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WORKS ISSUED BY

CJe JlafeluKt ^onetg

EEPOKTS
ON THE DISCOVERY OF PERU.

M.DCCC.LXXII.

EEPOETS

ON THE

DISCOVERY OF PERU

I.
REPORT OF FBA.NCISCO DE XEBES, SECRETARY TO FRANCISCO PIZARRO.

II.
REPORT OF MIGUEL DE A8TETE ON THE EXPEDITION

TO PACHACAHAC.

III.

LETTER OF HERNANDO PIZARRO TO THE ROYAL AUDIENCE OF

SANTO DOMINGO.

IV.

REPORT OF PEDRO 8ANCHO ON THE PARTITION OF THE

RANSOM OF ATAHUALLPA.

TBANSLATED AND EDITED,

WLi^ Notes anil an iEntroHuction^

CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C.B,

LONDON:
PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

M.DCrC.LXXII.

OdV> ^ l\<vjltl»i-|i? k»*J(V<>-.

b 'i "io

T. RICHARDS, 37, GREAT QUiCEN STREET.

^^m^^ I ■ I ■ M . m.

COUNCIL

THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

The Bight Hon. Sir DAVID DUNDAS, F.R.O.S., Prbsidsnt.
Admiral C. B. DBINKWATER BETHUNE, C.B., F.R.G.8.

kS. \

}.B.a.8. )

Vicb-Prbbidbiits.
Majob-Obn. Sir HENRT 0. BAWLINSON. K.O.B., Prbs.

Bby. aEOBQE P. BADGER, F.R.G.S.

J. BARROW, Esq., F.R.S., F.R.G.S.

Rbar-Admiral COLLINSON, C.B., F.R.G.S.

Obvbral C. FOX, F.RG.S.

W. E. FRERE, Esq., F.RG.S.

Captaih J. G. GOODENOUGH, R.N., F.R.G.S.

CHARLES GREY, Esq., F.R.G.S.

EGERTON VERNON HARCOURT, Esq., F.RG.S.

JOHN WINTER JONES, Esq., F.S.A.

R. H. MAJOR, Esq., F.S.A., Sbc.RG.S.

Sir W. STIRLING MAXWELL, Bart., F.RG.S.

Sir CHARLES NICHOLSON, Bart., D.C.L., F.R.G.S.

Vicb-Admibal ERASMUS OMMANNEY, C.B., F.R.G.S.

Captain SHEBARD OSBORN, R.N., C.B., F.R.G.S.

Thb Lord STANLEY of Aldbrlbt.

Thb Hoh. FREDERICK WALPOLE, M.P., F.R.G.S.

CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C.B., F.S.A., 8eo.B.G.S., Honorary Skcretaby.

CONTENTS, \*0XF'. ?.£>*'

WITH THB

i^B R nV

ITINERARIES OF FRANCISCO & HERNANDO PIZARRO.

PAOR

Introduction - - - - - - xi

Itinerary of Francisco Pizarro, in the Account of

1624. Nov. 14. Pizarro first sailed from Panama - - 3

SufPeringB at Port Famine . . - ib.

Pizarro at Chuchama - - - 4

Almagro^s first voyage . - - i^.

Second expedition of Pizarro and Almagro - 5

Pizarro at the river San Juan. Voyage of the

Pilot Ruiz - - - - 6

Pizarro reaches San Mateo and Atacames - 7

Pizarro and his companions on the Isle of Gallo - 8

1626 - - Pizarro reaches the coast of Peru - - 9

1627 - - Pizarro goes to Spain - - - 11
1629. July 26. Capitulation between Pizarro and Queen Juana - ib,

1530. Jan. - Pizarro sails from Spain - - - 12

1531. „ - Pizarro sails from Panama - . - ib.

The expedition reaches the Isle of Puna - 13

Arrival at Tumbez - - - - 16

1532. May 16. Departure from Tumbez - - . - 19

,, 18. At a village among the hills - - - 20

„ 24. Encamp at Puechio, on the river Turicarami (or

Chira) . . - _ ib,

,, ,, Sea port of Pay ta discovered - • - 21

VUl

CONTENTS,

1532. May 24. Cruelty to chiefs of Almotaxe and Lachira - 22

„ „ Founding of San Miguel, at Taegarara - - 23

Sep. 24. Departure from San Miguel - - - 25

,^ 27. In the valley of Piura - - . ^j.

Oct. 7. At Pabor, in the Piura valley - - 26

,, Expedition of Soto to Caxas and Huancabamba - ib.

8. At Zaran in the Piura valley - - - 27

16. Return of Soto. Account of Caxas. Embassy

from Atahuallpa - - . - ib,

17-19. Crossing the desert of Sechura - - 31

20-24. At Copiz. At Motux (Motupe) - - ib,

28. Hernando Pizarro swims across river at Cinto - 33

Nov. 4, 5, 6. Marching across coast valleys - - 35

10. Commence the ascent of the Cordilleras from La

Ramada - - - - 37

15. Arrive at Cassamarca - - - 44

„ Interview of H. Pizarro and Soto with Ata-
huallpa - - - - 48

16. Seizure and imprisonment of Atahuallpa - 55
Arms of the Ynca army - - - 60
Palace of Atahuallpa near Cassamarca - - 61
TheYncas - - - - 62
Great Ransom offered by Atahuallpa - - 65
The Pachacamac oracle - - - 67

1533. Feb. - Arrival of Almagro - - - 69

,, 5. Three Spaniards sent to Cuzco - - 72

Jan. 5. Expedition of Hernando Pizarro - - 71

i»

»»

»1

»J

»»

Itinerary of Hernando Pizarro, in tue Report of

ASTETE.

1533. Jan. 5. Left Cassamarca.

6. Huancasanga

7. Guamachuco

8. Tambo -
9-13. Andamarca

14. Totopamba

Diued at Ychoca

74
75
ib,
76
ib,
lb.

1533. Jan. 15.

Corongo -

?»

16.

Piga

21.

Huaras -

22.

Sucaracoay

24.

Pachicoto

26.

Marcara -

>»

26.

Huariconga

27.

Pormunca

30.

Huaman-mayu

Feb

. 1.

Huara

»?

Llachu

■ -

Suculacimibi

Pachacamac

Mai

•. 3.

Huara

Ayaranga

»?

Aillon

Caxatambo

Diu

i»

11.

Pumpu

?»

14.

Cochamarca

i»

15.

Tarma

Yanamarca

Xauxa

20.

Departed from Xauxa

26.

Tambo -

i»

27.

Tumsucancha

28.

Hiianuco (Guaneso)

Apr

. 1.

Piscomarca

Huari

Guacango

Huacacamba

Piscobamba

Agoa

Conchuco

>»

Andamarca

»»

10.

Pombo

25.

Return to Cassamarca

AND ITINERARIES. IX

- 77

- ib.

- 78

- ib,

- 79

- ib,

- 80

- ib,

- ib.
' 81

- ib,

- 85

- ib.
. ib,

- t5.

- 86

- ib.
' 87

- ib,

- 88

- ib,

- 90

- ib.

- 91

- ib,

- ib.

- ib,

- 92

- ib.

- ib,

- ib.

- 93

- ib,
« ib.

X CONTENTS AND ITINERARY.

1533. May 3. MeltiDg of the gold and silver - - 94

Amouut of the ransom - - - 95

Prices of provisions - - - - 98

Golden ornaments - - - - 99

Accusations against Atabuallpa - - ib.

Murder of Atabuallpa . _ - 102

Appearance of a comet > _ . 106

Return of Spaniards with gold - - 107

1534. July 3. Return of the author to Spain - - 109

Letter of Hernando Pizarro.

Address to the Royal Audience - - - - 113

March to Cassamarca - - - - - ib.

Interview with Atabuallpa - - - - 115

Approach of Atabuallpa - - - - -117

Capture of Atabuallpa - - - - - 118

Advance to Guamacbuco - - ~ - - 120

March to Pacbacamac . . - , _ 121
Account of Pacbacamac ----- 123

March to Xauxa - . - . _ _ 125

Return to Cassamarca - - - - - 126

Account of the treasure - - - - ■• ib.

Report on the Distribution of the Ransom of Atahu-

ALLPA, CERTIFIED BY THE NOTARY PeDRO SaNCHO - 131

INTKODUCTION.

Fkancisco de Xeres, the Secretary of Pizarro, wrote
his account of the early days of the conquest of
Peru, on the spot, by order of his master. He sailed
from San Lucar, with Pizarro, in January 1530, was
with the conqueror in his voyage, in his march along
the Peruvian coast and across the Andes, and was
an eye-witness of the events at Cassamarca, down to
the murder of the Ynca Atahuallpa. He returned
to Seville on July 3rd, 1534, after an absence of four
years and a half, with the first instalments of gold.
His friends lived at Seville, and I gather from Argote
de Molina^ that he came of a respectable family set-
tled at Ubeda; but nothing is known of himself
personally, beyond what can be deduced from his
narrative.

The narrative of Xeres appears to have been
printed at Seville in 1534, the year of his return,
but this first edition is extremely scarce. The second
edition, which was very carelessly printed, appeared
at Salamanca in 1547, and is also very rare. The

1 Nohleza de Andalusia (Sevilla, 1588), p. ^&. Argote de Mo-
lina gives the arms of the Xeres family. Vert, in base waves of
the sea azure and argent, on them a tower argent and fastened to
it a boat with its oar or. On a bordure gules eight St, Andrew's
crosses or.

XU INTRODUCTION.

third, and best known Spanish edition, was published
at Madrid, in the collection of Don Andres Gonzalez
Barcia,^ in 1749. The work was translated into
Italian by a native of Tudela, named Domingo de
Gaztelti, who was Secretary to Lope de Soria, Am-
bassador to Venice for Charles V, and published at
Venice in 1535. A second edition of the Italian
version was published at Venice, in the collection of
Ramusio,® in 1556. Purchas gives a very brief
notice of it, in his Pilgrimes;^ and Ticknor mentions
the work in his history of Spanish literature.** It is
much quoted by Robertson, Prescott, and Helps, in
their accoimts of the conquest of Peru. A careful
French version was published at Paris, by M. Ter-
naux Compans,^ in his series of works on Spanish
America, in 1837 ; but no complete English transla-
tion has hitherto been made.

As the accoimt of an intelligent and observant
eye-witness, the story told by Francisco de Xeres,
of the most stirring episode in the wonderful history
of Spanish conquests, is exceedingly interesting.
Some portions of the story, here and there, are told
in more detail by Herrera and other compilers, but,
in reading their versions, we miss the feeling that
the author was an actor in the deeds he narrates ;

2 " Historiadores Primitivos de las Indias Occidentales,*^ iii, p.
179. ^ Bainusio, iii, pp. 378-98.

* Purchas, Pilgrimes, iv, pp. 1491-94.

^ Ticknor, i, p. 521.

6 ^^Voyages, relations et m^moires originaux pour servir ct Vhistoire
de la decouverte de VAmenque^* (Paris; 1837). H. Ternaux
Compans.

INTRODUCTION. XIU

and thus, in Xeres, there is a freshness and reality
which no other published account of the conquest
can impart. Xeres himself relates the proceedings
of the Governor Francisco Pizarro. But he has
given much increased value to his work, by embody-
ing in it the report by Miguel Astete, another eye-
witness, of the expedition of Hernando Pizarro, to
the famous temple of Pachacamac. This remarkable
journey of Hernando in quest of gold, undertaken
by a mere handful of men into the heart of an un-
known land, is as attractive to the imagination as
the incredible audacity of Francisco's enterprise.
Xeres and Astete were both eye-witnesses, and their
detailed narratives combine to record the incidents
of two of the most surprising marches in the history
of Spanish discovery.

The letter of Hernando Pizarro to the Royal
Audience of Santo Domingo,'' which follows the nar-
rative of Xeres, was written when that ruthless con-
queror was on his way to Spain, with the king's
share of the spoils. It goes over exactly the same
ground as the Reports of Xeres and Astete, it is
pecuharly valuable as containing the observations of
the man of highest rank in the expedition who could
write, and the slight variations between the accounts
of Xeres and Pizarro, in relating the same incidents,
are particularly interesting. One very odious pe-
culiarity of Hernando Pizarro was, that he habitually

7 In the " Historia GeneraV* of Oviedo, cap. xv, lib. 43. Re-
printed in the " Vidas de Espamles cclehres, por Don Manuel
Josef Quintana*^ (Paris, 1845), p. 180.

XIV INTRODUCTION.

tortured the Indians when he wished to obtain in-
formation from them. Yet on the three occasions
on which he mentions having applied the torture, in
this letter, he was told lies. One would have
thought that so acute an observer would have dis-
covered that this was a very inefficient method of
conducting the operations of an Intelligence Depart-
ment. The fourth document in this volimie is the
Report of Pedro Sancho on the distribution of the
ransom of Atahuallpa ;® in which he gives the
amounts received by each of the conquerors.

Hernando Pizarro and Miguel de Astete give us
the first account of the temple of Pachacamac on
the Peruvian coast, which was afterwards described
by Cieza de Leon and Garcilasso de la Vega, and
the real significance of which is not fully understood,
and has been a good deal exaggerated. The subject
is one which may appropriately be discussed in an
Introduction to the narratives of Hernando Pizarro
and Astete ; and the following remarks will perhaps
invest them with some additional interest.

The famous temple on the Pacific coast has usually
been supposed to have been the only temple to the
Supreme Being in Peru ; and it has even been sug-
gested that, as such, it is older than the time of the
Yncas, and that they adopted this worship from
another people. Mr. Prescott^ says that no temple

® From the inedited work of Francisco Lopez de Caravantes.
It is reprinted in the ^^Vidas de Espanoles celebres^ por Bon Manuel
Josef Quintana^^ (Paris, 1845^), p. 185.

^ Prescott, i, p. 85.

INTBODUCTION. XV

was raised to Pachacamac, the Creator of the World,
save one only which took its name from the Deity
Himself; that it existed before the coxmtry came
under the sway of the Yncas, and was a resort of
pilgrims from remote parts of the land ; and that
these circumstances suggest the idea that the wor-
ship of this Great Spirit did not originate with the
Peruvian Princes. Mr. Helps^ also says that a temple
to Pachacamac existed before the time of the Yncas,
and that they artfully connected this Deity with
their own religion, making out that the Sun was his
father, and thus strengthening themselves by alliance
with this primaeval Deity. Rivero adopts the same
view, namely that the Gods Con and Pachaca-
mac were early deities, whose temple was on the
sea-coast, and that the Yncas cunningly adopted
their worship, saying that these gods were sons of
the Sun.^ There is no adequate authority for these
theories, and they seem to have arisen from a mis-
apprehension of the story as told by early writers.
The inhabitants of the Peruvian coast, called

1 Helps, iii, p. 498. The name of Con, given by Mr. Helps,
from Las Casas, as the father of Pachacamac, has originated in
some blunder among the Spanish writers. It is not an Ynca
word at all, and the legend concerning this Gon has no connection
whatever with any Ynca people. See also Gomara, Hist, de Las
Indias, cap. cxxii. The prefix Gon is found in the names applied
to sacred things by the coast people, and it lingered still longer
in the valleys of Huarochiri. Its meaning is now lost, but it be-
longed to the coast language. Thus there was a god in Huaro-
chiri called Goniraya, and the general name of all small stone
idols in Huarochiri was Gonopa, See Avila MS.

^ Antiguedades Perucmas, p. 144.

XVI INTRODUCTION.

Yuncas by their Ynca conquerors, were an entirely
distinct race from the people of the Andes, with a
language differing both in its vocabulary and gram-
matical construction. After long and fierce wars
they were conquered by the Yncas, their language
was superseded by Quichua, many were sent as colo-
nists into the interior, Ynca colonists settled on the
coast, and the nationality of the Yuncas was de-
stroyed. Very little can now be learnt respecting
them. The coast valleys were densely peopled, as is
shown by the fact of ruined towns being always
found on the verge of the desert, so as not to en-
croach on the cultivatable area. They had brought
the art of irrigation to a high state of perfection, and
they adorned the walls of their buildings with richly
coloured paintings. We have no dictionary of their
language, but we have a grammar and vocabulary
by Carrera,® and a few specimens of one of its dialects
preserved by Bishop Orfe.* Of the nature of their
religion we know still less. Avila has recorded
some curious traditions,*^ and it would seem, from
the proceedings of Arriaga, the extirpator of idola-
try, that they were much addicted to sorcery and
fortune- telling.® Their gods were made to give

* Arte de la lengua de los valles del Obispado de Truxillo ; por
Don Fernando de la Garrera (Lima, 1644).

* The Mochica spoken once in the valleys of fluarcu (Canete),
Bnnahnanac (Lunahuana), and Chincha. " Bituale seu Manuale
Feruanum; por Lu.^ovuium Hieronymum Orerium^^ (Neapoli, 1607).

^ In his narrative of the errors, false gods, and other diabolical
rites of the Indians of Huarochiri. MS. in the Biblioteca Nacional
at Madrid, B. 35.

^ " Exth'pacion de la idolatria de los Lidios del Peru ; por Pedro

INTRODUCTION. XVU

out oracles, and the shrines became rich and im-
portant, in proportion to the credit they attained in
forecasting events. Thus, there was a famous oracle
in the valley, thence called Rimac, or "the Speaker'',
by the Ynca conquerors ; and a still more renowned
one was the fish-god in the city, afterwards called by
the Yncas PachacamaCy to which pilgrims resorted
from all parts of the coast. But this fish-god was
not Pachacamac, nor was the word Pachacamac
known to the people of the coast before they were
conquered by the Yncas. It is an Ynca word, and
is wholly foreign to, and unconnected with, the coast
language. The priests of the fish-god, it would seem,
became famous as fortune-tellers, ; their shrine was
resorted to by pilgrims from distant valleys, and a
large city grew up around it, on the margin of the
sea, and of the rich vale of Lurin. The name of
the deity has not been preserved, but it certainly
was not Pachacamac.

In course of time the coast valleys were conquered
by the Yncas, who gave them Quichua names. Nasca,
Pisco, Runahuanac, Pachacamac, Rimac, Huaman,
etc., are all pure Quichua names. It seems clear,
therefore, that, when the Ynca Garcilasso tells us
that the coast lord Cuismancu had adopted the wor-
ship of Pachacamac from the Yncas, and had built a
temple to him, in which however he placed the fish
and fox-gods of the Yuncas, that his ideas were con-

Joine de Arriaga^^ (Lima, 1621). The old fanatic says that he
punished sixty- three wizards, in the coast valleys.

XVm INTRODUCTION.

fused/ He assumed that there was a worship of
Pachacamac because the place had received that
name ; but the fish and fox-gods are a clear proof that
a Supreme Being was not worshipped there. In short
the word Pachacamac had nothing to do with the re-
ligion of the coast people. The worship of the Supreme
Being, imder the names of Pachacamac® (Creator of the
World) and Pachayachachic^ (Teacher of the World),
formed a prominent feature in the religion of the
Yncas. The names occur, and have the first place, in
nearly all the ceremonial prayers of the Yncas given
by Molina.^ When the Yncas conquered the coast-
city of the fish-god, they assigned to it the name of
Pachacamac, for some reason that has not been pre-
served, possibly on account of its size and importance.
The Yncas frequently named places after their
deities or sacred festivals. Thus, besides this Pacha-
camac, we have another at Tumebamba, and Vilca-
nota, FiYca-pampa, FiZca-cunca, JETt^aca-chaca, Huaca-

puncu, jBaymi-pampa, and many more.^

^ Gomm. Real., Pt. i, lib. vi, cap. 30. Herrera is still more in
the dark. He says that the Yncas believ^d in a Creator of all
things called Viracocha, to whom they built a very rich temple
called Pachiamac. Dec. v, lib. iv, cap. 4.

* From Pacfea (the world) and camac the participle of Camani
(I create). See Q. de la Vega, i, lib. ii, cap. 22; and lib. v,
cap. 12.

* From Pacha (the world) and Yachachic, participle of Yachor-
chini (I teach). See Acosta, lib. v, cap. 12 ; Q. de la Vega, Pt. i,
lib. V, cap. 18 ; and Molina MS,

* Belacion de las fahula^ y ritos de los Yncas, hecJia por Chris-
toval de Molma, MS. at Madrid, B. 35.

* Vilca is a sacred place, Huaca an analogous but more com-
prehensive term, and Bay mi the great festival of the Sun.

INTRODUCTION. xix

But they never built any temple to Pachacamac,
and there never was one to that deity, except at
Cuzco. On the summit of the lofty hill, overhang-
ing the town of Pachacamac, they erected a temple
of the Sun, which was approached by three wide
terraces. Rivero states^ that the temple of the Sun
was not on the top of the hill, but Cieza de Leon* dis-
tinctly asserts that the loftiest part was set aside as a
temple of the Sun. Astete also says that, adjoining
the " mosque" (that is, the temple of the fish-god),
there was a house of the Sun, situated on a hill, with
five surrounding walls. Hernando Pizarro tells us
that the store-rooms of gold and the convents of
women were at the foot of the hill, and that the
chief priest and the building containing the fish-god
(devil, as he calls it) were on the terrace platform
above. Higher up there were two other wide terraces,
and the temple of the Sun was on the summit.

The Yncas built a temple of the Sun on the hill
top ; though, in accordance with their usual policy,
they allowed the wooden fish idol to remain in its
shrine below ; which they even condescended to
consult as an oracle, from conciliatory motives. But
its importance waned after the Ynca conquest, the
pilgrims fell off in numbers, and the town began to
lose its citizens. When Hernando Pizarro arrived
in 1533, the greater part of the outer wall had
fallen, and there were many houses in ruins. Here
is an additional proof that this was not a temple to

^ Antiq, Per,, p. 291.

* See my translation, p. 253.

XX INTRODUCTION.

the Ynca deity Pachacamac, ''the only temple in
Peru dedicated to the Supreme Being". If such
had been the case, its importance would have in-
creased, and not diminished, after the conquest by
the Yncas, in whose prayers the Creator ever had
the first place. There is no reason for supposing
that pilgrims ever resorted to the shrine of the fish-
god from any part of the empire of the Yncas, except
the coast valleys ; and the diversity of skuUs alleged
to have been found among the ruins is sufficiently
accounted for by the presence of mitimaes or colonists,
and by the marches of Ynca armies.^

The conclusions I have formed are, that the wor-
ship of Pachacamac, the Creator of the J^Torld, was
a part of the Ynca religious belief ; and that it was
wholly unconnected with the coast Indians ; that
there never was any temple to Pachacamac at the
place on the coast to which the Yncas gave that
name, for some reason now forgotten; that the
natives worshipped a fish-god there imder a name
now lost, which became famous as an oracle, and
attracted pilgrims ; and that, when the Yncas con-
quered the place, they raised a temple to the Sun,
on the summit of the hill commanding the city of
the fish-god, whence the glorious luminary could be
seen to descend behind the distant horizon, and
bathe the ocean in floods of light. These conclusions
are supported by the writings of Garcilasso de la
Vega and Cieza de Leon, and by the report of
Astete ; and they agree with all that is recorded of

^ See my translation of Cleza de Leon. Note, p. 252.

INTRODUCTION. XXi

the religious belief of the Yncas, and with the few
facts that can be gathered, from various sources,
touching the Yuncas or coast Indians.

The present Editor examined the ruins of Pacha-
camac, in much detail, in 1853 and again in 1854,
and made a plan of them. He again visited them
on the 19th of February, 1860, accompanied by an
Irish chieftain and two Englishmen. We ascended
the terraces on horseback to the platform of the
temple of the Sun ; where the old Catholic chieftain
broke out in praise of the Yncas. We reminded him
of their heresy, but he repeated, as he drained his
sherry flask, " Here is to the Yncas ! God rest their
souls in peasie !" We rode back through the narrow
streets to Lurin, and, in memory of the event, one
of our party wrote the following lines, contrasting
the Catholic Hernando Pizarro of the sixteenth, with
the Catholic Hibernian of the nineteenth century.

The sunlight glanced from helm and spear

Upon the terraced height,
And awe-strnck crowds had gathered round

Beneath the temple bright.

High on the ruined altar stone

The iron conqueror stood,
And o'er the broken idol held

Outstretched the holy rood.

And as he preach'd God's truth, his brow

Darker and darker grew,
And the people feared the bloodstained man,

And they feared his bloodstained crew.

For his speech was cruel and fierce to them,
And hard to understand,

XXU INTRODUCTION.

As he cursed the children of fche Sun,
The rulers of the land.

* « * »

FnU many a year is passed and gone
Since that strange scene befell,

Of many a tale of blood and woe
The silent ruins tell.

We stood upon the temple wall,
And fierce the sunlight beat

Upon the sand that compassed round
The city at our feet.

The ruin'd terrace gardens told
Of splendour passed away,

And bleaching in the Sun, the bones
Of Priest and Warrior lay.

Then one who held the ancient creed
Of him who preached of yore,

And bowed before the self-same sign,
The cross the conqueror bore.

Raised high the wine cup in his hand,
" We'll drink the noble dead !

The Princely Rulers of the land !
God rest their souls,'' he said.

As through the silent streets below
We rode among the dead.

We mused which held the faith of Him
Whose blood for all was shed.

Or he who cursed the Pagan Kings,
And bade their empire cease,

Or he who prayed above their graves,
"God rest their souls in peace".

A TRUE ACCOUNT

OF THE PROVINCE

OF CUZCO.

Called New Castille, conquered by Francisco Pizarro,
captain to His Majesty the Emperor,

our Master.

Dedicated to His Majesty the Emperor by

FRANCISCO XERES,

Native of the most noble and most loyal town of Seville, Secretary
to the said Captain in all the Provinces and Countries
conquered in New Castille, and one of the first
conquerors of that country.

SALAMANCA
1547.

Second Edition,

NARRATIVE OF THE CONQUEST OF PERU.

FRANCISCO XERES.

Because the Divine Providence ; and the fortune of Caesar ;
and the prudence, fortitude, military discipline, labours,
perilous navigations, and battles of the Spaniards, vassals
of the most invincible Emperor of the Roman Empire, our
natural King and Lord, will cause joy to the faithful and
terror to the infidels ; for the glory of God our Lord and
for the service of the Catholic Imperial Majesty ; it has
seemed good to me to write this narrative, and to send it
to your Majesty, that all may have a knowledge of what is
here* related. It will be to the glory of God, because they
have conquered and brought to our holy Catholic Faith so
vast a number of heathens, aided by His holy guidance. It
will be to the honour of our Emperor because, by reason of
his great power and good fortune, such events happened in
his time. It will give joy to the faithful that such battles
have been won, such provinces discovered and conquered,
such riches brought home for the King and for themselves ;
and that such terror has been spread among the infidels,
such admiration excited in all mankind.

For when, either in ancient or modem times, have such
great exploits been achieved by so few against so many ;
over so many climes, across so many seas, over such dis-
tances by land, to subdue the unseen and unknown ?
Whose deeds can be compared with those of Spain ? Not
surely those of the Jews, nor of the Greeks, nor even of the

2 PIZABBO IN PANAMA.

Romans^ of whom more is written than of any other people.
For though the Romans subjugated so many provinces, yet
they did so with an equal number of troops or but slightly
less in number, and the lands were known, and well supplied
with provisions, and their captains and armies were paid.
But our Spaniards, being few in number, never having more
than two hundred or three hundred men together, and some-
times only a hundred and even fewer (only once, and that
twenty years ago, with the Captain Pedrarias, was there the
larger number of fifteen hundred men) ; and those who have
come at diflFerent times being neither paid nor pressed, but
serving of their own free wills and at their own costs, have,
in our times, conquered more territory than has ever been
known before, or than all the faithful and infidel princes pos-
sessed. Moreover, they supported themselves on the savage
food of the people, who had no knowledge of bread or wine,
sufiering on a diet of herbs, fruits, and roots. Yet they
have made conquests which are now known to all the world.
I will only write, at present, of what befell in the conquest
of New Castillo ; and I will not write much, in order to
avoid prolixity.

The South Sea having been discovered, and the inhabi-
tants of Tierra Firme having been conquered and pacified,
the Governor Pedrarias de Avila founded and settled the
cities of Panama and of Nata, and the town of Nombre de
Dies. At this time the Captain Francisco Pizarro, son of
the Captain Gonzalo Pizarro, a knight of the city of Truxillo,
was living in the city of Panama ; possessing his house, his
farm, and his Indians, as one of the principal people of the
land, which indeed he always was, having distinguished
himself in the conquest and settling, and in the service of
his Majesty. Being at rest and in repose, but full of zeal
to continue his labours and to perform other more distin-
guished services for the royal crown, he sought permission
from Pedrarias to discover that coast of the South Sea to

SUFFERINGS AT PORT FAMINE. 3

the eastward. He spent a large part of his fortune on a
good ship wtich he built, and on necessary supplies for the
voyage, and he set out from the city of Panama on the 14th
day of the month of November, in the year 1524.^ He had
a hundred and twelve Spaniards in his company, besides
some Indian servants. He commenced a voyage in which
they suffered many hardships, the season being winter and
unpropitious. I shall omit many things that happened
which might be tedious, and will only relate the notable
events, and those that are most to the purpose.

Seventy days after leaving Panama they landed at a port
which was afterwards named Port Famine. They had pre-
viously landed at many ports, but had abandoned them be-
cause there were no inhabitants. The captain and eighty
men remained in this port (the remainder having died) ;
and because their provisions had come to an end, and there
were none in that land, he sent the ship, with the sailors
and an oflScer,^ to the Isle of Pearls (which is in the juris-
diction of Panama) to obtain supplies, thinking that, at the
end of ten or twelve days, they would return with succour.
But Fortune is always, or generally, adverse ; and the ship
never returned for forty-seven days, during which time the
captain and his companions subsisted on a sea-weed that
they found on the shore, collecting it with much trouble.
Some of them, being sorely weakened, died. They also
fed on some very bitter palm fruits. During the absence of
the ship, in going and returning, more than twenty men
died. When the ship returned with supplies, the captain
and mariners related how, when the supplies did not come,
they had eaten a tanned cow-hide which had been used to
cover the pump. They boiled it and divided it amongst
themselves. The survivors were refreshed with the supplies
brought by the ship, consisting of maize and pigs; and

* Herrera gives the same date. Cieza de Leon and Garcilasso de la
Vega have 1525. * Named Montenegro.

4 PROCEEDINGS OF ALMAGRO.

the captain set out to continue his voyage. He came to
a town on the sea-shore, built in a strong position and sur-
rounded by pallisades. Here he found provisions in abun-
dance, but the inhabitants fled from the town. The next
day a number of armed men came. They were warlike and
well armed ; while the Christians were reduced by hunger
and their previous hardships. The Christians were defeated
and their captain received seven wounds, the slightest of
which was dangerous. The Indians, who had wounded him,
left him because they thought he was dead. Seventeen
other men were wounded with him, and five were killed.
Seeing the result of this disaster, and the small chance of
being able to cure and revive his people, the captain em-
barked and returned to the land of Panama, landing at an
Indian village near the island of Pearls, called Chuchama.*
Thence he sent the ship to Panama,* for she had become
unseaworthy by reason of the teredo ; and all that had be-
fallen was reported to Pedranas, while the captain remained
behind to refresh himself and his companions.

When the ship arrived at Panama it was found that, a
few days before, the Captain Diego de Almagro had sailed
in search of the Captain Pizarro, his companion, with an-
other ship and seventy men. He sailed as far as the village
where the Captain Pizarro was defeated, and the Captain
Almagro had another encounter with the Indians of that
place, and was also defeated. He lost an eye, and many
Christians were wounded; but, nevertheless, the Indians
abandoned the village, which was set on fire. They again
set out, and followed the coast until they came to a great
river, which they called San Juan* because they arrived there
on his day. They there found signs of gold, but there being

' The province of Chuchama was discovered by Fascual de Andagoya
in 1522. See my translation of Andagoya, p. 40.

* In command of his treasurer, Nicolas de Ribera.

* A few miles north of the port of Buenaventura, in New Granada.

SUFFERINGS ON THE COAST. 5

no traces of the Captain Pizarro, the Captain Almagro re-
turned to Chuchama, where he found his comrade. They
agreed that the Captain Almagro should go to Panama,
repair the ships, collect more men to continue the enter-
prise, and defray the expenses, which amounted to more
than ten thousand castellanos} At Panama much obstruc-
tion was caused by Pedrarias and others, who said that the
voyage should not be persisted in, and that his Majesty
would not be served by it. The Captain Almagro, with the
authority given him by his comrade, was very constant in
prosecuting the work he had commenced, and he required
the Governor Pedrarias not to obstruct him, because he
believed, with the help of God, that his Majesty would be
well served by that voyage. Thus Pedrarias was forced to
allow him to engage men. He set out from Panama with a
hundred and ten men ; and went to the place where Pizarro
waited with another fifty of the first hundred and ten who
sailed with him, and of the seventy who accompanied Alma-
gro when he went in search. The other hundred and thirty
were dead. The two captains, in their two ships, sailed
with a hundred and sixty men, and coasted along the
land.® When they thought they saw signs of habitations,
they went on shore in three canoes they had with them,
rowed by sixty men, and so they sought for provisions.

They continued to sail in this way for three years, sufier-
ing great hardships from hunger and cold. The greater
part of the crews died of hunger, insomuch that there were
not fifty surviving, and during all those three years they
discovered no good land. All was swamp and inundated
country, without inhabitants. The good country they dis^
covered was as far as the river San Juan, where the Captain

* The value of the casteUano varied. At this time it was worth about
eight shillings.

« Their experienced and resolute Pilot was Bartolom^ Ruiz, a native
of Moguer, in Andalusia.

6 DISCOVERIES OF THE PILOT ftUIZ.

Pizarro remained with the few survivors, sending a captain'^
with the smaller ship to discover some good land further
along the coast. He sent the other ship, with the Captain
Diego de Almagro, to Panama to get more men, because
with the twc5 vessels together and so few men no discovery
could be made, and the people died. The ship that was
sent to discover, returned at the end of seventy days to the
river of San Juan, where the Captain Pizarro remained with
his people, and reported to him what had befallen. They
had arrived at the village of Cancebi, which is on this coast,
and before they reached it, the crew of the ship had seen
other inhabited places, very rich in gold and silver, and in-
habited by more intelligent people than they had previously
met with. They brought six persons that they might learn
the language of the Spaniards, together with gold, silver,
and cloths.® The Captain and his comrades received this
news with so much joy, that they forgot all their former
sufferings, and the expenses they had incurred, and con-
ceived a strong desire to see that land which appeared to be
so inviting. As soon as the Captain Almagro arrived from
Panama with a ship laden with men and horses, the two
ships, with their commanders and all their people, set out
from the river San Juan, to go to that newly-discovered
land. But the navigation was difficult, they were detained
so long^ that the provisions were exhausted, and the people
were obliged to go on shore in search of suppUes. The

' Ruiz, the Pilot.

8 Ruiz discovered the bay of San Mateo and the isle of Gallo, and
encountered a native raft, laden with merchandise : vases and mirrors
of silver, and cotton and woollen cloths. Some of the people on board
were natives of Tumbez ; and he took six into his vessel, intending to
make them learn Spanish, and become interpreters. The furthest point
reached by Ruiz was the Cape of Passaos, and he was thus the first
European to cross the line in the Pacific Ocean.

* They had constant northerly winds, with heavy squalls, and storms
of thunder and lightning.

PIZABBO ON THE ISLE OF GALLO. 7

ships reached the bay of San Mateo, and some villages to
which the Spaniards gave the name of Santiago. Next they
came to the villages of Tacamez/ on the sea coast further
on. These villages were seen by the Christians to be large
and well peopled ; and when ninety Spaniards had advanced
a league beyond the villages of Tacamez,^ more than ten
thousand Indian warriors encountered them ; but seeing
that the Christians intended no evil, and did not wish to
take their goods, but rather to treat them peacefully with
much love, the Indians desisted from war. In this land
there were abundant supplies, and the people led well-ordered
lives, the villages having their streets and squares. One
village had more than three thousand houses, and others
were smaller.

It seemed to the Captains and to the other Spaniards that
nothing could be done in that land by reason of the small-
ness of their number, which rendered them unable to cope
with the Indians. So they agreed to load the ships with
the supplies to be found in the villages, and to return to
an island called Gallo,^ where they would be safe until the
ships arrived at Panama with the news of what had been
discovered, and to apply to the Governor for more men, in
order that the Captains might be able to continue their
undertaking, and conquer the land. Captain Almagro went
in the ships. Many persons had written to the Governor
entreating him to order the crews to return to Panama,
saying that it was impossible to endure more hardships than
they had suflfered during the last three years.* The Gover-
nor ordered that all those who wished to go to Panama

1 Atacames, on the coast of modem Ecuador.
' The modem Atacames.

• In the bay of Tumaco, just on the modem frontier dividing New
Granada from Ecuador. It had already been discovered by the Pilot
Ruiz.

* See Herrera^ Dec. iii, Hb. x, cap. 3; OarcUasso de la Vtga^ Pt. ii;
and Cieza de Leon, cap. cxix.

8 HEROIC RESOLUTION OF PIZARRO.

might do so, while those who desired to continue the dis-
coveries were at liberty to remain. Sixteen men stayed
with Pizarro,^ and all the rest went back in the ships to

* Thus simply does Pizarro's Secretary tell the story of this famous
resolution. A ship was sent from Panama, by the Governor, under the
command of an officer named Tafur, to take back those who wished to
return ; while those who chose to remain with Pizarro were allowed to
do so. Garcilasso says that, when Pizarro saw his men electing to re-
turn in the ship, he drew his sword and made a long line on the ground
with the point. Then, turning to his men, he said: ^* Gentlemen! This
line signifies labour, hunger, thirst, fatigue, wounds, sickness, and every
other kind of danger that must be encountered in this conquest, until
life is ended. Let those who have the courage to meet and overcome the
dangers of this heroic achievement cross the line in token of their reso-
lution and as a testimony that they will be my faithful companions.
And let those who feel unworthy of such daring return to Panama ; for
I do not wish to put force upon any man. I trust in God that, for his
greater honour and glory, his eternal Majesty will help those who re-
main with me, though they be few, and that we shall not feel the want
of those who forsake us.^^ On hearing this speech the Spaniards began
to go on board with all speed, lest anything should happen to detaiii
them.

Herrera tells the story differently. He says that Tafur stationed him-
self in one part of the vessel and, drawing a line, placed Pizarro and the
soldiers on the other side of it. He then told those who wished to return
to Panama to come over to him, and those who would remain to stay on
Pizarro's side of the line.

Of these two accounts, that of Garcilasso is far more likely to be true;
for it is very improbable that they would all have embarked before the
election was made. It would naturally be made on the beach before
they went on board.

The authorities also differ as to the number of men who crossed the
line and remained with Pizarro. Cieza de Leon, Gomara, Herrera, and
Garcilasso say there were thirteen; Zarate gives the number at twelve;
Xeres at sixteen. In the Capitulation for the Conquest of Peru, made
by Francisco Pizarro with Queen Juana on July 26th, 1529, there is
the following paragraph : ** Remembering the great services that were
performed in the said discovery by Bartolom^ Ruiz, Cristoval de Peralta,
Pedro de Candia, Domingo de Soria Luce, Nicolas de Ribera, Francisco
de Cuellar, Alonzo de Molina, Pedro Alcon, Garcia de Jerez, Anton de
Carrion, Alonzo Briceno, Martin de Paz, and Juan de la Torre ; and
because you have besought and prayed for the favour, it is our will and
pleasure to grant it, as by these presents we do grant to such of them as

^m^w'^tBf^mrK'^mmmm^mmmmim'^mr'W'mtf^ttmms:'*9ir^mmif^-'m-^wi^m9!m^f^mm9'mmmm

THE COMPANIONS OP PIZARRO. 9

Panama. The Captain Pizarro was on that island for five
months, when one of the ships returned, in which he con-
tinued the discoveries for a hundred leagues further down
the coast. They found many villages, and great riches ;

are not Hidalgoe, that they shall be Hidalgos acknowledged in those
parts, and that in all our Indies they shall enjoy rank and immunities
and such other privileges as belong to acknowledged Hidalgos, and to
those who now are Hidalgos we grant knighthood of gilt spurs.''

It has always been supposed that these were the men who crossed the
line, and hence their number has been placed at thirteen. But it is not
asserted in the Capitulation that the men whose names are given in it
were those who crossed the line, and it might be that Pizarro, in asking
favours for his most faithful companions, on the one hand omitted one
or more of those who crossed the line, and on the other included some
who did not take part in that transaction, but who joined him after-
wards. Herrera gives the names of the thirteen in the Capitulation,
and says that one was a Mulatto. Zarate gives nine names, all of which
are in the above paragraph of the Capitulation except one, Alonzo de
Truxillo. Zarate's nine are — Pedro de Candia, Bartolom6 Ruiz, !Nicolas
de Ribera, Juan de la Torre, Alonzo Briceno, Cristoval de Peralta,
Alonzo de Truxillo, Francisco de Cuellar, and Alonzo de Molina. Bal-
boa adds two more, Juan Roldan and Bias de Atienza. Garcilasso gives
yet two more, whom he knew personally. He says that the correct name
of Zarate's Alonzo de Truxillo was Diego de Truxillo ; that there were
two Riberas, one the Nicolas of the Capitulation, and the other Geronimo
or Alonzo, he is not certain which, whom he knew personally ; and that
Francisco Rodriguez de Villafuerte, a citizen of Cuzco, whom he also
knew personally, was the first to walk across the line.

In these conflicting lists, the names of Ruiz, Candia, Peralta, Bricefio,
Ribera, Torre, Cuellar, and Molina, are those on which all are agreed.
The Capitulation makes up the thirteen with Soria Luce, Alcon, Jerez,
Carrion, and Paz ; which five names Zarate and Garcilasso omit.
Zarate adds Truxillo. Garcilasso gives him also, and adds another
Ribera and Villa-Fuerte. Balboa adds Roldan and Atienza.

Xeres had access to the best information, and I believe his number of
sixteen to be correct; including the Pilot Ruiz, who returned to Panama
to obtain another vessel. The three additional names of Zarate and
Garcilasso may be supposed to have been omitted in the Capitulation,
either intentionally by Pizarro for some reason of his own, or accidentally.
The correct list of sixteen will then stand as follows: [c. before a name
meaning that it occurs in the Capitulation and Herrera ; z. that it is
giveu by Zarate ; and G. by Garcilasso.] The two additional names of

10 THE COMPANIONS OF PIZAEBO.

and they brought away more specimens of gold, silver, and
cloths than had been found before, which were presented by
the natives. The Captain returned because the time granted

Balboa are no doubt inserted by mistake; but not so those of Garcilasso;
for he knew the men personally.

(c. z. B. G.) 1. BartolomS Ruiz, of Moguer, the Pilot.

(c. z. B. G.) 2. Pedro de Candia, a Greek. He commanded Fizarro^s
artillery, consisting of two falconets ; and was an able and ex-
perienced officer. After Pizarro's death he joined the younger
Almagro, who killed him on suspicion of treachery at the battle
of Chupas. He left a half-caste son, who was at school with
Garcilasso at Cuzco.

(c. z. G.) 3. Cristoval de Peralta, a native of Baeza. He was one of
the first twelve citizens of Lima, when that city was founded by
Pizarro in 1535.

(c. z. B. G.) 4. Alonzo Briceno, a native of Benavente. He was at
the division of Atahualpa^s ransom, and received the share of a
cavalry captain.

(c. z. B. G.) 5. Nicolas de Ribera, the Treasurer, was one of the first
twelve citizens of Lima, when Pizarro founded that city on January
18th, 1535. He passed through all the stormy period of the civil
wars in Peru. He deserted from Gonzalo Pizarro to Gasca, and
was afterwards Captain of the Guard of the Royal Seal. He
eventually settled near Cuzco, and left children to inherit his
estates.

(c. z. B. G.) 6. Juan de la Torre was a staunch adherent of Gonzalo
Pizarro in after years, to whom he deserted when serving under
the ill-fated Viceroy Blasco Nunez de Vela. He carried his
ferocious enmity to the Viceroy so far as to insult his dead body,
and, pulling the hairs out of his beard, stuck them in his hat-
band. He married the daughter of an Indian chief near Puerto
Viejo, and acquired great wealth. He was captain of arquebusiers
for Gonzalo Pizarro until 1548, and after the battle of Sacsa-
huana he was hanged by order of La Gasca.

(c. z. G.) 7. Francisco de Citdlar, a native of Cuellar. Nothing
more is known of him.

(c. z. G.) 8. Alonzo de Molina, a native of Ubeda. He afterwards
landed at Tumbez, where it was arranged that he should remain
until Pizarro's return ; but he died in the interval.

(c.) 9. Domingo de Soria Luce, Nothing more is known of him.

(c.) 10. Pedro Alcon, He afterwards landed on the coast of Peru,
fell in love with a Peruvian lady, and refused to come on board
again. So the Pilot Ruiz was obliged to knock him dow;n with

FIE8T DISCOVERY OF PERU. 11

by the Governor had expired, and the last day of the period
had been reached, when he entered the port of Panama.*

The two Captains were so ruined that they could no longer
prosecute their undertaking, owing a large sum of jpesos de
oro. The Captain Francisco Pizarro was only able to bor-
row a little more than a thousand castellanos^ among his
friends, with which ^ sum he went to Castillo, and gave an

an oar, and he was put in irons on the lower deck. Nothing
more is known of him.
(c.) 11. Garcia de Jerez (or Jaren). He appears to have made a
statement on the subject of the heroism of Fizarro and his com-
panions at Panama on August 3rd, 1529. {Doc, Ined,^ tom. xxvi,
p. 260 ; quoted by Helps^ iii, p. 446.)
(c.) 12. Anton de Carrion. Nothing further is known of hinu
(c.) 13. Martin de Paz, Nothing further is known of him.
(z. G.) 14. Diego de TruxiUo (Alotizo, according to Zarate). He
was afterwards personally known to Garcilasso at Cuzco. Diego
de TruxiUo appears to have written an account of the discovery
of Peru, which is still in manuscript. '''' Didacus de TruxiUo.
Uelacion de la tierra que descubrid con Dom Francisco Fizarro
en el Peru^"* {Antonio y ii, 645.) Antonio quotes from the ^'•Bih-
liotheca Indica^"* of Leon Pinelo.
(g.) 15. Oeromino or Alonzo Ribera, He was settled at Lima, where

he had children.
(G.) 16. Francisco Rodriqtiez de Villa-Fuerte, the first to cross the
line. Afterwards a citizen of Cuzco, having been present at the
siege by Ynca Manco, and at the battle of Las Salinas. Garci-
lasso knew him, and once rode with him from Cuzco to Quispi-
cancha, when he recounted many reminiscences of his stirring
life. He was still living at Cuzco in 1560, a rich and influential
citizen.
* The Governor of Panama allowed one vessel to go, under the com-
mand of the Pilot Ruiz, with positive orders to return in six months.
Pizarro sailed in her from the isle of Gk>rgona, and came to the gulf of
Guayaquil, after a voyage of twenty days. He landed on the island of
Santa Clara or Muerto, and then stood across to the town of Tumbez.
He then explored the Peruvian coast as far as the river of Santa. See
the note in my translation of Cieza de Leon^ p. 420. Pizarro took two
Peruvians from Tumbez, who became interpreters, but very bad ones,
as they spoke execrable Spanish and worse Quichua. One was named
Filipillo by the Spaniards, the other Martinillo.
' X400.

12 PIZARRO TN SPAIN.

account to his Majesty of the great and signal services he
had performed; in reward for which he was granted the
government and command of that land,® and the habit of
Santiago ; certain magisterial powers, and aids towards the
coast were given by his Majesty as Emperor and King, who
ever shows favour to those who work in his royal service,
as he always has done. For this cause others have been
animated with zeal to spend their estates in his royal ser-
vice, discovering in that South Sea, and over all the ocean,
lands and provinces so distant from these kingdoms of
Castillo.

When the Adelantado Francisco Pizarro was nominated
by his Majesty, he sailed from the port of San Lucar® with
a fleet,^ and with a fair wind and without accident, arrived
at the port of Nombre de Dies. Thence he went, with his
forces, to the city of Panama, where he encountered many
difficulties and obstructions intended to prevent him from
going to people the land he had discovered, according to his
Majesty's orders. But he resolutely continued his prepara-
tions, and sailed from Panama with as many people as he
could collect, being a hundred and eighty men, with thirty-
seven horses, in three ships.^ His yoya,ge was so success-
ful that in thirteen days he arrived at the bay of San Mateo,
though, when they began this enterprise, they could never

8 The Capitulation made by Francisco Pizarro with Queen Juana, is
dated at Toledo, on July 26th, 1529. The text is given by Quintana in
his Vidas^ p. 176, and by Prescott in an Appendix, ii, p. 447. The chief
right of discovery and conquest of the country for two hundred leagues
south of the island of Santiago or Puna, which was called New Castille,
was secured to Pizarro, with the title of Governor for life. Almagro
was made Commander of Tumbez, Ruiz received the title of Grand
Pilot of the Southern Ocean, and Candia was made Captain of Artillery,
Pizarro received the habit of Santiago. * In January 1530.

^ He took out with him four brothers: Hernando, the eldest, and only
legitimate son of his father ; Gonzalo and Juan, like Francisco himself,
illegitimate sons; and Francisco Martin de Alcantara, a son of his mother
but not of his father. « In January 1531.

MARCH ALONG THE COAST. 13

reach it during more than two years. There he landed the
people and horses, and they marched along the shore, find-
ing all the inhabitants in arms against them. They con-
tinued their march until they reached a large village called
Coaque, which they entered, for the inhabitants had not
risen, as in the other villages. There they took fifteen thou-
sand peso^ de oro, fifteen hundred marcs^ of silver, and many
emeralds which were not then known as, nor held to be,
precious stones. Hence the Spaniards obtained them from
the Indians for cloths and other things. In this village
they took the Cacique or Lord of the place, with some
of his people, and they found much cloth of diflferent kinds,
and abundant supplies, sufficient to maintain the Spaniards
for three or four years.

The Governor despatched the three ships from Coaque
to the city of Panama and to Nicaragua, to get more men
and horses, in order to secure the conquest and settling of
the land. The Governor remained there with his people,
resting for some days until two of the ships returned from
Panama with twenty-six horsemen and thirty foot soldiers.
On their arrival the Governor set out, with the horse and
foot, marching along the sea coast, which was well peopled,
and placing all the villages under the dominion of his
Majesty ; for their lords, with one accord, came out into the
roads to receive the Governor, without making any opposi-
tion. The Governor, far from doing them any harm or
showing any anger, received them all lovingly, and they
were taught some things touching our holy Catholic Faith,
by the monks who accompanied the expedition. Thus the
Governor advanced with the Spaniards, until they reached
an island called Puna, to which the Spaniards gave the
name of Santiago.^ It is two leagues from the main land ;

' A peso of gold was worth a castdlano or about eight shillings.

♦ A marc was eight ouncea

* In the gulf of Guayaquil. Temaux Compans, in a note, makes the

14 PIZABBO ON THE ISLE OF PUXA.

and, being populous, and rich, and yielding abundant sup-
plies, the Governor crossed over to it in two ships, and in
balsas^ of wood which the Indians make, on which the
horses were carried over.

The Governor was received on this island by the Lord
with much joy, and many presents of provisions, which were
brought out on the road, together with musical instruments
that the natives use for their recreation. This island is
fifteen leagues round. It is fertile and populous, and con-
tains many villages, ruled by seven chiefs, one of whom is
lord over the others. This chief gave a quantity of gold
and silver to the Governor of his own free will, and, as it
was winter, the Governor and his people rested on that
island j for he could not have advanced in the rains without
serious detriment. Several of those who were sick recovered
before the rainy season was over. The natural inclination
of the Indians is not to obey or serve any foreigner, unless
they are obliged to do so by force. This Cacique had peace-
fully lived with the Governor, and had become a vassal of
his Majesty; yet it became known, through the interpreters
of the Governor, that he had assembled all his warriors, and
that for many days they had been employed in making arms.
This was also observed with their own eyes by the Spaniards,
in the village where they and the Cacique were lodged.
Many armed Indians were found in the house of the Cacique

exiraoFdinary mistake of turning the native name of Puna into Pugna,
which he translates into " Fight", and identifying it with the island of
Gorgona. Puna is three hundred and seventy miles south of Gorgona,
and far more by the course a vessel must take round the coast. See an
account of the conquest of the island of Puna by the Yncas, in my
translation of Garcilasso de la Vega, ii, p. 429.

• Zarate thus describes these balsas (lib. i, cap. vi, p. 6) : " They are
made of long light poles fastened across two other poles. Those on the
top are always an odd number, generally five, and sometimes seven or
nine : the centre poles being longer than the others, where the rower
sits. Thus the shape of the balsa is like that of a hand stretched out,

MASSACRE OF THE PEOPLE OF PUNA. 15

and in the other houses, waiting until all the islanders were
assembled before they attacked the Christians in the follow-
ing night. When the Governor had received this informa-
tion from his secret spies, he ordered the Cacique, his three
sons, and other principal men to be taken prisoners, and
the Spaniards attacked the armed Indians and killed seve-
ral, while the others fled, abandoning the village. The
house of the Cacique and some others were pillaged, some
gold and silver and much cloth being found in them. During
that night very careful watch was kept in the camp of the
Christians, their number being sixty horse and a hundred
foot. Before next day dawned they heard warlike cries,
and soon a great number of Indians was seen to approach,
all the men being armed and playing warlike instruments.
They advanced in several bodies, and attacked the Christian
camp. By this time' it was daylight, and the Governor
ordered his men to assault the enemy with vigour. Some
Christians and horses were wounded ; but, as our Lord
favours and succours those who are engaged in his service,
the Indians were defeated, and turned their backs. The
horse-soldiers followed them, wounding and killing several.
The Christians returned to the camp, because the horses
were tired, the pursuit having continued from morning
until noon.

On a following day the Governor sent his troops in detach-
ments over the island to search for their enemies, and make
war upon them, which they continued to do during twenty
days ; so that the Indians were well punished. Three prin-
cipal men, who were prisoners with the chief, were accused
by him of having advised and arranged the treason, while
he himself did not wish to join it but was unable to control

with the length of the fingers diminlBhing from the centre. On the
top' some boards are fixed, to prevent the men from getting wet. There
are bctlsas which will hold fifty men. They are navigated with a sail
and oars.'*

16 PIZARRO LANDS AT TUMBEZ.

these leaders. The Governor executed judgment upon
them, burning some, and beheading the others.

By reason of the insurrection and treason of the Cacique
and Indians of the island of Santiago, war was made upon
them until they abandoned their island and crossed over to
the main land. But, seeing that the island was rich and
fertile, the Governor set the Cacique at liberty that he might
gather his scattered people together and re-settle the island,
so that it might not be ruined. The Cacique was content
to serve his Majesty henceforward, by reason of the kind
treatment he received in prison. The Governor then de-
parted with as many Spaniards and horses as his three ships
would hold, for the town of Tumbez,*^ leaving behind some
troops with a captain, for whom the ships were to return.®
But, in order that the passage might be eflfected more
quickly, the Governor caused the Cacique to provide hahas,
in which three Christians went with a supply of cloths to
Tumbez. In three days the ships reached the coast at
Tumbez, and when the Governor landed, he found that the
inhabitants were in arms. He learnt from some captive
Indians that the people had risen and seized the Christians
and cloths that came in the haUas? As soon as the people
and horses were landed, the Governor ordered the ships to
return for those who were left on the island. He and his
troops lodged in the village of the Cacique, in two strong
houses built like a fortress. The Governor then ordered
the Spaniards to explore the country, and to ascend a river

' Two vessels, with a reinforcement commanded by Hernando de
Soto, arrived while Pizarro was on the island of Puna.

^ This was Sebastian de Belalcazar, the future conqueror of Quito,
and Governor of Popayan.

^ There were four balsas. In one were Francisco Martin de Alcan-
tara, Juan Pizarro, and Alonzo de Mena; in another, Hernando de Soto;
in the third, Alonzo de Toro ; and in the fourth, Hurtado, a brother of
Alonzo de Toro, and a soldier. The three in the latter were seized by
the Indians and murdered. — Herrera,

PASSAGE OF THE TUMBEZ RIVER. 17

which flows between those villages, that they might get
tidings of the three Christians who were sent in the balsas;
in the hope of finding them before they were killed by the
Indians. But, although the Spaniards used much diligence
in exploring the land from the first hour that they came on
shore, they could neither hear nor see anything of the three
Christians, The Spaniards put all the provisions they could
collect in two balsas, and they captured some Indians, from
among whom the Governor sent messengers to the Cacique,^
and to some principal chiefs, requiring them, on the part
of his Majesty, to make peace and deliver up the three
Christians alive, without having injured them ; in which case
they would be received as vassals of his Majesty, although
they had been transgressors. If they refused, he threatened
to make war upon them with fire and sword, until they were
destroyed.

Some days elapsed, and the Indians not only kept away>
but showed signs of pride and made forts on the other side
of the river, which had increased in size and could not be
forded. They invited the Spaniards to come across, and
told them that they had already killed their three com-
panions.

As soon as all the men had arrived, who were left on the
island, the Governor ordered a great raft of wood to be
made, for the easier passage of the river. He sent forty
horse and eighty foot across with a captain, and they con-
tinued to be ferried over on the raft from morning until even-
ing. The captain had orders to make war upon the Indians,
because they were rebels and had slain the Christians ; and,
after they had sufiered such punishment as their oflTence
deserved, they were to be received peacefully in accordance
with the commands of his Majesty. So the captain set out
with his troops, and after he had crossed the river, he took

> The name of the Chief of Tumbez was Chillemasa, according to
Ilerrera. But see next page.

18 SUBMISSION OP THE CHIEF OP TUMBEZ.

guides with him, and marched right towards the place where
the Indians were encamped. At dawn he attacked the
camp where they lodged, and continued the pursuit all that
day, killing and wounding them, and making prisoners of all
he could overtake. Towards night the Christians assembled
at a village. Next morning the Spaniards marched in de-
tachments in search of their enemies, and they again re-
ceived punishment. When the captain saw that the harm
they had received was suflicient, he sent messengers to pro-
pose terms of peace to the chief. The chief of the province,
which is called Quillimasa, sent one of his principal men
back with the messengers, who made this reply — that '^ by
reason of the great fear he had of the Spaniards the chief
had not come himself^ but that if he was assured that he
would not be killed, he would come peacefully.^' The cap-
tain answered the messenger that '^he would not be received
badly, nor would he be injured, that he might come without
fear as the Governor would receive him as a vassal of his
Majesty, and would pardon the fault he had committed."
With this assurance, though in great terror, the chief, with
some principal men, came, and the captain received them
joyfully, saying that '^ no harm would be done to those who
came peacefully, though they had been in rebellion ; that as
he had come, no more war would be made ; and that the
people might return to their villages. '^ Afterwards he or-
dered the supplies he had found to be taken across the
river, and he, with his Spaniards, returned to the place
where he had left the Governor, taking the chief and the
principal Indians with him. He reported what had taken
place to the Governor, who gave thanks to our Lord for
having granted a victory, without any Christian being
wounded. He then told them to seek rest. The Governor
asked the chief: — ^*Why he, who had been so well treated,
had risen and killed the Christians ; when many of his
people had been restored to him, whom the Cacique of the

TUMBEZ. 19

Island had captured ;^ and when the captains who had burnt
his villages had been given up to him to receive punishment,
in the belief that he was faithful, and would be grateful for
these benefits ?" The Cacique answered — " I knew that
certain of my principal men brought the three Christians in
the halsasy and killed them, but I had no concern in it,
though I feared that the blame would be put upon me/'
The Governor replied — '^ Let those principal men be brought
to me, and send the people back to their villages." The
Cacique then sent for the people and for the principal men,
and said that he could not see those who had killed the
Christians, because they had left the country. After the
Governor had been there for some days, he saw that the
Indian murderers could not be secured, and that the town
of Tumbez was destroyed. It seemed to have been an im-
portant place, judging from some edifices it contained.
Among them were two houses, one of which was surrounded
by two circuits of earthen wall. It had open courts and
rooms, and doors for defence, and was a good fortress
against Indians. The natives say that these edifices were
abandoned by reason of a great pestilence, and by reason of
the war that was waged by the Cacique of the island.* As
there were no Indians in this district except those who were
subject to the above-mentioned chief, the Governor resolved
to continue his march with some cavalry and foot soldiers,
in search of another more populous province, with a view to
sending people to settle in the town of Tumbez. So he set
out, leaving a Lieutenant with the Christians who remained
in charge of the stores ;* and the Cacique remained at peace,
assembling the people in the villages.

> Pizarro found two natives of Tumbez in tlie island of Puna. He
had set them at liberty, in the expectation that they would be useful to
him in their own land. — Oomaray Bist. de las Indias, cap. cxii.

» For an account of Tumbez and its inhabitants, see my translation
of Cieza de Leon, p. 212.

♦ The Contador Antonio Navarro and the Treasurer Alonzo Riquelme
remained behind at Tumbez.

20 MARCH ALONG THE COAST.

On the first day that the Governor departed from Tumbez,
which was the 16th day of May, 1532, he arrived at a small
village, and on the third day he reached a village among
hills, and the Cacique, who was Lord of that village, was
called Juan. Here they rested for three days, and in three
more days they came to the banks of a river, which were
well peopled, and yielded abundance of provisions of the
country, and flocks of sheep.^ The road is all made by
hand, broad and well built, and, in some bad places, it is
paved. Having arrived at the river, which is called Turi-
carami,® he formed his camp in a large village called Pue-
chio,^ and all the chiefs who lived on the lower course of the
river came to the Governor to make their peace, while the
inhabitants of the village came out to meet him. The
Governor received them with much love, and informed them
of the orders of his Majesty that they should know and be
obedient to the church and to his Majesty. When they
understood what was said, through interpreters, they replied
that they desired to be his vassals, and that they would re-
ceive the Governor with the solemnity that might be re-
quired ; so they served him and brought him provisions.
Before reaching this place, at the distance of a flight from a
cross-bow, there is a large place with a fortress surrounded
by a wall, and many rooms inside, where the Christians
lodged, that the Indians might not be afironted. On this occa-
sion, as on all others when the Indians submitted peacefully,
the Governor ordered^ under severe penalties, ''that no
harm should be done to them either in person or goods,
that none of their provisions should be taken, beyond those
which they chose to give for the sustenance of the Christians,
and he declared that those who acted difierently should be

* So the first conquerors called the llamas and alpacas.

• This is the river Ghira.

^ See my translation of Cieza de Leon^ p. 213. He calls the place
Pocheos, Garcilasso de la Vega has Pttchiuy ii, p. 424.

SUBMISSION OP THE NATIVES. 21

punished ;" for every day the Indians brought in all the
supplies that were wanted, as well as fodder for the horses,
and they did all the service that was required of them.

The Governor, seeing that the banks of that river were
fertile and well peopled, ordered search to be made in the
neighbourhood for a well sheltered port, and a very good one
was found on the sea-coast, near the valley ; and Caciques
or Lords of many vassals were found, in positions which
were convenient for them to come and do service on the
banks of the river. The Governor went to visit all these
villages, and the district appeared to him to be suitable for
a Spanish settlement. In order to comply with the com-
mands of his Majesty, and that the natives might come to
be converted and to receive a knowledge of our Holy
Catholic Faith, he sent a messenger to the Spaniards who
had been left at Tumbez, ordering them to come that, with
the consent of all, a settlement might be formed on a site
most convenient for his Majesty's service, and for the good
of the natives. After he had sent this messenger, it oc-
curred to him that delay might arise unless a person went,
of whom the Caciques and Indians of Tumbez were in awe,
so that they might assist in the march of the Spaniards,
So he sent his brother Hernando Pizarro, Captain General.
Afterwards the Governor learnt that certain chiefs in the
hills would not submit, although they had received the
orders of his Majesty, so he sent a Captain with twenty-five
horse and foot, to reduce them to the service of his Majesty.
Finding that they had abandoned their villages, the Captain
sent to require them to come in peacefully, but they came
prepared for war, and the Captain came out against them.
In a short time many were killed and wounded, and they
were defeated. The Captain once more demanded that they
should submit, threatening that, if they refused, he would
destroy them. So they submitted, and the Captain received
them, and leaving all that province at peace, he returned to

22 CEUBLTY TO INDIAN CHIEFS.

the place where the Governor remained, bringing the chiefs
with him. The Governor received them very kindly, and
ordered them to return to their villages, and to bring back
their people. The Captain said that he had found mines
of fine gold in the hills round the villages of these chiefs,
and that the inhabitants collected it. He brought speci-
mens, and added that the mines were twenty leagues from
that town.

The Captain who went to Tumbez for the people, returned
with them in thirty days. Some of them came by sea, with
the stores, in a ship, in a barque, and in balsas. These
ships had come from Panama with merchandise, and brought
no troops, for the Captain Diego de Almagro remained
there, preparing a fleet, in which to come and form a settle-
ment for himself. As soon as the Governor heard that the
ships had arrived and landed the stores, he set out from the
village of Puechio, with some troops, to descend the river.
On reaching a place, where dwelt a chief named Lachira, he
found certain Christians who had landed. They complained
to the Governor that tho chief had ill-treated them, and that
fear had prevented them from sleeping during the previous
night, because they saw the Indians marching about under
arms.

The Governor made inquiries, and found that the chief of
Lachira and his principal men, with another chief, named Al-
motaxe,® had formed a conspiracy to kill the Christians on the
very day that the Governor arrived. Having considered
the information, the Governor sent secretly to have the chief
Almotaxe and the principal men seized, while he himself
apprehended the chief of Lachira and some of his leading
men, who confessed their crime. Then he ordered justice
to be executed, burning the Cacique of Almotaxe and his
head men, some Indians, and all the principal men of

^ I suspect this should be Amotape, a place on the river Chira, where
there are now some fine cotton estates.

FOUNDATION OP SAN MIGUEL. 23

Lachira. He did not execute justice upon the chief of
Lachira^ because his fault did not appear to be so great^ and
because^ if he was killed, both the provinces would remain
without a head, and would be lost. He was told that in
future he must be true, and that the first treason would be
his ruin. He was to govern all his own people, and also
those of Almotaxe, until a boy, the heir of the lordship of
Almotaxe, reached an age when he could be entrusted with
the government.

This severity filled all the surrounding country with fear,
insomuch that a confederacy which was said to have been
formed to attack the Spaniards was dissolved; and from
henceforth the Indians served better, and with more fear
than before. Having executed this justice, and collected
the people and stores which came from Tumbez, the
Governor viewed the district, in concert with the Reverend
Father Friar Yicente de Valverde, a monk of the order of
San Domingo, and with the oflicers of his Majesty. In
this region it was found that all necessaries for a place
where Spaniards might settle were combined, that the
natives were able to work without being overcome with
fatigue, and that attention could be given to their conversion
in accordance with the desire of his Majesty. The Governor,
with the concurrence of his officers, therefore, established
and founded a town in the name of his Majesty. Near the
banks of the river, and six leagues from the sea port, there
was a chief, the lord of a village, named Tangarara, to which
the Spaniards gave the name of San Miguel.® In order that
the ships which had come from Panama might receive no
loss by delaying their return voyage, the Governor, with the
concurrence of the officers of his Majesty, ordered certain
gold, which had been presented by these chiefs and those of

• At firet the city was built at Tangarara, in the Chira valley, but
the site was abandoned on account of its unhealthiness. It is now in
the valley of Piura. See my translation of Cieza de lieon, p. 213.

24 ENSLAVING OF THE NATIVES.

Tumbez, to be melted. A fifth was set apart as belonging
to his Majesty. The rest, belonging to the company, was
borrowed by the Governor from his troops, to be paid with
the first gold they should obtain ; and with this gold the fleet
was despatched, the freight was paid, and the merchants
sent ofi" their goods, and so they departed. The Governor
sent to advise the Captain Almagro, his comrade, how much
God and his Majesty would be injured if he attempted to
form a new settlement. Having despatched the ships, the
Governor divided the land amongst those who settled in the
new town, for, without aid of the natives, they could neither
have maintained nor peopled it. If the Caciques had been
anade to serve, without being assigned to persons who
would be responsible, the natives would have sufiered much
injury ; for when the Spaniards know the Indians who are
assigned to them, they treat them well, and take care of
them. Influenced by these considerations, and with the
approval of the monk and of oflScers, who thought that such
a measure would be for the service of God and the good of
the natives, the Governor assigned the Caciques and Indians
to the settlers in this town, that they might assist in their
maintenance, and that the Christians might teach them our
holy Faith, in obedience to the orders of his Majesty that
measures should be taken which were best for the service of
God, of himself, and for the good of the country and of the
natives. Alcaldes, Regidores, and other public oflicers were
elected, who were given instructions by which they were to
be guided.

The Governor received intelligence that the way to
Chincha and Cuzco passed through very populous districts,
which were rich and fertile, and that there was an inhabited
valley called Caxamalca,^ ten or twelve days' journey from
his settlement, where Atabaliba^ resided, who was the

1 Cassa-marca ; from cassa snow and marca a village.
' Atahuallpa.

THE VALLEY OF PIURA. 25

greatest lord among these natives, whom they all obeyed,
and who had conquered lands far distant from the country
of his birth. When he came to the province of Caxamalca,
he found it to be so rich and pleasant that he settled there,
and continued to conquer other lands from thence. This
lord is held in so much dread that the natives of the valley
are not so reconciled to the service of his Majesty as would
otherwise be the case, but they rather favour Atabaliba and
say that they acknowledge him as their lord and no other,
and that a small detachment from his army would suflice to
kill all the Christians. For the Indians excite great terror by
their accustomed cruelty. The Governor resolved to march
in search of Atabaliba, to reduce him to the service of his
Majesty, and to pacify the surrounding provinces. For
when he was once conquered the rest would soon be reduced
to submission.

The Governor departed from the city of San Miguel,* in
search of Atabaliba, on the 24th of September, 1532, and
on the first day his troops crossed the river on two rafts,
the horses swimming. That night he slept at a village on
the other side of the river. After three more days he arrived
at the valley of Piura, and came to a fortress belonging to
a chief, where they met a Captain with some Spaniards,
who had been sent to subdue that chief, in order to
relieve the Chief of San Miguel. The Governor remained
there for ten days, making preparations for the march. On
mustering the Christians he intended to take with him, he
found he had sixty-seven horse and one hundred and ten
foot soldiers, three of them with guns, and some with cross-
bows. The Lieutenant in charge of San Miguel wrote to
report that few Christians remained there, so the Governor
proclaimed that ^^ those who wished to return and settle in
the town of San Miguel would have Indians assigned to

* Antonio Navarro, the Accountant, was left in command at San
Miguel ; and the Royal Treasurer Riquelme remained with him.

26 MISSION OP SOTO TO CAXAS.

maintain them^ like the other settlers who remained therej
and that he would proceed with his conqnest with those
that were left, whether they were few or ms,nj." Five
horsemen and four foot soldiers returned; so that, with
these, there were fifty-five settlers, besides ten or twelve
others who remained by their own wish, without citizenship.
The Governor then mustered sixty-two horsemen and one
hundred and two foot soldiers. He ordered that arms
should be prepared for those who had none, both for their
persons and horses, and he re-organised the cross-bow men,
completing their number to twenty, and appointing a captain
to take charge of them.

Having made all necessary arrangements, he set out with
his troops, and, after marching until noon, he arrived at a
large court, surrounded by walls, belonging to a chief named
Pabor. The Governor and his troops lodged there. He
learnt that this chief had been ruined, for that the old Guzco,
father of Atabaliba, had destroyed twenty villages and killed
their inhabitants. But, in spite of this injury, the chief had
many vassals, and bordering on his territory was that of his
brother, who was as great a lord as himself. These natives
submitted peacefully, and were assigned to the city of San
Miguel. This settlement, and that of Piura, are in very
fertile level valleys. The Governor here obtained tidings
of the neighbouring chiefs, and of the road to Caxamalca,
and he was informed that further on there was a great town,
called Gaxas, in which there was a garrison of Atabaliba,
waiting for the Ghristians, in case they should come that
way. This being known to the Governor, he sent a Captain*
secretly, with horse and foot, to the town of Caxas,^ with
orders that, if the enemy wished to oppose their passage
with violence, he was to strive to inspire them with peaceful

* This was Hernando de Soto.

^ Across the Andes, on the Marafion watershed. See my translation
of Cieza de Leon^ p. 209.

SOTO AT CAXAS. 27

feelings, and to bring them into the service of his Majesty.
On that day the Captain departed. The next day the
Governor set ont, and reached a town called ^aran,* where
he waited for the Captain who had gone to Caxas. The
chief of the town brought the Governor supplies of sheep
and other things, to a fortress at which the Governor arrived
at noon. Next day he left the fortress and came to the
town of ^aran, where he ordered his camp to be formed, to
wait for the Captain who had gone to Caxas. After five
days the Captain sent a messenger to the Governor, with
news that he had succeeded. The Governor presently
replied from the village where he was waiting, that, after he
had completed his work, he should join him, and, on the
road, visit and reduce another town near that of Caxas,
called Gicabamba;^ and that it was reported that the chief of
Zaran was lord over rich villages, and of a fertile valley,
which was assigned to the settlers of the city of San Miguel.
During the eight days that the Governor was waiting for
the Captain, the Spaniards were re-organised, and the horses
were refreshed for the coming journey. When the Captain
returned with his troops, he gave an account to the Governor
of what he had seen in those villages. He said that it had
taken him two days and one night to reach Caxas, without
resting, except for meals. Even then they would not have
arrived (though they had good guides) if they had not met
some spies from the village, some of whom they captured,
and from whom they obtained information. Having put his
men in order, the Captain followed the road until he reached
the village, and at the entrance he found a royal building,
where there were traces of armed men. The village of
Caxas is in a small valley surrounded by mountains. The
people were in a commotion, but the Captain pacified them,
and gave them to understand that he came, on the part
of the Governor, to receive their submission as vassals of
* Zaran, still in the Piura valley. ' Huanca-pampa.

28 SOTO AT HUANCA-PAMPA.

the Emperor. Then a chief came out and said that he was
in the service of Atabaliba, receiving tribute from these
villages. He described the road to Caxamalca^ and men-
tioned the intention of Atabaliba to visit the Christians.
He spoke of the city of Cuzco, thirty days^ journey from
CaxaSj which is a league round, and the house of the Cacique
is four cross-bow shots in length. There is also a hall,
where is the dead body of old Cuzco,® the floor of which is
plated with silver, and the roof and walls with gold and
silver interwoven. He added that it was a year since the
Cuzco,' son of old Cuzco, lost those villages, when they
were taken by his brother Atabaliba, who rebelled and con-
quered the land, exacting great tribute, and daily perpetrat-
ing cruelties. For they not only have to give their goods
as tribute, but also their sons and daughters. The royal
building was reported to belong to Atabaliba, who, a few
days before, had gone hence, with a part of his army. They
found a great and strong building in that town of Caxas,
surrounded by a mud wall with doorways, in which there
were many women spinning and weaving cloth for the army
of Atabaliba ; and there were no men with them, except the
porters who guarded them. At the entrance of the village
there were certain Indians hung up by the feet ; and this
chief stated that Atabaliba had ordered them to be killed,
because one of them entered the house of the women to
sleep with one ; who, with all the porters who consented to
his entering the house, was hanged.

As soon as this Captain had pacified the village of Caxas,
he marched to Guacamba,^ which is distant one day's journey,
and is larger than Caxas, containing finer edifices, and a
fortress built entirely of cut stones, the larger stones being
of five or six jpalmos, and so closely joined that there ap-

8 Ynca Huayna Ccapac. * Huascar Ynca.

^ Huanca-pampa, on a river of the same name, flowing into the
Mara&on.

THE YNCA ROAD. 29.

peared to be no mortar between them. There was a lofty
masoniy platform, with two flights of stone steps, between
two buildings. A small river flows through this town, and
by that of Caxas, which supplies them with water, and over
which they have bridges with very good pavements. A
broad road, made by hands, connects these two towns ; and
the same road traverses all that land from Guzco to Quito,
a distance of more than three hundred leagues.^ The road
is level, and the part which traverses the mountains is very
well made, being broad enough for six men on horseback to
ride abreast. By the side of the road flow channels of
water brought from a distance, at which the travellers can
drink. At the end of each day's journey there is a house,
like an inn, where those who go and come, can lodge. At
the entrance to this road, from the town of Caxas, there
was a house at the head of a bridge, where a guard was
stationed to receive transit dues in kind, from those who
came and went ; and no man could take a load out of the
town without paying the toll. This was an ancient custom,
and Atabaliba suspended it, in so far as it affected the things
that were brought for his troops. No passenger could enter
or depart with a load by any other road than that on which
the guard was stationed, on pain of death.

He also said that he found, in these two towns, two houses
full of shoes, cakes of salt, a food like albondigas^^ and other

2 " In the long day's journey from the syenitic rocks of Zaulaca to
the valley of San Felipe (rich in fossils, and situated at the foot of the
icy Paramo of Yamoca) we were obliged to wade through the Rio de
' Guancabamha (which flows into the Amazons) no less than twenty-
seven times, on account of the windings of the stream ; whUe we con-
tinually saw near us, running in a straight line along the side of a steep
precipice, the remains of the high -built road of the Incas, with its Tam-
bos." (Aspects of Mature, ii, p. 277.) Humboldt further mentions
that the Guancabamba, in the lower part of its course, is made to serve
as a route for a swimming post to Jaen de Bracamoros.

« Balls of forced meat chopped small, with eggs and spice. A Spanish

30 EMBASSY FBOM ATAHUALLPA.

stores for the nse of the troops of Atabaliba. He added
that these towns were well ruled, and that the people lived
in an orderly manner. A principal Indian and some others
came with the Captain. The Captain said that this Indian
had come with presents for the Governor. This messenger
said to the Governor that his lord Atabaliba had sent him
from Caxamalca to bring the present, which consisted of
two fountains made of stone, like fortresses, and used to
drink out of, and two loads of dried geese, skinned and
prepared to be powdered and used for fumigating ; for such
is the custom of the lords of that land. The messenger*
told the Governor that he had been instructed to say that
AtabaUba desired to be his friend, and that he was waiting
to receive him in peace at Caxamalca. The Governor re-
ceived the present, and spoke to the messenger, saying
that he rejoiced greatly at his arrival, being a messenger
from Atabaliba, whom he desired to see by reason of the
things that he had heard of him ; that, as he knew that
Atabaliba was making war upon his enemies, he had re-
solved to go and see him, and be his friend and brother,
aiding him in his conquests with the Christians who accom-
panied him. He ordered that food should be given to the
messenger, and to those who came with him, and that they
should have all that they needed and be well lodged as the
ambassadors of so great a lord. After they were rested, he
ordered them to be brought before him, and said that they
were to do as they pleased, either to depart at once or to
rest for another day. The messenger replied that he desired

dish. Martinez Molino, the celebrated cook of Philip III, in his treatise
on cookery published at Madrid in 1617, eniunerates a great variety of
albondiffas,

* This was Titu Atauchi, the brother of Atahuallpa, according to
Garcilasso. (Pt. ii, lib. i, cap. 17.) He brought many other presents :
sheep, deer, birds, maize, dried fruits, honey, pepper, cloths, vases of
gold and silver, emeralds, and bracelets called ehipana.

CBOSSINQ THE DESEBT OF SECHUBA. 31

to return with the answer to his lord. The Governor then
said — ^^ Repeat what I have already told you, that I will not
stop at any village on the road, that I may quickly arrive
and see your lord.^' He gave the messenger a shirt, and
other things from Castille, to take with him. After the de-
parture of the messenger, the Governor rested for another
two days because the troops that had come from Caxas
were fatigued with their journey. In this interval he wrote
to the citizens of San Miguel and gave them an account of
the land and of the news from Atabaliba; and he sent them
the two vases in the form of fortresses, and cloth of the
country from Caxas. It is wonderful how highly this cloth
is prized in Spain for its workmanship. It is looked upon
more as silk than as wool.^ The cloths are enriched with
many patterns and figures in beaten gold, very well em-
broidered. As soon as the Governor had despatched his
messengers to the town of San Miguel, he set out, and
marched for three days without finding a village or any
water, except at one small spring where it could only be
got at with diflSculty.® At the end of three days he arrived
at a large walled enclosure where no inhabitants were found.
It proved to belong to the Lord of a village called Copiz,
in an adjacent valley, and that fortress was abandoned be-
cause there was no water. Next morning the Governor
started very early, because it was a long march to the in-
habited valley. At noon he reached a house with a sur-
rounding wall, containing very good lodgings, where some
Indians came out to receive him. But there were neither
provisions nor water, so the Governor advanced two leagues
further, to the village of the chief. Having arrived, he
ordered that the troops should be lodged together, in a
certain part of the village. He was informed by the prin-

* Made from the soft vicuna fleeces.

^ He was crossing the vast sandy desert of Sechura.

32 CUSTOMS OP THE COAST INDIANS.

cipal Indian of the place, which was called Motux,''' that the
chief was in Caxamalca, and that he had gone there with
three hundred men of war. The Governor found there a
Captain appointed by Atabaliba. The Spaniards rested at
Motux for four days, and, during that time, the Governor
saw some portion of the inhabited country belonging to the
chief, which appeared to be extensive, and to include a
fertile valley. All the villages between this place and the
city of San Miguel are in valleys, as well as all those of
which he had received informatiou, as far as the foot of the
mountains near Caxamalca. On this road all the people
have the same manner of living. The women wear a long
robe which reaches to the ground, like the dresses of
women in Castillo. The men have short shirts. These
people are dirty. They eat flesh and fish all raw, and
maize ]3oiled and toasted. They have other filthy things
in the way of sacrifices and mosques,® which they hold in
veneration, and they offer up to them the best of all that
they have. Bach month they sacrifice their own children,
and with the blood they anoint the faces of the idols, and
the doors of the mosques. They do this on the sepulchres
of the dead, and the victims who are sacrificed, go willingly
to their deaths, laughing, dancing, and singing. After they
have drunk well, they themselves ask that their heads may
be cut off. They also sacrifice sheep. The mosques are
different from the other houses. They are surrounded by
very well-built walls, in the highest part of the town. In
Tumbez they wear the same clothes and perform the same

' This is a misprint for Motupe, a rich and fertile valley. Lorente
identifies it with Motupe. {Hist. delPeru^ ii, p. 120.) Zarate gives the
word correctly as Motupe, not Motux. (Zarate, lib. ii, cap. iii, p. 20.)
It is the Mutupi of Garcilasso de la Vega, ii, p. 424.

^ Xeres always gives the name of mosques to the temples of the Peru-
vians. The fathers of the Spanish conquerors had served in the cam-
paign of Granada, and their minds were full of the things relating to
the Moorish infidels.

PASSAGE OF THE BIO LBCHE. 33

sacrifices as in these villages. They sow the crops in the
level ground on the banks of the rivers, distributing water
through channels. They grow much maize, and other seeds
and roots which they eat. In that land there is little rain.
During two days the Governor marched through well-
peopled valleys,® sleeping at the end of each journey in
houses surrounded by walls. The lords of the villages say
that the old Guzco^ lodged in these houses when he travelled
by this road. The people of the country received the
Governor in peace. On another day he travelled over a dry
and sandy tract until he reached another well-peopled valley,
through which a great and rapid river flowed.* The river
was much swollen, so the Governor passed the night on the
hither side, and ordered a Captain to swim across it, with
some others who knew how to swim, and to occupy the vil»
lages on the other side, thus preventing any people from
disturbing the passage. The Captain Hernando Pizarro
swam across, and the people of a village on the other side
received him in peace, and lodged him in a walled fortress.
But as he saw that all the Indians of the villages were in
arms, though a few had been friendly, he asked them
touching Atabaliba, and whether he was waiting for the
Christians with pacific or warlike intentions. None of the
Indians wished to tell the truth, by reason of the fear they
had of Atabaliba ; until one of the principal men among
them was taken apart and tortured. He then said that
Atabaliba waited with hostile intentions, his army being in
three detachments, one at the foot of the mountains, another

* The valleys of the rivers of Motupe and Leche.

^ Xeres never seems to have heard the word Ynca. He calls the
Ynca Huayna Ccapac, the father of Atahuallpa and Huascar, by the
name of ^^ Old Cuzco^* throughout ; mistaking the name of the capital
city for the name of the sovereign. He also calls Huascar ^* Young
Cuzco^\ Hernando Fizarro makes the same mistake.

« This was the valley of Cinto. See Ciem de Leon^ p. 240. Lorente
identifies the river with that of Leche.

34 REPORTS CONCERNING ATAHUALLPA.

on the sammit^ and another at Caxamalca. He idso told
them that Atabaliba waited in great pride, saying that he
would kill the Christians, whom he hated. The next
morning the Captain sent this news to the Governor. Then
the Governor ordered trees to be cut down on both sides of
the river, on which the troops and baggage might pass.
Three rafts were constructed, on which the men continued
to cross over during the whole day, the horses swimming.
In all this the Governor worked hard, until the army had
crossed. He then went over, and lodged in the fortress
where the Captain was. He sent for a Chief, from whom
he learnt that Atabaliba was on the other side of Caxamalca,
in GuamachDCO, with many warriors, his force numbering
fifty thousand men. When the Governor heard of so large a
number, believing that the Chief had made a mistake in his
account, he was told how the Indians counted, from one to
ten, from ten to a hundred, from ten hundreds making a
thousand ; and that five tens of thousands were the numbers
which Atabaliba had with him. The Chief who gave the
Governor this information was the principal Chief among
those of that river. He said that when Atabaliba visited
his country he had concealed himself from fear ; and when
Atabaliba could not find him in his village he killed, out of
five thousand inhabitants, as many as four thousand, and
took six hundred women and six hundred boys to distribute
them among his soldiers. The Chief of that village and
fortress where the Governor lodged, was called Cinto,^ and
he was then with Atabaliba.

Here the Governor and his troops rested during four
days, and on the day before he departed, he spoke with a
principal Indian of the province of San Miguel, and said to
him : '' Are you bold enough to go to Caxamalca as a spy,
and to bring me news of what is going on there ?" The

» The valley itself was called Cinto. Garcilasso de la Vega has Cintu,
ii, p. 424.

THET REACH THE FOOT OF THE ANDES. 35

Indian answered : '^ I will not go as a spy, but I will go as
your messenger to speak with Atabaliba, and I will learn
whether there are warriors in the mountains, and the inten-
tions of Atabaliba." The Governor said : '' Go as you desire,
and if there are troops in the mountains (as is reported here),
send me word by one of the Indians whom you take with
you. Speak with Atabaliba and his people, and tell him of
the kind treatment that I and the Christians show to the
friendly chiefs, that we only make war upon those who
attack us, and that all you have said is true, and according
to what you have seen. If Atabaliba wishes to be friendly,
tell him that I will be his friend and brother, and will favour
and help him in his war." That Indian departed on the
embassy, while the Governor continued his march across
those valleys, arriving every day at a village with a walled
house like a fortress. After three days he reached a village
at the foot of the mountains,* leaving the road along which
he had hitherto marched, on his right hand, for it leads by
the way of those valleys to Chincha. The other road goes
direct to Caxamalca. The road to Chincha passed through
many villages, and led from the river of San Miguel. It
was paved, and bounded on each side by a wall. Two carts
could be driven abreast upon it. From Chincha it led to
Cuzco, and, in many parts of it, rows of trees were planted
on either side, for the sake of their shade on the road.
This road was made for old Cuzco, when he visited his do-
minions, and those houses, surrounded by walls, were his
lodgings. Some of the Christians were of opinion that the

* Hernando Pizarro calls this place La Ramada, It is in the valley
of the river Jeqnetepeqne, at the foot of the Andes. By the route acrofis
the Andes followed by Pizarro, the new railway now under construction
will pass. Its terminus on the coast is at Pacasmayo, and it is taken up
the yalley of Jequetepeque, by San Pedro, Guadaloupe, and Magdalena,
and over the Andes, to Cazamarca. From Magdalena another road
branches off, and passes down the valley of Chicama to Truxillo. This
was the route taken by Lieutenant Maw in 1829.

36 PIZAERO^S APPEAL TO HIS MEN,

Governor should take this road to Chincha, because there
was a diflScult mountain to traverse by the other road before
reaching Gaxamalca^ in which the soldiers of Atabaliba were
posted^ and some disaster might befall^ if that road was
taken. The Governor answered that '^ they now had news
of Atabaliba^ and that they had been marching in search
of him ever since they left the river of San Miguel. If they
turned aside now^ the Indians would say that it was from
fear, and they would become more proud than they were
before." For these and other reasons the Governor said
that he would not turn aside from his intention of marching
to the place where Atabaliba was^ wherever that might be.
He exhorted all his men to make up their minds to act as
he hoped they would^ and to have no fear of the great
number of soldiers in the army of Atabaliba^ for though the
Christians might be few, yet the help of our Lord would be
8u£Scient to confound their enemies, and to make them
come to a knowledge of our Holy Catholic Faith. He re-
minded them that every day they had seen our Lord work a
miracle for them in their need, and he assured them that
He would be with them still, seeing that they went with the
good intention of bringing these infidels to a knowledge of the
truth, without doing harm or injury to any except those
who desired to show opposition and who appeared in arms.

After the Governor had made this speech, all declared
that he should take the road which seemed best to him, and
that they would follow cheerfully, and show him what each
man could do when the time came.

Having arrived at the foot of the mountains they rested
for a day to arrange the order for the ascent. The Gover-
nor, after taking counsel with experienced oflScers, resolved
to leave the rear guard and baggage, taking with him forty
horse and sixty foot. He entrusted the remainder to the
care of a Captain, and ordered him to follow with much cir-
cumspection, telling him that he would receive instructions

ASCENT OF THE ANDES. 37

as to what he was to do. Haying made these arrangements^
the Governor commenced the ascent. The horsemen led
their horses up nntil^ at noon^ thej reached a pallisaded
fort on the top of a hill, in a narrow part of the road where,
with few Christians, the way might be made good against
a great army. It was so steep that, in places, they had to
ascend by steps, and there was no other place but the road
by which the ascent could be effected. This pass was
ascended without its being defended by anyone. The for-
tress was surrounded by stone walls, and was built on a hill
with declivitous rocks on all sides. Here the Governor
stopped to rest and have some food. The cold is so great
on these mountains that some of the horses, accustomed to
the warmth of the valleys, were frost-bitten. Thence the
Governor went to sleep at a village, and sent a messenger to
the forces in his rear, with the news that they might safely
advance through the pass, and with orders that they were
to push on, so as to pass the night at the fortress. The
Governor lodged that night at a village, in a strong house
surrounded by a masonry wall, as extensive as a fort of Spain,
with its doorways. If the people had had the artists and
tools of Spain, this surrounding wall could not have been
better built. The people of this village had taken up arms,
except some women and a few Indians. The Governor
ordered a Captain to take two from amongst the Indians,
and to examine each separately touching the affairs of that
land, asking them where Atabaliba was, and if he intended
peace or war. The Captain learnt from them that Ataba-
liba had reached Caxamalca three days before, with a large
force; but they knew nothing of his intentions. They
said, however, that thay had always heard that Atabaliba
wished to have peace with the Christians. The people of
the village were on his side. Towards sunset one of the
Indians who had gone with the messenger arrived, and said
that he had been sent back by his master when he was near

38 ENVOYS FROM ATAHUALLPA.

Caxamalca^ because he had encoantered two messengers of
Atabaliba who were coming behind him and would arrive
next day. He reported that Atabaliba was at Caxamalca^
and that there were no armed men on the road. The Go-
vernor sent back this intelligence to the Captain in charge
of the baggage, by a letter, in which he was told that the
Governor would make but a short march next day, in order
that the Captain might join him, and that the whole force
would then advance together. The next morning the
Governor marched with his troops, still ascending the
mountains, and stopped on a plain on the summit, near
some springs of water, to wait for those who were still be-
hind. The Spaniards rested in the cotton tents they brought
with them, making fires to protect themselves from the cold
of the mountains. For on the plains of Castillo it is not
colder than on these heights, which are clear of trees, but
covered with a grass,^ like short esparto,^ There are a few
stunted trees, and the water is so cold that it cannot be
drunk without being first warmed. After the Governor had
rested here for a short time, the rear guard arrived, and
also the messengers sent by Atabaliba, who brought ten
sheep. Being brought before the Governor, and having made
their obeisances, they said : — ^' Atabaliba has sent these
sheep for the Christians, and he would know the day on which
they will arrive at Caxamalca^ that he may send out pro-
visions on the road.^' The Governor received them well, and
said that he rejoiced at their arrival with a message from his
brother Atabaliba, and that he would come as quickly as
possible. After they had eaten food, and had some rest,
the Governor questioned the messengers touching the afiairs
of their land, and respecting the wars waged by Atabaliba.
One of them answered that Atabaliba had been five days in
Caxamalca, waiting for the Governor, and that he had only

* This grass is the Stipa Tchu, It grows in large coarse tufts.

• Esparto is feather grass, also a Stipa.

WAR BETWEEN HDASCAB AND ATAHUALLPA. 39

a few troops with him, the rest having been sent to make
war against his brother Cuzco J The Governor then asked
what had taken place in all those wars^ and how Atabaliba
had commenced his conquests. The Indian answered:-^
" My Lord Atabaliba is the son of old Cuzco,® who is now
dead^ but who once ruled over all these lands. He left to
his son Atabaliba the dominion over a great province called
Quito j and to another elder son he left all the other lands
and the principal lordship^ and^ as successor to the sove-
reignty^ he was called Cuzco^ like his father. But^ not con-
tent with the sovereignty, he came to wage war on his
brother Atabaliba, who sent him messages, beseeching him
to allow him to enjoy peacefully the inheritance that had
been left him by his father. But the Cuzco would not, and
he killed his heirs, and a brother of both of them, who came
with the message. Seeing this, Atabaliba came against
him with a large army, as far as a province called Tumi-
pomba,® which was within the territory of his brother; and,
because the people resisted, he burnt their town and killed
them all. Thence the news came to his brother that he had
invaded the land, and was advancing against him. When
the Cuzco heard this, he fled to his own land, and Atabaliba
marched onwards, conquering the lands of the Cuzco, with-
out meeting any resistance, because the people had heard
of the punishment he had inflicted upon Tumipomba. He
obtained recruits from all the lands he conquered, and when
he arrived at Caxamalca, the place appeared to be in a fertile
land, so he rested there while all the other territory of his
brother was subdued. He sent a captain with two thousand
men against the city where his brother lived, and as his
brother had a vast army, all these men were killed. Ata-

' The Ynca Huascar. ® The Ynca Huayna Ccapac.

• A corruption of Tumi-pampa ; a place in the kingdom of Quito.
Huayna Ccapac built a magnificent palace there, which was his favourite
residence.

40 PIZAKEO'S EEPLY TO THE ENVOY.

baliba then sent more troops under two captains^ and in two
months tidings came that these two captains had gained all
the lands of the Guzco^ had arrived at his city^ defeated his
army^ taken him prisoner^ and seized much gold and silver/'
The Governor said to the messenger : — '^ I rejoice at the
tidings you have given me, and at the victory of your Lord;
for his brother, not content with what he had, strove to re-
duce under his yoke the Lord who had received his inherit-
ance from his father. To the proud it happens as it has
done to this Cuzco : for they not only fail to get what they
unjustly grasp at, but remain with the loss of their own
property and freedom .'' The Governor, believing that all that
this Indian had told him, on the part of Atabaliba, was in-
tended to amaze the Christians, and make them understand
his power and skill, also said to the messenger: — ''I well be-
lieve that what you have told me is true, because Atabaliba
is a great Lord, and I am informed that he is a good soldier.
Yet I would have you to know that my Lord the Emperor,
who is King of Spain and of all the Indies and of Tierra
Firme, and Lord over all the World, has many servants who
are greater Lords than Atabaliba, and his captains have
fought and taken much greater Lords than either Atabaliba,
his brother, or his father. The Emperor has sent me to
these lands to bring the inhabitants to a knowledge of God,
and, in his service, I have defeated greater Lords than
Atabaliba, with these few Christians that are with me now.
If he should wish for my friendship, and to receive me
peacefully, as other Lords have done, I shall be his good
friend, and I will assist him in his conquest, leaving him in
his present state ; for I go through these lands to discover
the other sea. But if he should wish for war, I will make
war, as I have done against the chief of the island of San-
tiago, and against the chief of Tumbez, and against all
others who have wished to have war with me. I make war
upon no one, nor do I molest any one, unless war is made
upon me."

ALTERCATION BETWEEN THE ENVOYS. 41

When the messengers heard these things, they were at
first so astounded that they could not speak, to think that
BO few Spaniards could have performed such wonderful
things. After a time they expressed a wish to go with this
reply to their Lord, and to tell him that the Christians
would come quickly, in order that he might send out pro-
visions on the road. The Governor dismissed them. The
next morning he continued the march, still over the moun-
tains, and that night he slept at some villages he came to,
in a valley. As soon as the Governor arrived, there came
the chief messenger, whom Atabaliba had first sent with
the present of the fountains like fortresses, and who came
to ^s-ran by way of Caxas. The Governor was very glad to
see him, and inquired after Atabaliba. The messenger
answered that he was well, and that he had sent ten sheep
for the Christians. He spoke very freely, and, from his con-
versation, he seemed to be an intelligent man.

When he had completed his speech, the Governor asked
the interpreters what he had said. They answered that he had
repeated the same as had been said by the other messen-
gers the day before; but that he had added many arguments,
praising the greatness of his Lord and the vast power of
his army, and assuring the Governor that Atabaliba would
receive him in peace, and that he desired to have him as a
friend and a brother. The Governor answered with fair
words, such as the other had used. This ambassador was
served as a Lord, and had five or six cups of fine gold,
from which he drank, and he gave the Spaniards cliicha^
to drink out of them, which he brought with him. He said
that he desired to go to Caxamalca with the Governor,

Next morning the Governor started, his way leading over
the mountains as before, and he reached a village of Ataba-
liba, where he rested for one day. Next day the messenger

* Fermented liquor made from maize. The correct Quichua word is
acca*

42 SPEECH OF PIZABBO^S MESSENGER.

came in whom the Governor had sent to Atabaliba. He
was one of the principal Indians of the province of San
Migael. When he saw the messenger of Atabaliba^ who
was present^ he rushed upon him^ and seized hold of his
ears, pulling them fiercely until the Governor ordered him
to let go, for if they had been left alone mischief would
have come of it. The Governor said to him, '' Why have
you done this to the messenger of my brother Atabaliba V^
He answered, " This is a great rogue, this carrier of Ataba-
liba. He comes here to tell lies, pretending to be a great
man. Atabaliba is in warUke array outside Caxamalca on
the plain. He has a large army, and I found the town
empty. I went thence to the camp, and saw many people
and flocks, and a quantity of tents, and all was ready for
war. They wanted to kill me, only it was said that if I
was killed, their ambassadors, who are here, would also be
put to death, and that they would not be allowed to go
until I returned. They would give me no food without
bartering. I asked them to let me see Atabaliba and de-
liver my message, but they refused, saying that he was
fasting, and could not speak to any one. An uncle of his
came out to speak to me, and I told him that I was your
messenger, and that I was ready to tell him anything he
chose to ask. He inquired of me what sort of people were
the Christians, and what kind of arms they bore. I replied
that they were valiant men and great warriors, that they
had horses which ran like the wind, and that those who rode
them carried long lances, with which they killed as many
people as they met, overtaking them in two jumps, while
the horses killed many with their feet and mouths. I added
that the Christians who marched on foot were very alert,
carrying on one arm a shield of wood with which they de-
fended themselves, and strong tunics quilted with cotton ;
that they had very sharp swords with which they cut a man
in two at each blow, and that with these they could cut all

BEPLT OP THE ENVOY OP ATAHUALLPA. 43

the arms used by the Indians. Others^ I said^ carry slings
with which they shoot from afar^ and at every shot they
kill a man. Others shoot with powder^ sending forth lumps
of powder, which kill many men. They answered that all
this was nought, that the Christians were few in number,
that the horses had no arms, and that they would soon kill
them with their lances. I replied that the horses had thick
skins which their lances could not penetrate. They then
said that they did not fear the two shots of fire, and that
the Christians only had two. When I wished to depart,
I asked them to let me see Atabaliba, as his messengers
came and spoke to the Governor, who was better than he,
but they would not let me see him, and so I departed. See
then if I have not good reason for killing this man ; for,
being a carrier of Atabaliba (as they have told me that he
is), he speaks with you, and eats at your table, while I, who
am a Chief, was not allowed to speak with Atabaliba, nor
would they give me to eat, and it was only by good argu-
ments that they were induced to refrain from killing me."
The messenger of Atabaliba replied with some fear, seeing
that the old Indian had spoken so boldly. He said, '^ If
there were no people in the town of Caxamalca, it was to
leave the houses empty for the reception of the Christians,
and Atabaliba is in the field because such is his custom
after he has commenced a war. If they would not allow
the messenger to speak to him, it was because he was fast-
ing, according to the custom, and he could see no one by
reason of being in retirement, at which time he speaks to
no one. No one dared to tell him that the messenger was
waiting, but if he had known it he would have made him
come in, and would have given him food." He used many
other arguments to show that the intentions of Atabaliba
were friendly. If all the conversations between this Indian
and the Governor were written down in full, it would fill a
large book ; so, for the sake of brevity, a summary of them

44 PIZABBO ARRIVES AT CASSAMARCA.

is given. The Governor said that he well believed it was
as the Indian stated^ and that he had no less confidence in
his brother Atabaliba. He continued to treat the man as
well as before, rebuking his own messenger, and telling
the ambassador that he regretted the ill treatment he had
received in his presence. But in secret he looked upon it
as certain that what his own messenger had told him was
true, by reason of the knowledge he had of the cautious
intrigues of the Indians.

Next day the Governor departed, and slept on a plain,
intending to reach Caxamalca at noon the day after, as they
told him it was near. Here messengers arrived from Ata-
baliba, with food for the Christians. Early next morning
the Governor started, with his troops in order of battle, and
marched to within a league of Caxamalca. Here he waited
for his rear guard to join him. All the troops got their
arms ready, and the Governor formed the Spaniards, horsa
and foot, three deep, to enter the town. In this order the
Governor advanced, sending messengers to Atabaliba, that
he might come and meet him at the town of Caxamalca.
On reaching the entrance to Caxamalca, they saw the camp
of Atabaliba at a distance of a league, in the skirts of the
mountains. The Governor arrived at this town of Caxa-
malca on Friday, the 15th of November, 1532, at the hour
of vespers. In the middle of the town there is a great open
space,^ surrounded by walls and houses. The Governor
occupied this position, and sent a messenger to Atabaliba,
to announce his arrival, to arrange a meeting, and that he
might show him where to lodge. Meanwhile he ordered
the town to be examined, with a view to discovering a
stronger position where he might pitch the camp. He
ordered all the troops to be stationed in the open space, and
the cavalry to remain mounted, until it was seen whether
Atabaliba would come. After examining the town it was
* Hernando Fizarro says that it was triangular.

DESCRIPTION OP CASBAMARCA. 45

found that there was no better position in the neighbour-
hood. This town, which is the principal place in the valley,
is situated on the skirts of a mountain, and there is a league
of open plain in front of it. Two rivers flow through the
valley, which is level, and well peopled, and surrounded by
mountains.' The town had two thousand inhabitants. At
its entrance there were two bridges, because two rivers flow
past. The plaza is larger than any in Spain, surrounded
by a wall, and entered by two doorways which open upon
the streets of the town. The houses are more than two
hundred paces in length, and very well built, being sur-
rounded by strong walls, three times the height of a man.
The roofa are covered with straw and wood, resting on the
walls. The interiors are divided into eight rooms, much
better built than any we had seen before. Their walls are
of very well cut stones, and each lodging is surrounded by
its masonry wall with doorways, and has its fountain of
water in an open court, conveyed from a distance by pipes,
for the supply of the house. In front of the plaza, towards
the open country, a stone fortress is connected with it by a
staircase leading from the square to the fort. Towards the
open country there is another small door, with a narrow
staircase, all within the outer wall of the plaza. Above the
town, on the mountain side, where the houses commence,
there is another fort on a hill, the greater part of which is
hewn out of the rock. This is larger than the other, and
surrounded by three walls, rising spirally. They are of a
strength such as had not before been seen among the Indians.
Between the mountain and the great open space there is
another smaller court, entirely surrounded by buildings, in

* Humboldt describes the fertile valley of Caxamarca as of an oval
shape, covering ninety-six to a hundred and twelve square miles, with a
small river winding through it. The soil is fertile, and the plain full of
cultivated fields and gardens, traversed by avenues of willows, large
flowered daturas, mimosas, and the beautiful qtienuar trees (Polylepu
villosa.)

46 SOTO SENT TO THE CAMP OP ATAHTJALLPA.

which there were many women for the service of Atabaliba.^
Before entering this city there is a bouse built in a court
surrounded by walls. In the court there is a grove of trees
planted by hand. They say that this is the house of the
Sun, for in each village they build their mosques to the
Sun. There are many other mosques in this town, and they
hold them in veneration throughout the land. When they
enter them, they take off their shoes at the doors. The
people of all the villages we came to after ascending the
mountains, are superior to those we left behind. Those of
the mountains are clean and more intelligent, and the women
are very modest. The women wear over their clothes
highly ornamented girdles, fastened round the middle.
Over the gown they wear a mantle reaching from the head
to half down the legs, which is like the mantilla of Spain.
The men dress in shirts without sleeves, and outer mantles.
They all weave wool and cotton in their houses, and make
the cloth they require, and shoes for the men, of wool and
cotton. The Governor was a long time in the plaza with his
men, waiting for Atabaliba either to come or to assign bim
a lodging. As it was getting late he sent a Captain'' with
twenty horse to speak with Atabaliba, and to say that he
should come and confer with the Governor. The Captain
had orders to preserve peace, and to pick no quarrel, even
if his men were provoked ; but to do his best to obtain a

* Humboldt states that the palace of the Ynca, at Cassa-marca, was
situated on a hill of porphyry which had originally been hollowed at the
surface, so that it surrounds the principal dwelling almost like a wall or
rampart. A State prison and a municipal building {Casa del Cahildo)
have been erected on part of the ruins. The ruins consist of fine cut
blocks of stone, two or three feet long, and placed upon each other
without cement. There were steps cut in the rock, and minor buildings
for servants, partly of cut stones with sloped roofs, and partly of bricks
with vaulted recesses.

Humboldt made acquaintance, at Cassa-marca, with a family de-
scended from Atahualpa, through females, called Astorpilco«

» This was Hernando de Soto.

SOTO "REPORTS HIS P8OCEEDIN09. 47

hearing and return with the reply. This Captain had got
half-way, when the Governor went up into the fort, and saw
a great body of men in front of the tents. In order that the
Christians who had gone might be in no danger if they were
attacked, and be able to retreat from among the Indians
and defend themselves, he sent another Captain, his own
brother,* with other twenty horsemen, giving him orders
not to permit them to raise any shouts. In a little while it
began to rain and hail, and the Governor ordered the
Christians to take shelter in the rooms of the palace, and
the Captain of artillery, with his guns,^ to station himself
and his men in the fortress. While they were there, an
Indian arrived from Atabaliba to tell the Governor that he
might lodge where he pleased, but not to go up into the for-
tress of the plaza ; and to excuse himself from coming on
the ground that he was fasting. The Governor replied
that he would do so, and that he had sent his brother to ask
for an interview, as he had a great desire to see and know
one of whom he had heard so much. The messenger went
back with this answer, and the Captain Hernando Pizarro
returned after nightfall with the Christians. On coming be-
fore the Governor they said that they had found a bad part
of the road, in a swamp, which had previously appeared to
be paved. For there is a broad road lejtding from the
town, made with earth and stone, as far as the camp of
Atabaliba. This pavement led over the bad places, but
they had broken it up at the swamp ; so that the Christians
had to pass by another way. They crossed two rivers
before reaching the camp. In front of it there is a river,
which the Indians cross by a bridge, and here is the camp,
surrounded by water. The Captain who went first left his
men on this side the river, that the Indians might not be

• Hernando Pizarro.

^ Ihe captain of artillery was Pedro de Candia, the stout-hearted
Greek. Their artillery consisted of two falconets.

48 SOTO's INTERVIEW WITH ATAHUALLPA.

excited^ and he would not go by the bridge, fearing for his
horse, so he crossed by the water, taking an interpreter
with him. He passed through a squadron of infantry, and
came to the lodging of Atabaliba, where there were four
hundred Indians in an open space, who appeared to be a
body guard. The tyrant was at the door of his lodging,
sitting on a low stool, with many Indians before him, and
women at his feet, who almost surrounded him.® He wore
across his forehead a woollen fringe,^ which looked like silk,
of a crimson colour, fastened to the head by cords, so as to
come down to the eyes, which made him look much graver
than he really is. His eyes were cast on the ground,
without looking in any other direction.

When the Captain came before him, he said, through the
interpreter, that he was a Captain sent by the Governor to
express the great desire he had to see him, and that if he
would come the Governor would greatly rejoice ; and the
Captain added other arguments. He gave no answer, nor
did he even raise his eyes to look at the Captain. But a
Chief replied to what the Captain had said. At this junc-
ture the other Captain arrived where the first Captain had
left his men, and, asking what had become of him, they
answered that he had gone to speak with the Cacique.

" Don Alonzo Enriquez says that Soto forced his horse's head over the
head of Atahuallpa, when he was sitting in state, so that the breath
from the horse's nostrils moved the fringe on the Ynca's forehead. Soto
was astonished that, though he had never seen a horse before, he was
not in the least terrified, nor did he even raise his head (p. 92).

• The Uautu or Ynca ensign of sovereignty. It is thus described by
Pedro Pizarro : — " Plaits made of coloured wool, the thickness of a
middle finger. They are worn in the manner of a crown, not with
points, but round, and the width of a man's hand. Over the forehead
was a fringe also the width of a man's hand, or a little more, of very
fine wool cut in very equal lengths, and enlaced half way down with
very small threads of gold, very skilfully. This wool was spun, with
the lower ends untwisted, being those which fell over the forehead.
The fringe reached to the eyebrows, and covered all the forehead."

HERNANDO PIZARRO HAS AN INTERVIEW WITH ATAHUALLPA. 49

Leaving His people, he crossed the river, and, on approach-
ing near to where Atabaliba was seated, the other Captain
said : ^' This is a brother of the Governor, who comes to see
you/' Then Atabaliba raised his eyes and said : " Mal9a-
bilica,^ a Captain that I have on the river of Turicara,^ sent
to say that you ill-treat the Caciques and put them in chains,
and he sent me a collar of iron, and they say that he killed
three Christians and a horse. But I intend to go to-morrow
to see the Governor, and to be a friend of the Christians,
because they are good/' Hernando Pizarro answered r
"Mal9abilica is a scoundrel, and neither he nor all the
Indians of that river together could kill a single Christian.
How could they kill either a Christian or a horse, seeing
that they are mere chickens ? The Governor and the
Christians do not ill-treat the Caciques unless they are
hostile, and those who are friendly are treated very welL
Those who make war are attacked until they are destroyed.
When you see what the Christians do, when they help you
in your wars against your enemies, you will know that
Mal^abilica told lies to you.'' Atabaliba said : ^^ A Cacique
refuses to obey me. My troops will go with yours, and you
will make war upon him ?" Hernando Pizarro replied, ^' On
account of one Cacique, it is not necessary that you should
send any of your Indians, though you have so large a force.
Ten Christians on horseback will suflBce to destroy him.**

Atabaliba laughed, and said that they should drink.
The Captains excused themselves from drinking the Indian
liquor by saying that they were fasting ; but they were im-
portuned by him, and accepted. Presently women came
with vases of gold containing chicha of maize. When Ata-

> A chief in the valley of Turicara or Chira.

' Or Chira, the river on the banks of which San Miguel was originally
built. Gomara says that this chief, whom he calls Maycabelica, was
Chief of Poechos, on the river Chira. Hist, de las Indias, cap. cxiii.
Hernando Pizarro speaks of him as a Chief of San Miguel.

50 MESSAGE FROM ATAHUALLPA.

baliba saw them he raised his eyes to them, and without
saying a word they went back quickly, and returned with
other larger vases of gold, and from these he gave them to
drink.^ Afterwards they took their leave, expecting Ata-
baliba to come and see the Governor on the following
morning. His camp was formed on the skirts of a small
hill, the tents, which were of cotton, extending for a league,
with that of Atabaliba in the centre. All the men were on
foot outside the tents, with their arms, consisting of long
lances like pikes, stuck into the ground. There seemed to
be upwards of thirty thousand men in the camp.

When the Governor heard what had taken place, he
ordered that a good watch should be kept that night in
camp, and he commanded his Captain-General to set the
guards, and to see that the rounds were gone throughout
the night, which was accordingly done. On the Saturday
morning a messenger from Atabaliba to the Governor ar-
rived and said : '^ My lord has sent me to tell you that he
wishes to come and see you, and to bring his men armed ;
for the men whom you sent yesterday were armed ; and he
desires you to send a Christian with whom he may come."
The Governor answered : ^' Tell your lord to come when and
how he pleases, and that, in what way soever he may come,
I will receive him as a friend and brother. I do not send
him a Christian, because it is not our custom so to send
from one lord to another."* The messenger set out with
this answer, and, as soon as he reached the camp, the
sentries saw that the Indians were in motion. In a short
time another messenger arrived, and said to the Governor :

« Titu Atauchi, the brother of Atahuallpa, told Felipillo, the inter-
preter, to ask the Spaniards to drink. Both he, and another brother
named Chuqui-huaman, pledged the Spaniards in bumpers of chicha.
The girls then brought many kinds of fresh and dried fruits, and one of
them, named Fiilac Sisa iSTusta, addressed the guests, and begged them
to partake for the sake of friendship (Oarcilasso de la Vega),

« Hernando Pizarro says he did send the Christian.

APPROACH OF ATAHUALLPA. 51

'^ Atabaliba sends me to say that he has no wish to bring
his troops armed^ and, though they will come with him^
many will come without arms, because he wishes to bring
them with him and to lodge them in the town : and they
are to prepare a lodging in the plaza, where he will rest,
which is the house known as the house of the serpent, be-
cause there is a serpent of stone within it/' The Governor
replied : '^ So let it be, and I pray that he may come
quickly, for I desire to see him."

Very soon they saw the plain full of men, halting at in-
tervals, to wait for those who were filing out of the camp.
The march of the troops along the road continued until the
afternoon ; and they came in separate detachments. Having
passed all the narrow places on the road, they reached the
ground close to the camp of the Christians, and still troops
kept issuing from the' camp of the Indians. Presently the
Governor ordered all the Spaniards to arm themselves
secretly in their lodgings, and to keep the horses saddled
and bridled, and under the orders of three captains,^ but
none were to show themselves in the open space. The
Captain of the artillery was ordered to have his guns pointed
towards the enemy on the plain, and, when the time came,
to fire. Men were stationed in the streets leading to the
open space, and, taking twenty men with him, the Governor
went to his lodging. These had the duty entrusted to
them of seizing the person of Atabaliba, if he should come
cautiously with so large a force as was coming; but the
Governor ordered that he should be taken alive. All the
troops had orders not to leave their quarters, even if the
enemy should enter the open space, until they should hear
the guns fired off. The sentries were to be on the alert,
and, if they saw that the enemy intended treachery, they

» The three squadrons of horse, each numbering twenty, were com-
manded by Hernando, Gonzalo, and Juan Pizarro, with the Captains
Hernando de Soto and Sebastian de Benalcazar {Zarate, lib. ii, cap. v).

E 2

52 FIZARBO HARANGUES HIS TBOOPS.

were to give the signal ; and all were to sally out of the
lodgings^ the cavalry mounted^ when they heard the cry of
Santiago.

Having made these arrangements, the Governor waited
for the appearance of Atabaliba ; but no Christian was in
sight except the sentry, who gave notice of what was
passing in the army of the Indians. The Governor and
Captain-General visited the quarters of the Spaniards, seeing
that they were ready to sally forth when it was necessary,
saying to them all that they must be of good courage, and
make fortresses of their hearts, for that they had no others,
and no hope but in God, who would help those who worked
in his service, even in their greatest need. He told them that
though, for every Christian, there were five hundred Indians,
yet they must have that reliance which good men find on
such occasions, and they must trust thlit God would fight on
their side. He told them that, at the moment of attacking,
they must come out with desperate fury and break through
the enemy, taking care that the horses do not hinder each
other* These and similar exhortations were made by the
Governor and Captain-General to the Christians, to raise
their spirits, and they were more ready to come forth than to
remain in their lodgings. Each man was ready to encounter
a hundred, and they felt very little fear at seeing so great a
multitude.

When the Governor saw that it was near sunset, and that
Atabaliba did not move from the place to which he had re-
paired, although troops still kept issuing out of his camp,
he sent a Spaniard to ask him to come into the square to
see him before it was dark. As soon as the messenger came
before Atabaliba, he made an obeisance to him, and made
signs that he should come to where the Governor waited.
Presently he and his troops began to move, and the Spaniard
returned and reported that they were coming, and that the
men in front carried arms concealed under their clothes>

ATAHUALLPA ENTERS THE SQUARE OF CASSA-MABCA. 53

which were strong tunics of cotton, beneath which were
stones and bags and slings ; all which made it appear that
they had a treacherous design. Soon the van of the enemy
began to enter the open space. First came a squadron of
Indians dressed in a livery of different colours, like a chess
board.* They advanced, removing the straws from the
ground, and sweeping the road. Next came three squadrons
in different dresses, dancing and singing. Then came a
number of men with armour, large metal plates, and crowns
of gold and silver. Among them was Atabaliba*^ in a litter
lined with plumes of macaws' feathers, of many colours, and
adorned with plates of gold and silver. Many Indians car-
ried it on their shoulders on high.® Next came two other
litters and two hammocks, in which were some principal
chiefs ; and lastly, several squadrons of Indians with crowns
of gold and silver.

As soon as the first entered the open space they moved
aside and gave space to the others. On reaching the centre
of the open space, Atabaliba remained in his litter on high,
and the others with him, while his troops did not cease to
enter.® A captain then came to the front and, ascending
the fortress near the open space, where the artillery was
posted, raised his lance twice, as for a signal.^ Seeing this,

< First came three hundred youths with bows and arrows, singing,
and cleaning the road with their hands. Then came a thousand men
with pikes, having no iron tips, but with the points hardened in the fire.
They wore a livery of white and red squares, like a chess board. A
third squadron then entered, with hammers of copper and silver. (Rela-
cioii del Primer Descuhrimiento MS.)

' He wore a collar of large emeralds. (Relacion, etc.)

^ It was borne by eighty chiefs, all dressed in a very rich blue livery.
{Relacion, etc.)

* Seeing no Spaniards, he said to his captains : — " Where are these
Christians, that they do not appear?'' They answered : — ** Lord ! the
Christians are hidden, for they are afraid." {Pedro Pizarro),

^ Hernando Pizarro does not appear to have thought that any signal
was intended. He says that a few Indians went into the fort, and

54 ATAHUALLPA AND VALVERDB.

the Governor asked the Father Friar Vicente if he wished
to go and speak to Atabaliba^ with an interpreter ? He
replied that he did wish it, and he advanced, with a cross in
one hand and the Bible in the other,^ and going amongst
the troops up to the place where Atabaliba was, thus ad-
dressed him : ^^ I am a Priest of God, and I teach Christians
the things of God, and in like manner I come to teach you.
What I teach is that which God says to us in this Book.
Therefore, on the part of God and of the Christians, I beseech
you to be their friend, for such is God's will, and it will be
for your good. Go and speak to the Governor, who waits
for you.''

Atabaliba asked for the Book, that he might look at it,
and the Priest gave it to him closed. Atabaliba did not
know how to open it, and the Priest was extending his arm
to do so, when Atabaliba, in great anger, gave him a blow
on the arm, not wishing that it should be opened. Then he
opened it himself, and, without any astonishment at the
letters and paper, as had been shown by other Indians, he
threw it away from him five or six paces, and, to the words
which the monk had spoken to him through the interpreter,
he answered with much scorn, saying: '^ I know well how you
have behaved on the road, how you have treated my Chiefs,
and taken the cloth from my storehouses." The Monk re-
pUed : ^^ The Christians have not done this, but some
Indians took the cloth without the knowledge of the
Governor, and he ordered it to be restored.'' Atabaliba
said : " I will not leave this place until they bring it all to
me." The Monk returned with this reply to the Governor.
Atabaliba stood up on the top of the litter, addressing his

planted a lance with a banner at the end, by way of taking possession.
It was probably no more than a sign of the royal presence; like hoisting
the standard at Windsor.

' He was accompanied by Hernando de ALdana, and an interpreter
named Martinillo.

HAS8ACBE OF THE INDUNS, 55

troops and ordering them to be prepared. The Monk told
the Governor what had passed between him and Atabaliba,
and that he had thrown the Scriptures to the ground.^
Then the Governor put on a jacket of cotton, took his sword
and dagger, and, with the Spaniards who were with him,
entered amongst the Indians most valiantly ; and, with only
four men who were able to follow him, he came to the litter
where Atabaliba was, and fearlessly seized him by the arm,
crying out Santiago. Then the guns were fired off, the
trumpets were sounded, and the troops, both horse and foou,
sallied forth.* On seeing the horses charge, many of the
Indians who were in the open space fled, and such* was the
force with which they ran that they broke down part of the
wall surrounding it, and many fell over each other. The
horsemen rode them down, killing and wounding, and fol-
lowing in pursuit. The infantry made so good an assault
upon those that remained that in a short time most of them
were put to the sword. The Governor still held Atabaliba
by the arm, not being able to pull him out of the litter be-
cause he was raised so high. Then the Spaniards made
such a slaughter amongst those who carried the litter that
they fell to the ground, and, if the Governor had not pro-
tected Atabaliba, that proud man would there have paid for
all the cruelties he had committed. The Governor, in pro-
tecting Atabaliba, received a slight wound in the hand.
During the whole time no Indian raised his arms against a

» The Monk said : — " See you not what is happening ? Why are you
treating with this proud dog, when the plain is covered with Indians.
Fall upon him. I absolve you." (Relacion, etc.)

Don Alonzo Enriquez says : — **Then the rascally friar, who was cer-
tainly a peace-breaker, began to call with a loud voice, saying, * Chris-
tians, I call upon you to avenge this insult to the faith of Jesus Christ'."

(P. 93).

* "At that sound we all came out as one man, for these houses, facing
the plaza, had many doors, so it seemed as if they had been built for this
- business". {Relacioriy etc.)

56 ATAHUALLPA TAKEN FBI60NEB.

Spaniard. So great was the terror of the Indians at seeing
the Governor force his way through them, at hearing the
fire of the artillery, and beholding the charging of the
horses, a thing never before heard of, that they thought
more of flying to save their lives than of fighting. All those
who bore the litter of Atabaliba appeared to be principal
chiefs. They were all kiUed, as well as those who were
carried in the other litters and hammocks. One of them
was the page of Atabaliba, and a great lord, and the others
were lords of many vassals, and his Councillors. The chief
of Caxamalca was also killed, and others ; but, the number
being very great, no account was taken of them, for all who
came in attendance on Atabaliba were great lords. The
Governor went to his lodging, with his prisoner Atabaliba,
despoiled of his robes, which the Spaniards had torn off in
pulling him out of the litter. It was a very wonderful thing
to see so great a lord taken prisoner in so short a time, who
came in such power. The Governor presently ordered
native clothes to be brought, and when Atabaliba was
dressed, he made him sit near him, and soothed his rage
and agitation at finding himself so quickly fallen from his
high estate. Among many other things, the Governor said
to him : '^ Do not take it as an insult that you have been
defeated and taken prisoner, for with the Christians who
come with me, though so few in number, I have conquered
greater kingdoms than yours, and have defeated other more
powerful lords than you, imposing upon them the dominion
of the Emperor, whose vassal I am, and who is King of
Spain and of the universal world. We come to conquer this
land by his command, that all may come to a knowledge of
God, and of His Holy Catholic Faith ; and by reason of our
good object, God, the Creator of heaven and earth and of all
things in them, permits this, in order that you may know him,
and come out from the bestial and diabolical life you lead.
It is for this reason that we, being so few in number, sub-

SPEECH OF PIZARBO TO ATAHUALLPA. 57

jugate that vast host. When you have seen the errors in
which you live, you will understand the good we have done
you by coming to your land by order of his Majesty. Ton
should consider it to be your good fortune that you have
not been defeated by a cruel people, such as you are your-
selves, who grant life to none. We treat our prisoners and
conquered enemies with kindness, and only make war on
those who attack us, and, being able to destroy them, we
refrain from doing so, but rather pardon them. When I
had a Chief, the lord of an island, my prisoner, I set him
free that henceforth he might be loyal ; and I did the same
with the Chiefs who were lords of Tumbez and Ohilimasa,
and others who, being in my power, and desemng death, I
pardoned. If you were seized, and your people attacked
and killed, it was because you came against us with so great
an army, having sent to say that you would come peacefully,
and because you threw the Book to the ground in which is
written the words of God. Therefore our Lord permitted
that your pride should be brought low, and that no Indian
should be able to oflfend a Christian.^'

After the Governor had delivered this discourse, AtabaUba
thus replied : '' I was deceived by my Captains, who told me
to think lightly of the Spaniards. I desired to come peace-
fully, but they prevented me, but all those who thus advised
xue are now dead. I have now seen the goodness and daring
of the Spaniards, and that Malgabilica lied in all the news
he sent me touching the Christians,"

As it was now night, and the Governor saw that those
who had gone in pursuit of the Indians were not returned,
he ordered the guns to be fired and the trumpets to be
sounded to recall them. Soon afterwards they returned to the
camp with a great crowd of people whom they had taken alive,
numbering more than three thousand. The Governor asked
whether they were all well. His Captain-General, who went
with them, answered that only one horse had a slight

68 TREATMENT OP ATAHUALLPA.

wound. The Governor, with great joy, said: ^^I give
thanks to God our Lord, and we all, gentlemen, ought to
give thanks for the great miracle we have wrought this day.
In truth we ought to believe that, without His special help,
we could not have entered this land, how much less have
conquered so great a host. God, in His mercy, sees fit to
grant these favours, and we should give Him thanks for
His great works, that we may conquer this kingdom. But,
gentlemen, you must be fatigued, and I, therefore, desire
you to retire to rest. Although we have the victory, we
must still be watchful. The enemy is defeated, but he is
cunning and experienced in war. This lord too, as we
know, is feared and obeyed, and they will try every artifice
to rescue him. This night, and every night, there must be
good watch kept, and the rounds must be gone regularly,
that we may be prepared for any event/'

So they went to supper, and the Governor caused Ataba-
liba to sit at the table, treating him well, and they served
him in the same way as the Governor, Orders were then
given that he was to have such of his imprisoned women as
he desired for his service, to wait on him, and a good bed
was prepared for him in the same chamber where the
Governor slept. He was allowed to remain unconfined, and
without being kept in prison, but was watched by guards.**
The battle lasted only about half an hour, for the sun had
already set when it commenced. If the night had not come
on, few out of the thirty thousand men that came would
have been left. It is the opinion of some, who have seen
armies in the field, that there were more than forty thousand
men. In the square and on the plain there were two thou-
sand killed, besides wounded. A wonderful thing was ob-

> Don Alonzo Enriquez tells us that, in twenty days, Atahuallpa had
learnt to speak Spanish, and to play at chess and cards. He also asked
men to write down words that he knew, and got others to read them ;
and thus he acquired a knowledge of the art of writing. (Fp. 92, 93).

PLUNDER BROUGHT IN PROM ATAHUALLPA^S CAMP. 59

served in this battle. It was that the horses which^ the day
before, could scarcely move for the cold, were able to charge
with such fury that they seemed as if nothing had ever ailed
them. The Captain-General set the watches and rounds for
that night, stationing them at convenient points. Next
morning the Governor sent a Captain, with thirty horse, to
scour the plain, and he ordered them to break the arms of
the Indians. The troops in the camp made the imprisoned
Indians remove the dead bodies from the open space. The
Captain, with his horsemen^ collected all that was on the
plain and in the tents of Atabaliba, and returned to the
camp before noon with a troop of men, women, sheep, gold,
silver, and cloth. Among these spoils there were eighty
thousand jpesos, seven thousand marcs of silver, and fourteen
emeralds. The gold and silver were in immense pieces,
great and small plates and jars, pots, cups, and other shapes.
Atabaliba said that all this was the furniture of his service,
and that the Indians who fled had taken a great deal more
away with them. The Governor ordered all the sheep to be
set free, because there was a great multitude, and they en-
cumbered the camp. The Christians could kill daily as
many as they required. The Indians, who had been cap-
tured the night before, were ordered to be collected in the
open space, that the Christians might take those they re-
quired for their service. All the rest were ordered to be set
free, and to return to their homes, for they belonged to
diflferent provinces, and Atabaliba had brought them away
to assist in his wars, and for the service of his army.

Some were of opinion that all the Indian soldiers should
be killed, or, at least, that their hands should be cut off.
The Governor would not consent, saying that it would not
be well to commit so great a cruelty, for, although the power
of Atabaliba was great, and he was able to collect avast multi-
tude of people, yet the power of our Lord God is, beyond all
comparison, greater ; and He grants aid to His own through

60 ASMS OF THE INDIANS.

His infinite goodness. He added that they should be cer*
tain that He who had delivered them from the danger of the
previous day would also protect them hereafter, seeing that
the intentions of the Christians were good in bringing these
infidel barbarians to the service of God and to a knowledge
of our Holy Catholic Faith. They should not desire to be
like those Indians, in their cruelties and sacrifices, which
they perpetrate on those they capture in war. Those who
died in the battle were more than enough ; and the prisoners,
who had been brought in like sheep into a fold, should not
be killed nor injured. They were, therefore, set free.

In this town of Caxamalca, certain houses were found full
of cloth, packed in bales which reached to the roof. They
say that it was a depot to supply the army. The Christians
took what they required, and yet the house remained so full
that what was taken seemed hardly to be missed. The cloth
was the best that had been seen in the Indies. The greater
part of it is of very fine wool, and the rest of cotton of rich
colours, beautifully variegated. The arms they found, with
which they made war, and their manner of fighting were as
follows. In the van of their armies came the sling-men, who
hurled pebbles from slings^ These sling-men carry shields,
which they make from narrow boards very small. They also
wear jackets of quilted cotton. Next came men armed with
sticks having large knobs at one end, and axes. The sticks
are a braga and a half in length, and the thickness of a lance.
The knob at the end is of metal, with five or six sharp points,
each point being as thick as a man's thumb. They use
them with both hands. The axes were the same size or
larger. The metal blade was a pal/mo in width, like a
halberd. Some of the axes and clubs, used by the chiefs,
were of gold and silver. Behind these came men armed
with hurling lances, Uke darts. In the rear were pikemen
with lances thirty palmos in length. These men had sleeves
with many folds of cotton, over which they worked the lances.

THE PALACE OF THE YNCA. 61

They are all divided into squadrons, with their banners and
captains who command them, with as much order as Turks.
Some of them wear great head pieces of wood, with many
folds of cotton, reaching to the eyes, which could not be
stronger if they were of iron. The men who composed the
army of Atabaliba were all very dexterous and experienced
soldiers, who had served in it from boys. They were young
and stout, and only a thousand of them sufficed to assault a
town of that land, though it were garrisoned with twenty
thousand men.

The lodging of Atabaliba, which he had in the centre of
his camp, was the best that had been seen in the Indies,
though it was small. It consisted of four rooms, with a
court in the centre, having a pond supplied with water by a
tube, and this water was so warm that one could not bear to
put a hand into it.^ This water rises out of an adjacent
mountain. Another tube brought cold water, and the two
united in one tube on the road, and flowed, mixed together,
by a single tube, into the pond. When they wish to allow
one sort to flow alone, they remove the tube of the other.
The pond is large and paved with stone. Outside the house,
in a part of the yard, there is another pond, not so well
made. They both have their flights of stone steps, by
which to go down and bathe. The room in which Ata-
baliba stayed during the day was a corridor looking into an
orchard, and near it there is a chamber where he slept, with
a window looking towards the court and the pond. The
corridor also opens on the court. The walls were plastered
with a red bitumen, better than ochre, which shined much,
and the wood, which formed the eaves of the house, was of
the same colour. Another room is composed of four vaults,
like bells, united into one. This is plastered with lime, as

^ Humboldt mentions the colmnns of smoke, seen at a distance, rising
from the warm springs of Pultamarca, which are called the " Baths of
the Ynca". The temperature of these sulphur springs was found to be
156 degs. 2 min. Fahr.

62 THE YNCA HUAYNA CCAPAC.

white as snow. The other two are offices. A river flows in
front of this palace.*^

Now that an account has been given of the victory of the
Christians and the capture of Atabaliba, and of the ordering
of his camp and army, I will proceed to say something con-
cerning the father of this Atabaliba, and how he was made
lord, besides other things relating to his grandeur, as they
were described to the Governor by Atabaliba himself. The
father of this Atabaliba was called the Guzco/ and he ruled
over all that land, for an extent of more than three hundred
leagues, in which the people obeyed him and paid him
tribute. He was a native of a province called Quito -^ but,
as he found the land, where he was encamped, to be pleasant,
fertile, and rich, he settled there, and gave the name to a great
city where he lived, which was called the city of the Cuzco.^
He was so feared and obeyed that they almost looked upon
him as their god, and his image was set up in many towns.
He had a hundred sons and daughters, most of them being
still alive. It is eight years since he died, and he left as his
heir a son of the same name as his own. He was a son of his
legitimate wife. They call the principal wife, who is most
loved by the husband, legitimate.^ This son was older than
Atabaliba. The old Cuzco separated the province of Quito
from the rest of the kingdom, and left it to Atabaliba. The
body of the Cuzco is in the province of Quito, where he died,
and his head was conveyed to the city of Cuzco, where they
hold it in great veneration, adorning it with gold and silver,^

7 Some slight remains of this palace were visible in Humboldt^s time.

* The Ynca Huayna Ccapac.

* This is a mistake. It was Atahuallpa, not his father, who was a
native of Quito.

^ Xeres here makes a most extraordinary blunder, confusing the name
of the city with that of the Ynca.

' Another blunder. The legitimate wife was the sister, or at least
the first cousin of the Ynca, of pure Ynca descent on both sides.

■ Another blunder. The body and head of Huayna Ccapac were con-

RICHBS OF THE YNCAS. 63

The house in which it is kept is all plated with gold and
silver, the one metal interwoven with the other. In this
city there are twenty other houses with walls covered with
thin gold leaf, both within and without. This city contains
very rich edifices. In it the Cuzco had his treasury, con-
sisting of three chambers full of pieces of gold, five full of
silver, and one hundred thousand lumps of gold taken from
the mines, each lump weighing fifty castellanos. This has
been tribute from the lands that have been subjugated.
Beyond this city there is another called CoUao, where there
is a river containing much gold.* Ten days' journey from
this province of Caxamalca, in another province caUed
Guaneso,^ there is another river as rich as the one before
mentioned. In all these provinces there are many mines of
gold and silver. They get the silver out of the mountains
with little trouble, one Indian getting five or six marcs in a
single day. They find it with lead, tin, and sulphur, and
afterwards they purify it. They get it out by burning the
hill, and, as the sulphur stone burns, the silver falls in
lumps. The distance from here to the city of Cuzco is
forty days^ journey of a laden Indian, and the country is
well peopled. Chincha is a populous district, half-way.*
Throughout the land there are many flocks of sheep, and
many are wild because they cannot maintain as many as
they breed. Among the Spaniards who accompany the
Governor they kill one hundred and fifty every day, and yet

veyed together to Cuzco ; though he died at Tumi-pampa. The body
was discovered by the Spaniards and taken to Lima. See the account
in OarcilassOj i, p. 273.

* The Collao is the name of the region drained by streams flowing into
lake Titicaca. The river, containing gold, is of course in Caravaya, be-
yond the eastern Cordillera.

» Probably Huanuco, and the river Huallaga.

• They seem often to have heard of Chincha. It is a valley on the
coast. But Xeresx^onfuses it with one of the four great divisions of the
Ynca empire, called Chincha-suyu, which includes Cassamarca.

64 WAR BETWEEN HUASCAR AND ATAHUALLPA.

there would be no scarcity if they remained in this valley
throughout the year. The Indians usually eat them in all
parts of the land.

Atabaliba also said that after the death of his father he
and his brother were at peace for seven years, each one in
the land which their father had left them. But a little more
than a year ago his brother rose against him with the design
of depriving him of his government. Afterwards Atabaliba
sent to beg him not to make war, but to be content with
what his father had left him, but the Cuzco was not satisfied
with this. Then Atabaliba departed from his land, which
is called Quito, with all the soldiers he could collect, and
came to Tomepomba,'^ where he fought a battle with his
brother. In this encounter Atabaliba and his troops killed
more than a thousand of the men of Cuzco, and made him
take to flight. He also slew all the people in Tomepomba
because they attempted to defend the place; and he in-
tended to destroy all the villages in the district, but he re-
frained because he wished to pursue his brother. The
Cuzco fled to his own land, and Atabaliba advanced, con-
quering the provinces, while all the cities, remembering the
fate of Tomepomba, voluntarily submitted. It is six months
since Atabaliba sent two of his attendants, very valiant men,
the one called Quisquis and the other Chaliachin,® who ad-
vanced with forty thousand men against the city of his
brother, gaining all the land up to that on which the city
stands, which they captured. They then killed many people,
took the brother prisoner, and seized all the treasure of the
father. When this news came to Atabaliba, he ordered his
brother to be brought to him as a prisoner ; and there is
news that they will soon arrive with him, and with much
treasure. The captains remained in the city they had con-
quered to guard it and the treasure it contains. They kept
ten thousand men as a garrison, out of forty thousand they
' Tumi-pampa. " Chalcuchima.

ATAHUALLPA OFFEES A RANSOM. 65

took with them, and the other thirty thousand went to rest
at their homes with the spoils they had secured. Atabaliba
conquered all that his brother once possessed.

Atabaliba and his Captains General who were carried in
litters, have killed many people since the war began ; and
Atabaliba has perpetrated many cruelties on his enemies.
He has with him all the chiefs of the villages he has con-
quered, and has put his own governors in all the villages,
otherwise he could not keep the country so quiet, and thus
he has been feared and obeyed, and his soldiers have been
well served by the people, who have also been treated well.
Atabaliba intended, if his imprisonment had not come upon
him, to go and rest in his own land, and, on his way, to
complete the destruction of all the villages in the district of
Tomepomba^ which had attempted to defend themselves ;
peopling them with new families. For this purpose his
captains had sent four thousand married men of the people
of Cuzco to settle in Tomepomba. Atabaliba also said that
he would deliver his brother, whom his captains were bring-
ing a prisoner to this city, into the hands of the Governor,
to do with him as he pleased. Atabaliba feared that the
Spaniards would kill him, so he told the Governor, that he
would give his captors a great quantity of gold and silver. The
Governor asked him : '^ How much can you give, and in what
time r^ Atabaliba said : " I will give gold enough to fill a
room twenty-two feet long and seventeen wide, up to a white
line which is half way up the wall.^^ The height would be
that of a man^s stature and a half. He said that, up to that
mark, he would fill the room with different kinds of golden
vessels, such as jars, pots, vases, besides lumps and other
pieces. As for silver, he said he would fill the whole cham-
ber with it twice over. He undertook to do this in two
months. The Governor told him to send off messengers
with this object, and that, when it was accomplished, he need

* Tumi-pampa.

66 DESCRIPTION OF ATAHUALLPA,

have no fear. Then Ataballba sent messages to his captains,
who were in the city of Cuzco, ordering them to send two
thousand Indians laden with gold and silver, without count-
ing that which was coming with his brother, whom they
were bringing as a prisoner. The Governor asked him :
^' How long will your messengers take to go to the city of
Cuzco?'* Atabaliba said: "When they are sent, with speed,
to carry some tidings, they run by post from village to
village, and go over the distance in five days. But if the
man who starts with the message goes the whole way,
though he be an agile man, he will take fifteen days." The
Governor also asked him : " Why did you order some
Indians to be killed, whom the Christians found dead in
your camp when they examined it ?" Atabaliba answered :
" On the day that the Governor sent his brother, Hernando
Pizarro, to the camp to speak with me, one of the Christians
charged with his horse, and these men that are dead ran
back. That is the reason that I ordered them to be killed,"
Atabaliba was a man of thirty years of age, good looking,
somewhat stout, with a fine face, handsome and fierce, the
eyes bloodshot.^ He spoke with much dignity, like a great
lord. He talked with good arguments, and reasoned well,
and when the Spaniards understood what he said, they knew
him to be a wise man. He was cheerful ; but, when he
spoke to his subjects, he was very haughty, and showed no
sign of pleasure. Among other things, Atabaliba said to
the Governor ; '^ Ten days^ journey from Caxamalca, on the
road to Cuzco, there is, in a village, a mosque,^ which all the
inhabitants of that land look upon as their common temple.
In it they all ofier up gold and silver, and my father
held it in great veneration, as well as myself. This mosque
contains great riches, for, though there is a mosque in each

^ He wore his mantle over his head, covering one ear, which had been
broken through in his war with Huascar (Pedro Pizarro),
2 Pachacamac, on the coast.

DISCOURSE OF PIZAEBO. 67

village where they have their special idols which they
worship, in this mosque there is a general idol common to
all, and there is a famous sage in charge of that mosque,
whom the Indians believe to have a knowledge of future
events, because he speaks to that idol/^ Having heard
these words (though he had already heard of this mosque),
the Governor gave Atabaliba to understand : " All those
idols are vanity, and he who speaks from them is the Devil,
who deceives men and brings them to perdition, a fate which
has befallen all those who have lived in that belief, and so
died. But God is one sole Creator of heaven and earth, and
of all things visible and invisible, and in this the Christians
believe. Him only ought we to hold as God, and we are
bound to do what he commands, and to receive the waters
of baptism. Those who thus act will be received into His
kingdom, and the others will go to the punishment of hell,
where those are burning for ever who were without this
knowledge, and who have served the Devil, making sacri-
fices and offerings, and building mosques to him. All these
things from henceforth must cease, because for this the
Emperor, who is king and lord of the Christians, has sent
us. It was because your people had lived as they have
lived without a knowledge of God that he allowed so great
an army of them to be defeated and taken prisoners by a
few Christians. How little help your God has given you !
By this you may know that he is the Devil who deceives
you.^^ Atabaliba said : ^^ Until now I have never seen
Christians, nor have my ancestors known anything of these
things ; and I have lived as they lived.^' He added : '' I am
amazed at what you have said ; aud I well know that the
idol is not the true God, seeing that he gave me so little
help.^^

As soon as the Governor and the Spaniards were rested
from the fatigues of the journey and of the battle, he sent
news to the citizens of San Miguel of what had happened,

68 VENERATION FOR THE YNCA.

and inquiries as to their well-being, and whether any ships
had arrived. He then ordered a church to be prepared in
the square of Caxamalca^ in which to celebrate the Holy
Sacrament of the Mass. He also ordered the wall sur-
rounding the square to be pulled down, because it was too
low, and a higher wall to be built. In four days a wall was
built, two men^s lengths in height, and five hundred and
fifty paces long. He also caused other precautions to be
taken for the safety of the camp. Each day it was reported
to him whether there was any concourse of people, and what
things happened in the surrounding country.

When the chiefs of this province heard of the arrival of
the Governor, and of the imprisonment of Atabaliba, many
of them came peacefully to see the Governor. Some of
these chiefs were lords of thirty thousand Indians, all sub-
ject to Atabaliba. When they came before him, they made
great obeisances, kissing his feet and hands. He received
them without looking at them. It was a strange thing
this gravity of Atabaliba, and the reverence with which
they all treated him. Every day they brought him many
presents from all parts of the land. Thus, prisoner as he
was, he had the state of a lord, and was very cheerful. It
is true that the Governor treated him very well ; though
sometimes he told him that Indians had informed the
Spaniards of an assemblage of his troops in Guamachuco,'
and other parts. Atabaliba replied that throughout that
land there was no one who would move without his permis-
sion ; if, therefore, his warriors should come, the Governor
might take it for certain that he had ordered them to come,
and that then he could do with him as he pleased, for was
he not his prisoner* The Indians said many things which
were not true, although they gave rise to some excitement

* Huamachuco, which Cieza de Leon states to be eleven leagues south
of Caflsa-marca. See my translations of Cieza de Leon, p. 287, and of
Oarcilasso de la Vega, ii, p. 137.

ARRIVAL OP THE RANSOM. 69

among the Spaniards. Among many messengers who came
to Atabaliba, there came one from those who were bringing
his brother a prisoner, to report that, as soon as they had
heard of his imprisonment, they had killed the Cuzco.*
When the Governor knew this, he showed much displeasure.
Then Atabaliba said that the news was false, that the Cuzco
hiad not been killed, and that he would presently arrive, and
that, if not, the Governor might order him to be killed.
Afterwards Atabaliba declared that his captains had killed
the Cuzco without his knowledge. The Governor obtained
the news from the messengers, and knew that he had been
killed.

After some days some of the people of Atabaliba arrived.
There was a brother of his, who came from Cuzco, and
sisters and wives. The brother brought many vases, jars,
and pots of gold, and much silver, and he said that more
was on the road ; but that, as the journey is so long, the
Indians who bring the treasure become tired, and cannot all
come so quickly, so that every day more gold and silver will
arrive of that which now remains behind. Thus on some
days twenty thousand, on others thirty thousand, on others
fifty thousand or sixty thousand pesos of gold arrived, in
vases, great pots weighing two or three arrohas, and other
vessels. The Governor ordered it all to be put in the house
where Atabaliba had his guards, until he had accomplished
what he had promised. Twenty days of the month of
December had passed, when messengers arrived from San
Miguel with a letter which informed the Governor that six
ships had arrived at the port of Cancebi, near Quaque.
They brought one hundred and fifty Spaniards and eighty-
four horses. The three larger ships came from Panama,
and on board them were the Captain Diego de Almagro and
one hundred and twenty men. The other three caravels

♦ Huascar is said to have been drowned in the river of Anta-marca.
See Herrera^ Dec. v, lib. ii, cap. 2.

70 ARRIVAL OF ALMAGRO.

were from Nicarague with thirty men, who came to this
government with the desire to serve in it. From Cancebi,
after they had landed the troops and horses, a vessel was
sent to find out where the Governor was, and she arrived at
Tumbez ; but the chief of that province would give no in-
formation, and did not show the letter which the Governor
left to be given to the ships that might arrive. So the
ships returned without obtaining news of the Governor.
Another vessel, which followed the first along the coast, ar-
rived at the port of San Miguel, where the master landed
and went to the town. There was great rejoicing at his
arrival, and he returned with the letters which the Governor
had sent to the citizens, announcing the victory which God
had granted to him and his people, and the great riches of
the land. The Governor, and all who were with him, were
much pleased at the arrival of these ships. He sent mes-
sengers with letters to the Captain Diego de Almagro and
some persons who were with him, telling them how greatly
he rejoiced at their arrival ; and that, as soon as they came
to San Miguel (that they might avoid a stress of provisions),
they should depart presently, and march to the neighbour-
ing districts, on the road to Caxamalca, where there is great
abundance. He added that he would arrange about sending
down gold to pay the freight of the ships that they might
return.

Every day chiefs came to the Governor. Among others,
two chiefs came who were called chiefs of the thieves, be-
cause their people attacked all who passed through their
land, which is on the road to Cuzco. After Atabaliba had
been in prison for sixty days, the chief of the village in
which the mosque stands,^ and the guardian of the mosque
arrived before the Governor, and he asked Atabaliba who
they were, Atabaliba said that one was the chief of the
village of the mosque, and that the other was the keeper of

^ rachacamac.

EXPEDITION OP HEENANDO PIZABRO. 71

it, and that lie rejoiced at his arrival, because he could now
pay him out for the lies he had told. Atabaliba then begged
the Governor to put the keeper in chains because it was he
that advised the war with the Christians, saying that the
idol had foretold that all would be killed. He had also told
his father, the Cuzco, when he was on the point of death,
that he would not die of that disease. The Governor or-
dered the chain to be brought, and Atabaliba put it on,
saying that it should not be taken off until the keeper had
caused all the gold of the mosque to be brought. Atabaliba
told the keeper that he wished the riches of the mosque to
be given to the Christians because the idol was a liar ; and
he added : ^^ I wish to see whether this that you call your
God will free you from your chains. ^^ The Governor and the
chief, who came with the keeper, sent their messengers to
bring the gold of the mosque and that belonging to the
chief, and it was said that they could return in fifty days.
The Governor had information that there were assemblies of
men in the land, and that there were soldiers at Guama-
chuco. So he sent Hernando Pizarro, with twenty horse
and some foot, to Guamachuco, which is three days^ journey
from Caxamalca, to learn what was going on, and to bring
the gold and silver that was in Guamachuco. The Captain
Hernando Pizarro set out from Caxamalca on the^ eve of the
Epiphany, in the year 1533. Fifteen days afterwards some
Christians arrived at Caxamalca with a great quantity of
gold and silver. There were more than three hundred loads
of gold and silver in jars and great vases and in divers other
shapes. The Governor ordered it all to be placed with the
first that had been brought, where Atabaliba had his guards
stationed. He kept it there, saying that he wished to keep
an account, as he had to accomplish what he had promised ;
that when it had all come, he might deliver up the whole.
In order that the account might be correct, the Governor
also guarded the treasure-house night and day ; and when

72 EXPEDITIONS TO PACHACAMAC AND CUZCO.

it was deposited in the house each piece was counted, that
there might be no fraud. With this gold and silver came a
brother of Atabaliba, who said that there was still a great
quantity on the road at Xauxa, in charge of one of the
Captains of Atabaliba, named Chilicuchima.^ Hernando
Pizarro wrote to the Governor that he had informed himself
touching what was going on in the land, and that there was
no news of any assemblages, nor of anything else, except
that the gold was at Xauxa, in charge of a Captain. He
desired to know what he should do, and whether he should
advance, adding that he would remain where he was until
he received further orders. The Governor answered that he
was to proceed to the mosque, as he detained the keeper of
it as his prisoner, and Atabaliba had ordered its treasure to
be brought to Caxamalca. His orders, therefore, were to
march at once and secure all the gold that could be found in
the mosque, writing a report from every village of what had
happened on the road.

Seeing the delay there was in bringing the gold, the
Governor sent three Christians to fetch the gold that was at
Xauxa, and to see the city of Cuzco.'^ He also gave powers

* Chalcucbima.

' Pizarro appears first to have sent three soldiers named Pedro Moguer,
Francisco de Zarate, and Martin Bueno ; but, on their arrival at Cuzco,
they behaved with so much imprudence and insolence, as to endanger
their own lives and the success of their mission. After their departure
Pizarro would seem to have doubted the wisdom of entrusting so delicate
a mission to common soldiers. He, therefore, ordered two officers of
distinction, Hernando de Soto and Pedro del Barco, a native of Lobon,
to follow the three soldiers to Cuzco. They travelled in litters, carried
on the shoulders of Indians. On reaching Xauxa they met the unfor-
tunate Ynca Huascar, being brought as a prisoner to his brother Atahu-
allpa. Huascar promised to give twice as much gold as it was possible
for his brother to find, if they would return with him and persuade
Pizarro to judge between him and his brother. The Spaniards had no
interpreter ; but when the speech was reported to Atahuallpa, he sent
orders for Huascar to be murdered on the road. See O, de la Vega^

ALMAGEO REACHES CASSA-MAECA. 73

to one of the three to take possession of the city of Cuzco
and its districts, in the name of his Majesty, in presence of
a notary who went with him. He sent a brother of Ata-
baUba with them. They had orders not to injure the
natives, nor to take their gold nor anything else against
their wills. They were not to do more than the chief who
accompanied them wished them to do, lest they should be
killed ; but they were to endeavour to get a sight of the
city of Cuzco, and to bring a report of all they saw. These
men set out from Caxamalca on the 5th day of Febraary in
the above-mentioned year.

The Captain Diego de Alraagro arrived at Caxamalca
with some troops, and entered it on Easter eve, being the
14th of April of the said year, and was well received by the
Governor and those who were with him. A negro, who set
out with the Cuzco party, returned on the 28th of April with
one hundred and seven loads of gold and seven of silver. He
returned from Xauxa, where he met the Indians who were
coming with the gold. The other Christians went on to Cuzco;
and the negro reported that the Captain Hernando Pizarro
would return very shortly, and that he had gone to Xauxa
to see Chilicuchima. The Governor ordered this gold to be
put with the rest, and all the pieces to be counted.

Pt. II, lib. i, cap. 31 ; Zarate, ii, cap. vi ; Gomara, cap. cxiv ; and Rer^
rera, Dec. v, lib. i, cap. 1.

Of the two Spaniards who visited Cuzco, Hernando de Soto achieved
immortal fame as the discoverer of Florida. The fate of Pedro del
Barco was less fortunate. He received half the convent of the Virgins
of the Sun as his share of the spoils of Cuzco, and sold it to an apothe-
cary named Segovia, who accidentally discovered a treasure under the
pavement worth seventy- two thousand ducats. When Gronzalo Pizarro
rose in rebellion, Pedro del Barco fled from Cuzco, but he was seized at
Lima by Gonzalo^s cruel old Lieutenant Carbajal, and hanged on a tree
outside the walls of the town. The half-caste orphan children of Barco
were adopted and treated with great kindness by Garcilasso de la Vega,
the historian^s father. One was a schoolfellow of the historian, and was
afterwards banished to Chile by the Viceroy Toledo.

74 HERNANDO PIZARBO LEAVES CASSA-MABCA.

On the 25th of March® the Captain Hernando Pizarro
entered Gaxamaica with all the Christians he had taken
with him, and with the Captain Chilicuchima. The Go-
vernor gave him and his companions a very good reception.
He brought from the mosque twenty- seven loads of gold
and two thousand marcs of silver ; and he delivered to the
Governor the report, which was drawn up by Miguel Estete,^
the inspector, who accompanied him on the journey. This
report is as follows ;—

THE NARRATIVE

Of the journey made by El Senor Captain Hernando Pizarro,
by order of the Oovemor, his brother, from the city of
Caxamalca to Parcama^ and thence to Xauxa.

On Wednesday, the day of the Epiphany (which is
vulgarly called the Festival of the three Kings), on the 5th
of January, 1533, the Captain Fernando Pizarro^ set out
from the town of Caxamalca with twenty horse and a few
arquebusiers. On that night he rested at some huts which
were five leagues from the town. Next day he dined at
another town called Ychoca, where he was well received.
They gave him what he required for himself and his people.

^ This should be April.

* Miguel Estete (or Astete) was the man who pulled the royal Uautu
or fringe from the head of Atahuallpa, when he was dragged from his
litter. Astete kept it carefully; and when the Viceroy, Marquis of
Canete, raised Sayri Tupac (son of Manco and grandson of Huayna
Ccapac) to the nominal sovereignty, many years afterwards, Astete pre-
sented him with the Uautu of Atahuallpa. Astete settled at Huamanca,
and his descendants now Uve at Cuzco. They were friends of the ill-
fated Tupac Amaru in 1782, and consistent opponents of Spanish tyranny.
The kindness and hospitality of the good old Se&ora Astete, and her in-
timate knowledge of Peruvian history, will long be remembered by those
who knew Cuzco twenty years ago.

^ Pachacamac.

2 He was accompanied by his brothers Juan and Gonzalo (Herrera).

TEEASUBB ON THE ROAD. 75

On tbe same day he came to pass the night at another
small village called Haancasanga^ subject to the town of
Guamachuco. Next morning he reached the town of Gua-
machucoj which is large, and is situated in a valley sur-
rounded by mountains. It has a beautiful view and good
lodgings. The Lord of the place is called Guamanchoro,
by whom the Captain and his companions were well re-
ceived. Here arrived a brother of Atabaliba, who was
hurrying the gold up from Cuzco,^ and the Captain learnt
from him that the Captain Chilicuchima was twenty days'
journey oif, and that he was bringing the treasure that
Atabaliba had sent for. When he found that the treasure
was so far off, the Captain sent a messenger to the
Governor, to ask him what should be done, adding that he
would not advance until he received further orders. In
this town some Indians reported that Chilicuchima was far
off j and some principal men, having been bribed, stated
that Chilicuchima was only seven leagues distant, in the
town of Andamarca, with 20,000 men of war, and that they
were coming to kill the Christians and to liberate their
Lord. The chief who said this confessed that he had dined
with him on the previous day. A companion of this chief,
who was taken aside, made the same statement. The Cap-
tain, therefore, resolved to go in search of Chilicuchima,
and, having mustered his men, he commenced the march.
He passed that night at a small village, subject to Guama-

' GarcilasBO says that, as Hernando Pizarro and his party were march-
ing along a mountain side, they saw a golden line on the opposite side
shining like the sun. It turned out to be a long train of Indians who
had set down the golden vases they were bringing from Cuzco in rows,
to rest ; they were in charge of a brother of Atahuallpa, named QuilHs-
cacha. This is the Yllescas of the Spanish writers.

The above story was told to Garcilasso by several people in Peru, and
by Don Gabriel Pizarro in Spain, who had it from Don Juan Pizarro de
Orellana, one of those who accompanied Hernando Pizarro to Pachaca-
mac.

76 H. PIZAEEO RESOLVES TO MARCH TO PACHACAMAC.

cliuco, called Tambo ; and there lie received tlie same in-
formation as had been given him before. In this village he
had a good watch kept all night, and next morning he
continued his journey with much circumspection. Before
noon he reached the town of Andamarca, buti. he did not
find the Captain, nor any news of him, beyond what had
first been stated by the brother of Atabaliba, that he was
in a town called Xauxa, with much gold, and that he was
on his way. In this town of Andamarca he received the
reply of the Governor, which was that Chilicuchima and
the gold were far off, that he had the bishop of the mosque
of Pachacamst in his power, and that, as to the great
wealth of gold in the mosque, the Captain should make
inquiries respecting the road, and if it seemed good to him
to go there, he might go ; as those who had gone to Cuzco
would return in the meanwhile. The Captain ascertained
the distance and the nature of the road to the mosque; and,
although his companions were badly shod,* and otherwise
indifferently furnished for so long a march ; he considered
that he would be doing good service in going to collect
that gold, which the Indians would not be able to bring
away ; and that it was desirable to examine that land, and
to ascertain whether it was suitable for Christian settle-
ments. Although he had information that there were many
rivers, and bridges of network, and long marches, and
difficult passes, he yet resolved to go, and he took with him
certain chiefs who knew the country.

He commenced his journey on the 1 4th of January, and
on the same day he crossed some diiJicult passes, and two
rivers, passing the night at a village called Totopamba,

* Herrage. The word would properly apply only to horses. The
Italian translation of Gaztelii renders it as in the text. Temaux Corn-
pans, however, uses the word arms instead of shoes. I suspect that Xeres
really intended to say that both men and horses were badly off for shoes,
and that he used the word for horse- shoes to include all, instead of using
two words.

NATIVE BRIDGES. 77

which is on a steep declivity.^ The Indians received him
well and gave him good food, and all he required for the
night, and men to carry his baggage. Next day he left
this village, and reached another called Corongo, where he
passed the night. Half way there was a great pass of
snow, and all the way there were many flocks with their
shepherds, who have their houses in the mountains, as in
Spain. In this village they w.ere given food, and all they
required, and Indians to carry the loads. This village is
subject to Guamachuco. Next day they started and came
to another small village called Piga, where they passed the
night. They found no inhabitants, as they had run away
from fear. This was a very severe march, for they had to
descend a flight of steps cut out of the stone, which was
very dangerous for the horses. Next day, at dinner time,
they reach a large village in a valley, and a very rapid river
flowed across the road. It was spanned by two bridges
close together, made of network in the following manner.
They build a foundation near the water, and raise it to a
great height ; and from one side of the river to the other
there are cables made of reeds like osiers, but as thick as
a man's thigh, and they are fastened to great stones. From
one cable to the other is the width of a cart. Smaller cords
are interwoven between the cables, and great stones are
fastened beneath, to steady them. By one of these bridges
the common people cross over, and a porter is stationed
there to receive transit dues; while the Lords and Captains
use the other, which is always closed, but they opened it
for the Captain and his followers, and the horses crossed
over very well. • *

The Captain rested in this village for two days, because
both men and horses were fatigued by the bad road. The
Christians were very well received, and were supplied with

* On this day the party crossed from the Marafion to the coast water-
shed.

78 MARCH UP, THE VALLEY OF HUARAS.

food and all that they required. The Lord of this village
was called Pamapaccha. They departed from it and came
to a small village, where they were given all they wanted,
and near it they crossed another bridge of network, like
the former one. They passed the night two leagues further
on, at another village, where the people came out to receive
them as friends and gave food to the Christians, and
Indians to carry their loads. This day's march was through
a valley covered with maize, with villages on either side of
the road. The next day was Sunday. They started in the
morning, and came to a village where the Captain and his
companions were well received. At night they reached
another village, where the people offered sheep and chicha
and all other necessaries. All this land has abundant
supplies of maize and many flocks ; and, as the Christians
marched along the road, they saw the sheep crossing it.
Next day, at dinner time, the Captain reached a great town
called Huaras,^ the Lord of which was called Pumacapllai.
He and his people supplied the Christians with provisions,
and with Indians to carry the loads. This town is in a
plain, and a river flows near it^ Other villages were in
sight, with flocks and maize fields. They had two hundred
head of sheep in a yard, merely to supply the wants of the
Captain and his men. The Captain departed in the after-
noon, and stopped for the night at another village called
Sucaracoai, where he was well received. The Lord of this
village was named Marcocana. Here the Captain rested
for one day, because both men and horses were tired. A
strict watch was kept because the village was large, and
Chilicuchima was near with 55,000 men. Next day they
departed from this village, and, after marching through a
valley, where there was much tilled land and many flocks,
stopped for the night at a distance of two leagues, in a

• Capital of the modern Department of Ancachs, in the valley of the
Santa.

MARCH TO THE COAST. 79

small village called Pachicoto. Here the Captaiu left the
royal road which leads to Cuzco, and took that of the coast
valley. Next day he stopped for the night at a place called
Marcara, the chief of which was named Corcara. Here
there are pastures, and at a certain time of the year they
bring the flocks to browse, as they do in Castille and
Estremadura. From this village the rivers flow to the sea,
which makes the road very diflScult, for all the country in-
land is very cold, and with much water and snow. The
coast is very hot, and there is very little rain. The rain is
not sufficient for the crops, but the waters that flow from
the mountains irrigate the land, which yields abundant
supplies of provisions and fruits.

Next day they departed from this village, and marching
along the banks of a river, following its downward course
through fields and fruit gardens, they stopped for the night
at a village called Guaracanga. Next day they stopped at
a large place near the sea called Parpunga. It has a strong
house with seven encircling walls painted in many devices
both inside and outside, with portals well-built like those of
Spain, and two tigers at the principal doorway.'' The in-
habitants were filled with fear at the sight of a people never
before seen, and of the horses, which astonished them still
more. The Captain spoke to them through the interpreter
who accompanied him, to re-assure them, and they then did
good service.

In this village they came upon another broader road,
made by the people of the coast, and bounded by walls on
either side. The Captain rested for two days in this town

' I think this Parpunga is the Parmonga of CiezA de Leon (p. 247)
and the Parmunca of Garcilasso (ii, p. 196). Rivero spells it Para-
manca (p. 259). Cieza de Leon described the fortress, the ruins of
which are also mentioned by Proctor {Travels^ p. 175). Both Cieza de
Leon and Proctor mention the paintings on the walls, alluded to in the
text, by Astete. See also Antiguedades Peruanas^ p. 288.

80 MARCH ALONG THE COAST.

of Parpunga to refresh his people and get them re-shod.
On starting again^ they crossed a river in balsas^ the horses
swimming. He passed the night at a village called Gua-
mamayo/ which is in a ravine near the sea. Near it they
had to cross another river with great difficulty by swimming,
for it was much swollen, and flowing rapidly. They have
no bridges across these coast rivers, because they become
very wide when they are swollen. The lord of this village
and his people did good service in assisting to carry the
baggage across, and they gave very good food to the
Christians, and men to carry their loads. The Captain
and his followers set out from this village on the 9th day of
January,® and passed the night in another village subject to
Guamamayo, and three leagues from it by the road. The
greater part was inhabited, and there were tilled fields,
trees, fruit gardens, and a clean walled road. Next day
the Captain stopped at a very large village near the sea,
called Huara.^ This town is well situated, and contains
large edifices for lodging. The Christians were well served
by the chiefs and the Indians, who supplied them with what
they required for the day. On the following day the
Captain stopped at a village called Llachu, to which he
gave the name of '^ the town of the partridges,'^ because
there were many partridges kept in cages in all the houses.^
The Indians of this village were friendly and did good
service. The chief of this village did not make his appearance.

* This is the Huaman-mayu, or '< Falcon river", mentioned by Cieza
de Leon. It is now called La Barranca. The breadth of the channel
is about a quarter of a mile, and during the raius it is completely full,
and often impassable. See also Garcilasso, ii, p. 185.

' This date must be either a misprint or a mistake of Astete. They
left Cassa-marca on Wednesday, January 6th. On the 9th they were
at Andamarca. By following their itinerary, it will be found that the
date in the text should be January 30th.

^ The modern town and river of Huara. The port, at the mouth of
the river, is Huacho. * This may be Chancay.

ARRIVAL AT PACHACAMAC. 81

The Captain started rather early next morning, because he was
informed that the march would be long, and he reached a large
village called Suculacumbi at dinner time, a distance of five
leagues. The Lord of the village and his Indians were
friendly, and supplied all the food that was necessary for
that day. At the hour of vespers they set out from this
village, in order to reach the town where the mosque is on
the next day. They crossed a great river by a ford,^ and
marched along a road with a wall on each side, passing the
night at a place belonging to the town, and at a distance of
a league and a half from it.*

The next day was Sunday, the 30th of January.^ The
Captain departed from this village, and, without leaving
groves and villages,^ he reached Pachacama, which is the
town where the mosque stands. Halfway there is another
village, where the Captain dined.*^ The Lord of Pachacama
and the principal men came out to receive the Captain and
the Christians, and showed a desire to be friends with the
Spaniards. The Captain went to lodge, with his followers,
in some large chambers in one part of the town.® He said
that he had come, by order of the Governor, for the gold of
that mosque, and that they were to collect it and deliver it

» The river Kimac. They must have passed over the site of the future
city of Lima.

* Marching by the upper road, at the foot of the mountains, they
came to the village of Fachacamac, some miles up the valley, with its
groves of chirimoyas and suchis (^Plumieria), A charming spot.

» This date should be Sunday, February 6th. January 30th was on
a Monday.

8 The valley of Lurin, on the left bank of the stream. The ruined
city and temple are in the desert, on the right bank.

' Not now existing. There is a hacienda, on an isolated rock over-
looking the rich vale of Lurin, called Bella Vista, half-way between the
village of Fachacamac and the ruins of the city and temple.

8 These are courts rather than chambers, of great extent, with smaller
chambers and recesses opening upon them, aU built of immense adobes.
They are still standing.

82 THE IDOL AT PACHACAMAC.

up, or to convey it to where the Governor then was. All
the principal men of the town and the attendants of the
Idol assembled and replied that they would give it, but
they continued to dissimulate and make excuses. At last
they brought a very little, and said that they had no more.
The Captain dissimulated also, and said that he wished to
go and see the Idol they had, and he went. It was in a
good house, well painted, in a very dark chamber with a
close fetid smell. Here there was a very dirty Idol made of
wood, and they say that this is their God who created them
and sustains them, and gives them their food. At the foot
of the Idol there were some offerings of gold, and it was
held in such veneration that only the attendants and
servants, who, as they say, were appointed by it, were
allowed to officiate before it. No other person might enter,
nor is any other considered worthy even to touch the walls
of the house. The Captain ascertained that the Devil
frequented this Idol, and spoke with his servants, saying
diabolical things, which were spread over aJl the land.
They look upon him as God, and offer many sacrifices to
him. They come to this Devil, from distances of three hun-
dred leagues, with gold and silver and cloth. Those that
arrive, go to the porter and beg that their gift may be ac-
cepted. He enters and speaks with the Idol, who says that he
consents. Before any of his ministers may enter to minister
to him, they say that they must fast for many days and refrain
from women. In all the streets of this town, and at its prin-
cipal gates, and round this house, there are many wooden
Idols, which they worship as imitations of their Devil. It was
ascertained from many lords of this land that, from the town
of Catamez,® which is at the commencement of this govern-
ment, all the people of this coast serve this mosque with
gold and silver, and offer a certain tribute every year.
There were houses and superintendents to receive the

^ Atac'ames, on the coast of Ecuador.

THE TOWN OF PACHACAMAC. 83

tribute, where they found some gold^ and there were signs
that much more had been taken away. Many Indians de-
posed that the gold was removed by order of the Devil. I
omit many things that might be said touching the worship
of this Idol, to avoid prolixity. But it is believed among
the Indians that this Idol is their God, that he can destroy
them if they offend him and do not serve him weU, and that
all the things in the world are in his hands. The people
were so shocked and terrified at the Captain having merely
gone in to see it, that they thought the Idol would destroy
all the Christians. But the Spaniards gave the Indians to
understand that they were in a great error, and that he who
spoke from the inside of the Idol was the Devil, who de-
ceived them. They were told that from henceforth they
must not believe him, nor do what he advised them ; and
were taught other things touching their idolatries.

The Captain ordered the vault, in which the Idol was, to
be pulled down, and the Idol to be broken before all the
people. He then told them many things touching our
Holy Catholic Faith, and he taught them the sign of the
cross iji, that they might be able to defend themselves
against the Devil. This town of Pachacama is very large.
Adjoining the mosque there is a house of the Sun, well
built, and situated on a hiQ, with five surrounding walls.
There are houses with terrace roofs as in Spain. The town
appears to be old, judging from the ruined houses it con-
tains ; and the greater part of the outer wall has fallen.
The name of the principal lord is Taurichumbi. The neigh-
bouring lords came to the town to see the Captain, with
presents of the products of their land, and with gold and
silver. They wondered greatly that the Captain should
have dared to enter where the Idol was, and to see it
broken.

The Lord of Malaque,^ named Lincoto, came to offer
^ Mala, a coast valley to the south of Pachacamac.

84 NEWS OF CHALCUCHIMA.

obedience to his Majesty, and brought a present of gold and
silver. The Lord of Poax, named Alincai, did the same.
The Lord of Gualco,^ named Guarilli, also brought gold and
silver. The Lord of Chincha/ with ten of his chief men,
came with a present of gold and silver. This Lord said
that his name was Tamviambea. The Lord of Guaxcha-
paicho, and the Lord of Colixa named Aci, the Lord of
Sallicaimarca named Yspilo, and other principal Lords of
the surrounding country, brought in presents of gold and
silver, which, joined to that taken out of the mosque, made
ninety thousand pesos.^ The Captain talked very kindly to
all these Chiefs, rejoicing at their coming. He commanded
them, in the name of his Majesty, always to behave in the
same way, and dismissed them, well satisfied.

In this town of Pachacama, the Captain Hernando Pizarro
received news that Chilicuchima,* a Captain of Atabaliba,
was at a distance of four days' journey with a large force,
and with the gold ; and that he would not march onwards,
but declared that he was ready to fight the Christians.
The Captain sent a messenger to him, urging him to con-
tinue his march with the gold, as his master was in prison ;
telling him that he was long behind his time, and that the
Governor was angry at his delay, as he had been expected
for many days. He sent many other messages, urging him
to come, as he was unable to go and meet him where he
then was, because the road was bad for the horses; and
arranging that the one who reached a certain village on the
road first should wait there for the other. Chilicuchima

» Huarca. The modem name of this rich valley is Cafiete. It con-
tains several flourishing sugar estates.

» The next valley, south of Cafiete.

* It was said, according to Herrera, that the Priests concealed four
hundred loads of gold and silver, and that Hernando Pizarro only col-
lected nine hundred casteUanos. Dec. v, lib. ii, cap. 3, p. 54.

<^ Chalcuchima.

MARCH TO CAXATAMBO. 85

sent a message in reply, saying that he would do what the
Captain desired, and that he had no other intention.

The Captain then set out from the town of Pachacama,
to form a junction with Chilicuchima. He marched by the
same road as he had come, until he reached Huara,
which is on the coast near the sea. Then he left the coast
and marched into the interior. The Captain Hernando
Pizarro left the town of Huara on the 3rd of March, and
advanced along a road on the bank of a river during the
whole day, where there were many groves of trees. He
passed the night at a village on the banks of the river.
The vUlage where the Captain slept belongs to the town of
Huara, and is called Guaranga. Next day the Captain left
this village, and reached another called Aillon, near the
mountains. It is subject to a larger place called Aratambo,
which is rich in flocks and maize crops.

On the 5th of March he passed the night at a village be-
longing to Caxatambo, called Chincha. On the road they
had to cross a pass where the snow was very deep, reaching
to the girths of the horses. This village has large flocks.
The Captain remained there for two days. On Saturday,
the 7th of March, he set out, and passed the night at
Caxatambo. This is a large town, situated in a deep valley,
where there are many flocks, and all along the road there
were sheepfolds. The chief of this village is called Sachao,
and he did good service to the Spaniards. At this town
the Captain changed his route, in order to take the broad
road by which Chilicuchima would come, which entailed a
flank march of three days. Here the Captain made inquiries
whether Chilicuchima had passed, in order to form a junc-
tion. All the Indians said that he had passed with the
gold ; but it afterwards appeared that they had been told to
say this, that the Captain might be induced to march on-
wards ; while he remained in Xauxa, with no intention of
moving. The Captain, however, considered that these

86 HABCH TO BOMBON.

Indians seldom spoke the trath; so lie determined, aU
tliongli it entailed great trouble and danger, to march to
the royal road by which Chilicuchima mast go, in order to
ascertain whether he had already passed. If he had not
gone on, the Captain resolved to seek him out, wherever he
might be, as well to secure the gold as to disperse his
army.

The Captain, with his followers, took .the way leading to
a large village called Pombo, which is on the royal road.
On Monday, the 9th of March, they slept at a village,
situated amongst mountains, called Diu. The chief of this
village was friendly, and gave the Christians all they re-
quired for the night. The Governor started early next
morning, and passed the following night in a small village
of shepherds, near a lake of sweet water, about three
leagues in circuit;* on a plain where there were large
flocks of sheep with very fine wool. Next day, which
was Wednesday, in the morning, the Captain and his com-
panions reached the village of Pombo,^ and the Lords of
Pombo came out to meet him, with some Captains of Ata-
baliba who were there with troops. Here the Captain
found one hundred and fifty a/rrobas of gold, which Chili-
cuchima had sent, while he himself remained with his forces
in Xauxa. When the Captain had taken up his quarters,
he asked the Captains how it was that Chilicuchima had
sent that gold, and had not come himself according to
orders. They answered that it was because he was in great
fear of the Christians, and also because he was waiting for
more gold that was coming from Cuzco, as he did not like
to come himself with so httle.

The Captain Hernando Pizarro sent a messenger from
this village to Chilicuchima, to let him know that as he had

* This seems to have been the lake of Lauricocha, the source of the
Maraiion.
^ Pumpu of Garcilasso de la Yega, the modern Bombon.

MARCH TO TARMA. 87

not come, he would go to him, and that he need have no
fear. The Captain rested for one day in that village to
refresh the horses, in case it should be necessary to fight.
On Friday, the 14th of March, the Captain set out from the
village of Pombo, with his horse and foot, to go to Xauxa.
That night was passed in a village called Xacamalca, six
leagues from Pombo, over level ground. On this plain
there is a lake of sweet water which commences near this
village, and has a circuit of eight or ten leagues.® The lake
has villages aU round its shores, and large flocks, while in
its waters are birds and small fish.® The father of Atabaliba
had many balsas in this lake, which were brought from
Tumbez for his amusement. A river flows out of the lake
to the village of Pombo, and a branch of it is very deep and
rapid. They can float by it to a bridge near the village;
and those who pass pay dues as in Spain. All along the
banks of this river there are large flocks, and the name of
Guadiana was given to it, because of the resemblance to
that river in Spain.

On Saturday, the 15th of the month, the Captain left the
village of Xacamalca, and after marching three leagues he
came to a house, where he and his men were well supplied
with food. He passed that night three leagues further on,
at a town called Tarma, which is on the slope of a mountain.
Here he was lodged in a painted house, which contained
good rooms. The chief of this place behaved well, both
in supplying food and men to carry loads. On Sunday
morning the Captain set out rather early from this village,

^ The lake of Bombon or Chinchay-cocha. It is thirty-six miles long,
by six broad, and 12,940 feet above the sea. The plain or basin in
which it lies is forty-j&ve miles long. The river of Xauxa flows out of
the lake.

^ A great number of large and beautiful water fowl, including the
scarlet flamingo, and several varieties of snipe, frequent the banks of
the lake, which are overgrown with reeds. See Von Tschudi and
Herndon,

88 PROCEEDINGS AT XAUXA.

having a long march before him. He caused his men to
advance in order of battle^ because he suspected some
treachery, not having received any answer from Chili-
cuchima. At the hour of vespers he reached a village called
Yanaimalca, where the people came out to him. Here he
received news that Chilicuchima was not in Xauxa, which
increased his suspicions. The Captain was now only a
league from Xauxa, so after dinner he again marched on-
wards, and, having come in sight of the town, he saw many
bodies of men from a hill ; but he could not make out
whether they were soldiers or townspeople who had as-
sembled for some festival.

As soon as the Captain arrived, and before he dismounted,
he asked for Chilicuchima, and the people answered that he
was at some other village, and that he would return next
day. He had absented himself on pretence of business
until he might learn from the Indians who came with the
Captain the intentions of the Spaniards ; for he saw that he
had committed a fault in not having kept his promise, and
that the Captain had come eighty leagues in pursuit of him.
These considerations made him think that the Spaniards came
to seize or kill him, and he had absented himself from fear
of them, especially of those who were on horseback. The
Captain had with him a son of the old Cuzco who, when he
heard of the absence of Chilicuchima, said that he wished
to go where he was, and set out in a litter. All that night
the horses were saddled and bridled, and the Lords of the
town were told that no Indian was to appear in the square,
because the horses were angry and would kill them. Next
day that son of the Cuzco returned with Chilicuchima, both
in litters, and numerously attended. On entering the square
they alighted, and, leaving all their servants, they went on
foot, with a few attendants, to the house occupied by the
Captain Hernando Pizarro, for Chilicuchima to see him and
oflFer his excuses for not having fulfilled his promise, or come

nP^^^^HIBH^^^^^^^B^

NEGOTIATIONS WITH CHALCUCHIMA. 89

out to receive him. He said his business had prevented
him from doing more. The Captain asked why he had not
come to meet him^ as he had promised. Chilicuchima an-
swered that his master AtabaUba had sent orders to him to
remain where he was. The Captain then said that he felt
no anger against him^ but that he must accompany him
back to the Governor, who had his master Atabaliba a
prisoner, and who would keep him until he had given up the
gold that had been demanded. The Captain added that he
knew how much gold there was, and that it must be de-
livered up, but he assured Chilicuchima that, although he
must accompany him back, he would be well treated. Chili-
cuchima replied that his Lord had sent to order him to do
otherwise, and not to go, because that country was lately
conquered, and might again rebel if he left it. Hernando
Pizarro conversed with him for some time, and finally it was
arranged that they should pass the night there, and again
discuss the matter in the morning. The Captain desired to
carry his point by fair means, because he was anxious to
avoid disturbances, lest it should compromise the safety of
three Spaniards who had gone to the city of Cuzco. Next
morning Chilicuc];iima came to the Captain's lodging and
said that, as he desired him to accompany the Spaniards,
he could not refuse to obey, and that he was ready to go,
leaving another Captain with the troops at Xauxa. On
that day he got together about thirty loads of gold ; and
after marching for two days they met thirty or forty loads.
During those days the Spaniards kept a good look out, the
horses being kept saddled night and day ; for this Captain
of Atabaliba had so large a force that if he had made a
night attack on the Spaniards he would have done much
mischief.

The town of Xauxa is very large. It is situated in a
beautiful valley, and enjoys a temperate climate. A very
large river flows near the town. The land is fertile. The

90 DESCRIPTION OF XAUXA.

town is built like those of Spain, with regular streets, and
many subject villages are in sight. The town and district
are very populous, and the Spaniards saw one hundred
thousand people assemble every day in the principal square.
The market places and streets were also crowded. There
were men whose duty it was to count all these people, and
to know who came in for the service of the troops ; and
other men had to watch and take note of all who entered
the town. Ohilicuchima had stewards whose duty it was to
supply provisions, and many carpenters who worked in
wood, and many other men to attend upon his wants and
wait on his person. There were three or four porters in
his house, and both in his household service, and in every-
thing else he imitated his Lord. He was feared throughout
this land, for he was a brave warrior, and, under orders
from his Lord, he had conquered more than two hundred
leagues of country, and had had many encounters both in
the plains and in the passes, in all of which he had been
victorious, and in none had he been vanquished throughout
all thab land.

. On Friday, the 20th of March, the Captain Hernando
Pizarro departed from that city of Xauxa to return to Caxa-
malca, accompanied by Ohilicuchima. He marched by the
same road to the village of Pompo, where he stayed for the
day he arrived, and one more. On Wednesday he set out
from this village of Pompo, and marching over plains
covered with flocks, he passed the night at some large build-
ings. On that day it snowed heavily. Next day he came
to a village amongst the mountains called Tambo, which is
near a large and deep river, where there is a bridge. There
is a flight of stone steps to descend to the river, and if the
position was defended, much mischief might be done. The
Captain received good service from the Lord of this village,
and was supplied with all that he and his party required.
They made a great festival out of respect for the Captain

BETUBN MARCH TO CA8SA-MABCA. 91

Hernando Pizarro^ and because Chilicuchima accompanied
him. Next day they came to a village called Tomsucancha^
the lord of which, named Tillima, received them well. There
were plenty of Indians fit for service ; for, though the vil-
lage was small, many had assembled from the surrounding
country to see the Spaniards. In this village there are small
sheep with very fine wool, like those of Spain. Next day
they reached a village called Guaneso,^ a march of five
leagues, the greater part over a paved road, with channels
of water by the side. They say that the road was paved on
account of the snow, which, at a certain season of the year,
falls over that land. This town of Guaneso is large. It is
situated in a valley, surrounded by steep mountains, the
valley being three leagues in circuit. On the side leading
to Caxamalca there is a long and very steep ascent. The
Captain and his followers were very well received, and
during the two days that they remained, the inhabitants
celebrated several feasts. This town has other surrounding
villages under its jurisdiction. It is a land of many flocks.

On the last day of March the Captain departed from this
town, and reached a bridge over a large river, built of very
stout timber. There were guards stationed there to receive
transit dues, as is their custom. They passed the night at
a distance of four leagues from the town, where Chilicuchima
had caused all necessary preparations to be made. Next
day, being the 1st of April, they reached a village called
Piscomarca. It is on the slope of a very steep mountain.
Its chief is named Parpay. Next day the Captain departed
from this village, and, after a march of three leagues, arrived
at a good village called Huari,^ where there is a large and
deep river, over which there is another bridge. This posi-
tion is very strong, there being deep ravines on either flank.
Chilicuchima said that here he had fought a battle with
the troops of the Cuzco, who guarded the pass, defending

» Huanuco. « In the valley of the Maranon.

92 RETURN MARCH TO CASSA-MARCA.

it for two or three days. When those of Cuzco were de-
feated^ and some of their enemies had crossed the river,
they destroyed the bridge, so that Chilicuchima and his
troops swam across, and killed many of the men of Ouzco.

Next day the Captain set out, and, after a march of five
leagues, he passed the night at a village called Guacango.
Next day he reached the large town of Piscobamba,® which
is on the side of a mountain. The chief is called Tauquame;
and he and his people received the Captain well, and did
good service to his followers. Half-way to this town, at
Huacacamba, there is another deep river with two bridges
of net- work close together, resting on a foundation of stone
rising from the water ; like those I have mentioned before.
From one side to the other there are cables of reed, the
size of a man's thigh, and between are woven many stout
cords ; to which large stones are fastened, for the purpose
of steadying the bridge. The horses crossed this bridge
without trouble ; but it is a nervous thing to pass over it
for the first time, though there is no danger, as it 'is very
strong. There are guards at all these bridges, as in Spain.
Next day the Captain departed from Piscobamba, and
reached some buildings, after a march of five leagues. Next
day he came to a village called Agoa, which is subject to
Piscobamba. It is a good village among the mountains, and
is surrounded by fields of maize. The chief and his people
supplied what was required for the night, and next morning
provided porters for the baggage. Next day the Captain
marched for four leagues over a very rugged road, and
passed the night at Conchuco.* This village is in a hollow.
Half a league before reaching it, there is a wide road cut in

' See CitTa de Leon, p. 293. He says that Piscobamba is eight leagues
from Huaraz, over very rugged mountains. See also Garcilasso de la
Vega, ii, p. 134.

* See Cieza de Leon, p. 286. It is the Cuncbucu of QarcUasso, ii, p.
134.

ARRIVAL AT CASSA-MARCA. 93

steps in the rock, and there are many diflScult passes, and
places which might easily be defended. Next day they set
out, and reached a place called Andamarca, which is the
point where they had diverged to go to Pachacama. At
this town the two royal roads to Cuzco nnite.^ From An-
damarca to Pombo^ there are three leagues over a very
rugged road ; and stone steps are cut for the ascents and
descents ; while on the outer side there is a stone wall, to pro-
tect the traveller from the danger of slipping. If any man
fell, he would be dashed to pieces ; and it is an excellent
thing for the horses, as they would fall if there was no
flanking wall. In the middle of the road there is a bridge
of stone and wood, very well built, between two masses of
rock. At one end of the bridge there are well-built lodgings
and a paved court, where, according to the Indians, the
lords of the land had banquets and feasts when they travelled
by that road.

From this place the Captain Hernando Pizarro went by
the same stages as he came, until he reached the city of
Caxamalca, which he entered, with Chilicuchima, on the
25th of May,7 1533. Here a thing was seen that had never
been witnessed before since the Indies were discovered.
When Chilicuchima passed through the gates of the place
where his master was imprisoned, he took a light load from
one of the Indian porters and put it on his back, an example
which was followed by many chiefs who accompanied him.
Thus laden, he and the others entered where their Lord was;
and when Chilicuchima saw him, he raised his hands to the
Sun, and gave thanks that he had been permitted to enjoy
the sight. Then, with much reverence, and weeping, he

« One leading, by Huaras, to the coast road at Parmunca ; the other
being the sierra road to Cuzco, by Xauxa.

« The modern Pomabamba.

' This should be April. At p. 90, March is given as the date. These
are probably misprints.

94 REl'URN OF SPANIARDS FROM CUZCO. '

approached his Lord^ and kissed his face^ hands^ and feet.
The other chiefs^ his companions^ did the same. Atabaliba
maintained a mien so majestic that^ though there was not a
man in the kingdom that he loved more than Ghilicnchima^
he did not look in his face or tako more notice of him than
of the vilest Indians that came into his presence. This
taking up of a load to enter the presence of Atabaliba is a
ceremony which was performed for all the Lords who have
reigned in that land. I, Miguel de B^tete, the overseer,
who went on the journey that the Captain Hernando Pizarro
undertook^ now give this account of all that happened.

Miguel Estete.

THE FIRST AUTHOR CONTINUES.

The masters of the six ships which were at the port of
San Miguel, being unable to maintain their crews, had re-
quested the Governor to pay and despatch them. The
Governor called a Council for the purpose of making the
necessary arrangements and for reporting what had hap-
pened to his Majesty. It was decided that all the gold
should be melted down which had been brought to Caxa-
malca by order of Atabaliba, as well as all that might arrive
before the melting was finished. As soon as it was melted
and distributed^ the Governor would not be detained any
longer, but would proceed to form a settlement, in obedience
to the orders of his Majesty.

The publication of this resolution and the commencement
of the melting took place on the 3rd of May, 1533. After
ten days one of three Christians who went to the city of
Cuzco arrived. He was the public notary, and he reported
that that city of Cuzco had been taken possession of in the
name of his Majesty. He also gave an account of the road.

DESCRIPTION OP CUZCO. 95

on which he said there were thirty principal towns, without
counting Cuzco, and many other small villages. He said
that Cuzco was as large as had been reported, and that it is
situated on a hill side near a plain ; that the streets were
very regularly arranged and paved, and that in the eight
days that he had been there he had not been able to see
everything. He saw a well-built house entirely plated with
gold, quadrangular, and measuring three hundred and fifty
paces from corner to comer. Of these gold plates they
took down seven hundred, which together weighed
500 pesos. From another house the Indians pulled off a
quantity weighing 200,000 pesos ; but, as it was much al-
loyed, having but seven or eight carats the peso^ they would
not receive it. Besides these two, they did not see any
other houses plated with gold; but the Indians did not
permit them to see all the city. They judged from what
they did see that it was very rich. They found the Captain
Quizquiz in the city, holding it for Atabaliba with a garrison
of thirty thousand men, because it is threatened by Caribs®
and other tribes who wage war against that city. He re-
ported many other things that there were in Cuzco, and
that it was well ordered, and that a chief was coming with
the other two Spaniards with seven hundred plates of gold
and much silver that was delivered to the chief at Xauxa,
left behind by Chilicuchima. The whole quantity of gold
collected by them was one hundred and seventy-eight loads,
and these loads were in paliqueres,^ each borne by four
Indians. They were bringing little silver, and the gold was

8 The Spaniards had very hazy ideas about the Caribs ; they used the
word as a vague term to apply to any Indians in arms, of whom they
knew nothing. The garrison at Cuzco, commanded by Quizquiz, was
no doubt threatened by the defeated, but still faithful, troops of the
legitimate Ynca.

" This is not a Spanish word. Temaux Compans thinks that the
word means a litter ; perhaps a corruption of the Indian word palkee or
palanquin ; which may have come into use through the Portuguese.

96 DIVISION OF THE SPOILS.

delivered to the Christians by little and little, and slowly,
because it was necessary to employ many Indians, who had
to go from village to village to collect it. He calculated
that the gold which was on the road would arrive at Caxa-
malca in about a month. It actually arrived on the 13th
of June, and consisted of two hundred loads of gold and
twenty-five of silver. The gold appeared to be of more
than one hundred and thirty carats. After the arrival of
this first instalment another sixty loads of less fine gold
came in. The greater part was in plates, like the boards of
a box, and three to four palmos in length. These had been
taken from the walls of the house, and they had holes in
them, showing that they had been secured by nails. They
completed the founding and partitioning of all this gold and
silver on the day of Santiago, the gold and silver being
weighed by a Boinana} The account was then taken, all
being reduced to good gold ; and it was found to make a
total of 326,539 pesos of good gold.^ After deducting the
fees of the founder, the Royal fifth amounted to 262,259
pesos of pure gold. Of the silver there were 51,610 marcs,
of which 10,121 marcs of silver formed the Royal fifth. ^ All
the rest, after the Royal fifths and the fees of the founder
had been deducted, was divided amongst all the conquerors
who accompanied the Governor. The horsemen each re-
ceived 8,880 pesos of gold and 362 marcs of silver.* The
foot soldiers each had 4,440 pesos, and 181 marcs of silver,
some more and some less, according as the Governor con-
sidered that each man deserved reward, with reference to

* A steelyard.

« The Governor's own share was 200,000 pesos of gold and 60,000 in
silver, besides the gold litter of Atahuallpa.

» Garcilasso gives the royal fifth at 546,250 pesos of gold and 106,750
pesos of silver.

* Garcilasso says that the shares of these captains of cavalry was
90,000 pesos of gold and 30,000 of silver. The sixty men had 726,000
pesos of gold and 180,000 in silver.

DIVISION OF THE PLUNDER. 97

his services, position, and the labours he had gone through.^
A certain quantity of gold, which was set apart by the
Governor before the partition took place, was given to the
citizens of San Miguel, to those who came with the Captain
Diego de Almagro,* and to all the merchants and sailors
who arrived afterwards. Thus everyone in the country re-
ceived something; so that it might be called a general
melting, as it was general to alL^ One remarkable thing in

' Four captains of infantry got 90,000 pesos of gold and 30,000 of
silver, and a hundred men got 900,000 pesos of gold and 135,000 of
silver.

• Almagro got 30,000 ^tf«o* of gold and 10,000 of silver.

' The value of the silver was reckoned at twenty per cent, of the gold.
A ducat was worth eleven rials and one maravedi, or 375 maravedis.
100 pesos of gold were equal to 120 of silver, and 120 pesos of silver
were equal to 144 ducats. Therefore, 100 pesos of gold = 144 ducats.

Dtbcats,

The Governor's share of gold

252,000

„ „ silver

60,000

Three Captains of Cavalry. Share of gold -

129,600

tr »»

silver

36,000

Four Captains of Infantry

gold -

129,600

9? '7

silver

36,000

Sixty horsemen

'il

gold -

- 1,036,800

»? " ■

silver

129,600

Hundred foot soldiers

gold -

- 1,296,000

?i i»

silver

162,000

I'he 240 men of Almagro

gold -

259,200

f> ?i

silver

72,000

The Captain Almagro

gold -

43,200

n i»

silver

12,000

The Royal Fifth

gold -

786,600

n i>

silver

126,900

Increase of the refined silver

38,170

Total ransom of Atahuallpa

•

- 4,605,670

Of this sum 3,933,000 ducats was the value of the gold, and 372,670
ducats the value of the silver. This may be considered equal to
£3,500,000 of our money. ((?. dela Vega^ Pt. ii, lib. i, cap. 38, p. 51.)

In the division of plunder our author, Francisco de Xeres, as a horse-

98 HIGH PRICES.

this melting was that on one day they melted 80,000 pesos.
Usually the quantity was 50,000 to 60,000 pesos a day.
The melting was done by the Indians, who have among
them good silversmiths and melters, and they worked with
nine forges.

I must not omit to mention the prices which have been
given for provisions and other goods in this country, though
some are so high as to be incredible. Yet I can say with
truth that I saw it, and that I bought some of the things.
A horse was sold for 2,500 pesoa, and another for Z, ZOO pesos.
The ordinary price of horses was 2,500 pesos, and they were
difficult to get at that price. A jar of wine, of three azum-
hresy sold for sixty pesos. I gave forty pesos for two azum-
bres, A pair of high boots fetched thirty or {ortj pesos, and
a pair of shoes as much ; a cloak one hundred to one huur
dred and twenty pesos ; a sword forty to fifty ; a string of
garlics half a peso. All other things were in proportion,
(A peso is as much as a castellano,) A sheet of paper sold
for ten pesos, I gave twelve pesos for half an ounce of
damaged saffron. Much more might be said of the high
prices at which everything was sold ; and of the little store
that was set by gold and silver. If one man owed any-
thing to another, he paid it in a lump of gold, without
weighing the gold, and being quite indiflferent whether it
Was worth double the amount of the debt or not. Those
who owed money went from house to house, followed by an
Indian laden with gold, and seeking out their creditors to
pay them.

Having related how the melting and distributing of the
gold and silver were finished, the wealth of the land, and how
little store was set by gold and silver, as well by Spaniards
as Indians, I will now say something of the place which

man, received 362 marcos of silver and 8880 pesos of gold ; besides 94
marcos and 2220 pesos^ to be divided between himself and Pedro Sancho
for Secretary's work.

WEALTH OF THE YNCAS. 99

was subject to the Cuzco, and now belongs to Atabaliba.®
They say that it contained two houses made of gold, and
that the straws with which it was roofed were all made of
gold. With the gold that was brought from Cuzco, there
were some straws made of solid gold, with their spikes, just
as they would grow in the fields. If I was to recount all
the different varieties in the shape of the pieces of gold, my
story would never end. There was a stool of gold that
weighed eight arroboB? There were great fountains with
their pipes, through which water flowed into a reservoir on
the same fountains, where there were birds of different
kinds, and men drawing water from the fountain, all made
of gold. It was also ascertained from Atabaliba and Chili-
cuchima, and many others, that in Xauxa Atabaliba had
sheep and shepherds tending them, all made of gold ; and
the sheep and shepherds were large^ and of the size that
they are met with in this land. These pieces belonged to
his father, and he promised to give them to the Spaniards.
They relate wonderful things of the wealth of Atabaliba and
his father.

Now I must mention a thing which should not be for-
gotten. A chief, who was Lord of Caxamalca, appeared
before the Governor and said to him through the inter-
preters : ^^ I would have you to know that, after Atabaliba
was taken prisoner, he sent to Quito, his native land, and
to all the other provinces, with orders to collect troops to
march against you and your followers, and to kill you all ;
and all these troops are coming under the command of a
great captain called Lluminabi.^ This army is now very
near to this place. It will come at night and attack the

8 The city of Cuzco.

» The tiaria or throne of the Yncas. It fell to the share of Francisco
Pizarro himself. According to Garcilasso it was worth 25,000 pe«o« of
gold, (ii, lib. i, cap. 38.)

1 Rumi-fiaui,a general of Atahuallpa. The word means "Stone-eyed."

100 ACCUSATIONS AGAINST ATAHUALL1»A.

camp^ setting fire in all directions, and the first they will
try to kill will be yourself, and they will deliver Atabaliba
out of his prison. From Quito are coming two hundred
thousand men of war, and thirty thousand Caribs who eat
human flesh ; and from another province called Pa9alta, and
from other parts, come a great number of soldiers/'

When the Governor heard this, he thanked the chief and
did him much honour, and sent for a clerk to put it all down.
Then he made further inquiries, and, having taken the
statement to an uncle of Atabaliba, to some principal chiefs,
and to some women^ he found that all that the chief of Caxa-
malca had said was true.

The Governor then spoke to Atabaliba, saying : ^' What
treason is this that you have prepared for me ? For me
who have treated you with honour, like a brother, and have
trusted in your words I" Then he told him all the informa-
tion he had received. Atabaliba answered, saying : '^ Are
you laughing at me ? You are always making jokes when
you speak to me. What am I, and all my people, that we
should trouble such valiant men as you are ? Do not talk
such nonsense to me." He said all this without betraying a
sign of anxiety ; but he laughed the better to conceal his
evil design, and practised many other arts such as would
suggest themselves to a quick-witted man. After he was a
prisoner, the Spaniards who heard him were astounded to
find so much wisdom in a barbarian. The Governor ordered
a chain to be brought, which was fastened round the neck
of Atabaliba. He then sent two Indians as spies to find
out where this army was, for it was reported to be only
seven leagues from Caxamalca. He wished to ascertain
whether it was in such a position as that a hundred cavalry
could be sent against it. But it was reported that the
enemy was posted in a very rugged position, and that he
was approaching nearer. As soon as the chains were put
upon Atabaliba he had sent a messenger to his great

FALSE EEP0ET8. 101

Captain saying that the Governor had killed him, and on
receiving this news the Captain and his army began to re-
treat. But Atabaliba sent other messengers after the first,
ordering them to advance without delay, and sending orders
how and in what direction to march, and at what hour to
attack the camp ; adding that he was still alive, but that if
they delayed he would be killed.

The Governor knew all this, and he ordered a careful watch
to be kept in the camp. The cavalry were to go the rounds
three times during the night; fifty horsemen going each
round, and at the rounds of daybreak the whole hundred and
fifty horsemen. During these nights the Governor and his
Captains never slept, but looked after the rounds, and saw
that all were on the alert. The soldiers who slept during
the watch did not let go their arms, and their horses were
kept saddled. This watchfulness was continued in the camp
until, at sunset one Saturday evening two Indians, of those
who served the Spaniards, came in and reported that they
had fled from the hostile army, which was only three leagues
distant, and that on that or the next night the camp of the
Christians would be attacked ; because they were marching
rapidly in obedience to orders from Atabaliba.

Then the Governor, with the concurrence of the officers
of his Majesty, and of the captains and persons of expe-
rience, sentenced Atabaliba to death.^ His sentence was
that, for the treason he had committed, he should die by y
burning, unless he became a Christian ; and this execution
was for the security of the Christians, the good of the whole
land, and to secure its conquest and pacification. For on
the death of Atabaliba all his troops would presently dis-

* ^^ Atabalipa wept, and said that they should not kill him, that there
-was not an Indian in Ihe land who would move without his orders, and
that, he being prisoner, what could they fear? I saw the Marquis weep
with sorrow, at not being able to spare his life, by reason of the risk of
his escaping." — Pedro Pizarro.

102 MURDER OF ATAHUALLPA.

perse, and would not have the courage to attack us or to
obey his orders.

They brought out Atabaliba to execution ; and, when he
came into the square, he said he would become a Christian.
The Governor was informed, and ordered him to be baptized.
The ceremony was performed by the very reverend Father
Friar Vicente de Valverde. The Governor then ordered
that he should not be burnt, but that he should be fastened
to a pole in the open space and strangled. This was done,
and the body was left until the morning of the next day,
when the Monks, and the Governor with the other Spaniards,
conveyed it into the church,.where it was interred with much
solemnity, and with all the honours that could be shown it.*

* The pretext for murdering Atahnallpa was false, and Xeres, the
murderer's secretary, knew that it was false when he wrote this narrative.
It was pretended that an Indian army was assembled at Huamachuco,
and Hernando de Soto, who was a gentleman and no murderer, was sent,
with a small force, ostensibly to ascertain the truth of the report, but
really to get him out of the way. He was accompanied by Rodrigo
Orgonez, Pedro Ortiz de Orue, Miguel de Estete, and Lope Velez.
Hernando Pizarro had already departed for Spain, to report the dis-
covery and with good store of gold.

Then Pizarro, Almagro, and the worst of the gang, with Friar Val-
verde, determined to murder Atahuallpa^ and thus get rid of an obstacle
in their way. There was a mock trial. Pizarro and Almagro were the
Judges, the Clerk of the Court was Sancho de Cuellar, and Filipillo,
who had a malignant spite against Atahuallpa, was interpreter. The
indictment was drawn up in the form of twelve questions : —

1. Did you know Huayna Ccapac, and how many wives had he ?

2. Was Huascar the legitimate heir, and Atahuallpa a bastard?

3. Had the Ynca other sons?

4. Was Atahuallpa the heir by inheritance, or usurpation ?

5. Was Huascar deprived by his father's will, or was he declared heir?

6. Was Huascar murdered by order of Atahuallpa ?

7. Was Atahuallpa an idolater, and did he enforce human sacrifices?

8. Had Atahuallpa waged unjust wars ?

9. Had Atahuallpa many concubines?

10. Had Atahuallpa received and spent tribute, since the arrival of
the Spaniards ?

MURDER OP ATAHTJALLPA. 103

Sucli was the end of this man^ who had been so cruel. He
died with great fortitude, and without shewing any feeling,
saying that he entrusted his children to the Governor,

11. Had Atahuallpa given treasure to his relations and captains, since

the Spaniards came ?

12. Had Atahuallpa ordered troops to be assembled to make war on

the Spaniards ?

Ten witnesses were examined, seven of whom were servants of the
Spaniards, and Filipillo turned their words into what meaning he pleased.
One witness, a captain named Quespi, suspected the interpreter, and
would only answer Ari (Yes) and Manan (No), nodding and shaking
his head, that all might understand.

The few men of honour and respectability, then at Caxamarca, pro-
tested against the murder. Their names are more worthy of remem-
brance than those of the thirteen who crossed the line at the isle of Gallo,
They were : besides, 1. Hernando de Soto.

2. Francisco de Chaves,") brothers, natives

3. Diego de Chaves, > of Truxillo,

4. Francisco de Fuentes.

5. Pedro de Ayala.

6. Diego de Mora.

7. Francisco Moscoso.

8. Hernando de Haro.

9. Pedro de Mendoza.

10. Juan de Herrada.

11. Alonzo de Avila.

12. Bias de Atienza.

They represented that Pizarro had no jurisdiction over a foreign king,
like Atahuallpa ; that to kill a king who was a prisoner, and whose
ransom they had taken, would bring shame and dishonour on the Spanish
name ; that if he had done wrong the Emperor should judge him ; and
they appealed from the iniquitous sentence to the justice of the Emperor,
naming Juan de Herrada, one of their number, as the protector of the
king Atahuallpa. But they wiBre overruled, and the murder was perpe-
trated. Two days afterwards Hernando de Soto returned, and reported
that there was no Indian army near, and no insurrection. He found the
Governor, by way of mourning, wearing a great felt hat slouched over
his eyes. He was justly indignant at the murder ; which Pizarro was
unable to defend. He said: '* Sir, you have done ill. It would have
been right to have waited for our return; for the accusation against Ata-
baliba is false; no armed men have been assembled." The Governor
answered: **Now I see that I have been deceived." Pizarro blamed

104 MUBDEB OF ATAHUALLPA.

Wlien they took his body to be buried there was loud
mouruing among the women and servants of his household.
He died on Saturday, at the same hour that he was taken

Valverde the Monk, and Riqnelme the Royal Treasurer, who, he said,
had urged him to commit the crime ; and there were mutual recrimina-
tions.

Soon afterwards, when the Spaniards left Cassamarca and were march-
ing on Cuzco, Titu Atauchi, the brother of Atahuallpa, attacked them
at Tocto, in the province of Huayllas, with six thousand men, and cap-
tured eight Spaniards. Among his prisoners were Sancho de Cuellar,
Francisco de Chaves, Hernando de Haro, Alonzo de Alarcon, and others.
The Ynca Prince took them to Cassamarca, which place had then been
abandoned by the Spaniards. Cuellar, who had been Clerk to the
Court at the mock trial of Atahuallpa, got his deserts. He was publicly
executed in the square of Cassamarca, at the same pole against which
the Ynca was strangled. Alarcon, whose leg was broken, was carefully
tended ; while Chaves and Haro, who had protested against the murder
of Atahuallpa, were treated with the greatest kindness by the Indians.
Prince Titu Atauchi made a treaty with them, in which it was stipulated
that the Spaniards and Indians should be friends, that Manco (the legi-
timate son of Huayna Ccapac) should succeed to the llautu and that all
the Ynca laws in favour of the people, which were not opposed to
Christianity, should be observed. He then set Chaves and his comrades
free, with many good wishes ; and they went to Cuzco to try to get the
treaty ratified by Pizarro, but without success. Titu Atauchi, who was
a brave, generous, and able Prince, unfortunately died very soon after-
wards.

It would be interesting to trace the fate of the twelve honourable men
who protested against the murder of Atahuallpa.

Hernando de Soto, as is well known, abandoned Peru and its cruel
conquerors, discovered Florida, and found a grave in the bed of the
Mississippi.

Francisco de Chaves, a native of Truxillo, was afterwards employed
in reducing the Conchucos. He was murdered at Lima in 1641, in at-
tempting to defend the staircase against the assassins of Pizarro. Zarate
says that when he died he was the most important personage in Peru,
next to Pizarro. — BisL del Feni, lib. iv, cap. 8.

Diego de Mora settled at the new city, called Truxillo, on the coast
of Peru. Gasca made him a Captain of Cavalry, and we last hear of
him as receiving the appointment of Corregidor of Lima, for the Royal
Audience, during the rebellion of Giron.

Juan de Herrada was a staunch follower of Almagro. When that
Captain made his expedition to Chile, his intimate friend Herrada was

MURDER OP ATAHUALLPA. 105

prisoner and defeated. Some said that it was for his sins
that he died on the day and hour that he was seized. Thus
he was punished for the great evils and cruelties that he
had inflicted upon his vassals ; for all, with one voice, de-
clare that he was the greatest and most cruel butcher that
had been seen among men; that for a very slight cause he
would destroy a village, such as some trivial fault com-
mitted by a single man ; and that he killed ten thousand

left behind at Cuzco, to briag reinforcements. Five months afterwards
Herrada set out with more men, and, after enduring terrible hardships,
reached Copiapo in Chile, returning with Almagro by the desert of
Atacama. He conveyed to Almagro the Royal Provision, which granted
that Captain one hundred leagues of country beyond the jurisdiction of
Pizarro. This Provision was brought out from Spain by Hernando
Pizarro, and the dispute as to the position of the frontier line led to the
civil war and the death of Almagro.

Bias de Atienza is enumerated by Balboa as one of the heroic adven-
turers who crossed the line with Pizarro at the Isle of Gallo. (See note,
p. 9.) He afterwards settled at Truxillo, on the Peruvian coast. But
we hear of him in still earlier days. When Vasco Nufiez came in sight
of the South Sea in 1513, he sent out three scouting parties to explore,
under Francisco Pizarro, Juan de Escaray, and Alonzo Martin. The
latter found a canoe on the beach, and, stepping into it, called his men
to witness that he was the first European who ever embarked on the
South Sea. His example was followed by Bias de Atienza, who cried
out that he was the second, {flerrera^ Dec. i, lib. x, cap. 2.) His
daughter Inez de Atienza, the widow of Pedro de Arcos of Piura, was
beloved by Pedro de Ursua, whom she accompanied on his expedition to
discover El Dorado and Omagua in 1560. After his murder she became
the mistress of Lorenzo Salduendo, one of the pirates, and was herself
murdered by the notorious pirate Aguirre. (See Search f of El Dorado^
p. 85.) A certain Friar Bias de Atienza published a book at Lima, en-
titled Relacion de los Religiosos^ in 1617 ; and there was a Missionary
named Juan de Atienza, who died at Lima in 1592. These were pro-
bably sons of the Conqueror and brothers of the lady Inez. {Sol del
Nuevo Mundo^ p. 59.)

I have not been able to discover the subsequent history of any of the
other denouncers of the murder of Atahuallpa. Except Francisco de
Chaves, Francisco de Fuentes, and Pedro de Mendoza, I find none in
the list of first conquerors who received shares of Atahuallpa's ransom,
so that the rest must have come with Almagro.

106 A COMET.

persons^ and held all the country by tyranny^ so that he was
very heartily detested by all the inhabitants.

Soon afterwards the Governor took another son of old
Cuzco^ named Atabaliba^ who had shown a desire to be
friendly to the Spaniards^ and placed him in the lordship^
in presence of the chiefs and lords of the surrounding dis-
tricts^ and of many other Indians.^ He ordered them to
receive him as their lord^ and to obey him as they had
obeyed Atabaliba ; for that he was their proper lord, being
legitimate son of old Cuzco. They all answered that they
would receive him as their lord, and obey him as the
Governor had ordered.

Now I wish to mention a notable thing. It is, that twenty
days before this happened, and before there were any
tidings of the army that Atabaliba had ordered to be
assembled, it happened that Atabaliba was, one night, very
cheerful with some Spaniards with whom he was conversing.
Suddenly there appeared a sign in the heavens, in the
direction of Cuzco, like a fiery comet, which lasted during
the greater part of the night. When Atabaliba saw this
sign he said that a great lord would very soon have to die
in that land.^

When the Governor had placed the younger Atabaliba in
the state and lordship of that land (as we have mentioned)
the Governor told him that he must communicate to him
the orders of his Majesty, and what he must do to become
his vassal. Atabaliba replied that he must retire during
four days, without speaking to anyone, for such was the

^ Herrera says he was a son of Atahoallpa, named Toparpa. But
this is not an Ynca name at all. He died soon afterwards. (Dec. v,
lib. iii, cap. 6, p. 69.)

^ Garcilasso says it was a greenish-black comet, nearly as thick as a
man. It was seen in July or August, 1533, and is certainly the one ob-
served by Appian, according to Humboldt. On July 21st, 1533, standing
high in the north, near the constellation of Perseus, it represented the
sword which Perseus holds in his right hand.

RETURN OP SICK AND WOUNDED. 107

custom among them when a Lord died^ that his successor
might be feared and obeyed^ and afterwards all yield
obedience to him. So he was in retirement for four days,
and afterwards the Governor arranged conditions of peace
with him^ to the sound of trumpets, and the royal standard
was put into his hands. He received and held it up for the
Emperor our Lord, thus becoming his vassal. Then all the
principal lords and chiefs, who were present, joyfully re-
ceived him as their lord, kissed his hand and cheek, and,
turning their faces to the sun, gave thanks with joined
hands, for having been granted a native ruler* Thus was
this lord received in the place of Atabaliba, and presently
he put on a very rich fringe, secured round his head and
descending: over the forehead, so as almost to cover his eyes.
Among these people this is the crown which he who is
Lord of the lordship of Cuzco wears, and so it was worn by
Atabaliba.

After all this, some of the Spaniards who had conquered
the land, chiefly those who had been there a long time, and
others who were worn out with illness or unable to serve by
reason of their wounds, besought leave from the Governor
to depart with the gold, silver, and precious stones that had
fallen to their share, and to return to their homes. Per-
mission was granted, and some of them went with Hernando
Pizarro, the brother of the Governor. Others received per-
mission afterwards, seeing that new men continued to re-
sort to this land, drawn thither by the fame of its riches.
The Governor gave some sheep and Indians to the Spaniards
who had obtained leave to go home, to carry their gold and
silver and clothes to the town of San Miguel. On the road
some of them lost gold and silver to the amount of more
than 25,000 castellanos, because the sheep ran away with
the gold and silver, and some of the Indians also fled. On
this journey they suffered much hunger and thirst, and
many hardships from a want of people to carry their loads.

108 ARRIVAL OF PLUNDER IN SPAIN.

From the city of Cuzco to the port the distance is nearly
two hundred leagues. At last they embarked and went to
Panama^ and thence to Noinbre de Dios, where they again
embarked^ and our Lord conducted them to Seville, at
which port foar ships have arrived, np to the present time,
which brought the following quantity of gold and silver : —

On the 5th of December, 1534, the first of these four
ships arrived at the city of Seville. In her was the Captain
Christoval de Mena, who brought 8000 pesos of gold and
950 marcs of silver. There wa& also on board a reverend
clergyman, a native of -Seville, named Juan de Losa, who
brought 6000 pesos of gold and eighty marcs of silver. Be-
side these quantities, 38,946 pesos arrived in that ship.

In the year 1534, on the 9th of January, the second ship
arrived, named the Santa Maria de Gampo, with the Captain
Hernando Pizarro on board, brother of Francisco Pizarro, the
Governor and Captain-General of New Castille. In this ship
there came, for his Majesty, 153,000 pesos of gold and 5048
marc^s of silver. Besides this, several passengers and private
persons brought 310,000 pesos of gold and 13,500 marcs of
silver. This treasure came in bars and planks, and in pieces
of gold and silver enclosed in large boxes.

In addition to all this, the ship brought, for his Majesty,
thirty-eight vases of gold and forty-eight of silver, among
which there was an eagle of silver. In its body were
fitted two vases and two large pots, one of gold and
the other of silver, each of which was capable of contain-
ing a cow cut into pieces. There were also two sacks
of gold, each capable of holding two fanegas of wheat ; an
idol of gold, the size of a child four years old; and two
small drums. The other vases were of gold and silver, each
one capable of holding two arrobas and more. In the same
ship passengers brought home forty-four vases of silver and
four of gold.

This treasure was landed on the mole and conveyed to

RETURN OP THE AUTHOR TO SPAIN. 109

the Casa de Gontratacion, the vases being carried, and the
rest in twenty-six boxes, a pair of bullocks drawing a cart
containing two boxes.

On the 3rd of July in the same year, three other ships
arrived. The master of one was Francisco Rodriguez, and
of the other Francisco Pabon. They brought, for passen-
gers and private persons, 146,518 pesos of gold and 30,509
marcs of silver.

Without counting the above vases and pieces of gold and
silver, the total amount of gold brought by these four ships
was 708,580 pesos, a peso of gold being equal to a castellano.
Each peso is commonly valued at 450 maravedis ; so that,
taking all the gold, except vases and other pieces, that was
registered in these four ships, it would be worth 318,860,000
maravedis.

The silver was 49,008 marcs. Each ware is equal to eight
ounces, which, counted at 2210 maravedis, makes the total
value of the silver 108,307,680 maravedis.

One of the last two ships that arrived, in which Francisco
Rodriguez was master, belonged to Francisco de Xeres, a
native of the town of Seville, who wrote this narrative by
order of the Governor Francisco Pizarro, being in the pro-
vince of New Castillo, in the city of Caxamalca, as Secre-
tary to the Governor.

Praise to God.

LETTER

FEOM

HEKNANDO PIZARKO

TO THB

ROYAL AUDIENCE OF SANTO DOMINGO.

DATED

NOVEMBER 1533.

LETTER FROM HERNANDO PIZARRO

TO THE

EOYAL AUDIENCE OF SANTO DOMINGO.

To th-e Magnificent Lords, the Judges of the Royal Audience
of His Majesty who reside in the city of Santo Domingo,

Magnificent Lords, — I arrived in this port of Yaguana on
my way to Spain, by order of the Governor Francisco
PizarrOj to inform his Majesty of what has happened in that
government of Peru, to give an account of the country, and
of its present condition ; and, as I believe that those who
come to this| city give your worships inconsistent accounts,
it has seemed well to me to write a summary of what has
taken place, that you may be informed of the truth, from
the time that Ysasaga came from that land, by whom your
worships will have been apprised of what had taken place
up to the time of his departure.

The Governor, in the name of his Majesty, founded a town
near the sea coast, which was called San Miguel. It is
twenty-five leagues from that point of Tumbez. Having
left citizens there, and assigned the Indians in the district
to them, he set out with sixty horse and ninety foot, in search
of the town of Caxamalca, at which place he was informed
that Atabaliva then was, the son of old Cuzco,^ and brother
of him who is now Lord of that land.* Between the two

^ Tnca Huayna Ccapac.

« The puppet set up by Francisco Pizarro, when he murdered Atahu-
allpa, and who died two months afterwards.

114 MARCH TO CASSA-MAECA.

brothers* there had been a very fierce war, and this Ataba-
liya had conquered the land as far as he then was^ which,
from the point whence he started, was a hundred and fifty
leagues. After seven or eight marches, a Captain of Ata*
baliva came to the Governor, and said that his Lord had
heard of his arrival and rejoiced greatly at it, having a strong
desire to see the Christians; and when he had been two
days with the Governor he said that he wished to go for-
ward and tell the news to his Lord, and that another would
soon be on the road with a present, as a token of peace.
The Governor continued his march until he came to a town
called La Ramada.^ Up to that point all the land was fiat,
while all beyond was very rugged, and obstructed by very
difficult passes. When he saw that the messenger from
Atabaliva did not return, he wished to obtain intelligence
from some Indians who had come from Caxamalca ; so they
were tortured,'^ and they then said that they had heard that
Atabaliva was waiting for the Governor in the mountains to
give him battle. The Governor then ordered the troops to ad-
vance, leaving the rear guard in the plain. The rest ascended,
and the road was so bad that, in truth, if they had been
waiting for us, either in this pass or in another that we came
to on the road to Caxamalca, they could very easily have
stopped us; for, even by exerting all our skill, we could
not have taken the horses by the roads ; and neither horse
nor foot can cross those mountains except by the roads.
The distance across them to Caxamalca is twenty leagues.

When we were half-way, messengers arrived from Ata-
baliva, and brought provisions to the Governor. They said

> Ynca Huascar and Atahuallpa.

^ A hut covered with the branches of trees. Apparently a name given
by the Spaniards to the place at which they halted, at the foot of the
mountains.

* This was the regular custom of Hernando Pizarro, to torture the
Indians before asking them questions. The consequence was, that he
was told lies, and as in this instance, as will be seen further on.

INTERVIEW WITH ATAHUALLPA. 115

that Atabaliva was waiting for him at Gaxamalca^ wishing
to be his friend ; and that he wished the Governor to know
that his captains, whom he has sent to the war of Cuzco,
had taken his brother prisoner, that they would reach Gaxa-
malca within two days, and that all the territory of his father
now belonged to him. The Governor sent back to say that
he rejoiced greatly at this news, and that if there was any
Lord who refused to submit, he would give assistance and
subjugate him. Two days afterwards the Governor came in
sight of Cazamalca, and he met Indians with food. He put
the troops in order, and marched to the town. Atabaliva
was not there, but was encamped on the plain, at a distance
of a league, with all his people in tents. When the Gover-
nor saw that Atabaliva did not come, he sent a Captain,'with
fifteen horsemen, to speak to Atabaliva, saying that he
would not assign quarters to the Christians until he knew
where it was the pleasure of Atabaliva that they should
lodge, and he desired him to come that they might be
friends. Just then I went to speak to the Governor, touch-
ing the orders in case the Indians made a night attack. He
told me that he had sent men to seek an interview with
Atabaliva. I told him that, out of the sixty cavalry we had,
there might be some men who were not dexterous on horse-
back, and some unsound horses, and that it seemed a mis-
take to pick out fifteen of the best; for, if Atabaliva
should attack them, their numbers were insufficient for de-
fence, and any reverse might lead to a great disaster. He,
therefore, ordered me to follow with other twenty horsemen,
and to act according to circumstances.

When I arrived I found the other horsemen near the
camp of Atabaliva, and that their officer had gone to speak
with him. I left my men there also, and advanced with two
horsemen to the lodging of Atabaliva, and the Captain an-
nounced my approach and who I was. I then told Ataba-
liva that the Governor had sent me to visit him, and to ask

116 INTERVIEW WITH ATAHUALLPA.

him to come that they might be friends. He replied that a
Cacique of the town of San Miguel had sent to tell him
that we were bad people and not good for war, and that he
himself had killed some of us, both men and horses. I an-
swered that those people of San Miguel were like women,
and that one horse was enough for the whole of them ; that,
when he saw us fight, he would know what we were like ;
that the Governor had a great regard for him j that if he
had any enemy he had only to say so, and that the Governor
would send to conquer him. He said that, four marches
from that spot, there were some very rebellious Indians who
would not submit to him, and that the Christians might go
there to help his troops. I said that the Governor would
send ten horsemen, who would suffice for the whole country,
and that his Indians were unnecessary, except to search for
those who concealed themselves. He smiled like a man
who did not think so much of us. The Captain told me
that, until I came, he had not been able to get him to speak,
but that one of his chiefs had answered for him, while he
always kept his head down. He was seated in all the
majesty of command, surrounded by all his women, and
with many chiefs near him. Before coming to his presence
there was another group of chiefs, each standing according
to his rank. At sunset I said that I wished to go, and
asked him to tell me what to say to the Governor. He re-
plied that he would come to see him on the following morn-
ing, that he would lodge in three great chambers in the
courtyard, and that the centre one should be set apart for
himself.

That night a good look-out was kept. In the morning
he sent messengers to put off his visit until the afternoon ;
and these messengers, in conversing with some Indian girls
in the service of the Christians, who were their relations,
told them to run away because Atabaliva was coming that
afternoon to attack the Christians and kill them. Among

MESSAGES BETWEEN THE CAMPS. 117

the messengers there came that Captain who had already
met the Governor on the road. He told the Governor that
his Lord Atabaliva said that^ as the Christians had come
armed to his camp, he also would come armed. The Go-
vernor replied that he might come as he liked. Atabaliva
set out from his camp at noon^ and when he came to a place
which was about half a quarter of a league from Caxamalca^
he stopped until late in the afternoon. There he pitched
his tents, and formed his men in three divisions. The whole
road was full of men, and they had not yet left oflf marching
out of the camp. The Governor had ordered his troops to
be distributed in the three halls {galpones)^ which were in
the open courtyard, in form of a triangle ; and he ordered
them to be mounted and armed until the intentions of Ata-
baliva were known^ Having pitched his tents, Atabaliva
sent a messenger to the Governor to say that, as it was now
late, he wished to sleep where he was, and that he would
come in the morning. The Governor sent back to beg
him to come at once, because he was waiting for supper,
and that he should not sup until Atabaliva should come.
The messengers came back to ask the Governor to send a
Christian to Atabaliva, that he intended to come at once,
and that he would come unarmed. The Governor sent a
Christian,'' and presently Atabaliva moved, leaving the armed
men behind him. He took with him about five or six
thousand Indians without arms, except that, under their
shirts, they had small darts and slings with stones.

• The word galpon is not Spanish. Garcilasso says that it belonged
to the language of the Windward Islands, and that the Spaniards adopted
it. The word means a large hall or court. The Yncas had such halls
attached to their palaces, which were so large that festivals were held in
them, when the weather was rainy. Such vast halls may still be seen
among the ruins of Hervay and Fachacamac. In Cuzco they have been
converted into modem houses. The villages of slaves in modem had'
endaa on the Peruvian coast, which are enclosed by high walls, are called
ffalpones,

' Xeres says that he refused to send the Christian. See p. 50.

118 SEIZURE OP ATAHUALLPA.

He came in a litter^ and before him went three or four
hundred Indians in liveries^^ cleaning the straws from the
road and singing. Then came Atabaliya in the midst of his
chiefs and principal men^ the greatest among them being
also borne on men's shoulders. When they entered the
open space^ twelve or fifteen Indians went up to the little
fortress that was there and occupied it^ taking possession
with a banner fixed on a lance. When Atabaliva had ad-
vanced to the centre of the open space^ he stopped^ and a
Dominican Friar, who was with the Governor, came forward
to tell him, on the part of the Governor, that he waited for
him in his lodging, and that he was sent to speak with him.
The Friar then told Atabaliva that he was a Priest, and that
he was sent there to teach the things of the Faith, if they
should desire to be Christians. He showed Atabaliva a
book which he carried in his hands, and told him that that
book contained the things of God. Atabaliva asked for the
book, and threw it on the ground, saying : — " I will not
leave this place until you have restored all that you have
taken in my land. I know well who you are, and what you
have come for.'' Then he rose up in his litter, and addressed
his men, and there were murmurs among them and calls to
those who were armed.. The Friar went to the Governor
and reported what was being done, and that no time was
to be lost. The Governor sent to me ; and I had arranged
with^ the Captain of the artillery that, when a sign was
given, he .should discharge his pieces, and that, on hearing
the reports, all the troops should come forth at once. This
was done, and as the Indians were unarmed, they were de-
feated without danger to any Christian. Those who carried
the litter, and the chiefs who surrounded Atabaliva, were
all killed, falling round him. The Governor came out and
seized Atabaliva, and, in protecting him, he received a knife-

8 In liveries of different colours, like a chess-board, Xeres tells us.
See p. 53.

PIZABEO AND ATAHUALLPA. 119

cut from a Christian m the hand. The troops continued the
pursuit as far as the place where the armed Indians were
stationed, who made no resistance whatever, because it was
now night. All were brought into the town, where the
Governor was quartered.

Next morning the Governor ordered us to go to the camp
of Atabaliva, where we found forty thousand castellanos and
four or five thousand marcos of silver. The camp was as
full of people as if none were wanting. All the people were
assembled, and the Governor desired them to go to their
homes, and told them that he had not come to do them
harm, that what he had done was by reason of the pride of
Atabaliva, and that he himself ordered it. On asking Ata-
baliva why he had thrown away the book and shown so
much pride, he answered that his captain, who had been
sent to speak with the Governor, had told him that the
Christians were not warriors, that the horses were unsaddled
at night, and that with two hundred Indians he could defeat
them all. He added that this captain and the chief of San
Miguel had deceived him. The Governor then inquired
concerning his brother the Cuzco,^ and he answered that he
would arrive next day, that he was being brought as a
prisoner, and that his captain remained with the troops in
the town of Cuzco. It afterwards turned out that in all this
he had spoken the truth, except that he had sent orders for
his brother to be killed, lest the Governor should restore
him to his lordship. The Governor said that he had not
come to make war on the Indians, but that our Lord the
Emperor, who was Lord of the whole world, had ordered
him to come that he might see the land, and let Atabaliva
know the things of our Faith, in case he should wish to be-
come a Christian. The Governor also told him that that
land, and all other lands, belonged to the Emperor, and
that he must acknowledge him as his Lord. He replied that

° Ynca Huascar.

mmmmmmmmtmmm^imim^^mmrf

120 HEENANDO PIZAREO AT HUAMACHUCO.

he was content, and, observing that the Christians had col-
lected some gold, Atabaliva said to the Governor that they
need not take such care of it, as if there was so little ; for
that he could give them ten thousand plates,^ and that he
could fill the room in which he was up to a white line, which
was the height of a man and a half from the floor. The
room was seventeen or eighteen feet wide, and thirty-five
feet long. He said that he could do this in two months.

Two months passed away, and the gold did not arrive, but
the Governor received tidings that every day parties of men
were advancing against him. In order both to ascertain
the truth of these reports, and to hurry the arrival of the
gold, the Governor ordered me to set out with twenty
horsemen and ten or twelve foot soldiers for a place called
Guamachuco, which is twenty leagues from Caxamalca.
This was the place where it was reported that armed men
were collecting together. I advanced to that tovm, and
found a quantity of gold and silver, which I sent thence to
Caxamalca. Some Indians, who were tortured,^ told us
that the captains and armed men were at a place six leagues
from Guamachuco ; and, though I had no instructions from
the Governor to advance beyond that point, I resolved to
push forward with fourteen horsemen and nine foot soldiers,
in order that the Indians might not take heart at the notion
that we had retreated. The rest of my party were sent to
guard the gold, because their horses were lame. Next
morning I arrived at that town, and did not find any armed
men there, and it turned out that the Indians had told lies;
perhaps to frighten us and induce us to return.

At this village I received permission from the Governor
to go to a mosque of which we had intelligence, which was

^ T^'uelos, square pieces of metal, on which the points of gates or
large doors turn. Quoits are also called tejuelos,

^ Here the ruffian is at his torturing tricks again ; and is again only
told lies for his pains.

DESCEIPTION OF THE COUNTRY. 121

a hundred leagues away on the sea-coast^ in a town called
Pachacama. It took us twenty-two days to reach it. The
road over the mountains is a thing worth seeing^ because^
though the ground is so rugged^ such beautiful roads could
not in truth be found throughout Christendom. The greater
part of them is paved. There is a bridge of stone or wood
over every stream. We found bridges of network over a
very large and powerful river, which we crossed twice,
which was a marvellous thing to see. The horses crossed
over by them. At each passage they have two bridges, the
one by which the common people go over, and the other for
the lords of the land and their captains. The approaches
are always kept closed, with Indians to guard them. These
Indians exact transit dues from all passengers. The chiefs
and people of the mountains are more intelligent than those
of the coast. The country is populous. There are mines in
many parts of it. It is a cold climate, it snows, and there
is much rain. There are no swamps. Fuel is scarce. Ata-
baliva has placed governors in all the principal towns, and
his predecessors had also appointed governors. In all these
towns there were houses of imprisoned women, with guards
at the doors, and these women preserve their virginity. If
any Indian has any connection with them his punishment is
death. Of these houses, some are for the worship of the
Sun, others for that of old Ouzco,^ the father of Atabaliva.
Their sacrifices consist of sheep and chicha^^ which they
pour out on the ground. They have another house of
women in each of the principal towns, also guarded. These
women are assembled by the chiefs of the neighbouring
districts, and when the lord of the land passes by they select
the best to present to him, and when they are taken others
are chosen to fill up their places. These women also have
the duty of making chicha for the soldiers when they pass

» The Ynca Huayna Ccapac.
♦ Fermented liquor from maize.

122 DESCEIPTION OF THE COUNT EY.

that way. They took Indian girls out of these houses and
presented them to us. All the surrounding chiefs come to
these towns on the roads to perform service when the army
passes. They have stores of fuel and maize^ and of aU other
necessaries. They count by certain knots on cords^ and so
record what each chief has brought. When they had to
bring us loads of fuel^ maize^ chicha, or meat^ they took off
knots or made knots on some other part ; so that those who
have charge of the stores keep an exact account. In all
these towns they received us mth great festivities^ dancing
and rejoicing.

When we arrive^ on the plains of the sea coast we met
with a people who were less civilised^ but the country was
populous. They also have houses of women^ and all the
other arrangements as in the towns of the mountains. They
never wished to speak to us of the mosque^ for there was an
order that all who should speak to us of it should be put to
death. But as we had intelligence that it was on the coast^
we followed the high road until we came to it. The road is
very wide^ with an earthen wall on either side^ and houses
for resting at intervals, which were prepared to receive the
Cuzco when he travelled that way. There are very large
villages, the houses of the Indians being built of canes ; and
those of the chiefs are of earth with roofs of branches of
trees ; for in that land it never rains. From the city of San
Miguel to this mosque the distance is one hundred and
sixty or one hundred and eighty leagues, the road passing
near the sea shore through a very populous country. The
road^ with a wall on each side^ traverses the whole of this
country ; and^ neither in that part nor in the part further
on> of which we had notice for two hundred leagues^ does it
ever rain. They live by irrigation, for the rainfall is so
great in the mountains that many rivers flow from them, so
that throughout the land there is not three leagues without
a river. The distance from the sea to the mountains is in

PACHACAMAC. 123

some parts ten leagues^ in others twelve. It is not cold.
Throughout the whole of this coast land^ and beyond it,
tribute is not paid to Cuzco, but to the mosque. The bishop
of it was in Caxamalca with the Governor. He had ordered
another room of gold, such as Atabaliva had ordered, and the
Governor ordered me to go on this business, and to hurry
those who were collecting it. When I arrived at the mosque,
I asked for the gold, and they denied it to me, saying that
they had none. I made some search, but could not find it.
The neighbouring chiefs came to see me, and brought pre-
sents, and in the mosque there was found some gold dust,
which was left behind when the rest was concealed. Alto-
gether I collected 86,000 castellanos and 3000 mwrcos of
silver.

This town of the mosque is very large, and contains grand
edifices and courts. Outside, there is another great space
surrounded by a wall, with a door opening on the mosque.
In this space there are the houses of the women, who, they
say, are the women of the devil. Here, also, are the store-
rooms, where the stores of gold are kept. There is no one
in the place where these women are kept. Their sacrifices
are the same as those to the Sun, which I have already
described. Before entering the first court of the mosque,
a man must fast for twenty days ; before ascending to the
court above, he must fast for a year. In this upper court
the bishop used to be. When messengers of the chiefs,
who had fasted for a year, went up to pray to God that he
would give them a good harvest, they found the bishop
seated, with his head covered. There are other Indians
whom they call pages of the Sun. When these messengers
of the chief delivered their messages to the bishop, the pages
of the devil went into a chamber, where they said that he
speaks to them ; and that devil said that he was enraged
with the chiefs, with the sacrifices they had to offer, and
with the presents they wished to bring. I believe that they

124 PACHACAHAC.

do not speak with the devil^ bat that these his servants de-
ceive the chiefs. For I took pains to investigate the matter^
and an old page^ who was one of the chief and most con-
fidential servants of their god^ told a chiefs who repeated it
to me^ that the devil said they were not to fear the horses^
as they could do no harm. I caused the page to be tortured,
and he was so stubborn in his evil creed^ that I could never
gather anything from him^ but that they really held their
devil to be a god. This mosque is so feared by all the
Indians, that they believe that if any of those servants of
the devil asked them for anything and they refused it, they
would presently die. It would seem that the Indians do
not worship this devil from any feehngs of devotion, but from
fear. For the chiefs told me that, up to that time, they had
served that mosque because they feared it ; but that now
they had no fear but of us, and that, therefore, they wished
to serve us. The cave in which the devil was placed was
very dark, so that one could not enter it without a light,
and within it was very dirty. I made aU the Caciques,
who came to see me, enter the place that they might lose
their feai: ; and, for want of a preacher, I made my sermon,
explaining to them the errors in which they lived.

In this town I learnt that the principal Captain of Ata^
baliva^ was at a distance of twenty leagues from us, in a
town called Jauja. I sent to tell him to come and see me,
and he replied that I should take the road to Caxamalca,
and that he would take another road and meet me. The
Governor, on hearing that the Captain was for peace and
that he was ready to come with me, wrote to me to tell me
to return; and he sent three Christians to Cuzco, which is
fifty leagues beyond Jauja, to take possession and to see
the country. I returned by the road of Caxamalca, and by
another road, where the Captain of Atabaliva was to join
me. But he had not started ; and I learnt from certain

» This was Chalcuchima.

XAUXA. 125

chiefs that he had not moved^ and that he had taken me in.
So I went back to the place where he was, and the road
was veiy rugged, and so obstructed with snow, that it cost
us much labour to get there. Having reached the royal
road, and come to a place called Bombon, I met a Captain
of Atabaliva with five thousand armed Indians whom Ata-
baliva had sent on pretence of conquering a rebel chief;
but, as it afterwards appeared, they were assembled to kill
the Christians. Here we found 500,000 'pesos of gold that
they were taking to Caxamalca. This Captain told me that
the Captain-General remained in Jauja, that he knew of
our approach, and was much afraid. I sent a messenger to
him, to tell him to remain where he was, and to fear nothing.
I also found a negro here, who had gone with the Christians
to Cuzco, and he told me that these fears were feigned j for
that the Captain-GeneraF had many well-armed men with
him, that he counted them by his knots in presence of the
Christians, and that they numbered thirty-five thousand In-
dians. So we went to Jauja, and, when we were half a
league from the town, and found that the Captain did not
come out to receive us, a chief of Atabaliva, whom I had
with me and whom I had treated well, advised me to advance
in order of battle, because he believed that the Captain in-
tended to fight. We went up a small hill overlooking Jauja,
and saw a large black mass in the plaza, which appeared to
be something that had been burnt. I asked what it was,
and they told me that it was a crowd of Indians. The
plaza is large, and has a length of a quarter of a league. Ad
no one came to receive us on reaching the town, our people
advanced in the expectation of having to fight the Indians*
But, at the entrance of the square, some principal men came
out to meet us with offers of peace, and told us that the
Captain was not there, as he had gone to reduce certain
chiefs to submission. It would seem that he had gone out

' Chalcuchima.

126 THE BOTAL SHARE OF THE BANSOM.

of fear with some of his troops, and had crossed a river
near the town by a bridge of network. I sent to tell him
to come to me peaceably, or else the Christians would de-
stroy him. Next morning the people came who were in
the square. They were Indian servants, and it is true that
they numbered over a hundred thousand souls. We remained
here five days, and during all that time they did nothing
but dance and sing, and hold great drinking feasts. The
Captain did not wish to come with me, but when he saw
that I was determined to make him, he came of his own
accord. I left the chief who came with me as Captain there.
This town of Jauja is very fine and picturesque, with very
good level approaches, and it has an excellent river bank.
In all my travels I did not see a better site for a Christian
settlement, and I believe that the Governor intends to form
one there, though some think that it would be more con-
venient to select a position near the sea, and are, therefore,
of an opposite opinion. All the country, from Jauja to
Caxamalca, by the road we returned, is like that of which
I have already given a description.

After returning to Caxamalca, and reporting my pro-
ceedings to the Governor, he ordered me to go to Spain,
and to give an account to his Majesty of this and other
things which appertain to his service. I took, from the
heap of gold, 100,000 castellanos for his Majesty, being the
amount of his fifbh. The day afber I left Caxamalca, the
Christians, who had gone to Cuzco, returned, and brought
1,500,000 of gold. After I arrived at Panama, another
ship came in, with some knights. They say that a distri-
bution of the gold was made ; and that the share of his
Majesty, besides the 100,000 'pesos and the 5000 marcos of .
silver that I bring, was another 165,000 castellanos^ and
7000 or 8000 marcos of silver ; while to all those of us who
had gone, a further share of gold was sent.

After my departure, according to what the Governor

MURDER OP ATAHUALLPA. 127

writes to me^ it became known that Atabaliva had assem-
bled troops to make war on the Christians^ and justice was
done upon him. The Governor made his brother^ who was
his enemy^ lord in his place. Molina comes to this city^
and from him your worships may learn anything else that
you may desire to know. The shares of the troops were, to
the horsemen 9000 castellanos, to the Governor 6000, to me
3000. The Governor has derived no other profit from that
land, nor has there been deceit or fraud in the account. I
say this to your worships, because if any other statement is
made, this is the truth. May our Lord long guard and
prosper the magnificent persons of your worships.

Done in this city, November 1533. At the service of
your worships. *

Hernando Pizarro.

rmmr <■«» I ■■■«■

REPORT

ON THE

DISTRIBUTION OF THE RANSOM

ATAHUALLPA.

PEDRO SANGHO (Notaet).

REPORT ON THE DISTRIBUTION

OF THR

RANSOM OF ATAHUALLPA,

CKRTIFIED BY THE

NOTARY PEDRO SANCHO.

In the town of Caxamalca^ of these kingdoms of New Cas-
tille, on the 1 7th day of the month of June, in the year of
the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ, 1533, the very magnifi-
cent Lord and Commander Francisco Pizarro, Adelantado,
Lieutenant, Captain-General, and Governor for his Majesty
in the said kingdoms, in the presence of me, Pedro Sancho,
Lieutenant of the General Secretary, on the part of the
Lord Pedro Samano, declares : that, on the occasion of the
imprisonment and defeat of the chief Atahuallpa and of his
troops in this town, some gold was collected, and that after-
wards the said chief promised to the Christian Spaniards
that they should find a certain quantity of gold in his prison,
which quantity should, he declared, be a room full, namely,
10,000 tejueloSy and much silver which he possessed and
promised ; and which his captains, in his name, had taken
in the war and capture of Cuzco, and in the conquest of
those lands, by many ways which are more fully declared in
the act which was attested before a notary ; and which the
said chief has given, brought, and ordered to be given
and brought : of which a division and distribution has been
made, as well of the gold as the silver, and of the pearls and
emeralds which have been given, and of their value, among
the persons who were present at the capture of the said
chief, and who acquired and took the said gold and silver,

£2

132 DISTRIBUTION OP THE

and to whom the said chief promised, gave, and delivered
it ; so that each person might have, hold, and possess that
which belonged to him j in order that his Lordship might
without delay settle the matter, and leave this town to go
and people and reduce the land beyond, and for many other
reasons which are not herein stated ; for which object the said
Lord Governor declared that his Majesty, in his provisions
and royal orders, in which he granted the government of
these kingdoms, commanded that all the fruits and other
things that in these lands might be found and acquired,
should be given and distributed among the conquerors who
should acquire them, in the way that seemed best to him,
and according as each person should deserve by reason of
his rank and services; and considering the above said com-
mands, and other things that ought to be considered in
making the distribution, and that each man might have his
share of what the chief had given, as his Majesty had com-
manded, he has determined to name and select before me,
the said notary, the quantity of silver which each person
shall have and take, according as, in his conscience, God
our Lord shall give him understanding ; and, for the better
performance, he seeks the aid of God our Lord, and invokes
his divine assistance.

Then the said Lord Governor, considering what is said
and declared in the deed, having God before his eyes,
assigned to each person the marcos of silver that he had
earned and deserved, out of what the said chief had given,
and in this manner it was arranged.

On the 18th of June of the same year of 1533, the said
Governor approved another deed, by which the gold was to
be melted and distributed; and the gold was melted and dis-
tributed in this manner. I distinguish the gold and silver
that each one received in the following columns ; that the
list of persons may only be given once.

RANSOM OF ATAHUALLPA. 133

Marcos Pesos

of of

silver, gold.
To the Church . . . 90... 2220

To the Lord Governor, for his persons, his

interpreters, and horse . . 2350... 57220

To Hernando Pizarro . . . 1267... 31080

To Hernando de Soto . . . 724... 17 740

To Father Juan de Sosa, Chaplain to the army 310. . . 7770

To Juan Pizarro . . . 407. ..11100

To Pedro DE Candia^ . . . 407... 9909

To Gonzalo Pizarro . . . 384... 9909

ToJuanC6rtes . . . 362... 9430

To Sebastian de Benalcazar^ . . 407... 9909

To Cristobal Mena, or Medina . . 366... 8380

To Luis Hernandez Bueno . . 384... 9435

To Juan de Salazar . . . 362... 9435

To Miguel B&tete8 . . .362... 8980

To Francisco de Jerez . . .362... 8880

More to the said Jerez and Pedro Sancho for

writing . . . .94... 2220

To Gonzalo de Pineda* . . . 384... 9909

To Alonzo BRiCEno^ . . . 362... 8380

To Alonzo de Medina . • .362... 8480

To Juan Pizarro de Orellana* . .362... 8980

ToLuisMarca . . .362... 8880

* One of the thirteen. See Note at p. 8.

2 For some account of the career of Benalcazar see my translations of
Pascual de Andagoya; and of Cieza de Leon, Note at p. 110.
» See Note at p. 74.

* Killed by Indians who captured him, in the war between Gonzalo
Pizarro and the Viceroy Blasco Nunez. O, de la Vega^ ii, lib. iv,

p. 24.

« One of. the thirteen. See Note at p. 8.

« Went with Hernando Pizarro to Pachacamac. G. de la Vega^ ii,
lib. i, cap. 29.

134

DISTEIBOTION OF THE

To Geronimo de Aliaga^

To Gonzalo Perez

To Pedro de Barrientos

To Rodrigo Nunez®

To Pedro Anades

To Francisco Maraver

To Diego Maldonado®

To Ramiro or Pbancisco de Chaves^

To Diego Ojuelos

To Ginies de Carranca

To Juan de Quincoces

To Alonzo de Morales

To Lope Velez .

To Juan de Barbaian^

To Pedro de Aguirre

To Pedro de Leon

To Diego Mejia

To Martin Alonzo

To Juan de Rosas

To Pedro Catano

339... 8880
362... 8880
362... 8880
362... 8880
362... 8880
362.. .7770
362. ..7770
362. ..8880
362 ..8880
362... 8880
362... 8880
362... 8880
362. ..8880
362.,. 8880
362... 8880
362... 8880
362... 8880
362... 8880
362... 8880
362. ..8880

' He was appointed Governor of Lima by Vaca de Castro, and dis-
tinguished himself in the battle of Chupas against the younger Almagro.
O. de la Vega^ ii, lib. ii, caps. 12 and 18.

8 He was put to death on suspicion, by Gonzalo Pizarro, at Lima.
G. de la Vega^ ii, lib. iv, cap. 20.

® A very conspicuous personage in the future civil wars. He took a
part in them all, down to the insurrection of Giron. He was surnamed
**the rich", and became a citizen of Cuzco, where he died in 1562.
Frequent mention of him will be found in Garcilaaso,

1 See Note at p. 104.

• It should be Juan de Barbaran. He was a native of Truxillo, and
was a servant of the Conqueror. When Pizarro was murdered no man
dared to bury the body, for fear of the assassins, until the faithful Bar-
baran and his wife performed the office in the best way they could,
dressing the body in the mantle of Santiago. Barbaran afterwards
fought bravely against the younger Almagro at the battle of Chupas.
Cr. de la Vega^ ii, lib. iii, cap. 7.

RANSOM OF ATAHUALLPA.

186

To Pedro Ortiz^

To Juan Morquejo

To Hernando de Toro

To Diego de Agfuero*

To Alonzo Perez

To Hernando Beltran

To Pedro de Barrera

To Francisco de Baena

To Francisco Lopez

To Sebastian de Torres

To Juan Buiz .

To Francisco de Fuentes^

To Gonzalo del Castillo

To Nicolas de Azpitia

To Diego de Molina

To Alonzo Peto

To Miguel Buiz

To Juan de Salinas* {blacksmith)

To Juan Loz

To Cristobal Gallego {no gold)

To Bodrigo de Cantillana {no gold)

To Gabriel Telor {no gold)

To Heman Sanchez^

To Pedro Sa Paramo

362... 8880
362... 8880
316... 8880
362... 8880
362.., 8880
862.. .8880
362... 8880
362... 8880
371... 8880
362... 8880
339... 8880
362... 8880
362. ..8880
339... 8880
316.. .7770
316.. .7770
362... 8880
362... 8880
248.. .6110
316... —
248... — .
294... —
262.. .8880
271. ..6115

* Pedro Ortiz de Orue became a citizen of Cozoo, and married a sister
of the Ynca Sayri Tupac. See Note at p. 253 of rol. ii of my transla-
tion of Garcilasso de la Vega, Part I.

* When the Indians rose against the Spaniards, under Ynca Manco,
Diego de Aguero received timely notice from the Indian servants on his
estate^ and escaped into Lima. After the murder of Pizarro, he fled
from the Almagro faction, and joined Yaca de Castro at Truzifio. He
also persuaded the people of Lima to rec^ve the unpopular Viceroy
Blasco Nufiez. He seems to have been a loyal, peaceable man.

* One of the twelve who protested against the murder of Atahuallpa.
See Note at p. 103.

* O.dela Vega^ ii, lib. viii, cap. 13.

' Heman Sanchez de Vargas was abandoned on the desert shore of

136

DISTRIBUTION OF THE

Infantry.

To Jnan de Porras
To Gregorio Sotelo
To Pedro Sancho
To Garcia de Paredes
To Juan de Baldivieso
To Gonzalo Maldonado
To Pedro Navarro
To Juan Bonquillo
To Antonio de Bergara
To Alonzo de la Carrera
To Alonzo Romero
To Melchor Berdugo®
To Martin Bueno*
To Juan Perez Tudela
To Inigo Taburco

181... 4540
181... 4540
181... 4540
181... 4540
181... 4540
181... 4540
181... 4540
181... 4540
181... 4540
181... 4540
181... 4540
135... 3330
135... 4440
181. ..4440
181... 4440

the Napo, by Orellana, when he descended the Amazon. See my Valley
of the AmazonSy p. 12.

^ Melchior Yerdugo was a native of Avila. He received a huge grant
in the valley of Gazamarca. He distingmshed himself in the battle of
Chupas against Aknagro the younger. He was a friend of the Viceroy
Blasco Nu&ez de Vela; and when Gonzalo Fizarro rebelled and declared
himself Governor of Peru, his Lieutenant Carbajal seized Yerdugo at
Lima, and put him in prison. He was afterwards allowed to go to his
own house in Truzillo. There he played the party of Gonzalo Fizarro
an extraordinary trick. A ship was at anchor in the port, and he invited
the captain and pilot to his house, and locked them up. He then looked
out of his window and saw the Alcalde and others. He called to them,
begging them to come up and witness a deed, as he had a pain in his
feet and could not go down. Up they came, suspecting nothing, and
were locked up also^- He did the same to about twenty of the leading
men of Gonzalo^s party, and then seized the ship, sailing in her to Nica-
ragua, with a few followers ; and a quantity of gold and silver, which
he had extorted from his captives. He was chased by some vessels of
Gonzalo, and his ship was seized, after he had landed. After staying
some time in Nicaragua and at Garthagena, he went to Spain and re-
ceived the habit of Santiago. He returned to Feru in 1563.

* One of the three soldiers who were sent to Guzco by Fizarro. See
p. 72. (Note.)

RANSOM OP ATAHUALLPA.

137

To Nuiio Gonzalo {no gold)

To Juan de Herrera . .

To Francisco Davalos

To Hernando de Aldana .

To Martin de Marqnina .

To Antonio de Herrera .

To Sandoval (Ohistian name not

To Migael Estete^ de Santiago

To Juan Bonallo

To Pedro Moguer^

To Francisco Perez

To Melchor Palomino

To Pedro de Alconchel

To Juan de Segovia

To Crisostomo de Ontiveros

To Heman Munoz

To Alonso de Mesa*

To Juan Perez de Oma

To DiBGO DE TeUXILLO*

given)

111... —
158.. .3385
181... 4440
181. ..4440
135.. .3330
136... 3330
135. ..3330
135... 3330
181. ..4440
181... 4440
158... 3880
158... 3330
135.. .4440
181... 3330
135. ..3330
135.. .3330
135.. .3330
135.. .3885
158.. .3330

* See Note at p. 74.

3 One of the three soldiers who were sent to Guzco by Fizarro. See
p. 72. (Note.)

' Alonzo de Mesa became a citizen of Guzco, and had a honse next
door to that of (xarcilasso de la Vega (ii, p. 254). He had a very pretty
girl liying in his house, and when young Altamirano was riding a race,
he kept looking back at her in M esa^s balcony, until he fell off. In the
rebellion of Giron in 1550, Mesa fled from Cuzco, and the licentiate
Alvarado, Giron's lieutenant, discovered and dug up sixty bars of silver,
worth three hundred ducats each, in the fugitive's back garden. Young
Garcilasso saw the robbers at work, from a window of his father's house.
Mesa's son, also named Alonzo, and probably a half-caste, was employed
by the Ynca family as their advocate in Spain, in 1603.

* According to Garcilasso de la Vega, this Diego de Truxillo was one
of the men who stood by Fizarro on the island of GaUo. See Note at p. 8.
He had large estates near Guzco, and. was imprisoned there by Almagro,
when he came back from Ghile and seized the Pizarros and their ad-
herents. He afterwards distinguished himself in the battle of Ghupas
against the younger Almagro. In the rebellion of Giron he remained

138

DISTRIBUTION OF THE

To Palomino {cooper)

To Alonzo Jimenez

To Pedro de Torres

To Alonzo de Toro^

To Diego Lopez*

To Francisco Gallegosa

To Bonilla

To Francisco de Almendras''

To Escalante

181... 4440
181... 4440
135... 3330
135.. .3330
135... 3330
135... 3330
181... 4440
181... 4440
181... 3330

loyal, and joined the Marshal Alvarado. The historian Garcilasso knew
Diego de Troxiilo at Cozco, and he was still living there in 1560.

' When the Ynca Manco besieged Cuzco, Gonzalo Pizarro sallied out
as far as the lake of Ghinchero, two leagues to the north, where he was
attacked by a large army of Indians. He would hare been overpowered,
had not his brother Hernando Pizarro and Alonzo de Toro come out to
the rescue. When Gonzalo Pizarro rebelled against the Viceroy Blasco
Kunez, he appointed Alonzo de Toro to be his Master of the Camp at
Cuzco, but he fell ill on the road to Lima, and Carbajal took his place.
Toro returned to Cuzco, where he heard that Diego Centeno had risen
against Gronzalo Pizarro. He then collected some troops, and pursued
Centeno as far as La Plata (Chuquisaca) in the extreme south of Peru,
returning to Cuzco. There appears to have been much jealousy between
Toro and Carbajal. While Alonzo de Toro was Grovernor of Cuzco for
Gonzalo Pizarro, he married a daughter of one Diego Gk)nzalez de
Vargas. They all lived together. One day the father-in-law came
home, and found his daughter and her husband quarrelling. Alonzo
was proud and quick-tempered. Diego Gonzalez was an old man, more
than sixty-five. Alonzo rushed at his father-in-law, calling him names.
In self-defence the old man drew a dagger ; Alonzo rushed upon it, and
received a mortal wound.

* Probably Diego Lopez de Zufiiga, who served under Centeno, at
the battle of Huarina; and was afterwards named a Captain of Infantry
by the Royal Audience, to serve against Giron.

7 Francisco de Almendras settled in Charcas and became very rich.
He was very kind to Diego Centeno, who came out to Peru very young,
and treated him as his own son* Indeed, they were called father and
son. Almendras became Governor of La Plata (Chuquisaca) for Gon-
zalo Pizarro ; where Centeno ungratefully put him to death, as a com-
mencement of his insurrection on the side of loyalty, and against Gron-
zalo. But Zarate gives Almendras a very bad character. (^Hiit. dd
Peru, lib. v, cap. 21.)

RANSOM OP ATAHUALLPA.

189

To Andres Jimenez

To Juan Jimenez

To Garcia Martin

To Alonzo Euiz

To Lucas Martinez

To Gomez Gonzalez

To Alonzo de Albuquerque

To Francisco de Vargas .

To Diego Gavilan®

To Oontreras {dead)

To Eodrigo de Herrera (musketeer)

To Martin de Florencia® .

To Anton de Oviedo

To Jorge Griego

To Pedro de San Millan^

181... 3330
181... 3330
135... 3330
185... 3330
135... 3330
135... 3330
94.. .2220
181... 4440
18 1... 3884
133. ..2770
135... 3330
135... 3330
135... 3330
181... 4440
135.. .3330

^ Diego Gavilan was a man of good family, but he was unlucky. He
settled at Cuzco, and in 1550 he was still poor ; so Giron persuaded him
to join in his rebellion, and to become a Captain of Horse in the insurgent
army. When Giron fled from Fucara, Gavilan went over to the royal
army, and obtained his pardon.

» He did not wish to join the rebelUon of Gonzalo Pizarro, and was
therefore hanged at Lima by cruel old Carbajal, together with Pedro del
Barco.

^ Pedro de San Millan became a partizan of Almagro, and he was one
of the thirteen assassins who, led by Juan de Kada, ran across the
square of Lima to murder Pizarro, on Sunday, the 26th of June, 1541.
They ran with their drawn swords, shouting, ** Death to the tyrant!"
Rushing up the stairs of Pizarro's house, they were met by Francisco de
Chaves, who tried to stop them. He received a sword-thrust, and a
cut which nearly severed his head, and the body was hurled down the
steps. Dr. Velasquez and the servants, hearing the noise, escaped out
of the windows into a garden. Pizarro was defended by his half-brother,
Francisco Martin de Alcantara, and by two young pages, Juan de Var-
gas, a son of Gomez de Tordoya, and Alonzo Escandon. They had no
time to put on armour ; but Pizarro and his brother defended the door-
way with great bravery, for a long time. At last Alcantara was slain,
and one of the pages took his place. Then Juan de Rada seized one of
the other assassins, named Narvaez, and hurled him against Pizarro, who
received him on his dagger, and killed him. But, in the scuffle, the

140

DISTRIBUTION OP THE

To Pedro Catalan

To Pedro Roman

To Francisco de la Torre

To Francisco Gorducho

To Jaan Perez de Gomora

To Diego de Narvae25

To Gabriel de Olivarez

To Joan Garcia de Santa Olalla

To Pbdbo de Mbndoza*

To Juan Garcia (musketeer)

To Juan Perez

To Francisco Martin*

To Bartolom^ Sanchez (sailor)

To Martin Pizarro

To Hernando de Montalvo

To Pedro Pinelo

To Lazaro Sanchez

To Miguel Comejo*

93... 3330
93. ..2220
131. ..2775
135... 3330
18 1... 4440
113.. .2775
181... 4440
135. ..3330
135.. .3330
135... 3330
135... 3330
135... 3330
135... 3330
135.. .3330
181... 3330
135... 3330
94... 3330
135.. .3330

others rushed into the room. The two young pages fell fighting bravely,
after having severely wounded four of the assassins. Fizarro was thus
left alone. The murderers attacked him on all sides, and at last he was
stabbed in the throat. He fell to the ground, made the sign of the Gross
on the floor with his right hand, kissed it, and expired. Four of the
assassins were killed, and four wounded. Of the others, Cristoval de
Sosa's name occurs in this list, further on ; Martin de Bilbao was hanged
and quartered after the battle of Chupas ; Juan de Rada died at Xauxa
before the battle; Diego Mendez (a brother of Orgonez) fled to the court
of the Ynca Manco in the mountains of Yilcapampa, where he was
killed, with some other Spaniards, because one of them murdered the
Ynca; Martin Carrillo was killed in the battle of Chupas; Gomez Perez
was the actual murderer of the Ynca Manco, and was killed with Mendez.
The other two were obscure men, and their fate is unknown.

' One of the twelve who protested against the murder of Atahuallpa.
See Note at p. 103.

' Francisco Martin de Alcantara, the uterine brother of Francisco
Pizarro. He was killed by the assassins of Fizarro, while striving to de-
fend him.

* Miguel Cornejo settled at Arequipa. When old Francisco de Car-
bajal (afterwards the famous Lieutenant of Gouzalo Fizarro) first came

RANSOM OF ATAHUALLPA.

141

To Francisco Gonzalez

To Francisco Martinez

To Carate^ {no Ghristian name)

To Hernando de Loja

To Juan de Niza

To Francisco de Solar

To Hernando de Jemendo

To Juan Sanchez

To Sancho de Villegas

To Pedro de Velva {no gold)

To Juan Chico .

To Bodas {tailor)

To Pedro Salinas de la Hoz

To Anton Estevan Garcia

To Juan Delgado Menzon

To Pedro de Valencia

To Alonzo Sanchez Talavera

To Miguel Sanchez

To Juan Garcia {common crier)

94... 3330

135... 3330

182. ..4440

135... 3330

195. ..3330

94... 3330

67.. .2220

94... 1663

135... 3330

94... 2000

125... 3330

186.. .2220

139. ..3220

94. ..2220

94... 2220

135... 3330

103. ..2775

to Peru, he was very poor. He arrived at Arcquipa, with his wife Dona
Catalina Leyton and two servants, on his way to Charcas ; but he was
friendless, and they remained for three hours in a comer of the square,
houseless and hungry. Miguel Comejo saw them there when he went
to church, and again when he came out ; so he invited them into his
house. Long afterwards, after Gonzalo had won the battle of Huarina,
Carbajal marched to Arequipa. The citizens fled, but were overtaken
and brought back by the followers of Carbajal, and among them was
Miguel Cornejo. Old Carbajal sent for his former host, and told him
that, for his sake, he would do no injury to the citizens or the town of
Arequipa. When Giron rose in rebellion, Miguel Cornejo, with other
citizens of Arequipa, joined the royal army under Pedro de Meneses.
They were surprised by Giron at Villacuri, in the desert between Yea
and Pisco, and retreated, making a running flght for three leagues.
Comejo wore a Burgundian helmet with a closed visor ; and what with
the heat and dust, he was suffocated, and so died, to the great sorrow of
all who knew him ; for he was a virtuous and generous knight.

* This was Francisco de Zarate, one of the three soldiers who were
sent to Cuzco by Pizarro. See Note on p. 72.

142

DISTRIBUTION OF THE

To Lozano

To Garcia Lopez

To Juan Muiioz

To Jnan de Berlanga

To Esteban Garcia

To Juan de Salvatierra

To Pedro Calderon (no gold)

To Gaspar de Marquina (no silvet-)

To Diego Escudero (no silver)

To Cristobal de Sosa*

84.. ,2220
135... 3330
135... 3330
180... 4440

94. . .4440
135... 3330
135... —

— ...3330

— . . .4440
135... 3330

The Governor also said that 20,000 pesos should be as-
signed to the men who came with the Captain Diego de
Almagro, to aid them in paying their debts and freight,
and to furnish them with some necessaries that they re-
quired.

He also said that 15,000 pesos of gold should be given to
the thirty persons who remained in the city of San Miguel
de Piura sick, and to others who were not present at the
capture of the chief Atahuallpa nor at the taking of the gold;
because some were poor and others had much need ; and
his Lordship ordered this sum to be distributed among
those persons.

He also said that for the 8000 pesos which the company
gave to Hernando Pizarro to enable him to explore the
country, and for other things such as the work of the barber
and surgeon, and for things that had been given the chiefs,
8000 pesos should be taken from the mass.

All which the Lord Governor declared to be good and to
be well arranged, and he moreover declared that the sum
which each man received might be taken by him in the
name of God and his conscience, having respect to what his

* One of the assassins of Francisco Pizarro. See Note at p. 139.

RANSOM OF ATAHUALLPA. 143

Majesty had commanded ; and he ordered that it should be
given and distributed by weight, and before me, the notary,
to each man as had been declared, signed by order of his
Lordship.

Pedro Sancho.

THE END.

T. RICHARDS, 87, OSEAT QUEEN STREET.

., ^, .-< .

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