size of 
farm 
(acres). 


Number. 


Per 
cent. 


Under 54 acres 


2,058 
821 
1,642 


45.5 
18.2 
36.3 


46, 796 
118,183 
3, 106, 692 


1.4 

3.6 
95.0 


23 
144 

1,892 


54 to 270 acres 


Over 270 acres 


Total 


4,521 


100.0 


3,271,571 


100.0 


724 





ARTISANS. 

NUMBER OF WORKERS. 

The natural difficulties of a removal of an urban people to the rural districts, 
in conjunction with the legal conditions, have been sufficient to keep the 
majority of the Jewish population of Russia in other than agricultural pur- 
suits. This is clearly indicated by the occupation statistics of the census of 
1897, quoted in a preceding section of this article. 

But these figures must be read in the light of Russian economic conditions. 
When measured by the American standard the factory system in Russia is still 
in its infancy, and of the many thousands of Jews engaged in manufacturing 
and mechanical pursuits (to use the familiar phrase of the United States 
census) the great majority are artisans or handicraftsmen. 

Since the Russian census of 1897 does not draw this line, the material 
gathered by the Jewish Colonization Society remains the best and most up-to- 
date source of information at least as far as the statistical study of this 
problem is concerned. 

The agents and correspondents of this society registered 500,986 artisans, and, 
since the total number of Jews gainfully employed was found to be a little over 
1,500,000, the artisans constituted at least one-third. As a matter of fact, how- 
ever, it was practically impossible for a private statistical investigation to 
cover the entire Pale, and many artisans undoubtedly were omitted. It is 
stated that the 500,986 artisans constituted 13.2 per cent of the Jewish popula- 
tion of the localities investigated, and as persons gainfully employed equaled 30 
per cent of the Jewish population it follows that the artisans included 44 per 
cent of the entire Jewish working population. It is not necessary to lay too 
much emphasis upon this high percentage, which considerably exceeds the per- 
centage of all industrial workers as obtained from the census, because the 
deduction that a very great proportion of the Jews earn their livelihood by 
manual labor is beyond dispute. Undoubtedly this is a higher proportion of 
artisans than any other country shows. The Jewish artisans, however, supply 
the demand for industrial products not only of the Jewish population, but of 
the entire population of the Pale. 

Nevertheless, the extreme poverty of the Jewish artisans, which will be 
illustrated by statistical data, and the large proportion of skilled laborers or 
artisans among the immigants to this country betray the overcrowded condition 
of the trades within the Russian Pale. The condition of the clothing trade 
may be taken as an illustration. Very little factory-made clothing is used in 
Russia, and practically all the tailors in that country come under the class of 
artisans, which class, it is necessary to point out, has a legal entity in Russia. 
The census figures show that in a population of 42,338,567 within the Pale, 
458,545 persons are occupied in the clothing trade, or 109 to each 10,000, while in 
the rest of the Russian Empire there were 700,320 persons in the trade in a 
population of 83,301,454, or only 84 per 10,000. 

The overcrowding of the Pale with artisans, the insufficient number of such 
workmen in the rest of Russia, the extreme poverty of the Jewish artisans 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 



303 



caused by this overcrowding of the market, and, finally, the usefulness of the 
Jewish artisans and the desirability of their distribution influenced the Russian 
Government to raise the barriers of the Pale for some artisans. Throughout 
the first half of the nineteenth century these were principally distillers of 
spirits, but in 1865 the right to live outside the Pale was extended to all Jewish 
artisans. The report of the minister of internal affairs accompanying the law 
of June 28 (July 10), 1865, states that according to the reports of the governors 
of the provinces of the Pale the extreme poverty of the artisans within the 
Pale is a result of the enforced overcrowding of that region with artisans ; that 
the overcrowding is caused by the legal limitations of the Jew's right of domi- 
cile, and that. not only the Jewish but non- Jewish artisans of the Pale suffer 
from this enforced overcrowding. The Jewish artisans, the minister said, are 
forced to cut the prices for orders, and the resulting competition affects all the 
artisans unfavorably. And yet the Jewish artisans were the most useful ele- 
ment among the Jews, and if it was found possible to grant the Jewish mer- 
chants the right to live in the interior of Russia, the artisans, it was argued, 
surely were worthy of the same privilege. 

The law of 1865 was the result of these arguments. The natural question will 
be asked why the Jewish artisans have not overrun Russia, instead of flocking 
in such numbers to foreign lauds, like the United States or the United King- 
dom. The prospect of better earnings in foreign lands may serve as a partial 
explanation ; but no less important is the extreme complexity of the law, and 
the subsequent amendments to it, which makes the legal position of a Jewish 
artisan in the interior of Russia very insecure. Thus a well-known text-book of 
special legislation relating to Jews devotes 40 pages to commentaries and de- 
cisions regarding the right of the Jewish artisans to live beyond the limits of 
the Pale. The Jewish artisan is obliged to obtain from the artisans' guild a 
certificate of proficiency in the trade chosen, which certificate is granted only 
after an examination ; he is obliged to have a certificate from the local authori- 
ties, as to his record; in his new place of residence he is strictly bound to his 
special trade, and not only is he obliged to be actively engaged in his trade, but 
he is also strictly prohibited from working at anything outside of it. The closest 
supervision over the fulfillment of these requirements is kept up by the police, 
and the artisan is liable to summary expulsion from his new place of residence 
for any infringement of these regulations. He is not permitted to deal in any 
products not made in his shop ; so that a watchmaker, for instance, can not sell 
any watches unless put together by him, and under no circumstances can he 
sell a watch chain or fob. Many artisans are forced to return to the Pale when 
too old to work at their trade, and the children when they reach maturity are 
required to leave for the Pale unless they have qualified for a trade. The total 
number of Jewish artisan shops in 15 of the most important provinces of the 
interior of Russia, according to an official investigation in 1893, was ascertained 
to be less than 2,000, and the total number of Jewish artisans outside the Pale 
was estimated at considerably less than 10,000. 

The distribution of the artisans through the four mam divisions of the Pale, 
as well as the distribution according to the main classes of occupations, are 
shown in the following table compiled from the report of the Jewish Coloniza- 
tion Society : 

Number and per cent of Jewish artisans in each classified occupation in the four 
main divisions of the Pale, 1898. 



Class of occupation. 


North- 
western 
Russia. 


South- 
western 
Russia. 


South- 
ern 
(new) 
Russia. 


Poland 


Total 


Per 
cent. 


. 


60,637 


56,240 


26,223 


50,854 


193,954 


38.7 




32,292 


21,853 


9,348 


21,813 






Food products 


23,174 


14,401 
16 382 


5,083 
5 276 


15,229 
8,139 


49,588 


9.9 


Wood manufactures 
Metals 


16,667 


15,' 706 
1 198 


8,553 
322 


7,995 
562 


48,921 
3,617 


9.8 
.7 


Chemicals 


14,754 


8^007 


3,411 


5,418 


31,590 


6.3 




6,993 


3,422 


809 


7,204 




2 3 




3,660 


3,640 


2,238 










179, 503 


140,849 


61,263 


119,371 


500,986 
in 2 


100.0 


Per cent of artisans of Jewish population .... 


12.6 


9.9 


8.4 









304 The Immigration Commission. 

When chis table is compared with the table on page 284, giving the distribution 
of the Jewish population, the interesting fact is noticed that the larger the 
proportion of the Jewish population to the total population the larger is the 
proportion of artisans to the Jewish population. Thus, in northwestern Russia, 
where the Jews constitute 14.1 per cent of the total population, the proportion 
of artisans among the Jews is 12.6 per cent ; in Poland the proportions are 14.1 
per cent and 9 per cent; in southwestern Russia, 9.7 per cent and 9.9 per cent; 
in southern (new) Russia, 9 per cent and 8.4 per cent. It is only in Poland 
that this regularity of decrease is slightly disturbed, which may be due to the 
fact that the legal rights of the Jews in Poland are less limited than in the 
rest of the Pale. As a rule, however, a large proportion of Jews are forced 
into trades, because of the difficulty of earning a living in other walks of life, 
while their dispersion among other nationalities, especially those of a lower 
culture, stimulates them to adopt a commercial career. The same difference 
may be noticed in the United States, when the occupations of the Jews in New 
York City are compared with the occupations of Jews in the southern cities. 

The classification of the artisans into nine main groups shows that the great 
majority of the Jewish artisans supply the immediate wants of the neigborhood, 
producing goods mainly for immediate consumption ; thus, 38.7 per cent are 
occupied in the production of clothing and other wearing apparel and 17 per 
cent in the manufacture of leather goods, i. e, boots and shoes, gloves, and 
harness. Likewise the workers in the groups of food products, of wood manu- 
factures, and even that of metal manufactures, produce for the immediate 
demands of the neighborhood, as do most of the artisans belonging to the group 
of building trades and the ceramic industry. 

On the other hand, the last three or four groups include many trades in 
which a wider market for the products is necessary, and in these the artisan's 
trade loses the character of a neighborhood industry. In the class of chemical 
industry are included such trades as the makers of ink, shoe blacking, dyes, 
soap, candles, turpentine, and tar; the ceramic industry includes brick and tile 
makers ; the textiles group consists of weavers, rope makers, and brush makers ; 
the last group embraces the printing trades and the stationery trades. 

Most of the trades enumerated do not manufacture to order only do not 
employ the customer's material and the artisan approaches more nearly the 
domestic industry, or even the small factory. 

It is unfortunately impossible to determine from the data in hand what pro- 
portion of the 500,000 registered artisans are working for wages. The authors 
in the report from which most of the data have been obtained venture to take 
the proportion between master workmen, journeymen, and apprentices as a meas- 
ure of the size of an average artisan's shop, evidently on the supposition that 
the former are usually independent artisans. But their own data frequently 
furnish convincing refutation of this hypothesis. For instance, in the case of 
the manufacture of agricultural machinery in the small town of Rakov we 
find 8 artisans' shops, which employ 23 master workmen, 37 journeymen, and 
15 apprentices, or 75 persons, of whom only 8 are the proprietors. Nevertheless, 
the number of the journeymen is at least indicative of the number of wage- 
workers. Of the 500,986 artisans, 259,396 were masters, 140,528 were journey- 
men, and 101,062 were apprentices. The minimum number of wageworkers was, 
therefore, at least 241,590, or 48.2 per cent; in reality it was much greater. 
Besides the masters, who are forced to work for other masters, there must 
certainly be counted as wageworkers those persons who work for a middleman 
and use his material, as is shown to be the case with the knit-goods makers of 
Vilna. 

WOMEN AND CHILDREN IN THE HAND TRADES. 

The proverbial sanctity of the Jewish home has for many generations kept 
the Jewish woman out of industrial life. While it was not unusual for a 
Jewish woman of the middle class to continue the business after the death 
of her husband, or under other exceptional circumstances, the appearance of the 
Jewish girl or woman in the factory or even in the artisan's shop is compara- 
tively recent. Of the 500000 artisans, there were 76,548 women and girls, who 
were distributed as follows: 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 



305 



Jewish female artisans, compared icith total Jewish artisans, by regions, 1898. 



Region. 


Total 
artisans. 


Female artisans. 


Number. 


Per cent 
of total 
artisans. 


Northwestern Russia. 


179, 503 
140,849 
61, 263 
119,371 


31,800 
21,233 
8,581 
14, 934 


17.7 
15.1 
14.0 
12.5 


Southwestern Russia 


Southern (new) Russia 


Poland 


Total .' 


500,986 


76,548 


15.3 





The difference in the percentages which women constitute of the entire class 
of artisans in various sections of the Pale is significant, in view of the greater 
poverty and greater overcrowding of the Jews in the northwestern provinces. 

The limitations of a private investigation did not permit a detailed inquiry 
into the ages of the workers, but the organization of the artisan guild indirectly 
furnishes information in regard to the extension of child labor. The Russian 
artisan guild, like the medieval prototype, recognizes three grades the master 
workman, the journeyman, and the apprentice the latter being invariably a 
minor and usually under 14 years of age at the beginning of apprenticeship. 
Thus the number of apprentices gives the number of children employed. 

Altogether there were 101,062 apprentices, of whom 79,169 were boys and 
21,893 were girls. For the entire Pale the proportion was as follows : Men, 68.9 
per cent; women, 10.9 per cent; boys, 15.8 per cent; girls, 4.4 per cent. The 
number and per cent of men, women, boys, and girls employed in the trades in 
the four different regions of the Pale are shown in the following table : 

Number and per cent of Jewish men, women, boys, and girls engaged in the 
trades in each region of the Pale, 1898. 



Class. 


Northwestern 
Russia. 


Southwestern 
Russia. 


Southern (new) 
Russia. 


Poland. 


Total in Pale. 


Num- 
ber. 


Per 
cent. 


Num- 
ber. 


Per 
cent. 


Num- 
ber. 


Per 
cent. 


Num- 
ber. 


Per 
cent. 


Num- 
ber. 


Per 
cent. 


Men 


119,481 
21,990 
28, 222 
9,810 


66.6 
12.2 
15.7 
5.5 


99, 858 
16, 120 
19,758 
5,113 


70.9 
11.5 
14.0 
3.6 


42, 310 
6, 010 
10, 372 
2,571 


9! 8 
16.9 
4.2 


83, 620 
10, 535 

20, 817 
4,399 


70.1 
8.8 
17.4 
3.7 


345,269 
54, 655 
79, 169 
21,893 


68.9 
10.9 
15.8 
4.4 


Women 
Bovs 
Girls 


Total.. 


179, 503 


100.0 


140, 849 


100.0 


61,263 


100.0 


119, 371 


100.0 


500, 986 


100.0 



Here also northwestern Russia makes the poorest showing having the largest 
proportion of women and girls, and the number of men falls to two-thirds ot the 



sonemigtexpece greater number of the females are found in a limited 
number o "trade! Th us, 49 950 of them are employed as dressmakers and seam- 
stresses (two-thirds of the total number employed), 4,014 are milliners, 5,<00 
are fnU-goods makers, and 1,700 are cigarette makers. These trades comprise 
over 80 per cent of the total number of females employed. 

MARKETING OF THE PRODUCTS. 



306 The Immigration Commission. 

maker to seek his natural and most important customer, the peasant, in a more 
indirect way. This he does by visiting the many fairs frequented by the 
peasant; but this method of conducting a business has the serious drawback 
that it consumes a great deal of the artisan's time. Because of this a class of 
middlemen has naturally grown up who give large orders. By means of these 
middlemen the range of the market has gradually extended, so that it is not 
unusual to find artisans who work for these intermediaries exclusively. The 
small city of Radom, in Poland, sends out annually shoes to the value of about 
1,000,000 rubles ($515,000) ; in Vitebsk the tailors work mainly for the dealers 
in ready-made clothing, a trade condition that approaches the system of con- 
tracting which is so familiar to students of economic conditions in New York 
City; in Dubrovna, a small town of the Province of Moheelev, a large propor- 
tion of the population is specialized in weaving " taleisim," peculiar towel-like 
cloths used for religious purposes, and here about 500 artisans are completely 
dependent upon three or four middlemen, who buy the entire product of the 
industry and find a market for it throughout the Pale. Usually many members 
of the family work at the same trade, which combines all the objectionable fea- 
tures of the sweat-shop and the domestic-factory system. The causes of the 
growth of the system are the same in the Pale as those which have brought 
about the development of the domestic system, and later the factory, in many 
industrial countries, namely, the lack of capital, the impossibility of borrow- 
ing, except at usurious rates of interest, and, in addition, the strong competition 
in many trades of factory-made goods. The poor " independent " artisan often 
has not the money to buy even the material for a small private order, to say 
nothing of buying the necessary machinery that has gradually forced its way 
into the hand trades. 

A characteristic instance of this is found in the knitting industry in the 
city and Province of Vilna. From 1,000 to 2,000 women in the Province are 
employed in this industry. A very small proportion of them work in factories 
that are provided with steam power, because the majority of the manufacturers 
(for the middlemen in this instance are middlemen in name only) prefer not to 
have the expense of rent and supervision, especially since factory inspection and 
all labor legislation do not apply to the artisan shops and to domestic industry. 
These manufacturers, therefore, buy the knitting machines, place them in the 
homes of the workingwomen, supply the necessary yarn, and pay the women 
piecework wages. Surely, there is very little of the independent artisan left 
under such an arrangement of an industry. 

With the growth of the market several cities are specializing in one line of 
trade or other. In the small Polish town of Bresin a large number of tailors 
work for dealers in ready-made clothing, who visit the town several times a 
year, coming from all over the south. Several towns of the Polish Province of 
Siedlec have specialized in brush making. In the Province of Grodno shoe and 
boot making is the principal occupation of a large part of the Jewish popula- 
tion. In several towns of the Province of Vitebsk the production of agricultural 
machinery has grown rapidly within the last few years. These artisans' shops, 
which employ a considerable number of hired laborers, differ little from 
factories. 

CONDITIONS OF WORK. 

The artisan's home is the artisan's shop. And while sentimentalists may 
consider it one of the advantages of the artisan's work, because of its tendency 
to preserve the home, in reality it is one of the greatest drawbacks in the life 
of the artisan's family. It is not the function of the home to be the workshop, 
and the combination is specially harmful where the homes are as small, crowded, 
and poverty stricken as are the majority of Jewish homes within the Pale. 
The following is a fair description by a Russian writer of the condition of the 
Jewish artisans' homes in one of the largest towns of the Jewish Pale, the city 
of Moheelev, which has a population of about 50,000 and is the capital of the 
province of the same name : 

" The homes of the artisans are small and crowded. But no matter how 
small and crowded, tenants are often admitted, and there is seldom more than 
one room for a family. The room serves as kitchen, living and sleeping room, 
and workshop. And it is not unusual for a tailor to rent the same room for 
school purposes, so that instruction is served to a small class of private pupils 
in the same room where the tailor works with his apprentice; the tailor's wife 
cooks the food and washes the clothes, and the tailor's prolific family mingles 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 307 

Wlth ^ monotonous .chanting of the Hebrew teacher and the 

mob is J m P ossi ^V'K XpeCt any regulation of the working-day under conditions 

. as described above. The independent artisan who works on his own 

is only too happy to have any work to do and, unless idle for lack of 

orders, works as long as it is possible to work. Still worse is (or was until 

e very recent epidemic of strikes changed conditions considerably) the situa- 
i m the larger artisans' shops, which are virtually sweatshops of the worst 
er. The factory legislation is not applicable to such industrial establish- 
ments; the workingmen or working women live, eat, and sleep in the work- 
room and, being under constant supervision, the only limitation upon the 
working-day is the generosity of the proprietor of the shop. During the busy 
season the girls in the dressmaking establishments may work from 6 o'clock 
in the morning until 12 midnight. In Moheelev "the normal working-day of 
the seamstresses lasts 12 hours, while during the winters it may be prolonged 
to 14, 16, and even 18 hours." 

The organization of the Jewish .workingmen dates from the end of the last 
century, and the strikes that followed showed immediate improvement in the 
condition of the factory workers as well as of the artisans. 

In Vitebsk the working-day of all the Jewish artisans, which had been from 
13 to 18 hours, was in 1898 reduced to 10 to 12 hours. In Hornel the reduction 
was as great, the 16 to 17 hour working-day of the tailors being reduced to 14 
to 15 hours net; of the joiners, from 17 hours to 13 to 14 hours net; of the 
locksmiths, from 16 hours to 14 hours net ; of the shoemakers, from 18 hours to 
15 hours net ; of the dressmakers, from 16 hours to 13 to 14 hours net. 

These long working hours have been, until recently a feature of all Russian 
industry and, as a rule, the hours of work in the artisans' shops which do not 
come under the provisions of the factory legislation are invariably longer, but, 
in view of the great changes in the political as well as the economic life of 
Russia which are taking place at present, it is difficult to say what the average 
working-day is. Undoubtedly many factories and many more artisans' shops in 
the interior of the country still keep up a very long day of 13 to 15 hours, yet 
the work day of 10 and even 9 hours has been introduced in many establish- 
ments in St. Petersburg and in Moscow. There is no information of such 
shortening of the labor day in the industrial centers of the Pale, but even in 
that section the actual working-day varies greatly. 

The following illustrations of successful reductions of the hours of labor for 
the years 1903 and 1904 by means of strikes have been gleaned from the 
Letze Nachrichten, the official organ of the "Universal Union of the Jewish 
Workingmen in Lithuania, Poland, and Russia," and published until recently 
in Switzerland. During the last two or three years the extraordinary political 
activity of this organization has forced it to neglect its economic activity. 

In Lodz, the Manchester of Russian Poland, the bakers, in the summer of 
1903 struck for the reduction of hours of labor from 15 to 13 and were suc- 
cessful. 6 In the small town of Prilooki, in the Province of Poltava, the work- 
ingmen of the local tobacco factory succeeded in August, 1903, in having the 
hours of labor reduced from 13 to 10. c During the same month the locksmiths 
of Vitebsk the capital city of the province of the same name, had their hours 
reduced from 13 to 12. d In Radomysl, Province of Kiev, the tailors, as a result 
of a strike which lasted one day and a half, had the working-day of from 17 
to 18 hours reduced to 14 hours. 6 

These few quoted instances show that the Jewish workingmen, even in the 
small establishments of the artisans, are fully alive to the gravity of an abnor- 
mally long working-day and are persistently striving to shorten it. 

WAGES AND EARNINGS. 

In the absence of systematic wage statistics in Russia it is futile to try to 
determine the average wages of the artisans' employees. Still more difficult 
is it to speaV with any degree of accuracy of the average earnings of the 

See Die Organizationen des Judischen Proletariats in Russland, von Sara 
Rabinowitsch. Karlsruhe, 1903. 
6 Letze Nachrichten, No. 139. 
c Letze Nachrichten, No. 144. 
d Letze Nachrichten, No. 146. 
e Letze Nachrichten, No. 185. 



308 



The Immigration Commission. 



ariny of small independent artisans, since these earnings must of necessity be 
subject to great variations, both of place and time and from one artisan to 
another. Nevertheless, the usual estimates furnished by local correspondents 
well acquainted with local conditions are of some value! From some reports 
a number of such estimates were gathered, and these estimates are presented 
in the following tabular statement: 

Earnings of Jewish artisans, by localities' and by occupations, 1898. 



Locality. 


Occupation. 


Earnings per 
annum. 


Lithuania: 
Vilna (town of Vilna) 


Knit-goods operatives (women) 
Knit-goods operatives (men) 


a $1.29 to $1.80 
38. 63 to 51. 50 
128. 75 to 154. 50 
206. 00 to 257. 50 
154. 50 to 206. 00 
77. 25 to 103. 00 
77. 25 to 257. 50 

38. 63 to 51.50 
a 1.55 to 3.09 
a 2. 58 to 3. 09 
a 2. 06 to 2. 58 
185.40 

61. 80 to 103. 00 
103. 00 to 154. .50 
77. 25 to 103. 00 
115. 88 to 154. 50 
180. 25 to 206. 00 
257. 50 to 309. 00 
51. 50 to 103. 00 
103. 00 to 154. 50 
92. 70 to 154. 50 
180. 25 to 257. 50 
51.50 
51. 50 to 77.25 
77. 25 to 103. 00 
103. 00 to 154. 50 
77. 25 to 103. 00 
103. 00 to 154. 50 
180. 25 to 257. 50 
77. 25 
77. 25 to 103. 00 
118. 45 to 154. 50 
103. 00 to 154. 50 
128. 75 to 257. 50 
77. 25 to 103. 00 
115. 88 to 154. 50 
38. 63 to 90. 13 
51. 50 to 77.25 
84. 98 to 103. 00 
128. 75 to 154. 50 
12. 88 to 25.75 
25. 75 to 51.50 
61. 80 to 103. 00 
25. 75 to 51.50 
61. 80 to 103. 00 
15. 45 to 51.50 
64. 38 to 103. 00 

Under 128. 75 
128. 75 to 154. 50 
154. 50 or over. 
Under 128. 75 
128.75 to 154. 50 
154.50 or over. 
103. 00 to 206. 00 
o3.09 to 3.61 
23. 18 or over. 

128. 75 to 206. 00 
206. 00 or over. 
51. 50 to 206. 00 
Under 51. 50 


Do 


Do 


Knit-goods operatives (men, high)... 
Shoemakers (high) 


Kovno (town of Kovno) 
Grodno (town of Grodnu) 


Shoemakers 


Do 


Shoemakers (average) 


Do 


Tailors 


White Russia: 
Minsk (town of Minsk) . . 


Knit-goods operatives (women) 
Shoemakers 


Minsk (town of Slootsk) 


Vitebsk (town of Vitebsk) . .'. 
Do 


Blacksmiths . 


Carpenters 


Do 


Potters 


Southwestern Russia: 
Volhynia (35 localities) 


Tailors 


Volhynia (26 localities) 


do 


Kiev (17 localities) . 


do 


Kiev (34 localities) 


do 


Kiev (9 localities) 


do 


Kiev (7 localities) 


do 


Podolia (42 localities) 


do 


Podolia (32 localities) 


do 


Poltava (17 localities) 


do 


Poltava (5 localities) 


do 


Volhynia (12 localities) 


Shoemakers 


Do 


do 


Volhynia (13 localities) 


do . 


Volhynia (25 localities). . 


do 


Kiev (24 localities) 


do 


Kiev (31 localities) 


do 


Kiev (8 localities) 


do 


Podolia (16 localities) 


do 


Podolia (21 localities) 


do 


Podolia (24 localities) 


do 


Kiev (31 localities) 




Kiev (9 localities) 


do 


Volhynia (35 localities) 


do 


Volhynia (12 localities) 


do 


Volhynia (7 localities). . . 


do 


Podolia (16 localities) 


do 


Podolia (22 localities) 


do 


Podolia (20 localities) 


do 


Volhynia (13 localities) 


Seamstresses . . 


Volhynia (20 localities) 


do 


Volhynia (13 localities) . . 


do 


Kiev (33 localities) 


do 


Kiev (18 localities) 


do 


Podolia (52 localities) 


...do... 


Podolia (16 localities) 


do 


Poland: 
Thirty-three per cent of the localities 
Forty-seven per cent of the localities 


Tailors and dressmakers . . . 


...do... 


Twenty per cent of the localities 


. .do 


Fifty- two per cent of the localities. ... 


Shoemakers 


Thirty-three per cent of the localities 


...do... 


Fifteen per cent of the localities 


.do 


Town of Lodz ... . 


Brush makers 


Do 


Weavers ('at home) 


Small towns 


Lace makers (girls) 


South Russia: 
Fifty-four localities 


Tailors 


Fourteen localities 


do 




Seamstresses 


Forty-five per cent of all localities 


do 







a Per week, 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 



300 






o b,ve consi h ffl '' s t "umber of these 

Th f ^? : . I, dlfflcult y m earning the necessary minimum. 
llie following table, compiled by the Jewish Colonization Society in its renort 

of JewSh ^ 1 ' C " di Vr - f f . the JeWS '" Eussia ' glves the N of a nSSKJ 
)t Jewish artisans m the cities of southern Russia : 

Jewish artisans reported in the cities of southern Russia receiving each classi- 
fied amount of annual earnings, 1898. 



Annual earnings. 


Number of artisans reported in 
cities having a population of ' 


Total artisans reported. 


Under 
10,000. 


10,000 to 
50,000. 


50,000 or 
over. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


S51.50 or under. 


57 
379 
176 
57 
12 


44 
199 
217 
62 
50 
10 
5 
7 




101 
610 
467 
151 
87 
21 
18 
10 


6.9 
41.6 
31.9 
10.3 
6.0 
1.4 
1.2 
.7 


$52.02 to 1128.75 
$129.27 to $200.00... 


32 
74 
32 
25 
11 
13 
3 


$206.52 to $283.25 


$283. 77 to $360.50... 


$361.02 to $437.75... 


$438.27 to $515.00 




$515.52 or over 









The earnings of the artisans in the southern cities are evidently much higher 
than in the northwest, and in the larger cities reach a level practically unknown 
in Lithuania or in White Russia. These data are a sufficient explanation of the 
movement of the Jews southward, as well as of the absence of any perceptible 
Jewish emigration from the southern provinces until it was stimulated by other 
than normal economic causes, namely the anti-Jewish riots. 

ORGANIZATIONS OF ARTISANS. 

The tendency toward improving the condition of work of the journeymen has 
been illustrated above. Some information of the Jewish labor movement of 
the last few years has reached the American press. This broad labor movement 
under the auspices of the powerful " Universal Union of Jewish Workingmen 
in Lithuania, Poland, and Russia" (the so-called "Bund"), which primarily 
directs its efforts toward the organization of the factory workers, will be dis- 
cussed fully in another section of this article. Very little is known outside of 
the Pale of a peculiarly Jewish organization among the artisans and their 
employees, which antedated the " Bund " by many, decades and must have 
prepared the way for the broader movement which was to follow. This organi- 
zation is the so-called " khevra," a word of Hebrew origin, meaning a company, 
an association. 

To a certain extent the " khevra " as it exsits to-day is analogous to the 
artisans' guilds and journeymen's guilds of the Middle Ages in western Europe. 
Its origin, however, must be sought in the rites of the Jewish religion. Various 
Hebrew religious functions must be observed in common. In fact, the prayers 
on certain occasions must be held in the presence of at least ten adults of the 
Jewish faith. Again, the main accessory of the Hebrew devotional exercises 
the " thora " (the Old Testament, written in Hebrew on a long roll of parch- 
m ent) is too expensive to be in the possession of any but the richest citizens 
of the community. Thus, organizations for the express purpose of praying and 
of owning a " thora " sprung up ; and it was easy for these organizations to 
develop along trade lines, because of the natural leaning of people of the same 
occupations toward each other. Gradually charitable functions were added to 
the religious ones ; but in the beginning even the charitable acts had a religious 
basis, such as the execution of the various ceremonies connected with the bury- 



310 The Immigration Commission. 

ing of the dead members of the " khevra." The members of the " khevra w 
must not only accompany the body of the dead to its last resting place, but 
must also assemble daily during the entire month to say the customary prayers. 
More important from the social-economic point of view is the obligation to stay, 
In regular turn, with a sick " brother " throughout the night if necessary. 

The transition from this service to a sick benefit fund is natural. To make 
such financial assistance possible, a small entrance fee and still smaller dues 
are provided, the first being often as small as 1 ruble (51.5 cents) and the 
latter only 4 or 5 copecks (2 or 2 cents) or less per week. If this moderate 
income still leaves a surplus it may be used in granting the members small 
loans without any interest. This tendency toward mutual assistance leads to a 
strong bond among the members of the " khevra " and teaches them the ad- 
vantages of cooperative activity along broader lines. This depends upon the 
constituency of the organization. The original " khevra " consisted exclusively 
or primarily of independent master workmen. This is still true of " khevras " 
in those industries where the average shop is small and the majority of the 
artisans employ few or no wageworkers. The few journeymen join the organi- 
zation and do not of themselves represent any considerable force in it; but as 
the number of workingmen grows, a feeling of dissatisfaction with the manage- 
ment of the " khevra " arises. In the original " khevra " the democratic spirit 
is manifested by trusting the election of the officers to lot, and thus in a mixed 
" khevra," i. e., one where both masters and employees are found among the 
members, the officers may be exclusively given to the employers, which causes 
the formation of distinct parties in the " khevra." One solution of the dif- 
ficulty is the breaking up of the " khevra " into two branches one composed 
of the employers and the other of the employees. Or again, where the num- 
ber of the employees is proportionately large and the employers approach the 
small capitalist, the latter may lose all interest in the " khevra " and it becomes 
a purely labor organization." 

Such development has been noticed in the city of Moheelev, the only town 
where the " khevras " have been carefully studied. In that city were found 
single "khevras" of independent artisans in the following trades: Shoemakers 
(from 50 to 60 members) ; jewelers and watchmakers; and tin, roof, and lock- 
smiths (about 30 members). Double "khevras," i. e., separate organizations of 
the masters and the employees, were found in the trades of the ladies' tailors, 
carpenters, dyers, and stove builders. The " khevra " of the ladies' tailors' em- 
ployees is one of the oldest and strongest. It included over 70 workingmen 
and was able not only to conduct a comparatively extensive benevolent activity, 
but also to influence, to some extent, the condition of labor. Thus, it has put an 
end to a customary irregularity of payment of wages, has forced wages upward, 
and has even carried through the principle of the closed shop, in fact if not in 
name, since only the members of this " khevra " are entitled to employment by 
the tailors. This " khevra " is open to all workmen above the age of 18 years, 
but the entrance fee is 10 rubles ($5.15). 

These social tendencies manifest themselves eloquently among the mass of 
the Jewish workingmen even in this country. The large number of Jewish 
" khevras," lodges, clubs, fraternities, brotherhoods, and other organizations 
frequently under American names and with the introduction of various rites 
that are pursuing partly religious and partly charitable purposes, and often 
possessing national organizations, are in reality only an outgrowth of the primi- 
tive " khevras." It was in this habit of organization that the labor-union prop- 
aganda found such fertile soil among the mass of the Jewish workingmen in 
New York City. 

UNSKILLED LABORERS. 

It has been observed that the Russian Jewish immigrant in the United States 
takes very unwillingly to unskilled labor. Thus in New York City of the total 
foreign population (foreign-born and native-born of foreign parentage) 10 
per cent are common laborers, while of the Russians only 2.4 per cent 
are so reported. Similarly in Russia the Jew who finds it impossible to 
earn a living in commerce chooses some skilled trade. Aside from the low 
social position of the unskilled laborer, the reasons for this disinclination to 
enter that field of work are to be found in the Inferior physique of the underfed 

a Die Organizational des Judischen Proletariats in Buseland, von Sara Rablno- 
witsch. Karlsruhe, 1903. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 



311 



city-bred Jew. The Jew in southern Russia more frequently lives in the coun- 
try, is generally of a much more powerful physique, and takes more readily to 
unskilled or (according to the Russian terminology) "black" labor. Another 
reason is found in the unlimited supply of unskilled labor furnished by the 
Russian peasant, especially in northwestern Russia. In the provinces of south- 
ern (new) Russia, which are more sparsely settled and often suffer from 
scarcity of labor, the wages of agricultural labor are higher and the Jew, both 
of the city and the country, is more often drawn to it. 

The data in regard to unskilled Jewish labor are not very satisfactory. No 
data at all could be obtained in regard to the five large cities of Lodz, Odessa, 
Kiev, Kovno, and Moheelev. Outside of these five cities the number of unskilled 
laborers was 97,900, so that the total number was certainly considerably over 
100,000. In this number are included many kinds of work which in this coun- 
try are not classified with unskilled labor, as is shown in the following table: 

Number of Jewish unskilled laborers in the four principal divisions of the Pale 
(not including the cities of Lodz, Odessa, Kiev, Kovno, and Moheelev), by 
occupations, 1898. 



Occupations. 


Poland. 


North- 
western 
Russia. 


South- 
western 
Russfa. 




Southern 
(new) 
Russia. 


Total. 


Agricultural laborers 


882 


3,814 


5,824 


2,381 


12 901 


Cabmen 


2 884 


4 931 


3 520 


1 875 


13 260 


Diggers and stone breakers 


681 


1 379 


550 


376 


2 986 


Longshoremen and carriers 


7,670 


7 349 


8 044 


9 465 


32* 528 


Lumbermen 


411 


2 263 


590 


1 022 


4' 286 


Raftsmen 


161 


1 975 


141 


*836 


3 113 


Ragpickers 


1.155 


l'988 


1 034 


124 


4 301 


Teamsters ... 


3 327 


5 916 


2 919 


6 657 


18 819 


Water carriers 


1 404 


1 054 


1 844 


1 076 




Not specified 


31 


111 


132 


54 


? 328 














Total 


18 606 


30 830 


24 598 


23 866 


97 900 















Altogether, these occupations employ about 2 per cent of the total Jewish 
population (equivalent to about 7 per cent of the Jews gainfully employed). 
For reasons indicated above, the percentage rises to 3.3 per cent in southern 
Russia (or about 10 per cent of those employed) and falls to 1.4 per cent in 
Poland (4.2 per cent of those employed). This high proportion is due to the 
inclusion among the unskilled workers of workmen in trades of a more or less 
skilled nature, such as lumbermen, teamsters, and agricultural laborers. 

The data of the preceding table are mainly interesting as showing that the 
hardest forms of physical labor are not unfamiliar to the Russian Jews. While 
some of the occupations are not familiar in this country, such as a water car- 
rier or a ragpicker, comparatively few Jews remain in the other employments 
above enumerated when they migrate to this country or to England, because 
they come in competition with workers of other nationalities who are more fit 
for heavy work in the open air. It is probable that under the influence of 
economic distress the number of the Jews in these occupations in Russia is 
increasing, since the turning of city-bred men and women to hired agricultural 
labor is a very unusual economic phenomenon. It is also probable that the 
number of Jewish agricultural laborers would have been considerably greater 
had it not been for the laws of 1882, which preclude the possibility of the Jew 
wandering very far in quest of such labor, because he has no right to live in 

The average daily wage of an agricultural laborer varies considerably from 
locality to locality' and from one season to the other, being highest in the 
provinces of southern Russia, where it varies from 50 kopecks (25.8 cents) 
during sowing time to 1.50 rubles (77 cents) during harvest ; and lowest in 
northwestern Russia, where the wages are 25 kopecks and 50 kopecks (12.9 
and 25.8 cents). These wages are not supplemented with board, and i 
is supplied, the wages are somewhat lower. The standard of living of an 
agricultural laborer in Russia may easily be judged from the fact that the 
cost of subsistence is officially estimated at from 45 to 50 rubles ($23.18 
$25.75) per annum, which equals about 6 cents per day. The regular daily 

79524 VOL 411 21 



312 The Immigration Commission. 

ration of an agricultural laborer consists of about 4 pounds of bread, which 
is sometimes supplemented with a cucumber or a few onions. In the provinces 
of southern Russia there is often a perceptible shortage of agricultural labor 
during harvest time. Nevertheless the same restrictions against the Jew 
furnishing his labor at this time remain in force, which causes the scale of 
wages to rise, for a short time at least, much above the given limits. 

For obvious reasons the number of longshoremen and carriers shown in the 
table is greatest in southern Russia, and if the data for Odessa had been 
obtained the number would have been much greater, for many of the Jewish 
cities, especially Odessa and Nikolaiev, are important ports and conduct a great 
exporting trade in grain. 

Speaking of these laborers a Russian investigator of the conditions in 
Odessa says: 

" From their external appearance it is difficult to guess at their nationality, 
so strong, rough, and muscular do they look. Their wages, besides being very 
low, rarely more than 50 kopecks (25.8 cents) for a whole day's work, are 
seldom regular, their employment almost accidental, and the large numbers of 
these laborers anxiously waiting for an opportunity to earn a few kopecks, 
and crowding the so-called market (or the open public ground) is one of the 
most distressing pictures of each and every Russian-Jewish town." 

The draymen's occupation was very popular among the Jews of the north- 
western provinces before the railroads were built, and in the smaller towns of 
the Pale, especially in the northwest and in Poland, it is still exclusively in the 
hands of the Jews. An official investigation of the 15 provinces of the Pale 
(exclusive of the 10 Polish provinces) made in 1887 determined the number of 
cabmen and teamsters at 18,532, and, according to the above table, the number 
had grown to 25,868 in 1898-99, and yet this increase of 39.6 per cent within the 
short period of eleven years did not come because of exceptional prosperity in 
that occupation. The development of the railway system in western Russia has 
curtailed the old form of transportation of passengers and to some extent of the 
freight among the towns of the Pale, which was a profitable business at one 
time. The rapid construction of electric tram lines in most of the larger cities 
of the Pale has had a similar effect upon the business of the city cabmen, who, 
before the advent of the electric lines, controlled the only mode of intraurban 
transportation. There are still many towns in the Pale not connected by any 
railroad line, but most of them have lost their commercial importance, and the 
income of the old teamster, with his large, ugly, and dilapidated wagon, not un- 
like that used by the American pioneer in his migrations westward, has also 
fallen considerably. In the large towns the new methods of transporting goods 
have developed, but in the development of the business the independence of the 
teamsters has been destroyed. Whether they get a stipulated wage, as do the 
cabmen in Warsaw, of board and 1 ruble (51.5 cents) a week, or are given a 
fixed percentage of their daily earnings, or get the residue after a certain 
minimum has been earned for their employer (as in Odessa), their incomes are 
invariably smaller than under the old system. The average daily income of a 
teamster who does not possess his own team has been estimated at from 75 
kopecks to 1.5 rubles (38.6 to 77.3 cents), while the teamster or cabman who 
is the owner of his outfit may earn even from 2 to 2J rubles ($1.03 to $1.29). 

A very peculiar occupation, which is rapidly vanishing in the larger cities of 
the Pale, but which will probably remain for a long time in the middle-sized 
towns, is that of the water carrier. Ten or twelve years ago even the larger 
cities of the Pale, such as the seats of the provincial governments, had no other 
provision for water supply than the river flowing by in the vicinity, and the 
distribution of water over the entire city was done in a very primitive manner. 
Often the water carrier did not possess even a horse and wagon and a barrel. 
This primitive method is still in use in the smaller towns, where the poverty of 
the people precludes the possibility of constructing a system of waterworks. A 
water carrier, even though he works incessantly, can not clear much more than 
50 kopecks (25.8 cents) a day. 

Another specifically Russian occupation is that of the drivers of the sanitary 
wagons which, in most of. the smaller Russian towns, serve as a substitute for 
a system of sewerage and drainage. Probably because of the objectionable 
character of the work the daily income of the drivers of these wagons ranges 
from 80 kopecks to li rubles (41.2 to 77.3 cents). 



See V Cherte Evreiskoy Osedlosti (within the Jewish Pale), by A. P. 
Subbotin. St. Petersburg, 1888. Vol. II, p. 228. 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 



313 



MANUFACTURING INDUSTRY. 
JEWISH BRANCHES OF INDUSTRY. 

f ^ 6 Serfs in 1863 gave to Russia an abundant supply of 

tor of Rus- natu t r , al ^ F avitat ed into the cities, and thus the industrial his 
,ory of Russia since that time presents a growth of manufactures on a larger 
scale than was ever before known in that country. In western Russia the 
growth was most rapid because the economic condition of the masses of Jews 
inhabiting the cities of the Pale was especially favorable to the growth of in- 
dustries. Both Jewish commerce and Jewish hand trades had rapidly become 
less profitable; therefore Jewish capital and Jewish labor were attracted toward 
manufacturing. The following data for the two periods 1889 and 1897 sepa- 
rated only by the short period of nine years,, illustrate the rapid growth 'of the 
industry in the Pale : 

Number of manufacturing plants and employees and value of products by 
regions, 1889 and 1897. 

[From official data published by the Russian ministry of finance.] 



Region and year. 


Mills and 
factories. 


Employees. 


Value of 
products. 


Northwestern Russia: 
1889 


1 337 


20 080 


i-i ACC 47c 


1897 : 


1 962 


39 802 




Southwestern Russia: 
1889 


1 711 


a 19 727 


26 824 290 


1897 


2 596 


42 613 


QC KQQ OCA 


Southern (new) Russia: 
1889 


1 084 


25 319 


30 382 425 


1897 


2 562 


99 170 


119 228 165 










The Pale (not including Poland): 
1889 


4 132 


a 65 126 


68 673 190 


1897 


7 120 


181 585 


184 289 145 










Per cent of increase ... 


72 3 


o 150 8 


168.4 











a Not including employees in the Province of Kiev. In 1897 the number of employees in that Province 
was 18,270, which number was deducted from the total in calculating the per cent of increase. 

The greatest growth of industrial activity according to these official data is 
found in southern Russia, which is accounted for by the rich mineral deposits 
in that region. The northwestern provinces are very poor in such deposits, and 
there the condition of the labor market was probably the greatest stimulus to 
the growth of the industry and next to it were the efforts of Jewish enterprise. 
These considerations explain, for instance, why one of the greatest of the 
Russian tobacco factories grew up in a small and insignificant town like Grodno 
and why Bialystok, near Grodno, became a great textile center. 

But this manufacturing industry is not all the result of Jewish enterprise. 
In fact, the proportion of Jewish capitalists is not so great as the number of 
Jews would lead one to expect. 

In the first of the following tables, taken from the report of the St. Petersburg 
Jewish Colonization Society, is shown the number of factories in three regions 
of the Pale and the number and per cent of such factories operated by Jews: 
also the number of employees in all factories, the number and per cent of 
employees in Jewish factories, and the average number in each factory classed 
as non-Jewish and Jewish. The value of products manufactured by all the 
factories and the value and per cent of the products manufactured by Jewish 
factories are also given in the second table, as well as the average value by 
non- Jewish and by Jewish factories. A study of the figures reveals the fact that, 
although in northwestern Russia the Jews controlled 51 per cent of all the fac- 
tories and had 58.3 per cent of the total number of employees, the value of the 
products manufactured was only 47.6 per cent of the total. In the 15 Provinces 
the Jews had 37.8 per cent of the factories, employed only 27 per cent of the 
workingmen, and the value of products manufactured in Jewish factories was 
but 225 per cent of the total value of manufactured products. The averages 



314 



The Immigration Commission. 



perhaps indicate more clearly the smaller relative productiveness of Jewish 
factories as compared with non-Jewish factories. The tables show that, while 
the average number of employees in each Jewish factory was considerably over 
one-half of the average number in each non-Jewish factory, the average value 
of the manufactured products was less than one-half of that of the non-Jewish 
factory. This discrepancy is fully explained, however, by the fact that among 
the Jewish factories there is a larger percentage unprovided with any mechanical 
power. 

Number of Jewish factories and employees compared with total factories and 
employees in three specified regions of the Pale, 1898. 



Region. 


Factories. 


Employees. 


Total. 


Jewish. 


Total. 


In Jewish fac- 
tories. 


Average. 


Number. 


Per 
cent of 
total. 


Number. 


Per 
cent of 
total. 


In non- 
Jewish 
facto- 
ries. 


In 
Jewish 
facto- 
ries. 


Northwestern Russia. . . 


2,749 
3,374 
1,627 


1,402 
1,143 

388 


51.0 
33.9 
23.8 


51,659 
108, 769 

74,775 


30, 105 
28, 142 
5,262 


58.3 
25.9 
7.0 


16.0 

36.1 
56.1 


21.5 
24.6 
13.6 


Southwestern Russia 


Southern (new) Russia 


Total 


7,750 


2,933 


37.8 


235, 203 


63,509 


27.0 


35.6 


21.7 





Value of products manufactured in Jewish factories compared with total value 
of manufactured products in tHree specified regions of the Pale, 1898. 

[From Report of Jewish Colonization Society.] 



Value of products manufactured. 



Region. 

< 


Total. 


In Jewish factories. 


Average. 


Total. 


Per 
cent of 
total. 


In non- 
Jewish 
factories. 


In Jewish 
factories. 


Northwestern Russia 


$32, 403, 028 


$15, 430, 894 
22,114,049 
9,414,560 


47.6 
26.9 
10.0 


$12, 000 
26, 890 
68,301 


$11,006 
19, 347 
24,264 


Southwestern Russia 


82, 106, 141 
94, 039, 309 


Southern (new) Russia 


Total 


208,548,478 


46,959,503 


22.5 


33, 546 


16,011 





Although in Russia there are no statistics of distribution of wealth and no 
income statistics, it is still possible to draw the conclusion that, notwithstanding 
the existence of a few wealthy Jewish manufacturers in northwestern Russia 
and in southern Russia, the average Jewish, manufacturer commands a much 
smaller capital than does his non-Jewish competitor and that the average 
Jewish factory is in reality a very small establishment. 

Besides the lack of Jewish capital there are undoubtedly other factors of a 
legal nature which keep the Jews from establishing large industrial enterprises. 

One of the reasons why the participation of the Jews in this branch of in- 
dustry has been so insignificant is the fact that in the cities, where purchase 
and renting of landed property is permitted to them, for sanitary reasons not 
all kinds of factories and mills may be established, and the acquisition of real 
estate beyond the city limits was prohibited by the laws of 1S65; furthermore, 
the May laws of 1882 forbid them the renting of land and even settlement within 
the villages. 

The corporate form of organization is still little used in Russian industry, 
especially in small establishments, and for a factory with an average produc- 



Emigration Conditions in Europe: Russia. 



315 



tion valued at 20,000 to 40,000 rubles ($10,300 to $20,600) per annum the pres. 
f thl f 6 P^P? 6 *?,! 8 a ? absolute necessity. A small Jewish capitalist can 
of domicile 01 ' 6 ' a factor y in a locality in which he is denied the right 

In Russia Jewish capital has not that tendency to one-sidedness which is so 
marked in the New World. Such capital may be found in a great variety of in- 
dustries, though some branches attract it more than others. In the following 
list only those industries are mentioned in which Jewish capital and enterprise 
are more prominent than in the others: 

Total factories, Jewish factories, and per cent of Jewish factories, ly industries. 



Industry. 


Total 
factories. 


Jewish factories. 


Number. 


Per cent 
of total 
factories. 


Textile 


372 

329 
110 
530 
139 
752 
37 
1,907 
159 
846 
381 
119 


299 
199 
83 
287 
122 
157 
30 
542 
80 
57 
110 
83 


80.4 
60.5 
75.5 
54.2 
87.8 
20.9 
81.1 
28.4 
50.3 
6.7 
28.9 
69.7 


Lum