A review of the political conflict in America, from the commencement of the anti-slavery agitation to the close of the southern reconstruction; comprising also a résumé of the career of Thaddeus Stevens: being a survey of the struggle of parties which destroyed the republic and virtually monarchized its government ..

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B )i J y, "J LIBRARY

JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY.

the gift of
William Birney, Esq.

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lA

I % i ^1

L\ ^- \

A REVIEW

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I POLITICil CflHCI 11 iffili

FR03I THE CO^IMENCEBIENT OF THE AXTI-SLAVERY AGITATION TO THE
CLOSE OF SOUTHERN RECONSTRUCTION ;

COMPRISING AL.SO A

Rssums of the Career of Thaddeus Stevens

BEING A SURVEY OF THE STRUGGLE OF PARTIES, WHICH DESTROYED
THE REPUBLIC AND VIRTUALLY BIONARCHIZED ITS GOVERNMENT.

Quando iviperium tenent pravi, plorat populus.

By ALEXANDER HARRIS.

NEW YORK :

T. H. POLLOCK, Publisher, 37 Park Row.

187G.

'1

^fr^dt.

Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1870, by

ALEXANDER HARRIS,

In the Office of Librarian of Congress at Wasliington.

STEREOTYPED BY

J. & T. A. RAISE ECK,

Stereotypers & Electrotyi)ers.

No. 74 BiiEKMAN Street.

PEEFACE.

The undersigned proposes to pre-ent to llie public a hi-^tory, to be
entitled "A Keview of the Politicai, Conflict in America." He dees
so, in obedience to monitions that were ever reminding him, since the
close of our civil war, that duty demanded of this generation, that it write
the truth concerning the origin and progress of the conflict, through
which the nation has passed. The work will also comprise a " Resumo
of the Career of Thaddeus Stevens," w^ho conspicuously figured, as the
leading revolutionist of the American Congress ; and who towered as the
unconcealed contemner of law and tlie Federal Constitution. Until the
work was completed, it had been the design of the undersigned, toentitla
it "The Life and Times of Thaddeus Stevens ;" because it was believed,
that the prominence and admitted intellectual capacity of the man being
treated, would secure attention from all classes of readers. But his ca-
reer had been mainly selected, in order to embody therewith, the history
of the times in which he lived ; and because also he of all American
Statesmen, appeared as the typical representative of the destructive revo-
lutionary movement, which the work is designed to illustrate and unfold.
Upon its completion, however, the originally conceived title, appeareJ
not to harmonize with what, it might have seemed to have imported; and
therefore, after some reflection, it was changed to what has been adopted.
The plan thus followed, in the treatment of the work, notwithstanding
the change o!: title, will allow of a clearer light being reflected (as is be-
lieved) upon the development and progress of the revolution, as it passes
scenically before the vision.

The work will trace the conflict to its inception, deducing it from inhe-
rent principles. It will thence follow the progress of the anti-slavery
agitation, from its commencement to its full development in one of the
political parties of the countrj', and its complete seizure of power, in the
election of xVbraham Lincoln, in 1860. The movement intended to check
the progi-ess of sectionalism will also be sketched, until the final cfi'ortto
do so, resulted in the secession of the Southern States ; and the bloody
collision of arms followed. During the progress of the civil war, the ideal
conflict in Congress and throughout the nation, which animated and sus-
tained the ar: -^d combatants upon the fields of battle, is alone viewed
and depicted. '.le Presidential and Congressional acts which had refer-
ence to the prosecution of the war, and the motives influencing these, are
presented in historical delineation of the political struggle, as it progressed.
The breach of President Johnson with his party, is detailed in appropriate
compass, and the conflict of parties which followed, until the reconstruc-
tion legislation of Congress, insured the Africanization of the houth.

i^ PREFACE.

So fisperlty or bitterness, should be aroused in the breasts of those, who
mnv honestly differ with the author, as to the causes which led to our late
conflict. He claims, as a free citizen, the right to present the reasons,
which ever indu ed him to condemn the war against the South and its
prosecution. He has presented these openly and fearlessly ; records for
all time his conviction, that the Avar was wholly unwarranted by the Fed-
eral Constitution ; and he believes the time will come, when the majori y
of the American people, will be fully convinced that coercion was an
unwise policy, adopted to preserve republican government. Not only un-
wise, will they come to see it to have been, but wholly suicidal to the
institutions, it was meant to preserve. The ship of state, which, under
republican steersmen, had sailed on a calm ocean, no sooner came under
the management of those of contrary principles, than it was driven upon
the shoals and quicksands of polilical disorder, from which it is even
problematical if it can ever be rescued.

Tliough the work, to the unreflecting, may appear as if writt?n to sub-
serve partisan politics, the author disclaims all such motives, as in anyw.se,
having influenced his undertaking. And, before being so accused, those
thus charging him, should inquire, what selfish interest he could promote,
by advocating views unpopular in both parties, in his state and section.
Nay, the truth is the pole star by which he is guided, and. albeit he may
be (as he has been heretofore) subjected to reproach and bitter vilification,
for the maintenance of his opinions, he hesitates not to defend them, be-
lieving, that though covered w-ith the darkness of midnight, the dawn of
morning is approaching. Our Union has sustained a long and arduous
struggle, with the foes of lier own household, but patriotism, like a deity
seated upon some Olympian summit, has been from the first viewing the
combat, and expectmg every true Amer can to do his duty. Should none
have the boldness to break the silence, the slumber of truth, might at
times, be the sleep of death ; but she lias ever by her couch, her faithful
sentinels to arouse her, and messengers to go forth amidst terror and
gloom, to proclaim her immutable laws, to sound her clarion and arouse
her hosts to victory.

Fully trusting, that tl:e deductions of the work now to be submitted to
tl:e public, are the inspiration of truth, the author invokes for them no
leniency of criticism ; and, if able to be controverted by truth, logic and
sound ratiocination, let them fall and forever perish ! For the author only
desires to know the truth, and, if fully convinced that the opinions which
he has steadily defended, since the commencement of the civil wa", were
erroneous, he should himself be one of the first to disavow them. But
until proven false, in the forum of leason, he claims the right to defend
and publish them to the reflective world. Careful, l.owever, as the au-
tlior has endeavored to be, historical inaccuracies, no doubt, will have
eluded liis scrutiny, and he is not so presumptuous as to conceive, but that
his work, will disclose many literaiy errors to the critical eye. He enter-
tains, nevertheless the hope, that it may in a slight degree help to pacify
turbulent passion, and correct mistaken views ; and, so believing, he com-
mits it to the judgment and criticism of ages.

Alexa>:der H.vrris.

COl^TEN^TS.

CHAPTER I.

Rige,

BIKTH, EDUCATION, ADMISSION TO THE BAR AND EARLY LEGAL SUCCESS
OF THADDEUS STEVENS, -------9.

CHAPTER H.

RISE OF THE ANTI-MASONIC PARTY. ELECTION OF MR. STEVENS TO THE
LEGISLATURE OF PENNSYLVANIA, - - - - - 21.

CHAPTER HI

MASONIC INVESTIGATION. STAR CHAMBER COMMITTEE. CHARTER OF THE
UNITED STATES BANK OF PENNSYLVANIA. MEMBER OF STATE REFORM
CONVENTION, --------29.

CHAPTER IV.

THE BUCXSnOT WAR, .--.-«_ 44.

CHAPTER V.

THE ANTI-SL.VVERY AGITATION, ------ 67.

CHAPTER VI.

REMOVAL OF MR. STEVENS TO LANCASTER, PA. HIS SUCCESS AS A LAW- '
YER, AND HIS MOVEMENTS AS A POLITICIAN, - - - - gl,

CHAPTER VII.

AMERICAN POLITICAL PARTIES AND THEIR PRINCIPLES, - - 101.

CHAPTER VIII.

COMPROMISE MEASURES OF 1850, ------ 123.

CHAPTER IX.

RESISTANCE TO THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAV»^. CHRISTIANA RIOT, &C., 143.

CHAPTER X.

THE KANSAS-NEBRASKA BILL, WITH THE REPEAL OF THE MISSOURI COM-
PROJIISE. ORIGIN, RAMIFICATION AND ASPECTS OF THE REPUBLICAN
PARTY, ---- .---155

vi CONTENTS— Continued.

CHAPTER XI.

Page.

THE STRUGGLE FOR ASCENDENCY IN KANSAS, THE DEVELOPMENT OF
CONFLICTING VIEWS INTO SECTIONAL ANTAGONISM, AND TILE ULTllLATE
TRIUMPH OF REPUBLICANISM, ------ 1C8.

CHAPTER XII.

SECESSION OF THE SOUTHERN STATES, AND THE EFFORTS AT COM-
PROMISE, ---------

CHAPTER XIII.

189.

STATE SOVEREIGNTY AND CENTRALIZATION, OR TITE OPPOSITE PRINCI-
PLES OF GOVERNMENT STRUGGLING FOR ASCENDENCY, - - 213.

CHAPTER XIV.

WAR FOR THE UNION, - - .-

CHAPTER XV.

EMANCIPATION DECREED, - - -

239.

257.

CHAPTER XVI.

EXECUTIVE UNCONSTITUTIONALISM, - - » • - 271.

CHAPTER XVII.

LEGISLATIVE UNCONSTITUTIONALISM, . - ,. - - 28G.

CHAPTER XVin.

GOVERNMENTAL CONSOLIDATION REACHED, . - • - 306.

CHAPTER XIX.

DEMOCRATIC ANTI-WAR ATTITUDE, - - - - - 319.

333.

CHAPTER XX,

THE N'EW ERA, ■ - - . » -

CHAPTER XXI,

THE MILITARY SATRAPS, • • ... - 352.

CHAPTER XXn.

THE GREAT CONSPIRACY REVEALED, - - - 359.

CHAPTER XXin.

THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1864, - - ■ » 375.

CHAPTER XXIV.

FANATICISM TRIUMPHS, - « - . ^ •

389.

CONTENTS— Continued. vii

CHAPTER XXV.
THEORIES IN CONFLICT, --..-._ 408.
CHAPTER XXVI.

ANTI-REPUBLICAN RECONSTRUCTION, - - C - .. 415.

CHAPTER XXVII.

BREACH WITH PRESIDENT JOHNSON, --..__ 403^

CHAPTER XXVIII.

THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 186G, - - - . . 439^

CHAPTER XXIX.

FINAL RECONSTRUCTION, OR THE CLIMAX OF THE REVOLUTION REACHED, 456.

CHAPTER XXX.

THE AFRICANIZATION OF THE SOUTH, - - - - . 471 _

CHAPTER XXXI.

IMPEACHMENT OF ANDREW JOHNSON, - - - - . 4S6.

CHAPTER XXXII.
DEATH OF MR, STEVENS, WITH CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS, - - 502.

CHAPTER I.

BLRTH, EDUCATION, ADMISSION TO THE BAR AND EARLY LEGAL SUCCESS OF
THADDEUS STEVENS.

Thaddeus Stevens was Lorn at Danville, Caledonia County,
Vermont, April 4tli, 1792. His parents were persons in limited
circumstances, being possessed of nothing save a poor farm, upon
which they were enahled to rear their children with the most
pinching and parsimonious economy. His father, named Joshua
Stevens, was a shoemaker by occupation, but as he was a man of
rather dissipated habits, he contributed little to the support of his
family. He was well built, strong and muscular, and quite an'
athlete, bearing the reputation of being the best wrestler in his
county. He enlisted as a soldier in the war of 1812, and in the
attack upon Oswego, received a bayonet wound in the groin, of
wdiich he shortly afterwards died. His mother, whose maiden
name was Sarah Morrill, was a M'omen of strong native sense, and
of an unconquerable will and resolution. On account of the loose
and irregular life of his father, the management of the farm and
the rearing of the family devolved upon his mother ; and being a
woman of shrewdness and penetration, she determined to afford
lier children (as all she could give them) the advantages of an ed-
ucation. The school system of Vermont, at that time being very
similar to that of the other Eastern States, Thaddeus was placed,
as soon as old enouo-h, under tutelao-e in one of these ISTew Enjr-
land seminaries of the people, where he soon acquired the rudi-
ments of an English education. Being the youngest of the family,
and besides, lame and sickly in youth, he obtained advantages iu
the way of schooling over and above his brothers. He was the
favorite and pet of his mother, as is often the case witli the
mothers of deformed children; and she spared no pains to ])i'()vide
that he should be in constant attendence at school, in order to
prepare him as she fondly hoped, to make his way in life by
some means not demanding manual exertion. iShe was not slow
in perceiving his rare powers, in the actpiisition of the ordinaiy

10 A REVIEW OF THE

I) randies of an education ; and the thought occurred to her that
one who could so thoroughly, and in so short a time, master read-
m<r writing and arithmetic, should have an opportunity to try his
strength in the higher departments of knowledge. In a word, it
was cpiietly resolved that Tluiddeus should be sent to college ; and
perhaps he might l)e al)le to carve his way to one of the profess-
ions, at that time the goal of the ambition of every intelligent
New England mother. But the path of life from the cradle to
the grave, is beset with thorns ; and the smart of these young
Thaddeus must also feel. On account of his lameness, being
unable to sport around as briskly as other boys of his age, he came
somewhat to be regarded as a youth of great sedateness and sobri-
ety ; nor was he able to escape the taunts and jeers of his youthful
scliool companions, who would at times mimic his limping walk,
and otherwise annoy and vex him. These petty anoyances to his
proud and sensitive nature, were very galling ; and in their oft
repetition his stern and sedate character may originally have re-
ceived its earliest impression. But although his young classmates
were ready to gibe him because of his deformity, he had the sweet
satisfaction of knowing that he could far outstrip any of them, so
far as class standing was concerned.

The following anecdote is related by Mr, Stevens of his school
days, and whether narrated to create amusement, or to delineate
character and the condition of the country at that early period, it
at least deserves rehearsal in this connection : " At one time," said
Mr. Stevens, " the schoolmaster was a broad shouldered Irishman.
During a severe winter, the bears encroached on the settlement,
and it became the duty of all good citizens to enlist in a war of
extermination. The teacher marshalled his pupils, and at their
head ventured to obstruct a noted bear-path, he being armed with
a long rifle, well loaded and primed, and the boys with clubs and
a miscellaneous assortment of weapons. The baying of the dogs
soon indicated that the game was up, and the cracking of the
bushes, that the bear was approaching. He came on within a few
feet of where the army was posted, and leaping up, his fore feet
resting on a large log, he hesitated, while he snuffed the danger
ahead. The teacher sounded the charge, saying to the boys : 'Now
I'll show you a rale specimen of bear hunting.' But his impet-
uosity," added Mr. Stevens, " overcame his discretion, and rushing
on the astonished animal he demolished him with the butt end of

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. U

Ills rifle. "When lanichcd at by the boys, and rallied on his for-
i;-etfulness by myself, the spokesman of them, he replied, 'an what's
the use'of powder and ball when the thing itself made sich an
illegant shelalah!' "

The first time that yonng Thaddeus was introduced to a knowl-
edge of the world, as he himself related, was in the year 1804,
when he accompanied his parents on a visit to Boston, to see some
of their relations. It is inferred from what he remai-ked of this
visit, that he then made np his mind to endeavor to procure riches,
that he might l^e able to live as did the wealthy people, whom he
there for the first time met. This resolution of one so young
shows liis remarkable perceptive capacity, and his strong intellect ;
and as this was his first knowledge of the power of money, it was
natural that he should feel prompted to strive for that which he
learned supplied so many of the wants of life.

The desire for the accumulation of wealth, was that which first
fired his youthful genius, and the sight of any other admitted ex-
cellence, might have produced a similar resolve in his mind. Does
not history record the names of several of the eminent ancients,
whose ambition was excited by hearing a distinguished poet recite
his verses at the Olympic games, or an orator thunder forth his
eloquent harangues at the forum, or in the Senate chamber?
Although in the present case, our visitor to Boston would seem
very young to have formed such high resolves; yet it is quite cer-
tain that at that time he first determined that no efforts should be
wanting on his part, to ascend the ladder of life set before all who
make the proper efforts.

The following year, after his parents had returned from Boston,
the spotted fever prevailed to an alarming extent in his native
County of Caledonia, For miles around his home, there was
scarcely a family that escaped the attacks of this very dangerous
disease. In some families all were sick at one time, and it was
next to an impossibility to procure any assistance. In this condi-
tion of affairs Mrs. Stevens became a ministering angel, as it were,
to the sick of her acquaintance, visiting from family to family
and relieving their needs in every capacity in which she was able
to help them. In these visits amongst her sick neighbors, she
took young Thaddeus with her, and on these circuits of mercy, he
obtained another glimpse of life which left an impress upon bis
memory that never forsook him. His heart was then tender, and

!•: A REVIEW OF THE

the sights of siiflering which he witnessed, so operated upon his
sensihilities as to make him ever afterwards kindly disposed to the
sick and poor of every class. To such, to the end of lii§ life, lie
■was ever ready to extend a helping hand.

Mr. Stevens' estimate of his mother we give in his own words,
detailed shortly before his death. Speaking of his efforts in the
Legislature in behalf of the Free School system of Pennsylvania,
and in reference thereto, he said : " That is the work that I take
most pleasure in recalling, except one perhaps. I really think the
greatest gratification of my life resulted from my ability to give
my mother a farm of 250 acres, and a daiiy of 14 cows, and an
occasional bright gold piece, which she loved to deposit in the
contriI)uti(iii box of the Baptist Church which she attended. This
always gave her great pleasure, and me much satisfaction. My
mother was a very extraordinary woman. I have met very few wo-
men like hei'. My father vras not a well-to-do man, and the support
and education of the family depended on my mother. She worked
night and day to educate me. I was feeble and lame in youth,
and as I could not work on the farm, she concluded to give me an
education. I tried to repay her afterwards, but the debt of a child
to his mother, you know, is one of the debts we can never pay.
Poor woman ! the very thing I did to gratify her most, hastened
lier death. She was very proud of her dairy, and fond of her
cows, and one night going to look after them, she fell and injured
herself so that she died soon after."

As his father was a shoemaker, Thaddeus had an opportunity
to pick up so much knowledge of this trade, as to enable him to
make the shoes of the family, and perhaps a few for the neighbors.
This he did at least after the death of his father. In his younger
years, when first a candidate for the legislature, he used to boast
that he was a shoemaker ; and this gave Ijirth to the numerous
stories that circulated all over Pennsylvania, after his fame as a
great lawyer was fixed, that he first came to York as a shoemaker
and worked at the business for some time before he studied lavr.
These stories were purely m^'thical, as are many that are usually
retailed concerning distinguished personages; and have tliuir
origin in the decejjtion and credulity of inankind:

"Magnas it Fiinia por urbes
Fama malum, quo non aliud velocius ullum
Mobilitate viget, viresquo aeqiiirit. cundo."

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 13

"Wlicu a boy, Tluuldeus Stevens was a dilig-eiit reader and.
like Benjaniiu Franklin, not having a great su[)ply of Looks, ho
pernsed everything that came within his reach. Books at that
early day, were not so plenty as at the ])resent time, and particn-
larly not within the reach of one so sitnated as he tlien f(jund
himself, llis fondness for books, it is said, indnced him at the
early age of fifteen to essay the experiment of starting a library ;
bnt whether this be one of the stories that accompany fame, we
are not prepared to say. The example of Franklin, whose life by
this time no doiibt had been pernsed l)y him, might have very
readily snggested such an idea in the mind of an intellectnal yontli
of Xew England. At least, it was not long after this time, that
he began to teach school as a means of snpply to aid him in his
conrse throngli college ; for his parents were not able to provide
'n every particnlar for his snbsistence and expense whilst passing
his collegiate career. The clothing, board, text-books and tnition
of a college pnpil, to a poor Vermont family, was no light burden;
but by his teaching and other industry, he greatly alleviated his
parents, and enabled him to provide himself w^ith some additional
books by which he might store his mind with useful information.
The first part of his classical course was made in Burlington Col-
lege, Yermont, where he continued for a considerable period.
'' On September 11th, ISll, he was a student at Burlington Col-
lege, for on that day he saw with a spy-glass the fight between
McDonough and the British fleet, on Lake Champlain. For some
reasons he did not graduate at this college, but at Dartmouth, in
the following year."'-^

The following anecdote of his college life whilst at Burlington
is from Alexander Hood's sketch of Mr. Stevens : " The cam-
pus at Burlington College was not enclosed, and the cows of the
citizens used to enjoy it as a pleasant pasture ground. Before com-
mencement it was usual to give the people notice to keep their
cows away until after commencement was over. The grounds were
then cleared up, and everything kept in complete order, until the
exercises were ended and the students gone to their honuis. It
happened that among the citizens of Burlington was a man, " a
stubborn fellow, whom," as Stevens said " wc shall call Jones."
He would take no steps to keep his cows off the campus. One

"Hood"s Sketch in Ilai'ris' Biosi-apliical History of Lancaster County,
pp. 5(1-2.

1 { A REVIEW OF THE

ni-ht, about a week before the coinmencement, Stevens and a
Irieiid were walking under the trees in front of the college,
when they saw one of Jones' cows within the prohibited lines.
Thev knew the cow bolono-cd to Jones ; they knew Jones let her
go there in a spirit of defiance to the students. After some dis-
cussion it was agreed to kill the cow.

" Among the students was a young man who kept himself aloof
from most of the others. In a word, he had the reputation of
being decidedly pious. This young man had a room in an out-
house belonging to the college, where in spare moments he man-
ufactured many thing's out of wood, which he sold to the people
of the town, and to othere. Among other tools he was known
to have an axe, and Stevens and his companion determined to use
it in the execution of the cow. The axe was procured, the cow
was slain, the axe returned, and the two avengers of the college
dignity retired to rest. Tlie next morning Jones was with the
President making complaint about the death of his cow. An
investigation was at once begun ; blood was found upon the axe
of the pious, well-behaved student ; he denied the charge, but as
there was no evidence against any other person, he was threatened
with a public reprimand on the day on which he had expected to
graduate with high honor. No doubt the young man suffered
much, but Stevens and his associate suffered much more. They
dare not inform against themselves, yet they could not see an
innocent person punished for their misconduct. What was to be
done. After many conferences, without any result, Stevens sug-
gested that Jones was not a bad man, but rather a high-spirited
fellow, who would help them out of the scrape, if they would
throw themselves upon his mercy. This they resolved to do. It
was the night before commencement day, when they had the
interview with Jones. They made a clean breast of it, and
offered to pay twice the value of the cow whenever they should
be able to do so. Jones listened kindly ; told them not to dis-
tress themselves about the ]>rice of the cow, and said he would
fix it all next moi-ning. True to his word, about nine o'clock
Jones appeared, just before the proceedings were to begin ; told
the professoi's that lie was all wrong about the death of his cow,
and tiiat she had been killcil by soldiers who were going down
the i-i\c!- (Ill a boat, and had no time to dress and remove the
meat. This nuidc all tilings right; the pious young man was not

rOLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 15

expelled., ]n\\ lionoraWy acquitted of tlie charge. Stevens and
liis friend were never su.>})ected. Some years afterwards, when
Stevens was rising in the world, Mr. Jones received a draft for
the price of the best sort of cow in the market, accom})anied by a
fme gold watch and chain by way of interest. A year or two
afterwards there came to Gettysburg, directed to Mr. Stevens, a
hogshead of the best Yermont cider, and this was the end of the
killing of Jones' cow." *

Which of the professions Mr. Stevens may have made up his
mind to study, in his passage through college, is not known. On
one occasion, in an argument with an Arminian, concerning pre-
destination, he evinced such an intimate acquaintance with the
writers and arguments of the Calvinistic school, that a friend was
induced to put to him the inquiry : " Mr. Stevens, did you
ever study with a view to the pulpit." The answer w^as :
" Umph ! I have read the books." But no further information
on that point was he able to elicit from him.

After taking his degree at Dartmouth College, he prepared and
set out in quest of employment, and at length found himself
about the close of the year 1815 in York, Pennsylvania. Here
he obtained a situation as assistant teacher in an academy taught
by Dr. Perkins. Amos Gilbert, a very noted teacher, then re-
siding at York, afterwards remarked of Mr, Stevens, that he was
at that time " one of the most backward, retiring and modest
young men he had ever seen," and besides spoke of him as being
a very close student. Soon after his arrival in York, he began
reading law, both morning and evening, when not engaged in teach-
ing, under the instruction of David Casset, a prominent York
County lawyer, and prosecuted its study with great zeal, utilizing
thus the scraps of his time to a valuable purpose. During the
period he was in this maimer preparing himself for future life,
an effort was made by the members of the bar to thwart the
fulfilment of his designs, by the passage of resolutions, providing
that no person should be recognized as a lawyer who followed
any other vocation whilst preparing himself for admission.f
The young student, however, never took any concern as regards
the protest, but pursued tlie even tenor of his way, until he felt
that he had mastered his studies. He therefore repaired quietly

*Harris" Biographical History of Lancaster County, pp. 512-13.
jForney's Press, August 13, ISGS.

I'a A REVIEW OF THE

to Del xVir, the county seat of Harford County, Maryland, while
the coiu-t was in session, and made application to be examined.
At that time Maryland admitted all applicants to the bar who,
upon examination, were found to be qualitied. The Court, Judge
Chase of impeachment notoriety, appointed a committee, the chair-
mtwi of which, was Gen. Winder. The following is Mr. Stevens'
description of the examination as given in Mr. Hood's sketch
of him :

" Supper was over, the table was cleared off, and the clock said
it was half-past seven. Stevens was of course punctual to time,
and shortly after, the Judge and the committee took their seats.
' Are you the young man who is to be examined V asked the Judge.
Stevens said he was. '• Mr. Stevens,' said the Judge, ' there is one
indispensible pre-requisite before the examination can proceed.
Thei-e must be two bottles of Madeira on the table, and the appli-
cant must order it in.' The order was given, the wine brought
forward, and its quality thoroughly tested. Gen. Winder began
with : ' Mr. Stevens, what books have you read V Stevens replied,
' Blackstone, Coke upon Littleton, a work on pleading, and Gilbert
on e^•idence.' This was followed by two or three other questions
by otlier members of the committee, the last of which retpiired
the distinction between a contingent remainder, and an executory
devise, which was satisfactorily answered. By this time the Judge
was feeling a little dry again, and broke in saying : ' Gentlemen,
you see the young man is all right, I'll give him a certificate.'
This was soon made out and signed, but before it was handed
over, two more bottles had to be produced. These* were partaken of
by a large number of squires and others, who were there attending
court, who, aS soon as the examination was concluded, came in and
were introduced to the newly made member of the bar. 'Fip-Loo'
was played then for a good part of the night. Stevens was then
a green hand at the business. To use his own words, when he
j)aid his bill the next morning, he had but S3. 50 left out of the
$45 he began with the night before."*

lie left Bel Air early next morning, directing his course for
Lancaster, and narrowly escaped a watery grave in crossing the
McCall's Ferry Bridge, not yet completed. His horse became
frightened and would have fallen with its rider into the river, but
for tlie presence of mind of one of the workmen who was engaged

Harris' Biographical History of Lancaste^r County, pp. 571-5.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 17

upon tlie bridijc. The same day lie readied T.aTu-aslcr liv noon
and dined at ISlungli's Hotel, then one of the head({narterts of the
old inland cit)^ ; and while his horse M^as resting he reconnoitcred
the place, and walked from one end of King street to the other.
lie had concluded, shonld Lancaster please him, to select it as a
location for the practice of his profession. Xot believing that the
place snited one whose pocket was so near empty, he next deter-
mined npon Gettysbnrg and started the same day for York, which
he reached in the evening. The following day he arrived at the
connty seat of Adams Connty where he began his legal careei-, with
bnt few^ friends and little money.

Mr. Stevens had now embarked in that career, in which to
one devoid of amability and captivating address, time, patience
and ability are all reqnired to obtain marked success. Being
unendowed in a high degree, with either of the former traits of
character that pave the way in most instances to ordinary suc-
cess, he had to depend upon patience and al)ility with whatever
slight auxiliary fortune might interpose to aid him in his early
struggles. But with all the force of intellect he conld command,
his patience was well nigh exhausted before anything turned U]>
to assure him that his profession would alford him the ladder of
life-ascent, which he had hoped to meet in it. It is very certain,
at least, that the quality for which Job was distinguished had in
his case nearly all become exhausted before he met with any
success eommeni^urate with his anticipations ; as he stated to a
confidential friend at a dance at Littlestown, that he could hold
out no longer, and must select a new location. Destiny, how-
ever, had resolved, that in his case, though reduced to the lowest
de])ths of despair, the profession of the law, with its political
accompaniments, should make up his career; as the darkest hour
of night is that before day -break, so it was with him. A day or
two after the despondency of his condition had led him to ruminate
in his mind a new location, a horrible murder was committed ;
and none of the prominent lawyers felt inclined to undertake
the defense of the accused. Mr. Stevens was retained and exerted
his powers to the utmost in Ijehalf of his client, although without
being able to acquit him ; yet he brought to the trial of the cause
such an array of legal learning, so inarshalled and arranged ; and
he handled the evidence with such masterly adroitness, that the
court, the har, the jury, and the citizens were taken by surprise.

18 A REVIEW OF THE

His speecli before the jury evinced a mind of such logical aciite-
ness, that the trial ended with his reputation fixed as possessing
the elements of an able lawyer. This trial, and the masterly de-
fense, became at once the subject of conversation throughout the
whole coinitry. His client was found guilty of murder and exe-
cuted, but the case brought Mr. Stevens a fee of $1,500, ^\'hich
was the beginning of his fortune. He had already ascended the
first step of the ladder of life. From this period there was no occa-
sion th:it he must content himself with cases that the other law-
yers saw proper to decline. He now began to receive a different
class of clients than those to whom the other attornies semi-
suecriiigly h;id remarked, " there is a young man in town by the
name of Stevens who may, perhaps, be willing to attend to
your case."

Persons were no more fearful to employ the club-footed lawyer,
as he thenceforth came to be known by those who were not yet
much accpiainted with him. But his success must depend upon
his own efforts, for tlie seemingly instinctive jealousy of lawyers
precluded his receiving any favor from which they could debar
him. Kegarded as an interloper by most of them, he was thrust
aside from all the favors which bars have in their power to ex-
hibit, and their reflection was that if ho succeed it must be by
dint of superior ability and application to business. But
Mr. Stevens was one of those who could, in a remarkable
measure, divest himself of all appreciation of the petty and con-
temptible jealousies of human nature. He could aiford to despise
all such, and yet give no exhibition of his feelings. As, however,
he felt that his success must depend upon the impression he would
continue to make upon the people, he studiously applied himself and,
to the best of his ability, to the preparation for trial of every case
with which he was entrusted. It was soon perceived by the
people of the county that he was able to try a case with as much
success as any lawyer at the Gettysburg bar. His reputation all
the time was spreading, and liis business increasing. His great
candor in everything he said, or undertook, made at once a favor-
able impression upon those Avith whom ho came in contact. Be-
sides, his freedom from all affectation and pride procured for him
the confidence of the Cierman citizens of Adams County, although
unable to converse with them in their vernacular language, a con-
fidence which he ever afterwards was able to retain. The ready

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 19

humor lie could make use of in his intercourse with the pcoplo
or his bi'ethreii of the bar, and his sallies of wit, with M-hich ho
could often disconcert an opposing attorney iu tlie ti'ial of a
cause, were additional weapons wliicli in his settinii:; out iu legal
life were of incalcidable service to him.

His legal business rapidly increased on his hands, and by the
year 1821 he made his hrst appearance in the Supreme Court,
holding its session at Chambersburg, then one of the iive places
at which the highest Court of Pennsylvania sat. It is somewhat
remarkable, in view of his latter political course, that his first
case in that court should have been a suit de liomhie replegiando^
in which the liberty of a colored woman and her children were
concerned. But as lawyers have not the choice of sides in a case,
in this instance, Mr. Stevens found himself compelled to dispute
the claim for freedom. Henry Butler and Charity his wife, and
their children had brought suit for tlieir liberty, and Stevens was
emploj'ed for the defense. Their claim grew out of a contract
between the owner of Charity and a man named Cleland, both
Marylanders. Cleland again entered into another contract with a
Mr. Gilleland, li\'ing in the same State, concerning the services
of Charity. Gilleland having deserted his wife, the latter was
obliged to turn seamstress, and went occasionally into Pennsyl-
vania, taking Charity with her. After returning to her mother's
domicil in Maryland, she sent Charity back to her original master,
being then eleven years of age. It became a question of fact for
the jury to determine upon the trial, whether Charity had ever, at
one time, been kept six months in Pennsylvania. If she had been
so detained, she was then entitled to her freedom, as also her
children. The jury returned a verdict against her freedom.
The case was taken to the Supreme Court, but Mr. Stevens suc-
ceeded in sustaining the verdict of the court below.* At this
period he was established in a profitable practice. From the year
1823, he was engaged on one side or the other, of all the im-
portant suits of his County, of which fact the report Ijooks of
the period aiford abundant evidence.

By 1827, he was become a man of influence and standing in his
county, and owned therein considerable real estate. His fame had
now far passed the bounds of Adams County, and he was hence-
forth employed in the trial of important causes, in the neighboring

■"7 Sergeant & Eawle, pp. 379.

20 A REVIEW OF THE

counties of Cuml)orlaiul, Franklin and York. His business now
almost en«i;rt>ssed his whole attention, but he was not unmindful
of the necessity of exercise. He was in the habit of riding much
upon horsel)aek, and became known as one of the most skilled
equestrians in his section of country. lie was fond of attending
the rac-cs iu Marjdand, then one of the customary amusements of
the day. His contiguity to Maryland and the numerous suits in
which he Mas concerned, involving the liberty of colored persons
claimed as slaves in the State of Maryland, had no doubt much to
do in giving him his strong bias in opposition to the institution of
African Slavery. As far as can be gathered, he always seemed to
sympathize with the colored race, and was ready to assist them in
gaiuing their freedom when in his power to do so.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 21

CHAPTER IL

mSE OF THE ANTI-MASONIC PARTY. ELECTION OF MR. STEVENS TO THE
LEGISLATURE OF PENNSYLVANIA.

We have seen that Mr. Stevens, first selected in his mind the
Count J of Lancaster for the practice of his profession, bnt after
visiting it, came to the conchision to go to Gettysburg. Both
tliese choices ^voukl seem to imply that he was not altogether
unmindful of political considerations in choosing a location.
But belonging to a party, whose principles had become gen-
erally unpopular throughout the nation, we do not find him
participating in political affairs for many years after liis settle-
ment in Adams County. lie was not the man to change his
principles for the sake of success ; and it wa* only when new
questions began to be discussed that he stepped forward upon the
political arena.

The excitement aroused, throughout the Northern States,
against the Masonic order, occasioned by the abduction and exe-
cution of William Morgan, in the Autumn of 1S2G, had the
eifect of reorganizing parties upon a new basis in many States of
the Union. Morgan, a citizen of Batavia, New York, had pre-
pared for publication, a work detailing the secrets of the tliree
.first degrees of masonry, and had the same in press, when the
fact became known amongst the members of the Masonic order.
As subsequent developments seemed to indicate, steps were con-
certed in the Xew York lodges to thwart the exposure of the secrets
of an order, to which many of the most influential and respectable
men of the nation had united themselves. Morgan was accord-
ingly seized by members of the Masonic order in broad daylight,
and borne by conveyance to the northern part of the State of New
York, where all trace of him was lost. It was believed that he
was sunk in Lake Ontario. The news of this transaction was
soon spread throughout the country, but it was in Western New
York where the highest degree of excitement prevailed. Com-

23 A REVIEW OF THE

mittccs c>f investigation and safety were appointed to ferret out
the mysteries of a transaction that impressed the people with the
conviction that a vital stab was inliicted upon American civil
liberty. Prosecutions were also instituted against the conspira-
tors in the Morgan tragedy, but these resulted in the acquittal of
all exce])t Bruce and Whitney, who were imprisoned for theii
participation in the aifair.

The trials that took place, perhaps more, even than the abduc-
tion of ]\[organ itself, intensified the excitement. The courts were
crowded when the trials were in progress, and although many of
the witnesses were masons of admitted respectability and stand-
ing, it was believed by the people, that they testified falsely in
order to shield their brother masons from punishment. This was
the allegation that they would do so, and the boasts of cei'tain
masons were retailed, who had declared that their friends would
not be allowed to suffer. In America, then, as it was charged,
was an institution that dared in the light of day to arrest a citizen
and execute him, and the civil law was powerless to prevent the
wicked and diabolical deed. A\'^hat more could the Invisible
Ti'ihunal of Germany, or the SjMni.sk Inquisition do, than was
now witnessed in Kepublican America ? Was an order to be per-
mitted to exist in the United States, that would dare the pei-pe-
tration of such high handed iniquity as was enacted in this
instance? The excitement diffused itself from the locality of
the occm'rence of these scenes throughout the whole North. A
party arose, styling themselves Anti-Masons, in the following
year, which cast 33,000 votes in Xew York State for their candidate
for Governor, and in 1828 this number was increased to 70,000.
In this last named year, the party had obtained some foothold in
Pennsylvania; newspapers being established in this State in
favor of Anti-Masonic principles. Men from both the old politi-
cal parties attached themselves to the new organization, though it
is not to be denied, that the greater number by far were Feder-
alists, whose party was become quite defunct.

Amongst the foremost in Pennsylvania, to espouse the principles
of the Anti-Masons, was Thaddeus Stevens, who saw in the new
party, the means of rising in political life, lie no doul)t hated
an institution ihat had rejected, as is said, his admittance as a
nieriiber ; and Ijesides he saw that it nn'ght be combatted with
advantage to his party. lie began to denounce the Masonic

POLITICAL^CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 23

ordcM' as an hnperiiurh in impcrlo^ a power that set the laws of
the hmd at detiaiiee, and nullified the system of the civil tribunals.
If Masonry be pei'niitted to endure, aro'ued he, how can a meUi-
l)er of the order be brought to trial, when one Mason in accord-
ance with his obligations, is required to support another, in all
difficulties, ''whether right or wrong," and hold his secrets inviolable,
"murder and treason not cx'cepted." lie declared that it was
impossible to remain in doubt as to how he should act when
American liberty was subjected to such })eril from an institution,
the power of which he perceived to be governed and supported
by the credulity of ages. The courts of justice, trial by jnry,
the sanctity of the witness stand were all ahle to be set at naught,
as he averred, by men who felt that the obligations of Masonry
were more binding upon their consciences than the judicial oaths
of the land. In co-operation, therefore, with others, he used all
his efforts to consolidate the Anti-Masonic opposition in Pennsyl-
vania into a political organization, that might prove effective in
overthrowing a society of oath-bound enemies of the body politic.
In the year 1829, the opposition to the Democrats, was united as
the Anti-Masonic party, and supported Joseph Ritner for the
gubernatorial chair of Pennsylvania. lie was defeated, but in some
counties of the State, the party was strongly in the ascendant.
The war of opposition, that was henceforth waged against the
Masonic institution, was a severe and trying one. Books expos-
ing the secrets of the order were in great demand. Bernard's
Light of Masonry, Morgan's Illustrations, and other works of like
character, obtained a wonderful circulation. Masonry soon sunk
below par. By the year 1830, it was ascertained that over one
thousand Free Masons had withdrawn from the order, and ex-
posed the secrets of initiation. The seceding masons fully cor-
roborated what was contained in the books divulging the secrets
of Masonry, and aA-erred that the oaths therein set forth,
were the same identically as those which the initiated were
required to accept. This w\as fully made out in the Le Roy con-
vention of seceding masons, held in July, 1828, in the State of
ISTew York, Men of the highest respectability and social stand-
ing deserted the order like a sirdcing ship, and ])roclaimed that
youthful curiosity had induced them to unite with it, (as is the
case with most intelligent young men entering it) but that they
had not visited a lodge for many years. John Q. Adams, Wil-

?i A REVIEW OF THE

li;iiu Wirt, Mosos Stuart, of Audover, Caldwalhidor Golden, and
a host of the first men of Ainenca, expressed publicly, their dis-
approbation of the ordei". The lodges all over the country were
closed, and so continued for years. Masonry Avas required" to pass
tiirDUu'Ii a searching ordeal. Its history was examined to the
foundation by able scholars, and its claims of antiquity shown to
rest upon the assertions of credulous members, but for which
truth furnished no basis. The origin of speculative Masonry, was
traced to the year 1717 in England, and the averments of a more
ancient deduction, were proved to be entirely fabulous.

Mr. Stevens, having the sagacity to perceive that Free Masonry
and all other secret societies were of anti-republican tendency, de-
nounced the same as such. In his denunciation of these he was
not far astray. These societies had derived their birth under
nionarcliial governments, and seemed to exhibit the natural incli-
nation of mankind to recur back in principle to the ancient form
of policy, which repul)lics should seek to overthrow. Deducing
their principles from the aristocratic feelings of superiority which
one class of people entertain towards another, it was apparent that
Masonry was but laying the foundation for kingly rule, and the
ruin of republican liberty. Even the names of the officers in the
lodges, indicated this fawning after the titled appellations of
monarchial rulers. As our republic prohibited its countrymen
from the assum])tion of titles, that are conferred by the crowned
magnates of Europe., secret societies afforded to the aristocratic
fawner that which his heart craved, but which the laws of his
country ])revented his assuming in the light of day. All this
Mr. Stevens saw with clearness, and hence believed that the out-
side prejudice could be united with admirable effect as to himself
against the initiated.

Entertaining these notions, and conscious of the antagonism
which the new movement would be compelled to encounter in
the battle against Masonry, Mr. Stevens, from the organization of
the Anti-]\J!asonic party in Pennsylvania, actively labored to co?l-'
solidate, and give it national strength and diffusion. In September,
1831, he was a member of the Baltimore National Convention of
the Anti-Masonic party, which placed "Wm. Wirt and Amos
Ellmaker, in nomination for the Presidency of the United States.
Put the election of 1832, resulted disastrously to the hopes of the
Anti-Masons, but one State casting its electoral votes for their

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 25

oaiulidates, ]\rr. Stevens' mountuin home of Vermont. It was
now believed by many, that the party could never succeed as a
national organization. The Southern States had kept aloof from
it, and the North was unable to miite upon Anti-Masonic princi-
ples. Five years had elapsed since the excitement occasioned by
the Morgan abduction was Urst aroused ; and jet the party had
60 far been unable to achieve any substantial victory. Large
numbers of individuals, who had united with the new organization,
merely from political motives, now became apathetic, as regards
its future permanency, and were ready to attach themselves to
any other that would show indications of greater success. Like
vnltures, the politicians are endowed with remarkable nasal organs
for scenting the official carcass. But, four years must now elapse
before another presidential stniggle could take place ; and in the
meantime each State must manage its political affairs in accord-
ance with the judgment of their respective leaders. In Pennsyl-
vania, the Anti-Masonic organization was kept up perhaps better
than in most others ; and yet here many visible signs existed that
the seeds of party dissolution were not confined alone to the other
States of the L^nion. It is believed that Anti-Masonry, as a party
organization, vras prolonged in Pennsylvania through the influence
of Thaddeus Stevens more than that of any other man that could
be named.

In the fall of 1833, Mr. Stevens was elected to the lower
House of the Pennsylvania Legislature, taking his seat in De-
cember of that year. The legislative session of 1833-4, was a
most important one, insomuch as the system of free schools was
first introduced into Pennsylvania in its enactments. The free
school bill passed at this session, and which was approved by
Gov. Wolf, April 1st, 1831, received the warm support of Mr,
Stevens, The measure itself was the outgrowth of the intelli-
gent thought of the age, striving for the discovery of the best
method by which to enlighten the masses, and fit them for
citizenship in a free republic. It was but the expression of the
united intelligence of the patriotic public citizens of Pennsyl-
vania, who desired the welfare and improvement of the people
of their State,

The American system of free schools is of Xew England
birth, and dates its origin to an early period in the history of the
Eastern States, Massachusetts and Connecticut are rivals for the

23 A REVIEW OF THE

honor of its discovery. Pennsylvania was slow in accepting the
fiystcni, althongh her people were far from being averse to edii-
L-ation, In their efforts for the advancement of general intelli-
genee, her statesmen, with that deliberation and caution, which
are characteristics of the people of Pennsylvania, sought for the
best system of schools that could be obtained, and which had as
yet been tried. When the Constitution of 1790 was adopted, it
was made an article of that charter, that " the Legislature as soon
as ma>/ he, shall provide hy laio for the estahlishrnent of schools
throughout the State, in such manner that the poor maij he
taught gratis.''^ In accordance with this constitutional provision,
it was early enacted, that the tuition of all poor children attend-
ing school should be pnid out of the public treasury. But this
plan did not seem to meet the necessities of the demand for
general instruction, as most persons needing assistance had a. re-
luctance to being enrolled as paupers upon the school lists ; and
the question how to remedy the defect, Ijecame more and more a
matter of discussion amongst educated men. The attention of
])hilaiithropists in all parts of the country was directed to this
subject shortly after the close of the war Avith Great Britain ; and
the best metliods of education were discussed. Improved schools
were in tlie year 1817, established in many of the principal
American cities, and their influence did much to educate the
public up to a knowledge of the advantages of a general system
of free education,

Tlie (Jovernors of Pennsylvania, being men of cultivated
minds, and surrounded by such, seeing the current of advancing
intelligence in other States and countries, were in their messages,
in the habit of calling the attention of the Legislature of the
State to the necessity of providing means for a more general
system of public instruction. Gov. Wolf was particularly dis-
tinguished as the advocate of a free school system, and in his
message of 1833, he urged the measure in the strongest terms.
The subject was taken up in both houses of the Pennsylvania
Legislature, and the result was, that a free school bill was passed
in both, and received the sanction of the Executive. The law
went into operation, but met with furious resistance in many
sections of the State ; indeed, in all parts, a party arose in opposition
to the law of 1834. The majority of the heavy tax-payers in
all quarters of the State were opposed t<) a law that abstracted

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 27

iiionoy from their pockets, as tliey conceived, without any justice
or right, save the enactment of the Legislature. The advantages
of elevating comnumities to a condition of intelligent citizen-
ship were overlooked. Again, the law was opposed l)y many,
because the system severed religious from intellectual instruction;
and withdrew the education of the youth from the supervision of
the clergy and other church authorities. It was this latter objec-
tion, that induced the heavy ojfposition on the part of the German
counties of the State, a resistance that required years to overcome.
"When the legislature therefore of 183J— 5, assembled, petitions
began to pour in from all parts of the State, urging the repeal of
the school law that had been passed the year before. On the
ITth of March, 1S35, it was reported in the House of Representa-
tives, that 558 petitions, signed by 31,988 names were before that
body, asking that the school law of 183J: be repealed, whereas but
49 petitions with 2,575 signers were in its favor. All the outside
pressure seemed to demand the repeal. A bill, revoking the
school law of the last year, was introduced into the Senate,
passed that body, and was transmitted to the House for its con-
cuiTence. Speech after speech was now made in the House, in
favor of what seemed almost the universal sentiment of the people.
Many short-sighted members, who had even favored the free
school law, were ready to vote for its repeal, as they feared to
place themselves npon record as supporters of a law which the
public, in their petitions, seemed so emphatically to have con-
demned. Politicians are timid, and fear to support a measure,
that their constituents have reprobated, much as their judgment,
might approve it. Thaddens Stevens was this year a member of
the Legislature of Pennsylvania. His Xew England birth and train-
ing made him naturally inclined to favor the free school system.
He had the sagacity likewise to perceive that it would receive
the support of the poorer classes, much as it might be combatted
by the wealthy. It belonged to the equalizing movements of the
age, which seemed to harmonize with American ideas. Mr. Ste-
vens therefore boldly resisted the repeal, in a speech of great
al)ility and force, delivered in the House. It was a line oppor-
tunity to become the champion for the elevation of the masses
at the expense of the monied classes. Such championship, Jn
America, ever secures for the demagogue high applause, whether
deservedly or otherwise. Mr. Stevens espied his own g;iin in his

23 A REVIEW OF THE

sti'onfij defense of llie free school system, as he j)e'-celved that he
was thus making himself the leader of the people, in opposition
to the opulent few.

In him, the people and the timid free s.-liool men found a
leader. His speech had a magical effect upon the sentiments of
members. Such a masterly, argumentative, and convincing array
of thought, as they conceived, had not been heard in the Pennsyl-
vania halls of legislation for years. A master intellect had simply
defended the growing popular sentiment. All witlunit distinction,
whether enemies or friends, acknowledged the overpowering-
superiority of the speech. Many who had determined to favor the
repeal, changed their opinions, and voted to sustain the law of
1834. The House decided to non-conciv in the action of the Sen-
ate, and thus the common school law was saved to the common-
wealth. This speech ranked its author, henceforth, as one of the
first intellects of Pennsylvania.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 39

CHAPTER III.

MASONIC INVESTIGATION. STAR CHAMBER COMMITTEE. CHARTER OF THE
UNITED STATES BANK OF PENNSYLVANIA. JIEMBER OF STATE
REFORM CONVENTION.

Tlie political tide of Aiiti-Masoniy was somewhat broken in
the Presidential election of 1832. But this, instead of weaken-
ing, seemed rather to have had the effect of enhancing the force
of the moral onslaught which was made against, the institution of
Masonry, and which, through the courage and intellectual superi-
ority of Thaddeus Stevens, became more intense in Pennsylvania,
perhaps, than in any other State of the Union. The legislative
warfare in this State was begun in March, 1828, in the presenta-
tion in the House of Representatives, by a Mr. Diesbach, of three
memorials from sundry citizens of the Commonwealth, setting
forth that the society of Free Masons had become dangerous to
the free institutions of the Commonwealth, and that men who
are members of the order, are wholly incompetent to act as jurors
and arbitrators, in cases wherein a Free Mason and another citizen
are parties. The memorialists prayed for some legislation that
would ailord the recpiislte relief in such cases. Other petitions
of like character were also presented, all of which were laid upon
the table. In this manner, the people, year after year, sent their
petitions to the Legislature, asking for some law to remedy the
evils of Masonry.

AYlien Mr. Stevens took his seat as a member of the lower
House of Representatives at Ilarrisburg, the Anti-Masons found a
leader competent to marshall the party iu the Legislature, and cope
with the al)lest opponents that might be arrayed against it. He
was but a short time in the House, until he had an opportunity
of proving his capacity for leadership, in a speech delivered by
him in which he took occasion to review the course of the Jack-
son party, and the men who molded its principles. As the antag-
onist of Masonry, on February 10, 183-1, he introduced the

30 A REVIEW OF THE

following resolution :

''Resolved. That a committee be appointed to inquire into the expedi-
ency of providing by law for making Free Masonry, a good cause of per-
emptory challenge to jurors in all cases, where one of the pai'ties is a
Free Mason, and the other is not, and oh the part of the Commonwealth,
in all prosecutions for claims and misdemeanors, where the defendant is a
Mason ; and also, where the judge and one of the parties are Free Masons,
to make the same provisions for the trials of causes as now exist wliere
the judge and cither of the parties are related to each other by blood or
marriage, and to make the same provison relative to the summoning and
return of jurors, where the Sheriff and either of the parties are Free
Masons, as now oxists where they are related to each other by blood or
marriage, and that said committee have power to send for persons and
papers."

On the second reading, on the question shall the resolution as
offered pass, the vote was yeas, 34, nays, 45. By this vote the
Anti-Masons were shown to be incapable of effecting any legisla-
tion of a party nature. Mr. Stevens, as chairman of the com-
mittee appointed to investigate Masonry, on the 27th of March,
1834, submitted the following report :

" Mliereas, Numerous petitions, signed by a large number of highly
respectable citizens of this Commonwealth, have been presented to the
Legislature, stating their belief that the masonic fraternity is associated
for purposes inconsistent with the equal rights and privileges which
are the birth-riglit of everj' freeman ; that they are bound together by
secret obligations and oaths, illegal, immoral and blasphemous, subver-
sive of all public law, and hostile to the full administration of justice.
They ask for a legislative investigation into the truth of these charges,
and, if supported, a legislative remedy ; and for the purpose of obtaining
authentic proof, they ask for the appointment of a committee to send for
persons and papers.

•'In pursuance of what was supposed to be the pra^'er of the jieti-
tioners, a committee was appointed and the petitions refei-red to them.
The committee met and organized, and, supposing it to be their duty to
proceed to investigate the charges made against the Mason-c institution
thus referred to them, they gave a precipe for a subpoena for wit-
nesses to the Clerk of the House, to be by him issued in the usual way,
signed by the Speaker. The committee would not deny their right to
inquire into the the truth of the charges, for the investigation of which
they had been specially appointed. Nor did they suppose they had been
commanded by the House to perform that duty without being clothed
with the power asked for by the petitioners, and indispensably necessary,
and incident to its faithful and intelligent discharge. The Clerk and
Speaker of the House thought otherwise, and declined issuing the sub-
poena. The committee appealed to the House to grant explicitly the
questioned power. It was objected to, on the ground (among others) that

■vould subject refractory witnesses to punishment for contempt if they

rOLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 31

refused to testify ; a power which the House seemed disposed not to
pursue towards masouic witnesses. To obviate this objection, the com-
mittee consented to modify the resolution, so as to give them power to
take the testimony of such witnesses only as would appear to testify
voluntarily before them. But the House, by a vote of every member
present, except two, of all parties, not politically opposed to Masonry
refused the request. The committee were thus prohibited from ascer-
taining by legal testimony the tru3 char.! cter of Free Masonry as prac-
tised in Pennsylvania. Nor could they fail to view that decision as a
plain intimation by the House of their unwillingness to have the secret
designs, principles and practices of that institution established and made
known to the people. Feeling themselves bound by that intimation, and
trusting it with the respect which is always due to the wish of this body,
the committee feel themselves constrained not to make use of the proof
within their power, taken in other States to develope its alledged iniqui-
ties. Such proof might and would be met with the allegation, that it
''might b' New York, but not Pennsylvania Masonnj." To establish the
identity of Pennsylvania and New York Masonry by a legislative com-
mittee, vested with adequate power, is left to a future time and otlier
hands. To suppose that this will not soon take place, would be a foul and
unwan-anted libel on the intelligence and firmness of the freemen of this
Commonwealth.

" To show the necessity of the power asked for, and to justify their
failure to make a more extended report on the subject confided to them,
the committee will briefly state the nature and quality of the test mony
which they had intended to submit to this House. That the evidence
might be above suspicion, they had determined to call before them none
but adhering Masons who could not be suspected of testifying out of
hostility to tha institution. To leave no doubt as to the character of the
witnesses, it was proposed to examine the Masonic members of this
House and the Cabinet. It was particularly desirable and intended that
the Governor of this Commonwealth should become a witness, and have
a full opportunity of explainmg under oath, tlie principles and practices
of the order of which he is so conspicuous a member. It was thought
that the papers in his possession might throw much light on the question
how far Masonry secures political and executive favor. This inspection
would have shown, whether it be true that applications for offices have
been founded on Masonic merit and claimed as Masonic rights ; whether
in such applications the "significant symbols" and mystic watch words
of Masonry have been used, and in how many cases such applications
have been successful in securing executive patronage. It might not have
been unprofitable, also, to inquire how many converted felons, who liave
been pardoned by the i>resent Governor, were brethren of the "mystic
tie," or connected by blood or politics with members of that institution,
and how few of those who could boast of no such connection have been
successful in similai applications. The committee might have deemed it
necessary, in the faithful discharge of their duty, to have called before
them some of the judges, Avho are Masons, to ascertain whether, in their
official character, the "grand hailing sign" has ever been handed,
sent or thrown to them by either of the parties litigant, and if so, what

n2 A REVIEW OF THE

has been the result of the trial. This would have been obviously proper,
as one of the charges aj::ainst Masonry is its partial and corrupt iuMuenco
in courts of justice. Who the witnesses were to be, was distinctly an-
nounced to tliis House by the chairman of the committee onthedisscussion
of his resolution. The House decided that no evidence should be taken;
every member of the Masonic institution present voting in the negative.
TIk' committee have deemed this brief history of legislative proceedings
necessarj^ to justify them for failing to make a report which is anxiously
looked for by the people. The committee are aware that most of those
who opposed the jjower to send for " persons and papers." did it on the
avowed grounds that it was unnecessary, as the principles of ^lasonry
were fuUj' disclosed and known. For themselves, the committee have
no hesitancy in saying, that Masonry is no longer a secret to any but
those who wilfully make it so, and that its princii:)les and practices are as
dangerous and atrocious as its most violent opponents have ever de-
clared. They take pleasure, however, in saj-ing that a great majorit\' of
its Diembers reject its doctrines, habitually disregard its principles, and
in honesty, honor and patriotism, are inferior to none of their fellow-
citizens.. It is the duty of government, while it looks with charity and
forbearance on the past, to take care that in future none of our respecta-
ble citizens should be entrapped into such degrading and painful thral-
dom. To effect this object and give those who profess to be morally
opposed to Masonrj' an opportunity to record such opposition, the com-
mittee report a bill " to proliibit in, future the adminisration of Maso)iic,
Odd Felloic, ruuZ all other secret extra-judicial oaths, obligations and
promises in the nature of oaths."

As parties were constituted in the lei;-islature, Mr. Stevens had
no further ohject in the submission of the above report tlian to
])lace upon record the demands and views of the Anti-lMasonio
party. In the session of lSo-i-5 the AntiMasons were again in
the minority in tlie legislature. Mr. Stevens being a member of
llie House at this session also, considerable discussion took place
and there was the usual display of partizan tactics regarding the
({uestion of Masonry. Mr. Stevens submitted a motion in the
House, prefaced by a lengthy preamble, detailing in varied items
the evils of Masonry and which contained a resolution ^'■that the
Committee on the Judiciary he instructed to hrmg in a hill
effectually to suppress and prohibit the administration and recep-
tion of Masonic, Odd Fellow and all other secrot extra-judicial
oaths^ ohligations and promises in the nature of oaths P This
resolution was without delay laid upon the table and authority to
pulilish the same was denied by a vote of 38 yeas to 58 nays.

Dui'ing the controversy waged throughout the country over the
question of the removal of the deposits by President Jackson,
Joseph II. Ititncr was nominated for the governorship of Penn-

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. S3

sylvauia, distiuctly as an Anti-Mason, and tliroiigli the dhlsion of
the. Democratic party was elected. A majority was chosen to the
J louse of Representativ^es favorable to the same principles as the
Govsrnor M'as suj)posed to represent. Mr. Stevens was again
returned as a member from Adams County. Governor Ritner, in
his inaugural, expressed the sentiments of his party upon the
Masonic rpiestion, and spoke of his election as an endorsement of
Anti-Masonic principles. lie said :

'•The supremacy of the laws, and the equal rights of the people, whether
threatened or assailed by individuals, or by secret sworn associations, I
shall so far as niaj' be compatible with the constitutional power of the
Executive, endeavor to maintain as well in compliance with the known
will of the people, as from obligations of duty to the Commonwealth.
In these endeavor . I shall entertain no doubt of zealous co-operation by
tlie enlightened and patriotic legislature of the State. The people have
willed the destruction of all secret societies, and that will cannot be dis-
regarded."

At the legislative session of 1835-6, on motion of Mr. Stevens,
a committee was appointed to investigate the evils of Free ]\Ia-
sonry and other secret societies. This was that to which the Free
Masons and their allies gave the name of the ^^ Star Chamljer
Committee^'' because of the attempt to extract information
from the Masons themselves, which as was believed, would be
prejudicial to the order. Subpoenas were accordingly served upon
Gov. Wolf, Geo. M. Dallas, Francis E. Shunk, Joseph E. Chand-
ler, and a number of the other distinguished lights of Masonry,
citing them to appear before the committee and answer such
questions as might be asked them touching their knowledge of
Masonry. The questions as agreed on in committee to be pro-
pounded to the parties subpoenaed were the following :

1. ''Are you, or have you been a Free Mason ? How many degrees have
you taken ? By ^vhat lodge or chapter were you admitted ?"'

2. '-Before or at the time of your taking each of those degrees, was an
oath or obligation administered to you V"

3. "Can you repeat the several oaths or obligations administered to
you, or any of them ? If so, repeat the several oaths, beginning with
the entered apprentice, and repeat them literally, if possible, if not,
substantially ; listen to the oaths, and obligations, and penalties, as read
fi-om this book (Alh'n's Ritual) and point out any variation you shall find
in them from the oaths you took. Is there a trading degree ?"

4. ''Dd you ever know the alnrmation administered in tlie lodge or
chapter ?"

5. '"Are there any other oaths or obligations in Masonry than those
contained in Allyn's Ritual and Bernard's Liglit on Masonry T

S4 A REVIEW OF THE

G. '-Is Masonry essentially the same everywhere ?"

7. '-.State the ceremony of initiation in the R. A. degree, and particularly
whetlior any allusion is made to the scripture scene of the burning bush.
State fully iiow that scene is enacted in the lodge or chapter."

8. -Are you a K. T.? If so, state fvdly the obligations and ordinances
of tliat degree. In that degree is wine administered to tlie candidate
out of a human skull":' State fully tlie whole scene. Listen to tlie
a-connt of it as read from this book (AUyns Ritual), and point out
whetlier it varies from the genuine oath or ceremony."

]\Iost of those subprenaed sent to tlie committee written replic3,
dcL'linino- to appear and answer in obedience to the writ ; some
of them appeared in person before the committee and read their
reasons for refusing to answer any questions concerning IMasonrv,
and their connection therewith. Their reasons for declining to
answer, as gathered from their several replies, embraced sub-
stantially the following. They claimed that the Honse of Eep-
resentatives possessed no constitutional authority to institute an
incpiiry concerning any organization within its l)orders, or its
secrets, that violated no law of the land. If their society, or
any other, was proved to have become injurions to the rights of
the commonwealth, in that event, the paramount superiority of
the State must subordinate all others. But until this be shown,
the State had no more right to interfere than would it have to
institute an inquiiy concerning any private family affairs. Ma-
sonry existed ^ihen the constitution of the State was hrst formed,
and no objection was made against it; and they claimed it, as
one of those natm-al and indefeasible rights which men possess,
to unite together in tlie ])ursuit of their own happiness. Again,
were it conceded that the .Masons had been guilty of any infrac-
tion of law, the proceedings contemplated the compulsory crimina-
tion of the accused, a pi-inciple violative of constitutional privil-
eges. Enact, however, a "constitutional law," as Joseph 11.
Chandler remarked in his reply to the committee, " prohibiting
the existence of Masonic institutions, and I shall be the first to
witlulraw from all communion with the order, without reference
to the weight of penalties, and shall feel bound to bear testi-
mony in a court of justice against any Mason who might, within
my knowk'dge, violate the statute."

The committee asked authority of the House to commit those
subptXMiaed for contempt, but this, after considerable disputation,
was refused. The cowardice of some who professed Anti-Masonic

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. C3

principle?, and the inlhiencc and standing of the parties cliarged
Avith the contempt, shielded the recnsant witnesses from the im-
prisonment M'hich some, and amongst those Mr, Stevens, were
ready to inllict. Thaddeus Stevens was the soul and leader of
this movement, and in it showed himself eipal to any emergency
when his party shonld summon his services. For his participa-
tion in this undertaking, lie subjected himself to great obloquy
and abuse from the members of the Masonic order and their
adherents. But the movement, on the part of Mr. Stevens, was
in itself sufficient to stamp him as a man of wonderful mental
stamina and courage ; and were nothing else of his public services
extant, this itself would record him among the famed names
of history. One man in this case, by the potent strength of his
intellectual superiority, sets up an investigation to overthrow an
order that claimed an existence from the building of Solomon's
Temple, and wdiich the whole powder of the Eonian Catholic
Hierarchy and Priesthood had essayed in vain to destroy. Had
public opinion been a little more ripe for the attempt, it is un-
known what results the investigation might have had. Secret
societies are never too strongly entrenched in public sympathy to
escape censure. The exclusive (never popular), in a free country,
must ever lind itself an exotic, and be ranked with that wholly
anti-repul)lican in its nature. Its development displays the aristo-
cratic feelings of humanity, severs the people into classes, and
ultimately iits nations for governmental changes. Had the asso-
ciate partisans of Mr. Stevens, who espoused the Anti-Masonic
cause, done so with equal ardor as himself. Free Masonry in Penn-
sylvania, and perhaps in America, would in the main have ceased
to exist. It does not, however, seem to have been high moral
reasons that caused his opposition to Free Masonry ; but rather
because def<n'mlty had precluded his initiation into the mysteries.
But as it was, the order met a shock that ^v\\l not soon be for-
gotten. And while Free Masonry in the United States is
altogether likely to continue to be molded by the spirit of our
institutions, in order that it may still defer the crusade, which
(If our republic be resurrected) seems destined, in the march of
ages to eradicate it, with all the other relics of superstition and
monarchy.

The session of the Pennsylvania Legislature of 183.5-6, was
an important one in more respects than one. The charter of

S3 A REVIEW OF THE

the United States Bank -would expire on tlic 4tli of Marcli, 183G.
The }>oHtic';d contest, regarding this institution, had been one of
violent and im[>assioncd intensity. From the tirst intiniation by
President Jackson, in his message in 1820, of his doubt as to the
constitutionahty of the bank, the people were divided in senti-
ment regarding it. Upon the appearance of the President's
Message, the stock fell six dollars per share, but whf n Congress
expressed a contrary opinion, the stock rose to a higher figure
than before. The affairs of the bank moved smoothly as before,
but in view of the expiration of its charter in 183(5, its stock-
holders in 1832 applied for a renewal of national banking privi-
leges. The bill for the re-charter of the bank passed both Houses
of Congress, but met resistance in the veto of President Jackson-
This action upon the part of the Executive had the efiect of
arousing in Pennsylvania (where the bank was located and was
popular) a furious resistance against the national administration ;
and it was for a time believed that the President's policy would
not be sustained by the people of this State. A very large meet-
ing was held in Philadeli^hia, in July, 1832, soon after the veto
of the bank bill, which was composed of the President's former
political friends, at which resolutions were adopted disapproving
of his course, with regard to the bank, and deprecating his re-
election to the Presidency as a national calamity, against the
occurrence of which, they pledged themselves to use their utmost
ellorts.

The hostility thus arrayed against the President had the effect
of emliittering him against the bank and its su])porters. In view
of the uncertain iinancial condition of the l)ank, the President,
in his Message of December, 1832, recommended the withdrawal
of the public funds from the institution. Congress, on the con-
trary, l)y resolution expressed its entire confidence in the solvency
of the Ijank. AVilliam J. Duane, the Secretary of the Treasury,
in whose province it was to see to the removal of the deposits, if
in his judgment necessary, declined removing them, and he was
accordingly removed from the Secretaryship, andPoger P. Taney
appointed in his stead. The deposits were now removed,
and a period of financial stringency set in, which greatly em-
barrasse'l the trade and business of the country. All this, in the
opinion of the President and his friends, was the result of the
improjier conduct of the managers of the United States Bank.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 37

The l):iuk question rcuiainod for years one of the great sul)jceto
of national })oliti('s, and by it, perlia])s, jiarties tlien were more
molded than hy any other. It was a fruitful tlienio of discussion
for many years.

When it was fully discovered at length, that a national charter
for the United States Bank could not be secured, its friends con-
ceived the idea of a State incorporation, in order to save the ex-
piring bank from impending dissolution. Thaddeus Stevens was
the admitted Achilles of the bank party in the Pennsylvaniia,
Legislature, lie was accordingly selected by the stockholders as
the man to champion in the Legislature the application for a State
charter of the L^nited States Bank. On the 19th of January,
1S3G, he presented in the House of Representatives a bill for the
charter of the bank, with a capital of $35,000,000, which met
violent opposition from the Jackson party in Pennsylvania and
all over the country. It nevertheless passed both Houses of the
Legislature, and having received the approbation of the Gov-
ernor, became a law. A leading inducement with the advocates
of the charter was, that the State was to receive a bonus of several
million dollars from the stockholders for internal improvements.
The resistance to the State charter manifested itself not only in
the denunciations of the Jackson press, but even in the legisla-
tion of some of the States. Ohio passed a law in March, 1836,
prohibiting within the limits of the State any branch of the
Pennsylvania United States Bank. The institution thus chartered,
purchased the assets, assumed- the liabilities of the old L^^nited
States Bank, and continued its business under the same roof.
But the new bank was unable to resist the adverse tide of finan-
cial affairs, that was gradually approaching to a crisis. This set
in fully by 1837. All the banks in the Union, witli few excep-
tions, suspended specie payments. A resumption was attempted
in 1S3D, but was only persevered in by the banks of New Eng-
land and Xew York. This new suspension, however, was not
generally followed by contraction of the currency in Pennsyl-
vania until 1841, when another attempt was made to resume,
which proved fatal to the United States Bank of Pennsylvania.
It was now obliged to go into liquidation.

In the fall of 1836, Mr. Stevens was returned a meml)er of the
Peform Convention, wliich was fixed by the Legislature to be
chosen in November, the same time as the Presidential electors.

33 A REVIEW OF THE

The calling of the CMiiVLMitiou to aiuoiid the constitution of Penn-
Hylvania, had been for years a (j[uestiun of discussion, and was
decided in iS;}.'), hy a majority of 13,000 in favor of the call. In
1825 the people luul voted in opposition to a conventioii by a
majority of 15,000. Among the members chosen to the body,
were some of the ablest intellects of Pennsylvania. Some of
these made lasting reputations from the part the}^ bore in the
deliberations of that body. The convention assembled at Ilarris-
burg, May 2nd, 1837, and entered upon its duties of amending
tlie fundamental charter of the State. Mr. Stevens took a seat
in this convention, in the fullness of his intellectual vigor, and
with a reputation as one of the ablest men in the commonwealth.
At the opening of the deliberations, he assumed the position that
liis consciousness of ability dictated as his place, and should a
larger share of liypocricy been part of his character, he would no
doubt have been able to wield much more influence in the work-
ings of the convention than he found it in his power to do. . Jeal-
ousy soon manifested itself on the part of several members, who
were ready to measure swords with him, as regards intellectual
superiority. His readiness to express his opinions proved a source
of weakness to him, and oft exposed him to thrusts from his
competitors, which otlierwise he might have avoided. Unlike
most politicians, his nature prompted him to avow what he sin-
cerely believed ; and this trait made him appear to those who
have no convictions singular and erratic.

lie was placed by the pre-;ident of the convention as chairman
of one of the principle committees ; but his great readiness to
assert his opinions, and some sweeping measures of reform, which
he was prepared to advocate, alarmed those even of his own
political party, so that he soon sunk from the rank of a deviser
and arranger of reforms, to be simply the disputant of those
already submitted. Much weaker men than he were those, as a
consequence, who suggested and carried through, by their mild-
ness and amiable mannei*s, the reforms that were adopted by the
convention, lladical men like Mr. Stevens, are never popular in
any body; and though they may do at times what none else
could accomplish, it is because they happen to De in entire accord
with the sentiments of those whose intiuence and votes they
re<piire. The agitator is mostly in the minority, and so it was
with Mr. Stevens in the convention of 1837-S. It is not, there-

rOLTTICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 39

fcn-e, in aiiv particular measures that lie ])r(ip(»se(l and caused to
he adopted, that he made his mark in this body, but rather in the
bold stand he in the nuiin assumed, in the defense of what he
regarded as right.

Although belonging to the party in opposition to the Demo-
crats, he was too violent an Anti-Mason to be popular with the
Whigs, now risen to considerable political importance in the
country. This branch was the rising sun of the opposition party,
whereas Anti-Masonry was that which was setting. l\o cordial
affiliation had as yet taken place between the two wings, and as
a consequence Mr. Stevens was far from being popular with tlie
Whio-s of the convention ; indeed some of his most bitter assail-
ants belonged to this branch of the party. In the advocacy of
his plan of representation, which would limit the largest city to
six representatives, he reiterated Jefferson's sentiment, that cities
are ^'- sores of the locly ])olitic^'' and strongly advocated his views
before the convention. This induced a severe attack from Wm.
M. Meredith, of Philadelphia, wherein he applied to him some
cutting remarks, and though conceding his great ability, yet
designated him as the ^^(jreat unchavmd of Adams^'' and attached
to him other slurring appellations. Mr. Stevens' reply upon this
occasion evinces his power of rejoinder, and as indicating this is
inserted :

" The extraordinary course of the gentleman from Philadel-
phia has astonished me. During the greater part of his concerted
personal tirade, I was at a loss to know what course had driven
him beside himself. I could not imagine on what boiling cauld-
ron he had l)een sitting to make him foam with all the fury of a
wizzard who had been concocting poison from bitter herbs. Put
when he came to mention Masonry, I saw the cause of his grief
and malice. lie unfortunately is a votary and a tool of the
^ Handmaid^ and feels and resents the injury she has sustained.
I have often before endured such assaults from her subjects. Put
no personal abuse, however foul or ungentlemanly, shall betray
me into passion, or make me forget the command of my temper,
or induce me to reply in a similar strain. I will not degrade
myself to the level of a blackguard to imitate any man, however
respectable. The gentleman, among other flattery, has intimated
that I have venom without fangs. Sir, I needed not that gentle-
man's admonitions to remind me of mv weakness. Put I hardly

40 A REVIEW OF THE

need fani;s, for I never :ii:ike olleiisive personal assaults ; how-
ever, I may, souietinies, in my own defense, turn my fangless
jaws upon my assailants with such grip as I may. Ihit it is well
that with such great strength that gentleman has so little venom.
I have little to hoast of, either in matter or manners, but rustic
and I'lule as is my education, destitute as I am of tlio polished
manners and city politeness of that gentlenum, 1 have a suttic-
ientlv strong native sense of decency not to answer argument?
by low, gross, personal abuse. I sustained propositions which I
deemed beneficial to the whole State. Nor will I be driven from
mv course by the gentleman from the city, or the one from the
county of IMiilaiU'liihla. I shall fearlessly discharge my duty,
however low, ungentlemanly and indecent personal abuse may be
lieaped upon me by malignant wise men or gilded fools."

"When upon the presentation by Mr. Denny, of a petition from
sundry free citizens of color of Pittsburg, remonstrating against
the adoption of any clause in the nevv^ constitution, depriving the
free colored citizens oi the right of suffrage, and when objection
was made to its reception, Mr. Stevens spoke as follows :

''I maintain that those who have petitioned this body, M'hether
white or black, have a right to be heard, whether on this or any
other subject relative to the business of the convention. "VVo
have a right, then, to give the prayer of the petitioners a respect-
ful consideration."

The question of suffrage before the convention, gave rise to
considerable discussion. The constitution of ITOO, had confined
suffrage to freemen ; and as slaves then existed in Pennsylvania,
it was generally held that colored persons were not intended to
be inchuled under the expression of freemen. However, as time
advanced, and the spirit of hostility to slavery grew stronger,
there were those in the State who claimed that all free persons
were meant, and even in some few counties negroes were permit-
ted to vote, though in the most of them this was not attempted.
In large cities the attempt would have been attended with dan-
ger. The question had been already decided by some of the
courts that the constitution of 1790 limited suffrage to the white
race.

When, therefore, this subject came up in the convention, it was
moved to incorporate the word white in the section, fixing suff-
rage, which led to an animated debate, the convention being

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 41

somewhat, though not entirely, divided on tliirf point by party
lines. Tbe Democrats were almost a unit in opposition to negro
suffrage. But not all of the other party favored it. Wm. M.
Meredith, a Whig, remarked : " That he knew no good reason
why they (the negroes) should be admitted into the political
class. They never had been admitted into it. * * * The
right of suffrage ought to be the privilege of white citizens
alone." Mr. Stevens, though a bitter opponent to the word
white, yet took no special part in the discussion. It was at that
time a very unpopular question ; petitions were pouring in from
all cjuarters of the State in opposition to negro suffrage, and the
strong supporters of such a measure would have become marked
men. This Mr. Stevens seemed to recognize, and may have acted
upon the reticent list in view of public oj)inion. If on this occa-
sion he played politician, it was, no doubt, under the strong
rebukes of conscience, for his firm faith in human equality would
have prompted him to be the staunchest resistant to the intro-
duction of the word white in the suffrage section. When the
hi'st discussion on tliis question was before the convention, he was
present, but vv-as absent in January, 1838, when the first vote was
taken introducing the discriminating word. Mr. Stevens, in this
instance, evinced much of his real nature ; for while he desired
to be regarded as the bold defender of principle, he had that
much of corrupted nature as to keep an eye upon his future
political success.

Durinir the last davs of the convention, he attended the
sittings of the Legislature at Ilarrisburg ; having been elected to
the Lower House in October, 1837. And when the new Consti-
tution was completed, he declined to append his signature to it,
because of the mcorporation of that distinction of suff'rage which,
for some reason, contrary to his nature, he had not the boldness
to battle. Thus far, ambition alone can be supposed as that which
triumped over principle, othewise he sliould have pronounced
some philippics that might have enhanced his reputation as an
agitator, but which in that event miglit forever have bolted
ao;ainst him the doors of the Xational Congress.

Xot long after the adjournment of the Legislature in 1S3S,
Gov. Kitner appointed Mr. Stevens one of the Board of Canal
Commissioners, John Dickey and a Mr. Pennebaker being the
other two members. One of the enterprises that drew upon

43 A REVIEW OF THE

Mr. Stevens mucli odium as a lueinber of the Canal Board, was
his advocacy of the Gettysburg llaih-oad, wliich he was charg-ed
by his pohtical opponents as favoring, because of its passing his
furnace in Adams County. It was a measure, however, that had
received the warm support of Gov. Ritner ; but with the Demo-
crats this in no M'ise shiekled Mr. Stevens, as he was regarded
upon all hands as the controlhng spirit of the Ritner adminis-
tration. The Governor was viewed simply as a puppet in his
hands, and his messages as but the dictations of the power behind
the throne. The Gettysburg Railroad was designed to unite
M'ith the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, then in process of con-
istruction. The tortuous route that it was necessrry to take in
order to unite the points contempLated by railway, was what gave
this road the nickname of the " Tape-worm^'' An appropriation
was secured, and the route was surveyed, and considerable sums
of money expended upon its construction. The road was in-
spected by the committee during tlie legislati\^e session of lSoT-8,
one from the House of Representatives, and the other from the
Senate. Both committees reported adversely to the completion
of the road. The Senate, at that time, had a majority of its
members of Mr. Stevens' own party. John Strohni, a Whig
Senator, was Chairman of the Senate Committee, from whose
report some extracts are submitted :

" The Gettysburg Railroad, commencing at Gettysb^irg and extending
to a point at or west of Hagerstown, in the State of Maryland, is but an
isolated link which can never become useful or profitable until the Balti-
more and Ohio road, to be extended to Pittsburg or Whee ing, and the
Riiilroad from Gettysburg to the Columbia Railroad at Wrightsville are
cpmpletod. That portion of the latter which lies between Wrightsville
and York, about twelve miles is in progress. Between York and Gettys-
burg an experimental survey has been made, but no permanent location
fixed ; and it is the opinion of many that an early completion of the said
road by the company need not be expected.

"It is evident, therefore, that no certainty can be attained, either in
regard to the location or time of completing the Baltimore and Ohio
Railroad. Would it, then, be consistent with cautious prudence and
sound policy to persevere in expending millions in constructing a work,
the utility of which is dependant on such precarious and doubtful cu--
cumstancesV"

The Committee reported that, in their opinion, the objects
sought for by the Gettysl)nr Road, would much more advantage-
ously be obtained by adopting the route through the Cumberland
Vailej', by way of Chambersburg. The Gettysburg Road, in

rOLITICAL CONFLICT IN A3IERICA. 43

crossing tlic South Mountain, wis obliged to select sucli a meand-
ering line, tliat it was not strange that it secured its surname of
the " Tai)e-wornhy On the aspect of this road the connnittee
say :

"Bat on tlie latter (the Gettysburg road) for about twenty-five miles,
the traveler is either ascending or descending at the rate of fifty feet to
the mile, a rugged, solitary and barren mountain, uninliabited and almost
uninhabitable ; on the one hand he sees perpendicular cUlfs rise like tovv^er-
ing stee^iles above his head, covered with projecting rocks which threaten
hhii with instant death for his temerity ; on the other, he perceives a
frightful precipice, over which he is in eminent danger of being hurled
into the abyss below, with the certain prospect of being dashed to pieces
by the fall. Now he is whirled over a ravine, or an embankment of some
fifty or sixty feet in height, and now engulphed in an excavation from
which he can scarce see the sun ; or immured in a tunnel where daylight
may enter but cannot penetrate. The slightest accident must expose
him to danger of life, lunb and property, from which nothing but a
miracle can save liim."

Near lialf a million of dollars were expended upon this road
through the influence of Mr. Stevens, as was charged by his ene-
mies, and as it from the first concentrated the hostility of the Demo-
cratic party when David R. Porter came into power, the road w^as
abandoned. It, however, w^as one of those projects that clung to
Thaddens Stevens throughout life, and like the poisoned spirit of
Nessus, would have proved a fatal tunic to a weaker man, or,
perhaps, to any other than himself.

A REVIEW OF THE

CHAPTER IV.

THE BUCKSHOT WAR.

The event tliat will ever be known in the history of Pennsyl-
vania as the " Buckshot War," and in the seanes of which Thad-
deiis Stevens bore a conspicuous part, to be understood must be
traced from its inceptive causes. At the general election, held on
the second Tuesday of October, 1838, the people of the County
of Philadelphia voted for two Senatoi-s and ei<;-ht Representa-
tives, besides other officers. The highest Democratic candidate
for the senate, C. Brown, received 10,036 votes, while W. AVago-
ner, the highest on the AVhig ticket, had but 9,4-90 votes. On
the representative ticket the Democrat who polled the lowest
vote had a majority of 385 over the highest AYhig candidate.

Charles J. Ingersfol, the Democratic candidate for Congress,
had run several hundred votes behind his ticket, and as the vote
in his district was counted, he was defeated. It was averred, on
the part of him and his friends, that vast frauds had been perpe-
trated in the district of the Northern Liberties. Articles innne-
diately began to appear in the public journals and in handbills,
calling upon the people to be ready to assert their rights, and
urging upon them to attend at the meeting of the return judges,
at the State House, in Philadelphia, on Friday after the election,
in order to see that justice be done them and their friends. This
at once aroused public attention, and at the meeting of the return
judges, ]Mr. Ingersol and his friends appeared and demanded that
they be heard in defense of his claims. The board of return
judges numbered seventeen, representing the same number of
districts : ten Democrats and seven AYliigs. Mr. Ingersol claimed
the privilege of proving that certain irregularities had taken
pi ice at the polls in the Xortheni districts, and after considerable
discussion this right was granted by a party vote of the return
judges. LLaving proved that the law had been violated at one of

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 45

tlie polls in the Xortlieni Liberties ; and as this whole district
voted in one huilding, it ^vas demanded by Mr. IngersoU and his
party friends, tliat the whole vote of the Liberties be excluded.
This vote anionntcd to about 5,000, and its rejection would have
the effect of electing the Democratic candidate for Congress, but
in no wise altered the result as regards the candidates for tho
Senate and House of Representatives, save that it increased the
Democratic majorities. The Democratic return judges, having
the majority of the board, decided infaA'or of Mr. Ingersol's claim,
and the vote of the Xorthern Liberties was rejected. The Whigs
entered theii- protest against this action of the maj< nn'ty, Ijut were
powerless to prevent it. They contended that the board of return
judges had no legal authority to exclude the vote of any district,
and that this power was vested in other trilnmals. But as the
majority thought otherwise, duplicate returns were made out and
signed by the ten pdges, which elected the two Democratic
Senators and the eight Kepresentatives, one copy of wliicli was
deposited in the Prothonotary's office, as the law^ required, and
the other was placed in the post office, directed to the Secretary
of the Commonwealth. After this the six AVhig return judges,
in coil junction witli the one from the city of Philadelphia, met
in another room of the State House, and they also prepared and
signed duplicate returns of the votes polled in seven of the seven-
teen election districts of the County of Philadelphia. The one
of these returns they in like manner deposited in the Prothono-
tary's office, and the other they handed to the Sheriff, who sent
the same by express on a steam engine to the Secretary of the
Commonwealth. This last return came first into the hands of
the secretary ; and on this account, induced it would seem by
partisan logic, he chose to consider as the only legal one.

The Whigs assumed to believe that the Democrats, in casting
out the vote of the IS^orthern Liberties, were guilty of a fragrant
outrage, and that dissenting as they did from the majority return,
no other remedy was left them save to act as they had done. The
Democrats, on the other hand, claimed that the minority return
was intended to force into the Legislature, as sitting members,
ten defoiited Whig candidates from the County of Philadolpliia ;
and by their votes before they could be removed l)y contesting
their election, to pass laws, to elect the Canal Commissioners, a
United States Senator, and other officers. The fear was even

48 A REVIEW OF THE

e.\[)re>SLHl that they Avoiild contest the (iovernoi-'s election and
(K'l'Iarc Rltner re-elected for three years longer, and thus set the
\vill of the j^eople at defiance. That the honorable leaders of
cither ]>arty desired anything but v.liat was fair, is hardly pre-
sumable, much as the partisans of each may have desired to
advance their own interests. But it was about this time in the
history of Pennsylvania, when the most dai-ing displays of politi-
cal corruption iirst began to be witnessed. The corruptionists of
each party were ready to advance their cause by any means what-
soever, and the upright and conscientious men of either organiza-
tion were made to believe that the fraud all attached to their
oi)ponents. As the election of 1838 had been warmly contested,
and as both parties had felt confident of victory, and had wagered
large sums of money on the result, it was not reasonable to sup-
pose that the defeated would yield the contest, when fraud was
believed to have contributed to their overthrow. Accordingly,
Thomas II. Burrows, the Secretary of State, and who was also
chairman of the AVhig State Connnittee, no doubt, after con-
ference with his party counselloi-s, issued on the ir>th day of
October, a few days after the election, the following address to
the friends of Joseph Ritner :

"Fellow Citizens: — The general election has resulted in a manner
contyary to all our reasonable calculations and just expectations. The
opponent for the office of Governor appears to be elected by at least
Tj.OOO majority. Tliis is an event to which, if it had been fairly produced,
we, as good citizens, Avoiild (piietly, if not cheerfully, submit. But there
is a strong probability of malpractice and fraud in the whole transaction
that it is our duty peacefully to resist it and fully to expose it.

"The election has been characterized by features altogether unparall-
eled in the history of our State politics. A t^iw of those of a more
general nature may be here instanced.

" When the returns from all the counties shall be received, it will
probably be found that the whole vote given for Joseph l.itner. on the
9th instant, is greater than that which he received in ISSo by a number
at least equal to the natural, regular and legal increase cf votes in the
whole State in three years. It will a'so hi found that liis friends in
nearly every county polle 1 fully as many votes as tliey before the elec-
tion expected to do, upon the strength of which expectation a reasonable
estimate gave him a majority of 10,000. Then grave questions arise.
"Whence came the majorities returned for his opponent? And how can
lie be defeated who has so well sust lined himself with the people and so
largely ini-reased his vote ? It will be discovered that in the districts
where the friends of Joseph Ritner had the control of th.; elections, a
moderate increase of votes f jr him, arising from sufficient and well-

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 47

known causes, took place ; wliile in the same dibtricts his opponents had
fair play and polled their full number of legal votes. On the other hand,
it is known to all that in the district > in which the inspectors and judges
were the friends of Mr, Porter, not only were the friends of Joseph Rit-
ner in many cases wholly excluded from voting, but his opponents admit-
ted without shadow of right, thus swelling the majorities of ]\Ir. Porter
even beyond the wild expectations and extravagant calcu ations of his
own friends. Is it right that this state of things (the existence of which
each voter will determine by facts known to himself) should be submit-
ted to in a free country?

" Finally it is known that in several counties in which our opponents
had the control, the votes of whole districts, favorable to our candidate,
were without shadow of law or justice, wholly rejected, and false and
partial returns made. Can there be any safety under republican institu-
tions if such high-handed opp ession be tolerated? No ! We owe it to
ourselves as free men and good citizens, to examine into this matter, and
if fraud be detected to expose and resist it. We owe it to our country
and po-terity.

" On behalf, therefore, of the State Committee of Correspondence and
Vigilance, the propriety is suggested of taking measures at once for in-
vestigating the manner in which the election was conducted and the
result produced. Now is tlie time to make the examination while the
facts are fr.sh and the outrage recent. Let it be done then peacefully,
determinedly and thoroughly. But let it be commenced with an honest
resolution to submit to the result ■whether it be favorable or unfavorable
to our Welshes. This is the duty of all who contend for equal rights and
the supremacy of the laws.

^"^ But, fellow citizens, until this investigation be fulhj made and fairly
determined, let us treat the election of the Wi instant as if loe had not
been defeated, and in that attitude abide the result.

'' In the meantime your State Committee will take all ]>roper measures
on the occasion, and when the whole facts are known and the retm*ns
received, will probably address you more at length."

This address, issuing from siicli aiitliority, was accepted by tlie
Democrats as a threat of revohition, and taken in connection witli
the return of the minority judges of Philadelphia, had the effect
of arousing partisan passion to its highest pitch of intensity.
From that time till the meeting of the Legislature In December,
the anticipated action of each party at that period was a subject
of discussion in the party journals, and preparation was made by
each for the probaljle colisiun tliat (as was believed by many) would
take place. As the time approached for the meeting of the
Legislature, the active partisans began to flock to Ilarrisburg to
be witnesses of the scenes that were about to transpire, and also
to see that their party friends obtained their constitutional rights.
By December 3d all the hotels were crowded, and bullies and

43 A REVIEW OF THE

ronglis of bolli parties were parading the streets of the capitol,
lomlly Loasting what they would do in case their respective
parties were nnjustlj treated. Thaddeus Stevens, all this
time, wjvs the centre of influence with his party friends, and the
principal object of malediction with the Democrats. The "Whigs
and Anti-Masons looked to him for advise in all their movements,
M'hile their opponents could see in him nothing but the incarnation
of all inicpiity, fraud and corruption, against M'hich they were
compelled to contend. The chief of the fallen angels himself, was
almost as honorable a character in the estimation of the violent
Democratic partisans, as was Thaddeus Stevens at this time,
lie, the contriver of the whole plan for revolutionizing the State
govermcnt and securing ascendancy for his party, could be noth-
ing better than an arch-fiend, and many a threat escaped the
mouth of a swaggering [Kilitician that he should bite the dust for
his treasonable designs against the rights of the people.

The memorable morning of the -Ith of December, 1838, the
day fixed by law for the asseml)ling of the Legislature, found
the adherents of both parties anxiously waiting the hour for the
House to assemble. The hour of meeting was 11 A. M. Long
before this time the hall, the galleries, aisles and lobbies were
crammed with members and spectators almost to suffocation, wait-
ing the time for the organization of the House. Bowie knives and
pistols Avere in the pockets of a large number, who had come from
Philadelphia and the public works, in order, as they fancied, to
see justice done to their party friends. The matter in dispute
seemed well understood, not so well the cause of it. All, how-
ever, recognized that the diffculty was concerning the Philadel-
phia County delegation to the Senate and House of Representa-
tives. This was about all that was generally understood; the
merits of the dispute had dot yet been closely inquired into.
When the hour of eleven struck, the Clerk called the House to
order, and Thomas H. Burrows, Secretary of the Counnon-
Avealth, stepped forward and handed that oflicer the I^liiladcl-
])liia returns, which, contrary to custom, he had up t<> this time
failed to deliver. This was the occasion for some manifestation
of disapprobation in the galleries. Mr. Charles Pray, one of the
Drinocratic contesting members, from Philadelphia, rose and
handed the clerk a certified copy of the returns made by the
majority of the return judges, and desired also that it might be

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 49

read. Mr. T. S. Smith, anotlicr I'liiladclpllia iuciiil)cr, protested
af;:ainst the reading of a dociniient thus irreguhirly presented.
The law })rescribed the officer l)y whom all returns must be
made ; and- coming from any other thej were illegal and void.
After some discussion, both returns were allowed to be read, and
afterwards the returns from the east of the State were read with-
out opposition. The contesting members of both political parties
were thus, as it Avere, admitted ; and the House was now ready
for organization. Counting the eight contesting members, each
party had a majority. Thos. B. McElwee, of Bedford, next rose
and moved that the House proceed to elect a Speaker, which
motion was adopted. All this time great confusion reigned.
Scarcely was the voice of the clerk, when calling the names of
the members, audible above the din that prevailed through the
whole hall. Wm. Hopkins, of Washington County, was novr
nominated for Speaker, and the tellers were appointed. Here-
upon, Thaddeus Stevens arose and named as Speaker, Thomas S.
Cunninghan^, of Beaver, and having appointed tellers, immedi-
ately put the motion and declared his candidate elected, who pro-
ceeded to the speaker's stand and took the chair. He was greeted
by his partisans with tumultuous applause when he reached the
speaker's seat. A like election on the part of his partisans
declared Mr. Hopkins Speaker of the House, who mounted a
chair and began to address the multitude. Thos. B. McElwee ad-
vanced to him and escorted him to the speaker's platform, and
gently removing Cunningham with his elbow, placed the Demo-
cratic Speaker in his seat. This in turn was greeted by vocifer-
ous cheering by those who saw in this act the advantage gained
by their party. Both Speaker's vrere now sworn by their parti-
sans, and thereupon Mr. Cunningham assumed to adjourn the
House till 2:30 P. M. next day. The Cunningham mendjers now
retired, and afterthe transaction of some unimportant business, the
Hopkins House also adjourned until next day at 10 o'clock. The
crowd now gradually dispersed ; the Democrats, however, took the
precaution to leave some trusty guards in i3ossession of the capitol,
in order to retain possession of the advantage they had gained.

Both parties now returned to their several hotels and boarding
houses, some chagrined and others jubilant over what had trans-
pired. After dinner had been ])artaken of and the all-engrossing
subject for a short time discussed, the leading politicians began

no A REVIEW OF THE

to wend tlic'ir -way to tlie Senate chamber, whieli body was to
ori^aiiize at 3 o'clock. Like the hall of the House had been,
when tlie clock struck three, the Senate chamber -was a perfect
jam. When the clerk called the Senate to order, Mr, Burrows,
the Secretary of the Commonwealth, handed to him the return
of the minority judges from the Connty of Philadelphia. At
this iH)\nt the crowd gave vent to some tokens of disapprobation,
after which the roll was called and the Senators answered to their
names. A Mr. Hannah was one of the Senators from Philadel-
])hia who was returned by the AVhig judges as elected. When
his name was called and he was about to be sworn, the utmost
confusion prevailed. The cro\vd broke over the lobbies, and
some of them mounted chairs and began to speak. Charles
Brown, one of the contesting Senators from Philadelphia, at-
tempted to address the Senate, but was called to order as not
being a member of the body. This excited his partisans in the
crowd, and the shout was raised : " Hear him," " Brown,"
'".Brown," "You shall hear Brown." These and similar out-
bursts cf cxcitomcnt now for a moment rent the hall. For a
time all single voices were drowned in the universal clamor and
confusion which prevailed. Gen. liodgers, of Bucks, a member
of the Senate, rose and mo\ed that Mr. Brown be permitted to
address the Senate. Brown now addressed it and the crowd at
considerable length, and all the while the tumult remained
nnabated. All this time Penrose, the Speaker, kept his seat and
endeavored to preserve order to the best of his ability, but to no
])urpose. It was now near seven o'clock in the evening. During
all this time Stevens had been in the hall, and was regarded by
his pr)litical enemies as the spirit that animated and inspired
contidence in the hearts of his partisans. Penrose, finding his
efforts to preserve order fruitless, beckoned to Gen. Podgers to
t^ike the chair, he retiring behind the desk. About this time,
Stevens perceiving that the waves of faction already resistless
Avere still surging with greater intensity, desired to make his
way out through the crowd, but was nnable to do so. He went
back to the fire-place and while standing thei'e, was told by a
friend that it was intended to kill him if he went out by the door.
It was then suggested that he and Burrows should leave by the
window of the room, near the tire. As it was too perilous a
descent to leap out of the window, they crept out by means of a

rOLTTICAL CONFLICT IN A]\IERTCA. HI

lamp lighter's bidder, which liad been ()l)t:ilued by some of tlieir
friends, and secured against the bade wall of the Senate Chamber.
While going out of the window the door of the room, opening at
the end of the lobby stood open, and thej were seen by some of
the crowd. '''Three persons, one of them with a long bowie
knife in his hand, ran out through the crowd, swearing he would

kill the scoundrel yet." * Had not these roughs mistaken

the direction of the window they might, in the intensity of the
excitement, have imbued their hands in blood. Penrose, about
the same time, also made his escape. Shortly after the retreat
of Stevens, Penrose and Burrows, the Senate adjourned.

By this time the people of Ilarrisburg were in the midst of the
greatest excitement and terror. Every moment it was now ex-
pected that a collision between the parties might ignite the flames
of civil war iu. their midst. Stevens, Penrose and Burrows were
the triumvirate that received all the abuse of their political
opponents for what had happened, or was likely to take place.
As the preponderance of pleljeian influence was possessed by the
Democratic party, it was already apparent that the AVhigs had so
far l)een necessitated to yield to its influence. Perhaps, even in
this case, the vox pojndl was vox dei^ much as reason might utter
its dissent. Passion and patriotism now had free scope for dis-
play. A mammoth meeting of Democrats was held the same
evening at the Court House in the Borough of Ilarrisburg, pre-
sided over by Gen. T. C. Miller, of Adams County, assisted by a
large number of vice-presidents. A number of stirring and
inflamatory addresses were delivered at this meeting by Col. J. J.
McCahan, of Philadelphia, George W. Barton, of Lancaster, and
others. A committee w\as appointed to wait wi^w Thomas II.
Burrows, and request him forthwith to furnish to the clerks of
the Senate and House of Reprentatives, the full and le^-al returns
of the election for the County of Philadelphia, held on the Dth
of October, 1838. A Committee of Safety was also appointed,
of which Gen. Adam Diller, of Lancaster County, was made
Chairman. The meeting then adjourned until next moi-iiijig at
half-past eight o'clock.

After the adjournment of _thc Senate, Gov. Ptitner issued the
following proclamation :

* Biographical History of Lancaster County, pjx 583.

53 A REVIEW OF THE

J\/ms)jlvanla, .<<;: In the name and I y the authority of the
Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, hy Josejjh Icitne/', Gov-
ernor of the said Commontoealth :

"Whereas, A lawless, infuriated armed mob, from the Counties of
Philadelphia, Lancaster, Adams, and other counties, have assembled at
the seat of Government with the avowed object of disturbing, mterrupt-
in<; and over-awing the Legislature of this Commonwealth, and of pre-
venting its proper organization, and the peaceable and free discharge of
its duties. And

'• Whereas, The said mob have already, on this day, entered the Senate
Chamber, and in an outrageous and violent manner by clamoring, shouting
and threatening violence and death of tlie members of that body and
other officers of the Government, and finally, by rushing within the bar
of the Senate Chamber, and in defiance of every effort to restrain them,
compelled the Senate to suspend business. And

•• Whereas, They still remain here in force, encouraged by a person who
is an officer of the General Government from Philadelphia, and are set-
ting the law at open defiance and rendering it unsafe for the legislative
bodies to assemble in the Cajjitol.

" Therefore, This is to call upon the civil authorities to exert them-
selves to restore order, to the utmost of their power, and upon the mili-
taiy force of the Commonwealth to hold themselves in readiness to repair
to the seat of Government ; and upon all good citizens to aid in curbing
this lawless mob, and in re-instating the supremacy of the law.

" Given under my hand and the great seal of the State, at llarrisburg,
this 4th day of December, in the year of our Lord, one thousand, eight
hundred and thirty-eight, and of the Commonwealth the sixty-tliird.

Cy the Governor.

"Thomas H. Burrows.
" Secretary of the Commonwealth."

The Democratic citizens met pursuant to the adjoununeiit at
the Court House meeting at 8:30 o'clock A. M., of December 5th,
and Avere again addressed at some length by the eloquent Col.
J. J. McCahan. lie exhorted them to use all peaceful measures,
in order to secure their rights. The Committee on Kesolutions
submitted the following :

" Resolved. That we recommend to tlie citizens generally to pursue a
prudent and calm course, waiting the events of the day with that firm-
ness whicli frei'men in a free country have resolved upon.

" R'solv d, That neither those in power, wlio endeavor to peii>etuate
their reign through milawful and fraudulent returns, as citizen soldiers,
wlio have the same feelings and interests with us, will intimidate people
resolved upon having their rights."

At 10 o'clock, on Wednesday, Deccnd)er Hth, the Hopkins
House met pursuant to its adjom-nment, in the hall of the House
of Kepresentativcs, and elected their ofRcers; and after the trans-

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN A^IERICA, 53

action of some iiuini[)()rl:iut business, adjourned. Alxiut llic
time tlic House was adjourninj:;, a rumor was afloat tliat tlic
Whiii's had taken possession of the arsenal with a larijje body of
armed men. iSome of the members, going to ascertain the truth
of the nnnor, found a large collection of men around the
arsenal. Armed men were seen parading in the arsenal, with
fixed bayonets. Gov. Ilitner had issued orders that a special
guard should be detailed for the defense of the State property in
the arsenal. The Democrats who surrounded the arsenal had a
Held-piece and acted under the orders of the Connnittee of
Safety, of which Gen. Adam Diller was chairman. As they
viewed affairs, the occupation of the arsenal was but part of a
plan to coerce them into the relincpiishment of their rights ; and
to this they determined to interpose whatever resistance the occa-
sion might demand. The proclamation of the Governor, calling
for troops, had now become known, and this now added fresh
fuel to the flames. The Democrats demanded either the evacua-
tion of the arsenal, or that it should be guarded by equal num-
bers of both parties. This latter demand was refused, and as the
parleying had already lasted for a considerable time, it was feared
by many of the Whigs that unless some compromise were effected
a collision might ensue. At this point, George Ford, of Lancas-
ter, and Joseph Henderson, called upon the Committee of Safety
and represented themselves as deputed by Stevens, Ritner & Co.
to confer in reference to the arsenal and the public property of
the Commonwealth, Messrs, Ford & Henderson pledged them-
selves, "that as men of honor, no ordinance, arms, muskets, or
amunition, should by any order of the Governor, or any other
authority whatever, be taken from the arsenal for the purpose of
arming any forces that might collect in obedience to the proc-
lamation of the Governor, and that if any use of them should
be made they would hold themselves personally responsible for
the consequences."

The Committee of Safety thereupon despatched three of their
number to advise the citizens of the pledge that had just been
made, and the arsenal guard shortly afterwards consented tliat if
the citizens would withdraw, they would evacuate the premises.
Room l)eing now made for the retreat, the garrison sallied forth
at full run for Gleims' Hotel, the head(piarters for the Tiitner
party. In the chase, one of the fugitives, a known bully, was

51 A REVIEW OF THE

uvertalvcn l)V a Pliiladelpliiiin of like character, prostrated, and
severely handled. As soon as the arsenal Wus evacuated, an im-
mense crowd j^athered in front of Gleinis' Hotel, in which it wa^
rumored that five hundred muskets were deposited. These mus-
kets, it was averred, had been purchased in Philadelphia by
Stevens and Burrows after the October election, and deposited in
a room of this hotel for service on the joresent occasion. It was
now past noon, and rain was falling in torrents upon the crowd,
now swollen to an immense size, in the streets and around the
hotel. Col. Lewis Corryel and Col. Piolett addressed the multi-
tude and calmed them by assurring them that no immediate dan-
ger of a coUission now existed. The crowd after this, gradually
began to disperse.

As soon as Mr. Stevens had heard of the negotiation made with
the Committee of Safety, concerning the arsenal, by Ford and
Henderson, he disclaimed, in a public letter addressed to the
editor of the Pennsylvania Tel ey rajfJi , -a^ far as he was concerned,
having authorized the parties to so negotiate. The following is

the copv of the letter :

" Harrisbukg, Dec. Gtli, 1833.
" To the Editor of the Pennsylvania Telegraph :

"Sir: — I understand that a publication, issued by authority of the
rebel forces, who for two days past have had possession of the seat of
government and the State Capitol, states that while such forces sur-
rounded the arsenal, yestei-day, and were threatening to force it open, a
committee. consi->ting of Messrs. Foi-d and Henderson, sent by R'tner,
Stevens, Buitows & Co., pledged their honor, that if the people would
disperse no arms should be taken out of the arsenal by any i)er-
sons, either in behalf of the government or others. I desire t.o contra-
dict this statement, so far as it con ems myself. What Messrs. Ford and
Henderson may have done, I know not ; but no man had any counte-
nance from me, in either making or listening to any suggestions from
the rebels on any subject ; nor do I believe that either of the gentlemen
named authorized any sucli communication. I have uniformly said that
I should deem it disgraceful to treat with the rebels on any subject, or
do any a(;t, either now or hereafter, on their demand. Such acts I should
consider as disgraceful to myself, personally, and an infamous surrender
of the rights of the people of the Republic.

"Your obedient servant,

"Thaddeus Stevens."

The hall <A the House of Tlepresentatives was secm'ely guarded
by the Democrats, during the whole of the 5th of December.
The Cunningham House had completed its organization in a room
of Wilson's Hotel, in the City of HaiTisburg, now the Lochiel

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN A^IERICA. 55

House. As CimTiini;-liaiii 1ia<l adjourned his House Avlieu tlic two
parties on the Ith divided in tlieir ori>'anizations, until half-past
two P. M. on the 5th, he directed a Mr. Spackuian, of Philadel-
phia, to proceed to the hall of the House of Pepresentatives, and
ao-ain adiourn it till the next day. Meetino- Thomas P. McElwec,
Spaekman was asked by his political opponent, where he was
going;. Spaekman replied, "to adjourn the House." McElwee
told him ho had no rii;'ht to do so, as there was no House to
adjourn, and started immediately for the Speaker's stand. Sonic
one in the House (for the hall was again densely crowded) said to
him, "you will get a ball through your head if you attempt to
keep Spaekman from the Chair." Spaekman advanced to tho
platform. McElwee the second time demanded of Inm what he
wanted, and the reply was, " to adjourn the House." The
interrogator remarked that there was .no House to adjourn.
Spaekman said, "the Cunningham House," to which McEhvee
told him he would not be permitted to do so. Great agita*;iou
now prevailed throughout the hall. Some, supposing a collision
iminent, raised the windows to make their escape if danger arose.
Some cried out, " Spaekman, adjourn the House from where 3'ou
are." McElwee immediately remarked to some of the bystanders,
" gentlemen, remove this man from the halL" He Avas at once
seized by the men, and led to the door. While he was being
conveyed out, he remarked to one of those leading him, that " he
would adjourn the House from a mendDer's chair." Tho gentle-
man assured him that if he attempted to do so he would not be
responsible for his safety. Spaekman then retired from the hall.
In the interval a rush was made, and the folding doors between
the hall and rotunda were l)urst from their hinges, and many
indi\-iduals leapt from the windows. Great confusion reigned
for a short time, some attempting to speak, in order to cpiell the
disorder. After some time the citizens again quietly dispersed,
and the hall was once more almost deserted.

Gov. Pitner, on the 5th of December, addressed a letter to
E. Y. Sumner, Captain of the United States Dragoons, at Car-
lisle, urging him "forthwith to march the troops at your com-
mand to Harrisburg, for the protection of the constituted authori-
ties of the Commonwealth, for the suppression of the insurrection,
and for the preservation of our Republican form of Government,
agreeably with the Constitution of the United States." Captain

50 A REVIEW OF THE

Siiimicr, on the same day, rei)liecl to the Govemor as follows :
" As the disturbance at the Capitol of this State, appears to proceed
from political dillerences alone, I do not feel that it would be proper for
me to interpose my command between the parties. If this riot proceeded
from any other cause, I would offer you the services of my command
before you will receive this letter."

On Friday, Docemher Tth, Crov. liitncr addressed the fulluwing
letter to the President of the United States :

Hakrisburq, Pa., December Tth, 1838.

" Sir : — It is my exceedingly unpleasant duty, officially to inform you,
that such a state of domestic violence exists at this place, as has put an
end for the present to all the regular functions of the State Government.
The Senate of the State has been compelled, by imtimidation, to break
up in confusion. The dulj- apjiointed presiding officer of the House of
Representatives was prevented from calling the House to order, to wliicli
it stood adjourned, and was ejected from tlie hall by violence. The State
Department is closed, and I have not deemed it safe or prudent to proceed
to the Executive Chamber since the first disturbance, which took place
on the 4tli instant.

" Under this state of things, I liave thought it mj' dutj-, to the good
citizens of this Commonwealth, and to law and order, to lay the foregoing
fact before you, and to request you, in accordance with the Fourth Sec-
tion of the Fourth Article of the Constitution of the United States, to
take measures to protect this State against the effects of the domestic
violence which is now in existence.

" That there may be no doubt, in your mind, as to the propriety of
Kome interference at the present moment, without an application of the
Legislature, it is only requisite to say that I have been officially informed
that neither branch of the Legislature can witli freedom ami safety meet
for the transaction of business ; and further, that though the Legislature of
this State annually convenes on the first Tuesday in December, I have
not yet been officially informed, in the usual manner, of their organiza-
tion. I, therefore, do not believe that the Legislature can be convened
or that it is already in session. On yesterday I made a formal applica-
tion to Captain E. V. Sumner, commanding the United States Dragoons,
and other forces at Carlisle, for the assistance of his command, of which
the accomi)anying papers will exhibit a copy of his reply.

*' For the full information of your Excel'ency, I enclose the copy of a
proclamation v.hicli I have issued on the occasion, together with the
published statements of the facts connected with the riot in the Senate
Chamber, signed by a majority of the Senators, and the material facts
of which liave been sworn to by the S2)eaker and other members of the
Senate, and other published documents.

" I have the honor to be, sir, with great respect,

'* Your obedient servant,

" JOSEPH RITNER.
"To his Excellency, I^Iartin Van Duren,

'• President of the United States."

rOLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 57

The al)()VG letter of tlie Governor of Pennsylvania, was refer-
red by tlio President to the Secretary of AVar, J. R. Poinsett,
who under date of December 11th, replied to the a])plication for
troops, a portion of whose reply is here inserted:

"•Theconiniotion," siysthc Secretary of War, "which now threat-
ens the peace of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, does not
?j pear to arise from any opposition to the laws ; bnt j^rowsoutof
a political conter-t between the different mend)ers of the Govern-
ii:ent, most, if not all of them, admitted to be the legal represen-
tatives of the people constitutionally elected, about their relative
lights, and especially in reference to the organization of the pop-
ular branch of the Legislature. To interfere in any commotion
growing out of a controversy of so grave and delicate a character,
by the Federal authority, armed with the military power of the
Government, would be attended with dangerous consequences to
our republican institutions. In the opinion of the President, his
interference in any political commotion in a State could only be
justified by the application for it, being clearly within the mean
ing of the Fourth Section of the Fourth Article of the Consti-
tution, and of the Act of Congress passed in pursuance thereof,
and while the domestic violence brought to his notice, is of sucli
a character that the State authorities, civil and military, after
having been duly called upon, have proved inadequate to suppress
it."

Gen. Patterson, of Philadelphia, marched about one thousand
troops from that city to Ilarrisburg, arriving Avith them at the
State Capitol on Sunday morning, December 9th. A number
of troops were also marched from Carlisle by Gen. Alexander,
and companies prepared themselves to marcb in different sec-
tions of the State, but were informed that their services Avere
not required. By Thursday, the 6th of December, the greatest
of the excitement had sul)sided ; and the Senate was again in
session at the close of the week transacting business. All the
soldiers were dismissed, and had reached their homes on Satur-
day, December 22nd. The expenses occasioned by this attend-
ance of the citizen soldiery, amounted to the sum of one hundred
and forty-seven thousand dollars.

The Cunningham House of Pepresentatives continued to meet
regularly in a room of Wilson's Hotel, and it was believed by
the Democrats for a time that the Senate would recognize th's

58 A REVIEW OF THE

Locly as the lc-L!,-ally constituted House. The majority of the
Senators were AVhigs, and as politicians usually stand by their
party, it was supposed that this case would present no exception
to the i^eneral rule. Ihit after the whole truth, as regards the
election in Philadeljihia County, came to he fully understood,
many of the Whigs duuhtcd the propriety of resisthig the fairly
expressed will of the people at the Indlot box. Much as they
were entitled to the organization upon the return made by the
Secretai'v of the Commonwealth, yet it was gravely cpiestioned
by manv of them if that official had not transcended his authority
in discriminating between the two returns, and deciding npon a
matter which was by the constitution entrusted to the Ilonse of
Eepresentatives itself. In this they agreed with their political
opponents. Accordingly, on Monday, December ITth, three
members of the Cunningham division, Messrs. Butler and Stur-
dcvant, of Luzerne, and Montelius, of Union, came into the
Hopkins' House and offered to be and were sworn in as members.
This "-ave the Hopkins' House a majority of the members
whose seats were nncontested. Mr. Micheler, a Whig Senator
from Xorthampton, on the 25th of December, offered a resolu-
tion to recognize the Hopkins House of Representatives, as con-
tainin<i- a majority of the legally elected members ; and this reso-
lution was adopted, 17 voting in the affirmative, and 16 in the
ne'J-ative. The Whig Senators who supported this resolution, in
addition to the eleven Democrats, were : Messrs. Fullerton,
Case, Strohm, ]\Iicheler, McConkey and ]\Iiller. Two days after
the passage of this resolution in the Senate, a large nmnber of
the Whig members presented themselves to the recognized House
of Representatives, and after being (pialified took their seats.
Wm. Hopkins on the same day resigned the Speakership, in order
to accord to the acceding members their choice in the selection of
a Speaker. He was, however, immediately re-elected, and the
remaining Whigs, one after another, except Mr. Stevens, whose
spirit was too proud to yield, came in, and after having been
sworn, took their seats. He who had been the soid of his party in
its struggle, was too spirited to succumb when defeated and even
deserted by all his followers ; and he chose rather to absent himself
during the remainder of the session.

In view of the adoption of the new Constitution, it was found
necessary, for certain reasons, to convene a special session of the

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 69

Lo<,nslaturc, on May Ttli, 1839. The political frleiuls of Mr.
Stevens in Adams County, regarding tlieniselves as entitled to
full representation in the Legislature, held a meeting and passed
resolutions requesting him to assume his seat in the House of
Ilepreseutatives at the coming special session. A connnittee was
appointed to convey to Mr. Stevens the wishes of his constitu-
ents. To this committee he replied as follows :

"Gettysbukg, May 3d, 18C9.

•''Gentlemen: — I have received your letter of the 27th ult., mclosing
resohitions of a county meeting held in my absence, approving of my
conduct in having refused to take my seat in the House, and suggesting as
the opinion of the meeting, that I could be of service to the Common-
Avealth by going into it at the adjourned session ; containing also flattering
expressions of cunfidence reposed in me by the meeting,

" My opinion of the legality of the body called the ' Hopkins' House,,'
remains unchanged. I believe it to be an usurping body, foi'ced upon the
State by a band of rebels who have shaken to their fall the pillars of our
Constitution. But I owe too much to the kindness and steady confidence
of the people of Adams County to disobey their wishes, however deli-
cately intimated. I shall therefore conquer my repugnance to it and enter
the House at the adjoui-ned session. I shall feel happy if contrary to my
expectations, I should be able to be of any service to you, the Common-
wealth at large, and the hberty of the people which I fear is doomed to
a short existence. Accept gentlemen for yourselves my most cordial
thanks for the kind manner in which you have discharged the duties of
your appointment.

" To James Cooper, R. S. Paxon and M. C. Clarkson, Esq's, Committee.

"THADDEUS STEVENS."

Mr. Stevens presented himself at the special session of the
House on May 7th, 1850, and offered to be qualified as a meml3cr.
It was the occasion for the manifestation of intense hostility to-
wards him. Thomas B. McElwee offered the following resolution :

"Whereas, Thaddeus Stevens, a person elected from. Adams County,
claims a seat in this House ; And V/hereas, if even the said Stevens has
had a i-ight to sit as a member on this floor, he has forfeited this right by
acts in violation of the law of the land, by contempt of this House, and
by a virtual resignation of his character as a representative of Adams
County, therefore

''Resolved, That his admission as a member be postponed for the
present, and that a committee of five be appointed to investigate the
claims of Stevens to a seat in the House of Representatives of Pennsyl-
vania, and whether he has, if duly elected, forfeited his seat by mal-
conduct."

The above resolution called forth considerable discussion, but
the committee was finally appointed and the following notice
served upon Mr. Stevens :

GO A REVIEW OF THE

" IIaruisburg, Saturday IMornin.G;, May 11th, 1839.
" Sir : Tho committt'f ai)pointed by the House of Keiu-esentatives 'to
iiKiuiic whether Thaddeus Stevens, a member elect from Adams County,
has forfeited his right to a seat in the House,' will meet for that purpose
in the committee room of the House, on Monday next at 4 o'clock, or at
an earlier jieriod if you desire it, where you may attend and be heai'd.
** To 'lliaddeus Stevens, Esq.

"CHARLES M. HEGINS, Chairman."

To' this notice Mr. Stevens sent the following reply :

"Harrisburg, May 13th, 1839.

" Sir :— I received your letter of the 11th instant, informing me that
the committee ' to inquire whether Thaddeus Stevens, a member elect
Irom Adams County, has not forfeited his right to a seat in the House,'
will meet on Monday next, when I may attend and be heard.

••I decline to appear before the committee, because I will not consent
to a palpable violation of the Constitution and laws. If, as on recent
occasions, I am compelled by force to witness such scenes, I can at least
withhold from them my sanction, both express and implied.

" The resolution admits the legality of my election and return, but
proposes to inquke whether I have not forfeited my seat before my ad-
mission into the House. The grounds of such forfeiture are not specified
in the resolution, and I can only infer them from the remarks of the
original mover of the resolution, T. B. McElwee. As set forth by him,
they consist in non user, misuser, contempt of the House, by calling it an
illegal body— the offspring of a mob ; and for sundry personal improprie-
ties. No constitutional disiiualification was or is alleged, and for none
other can the House, without an illegal exercise of arbitrary power, pre-
vent a member elect from taking his seat. Expulsion for good cause,
after admission, stands on ditferent grounds, and is authorized by the
Constitution.

" I think it will trouble the committee to find a precedent of the de-
clared forfeiture for non iiser of au elective representative office. For
iwo whole sessions the minority in the House of Parliament absented
themselves from the House, yet neither the King, the Speaker, nor the
majority dared to exercise the high-handed tyranny now attempted by
what is called the House of Representatives of Pennsj'lvania.

" That certain public executive or ministerial offices may be forfeited
for nun user in England where no written paramount Constitution exists,
is true. The business of several departments of government could not
otherwise be transacted. But it must be a continuing non user. It would
be too late to declare the forfeiture after the officer had taken possession
of his office, and was ready to discharge its duties. The forfeiture is a
remedy against public inconvenience, and not a punishment for an
offender. But in Constitutional Governments no such forfeiture takes
place, except for the causes and in the mode pointed out in the Constitu-
tion itself.

" In the present case, the majority did not seem to consider the public
business as suffering by my absence, nor claim a right unknown to the
Constitution, to forfeit my seat ; else they would have declared it vacant

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. Ci

boforo the aujournmont. uml given my constituents a new election during
the vacation, so that they might be represented in the present session.
No intimation of a vacancy, no step to supply it was taken until I
appeared to take the oath and use the otfice. The House, therefore, seems
rather anxious to create than supply a vacancy.

'• I need hardly notice the allegation of viisuser of an oflice, which I
have been prevented from using at all.

" The right to exclude a member elect for speaking or writing con-
temptuously of the House or its proceedings is a novel and dangerous
l^osition. Until a member elect has taken the requisite oaths he can no
more participate in the proceedings of the House, nor is he any more
subject to its jurisdiction than a private citizen. Individuals may be
punished by the House for corrupt attempts upon its integrity by
attempting to bi'ibo its members, or for disturbing or interrupting its
proceedings, as in the case of the December mob, but not for any written
or printed comments on its proceedings however severe. The Sixth
Section of the Ninth Article (the Declaration of Rights) of the Constitu-
tion declares that " ilie lyrinting press shall be free to every person icho
iindertakes to examine the proceedings of the Legislature or any branch of
the Government, and no lata sliall ever be made to restrain the right
thereof.'' Anything I may have published, therefore, is not subject to
your supervision, if the Constitution be yet considered as existing.

'•If I were an admitted member, and should demean myself iiideco-
roush- and disorderly towards that body, the House has the power of
expulsion. And if calling it ' an illegally organized body, the offspring of
a mob,' as was contended in debate, be suflficient cause for expulsion, I
think I may safely promise to furnish an excuse for that act soon after
my admission. I do consider the 'Hopkins House' a usurping body
but like all other usuii^ers, having possession of the Government de facto,
its acts will be binding for good or evil on the State. Hence, my con-
stituents have tliought proper to ask me to take my seat and attempt to
moderate .an evil which is now without remedy.

" K the committee should occupy the ground pointed out by the mover
of the resolution, and sit in judgment upon decency and morality, I must
still further object to the tribunal. I mean no disrespect to the committee
for the majority of them I feel a high regard ; but the whole question
on their report will be again in the power of the majority of the House,
and I cannot agree to admit the intellectual, moral or habitual compe-
tency of Thomas B. McEhvee, his compeers, coadjutors and followers to
decide a question of decency and morals.

" For myself, personally, I feel no anxiety for the result of this inquiry
or the reasons which may be given for it, and to put which upon the
Journal, I presume was the chief object of the proceeding. My only
anxiety is that the Constituti n may not be further violated, and that the
people may yet have some ground to hope that Liberty, although deeply
wounded, may not expire. I owe my acknowledgments to the committee
for their prompt attention to this business, and trust it may be speedily
finished. With proper respect, your obedient servant,
"To Charles Hegins, Esq., " THADDEUS STEVENS.

" Chahmau of Committee, &c."

C3 A REVIEW OF THE

After tlie comniUtoc liad submitted tlicir report, a resolution
M'us iKk)i)ted l)y a .strict party vote of 58 to ;U, deelarino; the seat
of ]\rr. Stevens vacant in tlie House, and ordering a new election,
to take place on tlie 14tli of June. At the special election,
Mr. Stevens was re-elected, and on the I'Jth of June he appeared
in the House, and having subscribed the recpiisite oath, took his
scat. The Legislature adjourned on the 2Ttliof the same month.
The following is hh address when presenting himself as a candi-
date at the special election :

" Fellow Citizens : — In accordance with your wishes, I presented my-
self to the body now exercising tlie duties of the House of Reijresenta-
tives of this Commonwealth, and desired to have administered to me the
oath prescribed b}- law. A majority of that body, using the same unconsti-
tutional and unlawful means which invested them with official authority,
refused to allow me to occupy that seat to which I had been called by
the free choice of my fellow citizens. Under the most shallow, hypo-
critical and false pretences, they have declared my seat vacant and im-
posed upon you the expense of a new election, to be held on the 14th of
June next. In doing so they have committed an unprecedented outrage
on the rights of the people. If submitted to by the people, Liberty has
become but a mere name. Already is the Constitution suspended and
the most sacred contracts between the State and individuals are violated
with the mosb daring and reckless audacity. The tyrants who have
usurped power, have determined to oppress and plunder the people. It
is for you to s ly whether you will be their willing slaves. If they are
permitted finally to triumjih, you hold your liberty, your lives, your rep-
utation, and your property at their will alone.

"I had hoped that no circumstances would occur Avhich would render
it necessary for me to be again a candidate for your suti'rages. Both my
inclination and my interest require me to retire from public life. But I
will not execute that settled intention, when it will be construed into
cowardice or despondency. To refuse to be a candidate now woidd be
seized upon by my enemies as evidence that I distrust the people, and
am afraid to entrust to them the redress of their own wrongs. I feci no
such fear — no such disti-ust. Without intending any invidious com-
parison, I have always said what I still believe, that the people of Adams
County have more intelligence, and not less honesty, than the people of
any other county of the State. To such a people I can have no fear in
appealing against lawless aggression. To them I appeal to lestore to me
that which was their free gift, and therefore my right, and of which I
have been robbed by those who 'feel power and forget right.'

"I present myself to you as a candidate to fill that vacancj' which was
created to wound my and your feelings. I do not want to receive a i)art3'
nomination from my friends. The question now to be decided is above
party considerations, and would be disgraced by sinking it to the level of
0. party contest Eveiy freeman must be impelled to resist this public
outrage as a personal wrong to himself. Every thing dear to him in his

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 63"

country, his liberty, the liberty of his children and tlic title to his prop-
erty admonish him to rise above every paltry personal consideration, and
rebuke tyranny at that great tribunal of freemen— the ballot box.

" While, however, you are determined, resolute and energetic, let me
implore you not to imitate the example of our oppressors, but do every-
thing calmly and temperately. This admonition is hardly necessary to
the orderly citizens of Adams County, but when oppression is so intolera.
ble, as at present, it is ditficult for the most peaceable and (xuiet men to
control their indignation.

" With respect and gratitude, I am,

'* Your obedient servant,

" THADDEUS STEVENS,"
Harrisburg, Mr.y 25th, 1839,

A number of prosecutions for riot were instituted against tlie
leading Democrats wlio participated in the scenes at Harrisburg
during the 4th and 5th of December, 1838, and true bills of
indictment were found by the Grand Jury, at the Dauphin
County January Sessions, 1839, against Gen. Adam Diller,
Charles Pray, George AV. Barton, and others. These bills were
quashed by the Court at the April Sessions, for reasons presented
by the attorneys for the defendants. Mr. Stevens was one of the
comisel for the prosecution in these riot cases.

"When Mr. Stevens retired from the Legislature in June, 1839,
it was with the determination that it should be his last service in
the State Legislature ; but at the solicitation of friends he allowed
himself to be prevailed upon once more to become a candidate,
and he was returned again to the House in 1841. On the organ-
ization of the Legislatiu-e he was j^laced upon the Judiciaiy
Committee of the House, a position for which he was known to
possess rare qualifications. In February, 1812, the resolutions of
Mr. Eumford, suspending executions between the banks aiul their
debtors while the banks remained in suspension, camo up on third
reading. Mr. Stevens obtained the floor, and moved to go into
Committee of the Whole, for the purpose of substituting in the
jilace of the bill then pending, one w^'ich he caused to be read at
the Clerk's desk. " He supported," says the reporter, " his motion
in a powerful speech — such a speech as only Thaddeus Stevens
can make — which cast into insignilicance the attempts at oratory
which are daily made here. The bill provides for an immediate
resumption of specie payments, under specified penalties, amongst
which is that during the time of suspension the pay of all the
officers of the institution shall be suspended. The matter was

64 A REVIEW OF THE

postponcil Avithout any action upon it, as it was clesiroiis to
get rid of a troublosonio subject."

Durinij the same session, Mr. Stevens offered a resolution to
amend the Constitution ])y limiting the State debt to forty mil-
liens of dollars. The resolution passed in the House by a largo
majority.

A large numuL-r of petitions being presented to the Legisla-
ture at tills session, asking for the abrogation of the death penalty
in cases of murder, and these being referred to the Judiciary
Connnittee, the latter through their Chairman, ]\Ir. McEhvee,
reported against the re(piests of the petitioners. George Shars-
"wood and Tiiaddeus Stevens, two mendters of this connnittee,
submitted a minority re})ort, setting forth their reasons for favor-
ing the abolition of the death penalty, and concluding as follows :

"How imperfectly then, does the example of this puni.'^hment operate
to deter men from the commission of this crime (murder), accompanied
as it is with so many multiplied chances of escape. Indeed, in the
present constitution of society, we repeat, no crime is so likely to escape
its due and proper: iouato puni-h.ment as that highest one, to which our
law lias alilxe 1 the severest penalties.

" Let the i)unishnient be commuted to solitary imprisor.ment at hard
labor for life, and these chances of partial or entire immunity v.'i!i no
lonj^er exist. The terror of the doom, joined to the moral certainly of
its infliction, will bj amiile to deter offenders. The natural horror felt
for the Clime will not be lost in the minds of prosecutors, witnesses,
jurors and judges in sympathy for the accused. The mercy of the
Executive will not be extended, except in those cases in which from after
discovered evidence the innocence of the convict has been made appar-
ent, or when after the probation oi: years, his moral reformation and
repentance are placed beyond a reasonable doubt."

The following review and estimate of Mr. Stevens as a member
of the reiinsylvania Legislature, from the pen of one of his own
partisan contem})oraries, is a})])en(led as the conclusion of his career
as a State Legislator. It is from the Harrisburg TcIe(/,"oj)/i :

" We are aware that cur coluiuns liavt; been accused of a blind dovo-
lion to Thaddeus Stevens ; and those whose aim it has been to detract
from his reputation, have sought to brand the sincere praises inspired by
Ins talents and eloquence, as the favoring sycophancy ol' 1 he parasite.
But the wri er of the present article has never had the pleasure before
this session (14 ) of hearing Mr. Stevens in a deliberative body ; and he
has been too deeply impressed with tlie commanding influence of his
talents, the well trained tone of his mind, and with his blended graces of
the orator and rhetorician, that he is no I nger at a loss t > discover why
it is that a 1 the invective which partisan spleen could suggest, all the
ribaldry which political malice could engtnlcr, all thcscurrdity which a

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 65

corrupt press coukl procreate, and all tlie venom Avliich was spit out
under the protectiou of a 'previous pardon,' have been h^gh heaped upon
him.

" So inveterate liave been these attacks, so untiring the activity of his
assailants, that a portion of the very party with which he acts politi-
cally, has caught the tone of their opponents denunciations, and look on
him with distrust. It would be difficult for any who adopt this course to
explain their reasons. We look in vain through the public career of Mr.
Stevens to find in what particular he has been unfaithful to the cause of
democracy, unless Ave are to mistake for the pure fountain of truth the
poluted streams of partisan malignity. Whenever the destructive ten-
dencies of his political enemies seek to make inroads on oiu- constitu-
tional safeguards, or batter the muniments of our chartered liberty, there
is he found contending for the letter and spirit of Freedom's magna
charta. When the illiberal policy of those who would fetter the minds and
hold in thrall the intellects of our rising generation exhibits itself, then
is he found exerting his giant powers in favor of an universal spread of
education, which, like the light-giving sun, shall shine on all alike and
gild with equal brilliancy, the yeoman's cottage and the demagogue's
stately mansion. If the acts of those who are recreant to the true in-
terests of the free labor of the North, for the purpose of strengthening
their unwholly alliance v%^ith the slave drivers of the South, at any time
aim a deadly blow at agriculture and manufacturing prosperity, he wid
be found throwing himself into the breach, and with fervid eloquence,
pointing to the lights of the world's experience and calling on all, to use
them as beacons to avoid the rocks on which thousands have foundered,
or the quicksands in which they have been engulphed.

" To judge of the varied powers of Tliaddeus Stevens, it is only necessary
to review his course during the brief limit of the present session. In this
review would be included his powerful argument on the right of petition,
even from a meeting of repiidiators, his cogent appeals on the necessity of
placing a constitutional limit to the State debt, and taking from any
future legislature the power of continumg the present system of wasteful
expenditure without any provision to meet liabilities incurred thereby ;
his able and practical remarks on the vital importance of the protective
policy to the interests of our nation, showing how the flood of commerce
poured into Eng'and under the Navigation Act ; how Holland, once the
commercial carrier of the whole world, was paralyzed under the influence
of free-trade doctrines, and how the first principles of legislation demand
that home labor should be fostered and protected. Whoever has heard
Mr. Stevens, at this session or at any other, cannot hesitate to accord liim
the most commanding abilities and sound constitutional sentiments.
Hence it is, standing as he does, a giant among his pigmy opponents, that
everj^ shaft of malice and invective is hurled at him by every puny ivhip-
ster, who, like the fool of Crete, exposes his waxy softness to the fervid
glow of his eloquent reply.

" It is not so much oiu- wisli to eulogize Mr. Stevens as to direct the
public attention to the position he has assumed, and so well maintains.
We want the eyes of the Commonwealth directed towards him. Wo

G6 A REVIEW OF THE

want him judKod of by his acts, and not through the false medium of
political vituperation. We desire to see his course scanned with impartial
discrimination, and on itsissue we want our Commonwealtli to pronounce
its judgment. If he be found to swerve a point from the true cynosure
of democracy, or if he varies a line from the most matured principles of
h'-^islalive economy, lot that judgment be of condemnation ; but if he pass
the trial, justice demands that the praises be awarded to him which ar3
the meed of every puldic servant who has labored long and faithfully for
the best interests of the Commouweallli."

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 67

CHAPTER V.

THE ANTI-SLAVERY AGITATION.

The anti-slavery struggle in America, in wliicli Mr. Stevens
bore a conspicuous part, is necessary to be somewhat considered
in order to have a more perfect understanding of his character,
as an individual and as a statesman, than otherwise could be
obt<ained. Born and educated in 'New England, where anti-
slavery sentiments first developed themselves in the United
States, it is not strange that he should have manifested at an
early period of his life an opposition to the southern institution.
Besides, he belonged to the party that had led the resistance to
the admission of Missouri as a slave State into the Union ; and
from that period all whose convictions became fixed in that
memorable straggle remained unchanged, and were rather
strengthened than weakened as time progressed and the opposi-
tion to slavery as a movement became more consolidated-
Human slavery has been one of the established forms of the
social organization of the ancient, mtedieval and modern world.
Its establishment was based upon the assumed inequality of men, as
indicated by the clearest proofs of experience and reason in all
ages and nations. This manifest inecpiality, as witnessed in all
creation, was suflicient to satisfy the philosophers and legislators
of ancient nations that a system of subordination was necessary
to maintain that law and order which the constitution of society
and government seemed to require. Hence fiowed those systems
of enslavement, that from the earliest periods of history caused
the feelings of humanity to enter their protest, but which in
modem times have overborne the logic of reason and proclaimed
a universal jubilee to all races of mankind throughout the civil-
ized countries of the earth. But in the institution of slavery is
witnessed simply, as it were, the construction of all the social
forms of existence, as they obtained from the earliest periods of
time, with rare exceptions, down to the protcstant reformation.

GS A REVIEW OF THE

itself the llrst united reiiioiisti-aiK-e against mental and ecclesias-
tical domination. Ancient policy was based upon sub(n'dination,
while the effort of modern times is to make speech, thought and
action, free. Freedom was first fully liorn when the Wittemberg
monk attached his theses to the castle gate of the city, and it has
been growing from that period until the present, branching in all
directions. Every movement, religious or civil, from the six-
teenth century, owe their impulse to that which was then set in
motion.

But the American movement of anti-slavery is that alone,
after having glanced at its paternity, which concerns our atten-
tion at this time. This protest of the Anglo-American mind
against the enslavement of the African race, had its immediate
birth in the sympathetic feelings, which were entertained by the
])hilanthropists of the 19th century for a race that they hoped to
elevate, by i)lacing it in a system of legal equality with thein-
selves. It was about the year 1833, that the agitation first set
fully in, although individual protests against the institution of
slavery had hitherto been numerous. What, more than all else,
gave an impulse to that movement at this particular time, was
the result of British agitation, which was crowned with success
in August 1833, by Parliament decreeing the emancipation of
all the slaves on the West India plantations. iSTo event could
have occurred so gratifying to the wishes of the abolitionists, as
that enactment which proclaimed freedom to the AVest India
negroes and raised them to the rank of equality with tlie whites.
At this time, however, the number of decided abolitionists were
comparatively few, and such as they were, persons of humble
condition and insignificant influence. Many there were whose
feelings were repugnant to slavery, but they had been taught to
believe that it was legal and based upon the words of revelation,
and hence they were unwilling to interfere with it. The influ-
ence that set the agitation on foot was germinated in free
thought and pronnilgated by reformers who recognized a higher
than any written code. It was that of which universal humanity
was the recipient, and of which Voltaire, Rousseau and Montes-
(piieu were the ablest apostles.

The enemies of negro slavery, about the period of the Ameri-
can Hevolution, were those chiefly who had imbibed the doctrines
of the French writers, wlio prepared the way for the scenes

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. CO

tliat (Ircnelied tlic soil of France with blood in the co^ivnlslon of
1TS9 and '93. This species of abolitionism was qniet and sympa-
thetic, but entirely nnaggressive in its character, and yet potential
in its effects. It made its way through all the States of the North,
obliterating in each, one after another, the traces of slavCiy that
existed in them. It bore with it likewise the quickening influ-
ences that helped to kindle the flame of aggressive anti-slavery
agitation which began as above stated. Benjamin Lundy, Charles
Osborne, Elilm Embree, humble yet sincere workers in the cause
of freedom, were early fanning the flame of anti-slavery agitation,
and arousing the American mind to its own consciousness of the
evils ^^dlich the Southern l)lacks endured. The flrst named of these
by 1S15 had organized the Union Humane Society, consisting of
but five or six persons, and in the following year issued an appeal
to the philanthropists on the subject of slavery. Osborne, not
long after this, began the pul:)lication of the Philanthropist^ and
the Emancipator also started by him, was afterwards issued for a
time near Jonesville, Tennesee. The flrst American Abolition
Convention was held in Philadelphia in the winter of 1823-4,
which was attended by men promj^ted by the love of Innnanity.
William Lloyd Garrison became a convert to the cause of
abolitionism in the year 1828, These various influences and
movements, like the different branches of a stream, were thus
uniting themselves, and by 1833 a swollen stream, with an active
current was visible, and one that attracted from this point con-
siderable attention.

The movement up to this time had been chiefly philanthropic
in its character, and like the Colonization Society, met with sup-
porters in both sections of the Union, South as well as IS'orth.
Already, however, the I*Tew England Anti-Slavery Society had
been organized, and the year, 1833, saw one instituted in ISTew
York City, and a TsTational Anti-Slavery Convention asssemble in
Philadelphia, consisting of sixty members, and representing ten
States of the Union. Every newsj)aper established in the interest
of anti-slavery, and every society which was organized and the
proceedings of whose meetings were published gave, as it were,
new impetus to the movement. But now it was that resistance
began to be encountered l)y the Abolitionists, and from this
period the agitation had a steady and increasing influence upon
the reorganization of the parties throughout the country. Up to

70 A REVIEW OF THE

1S33, tlie Al)(>liri()nists drew recruits from both of the old politi-
cal parties of the North ; but it is undeniable that by much the
larger proportion came from the Federal party, and its successor
as comprising the majority of the men of wealth, culture and
social position. The Democratic party, from its earliest organiza-
tion, had been that to which the bulk of the people had been
attached. The reasons for this division of parties, it concerns us
no!:, on the present occasion to investigate.

The character of the earliest resistance to the anti-slaveiy agi-
tation, showed itself in the mobbing of abolition lecturers in the
!North, the dispersal of assemblages and the burning of halls
erected for the holding of liberty meetings, and the destruction
of newspapers published in that iiUercst. The period of these
mobs and riots extended fnmi lS3o up to about 1841, when they
mostly ceased. AVhen these disturbances were first inaugurated,
the}' were particij^ated in by men of character, and belonging to
both political parties ; but the preponderance of participants in
these demonstrations being usually composed largely of the party
of the people, and the majority of the lovers of law and order
belonging to the opposite one, it was not long till this division
itself arrayed a diversity of sentiment on this question amongst
the people of the ISTorth. It was reasonable to expect that the
Democratic party sliould become the stauiichest advocates of the
rights of the southern people under the constitution. The prin-
ciples of that party were fixed and M'ell understood both North
and South ; its creed founded upon the Virginia and Kentucky
resolutions of 1798, had been time and again proclaimed and
re-attirmed in State and National Conventions ; and its organiza-
tion from the da,j& of Jefferson was complete and entrusted with
the management of the General Government. The Fedei'al
party, though originally comprising in its ranks the leading minds
of the nation, had forfeited the confidence of the country ; and
after the late war with Great Britain, it gradually disappeared as
a national organization. Anti-Masonry, which in the Northern
States took its place, never was able to attain to position in the
South, and as a consecpience soon expired. Another reason why
the Democracy from the first were the attached defenders of
southern institutions, was that the party had national leaders in
the South who were slave-holders, and it was natural that the
party should defend these and their rights as their own. Whcr"

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 71

the anti-slavery agitation first began fairly, Gen. Jaclcson, a slave-
holder, was the President of the United States, and the most
honored man in the Eepuhlie, An institution defended by him
and other eminent southern statesmen, would not be likely to be
viewed as odious by the masses of the people, and one deserving
of the abuse that the Abolitionists were in the habit of applying
to it. On the part of the Federalists and Anti-Masons the same
attachment was not felt for the President and his policy ; and
from political antipathy it is easy to perceive how a feeling of
sympathy for the negro slaves could gradually ripen into intense
opposition to the southern institution. And thus it was that the
Abolition ranks, secret and avowed, were swelled chiefly by enlist-
ments obtained amongst the opposition to the Democracy.

From the year 1833, the varied evolutions of the contesting
parties in the interest of -and opposed to slavery, would require
volumes to fully detail. Only the leading features, therefore, can
b3 expected to be grouped in a work of this character ; ailG such
as most fully illustrate the current of American opinion as it
shaped itself in both sections of the Union. In the mob resist-
ance of the North, to the spread of abolition sentiments, is seen
simply an exhibition of the deep-seated conviction of the people
of the inferiority of the African as compared with the Caucasian
race ; an inferiority stamped by the hand pi creative power, and
which history and experience had demonstrated to reflecting
minds in all ages. But the principle of the mob being altogether
adverse to the rules of social order, could not but sink to its
normal level, as the work of the lawless element of the body
politic. Its aim, though heartily approved by the respectable ' -f^
and influential classes of society, could not long receive their ^
open and sanctioning encouragement ; and it soon, as a conse, |
quence, became the work of the vulgar and degraded in society. '
Not that the mob did not still continue to be inspired by the
leading minds of the different localities where it showed itself in
resistance to anti-slavery agitation ; for it may be accepted as a i
truth that the turbulent members of society in such lawless "<
advances as above alluded to, ever receive their orders, or at least
their sanction, from higher authority than themselves. They arc
in a sense, therefore, the expression of the public opinion of their
localities, and are, as it were, minor revolutions for the overthrow
or removal of grievances that are felt by society. The spuit of

\

73 A REVIEW OF THE

(n in lilt nous resistance are but premonitions of the diseased con-
dition of existing society, which tlie hiws of social being are
essaying to remedy by all possible efforts in order to its preserva-
tion. The mobbing of Lovejoy, of Illinois, the seizure and
dragging of Wm. Lloyd Garrison through the streets of Boston,
and the burning of Pennsylvania Hall in Philadelphia, wefe but
Tiianifestations of the antagonism that the northern people ex-
hibited towards the new ideas of the radical Abolition school.
Put the Abolitionists, although in a miserable minority, had as
against mob resistance every moral advantage. They were the
champion « of free speech and a free press, cardinal principles of
republicanism ; and all the elements of social order must natu-
rally cling to these as the landmarks of freedom. As it was im-
possible for any to justify lawbreaking, mob interposition must
gradually retire into the background.

But there was another form of resistance to anti-slavery agita-
tion, gei'iniuated by the same iiiHuences that also began about
1S33 ; and wliieh, to properly comprehend the period, must be
considered. This was the moral disHke that showed itself to the
aggressions of abolitionism, and which was exhibited by the
educated and retined part of the northern people. The vastly
preponderating weight of intelligent piil)lic opinion in the Xorth,
from the commencement of the anti-slavciy agitation, was alto-
gether in opposition to the innovating doctrines of the radical
reformers ; and this preponderance was early manifest in both
the secular and ecclesiastical American northern press. In the
Literarii ami Theological Review for December, 1835, published
in the City of Xew York, the position was boldly assumed and
ably argued that the Abolitionists were " justly liable to the
highest civil penalties and ecclesiastical censures." This sentiment
expressed the current apinion as held by a large number of the
leading men in America at that time, and, as a consequence, it
escaped all censure amongst the patrons of the journal, or even
from the organs of the rival theological party. In unison with
the sentiment as expressed in the above-named Review., a Grand
J iiry of Oneida County, N. Y., a short time prior to the Utica riot
made a presentment, in which they declared that those who form
Abolition Societies are guilty of sedition, that they ought to be
punished, and that it is the duty of all citizens, loyal to the Con-
stitution, to destroy their pul)lications vrherever found. In the

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 73

same year, the lion. AVilliani Sullivan issued a pamplilet in ^
Eoston, in wliicli the following desire was expressed: "It is to
be hoped and expected that Massachusetts will enact laws declar-
ing the printing, publishing and circulating papers and pamphlets
on slavery, and also the holding of meetings to discuss slavery
and abolition, to be public indictable offences, and provide for
the punishment thereof in such manner as will more effectually
prevent such offences."

The intense indignation that "inflamed the Southern people
against the anti-slavery agitation of the country may in a large
measure be considered as instrumental in producing the strong
conservative sentiment in the Xorthern States, which declared
itself in favor of the guarantees of the Federal^ Constitution.
The people of the South had been most urdent advocates of con-
stitutional liberty, and had ever shqwn a steady attachment to
republican principles of Government. They had declared them-
selves as ready to make any honorable sacrifice that might be
required of them, in order to secure; the perpetuity of the Union
and the Constitution as it had been transmitted by its framers.
The institution of slavery, they claimed as one of the vested
rights that they, as a people possessed, and over which neither the
General Government nor any branch thereof had any authority
to interfere, either for the emancipation of the Southern slaves
or the amelioration of their condition. All this, they insisted, ^
was a matter over which the people of the several slave States
alone had jurisdiction. The attacks of the Northern Abolition-
ists upon the institution of slavery had the effect of deeply
incensing the sonthern people, and they loudly protested against
the unjust interference, as they denounced it, and demanded that
their rights should be observed and their opinions respected.
Public bodies and legislative assemblies of the South offered
rewards for the rendition of northern agitators, and southern
Governors called uj)on northern officials to supress the anti-slavery
discussion, as calculated, unless checked, to disrupt in the future
the American Union. The whole southern people seemed a unit
in favor of this demand upon the JSTorth. The clergy of that
section from the first, with one accord, sanctioned the justice of
the request, and sought by every means in their power to help
to stifle the rising fire that might envelope the fair fabric of the
Tlepublic in its flames. Rev. Thomas S. WitherSpoon, of Ala-

74 A REVIEW OF THE

Imina, tlius wrote to the Emancipator : "Let your emisarles
dare to cross the rotoniac, and I eauuot proiiiise that your fate
will be less than Hainan's. Then beware how you goad an
insulted but magniminous people to deeds of desperation,"

Rev. AVilliam S. Plumnier, of Eichniond, Virginia, in 1835
expressed the following sentiments : "Let them (the Abolitionists)
understand that they will be caught if they come among us, and
they will take good care to keep out of our way. If Abolitionists
will set the country in a blaze, it is but fair that tliey should re-
ceive the lirst warming at the iire."

Governor McDuffie, of South Carolina, in December, 1835,
called the attention of the Legislature to the subject of abolition
agitation at the Xorth. On the IGth of the same month, both
Houses of the legislature adopted the following :

^'Resolved, That the Legislature of South CaroHna, having every confi-
dence in the justice and friendsliip of the non-slave-holding States,
announces her confident expectation, and she earnestly requests that the
Government of these States will promptly and efTectually suppress all
those associations within their respective limits purporting to be abolition
6'jcieties."

On December 19th, 1835, the General Assemby of Xorth

Carolina resolved as follows :

"Resolved, That our sister States are respectively requested to enact
penal laws prohibiting the printing within their respective limits, all such
publications as may have a tendency to make our slaves discontented."

Jamiary, Tth, 1S3G, the Alabama legislature adopted the fol-
lowing resolve :

"Resolved, That we call npon our sis'er States and respectfully request
them to enact such penal laws as will finally put an end to the malignant
deeds of the Abolitionists."

February 10th, 1830, both Houses of the Yi)-glnia Legislature

adopted the f(jllowing :

"Resolved, That the non-slavo-holding States of the Union are respect-
full j' but earnestly requested promptly to adopt penal enactments, or such
other measures as wUl efficiently suppress all associations within their
respective limits, purporting to be, or having the character of Abolition
Societies."

Resolutions were passed in the Georgia Lcgislatureof the fol-
lowing import :

" Resolved, That it is deeply incumbert on tjie people of the North to
cnish the traitorous designs of the Abolitionists."

The above resolutions were ofhcially communicated to the

i'QLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 75

Govenioi'S of tlie Northern States, and by tlicni laid Lcfurc
their respective Legishitures. It was quite apparent by this time
that the leaven of abolitionism was principally confined to the
Whig and Anti-Masonic party of the North, for reasons as
before stated. The Democratic Governors and Legislatures were
ready to lend their influence for the repression of the agitation ;
whereas, many influential members of the Whig party were dif-
ferently disposed. George Wolf, the retiring Democratic Gov ^
ernor of Pennsylvania, in his last Annual Message in December,
1835, expressed his disapprobation as regards the movements of
the AboHtionists in the free States; and predicted the conse-
quences unless checked, and a reign of reason re-inaugurated.
But on the other hand, Joseph Ritner, the Anti-Masonic sue- x
cessor of the last named executive, stigmatized all such sen-
timents as had been expressed by his predecessor in his Message

as a "bowing of the knee to the dark spirit of slavery." It was

believed, from the influence known to be exerted by Thaddeus
"Stevens upon the mind of the Anti-Masonic Governor of Penn-
sylyanTa, that the sentiment thus expressed in his inaugural as
regards slayerVj was the inspiration of the former, who was
already an avowed opponent of the southern institution, AVliilst
the leaven of abolitionism was confined in the main to the ranks
of the Whig party, there was nevertheless a strong section of it
thafinnio wrse~"so~sympathiized, Edward Everett, the Whig
Governor of Massachusetts, in his Message communicating the i

southern documents, held the following language :

" "Whatever by direct and necessary operation is oaiculated to excite an
insurrection among the States, has been held by highly respectable and
legal autliority, an offence against the peace of the Commonwealth,
which may be prosecuted as a misdemeanor at Common law."

William L. Marcy, tlie Democratic Governor of New York, in V

his Message in January, 1836, upon the same subject, spoke as
follows :

"Without the power to pass such laws, the States would not possess
all the necessary means for preserving their external relations of peaco
among themselves."

But in 1835 the movement of the anti-slavery agitation had
already become of such importance as to claim the attention of
President Jackson, who, in his Message of December in that

year, accused the Abolitionists of " unconstitutional and wicked

TO A REVIEW OF THE

attempts," menacing the stability and perpetuity of the Federal
Union, and reconnnending as follows:

" I would, therofore, call the special attention of Congress to the sub-
j 'ct, and respectfully suggest the propriety of passing such a law as will
j)n)lubit, under severe penalties, the circulation in the Southern States,
ilirough the mail, of incendiary publications intended to instigate the
felaves to insurrection."

The attention of the President had been called to this subject
by the tumultuous occurrences that had taken place, occasioned
by the transmission through the nuiils of Abolition documents to
citizens in the Southern States. On the 29th of Jidy, 1835, a
riot, headed by the influential citizens of Charleston, had broken
open the post otKce in that city and destroyed the incendiary Ab-
olition matter. From this time, Southern postmasters, and even
same in the North, assumed the authority of determining what
should not be transmitted through the mails. Sanniel L. Gou-
verneur, the postmaster of Kew York, urged upon the Anti-
Slavery Society " voluntarily to desist from attempting to send
their publications into the Southern States by the public mails."
I'inding that his re(piest was not heeded, he addressed Amos
Kendal, Postmaster General, for instructions on this point, who,
under date of August 22d, replied as follows :

" I am deterred from giving an order to exclude the Avhole series of
Abolition publications from the Southern mails, only by a want of legal
power, and if I were situated as you are, I would do as you have done."

Gen. Jackson's recommendation for the enactment of a law
for the repression of incendiary matter through the mail was
referred by the Senate to a Select Connnittee, of which John C.
Calhoun was Chairman. The report of this committee, as sub-
mitted, expressed the convictions of the southern people, and
also of the great majority of those of the North, as regards the
agitation of the slavery question. On this point, the rejjort
S])eaks as follows :

" The inevitable tendency of the means to wliich the AboUtionists
have resorted to effect their object, must, if persisted in, end in com-
pletely alienating the two great sections of the Union. The incessant
action of hundreds of societies, and a vast printing establishment throw-
ing out daily, thousands of artful and inflammatory publications, must
make, in time, a deep impression on the section of the Union where tliey
freely circulate, and are mainly designed to have effect. The well in-
formed and thoughtful may hold them in contempt, but the young, the
i.iexperienced. the ignorant and thoughtless, will receive the poison. In
process of time, when the number of prosel^'tes is sufficiently multi-
plied, the artful and the profligate, who are ever on the watch to seize on

rOLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 77

, any means, liowever wicked and dangerous, Avill unite with the fanatics A
and make their movements the basis of a powerful political party, that I
will seek advancement by diffusing, as wideTy as possible, hatred againstj
the slave-holding States. But as hatred begets hatred and animosity,
these feelings would become reciprocal till every vestige of attachment
would cease to exist between the two sections, when the Union and the
Constitution, the offspring of mutual affection and confidence, would
forever perish. Such is the danger to which the movements of the Abo-
litionists expose the country. If the force of the obligation is in pro-
portion to the magnitude of the danger, stronger cannot be imposed
than is at present on the States within whose limits the danger origi-
nates, to arrest its further progress— a duty they owe not only to the
States whose institutions are assailed, but to the Union and Constitution,
as has been shown, and it may be added, to themselves."

But Mr. Callioun, as a States right Democrat, clearly perceived
that the General Government had no right to legislate upon a
snbject of this character, save by claiming authority not dele-
gated in the Federal Constitution. The assumption of such
powerwbuld end in that consolidation of the Government, which
he and the other leaders of his political school had so persistently
battled, from the earliest organization of the Jefferson Republi-
can party. On this point, in the same report, he reasoned as
follows :

" Nothing is more clear than that the admission of the right of Con-
gress to determine what papers are incendiary, and as such, to prohibit
their circulation through the mail, necessarily involves the right to
determine what are not incendiary, and enforce their circulation. If
Congress may this year decide what incendiary publications are, they
may next year decide what they are not, and thus laden tlie mails with
real or coi-rupt abolitionism. It belongs to the States^ and not to Con-
gress, to determine what is or what is not calculated to disturb their
security."

It was thus proposed tliat it should be within the province of
each State, to say for itself, what kind of reading it would deem
incendiary, and that Congress should proliibit the transmission of
such matter to that State. A bill for this purpose was submitted
as follows :

" Be it enacted, etc., that it shall not be lawful for any deputy postmaster
in any State, Territory or District of the United States, knowingly to deliver
to any person v.-hatsoever, any pamphlet, newspaper, liandbill, or other
printed pap r or pictorial representation toucliing the subject of slavery,
where, by the laws of the said State, Territory or District tlieir circulation
is prohibited ; and any deputy postmaster who shall be guilty thereof,
shall be forthwith removed from office."

The above bill was ordered to a third reading in the Senate by

78 A REVIEW OF THE

the vote of IS yeas to 18 nays, Yice-President Yan Buren giving
the castinir vote in the athrniative ; hut it failed on the linal vote,
and, as a eon.se(iuenc-e, never hecamc a hiw. And thus ended the
effoi-t to exchide the aholition Hteratnre of the age from passing
througli the Federal nrails. The moral vietoiy thus gained by
the Abolitionists was of incalculable advantage to them and theij*
ejiuse in all their subseciuent movements, for they seemed to stand
forth before the world as the champions of free speech and a free
press, which all the power of President Jackson and his follow-
ers were nnable to suppress. The eclat of the victory resounded
far and wide, and became as it were the watchword in other con-
flicts of like character.

The first great battle of abolitionism had been fought in the
Halls of the National Congress. Others of equal importance
were soon to be decided, but upon a less august arena ; but in all
the same principles were in dispute. The demand of the South-
ern States that discussion should be suppressed on the slavery
question, was one altogetlier in seeming disharmony with the
generally received principles of republican liberty. On the 2d
of February, 1836, a bill was reported in the Legislature of
Rhode Island for the pui-jDose of repressing slaveiy agitation in
the borders of the State. The attempt thus to muzzle free speech
appeared to liberal-minded men, an effort as it were, to turn back
the dial of the age, and as this was impossible, the Abolitionists
had, as allies, the advocates of progressive and independent free
thought. Tlic small State of Rhode Island, accordingly, arrayed
itself through the efforts of George Cm-tis and Thomas W. Dorr,
in opposition to southern demands. In New York a report was
adopted by the Legislature in May, 1836, responding to the
sentiments of Governor Marcy's Message, already cited, and
])ledging the faith of the State to enact such laws whenever they
shall be requisite. But it is doubtful if even then, or at any
subsequent time, such legislation could liave been secured, for tlie
belief in free speech is one of the cardinal principles of all who
believe in the democratic form of government.

But of all the Legislative collisions between those favoring the
repression af anti-slavery agitation, and the friends of free speech,
that which took place in Massachusetts in 1836, was the most
fiercely contested, and arrayed in opposition to each other, the
ablest and most eloquent opponents. A joint committee of buLh

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 79

Houses of the Legislature had been raised to report upon the
Southern demands, and of tliis connnittec Senator Lunt was chair-
man. The anti-slavery committee at Boston were notiiied to
appear and make their defense on March 4th. A few ]n-ominent
men appeared on the side of the Abolitionists, and were heard by
the committee in defense of their principles. Those who spoke
took the ground that free speech was one of the unalienable rights
of every citizen of the old Commonwealth. Prof. Charles Folen
in the course of his remarks alluded to some outrages that had
recently been perpetrated against the Abolitionists, and averred
that any legislative interposition of the kind proposed, would
simply invite a repetition of what had occurred. The cha'rman
of the committee at this point silenced the speaker, as reflecting
offensively upon the legislative body of the State, and terminated
the interview. Such proceeding coidd have but one effect upon
minds conscious of rectitude of intention, and attached to Amer-
ican freedom. Much as they might dread slavery agitation in its
effects, they could not consent to see the right of free speech
frustrated. A Boston editor in giving an account of the pro-
ceedings contended that the Abolitionists were entitled to a fair
hearing. During the next two days they issued their defense in
a pamphlet of over forty pages ; and a copy of this was soon in the
hands of every member of the Legislature, and scattered through-
out the whole country. The committee was directed by the Leg-
islature to allow the Abolitionists to complete their defense on the
Sth of March. The adjacent country was now aroused, and the
Hall of the House of Representatives where the committee sat
was crowded at the hearing. Prof. Folen concluded his defense
and was followed by William Lloyd Garrison and others. Wil-
liam Goodel, one of the speakers, charged upon the Southern
States a conspiracy against the liberty of the free J^orth. He
was repeatedly called to order ; but alluding to the documents
from the South, lying on the table, he styled them fetters and
remarked : " Mr. Chairman ! are you prepared to attempt putting
them on ?" He was interrupted by the Chairman and ordered to
take his seat. He sat down amidst the great agitation of the
assemblage. The bold words of freedom had already produced
tlieir effect upon the crowd of spectators. The dauntless divine,
William E. Channing, was one of that assembly, and though not
identified with the Abolitionists, yet in the battle for free speech,

so A REVIEW OF THE

lie Colli J not 1)0 au luJilTereiit speetatur. His countenance alone
served to indicate the side he espoused, and his presence on this
occasion, more than all else perhaps, gave weight and respecta-
bility to the abolition cause. After the last named speaker had
been silenced, all was in considerable confusion for a time, when
a couple of independent spectators rose, one after the other, and
remarked, that " the freedoin of speech and of the press coidd
never he surrendered Inj the sons of the Pilgrims^ The commit-
tee then adjourned, but the victory was again complete with the
A])ulitionists. And thus ended in Massachusetts all attempts to
legislate adverse to the demands of freedom.

One of the methods pursued by the Abolitionists to arouse the
attention of the American people to the enormity of slavery,
was the petitioning of Congress for its abolition in the District
of Coluniliia, in the National Territories, and also for the suj>
pressi(»n of tlie inter-State slave trade. At an early period in
the history of the Government, it had been solemnly determined
that Congress had no jurisdiction over the (picstion of slavery,
as it existed within the States. But as regards its existence in
the Federal District and the Territories, it was believed by many
tliat Congress had the right to interfere. The points of attack
for the agitators were therefore limited ; and even as to these
it Avas a matter of divided opinion whether Congress had the
moral right to interpose its authority. The main object, how-
ever, of petitioning Congress, was to keep alive the agitation of
the slavery question, in order to educate public opinion up to an
opposition to the southern institution, and in that manner create
a sentiment that would effect its overthrow. For this purpose,
in 1835 and 1836, Congress was flooded with petitions praying
for the abolition of slavery in the Federal District, in the Terri-
tories, and also for the suppression of the inter-State slave com-
merce. These, taken in connection with the excitement that had
already been aroused by the transmission of incendiary publica-
tions through the national mails, were the occasion of great
commotion in Washington, the seat of the General Government.
The number of the petitioners and the zeal manifested by them
in such a cause, had the effect of alarming men both North and
South as to the safety of the Federal Union. The right of
petition for a redress of grievances, was one which existed by
constitutional warrant, and any abridgment of this privilege

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. St

eliould be cautioiislj and only after full deliberation, adopted.
As the right generally was viewed, it was one that anthorized
the citizens to petition for the removal of evils affecting them-
selves, and their section of countr3\ In the case of the Abo-
litionists, they were asking for the abridgment of the constitu-
tional and vested rights of citizens equally entitled to the
protection of the Government as themselves. They were de-
manding the suppression of slavery, where it existed by virtue of
law and the constitution ; and in this view, Congress considered
that the petitioners had transcended their rights.

It became a matter of long and animated discussion what dis-
position should be made of these petitions. The presentation by
James Buchanan, in 1836, of the memorial of the Cain Quarterly
Meeting of Friends askino; for the abolition of slaverv in the
District of Columbia, brought the question of these petitions
prominently before Congress. As far as can be gathered from
the debates in the Senate at that period, no member of this body
appears to have favored the sentiments of the memorialists.
The question, however was, how to dispose of the petitions.
John C. Calhoun expressed the southern view, npou this occasion,
in the following language :

" We must not permit those we represent to be thus insulted on this
flooi'. He stood prepared, whenever petitions like these were presented,
to call for their reading, and to demand that they be not received.
His object was to prevent a dangerous agitation which threatened to
burst asunder the bond of the Union. The only question was, how was
agitation to be avoided ? He held that receivaig these petitions en-
couraged agitation, the most effectual mode to destroy the iDcace and
harmony of the Union."

Mr. Buchanan held the conservative attitude on this question,
and whilst opposed to the sentiments of the petitioners, he denied
that Congress had the right to refuse their reception, and insisted
that the true method was to act upon and reject them. Ilis plan
was adopted in the Senate by 3-1 yeas to 6 nays. Substantially
the same manner of disposing of these petitions was pursued in
the House of Bepresentatives. In 1836, on motion of II. L.
Finckney, of South Carolina, a resolution was adopted to refer
all anti-slavery memorials now before the House, or that might
come before it, to a Select Committee, with instruction to report
against the prayers of the petitioners, and the reasons for so
doing. On the ISth of May, 1836, the committee, through Mr.

8'3 A REVIEW OF THE

Piiicknov, its Chiiirmaii, unauiniously reported a series of resolu-
tions, the last of Avhie-h was as follows:

" i?f>so/rrti, Tliat all iwtitions, memorials, resolutions, propositions or
l^aperd, rolatinj^ in any way or to any extent wliatever to the subject of
slavery or the abolition of slaverj', shall, without being either printed or
referred, be laid upon tlio table, and that no further action whatever
shall be had tlu'reon."

The above resohitinn was adopted by 117 yeas to CS nays, the
latter being ehietly AVliigs from the free States. Resolutions
to control or allay the abolition excitement were adopted annually
by nearly similar votes to the above until 181:0, when the sub-
stance of these was incorporated amongst the standing rules of
the House of Representatives. The rule known as the twenty-
first, which excluded the abolition petitions remained in force
imtil December, 1845, when through the persistent efforts of
John Quincy Adams it w^as linally ivscinded.

The northern AVhigs, in the main, liad opposed these resolu-
tions as too strongly violating the right of petition. Many of
the Whigs from the free States were hostile to the avowed prin-
ciples of the Abolitionists ; but tliey became their allies, so far
as to strive for their right of petition, an invaluable advantage to
them at this stage of the controversy. The privilege became a
shield, under the cover of which many an unavowed Abolitionist,
was able to make assaults upon southern institutions. Tlie_divis-
ion of jxirties upon this question serves to sbow why it was that
the A])olition element of the Xorth still eluni>; to the Whin:
ifistead of the Democratic party.

On this question, Tliaddeus Stevens, th.ough not yet become a
national legislator, w^as one of the most ai*dent advocates of Jiie
constitutional right of petition ; and that such was his j^asition
lie during these congressional contests, gave frequent testimony
in his speeches in the Pennsylvania Legislature and elsewhere.
Whilst a member of the Legislature, at llarrisburg, so enthusi-
astically did he champion the abolitionists right of petition, and
their free mail privilege with other citizens, that the contest on
these questions for a time would liave seemed as if transferred
from the Halls of the National Congress to those of the Penn-
sylvania Assembly. And in this manner it was that he had
much to do in imparting tone to the northern AVhig members of
Couijcress in their resistance to the demands of the South. Tiius

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 83

the propriety of incorpor;itin<>;, in a work treating of ]\rr. Stevens, a
view of the anti-slavcrv movement, that ])reee(hxl liis entry into
Congress is seen, when his inlluence as a molder of j)u!)lic senti-
timent is considered. Ihit for such as he tliere would have been
no movement to call forth the action of Congress and of State
Legislatures as we have observed took place. Mr. Stevens could
wTtli truth have remarked of the great social convulsion and
gathering revolution of his country, ^'•quorum ixirs onagnafui"

84 • A REVIEW OF THE

CHAPTER VI.

REMOVAL OF MR. STEVENS TO LANCASTER. HIS SUCCESS AS A LAWYER
AND HIS MOVEMENTS AS A POLITICIAN.

Xotwitlistanding Mr. Stevens, up to 1S42, had mingled con-

.siderably in politics, having been repeatedly elected, as we have

Hcen, to the Pennsylvania House of Eepresentatives, yet more

fortunate than most politicians, he was able to retain a iirm

grasp upon his legal practice. Before his entry upon public life

at ILarrisburg, he had laid the foundation of a line legal practice,

and this (though absent at the State Capitol during the winter

months) rather continued to increase than diminish. The obstacle

with many lawyers, who would wiDingly enter into politics is,

that doing so breaks up tlieir business, and having little or

nothing to fall back upon, they choose rather to keep out of the

entanglements of political life. Xot many American statesmen

have ever been distinguished as lawyers, and this because but few

possess the varied talents that are adapted for these different

careers. A man may be admirably suited for the politician, and

yet would iind himself unable to cope with the weighty men

who try the important causes in our civil and criminal courts.

And on the contrary, not every successful lawyer would shine

upon the Hoors of Congress, or even in the Halls of our State

Legislatures. A peculiar structure of mind is needed for each of

these pursuits ; and he whose qualities tit him for the one, often

finds something lacking when he enters upon the other. Mr.

Stevens, however, had qualities that enabled him to attain a

front position, whether at the bar or in the halls of legislation,

and yet it cannot be denied that he most of all towered at the

l)ar. It was in this calling that his best energies were expended ;

and here also many of his most intellectual victories were aehiQved.

After the termination of his services in the Pennsylvania Leg-

i-jlature, several motives contributed to induce him to remove from

Adams and locate in Lancaster County. His practice at the

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 85

Gettysburg bar could in no probability ever become so profitable
as lie might secure in a county so wealthy and populous as Lan-
caster. Besides the fine fiekl offered in this latter place for the
practice of his ])rofession, it was a county strongly of his political
sentiments, and this was a consideration in his view not to be
overlooked. Tlicso, no doubt, were amongst the leading motives
that induced his removal from Gettysburg to Lane-aster City,
It was in August, 1812, that he reached this latter place, and he
immediatel_y opened an office and began the practice of the pro-
fession in his new home. Some time prior to his arrival, it had
become known that he intended to change his location, and cer-
tain articles appeared in the Lancaster papers, eulogizing Mr.
Stevens as a man of towering abilities, and as a lawyer of rare
sagacity and shrewdness. His arrival soon became known
amongst the peoj)le of Lancaster County, and it is related that
many of them came to the County-seat to obtain a sight of the
man of whose fame they had already heard so much. He was
kindly received in his new location by the citizens generally,
although in the main bearing the reputation of being a tricky
and unscrupulous politician. His extraordinary talents were
upon all sides conceded ; and this reputation procured for him
Icind and courteous treatment amongst all classes. He was, most
of all, viewed with suspicion by the members of the bar, who
are never disposed' to look with favor upon new arrivals in the
profession, and such as may divide business with themselves.
But in Mr. Stevens they saw more than an ordinary additional
attorney who was come to secure amongst them his livinf»- at the
bar. In him they recognized a man ready and competent to cope
with the ablest of them in litigious warfare ; and one who might
even be disposed to wrest the sceptre of superiority from the most
distinguished of their num1)er. It is not strange, therefore, that
his arrival in Lancaster was anything but agreeable to the wishes of
the members of one of the oldest and most renowned bars of Penn-
sylvania. But gifted as he was with the sagacity needed in situa-
tions such as he was then placed, he did not seem to observe the
jealousy of his brother barristers, but simply attended to his own
business, as if altogether unconcerned for their opinions rc^-ard-
ing himself. The jealousy was most intense on the j^art of the
older lawyers, those who had taken the lead in business prior to
his an-ival. AVith the younger members of the profession lie

86 A REVIEW OF THE

"vvas rather an object of esteem ; for as they did not feel them-
selves able to compete \vith liini, tliey were disposed to admire
him rather tliau those who Avere jealous of his superior ability,

Sanuiel Parke, Tfeali Frazer, William 1]. Fordney and John
R. Montgomery were amongst the leading Lancaster lawyers of
that period. There were besides, many others of considerable
legal ability. The Lancaster bar had for years held the rank of
one of the lirst in the State of Pennsylvania. Many names of
wide i-eputc had ])racticed in the old inland city — James Hop-
kins, Molton C. Ilodgers, Jasper Slaymaker, William Jenkins?
James Buchanan, Amos EUmaker and George B. Porter, had all
gained their reputations, as practitioners, at this old bar of German
Pennsylvania. These last named had chietly retired from practice
when Mr. Stevens made his appearance in his new location.
Benjamin Champneys was upon the bench, but shortly afterwards
resigned this position, having been nominated by his party for the
State Senate, to which he was also elected. His place was filled
shortly after his resignation by the appointment of Ellis Lewis, a
lawyer of deep reading, and withal, a man of rare native sagacity.

At the August Sessions, in 1842, the first at which Mr. Stevens
made his appearance, he volunteered his services in behalf of a
colored man from Columbia wlio was indicted for assault and
battery with intent to kill. This was the first case in which he
appeared before a Lancaster County juiy, and he handled it- with
great ability, but the evidence being too clear, his client was con-
victed and sentenced to an imprisonment for five years. His
fixed reputation innnediately brought him business, and it was
not long till he had an opportunity of gnippling with the leading
men of the Lancaster bar. Their first encounters with him
exhibited most intense feeling, and their weapons not always
hurled with courtly grace, sped as if impelled with savage malig-
nity. One of the first who met the new Achilles of the bar, in
an important ei\il case was Benjamin Champneys, who, before
his elevation to the bench, had ranked as one of the ablest lawyers
of the State. Those who relate the circumstances of this trial,
and the fierce combat of words it elicited, have likened it to tlu
fatal scene between Hector and the con(]^uci'ing Pelides. ■ The
contest was warm, vigoi-ous and spirited ; the dexterous combat-
tants hurled and counter-hurled, parried and counter-parried the
weapons, that flew across the arena of forensic strife; but thj

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA, 87

superior prowess of the adventurous knight, though in the terri-
tory of his antagonist, soon convinced all observers that whilst
victory might not in this encounter ])crch upon his banner, yet
that the claim of dominion would surely pass to the invading
chevalier of the bar. This first encounter but gave assurance
that others to follow would be with like result, for one after
another, of the old kniglits of the Lancaster bar were met and
stript of the fame they had long worn with credit, and the exult-
ant warrior rode triumphant over the new field of his conrpiests
and future fortune. In six months after Mr. Stevens arrived in
Lancaster, there was no me:nber of that bar that dared to dispute
his intellectual and legal kingship. He was crowned by common
consent, and wore the diadem to his grave.

At the tirst session of the Supreme Court, held at Ilarrisbnrg
in Ma}^, 1843, after his location in Lancaster, ho appeared in four
of the six cases from Lancaster County, that Avere tried at that
time. He was also engaged with Meredith, of Philadelphia, at
the same term, in the important case of the Commonwealth vs.
the Pennsylvania Canal Commissioners. A eu /cess such as this has
scarcely a parallel in history. A new lawyer locating in a strange
county, without friends or social influence, and takinof the lead at
a bar where there were several able, experienced and accom-
plished members of the profession, is one of those events of history
that have rarely transpired, and which will be as seldom repeated.
Such marvelous success, more than all else, stamps him who has
accomplished it as one of the prodigies of creation. In May,
184-i, at the following session of the Suj)reme Court held in the
same place, out of eight cases from Lancaster County Mr. Stevens
appeared in six of them, besides being employed in two from
Adams and also one from Franklin County, His practice was
now become very large and lucrative, and ranged for years from
twelve to fifteen thousand dollars per year. He was emploved
in many of the most important suits tried in different jjarts of
the State.

The custom of making lengthy speeches before the court and
jury, was one of long standing with the Lancaster lawyers,
before Mr, Stevens located in their midst. When a cause was to
be tried, they were in the habit of bringing into the court room,
law books by the wheelbarrow load and piling them upon the
tables, and reading one authority aftei> another for the support of

83 A REVIEW OF THE

the plainest and most CDUinion principles of the science. Suinc-
tinies M case would consume a day or more in the arguments of
leg-al points, that were little ilhuninated by the long and tedious
discussion. The custom was an old one and inherited from their
predecessors ; and the lawyer who should not have conformed to
it, would have lost, in the opinion of liis client, the credit of
possessing the recpiisite legal knowledge for the trial of an im-
])ortant case. It remained for the new dictator of the bar to
abolish the pernicious habit of speech-making by the day, and
long-winded arguments. After Ellis Le^vis was appointed to tlie
bench, Stevens having a case for trial came into court one morn-
ing and observed the tables stocked with law books, and his
legal adversary busily engaged in looking them over and prepar-
ing them for citation. Judge Lewis was already upon the
bench, but the court had not yet been formally opened. Stevens
remarked, loud enough to be distinctly heard, "-What are all
these books for V Lewis replied, that he believed they were to
be used on the trial of the case now before the court. Stevens
rejoined that lie " did not know who wanted to listen to the
reading of all those books.'' Lewis then remarked : "Mr.
Stevens, you are something of my opinion ; that a lawyer should
carry the law in his head and not always depend on his books."
The opposing counsel heard all this conversation, and its elfect
was magical. It was the last time the tables were crowded with
law books upon the trial of a case. Afterwards only such books
were pi-oduced as contained authority directly applicable to the
])oints at issue before the court in the case then being tried. J\li'.
Stevens never made lengthy speeches before either the court or
jury in the trial of cases in which he was concerned ; and in this
he was also imitated by the other mendjcrs of the bar. The
making of long sj^eeches soon disappeared, and no regrets w'ere
ever felt for the departure.

Mr. Stevens was gifted Avith a remarkable memory. In the
trial of a cause he very rarely wrote down an}^ of the evidence,
as is customary with ordinary lawyers, trusting to their memory
for the remembrance of all the important facts required in their
' ar^-uments before the court and jury. lie possessed the rare
faculty of being able to perceive, as if by intuition, the real
pomt of every case ; and all his eiforts in the elicitation of evi-
dence was to support this view of it. Instead of wasting hi^

rOLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 80

time in drawing ont of tlie witnesses all the possible evidence,
and exliausting his energies in writing down the same, Mr.
Stevens, having a clear conception of the point to be supported,
simply sought for evidence for this purpose. lie rarely or never
took notes of the evidence, but often made a few strokes to
induce the opposing counsel to suppose that he was doing so,
I>ut his memory was so powerful that often when a dispute arose
among counsel, as to the exact language used by a witness, he
would appeal to the judge's notes ; and in such instances he was
found almost invariably accurate in his recollection of the evi-
dence. Had his memory not been so powerful as it was, he
should surely have proved a failure as a lawyer, for he neither
wrote with raj^idity nor was his chirography even to himself,
much less to others, always legible.

In his legal arguments he likewise confined his attention, in the
main, to the turning jDoint of his case, and brought it out in all
the clearness which his great ability was capable of doing ; and to
this method he w^as more indebted, perhaps, for his splendid suc-
cess in his profession than to any other reason that might bo
luimed. In this particular, his legal sagacity may in a sense be
compared with the strategy of the great ISTapoleon wdio was in
the habit of concentrating all the force of his assaulting columns
upon one point of the enemy's lines, and this being broken, rout
and disorder followed. Stevens, in like manner, as it were, by
being able to see the point upon which a case must turn, and by
so shaping the testimony as to make it bear directly in support of
that position, was able to carry the victory over an opponent less
dexterous than he, in the marshalling and argumentation of the
evidence. Hence, though a reuKirkably successful lawyer, he
never wearied the court with his arguments, nor the jury by a
tedious recapitulation of useless evidence.

Upon one occasion, on the trial of a cause, one of his witnesses
had detailed important testimony consisting of a statement of
facts that had transpired many years in the past. This witness
was subjected to a rigid cross-examination by the opposing coun-
sel, with the view of impairing his testimony, by showing his
deficient recollection of facts altogether of no consequence, and
having no bearing upon the trial of the case, and only intended
to perplex the witness, and produce the impression upon the jury
that his evidence was unreliable. Mr. Stevens, seeing the dclu-

90 A REVIEW OF THE

slon that was attempted to be producecl, utterly discomfited liis
legal antagonist by simply propounding in lijs humorous tone,

(itijelf revealing his design) the following question : " Mr. ,

had you a pin in your coat collar that morning ? " The court
and jury at once saw the hit, and the effect was damaging to his
adversary. Ilis ability to disconcert an opposing attorney, in a
trial, l»y some witty remark, as by asking a witness a question
eliciting laughter, was of incalculable value in his professional
c^ireer. Ridieulc, which is often more potent than argument, he
had entirely at his connnand. All these appliances of his intel-
lectual ability giive him an advantage over other men equally able
and learned as himself, Init unendowed with mental traits of this
luiture.

As regards the knowledge of law Mr. Stevens was not so
remarkable. There were other lawyers in Lancaster who were
quite as well if not better read in their profession than he ; his
great strength was with the jury in being able to present the strong
points of a case in a more powerful manner th.an it was the faculty
of most other lawyers to do. Before the Supreme Court of
Pennsylvania, he could scarcely be said to be more successful than
any other able well-read lawyer. His consciousness of ability
gave him conlidence in himself, and he was ready to express an
opinion upon almost any case without examination. Owing to
this disposition he allowed careful lawyers, who examine their
cases before giving an opinion upon them, the opportunity of
entrapping him and carrying cases against him, often with ease.
There have been instances where, having no confidence in a case,
lie allowed the whole management of it in the Supreme Court to
a colleague, and the latter was successful in opposition to his
opinions. His great power as a lawyer, consisted in his being able
to influence ordinary minds and control them to his advantage.

Some of Mr. Stevens' finest and most eloquent speeches as a
lawyer, were those made on trials in defense of fugitive slaves.
Even before his arrival in Lancaster, he was widely known as a
most violent opponent of southern institutions ; and from his
settlement in Lancaster County, he was almost uniformly retained
in the defense of the fugitives. It was not every lawyer, at that
])er;od, that desired to be employed in the defense of a case of
that character. Tlie slave master was fortified by legal enact-
ment ; and the Constitution guaranteeing the surrender of fugi-

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AIMERICA. 01

tives from service, public opinion generally sanctioncl the
cnfcrcenicnt of the law. It was only the extreme Abolitionists
who dared to resist the claims of the master ; but these, as
yet, had little influence, neither of the great political parties of
the country having espoused even ' their moderate principles as
national organizations. On one occasion, a negro had been
brought before Judge Lewis in Lancaster, under the Pennsyl-
A'ania Act of 1820, and there being no evidence to show that he
was a slave, he was discharged. Mr. Stevens was employed i.i
this case by the friends of the negro. After the discharge, the
claimant was advised to have the negro re-arrested under an old
Act of Congress, which required no evidence except the oath of
the owner of the slave. As soon, therefore, as he was discharged,
an officer took him in custody upon a writ issued by Alderman
Osterloe. Stevens, having been informed of this, went l)efore
the magistrate ; and his speech before this officer is said to have
been one of the finest gems of eloquence ever delivered by him
in Lancaster. The negro, however, was discharged by the mag-
istrate, after official evidence of the former trial before the court
had been certified to him.

But it is as a politician that Mr. Stevens is most widely known ;
and of his actions in this particular it remains for us to speak,
since the period of his removal from Gettysburg to Lancaster.
As soon as he had settled in his new home, a circle of politicians
gathered around him and deferred to him at once as their coun-
sellor and adviser. Those who flocked to his standard were poli-
ticians, for the most part of the Anti-Masonic persuasion, who
had chiefly lost position in their party, and who wanted a leader
to^make diead against those who controlled the afliairs of the
country. Anti-Masonry had for years been simply a name, the
great majority of those who had once rallied under its banner
were attached to the Whig party, now risen to national importance
and respect, under the leadership of Clay and Webster. Stevens
liimself had for years been nominally attached to the Whig
party, and had, in 1840, supported Harrison for President,

"In the great campaign of 1810, Mr. Stevens took a decided
stand in favor of the 'Hero of the Thames.' For months
before the nomination of Harrison, it was understood throughout
Pennsylvania, that Mv. Stevens was to have a seat in the Cal»inet.
That Harrison had selected him for Post-Master General is known

93 A REVIEW OF THE

\vith t'Ci-taiiiitv, l)ut tli!vnii;-li the open opposition of Clay and the
^vavering of AV^obstcr, the appointment was given to Granger.
Stevens never forgave Webster for tlie part he took in this
transaction."*

'Ihit though united to the Whig party, Mr. Stevens found
himself powerless in this organization. Having showed himself an
ardent Anti-Mason, he encountered violent antipathies amongst
the Wliigs on account of old animosities arousetl by his course
against the ancient order, lie was besides, viewed by the gi'cat
body of the Whig leaders as too violent and impracticable a man
to be entrusted with the management of the party affairs. Even
before leaving Adams County, this was the opinion generally
entertained of him by the leading minds of his own party. He
M'as able to control in a measure the party organization in Adams
County, but he met with strenuous resistance amongst his political
friends as soon as he attempted to influence beyond the bounds
of the county. But for this resistance there is little doubt but
he would have appeared in the State Senate of Pennsylvania, and
also in Congress, whilst a citizen of Gettysburg. No sooner,
therefore, had he appeared in Lancaster than the same Whig
opposition met him, and was potential in keeping him in the
political background of his party. By the fall of 1843 a sufii-
cient nucleus of strength, however, had gathered around him, as
to induce him to believe that he might inaugurate the political
game with his Whig friends for the control of Lancaster County.
lie dared not to stand idle, lie must act unless he chose to remain
a zero up(jn the chess-board of political strategy. Having
. no strength in his own party, his tirst aim was to secure
such. Most of those who operated with him were equally
ignored by the Whig leaders, and, therefore, there was nothing
to be lost in making an effort to obtain that recognition which
they sought.

It was resolved, at the suggestion of Mr. Stevens, to make an
effol-t to revive the Anti-Masonic pai'ty in the county. It cannot
l)e supposed that a man of his sagacious mind, could have believed
that this was possible, at a period when the old organization had
years ago sunk into obscurity, and was already well nigh forgotten.
Hut it served in this case as the basis of a movement to divert

Biographical History of Lancaster County, pp. 583.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN A:MERICA. 93

votes from the Whig party in tlie county. The object lioped to
be gained by this, was to withdraw sufficient strength from the
controHing Wliig party, so as to permit the Democrats to carry
the victory in the county. Could the Stevens wins: effect this
they were then in a condition to dictate the terms of compromise.
Accordingly, a ticket was placed in nomination, but the Demo-
crats of the county having been beaten for eo long a time, failed
to ralh- in their strength at the October election of 184:3, and
the Whigs again carried the victory by a considerable majority.
The new movement polled about 1,400 votes, but falling short of
securing a Democratic triumph, the leaders were prostrated
beneath the power of their opponents. Stevens was now fully
shorn of any political strength he might have had, and was forced
for a time to content himself to be simply a voter of the AVhig
party, if he chose to remain in it, or to make choice of a new
organization with which to act.

The Whig party of Lancaster County was almost a unit for
Henry Clay for President in ISll. About the time that Mr.
Stevens and his associates were planning the resuscitation of
Anti-Masonry in the county, a monster Whig meeting was held
in Lancaster City, July 29th, 18-43, for the purpose of recom-
mending their favorite Clay as the Whig candidate for President in
1844. William Iliester presided over this meeting, and speeches
were made by Morton McMichael, xYbraham Herr Smith and
others ; but Mr. Stevens had no invitation to participate in this
movement. When Clay was made the nominee of the party it
was deemed by the leaders politic to have all their partisans to
unite in support of the candidate ; but Stevens being inimical to
the great orator of Kentucky, Ilarmar Denny was entrusted with
the task of reconciling him with the nomination. Denny assureoi
him that he was authorized by the Whig candidate to say that in
case of his election, " atonement would be made for past wrong."
It could not be claimed, however, that Mr. Stevens entered into the
support of Henry Clay with any enthusiasm, although giving him
his public endorsement upon the rostrum and elsewhere. Political
success was clearly his guiding star ; and it is necessary for poli-
ticians to shape their craft so. as to sail as much as possible with
the breeze, otherwise their hopes of fortune would soon end in
disappointment and despair. lie made some speeches in the
campaign of 1844, and in these placed himself fairly upon the

94 A REVIEW OF THE

plalfonu of the Tsational Wliig party. During the campaign he
was invited ^^•ith Wehster and other distinguislied leaders of the
party, to address the great Wiiig meeting in riiihulelpliia ; and
the assemhhTge being veiy hirge, whilst Webster was speaking to
the people, another stand was erected at some distance from the
main platform, and Mr. Stevens was invited thence to address his
fellow-citizens. He mounted the newly erected rostrum, and
being gifted with those indispensable qualities of the popular
o.ator, wit and anecdote, he is said to have been able upon that
occasion to attract to his speaking most of those who had been
listening to the great Massachusetts statesman. But ardently as
was Henry Clay supported by his party throughout the country,
the election resulted in the choice of James Iv. Polk as President
of the United States.

Although Stevens and his followers supported Clay for Presi-
dent in 1644, the division in the jmrty in the county was never-
theless kept up. There are generally two factions in each party
in every county ; and that Mr. Stevens was able from the first
to become the dictator of the one of these in the Whig party, is
evidence of his power as a political manipulator. Although
greatly in the minority at first, it was the foundation of what
afterwards obtained the control of Lancaster Connty, and which
placed Mr. Stevens npon the highway of his political success.
But the weakness of his intlueuce in the county in 1844, M'as
a[>})arent in the nomination of John Strohm for Congress, in that
year. Mr. Strohm had for years ranked as one of the principal
leaders of the Whig faction opposed to Stevens. As Senator
from Lancaster County, he was one of those Avho in December,
1838, failed to symjjathize with Mr. Stevens in his course at Har-
risl>urg, during the period of the " Buckshot War;" and who also
voted for the recognition of the Hopkins' House of llepresenta-
tives. To see one with these opinions nominated to Congress,
was galling to Mr. Stevens in the extreme ; but John Strohm was
a man of unimpeachable reputation ; and whose high regard for
probity had become proverbial. His course at Ilarrisburg in the
winter of 1838, had at first subjected him to considerable censure
from his political friends, even in his own county ; but a reaction
Boon set in, as the facts became better understood, and his
action was at length fully endorsed by the majority of the Whig
party of Lancaster County. His nomination for Congress in

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 05

• IS-H, -was generally, tlierof ore, viewed as an attestation of that
fact ; as also an evidence of tlie entire approval by his party of
his whole previous career as a public man.

Mr. Stevens, in this condition of affairs, could do little else
than attend to his legal business and gradually strengthen him-
self amongst the citizens of the county. Ilis ability as a lawyer
gradually introduced him to a wide circle of acquaintances ; and
this had the effect of enhancing his political power. An element
of political strength, in favor of Mr. Stevens, not to be over-
looked, was found in the large number of young men wdio
studied law in his office and under his instructions. A greater
numljer of young men studied the elements of the profession
under his instruction, than with any other member of the bar
who ever before practiced in the inland City of Lancaster.
Although not all of these were members of his own political
pxirtv, yet the majority naturally being such, and these being
greatly devoted to him and his success, were ready upon any
occasion to buckle on their armor and march to the conflict
when the interests of their tutor were at stake. Uut few men
have ever had the faculty of securing more devoted and more
ardent followers than he. His students were almost equally
attached to him, as children to a father ; at least, this Avas the
case with a great majority of them. This was not altogether
unnatural. Young men in the selection of a legal pret?eptor,
generally endeavor to choose one wdiose reputation may enhance
their own prospect of success by a kind of radiation of fame, as
it might be termed. Although in the main delusive, yet the
impression has its weight in the choice of the man with whom
the profession is, as a rule, studied. In the case of Mr. Stevens, the
rule also obtained ; and as advantage was anticipated by originally
selecting liim as their instructor, the more they could add to his rep-
utation by their efforts, would still extend, as they conceived, that
reflection of fame that might illumine themselves. Of students
who had studied with Mr. Stevens, or who became associated in
legal practice with him, and whose influence perhaps more aided
him in his after political career than any other individuals, were
Alexander 11. Hood and Oliver J. Dickey, both men of admitted
native capacity. Both of these men were ardently attached to
Mr. Stevens. The former, a political editor, and also a member
of the Legislature, had studied law with him, having entered his

CO A REVIEW OF THE

otHec as a student shortly after liis arrival in Lancaster; and the
latter was the son of one of his old political associates as a mem-
ber of the r>oard of Canal Commissioners of Pennsylvania, and
who as a leader in the Anti-Masonic party, had been strongly
attached to him. .^[r. Dickey visited Lancaster in 18-iG and
became associated with Ih. Stevens in the practice of the pro-
fession; and this union proved the foundation of a life-long
attachment between them.

By 184S, Mr. Stevens, having extended his acrpiaintancc in all
j)arts of the county, felt himself strong enough to aim at the
]iomination for Congress in the Lancaster District. Although he
had many friends attached to him, he nevertheless had a power-
ful opposition to combat. The old Whig leaders were mostly
opposed to his nomination for Congress, as were also the principal
organs of the party, the Fxcunitier, published by E. C. Darling-
ton, and the V(/tsfreu)id, a German newspaper. Biit_Jboth
factions of the Whig party in the county had endorsed the nomi-
nation of Gen. Taylor for President, as the most available can-
didate that could be presented. This endorsement seemed for
tlie time to indicate the complete union of the Lancaster County
AVhigs ; and Stevens was sutRciently sagacious to see the ad-
vantage to be gained in this lull of the storm. A large Whig
meeting was held in Lancaster for the purpose of endorsing the
nomination of Zachary Taylor for the Presidency. Stevens and
his friends were the strong advocates of tlie objects of this meet
ing. Emanuel C. Reighart, an influential Whig, a man of high
social standing, and one who had never openly conmiitted him-
self to the interests of Mr. Stevens, assumed at this meeting, in
the name of the party, and in view of the subsisting harmony of
all factions, to publicly nominate him as a candidate for Con-
gress. This had the effect of directing public attention to him,
as an aspirant for Congressional honors.

But the leaders of that part of the Whig party which hitherto
opposed Mr. Stevens were not ready to acquiesce in that kind of
nomination for a Congressional candidate. It was altogether an
unusual manner of placing a candidate before the party for this
othce, and besides, there were individuals in their section of the
party whom they preferred to see elected to Congress. It was
not to be supposed, therefore, that they would tamely submit
to a nomination in which the choice of the people had- not been

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. C7

consulted ; and espeeiallj, wlicre tlie candidate was a stranger iu
the county, and one who a few years before had been engaged in
an effort to defeat the nominees of their party. Abraham
Herr Smith, a young kwyer of promise, belonging to one of the
oldest and most influential families of the county, who had served
with credit for two sessions in the Pennsylvania House of Rep-
resentatives, and was just closing a term in the State Senate, Avas
induced to become a candidate for the Congressional nomination
in opposition to Mr. Stevens. Candidates at that period were
generally nominated in conventions of their party, the delegates
to which were elected by the party votes in the different
districts. Primary elections were, therefore, in accordance with
this recognized rule of the party, held all over the County of
Lancaster, and the respective friends of one or the other candi-
date returned to the convention. In several of the districts
special instructions had been given to the delegate ^ for which one
of the two candidates they should cast their votes. By the
returns from the several districts, Mr. Smith appeared as having
received a clear majority of the delegates of the count}-, and his
nomination before the assembling of the convention \vas by himself
and his friends regarded as quite certain. The balloting in the
convention, hoAvever, disappointed the anticipations ^ all parties,
and Mr. Stevens was nominated by one of a majority. Some of
the delegates in the convention from one or more of the districts,
violated their instructions by voting for Mr. Stevens, thus giving
him the Congressional nomination, according to the accepted rules
of the party.

What peculiar agencies contributed to this first nomination of
Mr. Stevens for Congress, it is not within the reach of history
definitely to determine. The trait of character, as given by Al-
exander II. Hood in his sketch of Mr. Stevens, in the Biograph-
ical History of Lancaster County, may have somewhat contributed
to the result : " Beggars of all grades, high or low, are very cpuck
in finding out the weak points of those on whom they intend to
operate; and Mr. Stevens was always, but more particularly when
he was a candidate, most unmercifully fleeced. This trait was
the cause of injury to the politics of this country. Before he
was nommated for Congress, no one here thought of spending
laige sums of money in order to get votes. Now, no man, what-
ever his c[ualificationSj can be nominated for any ofKcc, unless

D3 A REVIEW OF TIIE

he answci-s all dcin:inds made upon him, and forks over a greater
amount than any one else will, for the same oliiee. It is a most
deplorable state of thhigs, but the fact is not to be denied."'-^

Some reflections, are in this connection submitted, as explana-
tory of conduct that has attached odium to the character of Mr.
Stevens, but \\'hich rather flowed from the spirit of the times in
which he lived. All truthful history, is but subsidiary to the
development of higher forms of culture, and a more enlarged
comprehension of the mysterious design of creative power. So it
is believed a delineation of the errors of men and nations but lead
to a clearer apprehension of the truth, that all are anxiously
seeking. Men's mistakes, whether wilf uU or otherwise, demonstrate
the necessity for settled rules of action. The world and itsintel-
lio-ence are advanclns:. Perfection in civilization is being more
nearly approximated, but perhaps will never be fully realized.
Government is the form of social organism, that has from the
earliest ages, engaged much of man's attention. Whether the
product of rcason or of divine dispensation is not determined;
neither of its primary forms, pure monarchy, ijristocracy or de-
mocracy seem to satisfy the advancing intelligence of the human
race ; and an eclecticism of these has in modern times amongst civ-
ilized nations given the most general satisfaction. But that form
which Is most condusive to the interests of a true civilization,
fe,cems as yet, to be but faintly realized. The admirable system
of govei'ument adopted for the United States, by our republican
ancestoi's, proved for a period the noblest heritage of reason for
the management of society, that perhaps the world lias ever
iseen. The Government, however, presented by our revolutionary
forefathers, was itself a combination of the original forms, and in
such proportions as was then believed would, if properly observed,
perpetuate liberty, justice and equity to the most distant posterity.
But there is less real difference between the forms of goveru-
}nent, as regards their practical working, than is popularly sup-
posed. In absolute monarchies, no one man, though nominally
S), is entirely supreme. The inlluence of other intelligent men,
besides the monarch, control the government. In democratic or
]-ci)uljlican forms of government, on the contrary, the intellectual
men of the State are those again in whose hands the power
chiefly resides. The mass of the people may or may not bo

^Biographical History of Lancaster County, pp. 589.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 09

voters, and their power in either case is not far from being
equal] J balanced. In the one case tlicj may bo made the instru-
ments of ambitious men for their oww advancement and success,
aiul perhaps even to the ruin of liberty. As Aristotle and Plato
taught, society, like the human body, has its various members,
and in both instances the directive power centers in the head.
The intellectual men of a nation, under whatever iorm of govern-
ment that may be adoj^ted, are those who form the head of the
State. The great aim in government is that a people be able to
obtain wise and virtuous rulers, and the form under which these
can be secured is of less consequence.

After the adoption of the Federal Constitution, although uni-
versal white suffrage was generally accepted, yet an intellectual
supremacy obtained in the selection of the rulers which almost
ignored the pojjular voice, save as by way of ratification so con-
sidered. High toned honor ruled this intellectual conclave of
b3th political parties of the Union, and he who was unworthy of
initiation into this unorganized circle, was unable to secure the
objects of his ambition, and hence was an outcast of the body
politic. The highest principles of chivalry formed the founda-
tion stones upon which the edifice of rule had been erected, and
a M'orthy applicant could scarce fail to recci\'e that recognition to
which his merits entitled him. As the nation grew and expanded,
and wealth was accumulated, the people still kept insisting upon
greater privileges and power, and the rulers gradually yielded to
their demands. Large numbers of offices, that in the early history
of the government had been filled by appointment, were subjected
to popular elections. All this was more nearly meeting the pop-
ular demand, and abandoning the conservative attitude of the
framers of our Hepublic. Popular education, it was urged, by
those advocating the innovation, w^as the great anchor of free
representative government, and that upon this the safety of a
nation depended. But this refuge itself was based upon the
assumed equality of men, which, however, all the observation
and experience of ages had disproved. Equality before the law,
and equality in fact, are quite different assumptions.

The seeming effort of modern advance, is entire freedom from
all restraint, save what is self-imposed. Whether the Avorld in
the future will attain to this is unknown, but at.this time it seems
not yet prepared for it ; and till such period of perfection arrives,

100 A REVIEW OF THE

government must be perpetuated. For minds capable of devi^?-
in<;- rules of social order, tliey should, as it would seem, be a rule
to themselves. The more, therefore, power is shifted from the
hands of the natural rulers and given into the possession
of those retpiiring a subjecting influence, though this be
but nominally, to such an extent, is the order of creative
design reversed, and the principles of corruptive political life
thence germinate. Herein, then, we have the causes which about
the period that ]\[r. Stevens was first nominated to Congress,
induced the introduction of the elements of political corruption.
Political power was found in the possession of the people moi*e
than at any former period of history. To obtain political posi-
tion, it was no longer essential to secure the recognition of that
chivalric intellectual body of men, that had hitherto so largely
wielded the power of the nation. Other means about this time
came to be effective in securing power. Wealth had become the
most influential agent in society. Honor only influences intel-
lectual and refined minds ; but that which now proved the most
potential with the mass of society, was that which the aspirants
for ofKcial place must employ.

The last years accordingly, of the history of the American
Hepublic, have been submitting volumes of testimony as to the
capacity of man for self governm.ent. The people are being
surfeited with political power, but the mountains of inicpiity and
corruption that are arising amidst the vast upheaval of ages, are
shocking the innate moral convictions of the race. But reason
and right, those stern guides of the world, will yet be called
upon to render their verdict upon the last phases of repul)lican
government, and remove the obstructions that still im2)cde
humanity's, progress, to a higher and a purer civilization.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 101

CHAPTER VIL

AMERICAN POLITICAL PARTIES AND THEIR PRINCIPLES.

The Anti-Slaverj movement in the northern States has already
been adverted to, and the excitement occasioned thereby, con-
sidered in a preceding chapter at some lengtli. It was not long
after the agitation began until the Abolitionists conceived that it
was necessary to unite the Anti-Slavery strength into a distinct
political organization, and this was accomplished in the year
IS-iO. As early as 1834, William Lloyd Garrison, speaking in
the Liljerator of the necessities of co-operation for the purpose
of overthrowing slavery, remarked that, "a christian party in
politics " was most of all things required. Prof. Charles Folen,
two years afterwards, suggested the utility of a new political
party of progress, the leading object of which should be the
abolition of slavery. A distinctive party for the purpose of secur-
ing the cherished objects of abolitionism, was in 1839 urged by
Alvan Stewart upon the Executive Committee of the !N^ew York
State Anti-Slavery Society. All these expressions indicated what
was becoming a somewhat prevalent opinion amongst the Abo-
litionists, that if they wished ever to be successful in the eradica-
tion of American Slavery, they must abandon all connection with
the old parties, and organize a new one of different principles.
As before stated, most of those who became avowed Abolition
ists, came originally from the Whig party, or at least that one
which was in opposition to the National Democracy.

All parties that have as yet existed in America, have belonged to
one or other of two antagonistic schools, the founders of which were
Thomas Jefferson and Alexander Hamilton. Hamilton was a
member of the convention, which in 1787 formed the Federal
Constitution ; and in that body had the honesty and boldness to
propose a form of government, copied after that of Great Britain,
which he ever regarded as the most perfect model of political
polity which the world liad discovered. There were several

103 A REVIEW OF THE

otlier able and intellectual nioinbers of tlie convention, who
entertained .sentiments similar to those of Hamilton, but who,
for prudential reasons, chose not to avow them too publiL'ly,
especially as in the state of public opinion tliat then obtained, it
was believed that anytliini^ Ijut a repul)liean form of <^overnmcnt
was impossible to be established. The great majority of those who
sat in the convention, were Republicans in sentiment themselves
and besides they perceived that the demands of the age would
not permit a monarchical constitution to be fixed upon the Ameri-
can people. They permitted themselves, therefore, to drift with
the current of popular opinion, and did so, even in cases where
their judgment entered strong protests to much that was done.
But as in the natural, so also in the political world, there arc
only two poles of aniagonistic opinioTi, those of monarchy and
democracy ; aristocracy being a mere compromise of the ex-
tremes. Metaphysical philosophy teaches us that every man is
either a Platonist or an Aristotelian ; and of Americans, it can
with truth be averred, that every citizen is either a follower of
Hamilton or of Jefferson in political opinions. The one strove
for the adoption of a strong, and the other for a liberal Govern-*
ment, based purely upon human consent.

Alexander Hamilton, and those who sympathized politically
with him in the Federal Convention, did. not obtain that form of
jrovcrnment which thev desired, but having secured what was
preferable to the old articles of Confederation, they favored its
adoption as the best that was then attainable. Jell'erson was in
France during the sittings of the convention, and had no imme-
diate share in the adoption of the instrument of Union that was
agreed upon, and wliich was sanctioned for tlie Confederation of
the States. His opinions, however, were well known, and were
similar to those of perhaj^s a majority of the members of the
Convention of 17S7. The dividing line of party sentiment
was that which separated between those favoring and those oppos-
ing a mrniarchical or strong form of government. The Hamil-
tonian party, in the formation of the Constitution, opposed every
liberal aspect that was given to the instrument, M'hilst the
Jeffersonians equally strenuously resisted the incorporation of
every thing of a centralizing character. When the Constitution
was at length completed by its framers, it received tlie support
of all the Hamiltonians, because of the advantages secured in it

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA, 105

over the old form of union ; and it also found friends in tlio
Jeffersonian scliool, amongst those who believed it the best form
of government that could be secured ; and also on account of the
generally received interpretation that (as was agreed upon all
sides) should l)e applied to it. It cannot be denied, however, that
the leading opponents to the Constitution were members of the
Jeffersonian schooL Their animosity was aroused against it,beeause
of the concession of certain powers to the Federal Government,
which were not possessed under the Articles of Confederation ;
and such as many of them apprehended might undermine the
liberty of the States at some future period. With the original
reasons for the division of the early American parties borne in
mind, it will be less difficult at any period to discover the descend-
ants of each, notwithstanding slight intermixtures may have
been constantly taking place. The distinguishing features of
each of these early schools of political opinion have from that
time been clearly discernible in all the different periods of our
history.

Those giving the Constitution their hearty support were enti-
tled Federalists, and those opposing the same were known as
Anti-Federalists, Jefferson on account of his duties abroad, was
not involved in the disputes which arose upon the adoption of the
Constitution. Although friendly himself to the instrument, from
the known views of its framers, yet the large majority of his
political followers exerted themselves to their utmost to defeat
its adoption. But the Constitution was adopted, and as was
natural, those who had championed it before the people would
be those who would first be chosen to put it into operation. Gen.
Washington had been its friend in the Convention, and also before
the people ; and he was now chosen by a unanimous vote to be
the first who should pilot the new vessel upon the ocean of con-
fiicting American opinion. With that sagacity for which he was
in a high degree noted, he strove to calm the antagonistic senti-
ments that he knew prevailed throughout the country, by forming
his cabinet out of the op]K)sing political schools. Hamilton and
Jefferson were accordingly placed as the heads of different de-
partments of the government ; but this, instead of allaying the
strife, may be viewed as rather having hastened the full devehjp-
ment of parties, which follov/ed the first election of Washington
as President of the United States, It was not long till Jefferson

101 A REVIEW OF TFIE

and his party friends discovered, as they believed, that the aim of
the Haniiltonian leaders was to secure by Constitional interpreta-
tion what they had failed to obtain in the original adoption of
the Federal jiact. Power was claimed for the general govern-
ment that had never been granted to it, and which had been
reserved alone to the States and people, as in the words of the
charter itself was expressed. But the Federal, was the party of
character, wealth and influence, and it required a considerable
period to divest it of that position of strength and power which
it had secured in the young Eepul^lic. At length, upon the
enactment of certain obnoxious laws, Jefferson and the other
Southern leaders who had always sympathized with him, and who
were the warm friends of liberal governmental views, succeeded
in grasping the reins of the general government. Federalism
sunk at once, never again to rise in its own name; but not so its
principles. These lived and continued with modifications to
form the elements of vitality of every organization tliat was ar-
rayed against the Jeffersonian i)arty from that period.

So complete was the overthrow of the Federalists, that
many years elapsed before any organization was able to make
a stand against the old party of Jefferson, or the National De-
mocracy. In 1824, all the candidates for President ran as
members of the Democratic party, but the election of John Q.
Adams had the effect of attracting together the disunited
elements of Ilamiltonianism, and laying the foundation for
that structure which became, in a sense, the National Wliig
party. This party was somewhat the expression of that re-
sistance, that must of necessity manifest itself in opposition
to the ruling organization ; but whose animating spirit was caught
from its Federal ancestors. This was true, rather as regarded
the Northern Wliigs ; for in the Southern States, the peculiar
Ilamiltonian principles being exotic, never took deep root. In
the South the Whig party may be viewed as the embodiment of
•;;k the porsunal opposition that was marshalled by Clay and other

distinguished leaders against the administrations of President
Jackson, Yan Buren and others ; and in which principles, thougli
■ loudly heralded, were ever of minor significance. It was owing
to this fact that only a seeming harmony ever existed between
tl\o northern and southern sections of the Whig party ; and also,
that in South Carolina no organization of this name, for many

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 103

years had any political strength Avhatever, Anti-Masonry^
another daughter of Federalism, had its home in the Xorth, and
in its missionizing tours in the South met hut a cold reception.
The Anti-Slavery political party, which took its rise in tho
Liberty organization in 1840, with Birney as its Presidential
standard bearer, was also the growth of the centralizing principles
and the germination of Federalism.

The leadino" feature of distinction which characterized the
Democratic party of Jefferson, was its advocacy of the doctrine
of State sovereignty, in opposition to the principle of centraliza-
tion. The Democrats contended that the States were the sov-
erigns that had framed the general government, and that they
remained so, although they had delegated specified powere to the
Federal head, but only such as w^re clearly enumerated. The Yir-
ginia and Kentucky resolutions of 1T9S-9, the former drafted
by Madison, and the latter by Jefferson, explicitly set forth the
doctrine that the general government was one of limited powers,
and that the States would not be bound to yield acquiesence in
the enactments of the Federal authority in an instance where the
power assumed, was clearly usurped, and did not come with-
in those delegated in the Constitution, This doctrinal assertion
of prinf;iples, from the two leading statesmen of the old Eepub-
lican piirty, was made at a time when it was charged that the
Federal party had violated the Constitution in the passage of
certain obnoxious measures ; and the principles thus enunciated
in those resolutions from that time forward became the recognized
democratic creed, which was aflirmed and re-aflirmed in nearly
every State and National Convention of that organization that
was aftersvards held. The doctrine was boldly anounced, as the
general understanding of all parties, who had participated in the
formation of the Federal Constitution, and at a period when the
principal actors who had taken part in its formation and adoption
were yet living, and able to controvert any assertions thus made
had they been false and unsupported by facts. But the doctrines
so set forth remained uncontradicted, an incontestible evidence in
itself that they were sustained in historical verity ; and especially,
as all this occurred at a time when it was in the power of a party
whose principles the resolutions opposed, to have disproved their
assertions had they been able to have done so.

The concession in the Constitution to the general government

105 A REVIEW OF THE

of the power to execute its own enactments upon tlic citizens of
the States, was that feature of the Federative compact, which
rendered it so vastly superior to the articles of Confederation
that preceded it 'J'his, in the words of De Toccpieville, was ;
*' A wliolly novel theory, which may be considered as a great
discovery in modern political science. In all the Confederations
which preceded the American Constitution of 1780, the allied
States, for a conniion object, agreed to obey the injunctions of a
Federal Government ; but they reserved to themselves the right
of ordaining and enforcing the execution of the laws of the
Union. The American States, which combined in 17S9, agreed
that the Federal Government should not only dictate but should
execute its own enactments. In both cases the right is the same
but the exercise of the right is different ; and this difference pro-
duced the most momentous consequences,"* But, in the clear and
express eriumeration of these powers, over which the general
government was alone to exercise authority, the Jeffersonian
State right Republicans felt that their safety rested. They will-
ingly conceded that within these prescribed limits, the Federal
power was supreme over the States, but not beyond those bounds.
The various limitations of power had been agreed upon with
great care and deliberation ; and the several boundaries of author-
ity, both National and State, were intended to be steadily and
scrupulously observed,
( The institution of slavery was one over which the general
I^ government had no authority. It was altogether a matter for
State regulation, and was so conceded by the early statesmen of
all political parties. The movement of Abolitionism in the
Northj with the cx)nsequettt rise of the Liberty party in 1840,
xilthouffh enicendered in humanitarian motives, was nevertheless a
direct avowal that all constitutional rights of the southern people
must yield to the behests of the new party, as soon as it should be
able to grasp the reins of the Federal Government. It was thus a
threat made against all constitutional government, in which the dan-
ger did not alone consist in the determination to wrest from the
southern people so luiicli property as was invested in their negro
slaves. If national compacts and plighted faith must bend before
the will of majorities, then cc^nstitutional governments become a
failure, and a despotism of numbers is installed in their stead.

•*De Toccj[ueville's Democracy in America, Vol, I. pp. -ISl,

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 107

A constitutional governniGnt is based npon the will of the people
at the time of its adoption, and if any alteration is at any tinic
sought to be made therein, tliis nnist be accomplished in accord-
ance ^vith the provisions of the original charter. Any. other
method of change is revolutionary, ecp,ially- as if produced by
the might of armies. The abolition movement, for the over-
throw of slavery, was the commencement of the revolution for
the obliteration of slavery from the United States. The insig-
nificant vote of a little less than 7,000 for Birney for President,
in ISttO, seemed to the unreflecting as unworthy of notice ; it was
.only to the deep comprehension of John C. Calhoun and such
as he, that the real danger was fully felt and appreciated. It
was the means by which the object to be attained was proposed
to be accomplished, cpiite as much as the result itself, that was
felt as so threatening to the principles of free government. It
was, in short, the announcement of the right of reducing gov-
ermnent to chaos, and out of the anarchy, reconstructing it in
accordance ^vith the passions of the multitude. In principle
and essence, the avowal of the Abolitionists was equally as
alarmino: in one section of the Union as in the other. The
only difference was. that in the South, with abolition suc-
cess, together with the overthrow of constitutional government,
the rights and privileges of the people of that section must
likewise . perish in the liames of social convulsion. The Liberty
party asserted the right of the people of the Xorth to interfere
with slavery in the southern States, a doctrine before unheard of
and in utter violation of the compacts that had formed part of
the Constitution. The'States were separate independent Eepub-
lics, that for valid- reasons had formed a central autliority, entrusted
with certain specified powers, the better to promote the interests
of aU amongst each other, and with foreign nations. The peo-
ple of the northern States, had therefore, no more legal or con-
stitutional right to intermeddle with the affairs of those of the
South than in the concerns of foreign nations. They might
condemn slavery in the South or elsewhere, but when they
assumed to dictate to the southern people, or to organize a party
of afo-ression against the constitutional rights of anv of the
States, they became revolutionists ecpially as had they rose with
arms in their hands to overthrow the existing constitution. But
the Abolitionists chose to confine tlieir warfare within the moral

103 A REVIEW OF THE

iiroiia ; aiul tlms tlioy escaped the perpetration of the crhne of
treason, of which an armed assanlt M'ould have made them gnilty.

The wliule Anti-Slavery movement in all the various channels
in which it flowed, took its rise in llamiltonian principles, which
demanded the subordination of all the States to the Federal
Government. One supreme central authority was demanded,
which should dictate what institutions and laws should, and what
should not exist in the several States. That system would iiiaui,ni-
rate a national government of strength, one having unity of pur-
pose and etiiciency in its administration. Such had ever been
the fond hope of the old Federal leaders, and of all such as
believe that the principles of monarchy are essential for the gov-
ernment of men and nations. But, besides the attitude and
action of the ])nre Anti-Slavery party, which was organized in
1840 ; in order to see the revolutionary movement as it progressed,
it is necessary to follow, in connection therewith, the course of the
Whig i)arty, until its linal overthrow as a national organization.
On the question of slavery, the AVhig party, North and South
was never harmonious; and it was alone upon other questions,
that it was able to unite in opposition to the Democracy, the
party of unadulterated States right sovereignty. The Southern
AVhigs, from the earliest agitation of the slavery question, were
about in sentiment with the jS^ational Democratic party, save
that as politicians, on unimportant questions, they would at times
veer into seeming opposition to the slavery interests in their
section ; and they did so in order to bring themselves more into
harmony with their northern brethren, already dominated by aboli-
tion sentiment.

The annexation of Texas was one of those questions that
severed the "Whig party into a sectional division. John Q.
Adams, a Whig Member of Congress, was one of the iirst to
sound, as early as 1837, the bugle of northern anti-slavery oppo-
s-ition against the j)roject of annexing the new llepublic of Texas
to the United States. Texas had secured her independence in
the memorable battle of San Jacinto, fought April 21st, 1S3G.
In Alarch, 1837, the United States recognized the independence
of the new sister Republic. Daniel Webster, in his speech of
March 15th, 1837, at Xiblo's Garden, expressed his entire disap-
probation to the annexation of Texas, basing his opposition
to it on the ground that it would be extending the boundaries of

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 109

slavery. Avo^vcd Abolitionists had first soniulcd tlic note of
o})positioii oil the Texas question, and it was taken up by tlu.
AVhig jioliticians of the North for the purpose, mainly, of secur-
ing political capital from northern sentiment on the slavery ques-
tion, as had happened in the interests of Federalism during the
contest on the admission of Missouri into the Union. The resitt-
ance thus early manifested in the North against the annexation
of Texas, had the effect of delaying operations for some years,
for the consummation of the measure. It was only when the
anti-slavery agitation had advanced to such a stage as almost to
have divided the countr}- into two sectional parties, indicated by the
Mason and Dixon boundary, that annexation began again seriously
to be discussed. That such a division had taken place between
the North and South was undeniably true as regards the Whig
party, for although Harrison had been elected President by the
AVhigs, yet this was more owing to the great personal popularity
of the candidate, than because of any unity of sentiment amongst
his partisans.

It was during the administration of John Tyler, the successor
of William Henry Harrison, that the incorporation of Texas
into the Union was fully resolved upon by southern statesmen,
who saw in this measure how they could perpetuate the balance [
of power between the northern and southern sections of the
Union. Leading members of the Whig party in the South were
equally ardent for the admission of Texas as the Democrats,
although well aw^are of the antagonism genei-ally entertained
towards the measure on the part of their political brethren of ^^

the North. The question came to be one of importance in the
Presidential election of ISM. It, and the tariff, were the leading
questions of that political struggle. Aspirants for Presidential
honors had a delicate task, therefore, in dealing with these national
questions ; and in this struggle the strength of parties was so
equally balanced that the writing of a letter, it is believed, turned
the scale of victory from one side to the other. Martin Yan Buren
clearly sealed his defeat as the candidate of the Democratic party
by his letter wTitten to William II. Ilammet, of Mississippi, in
which he took grounds against Texan annexation. The crafty
Statesman of Lindenwald thought to secure his nomination by
catering to the northern sentiment of opposition to the spread of
slavery; but found himself entrapped by his le^icr, and which

>

110 A REVIEW OF THE

forever scaled liis liopos of future Presidential promotion. The
Democratic party, in its National Convention, which met at Bal-
timore on May 2Tth, 1844, boldly announced its principles on
the annexation cpiestion in the following resolution :

" licfiolrcd. That our title to the wliole Territory of Oi-egon is clear and
•unquestionable ; that no portion of the same ouglit to be ceded to Eng-
land, or any other power ; and that tlie re-occui)ation of Oregon and the
re-annexation of Texas, at the earliest liracticable period, are great
American measures which the convention recommends to the cordial
support of the Democracy of the Union."

The effects of anti-slavery agitation upon northern opinions by
1844, were conspicuously visible. The body of the public men
in the North, of both political parties would, as a matter of
choice, have voted that no more slave States be admitted into the
I^nion. They were aware that the enlightened sentiment of the
age, both in Europe and America, was averse to the institution
as it existed in the Southern States; and free from all party tram-
mels they would have voted against its extension. There is little
doubt but that this was the prevailing sentiment of the enlight-
ened classes of both political parties. Unlike ce;'tain Abolition-
ists, however, tliey_did not regard • slavery as a sin, but the steady
discu9sion of the cpiestion for years had at length produced its
inlluence, and they in general looked upon it as somewhat repug-
nant to their moral convictions. In the Democratic as well as in
the AYhig party, this feeling had considerable strength ; and the
above resolution of the Baltimore convention, endorsing the
annexation of Texas, met with opposition from men who upon
no other cpiestion had ever been found unfaithful to party
principles. Silas Wright, a prominent Democrat from Xew York,
had conspicuously opposed annexation in the United States Senate;
and knowing that the measure would be endorsed by his party
in the Presidential campaign of 1844, he declined the nomination
for Vice-president on the ticket witli James Iv. Polk. Mr.
AVright nevertheless became the candidate of his party for Gov-
ernor of New York the same year, and in a canvassing speech at
Skaneateles, he referred to his opposition as unabated, and de-
clared that he never could consent to annexation. This sentiment
was loudly applauded in a large Democratic convention held in
Herkimer, in the autumn of that year. Messrs. George P,
r.arkor, AYilliam C. Bryant, John W. Etlmonds, David Dudley
Field and Theodore Sedij^ewick united in a letter, urging their

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. - 111

feilow-dcmocrats, while supporting Polk and Dallas, to repudiate
the Texan resolution, and to unite in supporting for Congress
Democratic candidates hostile to annexation. '^'^

Henry Clay was the great Southern leader and idol of the
Whig party, and had been long pressed by his ardent admirers
for the Presidency. But for the division on the slavery question
that had made its way into the Whig party, he would have been
nominated for the highest office in the Pepublie in December,
1S30. The following extract froni the I^/na ?ic ij?ator, anahoWtlon
journal, explains the condition of the Whig party at that period :

IIIE HAEEISBURG CONVENTION.

""Well, the agonv j= ever, ca\± Henry Clay is laid upon the shelf ; and no
man of ordinaiy intelligence can doubt or denj^ that it is the anti-slavery
feeling of the North which has done it, in connection with his own osten-
tatious and infamous pro-»lavery demonstrations in Congress — Praise
to God for an anti-slavery victory ! A man of high talents, of great
distinction, of long political services, of boundless personal popularity,
has been openly rejected for the Presidency of this hepublic on account
of his devotion to slavery. Set up a monument of progress there — let
the winds tell the tale ! Let the slave-holders hear the news. Lf t foreign
nations hear it. Let O'Connell hear it. Let the slaves hear it. A slave-
holder is incapacitated for the Presidency of the United States. The
reign of slaveocracy is hastening to a close. The rejection of Henry
Clay by the Win ;■ Convention, taken in connection with all the circum-
stances, is one of the heaviest blows the monster slavery has ever received
in this country."

The remarks of Garrison on the rejection of Clay by the AVhig Con-
vention are to the sr.me purport : " All the slave States went for Clay,
Had it not been for abolitionism, Henry Clay would undoubtedly have
been nominated."

In the National Whig Convention, hold at Baltimore in 1844^
the party nominated Henry Clay for President by acclamation.
His political letters on the Texas question, published in the
JVational Intelligencer^ in which he expressed his disapprobation
to the admission of Texas, had the eifect of uniting in his sup-^
port the northern Whigs; and his real opinions known to \u&)
southern friends, served to retain them likewise. In his letter-
intended for northern circulation he dextrously struck the key-
note to northern resistance to annexation in the following

language :

" I do nofrthink Texas ought to be received into the Union, as an integral
part of it, in decided opposition to the wishes of a considerable and
respectable portion of the Confederacy. I think it far more wide and iui-

*Greeley"s Conflict, Vol. 1, p. ICG

112 ♦ A REVIEW OF THE

portaiit to composo ami harmonize the present Confederacy as it now
exists, than to introduce a new element of discord and destruction into
it. In my liumhle opinion it should be the earnest and constant endeavors
of American statesmen to eradicate prejudicis, to cultivate and footer
concord, and to produce general contentment among all parts of our
Confederacy."

This letter of Clay upon annexatiuii was found not to give
entire satisfaction to all his southern friends, and he was urged to
make a further statement of his views upon the Texas question.
Accordingly, on the 10th of August, a letter appeared in the
jV^o/i/i Alabamian, which had been written by him to friends
in Alabama. In this letter occurred the following language :

'' I do not think it right to announce in advance what ■will be the course
of a future administration, in respect to a question with a foreign power.
I have, however, no hesitation in saying, that far from having any per-
sonal objection to the annexation of Texas, I sltoukl be glad to see it,
witliout dishonor, without war, with the comuion consent of the Union,
and upon just and fair terms."

This last letter was at once seized tipon by the Democrats as
well as the Abolitionists, as an entire change of base upon the
part of Clay, and which had no doubt considerable intiucnce
upon the result of the election. Many have ever believed that
this leiter caused his defeat as President of the United States.
James G. Birncy, the Presidential Abolition candidate of the
LiJjeral party, in the same canvass made a handle of Clay's Ala-
bama letter, to abstract from him anti-sla\'ery votes, and he was
successful in polling upwards of 00,000. James K. Polk, the
Democratic nominee, was elected President of the United States,
and this victory was fairly interpreted as the national endorse-
ment of the policy of Texan annexation. Congress, acting in
obedience to the ptiblic sentiment, as thus expressed, passed reso-
lutions for the admission of Texas, and John Tyler affixed thereto
the Presidential signature March 1st, 1845.

On the 3d day of March, 1845, President Tyler despatched a
messenger to deliver to Mr. Donelson charge d' affaires of Texas,
the joint resolutions of Congress for its admission into the
Union, and instructing him to communicate the same to the
Texan officials. The resolutions admitting the Kepublic as a
member of the Union, were submitted by the President of Texas
to a convention of delegates called for the purpose of forming a
State Constitution, and were assented to by that body in behalf
of the people on the 4th of July, in the same year ; and thus one

POLITICAL COXFLIcriN AMERICA, 113

more State M'as added to tlic miiuber of the existing sovereignties
of the American Union. The Convention of Texas, thereupon
requested the President of the United States, to oucu2)y and
estabhsh posts without dehxy uj^on the exposed frontier of tlie
liepublic, and to despatch such forces as might be deemed requisite
for the defence of the territory and people of the newly-admit-
ted State. In accordance with this request, an "army of occupa-
tion" was despatched by order of President Polk, under command
of General Taylor, and on the 2Gth day of July, 1845, the
American standards were unfurled over Texan soil. This move-
ment, with the measures of annexation ti-ansacted between the
United States and Texas, were regarded by the Mexican govern-
ment as acts of hostility towards the latter, and preparations
Avere made by the Mexican Republic foi- an appeal to arms. On
the 5th of March, Gen. Almonte, the Mexican minister at AVash-
ington, protested against the resolutions of the Federal Congress
providing for the annexation of Texas, and demanded his j^ass-
ports, which were granted him ; and on the 3d of April the Gov-
ernment of Mexico refused to hold further diplomatic intercourse
with the United States, and informed the American Minister that
such intercourse was irreconcilable with Mexican honor, in view
of the annexation of Texas. The President of Mexico, here
upon, on the 4th of June, 1845, issued a proclamation declaring
that the annexation of Texas did not change the relations of
Mexico towards that Pepublic, and that she was resolved to
maintain them by force of arms. Under these circumstances,
the diplomatic relations were of necessity suspended between the
two countries, and this state of affairs so continued until the
oonnnencement of hostilities in 1840. On the 11th of May,
1846, the American Congress declared that war existed between
the United States and Mexico, by act of the latter — the Presi-
dent having announced that the Mexicans had " at last invaded
our territory and shed the blood of our fellow citizens on our
own soil."

Congress, two days after the reception of this message from
President Polk, responded by the passage of an act calling out
50,000 vounteers, and appropriating ten millions of dollars for
the prosecution of the war with Mexico. The annexation of
Texas had thus resulted in what from the iirst had been the re-
peated prediction of the "Whig party ; and although towards the

Ill A REt^IEW OF THE

prosecution of the \v;ir, tlie Whigs in Congres.?, in the main, voted
for men and money, yet did so with the greatest reluctance, at
the same time, stigmatising it as an unjust invasion of Mexican
rights, and an infringement of inter-national comity. Congress
remained in session until the 10th of August. In the meantime,
the encounters between the American and Mexican forces, gave
assurance that the war could not be of long duration, as a series
of victories had crowned the American standards from the first
commencement of hostilities. President Polk believed a treaty
of peace might be negotiated with the Mexican Government, and
that by the payment of a sum of money, not only the boundary
of the Kio Grande, but a considerable acquisition of territory
might be secured. lie accordingly sent a special message to
Congress on the 8th of August, two days prior to the time lixed
for the adjournment, asking that an amount of money be placed at
his disposal for these purposes. A bill was immediately reported
in Committee of the AVhole, making appropriations of $3,000,000
for the expenses of the negotiation, and $2,000,000 to be used at
the discretion of the President in making such a treaty. The
bill seemed on the point of passing through all its various stages
without serious opposition. After a hasty consultation with some
friends, David AVilmot, a democratic Member of Congress from
Pennsylvania, introduced his celebrated proviso, and moved to
add it to the iirst section of the bill now pending, and which was
to the effect that no ;part of the territoru to he acquired should
he open to the. introduction of slavery.

The introduction of the above proviso, proved a new tire-
bnmd cast into the American Congress, as might have been
readily surmised by its author, had he but chosen to remember
occurrences of no remote date. Equity demanded that the people
of the South be treated as equal members of the Conferation, the
same as those of the Korth ; and that no discrimination should be
adopted to exclude them from their equal and constitutional
rights. Besides, the proviso was in direct violation, if not of the
words, at least of the spirit of the Missouri Compromise, a compact
iu harmony with justice and sectional equality.

When the proviso was iirst offered, it met with the almost
universal favor of the Pepresentativcs from the Xorth, doubtless
(as was likewise the case in the commencement of the Missouri
struggle) without any intention uj^on the part of most of those

POLITICAL CO^TLICT IN AMERICA. 115

from that section, of violating tlic rights of their sonthcrn
brethren. So much discussion, however, liad at one time and
another taken phicc with reference to the povcr of Congressional
legislatioTi over the territory now possessed, or hereafter to bo
acquired, that it came about this time to be generally believed in
the Xorth that slavery in the national domain was subject to the
same control. Quite a different opinion, however, had ever pre-
vailed in the South, as regards the power of Congress ; and in view
of the intense feeling that had already been engendered in
the minds of the Southern people on account of the known
intention of the Abolitionists, the proviso was at once eeized
u2)on by them as the greatest possible outrage that could be in-
flicted upon them. The first vote on tlie proviso in the House,
was 80 aves and Ci nays, only three Democrats from the North
opposing it. The North and the South had now fully divided on
this question, the sectionalizing of representatives having become
complete upon any issue affecting the institution of slavery.

The 10th of August, the time for the adjournment of Congress
arriving, put an end to further discussion, and the appropriation
sought by the President was not granted. The turbulent scenes
of the two days, however, that Congress was in session, after
the introduction of this apple of discord by Mr. AVilmot, was sufH-
cient to communicate the inflamation to the people of all the
Southern States of both political parties, and, in the Legislatures
of several of these, conditional disunion resolutions were j)assed.
" Everywhere in the slave States the Wilmot proviso became a
Gordon's head — a cJdmera dire — a watchword of party, and the
synonym of civil war and the dissolution of the Union.'- *

The application of the Executive was renewed at the next
meeting of Congress, with this difference that instead of two he
now asked for three millions of dollars. A second bill was now
prepared and introduced into the House, and the proviso being
again incorporated into it, this passed by a vote of 115 to 105.
The bill being now sent to the Senate, the proviso was stricken
out by the vote of 31 to 20, and in this shape was returned to
the House of Eepresentatives where, upon a reconsideration, the
action of the Senate was concurred in by 102 yeas to 91 nays.
Thus, after a violent contest in both Houses of Congress^ the

*Beutoii"s Thii-ty Years View. Vol. 2, p. G95.

116 A REVIEW OF THE

appropriation was gi-anted without any anti-slavery restriction.
The excitement occasioned by the discussion that grew out of
the iutrothii-tion of this proviso, was perhaps the most liery and
intense that had ever yet taken phice in Congress, and served
more tlian all else to inflame the pnl)lic mind in both sections of
the Tnion,

After a series of brilliant victories, the conquest of Mexico
was effected, and the American standards waved over the Spanish
llepublic. The conquest of ]\rexico was speedily followed by
the flight of Santa Anna, its President, and peace between the
two (i^untries was concluded February 2(1, 1848, by the treaty of
Craudaloupe Hidalgo, by which Upper Calfornia and New Mexico
were ceded to the United States. This treaty received the ratifi-
cation of the Mexican Congress May 20th, 18-48. The acquisi-
tion of this new scope of country still increased the national
domain, and served to add additional com})licatiou to the already
unadjusted difficulties between the Xorth and South, as regarded
the government of the national tei-ritories. The organization of
the territories from this period became one of the difficult
questions before Congress, and this because of the division of
sentiment on the slavery question which had sundered the two
sections, as it were, into antagonistic parties.

But, although the leaven of Abolitionism had already caused
somewhat of fermentation in the Democratic party, it yet re-
mained thoroughly national in its principles, and decided in its
efforts to resist aggressions upon southern rights. A small wing
of the party in the North had allowed itself to be led captive by
free soil principles, which were producing discord in the old
Jeffersonian ranks. In the State of New York, these principles
had already produced a schism of the party into two factions, the
one of which was styled Jlanhn^y and the other Barn-biu'ner.i.
In the Democratic Convention, which nominated Gen. Lewis
Cass and AVilliam O. Ihitler, for President and Vice-president, in
May, 1848, both factions of the party from New York, ap|>eared
liv their deleffates, and claimed seats in that bodv ; and with the
tlesire of harmonizing the (inferences both were admitted to seats
' in the convention, each l>eing authorized to cast half the vote to
which the State was entitled. 'This served the liarn-burners with
the excuse which tliey desired ; and declaring themselves unwill-
ing to be bound by the decision of the convention, retired there-

rOLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. Ul

from. After the Free Soilers, lladicaLs or Baj-ii-bnrners luul
withdrawn, the couveutiou adopted a pktforin. of principles,
national in its character, and vcrj^ similar to those of previous
conventions of the same party. But as to the power of Congress
over the question of slavery in the territories, which had recently
come into prominence, the convention declined to commit itself.^
On this cpiestion William L. Yancey, of Alabama, submitted the
following resolution :

''Resolved, That the doctrine of non-interference with the rights of
propert}^ of any portion of the people of this Confederacy, be it in the
States or Territories thereof, by any other than the parties interested
therein, is the true Republican doctrine recognized by this bod}^"

This resolution was rejected— nays 216, to yeas 36. Its rejec-
tion was the work of the northern leaders of the party, although
not so indicated by the vote in the convention. This was the
first manifest wavering that the Democratic party liad shown
before the abolition sentiment of the J^J'orth ; and much as the
leaders of both sections believed in the justice of non-interven-
tion, those in the JSTorthern States feared to meet their constitu-
ents, should this be endorsed as a cardinal principle. It was a
cowardice, however, of which no political party should CA'er be
guilty. If the principle was right, the resolution should have
been endorsed, even at the risk of party defeat.

The Whig Xational Convention assembled at Philadelphia, on
the 8th of June, 1848, and selected Zachary Taylor and Millard
Fillmore as its candidates for President and Vice-President.
Gen. Tajdor was made the nominee of his party purely because
of his supposed availability as a candidate and the great personal
popularity he had gained in the Mexican war. As he was a
slaveholder, he was far from being acceptable to the northern
AYhig leaders, but circumstances compelled them to acquiesce in
his nomination. The disinte<>:ration and dissolution of the Whio-
party were already nearly complete, and but time was wanting
to render it a iinality. In this convention the party was unable
to agree upon a platform of principles. Pepcatcd efforts were
made to endorse the principle of the Wilmot proviso, but Avith-
out success, the motions made for this purpose being successfully
tabled. The ardent Abolitionists of the party on this account
took little interest in the election, but feeling themselves power-
less in the party, they permitted themselves to drift with the

lis A REVIEW OF THE

political current. Several members of the convention declared
their utter dissatisfaction with the candidates ; and so great, in-
deed, Avas the smothered opposition that the nominations could
not be made unaniiuous, according to custom. All this opposi-
tion was stimulated by anti-slaverj zeal. Mr. Allen, a delegate
to the convention from Massachusetts, said that the Whig party
was that day dissolved. Mr. Bingham, of Ohio, oifered a reso-
lution that the nominations should be unanimous provided Gen.
Taylor would pledge himself to the non-extention of slavery
over free territory. Such a jjledge was never obtained ; and ii"
it had been, that moment the Whig party would have dissolved.
Gen. AVilson, of Massachusetts, declared that he would do all in
his power to defeat the nominee of the convention. "Gen.
Taylor, though an excellent soldier, had no experience as a states-
man, and his capacity for civil administration was wholly undem-
onstrated. lie had never voted ; had apparently paid little
attention to, and taken little interest in politics ; and though
inclined towards the "Whig party, Avas but slightly identilied with
its ideas and its efforts. Nobody could say what were his views
regarding Protection, Internal Improvement, or the Currency.
On the great question — which our last acquisitions from Mexico
had suddenly invested with the greatest importance — of excluding
slavery from the yet imtainted Federal Territories, he had in no
wise declared himself ; and the fact that he was an extensive
slaveholder, justilied a presumption that he, like most slave-
holders, deemed it right that any settler in the Territories should
be at liberty to take thither and hold there as property, what-
ever the laws of his own State recognized as property. "'''■

But the strength of the Abolition sentiment of the North was
still advancing to more prominent recognition. The schism of
several of the leading churches into Northern and Southern com-
munions, beginning with the Methodist Episcopal in 1844, had
already given an importance to the anti-slavery movement, that
it had not before possessed. And although the two great parties
of the country had their Presidential candidates in the field before
the nation, harmony no longer reigned in the ranks of either.
The Liljerty party had sup}>orted candidates for President and
Vice President in 1S4<>, and in 1644, but was able to draw but a
comparatively feeble vote.

*GrLelfy's Ilecollcctions, p. 211.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 119

For tlie purpose of showing tlie rise of the Free Soil party
from Abolition uuthorily,- the following extract is suhuiitted:

" In the midst of these exhortations, the National Convention of the
Liberty party assembled at Buffalo, October 20th, 1847. Gerrit Smitli,
still a member of the Liberty party, was proposed as a candidate for tho
Presidency. His nomination would have secured the co-operation of the
Liberty Lsague in his support. But the course marked out by the lead-
ing men in the convention beforehand, required the nomination of a
different man from Gerrit Smith. The Liberty party for the first time
adopted the policy of going out of its own ranks for a Presidential can-
didate. After debatuig awhile the question of nominating at all till
next year, they nominated Hon. John P. Hale, United States Senator
from New Hampshire, an independent Democrat, who had certainly done
himself honor in refusing to do homage to the slave power, and who had
drawn off a portion of the Democracy of New Hampshire to his sup-
port." * * * "But the nomination of Mr. Hale was only a
temporary one, and answered its temporary purpose. Gentlemen active
in making it united with others of other parties in caUing another con-
vention, which was held at Buffalo, August 9th, 1848, composed of the
opponents of slavery extension, irrespective of parties and including of
course, as was designed, large numbers who did not intend to be com-
mitted to 'the one idea' of abolishing slavery. On that occasion was
organized the Free Soil party, in which the Liberty party was designed
to be wholly absorbed.''*

The Liberty party was thus, in 1 S4S, metamoi-phosed into that
named Free Soil, through the machinations of Martin Yan Buren
and his friends ont of re^-enge to General Cass, who had been largely
instrmnental in 184i, in causing the defeat of the former before
the Democratic Convention of that year Although the ^N'orth was
not yet fully ripe for the organization of a purely sectional party,
yet the free soil vote in 1S4S indicated that the abolition move-
ment would take that direction. Horace Greeley, speaking of
the National Democratic nominations in 1848, says :

"Tliis ticket was respectable, both as to character and services, yet its
prospects were marred by the fact, that that faction of the New York
Democracy, which had been known as Barn-burners or Free Soil men,
resenting the admission of their competitors to seats in the convention
had bolted, and refused to be governed by the result. Ultimately, tlioy
united with the Abohtionists and with sympathising Democrat^ in other
States in holding a National^; Convention at Buffalo, which nominated
Martin Van Buren, of New York, for President, and Charles F. Adams, of
Massachusetts, for Vice-president. This ticket, though it obtained no

*G iodel on Slaverv. p. 478. fMr. Greeley should more properly have
said a Sectional rather than a National Convention, for there were no
delegates in it except from the Northern States, and the )nost of thoso
who°figured in it were secret Abolitionists, whom policy deterred from
the expression of their honest sentiments.

130 A REVIEW OF THE

single electoral vote, blasted the hopes of General Cass and the regular
Democracy." *

The distinctive feature of tlie platform of the Free Soil party
was opposition to slave institutions, and a desire to abolish or
restrain slavery Avherever this could be constitutionally accom-
plished. These tliree principles were laid down : First, that it
was the duty of the General Government to abolish slavery
wherever it could be done in a constitutional manner. Second,
that the States within which slavery existed had the sole right to
interfere with it ; and third, that Congress can alone prevent the
existence of slavery in the Territories. By the first of these
principles, it was the duty of Congress to abolish slavery in the
District of Columbia ; second, to leave its regulation to the States
where it existed, and third, to abolish it in territory now free.

In the sectional aspect of this party lay its danger. Thomas
H. Benton speaks thus of the Buffalo Convention that nomi-
nated Van Buren and Adams :

•' It was an organization entirely to be regretted — its aspect was sec-
tional—its foundation a single idea— its tendency to merge political prin-
ciples in a slaveiy contention. The BaTtimore Democratic Convention
had been dominated by the slavery question, but on the other side of
that question, and not openly and professedly ; but here was an organi-
zation resting- prominently on the slavery basis. And, deeming all such
organizations, no matter on which side of the question, as frauglit with
evil to the Union, this writer, on the urgent request of some of his politi-
cal associates, went to New York to interpose his friendly offices to gtt
the Free Soil organization abandoned. The visit was between the two
conventions, and before the nominations and proceedings had become
final ; but all in vain. Mr. Van Buren accepted the nomination, and in
so doing placed himself in opposition to the general tenor of his political
conduct in relation to slavery, and especially in what relates to its exist-
ence in the District of Columbia. I deemed this acceptance unfortunate
to a degree far beyond its influence upon persons or parties. It was to
impair confidence between the North and the South, and to narrow down
the basis of party organization to a single idea ; and that idemot known
to our ancestors as an element of political organizations. Tlie Free Soil
plea was that the Baltimore Democratic Convention had done the same ;
but the juiswer to that was tliat it was a general convention from all the
States, and did not make its slavery principles the open test of the elec-
tion ; while' this was a segment of the party, and openly rested on that
ground, "'f

The election of 184S resulted in the choice of Gen. Taylor
for President of the United States, and Millard Filmore for

Greeley's Recollections, p. 213. fBenton's View, Vol. II, p. 723.

rOLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 121

Yice-President. In the Congress that assembled in December,
IS-iS, after the election, the question on the organization of the
Territories came up, and was debated with great wai-mth and at
considerable length. A majority of the House of Kepresenta-
tives were desirous of excluding slavery from Xew Mexico and
California, but the Senate being unwilling that this principle
should be incorporated, no bill, as a consequence, for the organi-
zation of these Territories was passed at this session. The terri-
torial question was now become the great subject of dispute
between the Korth and South ; and its discussion was the cause
of increasing bitterness and alienation between the two sections.
When it became manifest that no organization of these Terri-
tories could take place at this session, the members of Congress
from the slave States united in an address to their constituents,
Avliich was a clear resume from the pen of John C. Calhoun of
what the South regarded as their constitutional rights. Thui3
ended the administration of James K. Polk, and with it the
Thii'tieth Congress.

A REVIEW OF THE

CHAPTER VIIL

COMPROMISE MEASURES OF 1850.

The 31st Congress assembled in December, 1849. ThadJeus
Stevens made his first appearance at the beginning of this Con-
gress as a Whig member of the National House of Representa-
tives, having been elected during the campaign -which bore Gen.
Tavlur into the Presidential chair. Questions of the greatest
importance for the harmony of the States and for the peace and
prosperity of the Union, wore awaiting the decision of the new
Congress; and the American people were looking to it with fond
hopes for the adoption of measures that might avert the threat-
ened dissolution of the Confederacy. The territorial contro-
versy was that which, most of all, was arousing the passions of
sectional hostility ; and which had now raged with intensity for
a considerable period. Hepeated efforts had already been made
to solve the territoi-ial problem between the Xortli and the South,
but all in vain. Tho 30th Congress had adjourned after fruitless
attempts to terminate the increasing difficulties.

California, New Mexico and Utah were awaiting the action of
the Federal Legislature to clothe them with their republican
regalia, which the exigencies of their several conditions required ;
the first already having formed a State Constitution, was asking
to be received as a member of the Union. The great question
to be determined was the status that should be given to the new
Territories as regards the institution of slavery. For the first
time in the history of the Republic, a small body of Representa-
tives from the North, took their seats in Congress upon the
platform of opposition to the extension of African Slavery.
Ijcsides these, the large majority of northern Representatives,
whether Whigs or Democrats, were likewise in sentiment averse
to the spread of the institution over States and Territories, now
deemed free. With these latter ^Mr. Stevens was identified.
This state of opinion being w^ell understood at the South, it is

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 133

but reasonable to suppose that a high degree of excitement Avould
prevail in that section.

"Never had any Congress convened under so niucli excitement or
under so great responsibility as did the one on which then devolved the
disposition of this (slavery) question, under all the circumstances attend-
ing it. The embarrassments of the period were increased from the fact
that for tlie first time Southern Senators and Members were greatly
divided as to the proper course to pursue, in view of the question with all
its bearings. Some believed the time had come for a separation of the
States, and that everything shoukl be done with a view to effect that
result. Others believed that the Union miglit still be preserved upon
constitutional principles, and that the object Avas worth the most earnest
and patriotic efforts. This class believed, however, that the time had
come for a total abandonmeat of all old party associations, and that the
united South should act in party organization with those of the North
only, who would maintain the system as it was estabhshed by the Con-
stitution. "■•'

The storm that had almost driven the Ship of State upon the
shoals of disunion and civil convulsion was still raging, and
showed no signs of abating. It was the ^olus of abolitionism that
had let fly the winds of strife, and all was in commotion. Many
of the jSTothern States were arrayed in bitter antagonism to their
Southern sisters, and through their Legislatures assailed the
institution of slavery in the most harsh and offensive terms.
Vermont, Connecticut and other Eastern States had passed reso-
lutions declaring that " the existence of slavery and^ the sliixe
trade in the District of Columbia is a national disgrace, &c.;"
and that their Senators and Representatives in Congress " are
hereby strictly instructed " to vote in every possible case for
what is called the Wilmot proviso ; and " to vote always,
and in every state of the cpiestion, for the abolition of slavery in
the District of Columbia, and against the admission of ajiother
slave holding State into the Federal Union." These resolutions
and others of like character, were sent to the Governoi's of the
different States and to their representatives in Congress. As
giving the tendency of such resolutions and their transmission to
the Southern States, the following extract from tlie National
Intellifjencer, the leading organ of the Whig party is inserted :

" In the substance of these resolutions, as in that of the Vermont reso-
lutions on kindled subjects at an earHer period of the session, we find the
fruitful cause of much of the excitement that within the last few months

Stephens' War between the States. Vol. 2, p. 177.

134 A REVIEW OF THE

manifested itself in the Legislatures of the Southern States ; the exempli-
lication of a practice reprehensible in itself, inconsistent with friendly
intercourse and justly offensive to those who are the objects of it. It is
an idle pretence, that it is from any motive of courtesy that copies of
such resolutions, as these are forwarded to the Governors of the States
whose feelings, more than their interests, they are calculated deeply to
wound ; tliey can be so addre-sed w:th no other intention than to incense
and irritate those whose known opinions a)ui convictions they wilfully
assail. The practice is at best an invidious and ungenerous one, and
ouglit to be reformed altogether. The States are in all matters of opinion
at least sovereign and indepondent of each other, and no one of them has
a right to invade (so to speak) the domesticity of another. What does
the reader suppose would bo the consequence were one of the govern-
ments of Europe to address such a missive to another with respect to its
peculiar institutions ? Suppose, for example, the Government of France
were to send its compliments to the Government of Russia, with a mes-
sage that the Emperor's holding of Serfs, or permitting them to be held
in his dominion, was (in the language of the Vermont resolutions) a crime
against humanity — a national disgrace, and demanding the abolition of
that feature of government. True or false, what answer could Russia
be expected to make to such a proposition, but a declaration of war, or
war without a declaration ? And in matters of internal government,
what more right has one of our States to address such language to another
in a matter of constitutional right, than one European Government would
have to do it to another government on the same continent, and not more
remote or distinct from it than the Government of Vermont is from half
of the States on this continent." *

But another grievance much complained of by the Sonth, was
the disposition of the people of the ^S'orth to interpose obstrnctions
to tlie surrendering to their masters of fugitives from labor. This
change of sentiment from what it was formerly, had been
the result of the Anti-Slavery agitation that had almost severed
the nation into two hostile parties. Jn the early history of the
Eepublic, such a spirit of comity reigned between the Xorth and
South, that laws were enacted in near all of the Xorthern States
which permitted citizens from the Southern States to sojourn in
their midst with their slaves, and return home without loosing
the right to their services. In the year 1820, Pennsylvania, at
the request of the people of Maryland, passed a liberal law to aid
in the recovery of fugitive slaves, entitled, "An Act to give
effect to the Constitution of the United States in reclaiming fugi-
tives from justice." Other Northern States acted in a disposition
of like liberality. lIoAvever, after Anti-Slavery ideas rose to
power in the North, all this friendly legislation in behalf of

*Editorial in National Intelligencer, February 23, 1850.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN A]\IERICA. 123

Soutlicrn rights undeTwent a cliange. In the case of Prigg vs.
the Coiiiinomveahh of Peiinsylvania, decided in 1842, the Supreme
Court of the United States affirmed the constitutionality of the
fugitive slave act of 1793. This act of Congress had imposed
npou the State magistrates the duty of arresting the fugitives
from labor and returning them to their owners. This duty the
Supreme Court in the above decision, declared not to be binding
upon the State magistrates, and whether they would aid Southern
nuisters in the recapture of their slaves, was left entirely to their'
own discretion. Under this decision of the highest tribunal, it
became competent for the State Legislatures to prohibit their own
functionaries from aiding in the execution of the Fugitive Slave
Act.

"Then commenced a furious aviation against the execution of this^
so called ' si»/»/ and jji/i « jua /i ' law. State magistrates were prevailed
upon by the Abolitionists, to refuse their agency in carrying it into effect,
Tlie Legislatures of several States, in conformity with this decision,
passed laws j^rohibiting these magistrates and other Stale officials from
assisting in its execution. The use of the State Jails was denied for the
safe keeping of the fugitives. Personal Liberty Bills were passed, inter*
posing insurmountable obstacles to the recovery of slaves. Every means
which ingenuity could devise was put in operation to render the law a
dead letter. Indeed, the excitement against it arose so high that the life
and liberty of the master who pursued his fugitive slave into a fx-ee Stale
were placed in imminent peril. For this he was often imprisoned and in,
some instances murdered. '*

Even the conservative State of Pennsylvania, by her Act of
March 3d, 18-47, repealed her Sojourning Act of 1780, and
also the Act of 1826, and therein forbade her judicial authori-
ties to take cognizance of fugitive cases ; granted a habeas cor-
pus remedy to any fugitive arrested, and denied the use of her
jails for their confinement. Thomas II. Benton thus speaks of
the Pennsylvania Act of 1847 :

'• Such had been the just and generous conduct of Pennsylvania towards,
the slave States, until up to the time of passing the harsh Act of 1847.
Her legal right to pass that Act is adinitted ; her magistrates were not
bound to act under the Federal law ; her jails w^ere not liable to be used
for Federal purposes. The Sojourning Law of 1780 was her own, and she
had a right to repeal it. But the whole Act of 1847 was the exercise of
a mere right against the comity, which is due to States ruiited under 3
common j_head, against moi'al and social duty, against high national
policy, against the spirit, in which the constitution was made, against
lier own previous conduct for sixty years ; and injurious and irritating

*Bu hanan's Administration on the Eve of the Rebellion, p. 17,

125 A REVIEW OF THE

to the people of the slave States, and parts of it unconstitutional. Tlie
denial of the intervention of her judicial officers and the use of her
prisons, though an inconvenience, was not insurmountable, and might
be remedied by Congi-ess ; the repeal of the Act of 1780 was the radical
injury, and for which there was no remedy in the Federal legislation."*

Testimony might be indcliiiitcly amplified as regards the injus-
tice dune -the southern people by northern Icgishition, and tlie
unwiHingness of the citizens of the Korth to acquiesce in the
rc(|uircnients of the Constitution, but unwilling to overburden
\vitii extracts, the following from Webster and Clay are alone
added :

♦But I will state these complaints, especially one complaint of
the South, which has, in my opinion, just foundation, and that is that
there has been found at the Nortli, among individuals and among the
Legislatures of the North, a disinclination to perform fully tlieir constitu-
tional duties in regard to the return of persons bound to service who
have escaped into the free States. In that respect it is my judgment
that the South is riglit and the North is wrong. Every member of every
Northern Legislature is buund by oath to support the Constitution of the
United States, and this Article of the Constitution which says to these
States they shall deliver up fugitives from service, is as binding in ho:ior
and conscience as any other Article. No man fulfills his duty in any
Legislature who sets himself to find excuses, evasions, and escapes
from their constitutional duty. I have always thought that the Con-
stitution addressed itself to the Legislatures of the States, or the States
themselves. It says that those persons escaping to other free States shall
be delivered up, and I confess I have always been of opinion that it was
an injunction upon the States themselves. When it is said that a person
cscap ug into another, and becoming therefore within the jurisdiction of
that State shall be delivered up, it seems to me the import of the passage
is, that the State itself, in obedience to the Constitution, shall cause him
to be delivered up. That is my judgment, I Iiave always enterlained,
and I entertain it now.''f

•' Mr. PREsmENT.— I do think that that whole class of legislation,
ocginning in the Northern States, and extending to some of the South-
ern States, by which obstructions and impediments have been thrown in
the way of the i-ecovery of fugitive slaves is unconstitutional, and has
originated in a spirit which I trust will correct itself, when those States
come calmly to consider the nature and extent of their federal obliga-
tions. * * * * I know full well, and so does the honorable Senator
from Ohio know, that it is at the utmost hazard and insecurity to hfe
itself, that a Kentuckian can cross the river and go into the interior to
take back his fugitive slave to the place from whence he fled. Recently
an example occurred, even in the City of Cincinnati, in respect to one of
our most respectable citizens. Not having visited Ohio at all, but Cov-

*Benton's View, Vol. II. p. 775.

f Webster's 7th of Marcii Speech, 1850, in National Iiitellicjencer.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN A^IERICA. 127

ington, on the opposite side of the river, a little slave of his escaped over
to Cincinnatti. He pursued it ; he found it in the house in which it was
concealed, and it was rescued by the violence and force of a negro mob
from his possession, the police of the city standing by, and either unwill-
ing or unable to affiird the assistance which was reixuisite to enable him
to recover his propei'ty."*

During the last days of Mr. Polk's administration, the veteran
statesman of South Carolina, John C. Calhoun, became more
than ever convinced that a crisis was approaching in the affairs
of America, that would, unless checked, prostrate the South and
her institutions, and with them the liberty of self-government.
With this foreboding, he urged more thorough union amongst
the Southern States, and in accordance with this advice, a large
nimiber of Senators and Ilopresentatives from that section nnited
in an address to the people of the South, setting forth a state-
ment of wrongs on the part of the Xortli that demanded redress.
This address was responded to by a convention of delegates of
the people of Mississippi, chosen without distinction of party,
which assembled in October, 1849, and recommended that " a
convention of slave holding States should be held at Nashville,
Tennessee, on the first Monday of June, 1850, to devise and
adopt some mode of resistance to the aggression of the non-
slave holding States." Several Southern States appointed dele-
gates to the jSTashville Convention, but the movement was not
popular with those who believed that a compromise of the pend-
ing difficulties between the two sections was still possible. The
convention, nevertheless, met in June, but was not largely
attended. It issued an address enumerating a statement of
soitthern complaints.

Notwithstanding the grievances alleged by the South against
the North were manifold, that which more than all else caused
the present excitement, was induced by the opposition that ex-
isted to permitting the extension of slavery into the Territories
or States hereafter to be admitted into the Union. The Northern
Representatives had shown their unwillingness to either permit
the application of the Missouri compromise to the new Territoiy,
acquired from Mexico, or to acquiesce in any settlement which
would permit slavery to enter it. This was claiming the lion's
share, surely. If the principle of the Missouri compromise was
to be only valid, as regards one section of the Unicni, the eom-

* Clay's 6th of March Speech, 1850, in National Intelligencer.

1C3 A REVIEW OF THE

pact liad become a nullity. And such was the vcrltahlc fact, as
the votes in Congress for some years had shown. AVhenever its
application served the interests of anti-slavery proscription, the
compromise was made nse of; hut wlicii the reverse was the
case, other means were then resorted \<> without scruple.

Such was the attitude of affairs when the 31st Congress assem-
liled. The first significant movement at the opening of this
body that arrested the attention of the country, was 'made by
tliosc known as Southern Whigs.

"They set the ball in nmtion by refusing to act further with
the AVhig oi'gaiii/ation, as it was tlicn constituted, when the party
met in caucus to nominate a Speaker of the House. A resolu-
tion previously prepared was submitted to this meeting, which in
substance was, that Congress ought not to put any restriction
upon any State institution, in the Territories, and ought not to
abolish slavery, as it then existed, in the District of Columbia.
Upon the refusal even to entertain this proposition, this class
retired from the meeting, and would not act with the Whigs in
the organization of the House." * Howell Cobb, of Georgia,
was the Democratic candidate for the Speaker's Chair, and Kobert
C. Winthrop, of Massachusetts, was placed in nomination for the
same position by the AVhigs. Fourteen independent Free Soilers,
composed of Whigs and Democrats, refused to support either of
these nominees. Thaddeus Stevens and many other extreme
anti-slavery men acted M'itli the regular AVhigs, and supported
!Mr. AV^inthrop for Speaker. But neither of the two great parties,
as matters then stood, having a majority in the House, the elec-
tion for Speaker Avas a long and fierce contest, and attracted the
attention of the country as one that boded no future good.
Nearly a month was consumed l)efore a Speaker was elected, an
event then un])recedented in the history of American legislation.
As parties were divided, no election would have ])een possible,
under the riik'S. but for the passage of a resolution declaring
that a bare plurality of votes cast for any one candidate, instead
of a majority of the whole, should constitute an election.

In the midst of the election for Speaker, Robert Toombs, one
of the leaders of the Southern AVhigs, made a speech in the

* Stephens" War. Vol. 2, p. 178.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 123

midst of great exeitcnient, in which the following language
occurs :

"Tlie (Kfilculties in the way of the organi;^ation of the House aro
apparent and well understood here, and shou d be understood by the
country. A great sectional question lies at the foundation of all these
troubles. * -^^ * * I do not, then, hesitate to avow before this House
and the country, and in the presence of the living God, that if by your
legislation you seek to drive us from the Territories of California and
New l^Iexico, purchased by the common blood and treasure of the whole
people, and to abolish slavery in the District, thereby attempting to fix a
national degradation upon half of the States of this Confederacy, I am
for disunion ; and if my physical courage be equal to the maintenance
of my convictions of right and duty, I will devote all I am, and all I
have on earth to its consummation." *

That the sentiments of the Southern people at this period were
equally as intense as those of their leaders in Congress, the follow-
ing extract from a conservative Southern journal is evidence :

" The two great political part'es of the country have ceased to exist in
the southern States, so far as the present issue is concerned. United they
will prepare, consult and combine for prompt and decisive action. With
united voices (we are compelled to make a few exceptions, but they will,
we hope, soon cease to be so) contend — with united voices they proclaim
in the language of the Virginia resolutions, passed a few days since,
the preservation of the Union if we can, the preservation of our rights if
ive cannot. This is the temper of the South ; and this is the temper
becoming the inheritors of rights acquired for freemen by the blood of
freemen. Thus far shalt thou come and no further — or else the proud
Avaves of northern aggression shall float the wreck of the Constitution.

"We only love a Confederacy of equals ; for as equals we entered the
Union, and we will remain in it upon no other condition. This is the
deliberate conclusion of the Southern people. There is no hesitancy, no
reservation, no escape. The Southern man should die who would accept
for his State any other condition."!

The period was altogether alarming. The threatening clouds
of disunion were gathering thick and fast along the Southern
liorizon ; and everything betokened a collision of the elements
as rapidly approaching. The dashing waves of abolition fury
indicated that the storm was almost equally terrific in tlie northern
as in the southern sections. The Vessel of State was in danger
of being borne upon the billows of the uniting tempest, and
sunk beneath its blasts. The exigency called for one who wh.s
able to say to the troubled waters, " Peace, be still!'' lie came
in the person of the Sage of Ashland, the great Pacificator of

*Congressional Globe. 31st Congress, 1st Session, p. 27.
IRichmond Inquirer, Feb. 12th, 1850.

130 A REVIEW OF THE

his country, Henry Clay, of Kentucky, wlio on former occasions
had guided the rocking bark of the Union, as between the roar-
ings of Scylla and Chary bd is, and moored her in the harbor of
safety and peace. But now, silvered with the locks of honored
-wisdom, gained in a long and faithful public service, he returned
to the United States Senate, to do the last service for his country
in clutching her from the grasp of fratricidal convulsion, which
the condition of her nature had been long preixiring. Coming
back thus in the far spent evening of a useful life, he was the
adniired of all the patriotic lovers of the constitution, who be-
lieved in the cardinal principles of rei)ublican government, that
all just authority rests upon the consent of tJie governed. His
watchword of safety for his countrymen was that which had laid
the foundation, cemented, and for upwards of sixty years pre-
served the Republic. It was the watchword of freemen, compro-
raise. All i)ctty partisan inaliniiity retired before the honored
chief; and his advise is anxiously sought as the Xestor of his
age and country. His illustrious compeers of other days, Web-
ster and Calhoun, were still in tlie Senate, anxious to aid in
saving the nation from the dangers that were surrounding it.
The above intellectual trio were surrounded by Cass, Benton,
Berrien, King, Bell, Mangum, Douglas and other gifted states-
men, all glowing with zeal for the preservation of the Union
from impending disaster and dissolution.

On the 29th of January, 1S50, Henry Clay introduced his
celebrated resolutions Avhich were intended to embrace all the
questions involved in the sectional controversy. It having been
announced that Clay would address the 'Senate on this occasion,
it was tilled with a dense mass of spectators, attracted to catch
the words of wisdom and peace as they flowed from the golden
mouthed orator of America. But thousands, anxious to hear the
words of pacification that might calm the ocean of strife, were
necessitated to retire in disappointment, being unable to penetrate
within the hearing of the speaker. This, of all the scenes, that
American history has yet unfolded, was most worthy the powers
of a llaphael or Michael Angelo. It was America's greatest
orator, prompted by the noblest motives of his nature, speaking
before the most august and iiitcllerlual l)ody of the world, in
behalf of the grandest object of human conception, the preserva-
tion of the most complete system of free government that the

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AJIERICA. ISl

wisdom of man had yet devised, and urging fur tliat purposa
those measures by which alone it could be perpetuated, concilia-
tion and compromise.

Mr. Clay's compromise proposed the admission of California
under the Constitution she had adopted, although irregularly
framed ; the adjustment of the boundary between New Mexico
and Texas by negotiation with the latter; the organization of
Utah and New Mexico without any restriction as to slavery ; the
enactment of an efficient fugitive slave law, and the abolition of
the slave trade in the District of Columbia. This plan, as a
whole, satisfied very few members, either in the House or Senate.
The great majority from the jSTorth desired the exclusion of
slavery from the Territories, and many of the same number were
equally unwilling to permit the enactment of a fugitive slave
law. With this latter di\ision Mr. Stevens may be numbered.
He, and those of intense anti-slavery notions, were likewise dis-
inclined to accept alone the supj)rcssion of the slave trade in the
District, but insisted upon its entire abolition. On the southern
vside, an overwhelming majority resisted the admission of Cali-
fornia, because of the irregularity that had obtained in the adop-
tion of the Constitution without an Act of Congress warranting-
it. Those styled Southern Whigs were ready to waive this
irregularity, but demanded that in the organization of Utah and
New Mexico, no exclusion of slavery should be allowed, but that
the people of all the States should be at liberty to emigrate
thither with their property of every kind; that the citizens of
the said Territories should be permitted to form such State Con-
stitutions as they chose ; and that they should be admitted into
the Union, when making aj)plications therefor, whether their
Constitutions established slavery or otherwise. Thus was Con
gross divided upon these perplexing questions.

On the 18th of February, a resolution was offered in the
House by James D. Doty, of Wisconsin, which had for its ol)ject
the admission of California, without any settlement of the other
questions. A large majority of the House was in favor of its
admission, but of this number the Southern Whigs desired as a
preliminary, the settlement of the territorial question. By a con-
certed arrangement, these with others thwarted action on Mr.
Doty's res<iluti(»n by means of dilatory motions.

In the Senate the intellectual giants, one after another, exerted

133 A REVIEW OF THE

themselves in efforts to effect some form of compromise that
■vvould alhiy tlic sectional passions and tlic excitement then raging.
The veteran statesman of Soutli Carolina, too feel^lc to mingle
in the strife as once he liail <lo]ie, stil)initted liis hist views on tlie
crisis in a speech read for him on the 4th of March, in which lie
warned his countrymen of the danger that was menacing free
government. He was followed on the Tth of March by Webster,
who took decided grounds against Congressional restriction in
the Territories. " This speech made a profounder sensation upon
the public mind tliroughout the Union than any one delivered
by him before. Tlic Iricr.ds of the Union tnder the Constitu-
tion were strengthened in their hopes and inspired with renewed
energies by its high and lofty sentiments." * On the 18th of
April, a resolution submitted by Henry S. Foote, of Mississippi,
an ardent friend of compromise, was passed in the Senate to raise
a Select Committee of Thirteen, to whom tlie resolutior,s of Mr.
Chiy were to be referred. The selection of this committee was
made by ballot, and the Chairmanship of it was by almost unani
mous consent awarded to Mr. Clav. On the 8th of the followiii":
month, tlio Chairman of this Committee reported to tlie Senate
what was afterwards known as the " Omnihus BiU,^'' covering
all the matters contained in his resolutions heretofore submitted.
An amendment added by the majority (without Clay's a])pro-
bation, as he stated) seemed to soutlicrn members generally, to
imply a positive Congressional exclusion of the South from the
Territories.

On the 11th of June, Mr. Doty's bill for the admission of
California, came up in the House, it having been referred to the
Committee of the Whole on the 27th of the preceding February.
His first resolution, instructing the Committee on Territories
to report the bill, had miscarried. Mr. Green, of Missouri,
now rose and moved as an amendment the recognition of the
Missouri line through all the newdy acquired territory. This was
rejected by a large majority. Mr. Stanton, of Tennessee, on the
luth of June, offered the following amendment:

" Proi'ided, However, that it shall be no objection to the admission
into the Union of any State which may ba liereafter formed out of tho
territory lying soutli of the parallel of 1 ititude of SC^, 30', that the Con-
stitution of said State may authorize Afric:ui slavery thereiru"

^Stephens' AVar, Vol. II, p. 211.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 133

This propos'.tion -was rejected, T8 yeas to 89 nays, the vote
being ahnost a sectional one. After this vote liad been taken,
Robert Toombs sjDoke as follows :

" We do not oppose California o;i account of the anti-slavery clause in
her Constitution. It was her right, and I am not prepared to say that
she acted unwisely m its exercise ; that is her business ; but I stand upon
the great principle that the South has the right to an equal participation
in the Territories of the United States. I claim the right to enter them
all with her pniperty and securely to enjoy it. She will divide with you
if you wish it ;"•• but the right to enter all, or divide, I shall never sur-
render. In my judgment, this riglit involving as it does political equality,
is worth a thousand such Unions as we have, even if they each were a
thousand times more valuable than this. "- * * Give us our just
rights and we are ready as ever heretofore to stand by the Union, every
part of it and every interest. Refuse it, and for one I will strike for
independence, "f

" This speech of Mr. Toombs delivered on tlie 15th of June,
produced the greatest sensation," says Alexander II. Stephens,
" in the House that I ever witnessed by any speech in that body
during my congressional course. It created a perfect commotion.
Several Southern Whigs who had not before sympathized with
the class above alluded to,:}: now openly took sides with them.
The House adjourned without coming to any further vote. The
excitement in the House increased that in the Senate. It ex-
tended to the city, and the subjects discnssed in the House,
become the topics of heated conversations on the streets and at
the hotels. This was Saturday. Monday, Mr. Doty made another
effort to get a resolution passed requiring the Committee of the
Whole to report his bill. The effort failed."§

In the Senate the excitement was equally as intense as in the
House. At this stage of the proceedings, Mr. Sonle, of Louisiana,
arose and offered the following amendment to the first section of
Mr. Clay's compromise, which related to the Territorial Govern-
ment of Utah :

*By this remark Mr. Toombs expressed liis willingness to abide by the
Missouri compromise, ijrovide l its principle would be applied to all tlio
new Territories, but as just seen that had been rejected in the vote last
taken in the House. His jiroposition must ever be considered as equit-
able, and embodied that principle by which alone equals can at all nego-
tiate.

^■Congressional Globe, 31st Congress, 1st Session, p. 1216.

$He means those Southern Wliigs who refused to co-operate witli tlie
remaining Whigs in the election of a Speaker and otherwise, after the
resolution t resented by them to the Whig caucus had been rejected.

^Stephens' War, Vol. II, p. 217.

101 A REVIEW OF THE

" And when the said Territory, or any portion of the same, shall be ad-
mitted as a State, it shall be received into the Union, with or without
slavery, as their constitution may prescribe at the time of their admission,"

This aineiidinent presented the issue squarely between the
North and the South, and become thenceforth " the ^i</vim^/'6'm^,
\\])ou Avhosc adoption every thini^- depended, so far as concerned
]\Ir. ('lav's c'dinproinise."* Many a hiart ])eat "with anxiety as to
the result of the vote upon this (juestion in the Senate. Its re-
jection in this august body of the nation, would have terminated
all liope of a satisfactory adjustment of the slavery question be-
tween the two sections. The interest was greatly enhanced from
the uncertainty and doubt which existed as to the attitude of
several ^STorthern Senators. Prior to this time, the Wilmot pro-
viso had received the support of several of these, who had given
no indication as to how they would vote upon the (juestion of
leaving to the people of the Territories the determination of this
question when framing their State Constitutions. Of this mimber
was the great Senator from Massachusetts. Just before the <pics-
tion was put, and when anxiety had risen to its highest pitch,
this renowned statesman of New England arose to address the
Senate. The momentuous occasion aroused the dormant virtues
of the powerful defender of the Eepublic, and forgetful of self
or sectional interests, he proclaimed himself the advocate of the
rights of all under the Constitution. The amendment he de-
clared should receive his support. He concluded his masterly
clfort in the following language:

" Sir, my object is peace — my object is reconciliation. My purpose is
not to make a case for the North, or to make a case for the South. My
object is not to continue useless and irritating controversies. I am
against agitators. North and South ; I am against local ideas, North or
South, and against all narrow and local contests. I am an American
and I know no locality in America. Tliat is my country. My heart, my
sentimerfts, my judgment, demand of me that I should pursue such a
course as shall promote the good, the harmony, and the union of the
whole countr}\ This I shall do, God willing, to the end of the chapter."

" Daniel Webster resumed his seat," says the reporter, " amidst
the general applause of the gallery." The anxiety seemed im-
mediately to subside. The great statesman of the North had
thrown his weight in the scale of the amendment. " The friends
of the measure felt that it Avas safe. The vote was taken — the

♦Stephens' AVar, Vol. II, p. ^18.

POLITICAL. CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 135

anioiidincnt was adopted. The result was soon cuiiiiuuiiicatcd
from the galleries, and finding- its way through every passage
and outlet to the rotunda, was received with exultation by the
crowd there ; and in less than five minutes, perhaps, the electric
wires were trembling with the gladsome news to the remotest
parts of the country. It was well calculated to make a nation
leap with joy, as it did, because it was the first decisive step
taken towards the establishment of that great principle upon
which this territorial (picstion was disposed of, adjusted and set-
tled in 1850."-

Mr. Clay's bill continued the subject of discussion in the Sen-
ate until the 31st of July, when it was so mutilated and altered
as to leave nothing but that portion providing for a government
for the Territory of Utah, with the Soulo amendment incorpor-
ated in it, as stated. In this shape it passed the Senate and was
then sent to the House. In this way. Clay's " Omnibus Bill"
went to pieces. The Senate, however, immediately took up the
j^arts, embodied them in separate bills, which, after being passed^
were transmitted to the House for concurrence.

But the anti-compromise party of the Thirty-first Congress,
was far from being one of insignificance, either numerically or
intellectually. Being the result of the long anti-slavery agitation,
it comprised in its ranks men of large scholastic attainment, and
such as were imbued with pure humanitarian impulses, but whoso
minds partaking too largely of the reformatory bent, are never
safe counsellors in legislative capacities. For the establishment
and perpetuation of government, men of logical minds and
philosophical comprehensions are needed, rather than those de-
voted to assumed conceptions which no rational consideratioiis
could induce them to modify or abandon. The legislator and
the reformer f are widely variant characters, whose spheres of

^Stephens' War, Vol. II, pp, 219 and 220.

\ The reformer is the enthusiastic advocate of moral, social or religious
change as he conceives ; for the alteration he aims to effect may bo a diro
calamity to mankind. He is the honest innovater upon tlie past wlio is
guided by his feelings more than by his judgment. His aspirations are
too intense to allow reason to enter, and hence he gives way to the most
extravagant excesses that prostrate law and social order. Peter Munzcr
and John of Leyden, were quite as sincere reformers as I\lartin Lutlior
and John Calvin ; and so as social reformers, Robespierre;, Dauton and
Mirabeau were as sincere and enthusiastic champions of luunan equality
as the world ever saw. But intolerance, proscription and zealous hato
more frequently accompany the character of the refi>rmer than that
Pauline charity which e\ en nature instills. That such should be the case

103 A REVIEAV OF THE

duty dare never Lc intermingled, save at the risk of constant
t irmoil and governmental disquietude. The sentiments of this
reformatory party on the subject of compromise between the
North and South were expressed in the following extract of a
speech made by Thaddeus Stevens on May 20th, 1850:

" It is proper, then, to inquire wlictlier tlie thing (slavery) sought to bo
forced upon the Territories, at the risk of treason and rebellion, be a
good or an evil. I think it is a great evil which ought to be iuterdictod ;
and that we should oppose it as statesmen, as philanlhiopists, and as
moralists, notwithstanding the extraordinary position taken by the gen-
tleman from Alabama (Mr. llilliard) to the contrary.

"While I thus anaounce my unchangeable hostility to slavery,— kr
every form and in every place, I also avow my determination to stand
by all the compromises of the Constitution and to carry them into faith-
ful effect. Some of these compromises I greatly dislike ; and were they
now open for consideration, they should never receive my assent.* But
I find them in a Coi-stitution formed in ditllcult times, and I would not
disturb them.

"By those compromises, Congress has no powar over slavery in the
States. I greatly regret that it is so ; for if it were within our legitimate
control. I would go regardless of all threats, for some just, safe and cer-
tain means for its final extinction. But I know of no one who claims
the right, or desires to tou.'h it within the States. But when we come to
form governments for Territories acquired long since the formatioiL of
the Constitution and to admit new States, whose only claim for admis-.
sion depends on the will of Congress, we are bound to so discharge that

arises fi-om the nature of his character; for as he conceives hi nself aid
those agreeing in opinion witli him, as the only divinely iUumuie I beings
on eartli, he desires that all others shall either be converted to his views
or exterminated, so as to pi event their errors from proving the destruc-
tion of themselves and others. The fires of Sniithfield, the Inquisiti rial
flames of Spain and the Italian peninsula, and the blazes m whicli
Servetus expii-ed, were all kindled by the excessive zeal of the reforma-
tory spirit.

'"As regards the principle of compromise, we think Mr. Stevens was
radically wrong, assu uing that he was a believer in the prir.ciples of
republic-tin government. No general government for the States could
ever have been formed in America but for this principle. It lies at the
basis of all democratic government, and so soon as it is repudiated the
monarchical principle takes its place. In accordance with this principle,
tlie Confederated American Republic was f(n-med and perpetuated until
the breaking (mt of the war between the Northern and Southern States.
As evidence of what is thus alllrmed as regards the principle of com-
promise, tlie S;,ipreme Court in the case of Pr g^ vs. the Commonwealth,
speaking of the Fugitive Slave Clause in the Constitution, say : "His-
torically, it is well known that the object of this clause (the above clause
of the (. on-titution) was to secure lor the citizens of the slaveholding
States, the complete right and title of ownership in their slaves as prop-
erty, in every .State of the Union into which they might escape from the
SUite wher(> thry were held in servitude. The full recognition of this
right and title was indispensable to the security of this species of property
in all the slaveholding SlTites ; and indeed was so vital to the preserva-
liiju of their domestic iustitutions, that it cannot be doubted that it con-

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 187

duty as shall best contribute to the prosperity, the power, the pormancucy
and the glory of this nation."*

Ill the House the great sectional contest was fought on the
Soule amendment offered by Mr. Boyd, of Kentucky, to the
bill establishing the Territory of New Mexico. During this con-
test, -which lasted from the 2Sth of August until the Gth of
Sej^tember, the discussions were of the most animated character,
and partisan tactics were made use of with the greatest sicill and
adroitness. In this fierce strife of the sections, the debates seemed
to open on every succeeding day with renewed intensity, and
in the war of sentiments destiny seemed as but arousing the
combatants, and preparing them for the trials that awaited them
in the future. In this and similar encounters, unless the verdict
of universal history be reversed, the American Republic received
her first fatal stabs ; and it is for time to determine whether she
can outlive those already received, and those which, from the
nature of her being, the enemies of her own household in future
as in past collisions, will have it in their power to inflict. Ou
the last direct vote, on the Boyd amendment, the bill passed by
108 ayes to 98 nays. The anti-restrictionists had won the day at
last. The hall was in a general uproar. This was. the kernel of
the compromise of 1850. The other associated measures de-
pended upon this one, and with it formed the compact of settle-
ment between the jSTorth and South. After the passage of this
first bill, the others came up in order, and were likewise passed.
The fuo-itive slave bill, like that embracing the Territorial com-
promise, met with a stubborn resistance from the Northern Anti-
Slavery men with whom Mr. Stevens acted.

The compromise measures were heartily accepted by the masses
North and South, as a settlement of the difficulties between the
two sections. It had received the support of the distinguished
leaders of the Whig and Democratic parties ; and the people are
ever ready to abide by the words of those possessing their confi'^
dence. Although the Anti-Slavery men in the North, and the
Southern extremists had opposed the compromise, this was

stituted a fundamental article, without which the Union could not have
been formed. Its true design was to guard against the doctrines and
principles prevalent in the non-slaveholding States, by preventing them
from intermeddling with, or obstructing or abolishing the rights of owi.-
ers of slaves."
*Appendix to Congressional Globe, 31st Congress, Part 1st, p. 1-;1.

1C8 A REVIEW OF THE

nut conslclcred at the time as alanuing. It was clear to all
observing men, however, that the dissolution of the Whig party
\v*;s near at hand, as it was within the ranks of this organization
that most of the Free Soil j;nd Abolition element of the eoimtry
found itself. l>ut it was also evident that the Democratic party
of the Xorth was not, by any means free from the same element,
and the Southern leaders bogan to consider the propriety of a re-
organization of parties. It was this which induced Henry Clay,
Howell Cobb, and many other Southern leaders, at the close of
the compromise session, to unite in a manifesto to the country
declaring that they in future would sup})ort no man for ofEce
c"tl:ei- State or Federal, who would not agree to stand by and
support the principles established by these measures. But in the
Southern States eHorts were made to succeed under party ban-
ners opposed to the compromise, all of which, however, i)roved
f ulures ; and the same was true where it was tried in the Xorth.

Mr. Stevens was nominated for Congress in the year 1850,
Avhile the compromise measures were yet pending, and his party
having an immense nuijoiity in Lancaster County, he was elected.
But his action in Congress as regarded the compromise arrayed
in 1852 a powerful opposition against him in Lancaster County,
and he failed to receive the nomination of the party in that year.
Isaac E. lliester, a young and rising lawyer, was selected as the
Congressional standard-bearer in his stead. Xo other opposition
was urged against his nomination, except that of his having op-
posed the compromise of 1850. His intellectual superiority over
all other aspirants in the county was generally conceded ; but he
was then regarded by the majority of his party (as he ever was by
the Democrats) as partaking too much of the character of the
agitator, one dangerous to the perpetuity of free institutions.

The great unanimity with which the Xorthern Whigs in Con-
gress had opposed the compromise, made it a matter of uncei-
tainty, whether the party would be able to unite as a Xational
o;-iranization in the Presidential election of 1852. The Whissin
some sections of the Xorth, fought the compromise with straight-
f ii'ward boldness, and arrayed themselves under banners inscribed
-with 't; condemnation. In 1851, the Whig State Convention of
Ohio passed resolutions repudiating the compromise as a measure
of their party, and nominated Samuel F. Vinton for Governor,
wlio, while in Congress, had opposed it. The X'^ew York State

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 139

Convention of the "Whig party, shortly after MiHard Filhnore
assumed the Presidential chair, refused to endorse his policy, be-
cause he had sanctioned the Fugitive Slave Law. For the pur-
pose, therefore, of testing Northern sentiment on the Slavery
question, before the assembling of the party conventions for the
nomination of candidates for the Presidency, Mr. Jackson, of
Georgia, on the 5th of April, 1852, submitted in the National
House of Ilepresentatives the following resolution :

^^ Resolved, Tliat we recognize tlie binding efficacy of the compromises
of the Constitution, and believe it to be the intention of tAie people gen-
erally, as we freely declare it to be ours, individually, to abide by such,
and to sustain the laws necessary to carry them out — the provisions for
the delivery of fugitive slaves, and the act of the last Congress, for that
purpose included ; and that we deprecate all further agitation of questions
growing out of that provision of the questions embraced in the acts of
the last Congress, known as the compromise, and of questions generally
connected with the institution of slavery, as unnecessary, useless and
dangerous."'

This resolution was opposed by all the Northern Whigs in the
House of Representatives except seven. The AVhig Congress-
ional caucus met on the 20th of April, 1852, in the Senate
Chambei', to consider matters of political interest to the Whig
party, at which Mr. Marshall, of Kentucky, submitted the fol-
lowing resolution :

" That they regard the series of Acts known as the Compromise Meas-
ures, as forming in their mvitual dependence and connection, a systepi of
Comj^romise, the most conciliatory and the best for the whole country,
that could be obtained from conflicting sectional interests and opinions ;
and ther( fore they ought to be observed and carried into faithful execu-
tion, as a final settlement ia principle and substance of the dangerous
and exciting subjects which they embrace."

This resolution was ruled to be out of order, and the decision
of the Chair was sustained by a vote of 40 to 21. The members
who voted to sustain the decision of the Chair were from the
North, and in principle opposed to the compromise. Thereupon
a number of Whigs from the Southern States seceded from the
carets and published an address to tbc party throughout the
United States.

The Whis: National Convention assembled at Baltimore Juno
16th, 1852, and exhibited a division in its ranks without precedent
in party annals. The Northern AVliigs, who had opposed the
passage of the compromise measures in Congress, and had never

110 A REVIEW OF THE

since acquiesced in their justice, (especially the fugitive slave
law) presented as their candidate for the Presidency General
Wintield Scott, who was believed to be opposed to the institution
of Southern slavery ; and on the other hand, the Southern Whigs
were favorable to the nomination of Fillmore, who had approved
the compromise measures of 1850. A few delegates from the
Northern States were desirous that Daniel Webster should be
made the party nominee. The Southern and the Northern anti-
slavery wing of the party held their respective conclaves in a
spirit of the most bitter hostility towards each other. Section-
alism had severed the Whig party. All that remained of it was
the form ; and yet it was hoped that a Presidential campaign
might be made with a popular nominee, and that thus the lifeless
trunk might be galvanized into a brief vitality. A platform c f
principles for the party had been agreed upon by the Southern
delegates and the Northern friends of Webster prior to tlie meet-
ing of the convention, which endorsed the compromise of 1850
as a measure of Whig policy. It was clearly understood, that
unless the JJarty in convention afhrmed this measure as a final
settlement between the North and South, the Southern delegates
would take no part in the proceedings. The Southern delegates,
v.-ith the Webster wing from the North, formed a majority of
the convention, and the compromise was endorsed by 164 ayes to
117 nayes. The resolution affirming the measure, as a principle
of the party, was in these words :

"The series of acts of the Thirty-first Congress, commonly known as
the Compromise, or the adjustment, (the act for the recovery of fugitives
from labor included) are received and acquiesced in by the Whig party of
the United States as a final settlement in principle and substance of the
dangerous and exciting questions which they embrace ; and so far as
those acts are concerned, we will maintain them and insist upon their
strict enforcement until time and experience shall demonstrate the
necessity of further legislation to guard against the evasion of tlie laws
on the one hand, and the abuse of their power on the other ; not impair-
ing their present efficiency to carry out the requirements of the Consti-
tution ; and we deprecate all further agitation of the questions thus
settled as dangerous to our peace ; and we will discountenance all efforts
to coritinue or renew such agitation Avhenever, wherever, or however
made ; and we will maintain this settlement as essential to the nationality
of the Whig party and tlie integrity of the Union."

General AViniield Scott and William A. Graham were nomi-
nated for President and Vice-president of the United States.

After the enactment of the compromise, i i 1850^ the Demo-

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 141

cratic party manifested its approval of this series of measures,

and its determination to abide by the same. In the year 1851,

the convention of this party for the State of Pennnsylvania, met

at Reading and adopted resohitions condemning the Act of 1847,

passed by the State Legislature, which denied the use of her

jails for the CiC'ention of fugitive slaves, and also approving of

the compromise measures of 1850. The State Convention of

Ohio nominated Reuben Wood for Governor in 1851, and after

liis election, in his inaugural address, speaking of the compromise,

he said :

'• Under all the circumstances which surround us, it (the compromise)
should remain undisturbed, and this fruitful source of agitation and
excitement be forever closed."

The Democratic National Convention assembled on the 1st of
June, 1852, and adopted a platform of principles which was
strictly national, and reaffirmed its ancient position on the slavery
question. As regards the compromise of 1850, the convention
declared its purpose to " adhere to a faithful execution of the
acts known as, the compromise measures, settled by the last Con-
gress— the act for reclaiming fugitives from service or labor
included ; which act, being designed to carry out an express pro-
vision of the Constitution, cannot with lidelity thereto be repealed
or so changed as to impair its efficiency." " The Democratic
party will resist all attempts at renewing, in Congress or out of
it, the agitation of the slavery question, under whatever shape or
color the attempt may be made." The nominees of this conven-
tion were Gen. Franklin Pierce and William R. King, of Ala-
bama.

The Free Soil party, which had supported Van Buren and
Adams in 1848, assembled again in 1852, and nominated for
President John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, and for Vice-
President George W. Julian, of Indiana, It was then, as now,
styled the " Free Soil Democracy." The platform of this party
is quite elaborate in words, and yet it narrows itself down sub-
fctantially to a denunciation of the institution of slavery. It
declares slavery a sin against God and man ; pronounces the Fu-
gitive Slave Law repugnant to the Constitution of the Un txl
States; advocates the policy of recognizing the Independence of
Ilayti, and says that " The Free Democratic l>arty is not organ-
ized to aid either the Whig or Democratic wing of the great

113 A REVIEW OF THE

Blavc-compromisc party of the nation, bnt to defeat tlicin Lotli."
This party received the support of the radical abolitionists of the
Northern States. The number of votes polled by this i)arty wa3
not so large in 1852 as it polled in 1848.

The Democratic party obtained a triumphant victory in the
campaiii;n of 1852, utterly routing their Whig opponents in every
State of the Union, save four. After his inauguration, Franklin
Pierce as President of the United States, took occasion in his
first annual message to the 33d Congress to announce his deter-
mination to conform to the pledges given in his behalf by those
who had elected him to the Presidency. lie said :

**It is no part of my pui-posc to give prominence to any subject which
may be properly regarded as set at rest by the deliberate judgment of
the i^eople, but whilst tlie present is bright with promise, and the future
full of demand and inducement for the exercise of active intelligence,
the past can never be without useful lessons of admonition and instruc-
tion. If its dangers serve not as beacons, they will evidently fail to ful-
fill the objects of a wise design. Wlien the grave shall have closed over
all who are now endeavoring to meet the obligations of duty, the year
1850 will bo recurred to as a period filled with anxious apprehension. A
successful war had just terminated. Peace brought with it a vast aug-
mentation of tei-ritory. Disturbing questions arose, bearing upon the
domestic institutions of one portion of the Confederacy, and involving
the constitutional rights of the States. But, notwithstanding differences
cf opinion and sentiment which then existed in relation to the details of
specific divisions, the acquiescence of distinguished citizens, whose
devolion can never be doubted, had given renewed vigor to our institu-
tions and restored a sense of repose and security to the public mind
tlu-oughout the Confederacy. That this respose is to suffer no shock
during my official term if I have the power to avert it, those who placed
me here may be assurred."

The career of the Whig party was now terminated. The
Presidential canvass of 1852 was the closing contest in whieli it
participated. Clay and "Webster, its renowned leaders, had de-
scended to their graves and their party speedily followed tliem.
The last cohesive elements that had still united it,- dissolved in
the demise of these patriotic and intellectual men, the noblest
productions of the American Republic. With these great states-
men, broad, liberal, National ideas were cherished ; but with those"
M'ho rose to take their places, sectional views were fostered as of
paramount importance to confederated integrity. Only an op-
])ortunity was now wanting to develoj), to evident observation,
the existing schism that liad rent the Whig party into sectional
extremes.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 143

CHAPTER IX.

RESISTANCE TO THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW. CHRISTIANA RIOT, &0.

The disinclination of the Northern people to surrender fugi-
tive slaves to their masters, when thej had made their escape
amongst them, originated in that humanitarian feeling which
recognizes all men as equals and brethren of the same great
family. The equality of mankind, from its popular announce-
ment in the Declaration of Independence and its constant repeti-
tion in the newspaper press and elsewhere, had become in the
estimation of most Americans an accepted opinion, even amongst
the intelligent classes ; and one that reason has difficulty to
contradict. Its repetition and belief was agreeable to the feel-
ings of the masses, and proved in the possession of demagogues,
an admirable charm by which to seduce the unreflecting into the
support of their selfish interests and schemes. In its earliest
promulgation, it was thrown out simply as a declaration that
seemed to comport with Democratic theories, rather than as
expressing existing truth. In the estimation of the thinking
world, it could never have imported what it expressed ; for
inequality is clearly stamped upon the whole face of creation.
The proposition that '* all men are born equal," is a sheer
absurdity. " All men are born unequal. Their education is un-
equal. Their associations are unequal. Their opportunities are
unequal. And their freedom is as unequal as their equality.
The poor are compelled to serve the rich, and the rich are com-
pelled to serve the poor by paying for their services. The politi-
cal party is compelled to serve the leaders, and the leaders are
compelled to scheme and toil in order to serve the party. The
multitude are dependent upon the few who are endowed Avith
talents to govern. And the few are dependent on the multitude
for the power, without which all government is impossible.
From the top to the bottom of the social fabric the whole is thus
seen to be inequality and mutual dependence. And hence, all

14-t A REVIEW OF THE

mankiiul, from tlic liightcst to tlie lowest are subject to that
imperative necessity, the slavery of circumstances," *

JJut even truth itself, is for a time iuipotent to resist the se-
(lu ■! ivc insinuations uf the feelings, as the demonstrations uf history
and experience abundantly prove. The opposition to the sur-
render of Southern fugitives to their masters, which for years
had been increasing in intensity in the North, was germinated
amongst the masses in both social and ecclesiastical views. In the
latter aspect the position taken by the iS'orthern Methodist, Bap-
tist and other protestant churches, had largely contributed to
increase in the minds of innocent and pious Christians their
dislike of Southern slavery and their detestation to the rendition
of human chattel^. Overlooking the fact that slavery opposition
had taken its rise in the schools of free thought, and in the ra-
tionalistic churches of England and America, the zealous of the
other sects, marched blindly to the advocacy of principles that
have done more to subvert biblical Christianity and ecclesiastical
truth, than any other that could have been adopted. The daring
assumption of infidel teaching, that law and social order must
yield to private opinion as the most holy and sacred conservator
of truth, was loudly re-echoed by the Korthern churches ; and
the doctrines avowed with unblushing effontry, that no enactment
of Congress could impose it as a duty, to aid the Southern master
in the reclamation of his escaped propert3% The angel's mandate
to Ilagar, and St. Paul's conduct towards Oncsimus, together with
the action of the Christian church in all anterior ages, were entirely
forgotten. The modern churches had so far exchanged the prin-
ciples of the bible for the infidel nujral codes of latter ages ; and
blindly p^'miitted their new teachers to exercise the chief influ-
ence in their synagogues, and consecrate those tilling the highest
seats in the nation.

In the case of those entertaining views as thus stated, it "would
be resonable to suppose that the fugitive slave law could impart
no obligation to yield acquiescence in its provisions. No sooner
was it, therefore, enacted in 1850, as part of the great compro-
mise between the States of the Union, than meetings were hold
in various sections, and resolutions adopted by the rationalistic
high priests of the Northern sanctuaries and their neophite
church followers, denouncing the act as wicked and inhuman.

*Hopkins" Bible View of Slavery, p. 23 and 2i.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 145

Of tliG rationalistic American clnirches, none had shown so
early and determined an opposition to the institntion of slavery
as the Quakers ; and this, because of the character of its mem-
bership and remarkable freedom from all faith domination. In
its organization, as an ecclesiastical body, it had divested itself of
every conceivable appendage of biblical belief, for which reason
was nnable to interpose a solution ; and therefore it was not
ditilcult for it, in addition to all this, to accept as Christian teach-
ing, what had been conceived in th.e schools of French and
British free thought. The Quakers, as a people, originally be-
longed, in the main, to the humble and unpretentious classes :
and a simplicity marked their conduct and character, even to the
escheAvin<): of the hio-hcr g-rades of intellectual culture and ad-
vanced education. A plain, unadorned and unobtrusive manner
pervaded the every-day life of Quaker society, which seemed to
present a cognate affinity with the ascetic orders of history. It
is not strange, therefore, that that churcli should be the first to
denounce slavery as unchristian, which was able to set aside all
the historical verity of the world's existence ; and conceive that
society, with its attained development could subsist without the
resistant power ; and that national life could endure without that
highest coercive of humanity, legalized warfare.

" Upon the organization of the anti-slavery societies through-
out the Northern States, it was to be expected that the Quakers
should figure prominently in these efforts to abolish slavery. All
that the Quakers and the other anti-slavery organizations could
effect was to keep up an agitation of the slavery cjucstion, and
thus endeavor to educate the public conscience up to their prin-
ciples. In this, they were to a very great degree successful.
Their opinions entered others of the American churches, and
divisions of the same followed, marked by the Mason and Dixon
boundary. The American Union, in the eyes of many of the
leadiniT statesmen of the nation, was acjain rockino; in the throes
of disunion or civil convulsion ; and another compromise, headed
by Clay and AVebster, was sanctioned by the National Congress
in 1S50, which made it the duty of the Xorthern States to sur-
render fugitive slaves to their masters, wdiere the proper legal
demand was made for them. Against the compromise of 1850,
and especially against the fugitive slave law, the Northern con-
science at length fully revolted. Slavery being regarded as a sin

146 A REVIEW OF THE

by a lai'o-c portion of the intelligent citizens of the Xorth ; that
they should be compelled to render aid in capturing the fleeing
fugitive from labor, was altogether incompatible with their sense
of duty. In their view they would rather bear the penalty of
the law as aid in its execution. No law could justly, as they
believed, compel them to violate conscience."

" In no section of the whole iSTorth was there a more deter-
mined feeling of opposition or disinclination to the execution of
the fugitive slave law than in the eastern part of Lancaster
County, where the citizens were mostly either Quakers or their
descendants. For years fugitive slaves had found among
the people of Sadsburg and Salisbury townshij^s kind treatment,
and quite a colony of them had been congregated and settled in
the vicinity of Christiana. It was natural to suppose that the
fleeing fugitive would direct his steps to a retreat amongst the
friends of his liberty, rather than amongst those who were ready
to surrender him for pelf, or out of hatred to his race." *

Some of the slaves of Edward Gorsuch, a highly respectable
citizen of Maryland, had made their escape into the eastern part
of Lancaster County, and were living amongst others of their
race in that section. Mr. Gorsuch, having ascertained the locality
of his slaves, set out for Pennsylvania in search of the absconded
property. lie called upon and made the requisite affidavits
before Edwaad D. Ingrahara, Commissioner of the United States,
appointed under the fugitive slave law of 1850. That officer
issued four warrants dated September 9th, 1851, directed to
Henry II. Kline, as Deputy Marshall, by virtue of which he was
authorized to arrest Joshua Hammond, George Hammond, Xelson
Ford and Noah Luley, four fugitive slaves, believed to be living
in Lancaster County. The facts of the issuing of the writs be-
came known to a colored tavern keeper in Philadelphia by the
name of Samuel Williams, who with another colored man pre-
ceded the official party to the neighborhood where the slaves
resided, and Avhere the arrests were to have been made, and gave
notice to the negroes of the vicinage that officers would shortly
visit them for the purpose of capture. Word was at once circu-
lated amongst the negroes of the colony, and such white persons
as were known to sympathize with them, and it was resolved that

^Harris' Biographical Uistory of Lancaster County, pp. US and 1-19.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 147

iniitcd resistance slioiild be made to all attempts to recaptu-re the
fugitive slaves. The negroes were emboldened to this resolution
by the known views of a large number of the influential citi-
zens of the neighborhood, who in their hearing had frequently
expressed their disapprobation of slavery and the fugitive slave
law. Meetings of the citizens in that locality even had been
held after the enactment of that law, condemning it as wicked
and nnjust ; and that the Northern people owed no obligation to
aid in its execution. Besides, there is little doubt but the negroes
had the quiet approbation of some of their influential neighbors,
by whom, perhaps, in all probability, the lirst suggestion of
resistance to capture may have been made.

As soon as the warrants for the arrest of the fugitives were
placed in the hands of Deputy Marshal Kline, arrangements
were made for executing the writs as speedil^y as possible. Edward
Gorsnch was accompanied by Dickinson, his son. Dr. Thomas
Pearce, a nephew, and Joshua Gorsuch ; besides two neighbors,
who had come to assist in making capture of the fugitives.
Deputy Marshal Kline and the Maryland capturing party set out
for Lancaster County, taking different modes of conveyance, and
arrived at Clu'istiana early on the morning of September 11th.
Having secured the service of one acqtiainted with the locality,
they started on hunt of the fugitives ; and when they had neared
a tavern kept by a negro named Parker, about two miles from
Christiana,, they espied one of the slaves coming down the lane
from Parker's houss. As soon as the slave saw them, he returned
and fled to Mie house, pursued by the party ; but he succeeded in
eluding their grasp. He made his way up stairs, and the party
in search of him immediately surrounded the house so as to pre-
vent escape.

But it was soon apparent that resistance to the execution of
the writs was determined upon» for as the party was approaching
the house, a horn was distinctly heard, which proved to be a sig-
nal for the collecting of their friends. Edward Gorsuch, the
owner, and the Deputy Marshal, now entered the house and, dis-
covering that several blacks were up stairs, they demanded of
them that they surrender, which they promptly refused and
began loading their guns, showing the utmost determination of
resistance. Mr. Gorsuch, addressing his slave by name, said :
" Come down, Xelson, I know your voice ; I know you," and

l-iS A REVIEW OF THE

after a pause added : '' If you eonie down and go home M'itli me,
Avitliout any trouLle, we will overlook the past." One of the
negroes answered, " If you take one cf us you must do so over
our dead bodies!" The Marshal now read his warrant aloud,
and assurred the negroes that he was clothed with the legal
authority to make the arrest. Mr. Gorsuch now called upon the
Deputy Marshal to ascend the stairs and arrest the fugitive ; and
in attempting to do so he was struck at with a shai-j) instrument
and compelled to desist. Mr. Gorsuch, in the meantime, stepped
outside and called to his slave and endeavored to persuade him
to surrender himself peaceably to his authority ; and while doing
so was shot at by one of the negroes from a window, but the
shot failed to take effect. The Marshal again read his warrant,
and advised the negroes of the peril of resisting the authority of
the Government ; and added, that if it became necessary, he
would call upon additional assistance to aid him in making the
arrest, lie told Parker, the keeper of the house, that he would
hold him responsible unless he surrendered the negroes, a5 the
law required. Parker replied that he was a Pennsylvanian, and
did not care for the law, but asked for a few moments for reflec-
tion, that they might determine what course to pursue.

During this period, two white men named Castncr Ilanway
and Elijah Lewis, the former on horseback and the latter on
foot, suddenly appeared upon the ground. This was seen to have
the effect of inspiring enthusiasm into the negroes in the house,
who immediately set up a cheering. AYhether any previous secret
understanding had existed between these whites and the negroes,
may perhaps never be fully ascertained ; but the cheering raised
upon their appearance had a very suspicious aspect. Edward Gor-
such requested the Marshal to ask these white men to assist in
making the arrest. lie approached the one on hoi*seback, Ilan-
way, and politely addressed him, without receiving any recogni-
tion of his salutation. lie then asked him if he belonged to
that neighborhood, and received as the repl}^, " it is none of your
l)uslness." lie next inquired of him his name, and was told,
'• you will have to find it out." The Marshal next informed him
r who he was, and of his authority for making the arrest, at the
same time handing him his warrant. Ilanway read the warrant, and
returned it to the ofricer. He also handed it to Lewis, the othei'
white man, who read it in like manner, and afterwards returned

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 149

it. The Marshal now called upon them, by virtue of his
authority, to assist hiui in executing his wi'it. Ilanway replied,
that '' he would have nothing to do with it ; he would not assist
at all ; the negroes had a right to defend themselves." By this
time a considerable number of negroes had made their appearance
near the lane armed with double-barrelled guns, pistols, corn-
cutters, scythes and clubs. The organization had been complete ;
and soon as the horn was sounded, as above indicated, the negroes
began to assemble from all directions. Lewis told the Marshal
that he had better desist from attempting to nia,ke the arrest,
otherwise blood would be shed. All this time the negroes were
gathering, and evinced by their manner a spirit of the most
determined resistance, and some of them were already standing
with their gnus cocked, and near enough to hear the conversation
of the officer with Ilanway and Lewis. The Marshal, seeing
the number of the negroes and the threatening demonstrations
made by them, asked Lewis to influence the negroes not to tire
upon them, and he would withdraw his party, but was told by
him that "the negroes might defend themselves." The blacks
in the house, seeing their friends gathered in such abundance,
came out and mingled with them. "IlauM- ay walked his horse
up to where the crowd of negroes were, and he spoke something
low to them, and tbey gave one shout ; he walked his horse about
twenty or thirty yards, and looked towards tbem, and they lired
up where Mr. Gorsuch was." *

Edward Gorsuch immediately fell, and his son Dickinson, run-
ning to his assistance, was also shot in the breast and lungs, and
fell to the ground. Dr. Pearee was likewise shot in several
places, but succeeded in making his escape. Deputy Marshal
Kline, Joshua Gorsuch, and the other two individuals, Nelson
and Ilutchins, who formed part of the capturing party, all speed-
ily made their escape as best they could. Edward Gorsuch was
mutilated by the negroes, his pockets rifled of about $300, and
left lying dead where he fell. His son Dickinson was lessued
from death through the interposition of an old colored man, Avho
begged of the murderers to spare his life, and he was shortly
afterwards removed by some white persons who visited the scene,
to the house of Levi Pownall, where he lay a considerable time
before he could be removed.

* Evidence of Marshal Kliue in Ileport of Christiana Tragedy, p. 7.

i.jO a review of the

As soon as the news of this ocrurrence readied Lancaster,
John L. Thompson, the District Attorney, and J. Franklin Itei-
gart, an Alderman, accompanied by some of the most resolute
citizens, repaired at once to Christiana, and after taking certain
legal steps, proceeded to arrest the suspected parties. Nine were
taken in less than two hours. Castner llanway and Elijah Lewis,
hearing of the Avarrants, smTendered themselves without resist.
ance. All were committed hy Alderman Heigart, and conveyed
to the Lancaster Jail for a preliminary hearing. The United States
Marshal, the United States District Attorney and the Connnis.
sioner, with a strong force of Marines and a detachment of
Philadelphia police, arrived shortly afterwards at Christiana, and
lent their aid in making arrests of those supposed to be impli-
cated in the transaction. Both parties proceeded to make arrests,
and in a short time eve^^ section of country was pretty well
scoured. A large numljer of additional prisoners were brought
in, and among them two whites, one named Scarlet, and the other
Uood.

It became a question of considerable dispute between the State
and national authorities, as to the disposition of the prisoners.
District Attorney Thompson contended, that the prisoners had
been guilty of the highest crime known to the law of Pennsyl-
vania, wilfull and delibei'ate murder, and that as this had occurred
in Lancaster County, the prisoners should be taken to Lancaster
for trial. John W. Ashmead, the United States District Attorney,
on the contrary, insisted that the prisoners had been guilty of
the crime of treason, in levying war against the United States
authorities. In this he was sustained by the Commissioner, E.
D. Ingraham, and finally a compromise was effected, by which
each party was allowed to dispose of its own arrests. A prelimi-
nary hearing of the prisoneri* was held before Alderman Heigart,
at which several witnesses were examined. At this hearing, J.
W. Ashmead, Robert J. Brent and AVilliam B. Fordney, ap-
peared for the prosecution, and Thaddeus Stevens for the prison-
ers. Castner llanway, Elijah Lewis, John Morgan, Henry Sims
and Jacob Moore, were committed to answer the charge of
treason, and delivered into the custody of A. E. Roberts, United
States Marshal for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.

Ko event, scarcely, could have occurred that would have
aroused a more profound excitement throughout the country

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. IHl

tlian was occasioned by this riot at Christiana. Political ran(;or
was in this occurrence fanned to its highest pitch. The news-
papers gave full scope to the rehearsal of the facts as they were
reported; and these in many cases grossly exaggerated, as has
become usual with the modern newspaper press. The deed was
as variantly viewed as were the creeds of the different parties.
Even in Pennsylvania, partisans condemned or exculpated the
act of the rioters as their political proclivities dictated. Shrewd
observers fully comprehended the nature of the transaction, and
where the fault originated ; but this did not appear upon the
surface; and hence the widely different reports that were circulated.
Blame was sought to be attached to the Whig Governor of Penn-
sylvania, because of believed indifference shown by him in taking
steps to aid in arresting the rioters. It was not till the fourth day
after the riot that he issued his proclamation, offering a reward for
the capture of the murderers of Mr. Gorsuch. And even this was
delayed until a letter, signed by John Cadwallader, C. Ingorsoll,
John Vi. Forney, and others, had demanded of him that he take
measures to "vindicate the outraged laws of the Commonwealth."
The division in sentiment in Pennsylvania that chiefly obtained
as regards the riot, was seen to be marked very considerably by
party lines. It was not forgotten that the fugitive slave law had
met with almost universal opposition from the ISTortheni Whigs
in Congress ; and the condemnation of the act of the rioters was
not believed to be sincere upon the part of many of that party,
wdio were loud in its denunciation. But with many Whigs it
was so ; for, as before seen, by no means all of this party had
become tainted with abolition principles. Being a Whig at that
time, however, subjected an individual even in Pennsylvania to
suspicion, and something was needed to remove it. But it was
in the South that this negro riot created the greatest commotion.
In this section it was viewed as an illustration of the I^orthern
resistance to the compromise of 1850, which might still be
expected to display itself in one form or other ; and which would
thus render it a dead letter upon the statute books. A lingering
faith, however, that the majority of the people of Pennsylvania
and of the North, were still friends of the Federal Constitution
and the laws made thereunder, induced the South to hope that
the insulted autliority of the nation would yet vindicate itself in
the IS'orthern tribunals of justice.

153 A REVIEW OF THE

Oil Monday, November 24:th, 1851, the trial of Castner Ilan-
Avay, for treason, was coniniencecl in the United States Circuit
Court before Judges Grier and Kane. The counsel who appeared
for the Ignited States were, John W. Ashmead, James R. Lud-
low and George W. Ashmead ; also, James Cooper and Robert
AV. Ih-ent for ^laryland. The counsel for Castner Ilanway were
John ]\[. Heed, Thaddeus Stevens, Joseph J. Lewis and Theodore
Cuvicr. The trial lasted iiftcen days, and was handled on both
sides with masterly ability. Although, without doubt, Mr.
Stevens was the brain of tlie defense in this trial, yet because of
his known anti-slavery sentiments, it was deemed prudential that
to John ]\[. Head should be entrusted its principal management.
After the arguments of counsel on both sides had Ijeen made
and the Court had submitted their views of the law, the Jury
upon retiring from the box, returned after an absence of ten
minutes and reported a verdict of '" Xot guilty." Castner Ilan-
way and Elijah Lewis were then l)r()uglit to Lancaster to answer
any charge that might be preferred against them. An indict-
ment was laid before the Grand Jury for nnn-der, but the Jury
ignored the bill, and thus ended the Christiana Eiot Case.

This trial, in a measure, illustrated the inutility of attempting,
under our iorwi of government, to convict an offender when a
respectable and influential party openly espouses his cause.
Members of the Anti-Slavery Society were present in court dur-
ing the time of this trial, openly manifesting their sympathy
for the accused ; also for the other prisoners, black and white,
that were implicated with him in the transaction. When " Har-
vey Scott, a free negro, who had thrice testified — once at Chris-
tiana, once at Lancaster, and once at Philadelphia — to the fact of
being an eye witness to the murder of Mr. Gorsuch ; and now
on this trial, influenced by bribes, or some other cornipt con-
sideration, when placed on the stand by the United States, openly
confessed tliat he had thrice committed perjury, and then swore
on this trial that he was not present and knew nothing about the
affair; this perjury was received with open applause in the
court room. Again, the counsel for the defense applied to the
Court for an order to bring out some twenty-four of the negroes
in jirison to see which of them could be identiiied as participants
in tiie trcfison, by Henry II. Kline (the Deputy Marshal), a
material witness for the prosecution. At the opening of the

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 153

court, on the next day, these negroes were seen sitting m a row,
supported on each side by white females, who, to the disgust of
all respectable citizens, gave them open sympathy and counte-
nance ; each of the negroes appeared M'ith new comforts around
their necks — their hair carefully parted and their clothing in
every respect, so as to present one uniform appearance to the
eye as far as possible — all done doubtless for the double purpose
of giving "aid and comfort" to the accused murderers of a white
man, and of confusing so important a witness as Kline, in respect
to their identity. And this was manifestly done with the privity,
sufferance and consent of the officers having charge of the
prisoners, and passed mirebuked."* Such a degree of s^anpathy
did the members of the Anti-Slavery Society manifest for those
accused of participation in the Christiana riot, that on Thanks-
giving Day they caused a banquet dinner to be prepared for the
j)risoners, and A. E. Roberts, the United States Marshal, con-
fessed in open court " that he had not only assisted at the dinner
but had sat down and partaken sparingly."!

The decisive points ruled by Judge Grier, and which proved
fatal to the prosecution, were in the following words :

"Without desiring to invade the perogatives of the jury, in judging
of the facts of this cas3, the Court feel bound to say, tliat they do not
tliink the transaction with wliich tlie prisoner is charged with bein"- con-
nected rises to the dignity of treason, or a levying of war — not because
the number or force was insufficient, but first — for want of any proof of
a previous conspiracy to make a general and public resistance to any law
of the United States ; second — there is no evidence that any person con-
nected in the transaction knew that there were any such Acts of Congress
as they were charged with conspiracy to resist by force and arms, or
had any other intention than to protect one another from what they
termed kidnappers— by which slang term, they included not only actual
kidnappers, but all masters and owners seeking to recapture their slaves,
and the officers and agents assisting them."' 1;.

Southern hopes, in the above trial, were once more disap-
pointed. The tempting cup of promise which had been carried
to the lips in the compromise of 1850, was thus again rudely
dashed to the earth ; and nothing save chagrin and mortilication
were left to console those south of the Mason and Dixon iDarallel.
The South was an integral portion of the Confederacy, the Con-

■"Report of Robert J. Brent on the Christiana Tx-eason Trial to the Gov-
ernor of Maryland, p, 5.
fReport of R. J. Brent, p. 4.
i Report of R. J. Brent, p. 7.

154 A REVIEW OF THE

stitution recognized their rights of property, and the National
Congress, in clearly defined terms, had guaranteed them these ;
and yet all as they fek to no purpose. Their citizens ^vere treated
as culprits and assassins when going North to lay claim to their
escaped property ; yea, even in the event which had but just
f.rcurred, the soil of Pennsylvania (without any redress being ac-
corded) had drunk the blood of a most respectable citizen of Mary-
land, who had dared to cross the threshold of his State to seek
his fugitive slaves. Another bond of confidence between the
• North and South was again snapped asunder, and still more feeble
became those yet remaining. The fugitive slave law became
virtually a dead letter in most of the Northern States, and the
feelings of each section grew more aiul more estranged towards
the other. And all this was but leading the North and South up
to that pinnacle of nmtual hate, from which both to free them-
selves, voluntarily plunged into the gulf of rev( shit ion and civil
convuUiun, which a near future had in store for them.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 155

CHAPTER X.

THE K\NSAS-NEBRASKA BILL, WITH THE REPEAL OF THE MISSOURI COM-
PROMISE. ORIGIN, RAMIFICATION AND ASPECTS OF THE
REPUBLICAN PARTY.

The 33d Congress assembled in December, 1853. Mr. Stevens
not being a member of this Congress, again devoted his attention
to the practice of his profession, a career in which he was always
remarkably snccessf ul. After the close of his second Congress-
ional term, he found his legal business by no means diminished ;
and for the next six years he was little heard of outside of Lan-
caster County, as mingling in political strife. These years were
for him a period of great professional activity ; and in many of
the most important suits tried in the courts of Pennsylvania, he
was during this period the leading counsel. He nevertheless
remained no indifferent spectator of public events, as they were
then transpiring. And all this time he held himself in readiness
to act his part when public sentiment might warrant his partici-
pation.

Upon the opening of Congress in December, 1853, it was
found that certain portions of the public domain, embraced in the
Louisiana cession, were already sufficiently populated to require
local governments. Two delegates had been chosen by the people
of this Territory who were awaiting admission into the National
Legislature, and seeking local organizations for their constituents.
On the 4th of December, 1853, Mr. Dodge, of Iowa, introduced
a bill into the Senate for the organization of a Territorial Gov-
ernment for Xebraska, which was referred to the committee on
Territories, of which Stephen A. Douglas was chairman. On
the 4th of the following January, Mr. Douglas reported back
this bill, with amendments so changing its language, as to make
it accord with the language of the Utah and New Mexico l>ill of
1850, on the question of slavery. This Bill was accompanied
with an elaborate report, stating fully the reasons that had in-

irj6 A REVIEW OF THE

duccd tlic Coinuiittec to change its pliraseolgy in these particulars.
The principle aimed at by the Committee was expressed in the
following words:

"In the judgment of your Committee, those measures (compromise of
1850) were intended to have a far more comprehensive and enduring
effect than the mere adjustment of the ditticulties arising out of the
recent acquisitions of Mexican territory. They were designed to estab-
lish certain great principles, wlxich woukl not only furnish adequate
remedies for existing evils, but in all time to come avoid the perils of a
similar agitation, by withdrawing the question of slavery from the Halls
of Congress and the political arena, and committing it to the ax-bitra-
ment of those who were immediaiely interested, and alone responsible
for its consequences."

The report concluded with these words :

"The substitute for tlie bill which your Committee have prepared, and
which is commended to the favorable action of the Senate, projioses to
carry these propositions and princiijles into practical operation in the
precise language of the comi^romise measures of 1850."

Senator Douglas, speaking of the rej3ort of the Committee,
said :

" We were aware that from 1820 to 1850, the abolition doctrine of Con-
gressional interference with slavery in the Territories and new States,
had so far prevailed as to keep up an incessant agitation in Congress and
throughout the country, whenever any new Territory was to be acquired
or organized. We were also aware that, in 1850, the right of the people
to decide this question for themselves, subject only to the Constitution,
was substituted for the doctrine of congressional intervention. The iirst
question, therefore, which the Committee were called upon to decide,
and indeed the only (piestion of anj' material importance, in forming this
bill was this : Shall we adhere to and carry out the principle recognized
by the compromise measures of 1850. or shall Ave go back to the old
exploded doctrine of congressional interference, as established in 1820,
in a large portion of the country, and which it was the object of the
"VVilniot proviso, to give a universal application not only to all the terri-
tory which we then possessed, but all which we might hereafter acquire?
There were no other alternatives. We were compelled to frame the bill
upon the one or the other of these two principles. The doctrine of 1S20,
or the doctrine of 1850, must prevail. In the discharge of the duty im-
posed upon us by the Senate, the Committee could not hesitate upon
this point, wliether we consulted our individual opinions and principles
or those which were known to be entertained and boldly avowed by a
large majority of the Senate. Tlie two gi-eat political parties of the
country stood solemnly j)ledged before the world to adliere to the com-
promise measures of 1850 in principle and substance. A large majority
of the Senate, indeed every member of the body, I believe, except the
two avowed Abolitionists (Mr. Chase and Mr. Sumner,) profess to belong
to the one or the other of these parties, and hence were supposed to be

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 157

v.nilcr a liigli moral obligation to carry out the principle and sithsfarice of
tliose measures in all the new ten-itorial organizations. The report of
the Committee was in accordance with this obligation."*

The original bill as amended and reported by the Committee,
was received in some parts of tlie coimtry as effecting the repeal
of the Missouri Compromise Act, whilst in others it was differ-
ently construed. In order that all ambiguity as regards this point
might be removed, Archibald Dixon, a Whig Senator from Ken-
tucky, on the IGth of January, gave notice that wdien the
Nebraska Bill should come up for consideration, he would offer
an amendment repealing the Eighth Section of the Missouri Act,
as being inconsistent with the Compromise of 1850. On the
following day, Sumner introduced into the Senate a memorial
against slavery generally, and at tlie same time gave notice that
when the bill to recognize the Territory should come up for con-
sideration, he would offer an amendment re-afflrming the old
Congressional restriction of 1820. A manifesto was issued from
AYashington on the 19th of January, denouncing the repeal of
the Missouri Compromise, signed by the following Senators and
Ecpresentatives, viz : S. P. Chase, Charles Sumner, J. K. Gid-
dings, Edward Wade, Gcrrit Smith and Alexander De Witt.
This remonstrance appeared in all the Abolition papers of the
country, and again roused the monster of sectional agitation froni
liis slumber. The remonstrants spoke of the old Missouri line
as a " sacred jfledge,'' never to be violated. It became in their
estimation a " solemn compact " when its endorsement favored
their principles. " Three thousand IS'ew England Clergymen,
assuming to speak in the name of the Almighty God, joined in
the chorus. But when did these men, or any of their class^
sinfdy or collectively, ever before acknowledge any binding obli-
o-ation of the now and so-called " solemn compact V Was it
wlien Missouri was denied admission by them under it ? Was it
when the admission of Arkansas was opposed by them ? Was it
when the provision was made for the admission of Texas ? Was it
when a government for Oregon was organized ? Was it when
this line was voted down for the last time in the House on the

13th of June, 1850 ?"t

The Committee on Territories, in view of the extent of doma'n

*Appendix to Congressional Globe, 33d Congress, 1st Session, p. 330,
tStephens' War, Vol. II, p. 248.

158 A REVIEW OF THE

to l)e orgnnizcJ, deemed it expedient to divide it into two sepa-
rate Territorial Governments, one to be named Kansas, and tlie
other Nebraska. Accordingly a substitute organizing two Terri-
tories instead of one was reported in the Senate by Mr. Douglas
on the 22d of January. The language in each upon the Fubjeet
of slavery was identical, with that in the first Nebraska Uill with
the exception of that clause which in express words declared the
Eighth Section of the Missouri Act inoperative. This was in
the following words :

"Except the oiglith section of the Act prepatory to the admission of
Missouri into the Union, approved March Cth, 1820, which being incon-
sistent with the principle of non-inter\'ention by Congress, with slavery
in the States and Territories, as recognized by the legislation of l!:50,
commonly called the Compi'omise Measures, is hereby declared inopera-
tive and void ; it being the true intent and meaning of this Act not
to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it there-
from, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate
their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Consti-
tution of the United States."

Senator Douglas, speaking of the Missouri Compromise,
showed by whose dereliction it had originally been violated, and
that this violation of it had necessitated the abandonment of the
principle it had established, and a recurrence to that of non-
intervention. In his speech of Jan. 30th, he said :

"True, the express enactment of the 8th section of the Missouri Act,
(now called the Missouri Compromise) only covered the Territory acquired
from France ; but the principle of the Act, the objects of its adoption,
the reasons m its support required that it should be extended indefinitely
westward, so far as our Territory might go, when new purchases should
be made."*

When Texas was admitted into the Union, on motion of Ste-
phen A. Douglas, then a member of the House, the principle of
the Missouri Compromise was applied to it without open opposi-
tion, doubtless lest abolition breach of faith would appear too
palpable, lie also in 1848 made an effort as Senator, to have
the same principle applied to the newly acquired Mexican
Territory. Of this effort he speaks as follows:

''Then, sir, in 1848, we acquired from Mexico the country between the
Rio del Norte and the Pacific Ocean. Immediately after the acquisition,
the Senate, on my own motion, voted into a bill a provision to extend
the MisEO'iri compromise indefinitely westward to the Pacific Ocean, in
the same sense and with the same understanding with which it was

•IlaitouuZ Intelligencer, February 2d, 1851.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 1G9

originally adopted. That provision passed this body by a decided ma-
jority— I think by ten at least — and went to the House of Representatives
and was there defeated by Northern votes.

" Now, sir, let us pause and consider for a moment. The first time
that the principles of the Missouri compromise were ever abandoned, the
first time they were ever rejected by Congress, was by the defeat of that
provision in the House of Representatives in 1848. By whom was that
defeat effected ? By Northern States with free soil proclivities. It v.-as
the defeat of that Missouri compromise that re-opened the slavery agita-
tion with all its fmy. It was the defeat of that Missouri compromise
that created the necessity for making a new compromise in 1850. Had
we been faithful to the principles of the Missouri Act in 1848, this ques-
tion would not have risen. Who was it that was faithless ? I undertake
to say it was the very men who now insist that the Missouri compromise
was a solemn compact and should not be violated and de^iarted from.
Every man who is now assailing the principle of the bill under consider-
ation, so far as I am advised, was opposed to tlie I\Iissoui-i compromise in
184S. The ver}' men who now arraign me for a departui-e from the Mis-
souri compromise are the men who successfiUly violated it, repudiated it,
and caused it to be sujierseded bj- the compromise measures of 18o0.
Sir, it is with rather a bad grace that the men who proved false them-
selves should charge upon me and others, who were ever faithful, the
responsibilities and consequences of their own treachery.

"Then, sir, as I before remarked, the defeat of the Missouri compro-
mise in 1848 having created the necessity for the establisliment of a new
one in 1850, let us see what that compromise Avas.

" The binding feature of the compromise of 1850 was Congi-essional
non-intervention as to slavery in the Territories ; that the jjeople of the
Territories and of all the States were to be allowed to do as they pleased
upon the subject of slavery, subject only to the provisions of the Consti-
tution of the United States.

'•That, sir, was the leading feature of the compromise measures of
1850. Those measures, therefore, abandoned the idea of a geograjihical
line as the boundary between the free and the slave States ; abandoned
it because, compelled to do it from an inability to maintain it ; and in
lieu of that substituted the great principle of self-government, which
would allow the people to do as they thought proper."*

Speaking of the inconsistency of tlie Abolitionists as regards
tlie Missouri compromise, Senator Douglas- further said :

"Did not every Abolitionist and Fi'ee Soiler in America denounce the
Missouri compromise in 1820 ? Did they not for years hunt down, raven-
ously for his blood, every man who assisted in making that compromise ?
Did they not, in 1845, when Texas was annexed, denounce all of us who
went for the annexation of Texas and for the continuation of the Missouri
compromise line through it? Did they not, in 1848, denounce me as a
slavery propagandist, for standing by the principles of the Missouri com-

*Speech of Douglas, of Jan. SOth, 1854; in National Intelligencer Feb.
2d, 1854.

160 A REVIEW OF THE

promise, and proposing it to be extended to the Pacific Ocean ? Did they
not themselves viohite and repudiate it tlien ? Is not the charge of bad
faith true as to every Abolitionist in America, in-.tead of being true as
to me and tlu Committee and those who advocate this bill."*

]\[r. Douglas and those co-opcraling with him, liopod by the
passage of the Kansas-Nebraska VAW, that the question of shivery
might be removed from the Halls of Congress, and left with the
people of the Territories themselves. This legislation was but
re-introducing first principles which had been al)andoned when
the Missouri Compromise was adoi)ted, and which the Southern
people accepted with reluctance as being an unji-.st discrimination
against their equality as integral members of the Confederacy.
Alexander II. Stephens, the philosophic statesman of the South,
whilst in Congress, in a speech delivered in the House, February
ITth, ISoi, said :

" It (the Missouri Compromise) was literally forced upon the South as a
disagreeable alternative by superior numbers." f

The Kansas-Nebraska Bill asserted, upon its face, that its true
intent and meaning was that the question of slavery should be
left to the people of the Territories to determine for themselves
whether they desired it, and subject only to the Constitution of
the United States. Stephen A. Douglas, the author of the bill,
was violently assailed as false to his own democratic faith which
execrated all slavery agitation; but he justilied his course by
affirming his entire conformity with the compromise measures of
1850. Ilis object, as he contended, was simply to free the Terri-
tories from all unconstitutional legislation, and to leave the ques-
tion of slavery where the framei-s of the government had
designed, that is, with the people of the territories themselves.
The bill was not only discussed with great violence in Congress,
but was taken up by the al)olition press in all sections of the
North, and contrary to expectation, the slavery agitation was
aroused in all its strength and intensity throughout the whole
country. The discussion j)roduced one of the most territic politi-
cal storms that had ever yet raged upon the American continent.
The very fiood-gates and windows of abolition fury seemed now
for the first time to have been fully opened. The abolition
Whigs embraced this ojiportuiiity to retrieve their fallen political

■^.Speech of Douglas January 30, 1854 ; in National Intelligencer, Feb-
ruary 2d, 1854.
\Nativnal Intelligencer, February 24th, 1854.

rOLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. IGl

fortunes, and unite the Xortli in a sectional contest against the
South. Puhhc meetings were lield in the Northern States, de-
nouncing the repeal of the Missouri Comiiromise, and renion-
sti-ances to the same effect flooded the National Legislature.
Large numbers of both political parties participated in these
meetings who had given their hearty adliesion to the Compronme
of 1850, and a monster meeting at Boston, was presided over by-
Samuel S. Elliot, the only Whig representative from Xew Eng-
land, who had favored that last national adjudication of the
slavery cpiestion.

The Bill, however, passed both Houses of Congress, and be-
came a law by receiving the signature of the President on the
last day of May, 1854. It was clearly the refusal of the Aboli-
tionists of the Xorth to yield a fair and full acquiescence in the
Missouri Compromise, in letter aiid spirit, which led to its linal
repeal in 1854. And it is also undeniable that this repeal
simply restored to its original normal position, the doctrine of
popular sovereignty, as it was designed to obtain from the foun-
dation of the government. But it must also b3 accepted as true,
that whilst the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, in strict
interpretation, may have been effected by the principle adopted
by the Compromise measures of 1850; yet no averment was
made at the time that such was really so ; and it remained for the
year 1854 to disclose it. The Compromise of 1850, applied to
the Territory acquired from Mexico, whilst that of 1820 included
the Louisiana purchase; and therefore entirely distinctive and
separate portions of the territorial domain were embraced by these
two famous National settlements. The Compromise of 1850 did
not expressly repeal that of 1820, and although it had in spirit
been repudiated by the North, yet in view of the intense opposi-
tion that existed to the spread of slavery, over any of the
Federal territory, policy seemed to dictate that the South should
only claim what the clear letter of the Constitution and the
national contracts accorded them. That this was the opinion of
a considerable number of the leading statesmen both North and
South, is undoubted ; and even of those voting for the repeal of
the Missouri Compromise were some -who regarded the act as
impolitic, and likely to entail in its train sad consequences, (umi.
Lewis Cass, whilst sustaining the Kansas-Nebraska Bill thus
expressed himself regarding the measure :

1C2 A REVIEW OF THE

"I sliould have been bettei* content had the whole subject been left as
it was in the bill when it was first introduced by the Senator from Illinois,
witlioiit any provision regarding the Missouri Compromise."*

James Buchanan was another of tliose statesmen wlio viewed the
repeal of the ]\[issouri Conii)ronii.se, as in itself altogether im-
])()liti(' and injiidieicnis. "The Compromise measures of 1850
li;i(l his lieartv adliesion, as in these he seemed to recognize the
settlement of the only (question that could perhaps for ages
jeopard the national integrity, AVith the greatest anxiety and
dread was it, therefore, that he heard, whilst in Europe, of the
repeal of the Missouri Compromise in 1854. In a letter written
to a leading statesnum of his party, about the time that the repeal
began to be mooted, he uttered solemn words of warning, and
strongly remonstrated against the abrogation of this time-honored
compact. lie depicted in strong coloi's the dangers he appre-
hended would result should this unwise attempt be consummated.
From an intimate knowledge of the feelings of the people of the
North, he predicted the terrible storm that would be aroused
throughout the country by such an opening up of the slavery
agitation as this would occasion."f

Mr. Buchanan, in the History of his administration on the eve
of the rebellion, page 28, speaks in this manner of the repeal of
the Missouri Compromise :

•' After a careful review of the history of the Anti-Slavery party fro:n
its origin, the candid inquirer must admit that up till this period it had
acted on the aggressive against the South. From the beginning it had
kept the citizens of the slave-holding States in constant irritatit)n, as well
as serious apprehension of their domestic peace and security. It is tixie,
they had denounced the assailants with extreme rancor and many
threats, but had done nothing more. In sustaining the repeal of the
Missouri Compromise, however, the Senators and Representatives of the
Southern States became the aggressors themselves, and thereby placed
the country in an alarming and dangerous condition from which it has
never since been rescued."

The repeal of the Missouri Compromise afforded to the Abol!-
tionists the opportunity that was required to unite the Xorth in
a sectional organization against the ISouth. Many of the North-
ern Whigs of free soil proclivities had desired to see a party con-
stituted upon principles adverse to the further spread of slaveiy,
and pledged to its final extinction, could any means be devused

* National Intelligencer. March Till, 1834.

f Harris" Biographical History of Lancaster County, pp. lO.j-Ck,

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AJiIERICA. 1G3

for that purpose. The following extracts from addresses made
by It. C, AViuthrop, of Massachusetts, and Thomas Corwin, of
Ohio, both distinguished leaders of the Whig party, attest this
fact :

*• Why, my friends, how long is it since it was distinctly declared by
some of the leaders of the Republican party, that the great remedy for
existing evils was the formation of a party which should have no South-
em wing ; yes, that was the phraze— ?io Southern icing; for it was added
that as long as there was a Southern wing there must be complainers
and concessions to the South, and compromises would be the order of the
day."*

Thomas Corwin, speaking of the repeal of the Missouri Com-
promise, said;

*' And do you not see how gladly it was seized upon bj- those who have
been trying to form a. Northern party for year's, and how the war-cry
they raised went up through the whole North, And j-et they are the
very men who had long denounced the compromise as an infringement
of right and freedom. "f

It was understood by the leading "Whigs that their party was
composed of elements altogether too inharmonious to remain
united after the demise of Clay and Webster, The divisions of
the party, which had for years disclosed tliemselves in Congress,
was ample proof of this fact; and it was clear that the dis-
harmony was every year becoming more apparent and decided.
After the defeat of Gen. Scott for President, in 1852, crafty
leaders availed themselves of the American sentiment, by^ means
or which to rear an organization that might take the place of the
old Whig party; and early in 1851: the movements for this j^ur-
pose were in active operation. The sentiment upon which this
new effort to construct a party was based, had repeatedly shown
itself in the United States, especially in the large cities ; and
owing to the social elements of the country, it is one that is
likely, more or less potentially, ever to make itself felt. An
antagonism to Catholics and foreigners is somewhat natural to
the bulk of the Protestant population of America; and this will
be always greatly manifested when party spirit is dragged into
the arena. This was the effort in 1851, and the prospect seemed
for a time as if it might be successful. It was at that time,
familiarly characterized as the Know Xothing movement, and it
achieved temporary triumphs in several States of the Union, and

*Speech of Gov. Winthrop, in National Intelliyeiicer, Oct. 30, 1856.
\National Intelligencer, Oct. 23J, I806.

ICl A REVIEW OF THE

even stoutly Lattlod for ascendancy in the old Comniomvcalth of
Yirg-inia. The elections in 1854 in the Northern States, were
largely intluenced by the operations of this party ; to it was
James Pollock indebted for his election as Governor of Pennsyl-
vania. The success achieved by this organization was no doubt
largely due to the fact that it assmned the shape of a secret
order ; and curiosity (as is ever the ease with secret associations)
induced elements of the most incongruous character to enter it.
But, because the order was made up of men of radically incom-
patible views and purposes, its dissolution become simply a ques-
tion of time. The Whigs who joined the order remained such,
and so did also the Democrats ; and it became soon apparent that
no views so discordant could long remain united.

The Know Nc^thing breeze became one of the currents that
served to confuse parties, as they existed in Lancaster County,
and enabled Mr. Stevens and his political wing to grasp hold of
the reins of power, lie puiMuitted liimself to be initiated into a
secret order, in which he recognized political power looming up
for himself in the distance ; and for the time he forgot the oppo-
sition that he had 3'ears before waged against the Masonic fra-
ternity. The American movement was for Mr. Stevens a very
important one, so far as his future prosj)ects were concerned. It
served to prostrate his pr!ncij)al antagonists amongst the Silver-
Grey Wliigs, and left him prospectively the master of the field.
Although unable to secure the Congressional nomination for
himself in 1S54-, yet he manipulated affairs so adroitly that A. E.
Poberts, an intimate and confidential political friend, was made
the party choice. This was a near advance to the goal of his
own ambition. He had now become the power ' behind the
throne.

Put what served most to unite a Xorthern sectional party, was the
opposition which arrayed itself against the repeal of the Missouri
Compromise and the further extension of slavery. The Whigs
in the Free States in 1854, were almost unanimously opposed to
the repeal, as were likewise a considci'able number of Democrats.

In the meetings thar were hold to denounce the measure, men
of both political parties participated, but by far the larger
proportion was made up of Whigs. The Abolitionists sought at
once to form a party of fused elements, united in opposition to
the spi'ead of the hated Southern institution; but this met with

rOTJTICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 1C5

a spirited resistance from tliose who still preferred the Whig
oi'gani/ation. The Whigs, iu their State Conventions held in
the Northern States, repudiated the repeal of the Missouri
Compromise ; hut many of the trusted leaders of this old National
l>iirty resisted its abandonment for what they clearly saw would
become a sectional one, and which wonld doubtless endanger the
perpetuity of the American Union.

The old party of Jefferson had a difhcult task in the Korth
during the campaign of 1854. The pai'ty being virtually com-
mitted to the principles of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, found that
these would prove a heavy burden in the Free States. Stephen
A. Douglas, the author of the bill, upon his return home from
Congress, met in Chicago a storm of opposition, for which he
was not prepared. Those, who on former occasions, had listened
with delight to the glowing eloquence of the Illinois Senator,
]'efused now to hear him ; and as often as ke attempted to speak
in his defense, they drowned li's voice with their hisses and
groans. Little more favorable receptions were accorded to him
in some other sections of his State. Democratic meetings ad-
dressed by him, woidd as soon as adjourned, extemporize a new
one, and pass resolutions condemning his action as a Senator in
Congi-ess, and denouncing the Kansas- Nebraska Bill. In every
State of the Nortli, the repeal of the Missouri Compi'omise,
proved a cause of disturbance in the Democratic party. The
majority of the party sustained the principles of the measure ;
but so intense and powerful was the opposition in some States,
that the party conventions refused to endorse it. In many
States the conventions split upon this all engrossing question.
The party leaders in the North strove to meet the threatening
catastrophe by endeavoring to prevent the measure from being
made a party test. A number of leading Democrats of Michigan,
in 1854, issued a circular urging as follows:

" We respectfully submit, that every consideration, both in principle
an<l policy, appeals to us to stand firmly against the Kansas-Nebraska
Bill as a party test. It is a measure which is sti-ongly disapproved of by
a large portion of the Democracy of the nation. Unwisely introduced,
it has already done infinite mischief, and if made a party test it will
inevitably divide the Democratic party, and let loose a storm of the
wildest agitation."

The Democracy of the Empire State of New York were
divided into the Hards and Softs, the latter having largely the

163 A REVIEW OF THE

preponderance. Resolutions demanding the restoration of the
Missouri Compromise passed Loth Houses of the ^'ew York
Loi^-islaturo by great majorities, and in Massachusetts, such were
udopted in the Senate by a unaninious vote, and in the House,
consisting of 4U0 members, with only thirteen negative votes.
In all parts of the North the repeal made an instantaneous im-
pression, and the DemoL-racy, as never before, began to stagger
under the nnendur;il)le l>iu-den. W. E. S. Moore, Chairman of
the Maine Democratic Committee on Resolutions in the Con-
vention held in June, 1S54, remarked:

" We came into power eighteen months ago with an unprecedented
majority in the nation ; and in the State we had a great moral power — •
perhaps too much. Since then, changes have come over the aspect of
and the prospect of the Democracy. AVe have lost Maine, Rhode Island,
Connecticut, and it is nearly a draw game in New Hamijshh-e, that ought
to stand firm as her granite hills."

Skeltou, an Anti-Xbbraska Democratic Representative of New
Jersey, said :

" The party was strong and united until the passage of this bill. Now
it is divided in every Congressional District. It was introduced as a
measure of Peace, but it has rent the party and renewed the slavery agi-
tation." •

The Charleston Mercury^ seeing the coming storm tliat was
rising in the North, in its issue of June 21st, 1854, said :

''The spectacle presented by the North and South at the present mo-
ment is well calculated to arrest the attention of thoughtful men. In
the fornaer we find society convulsed ; all the slumbering elements of
sectional bitterness roused and slavery agitation awake again, after its
brief and delusive sleep, strengthened by new accessions and eager for
the onset. Never before have the Northern press approached so near to
unanimity inthe cause of abolition. Never before were all other issues
so far buried, and the sentiment and voice of the whole section so united
in war upon the South."

The fall elections of 185-1 in the Northern States, one after
another swept from power the party which was held responsible
for the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. Maine, that had
remained linn to her demoeratrc moorings since 1840, was cari'ied
for the new party b}' an immense majority. The other Eastern
States followed in the same line ; and New York wheeled under
the banner of Anti-slavery extension. Not a single Congressman
from the Empire State that had supported the repeal, was re-
elected, and the Keystone State gave a congressional delegation
. strongly Anti-Nebraska. Ohio rallied by an immense majority

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 107

to the Anti-Slaveiy standards, electing all Anti-l^ebvaska Con-
gressnieu. The People's party triumphed in Indiana, and the
strong oaks of the Democracy bent beneath the blasts of the op-
position. The members of Congress through out the whole
Xorth, -who had supported the repeal of the Missouri Compromise,
were almost all defeated, and Anti-Slavery ideas rose at once to
ascendancy and power. The revolution passed like a hurricane
over the Xortli ; and the new party in most sections styling itself
Republican, bore the banner of victory. The fruits of the long
Anti-slavery agitation had ripened; and a sectional Northern
organization was the result of the struggle. The agitators had at
length gained the prize ; the Northern States were now united
against the South and her institutions in clear and unmistakable
opposition; and time alone could determine the result of the
conflict.

168 A REVIEW OF THE

CHAPTER XI.

THE STRUGGLE FOR ASCE>T)ENCY IN KANSAS. THE DEVELOPMENT OF CON-
FLICTING VIEWS INTO SECTIONAL ANTAGONISM AND THE
ULTIMATE TRIUMPH OF REPUBLICANISM.

The repeal of the Missouri Compromise opened the Territories
to all the social institutions of the different States of the Union.
It was believed that this would terminate the national conflict on
the question of slavery l)y removing it from the Halls of Con-
o-ress, and leaving it for disposition with the people of the Terri-
tories themselves ; but in doing so, the public interest was only
the more aroused and intensified. The repeal of the compromise
appeared to the Northern mind such a flagrant violation of every-
thing that was sacred in compact, that it was prepared to inter-
pose every obstacle to the introduction of slavery into the new
Territories, which might in any wise batfle the friends of the in-
stitution. Even Kansas, the most Southern Territory, belonged
to that part of the public domain which had been consecrated to
freedom ; and now that this should be snatched from its heritage
and offered as a prize to the fleetest occupant, was to IS'orthern
sentiment offensive in the highest degree. The views and policy
of statesmen could not be expected to countervail the feelings of
the masses, that had for upwards of two decades been influenced
by Anti-Slavery agitation ; and which was every year evincing
greater opposition to the spread of the hated institution of the
Southern States. jSTorthern sentiment on no former occasion rose
in such unanimity and earnestness to utter its protest against the
introduction of slavery into the Territories, as it did when Kan-
sas and Nebraska were organized and laid open for settlement.

An Emigrant Aid Society was accordingly incorporated in
Boston in the year 185-1, by the Legislature of Massachusetts, for
the purpose of encouraging settlers to emigrate to Kansas, who
wouhl be pledged to resist the introduction of slavery into tlie
new Stiite. In the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. ICD

Soutlicni people, on the coutrarv, scorned to recoi;'iiizG simply
the removal of all unjust discrimination against them in the
common Territories of the nation ; and the restoration of those
rights which they had originally enjoyed prior to the year 1S20.
The movement of the Abolitionists in Massachusetts, therefore,
had the effect of arousing in the Southern mind a determination
of resistance ; and societies were speedily organized in Missouri
and elsewhere, pledged to promote the interests of. settlers from
the South and those who favored the pro-slavery cause. These
acts of the antagonistic parties, so different from what had be-
fore occurred in the settlement of the Territories, displayed the
wonderful zeal of the contestants ; and at once attracted public
attention to Kansas as the prize which should reward for his
skill and prowess the conquering gladiator of his country. The
contest for Kansas thus rose immediately from State to national
importance ; and the removal of the question from Congress,
served but to light the flames of strife between the North and
South in all parts of the country. The removal, therefore, was
fatal to the peace of the Ileptiblic,.and proved also fatal to the
hopes of any man in the North, who had anticij^ated applause
and position from his instrumentality in its accomplishment.

Settlers from the Suuth and emigrants from the ISTorth were
hurried into the new Territory, all more or less eager to win
Kansas for their party. The enthusiast and the fanatic, the
adventurous and the daring, all moved to this inviting El Dorado
of their political hopes, and the mixture was a sample of demo-
cratic society in its native compound.* Anarchy and misrule
held high carnival in the new Territory, and for a. time marauding
bands of partisan settlers were the only legislators who dispensed
law as their passions and prejudices dictated. Both of the politi-
cal parties who were struggling for ascendency in the new region,
were amply represented by correspondents, whose chief aim w^as
to depict that which w^ould meet the warmest reception in the
circle of their readers. The truthful chronicler, never popular,
was especially unadaptcd to such a state of society. Partisans
must have the food they desire, and such as will minister pleasure

* The democratic society, here meant, is that form of the body politic
where the government is assumed to reside in the corporate muss : and
it is not intended to designate any political party which may at any time
have borne that designation.

170 A REVIEW OF THE

to their corrupted appetites. An admirable field was presented in
Kansas for the Eastern and Southern press ; indeed, the narrative
of the same event, from diiferent jjens, appeared as altogether
separate occurrences, and only at times could the identity be dis-
covered from a similarity of names. But the party readers who
are content to receive one version of a story, could not but be
incensed to the highest degree by the ini(juity and injustice that
were perpetrated as they conceived upon their friends in the new
Territory. Section was thus aroused against section, and this
chiefly effected through the instrumentality of the party press,
one of the great evils of republican institutions.

A. II. Iveeder was appointed Governor of the new Territory,
and he, with such other officers as the territorial condition re-
(piired, arrived in Kansas in the fall of 1S5-4. It being too late
to organize the full machinery of the Territory, no election was
held except for a delegate to Congress, which resulted pro-slavery,
in the choice of John AV. Whitfield. Early in 1855, a census
having been taken, an election for a Territorial Legislature and
County officers was ordered on the 30th of March. This resulted
in a Southern victory, and as the Free State men charged, by the
aid of Missouri invaders. In such a state of society, nothing
else should have been expected, for the kind of voters who flock
to new Territories are not those who weigh scruples when parti-
san interests are at stake. Tliat their opponents were unable to
counteract all the frauds committed by the Missourians, was not
because greater conscientiousness interposed, but rather, that no
opportunity afforded the means. It was, in truth, the lawless ele-
ments of society in conflict, and only somewhat restrained by the
subordination to which the General Government had subjected
them. Murder, bloodshed and rapine will always be the con-
comitants of such states of the body politic.

But the Legislature as elected, was convened by the Governor,
and proceeded to enact a code of laws, molded by the most intense
pro-slavery feelings, and drafted in the interests of party yieM-?.
The formation of Kansas as a Slave State, was the animating
motive of every legislator who favored the adopted code. Tlie
enactments of this Legislature was water upon the abolition mill.
The Xorthern press teemed with denunciations of an asseml)ly
that was lield up as representing Southern sentiments and views.
The Kansas settlers were amongst the extremes of their parties.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 171

Whilst tlie one party became extreme in its legislation, tlie other
was equally so in its resistance- Instead of waiting until they
might disposses the Southern party at the ballot-Lox, the Free
State men showed the utmost lawlessness in organizing at Topeka,
an independent government in opposition to that lirst elected,
iind which had the regularity of law in its favor. Having framed
a Constitution, elected a Governor, Legislature and other County
officers, they applied to Congress for admission into the Union, but
were justly rejected, if for no other reason than that they lacked
that formal and legal status which entitled them to make appli-
cation. Between two antagonistic territorial organizations, one
defying the other, disturbances must necessarily occur; and it
was only owing to the interposing authority of the General Gov-
ernment that the territory was not precipitated into a party colli-
sion, that might have engulphed the whole Union in the flames
ot civil war. The contestants were rapidly prej^aring for a clash
of arms ; and the outposts first met on the plains of Kansas, and
fought their initial sectional conflict.

The General Government nobly strove to hold the balance of
justice even between the parties of Kansas ; but law and order
demanded that no other authority should be recognized than that
which was created by virtue of the original charter. When,
therefore, the Legislature chosen under the Free State Constitu-
tion, adopted at Topeka, determined to assemble on the 4th of
July, 1856, they were dispersed by Col. Sumner with a force of
regulars, by the orders of President Pierce. The spring and
summer of 1856 was the principal period during which the Kan-
sas war raged ; and which formed a fertile theme for the abolition
papers of the Is orth in the Presidential campaign of that year.
The war, in itself, was of little consequence, save as a means of
inflaming Northern and Southern sentiment. One of the prin-
cipal conflicts was the battle of " Black Jack," wherein twenty-
eight Free State men, led by old John Brown, fought a somewhat
superior number of Southerners and defeated them. But the
Eepublican papers were glutted with the stories of Ueedin/j
Kansas ; some of these possessing a grain of truth, but largely
fictitious, and retailed for partisan circulation in the campaign
then pending. It was the discussion of this fertile subject, the
difficulties in Kansas, that served largely to solidify the llepubli-
can party into symmetrical proportions, and give it that strength

172 A REVIEW OF THE

and full pcetlonal importance Avliich it obtained in the year 1S50.
Altliough the opposition to the repeal of the IMissouri Com-
promise in many parts of the JS^orth, had united itself in ISa-i
into a party styled Republican ; yet in Pennsylvania the resist-
ance was nnorganized. No steps had been taken in Lancaster
County, the home of Thaddeus Stevens, for the organization of
the new party until the year 1855 ; and when it was lirst sug-
gested to him by a political friend that something should be done
to organize such a movement in the county, the project, instead
of meeting his approbation, was rather discouraged. Political
advancement was the goal upon which Mr. Stevens had lixed his
eye ; and knowing the character of the people of his district, he
trusted not to commit his fortunes to an untried bark, that had
not vet been fairly launched upon the waters of American con-
servatism ; and which had but "made its passage in the smaller
bays of radical innovation. Not forgetful that his course in
Congress, as regards the Compromise of 1850, had bolted the
doors of the National Assembly against him, he chose to pursue
the path which policy dictated and watch the political gales be-
fore he would permit his vessel to be trimmed. But the move-
ment of Republicanism was onwards, and the Keystone State was
unable toremain aloof from its influence ; and Anally a meeting
of those favorable to the cause was announced to meet in Fulton
Hall, in the City of Lancaster, and organize the new party in
the county. Those who assembled upon this occasion did not
exceed seventeen persons in all ; the great body of the Whig
leaders absented themselves until they might see what success the
future promised. Consistency, however, compelled the attend-
ance of Mr. Stevens at this meeting. Republicanism was the
movement in which the principles he cherished had ultimated ;
and it was necessary that he should obtain the control over it in
his district ; otherwise he would be washed into political retire-
ment. He was present and addressed the small meeting, and
thus placed himself as its leader in that field over which his
ndiuence extended. At a subsequent meeting he was selected to
represent the Republican party of Lancaster County in the
Philadelphia Convention of 1856 for the nomination of candi-
dates for President and Vice-President of the United States.

The 34th Congress assembled in A^ashington, December 3d,
1855, and then began the great contest in which the sectional

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 173

licpiibliean party strove for ascendency in the Halls of Xa-
tional Legislation. This was the long struggle for the election
of Speaker in the House of Representacives, which lasted over
two months, and ended in the election of Nathaniel P. Banks,
the candidate of sectional ideas. In this triumph of Xorthcrn
opposition to the spread of slavery, the Republican party saw the
clearest omen of its future victory and triumph ; and the leaders
now exerted themselves to the utmost of their ability, to cement
and unite the organization in all the States of the North. The
tirst convention of this party from the Northern States, assembled
in Pittsburgh in February, 185G ; and this was followed by that
of June ITtli, which met in Philadelphia and nominated candi-
dates for President and Yice-President of the United States.
John C. Fremont and William L. Dayton were the candidates of
the Philadelphia Republican Convention, Thaddeus Stevens
was a member of this convention, although he took no very
prominent part in the proceedings. The adopted platform placed
the party in open and avowed resistance to the further extension
of slavery ; and made the organization the expression of the anti-
slavery sentiment of the Northern States. One of the resolutions
of the Philadelphia Convention declared :

" That the Constitution confers upon Congress, sovereign power over
the Territories of the United States for their government ; and that in
the exercise of this power, it is both the right and the duty of Congress
to prohibit in the Territories, those twin relics of barbarism, ijolygamy
and slavery."

It was clear to all discerning men, in view of the composition
of the Republican party, that its objects as expressed in its plat-
form were simply secondary to the one idea, the entire abolition
of slavery throughout the Southern States, The announcement
of the real design of the party leaders would, however, have been
fatal to their prospects of success ; for much as the people of the
North were opposed to slavery, they were not yet prepared for
an unconstitutional attack upon the rights of their Southern
brethren. But the leaders adopted the whole argument of the
Abolitionists for the purpose of educating public sentiment up to
the highest demands of the radical school ; and at the same time
announced their objects to be simply the coniinement of slavery
within its bounds. The growing national corruption was fully
evinced in this attitude of the new party, which was so organized
that it might gain power under false colors. The crafty arginnent

IT4 A REVIEW OF THE

wa3 likewise made use of, that the exclusion of slavery was not
opposed for the siike of the negro, but because it was desired that
the Territoi-y be preserved for the free settlers of the Xorth —
*' free homes for free men/'

The people of the South, and the calm and considerative of
the North saw, with the greatest alarm, the advances of the new
party threatening the peace and prosperity of the Union. The
maxims of the Kepnblican creed promulgated the doctrine dan-
gerous to free institutions, that the will of the majority may
(I'jtermine the constitutional and vested rights of minorities.
The principle thus announced was revolutionary in itself, de-
structive of all constituted authority, and engendered in the
Kcd Ilepublican teachings of the old world. Patriotic men of
all sections, dreaded the consequences likely to ensue to liberty,
should the revolutionary party of the Xorth succeed in grasping
the control of the Federal Government, and many of them ad-
monished their countrymen of the dangers that threatened the
integrity of the Union, and earnestly advised them to beware of
the principles of sectionalism. Millard Fillmore, who had just
returned f roni Europe, when he saw the aspect which the Eepubli-
can party occupied in 1S5G, spoke as follows:

" But this is not all, sir. We see a political party presenting candidates
for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency, selected for the first time from
the Free States alone, with the avowed purpose of electing these candi-
dates by the suffrages of one part of the Union onl}', to rule over the
whole United States. Can it be possible that those who are engaged in
such a measure can have seriously reflected upon the consequences which
must inevitably follow in case of success ? Can they have the madness
or the folly to believe that our Southern bretliren would submit to be
governed by such a Chief Magistrate? Would he be required to follow
the same rule prescribed by those who elected him in making his appoint-
ments ? If a man living south of Mason and Dixon's line be not worthy
to be President and Vice-President, would it be proper to select one
from the same quarter as one of his Cabinet Council, or to represent the
nation in a foreign country, or, indeed, to collect the revenue or ad-
minister the laws of the United States? If not, what new rule is the
President to adopt in se'ecting men for office that the people themselves
discard in selecting him? These are serious but practical questions, and
in order to appreciate them fully it is but only necessary' to turn the
tables upon ourselves. Suppose that the South, having the majority of
electoral votes, should declare that they would only have slave-holders
for President and Vice-President, and should elect such b}^ their exclu-
sive suffrages to rule over us at the North ; do you think we would sub-
mit to it? No, not for one moment i And do you believe that your

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN A]\IERICA. IT.l

Southern bveUireu ai-e less sensitive on this subject than you are, or le=g
jealous of their rights ? If you do, let me tell you that you are mistaken.
And, therefore, you must see that, if this sectional party succeeds, it
leads inevitablj' to tlie destruction of this beautiful fabric, reared by our
forefathers, cemented by their blood, and bequeathed to us as a precious
inheritance."

The disruption of tlie Whig party, occasioned by the slavery
question, induced numy of the Southern Whigs to unite with the
Democracy, as the only party professing national principles, that
gave evidence of ability to cope with the new enemy. In attach-
ing themselves to their former political rival, they in no Aviso
compromised their early principles, for the old Whig and Demo-
cratic parties equally favored the constitutional rights of all
sections of the Union, in the States as well as in the national
Territories. A small portion of the JSTorthern Anti-Slavery
Democrats had united with the Republicans ; but the large body
of the party in that section remained attached to the old prin-
ciples of a former period. The Democracy of all the States
having met in convention at Cincinnatli, June 2d, 1856, re-
affirmed the ancient doctrines of the party on the slavery ques-
tion ; and besides, announced their recognition of the principles
embodied in the Kansas-Kebraska Bill. James Buchanan and
John C. Breckenridge were next placed in nomination for Presi-
dent and Vice-President of the United States.

A small portion of the Whig party, Kortli and South, united
in the nomination of Millard Fillmore and Andrew J. Donald-
son for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency. This movement
being entirely the product of attachment to the old organization
of Clay and Webster, gave no evidence of any ability to coun-
teract the dangerous jjrinciples which it assumed to oppose. The
Democratic party was the only one that possessed the semblance
of ability to defeat the sectional Eepublican organization of the
Korth. Patriotism would have demanded that any sacrifice
should be made for the welfare of the country ; but party spirit
intei-posed. This spirit, regardless of constitutional guarantees,
had organized the Pepublican party upon a basis of sectionalism
that arrayed one-half of the Union against the other. Ambitious
leaders, destitute of political principle, flocked to the rising party,
who could not but see that the success of the new principles
would entail civil war upon the country or a dissolution of the
Union. The want of principle in party leaders was at this

178 A REVIEW OF THE

time apparent upon all sides ; and to this cause was it mainly
owing that sectional organizations were permitted to obtain a
dangerous control in the nation.

But the result of the campaign of 1850 was one more
triumph of national principles and the election of the Presidential
candidates of the Democratic party. Sectionalism was simply
stayed by this Nictory, but by no means overthrown. The ban-
ner of abolitionism waved in triumph over eleven States of the
North ; and the powerful vote indicated to a certainty the suc-
cess of Republican principles in the near future. Southern states-
men now clearly perceived that their institution was doomed so
soon as Korthern ideas would obtain permanent control of the
General Government. The antagonism of the Xorth to slaveiy
had })roiln('ed its c<iuntcrpart in the South, which had become a
unit in defense of their inherited rights. In Southern estimation,
therefore, the election of Buchanan and Breckenridge simply
granted a respite of four years to the Constitutional Republic.

James Buchanan was inaugurated President of the United
States, March 4th, 1857. Shortly after his elevation to the
highest seat in the gift of the people, the Supreme Court in the
Dred Scott case, announced the important decision that the Mis-
souri Compromise had been an unconstitutional act of Federal
legislation; that slavery existed in all the Territories by virtue of
the Constitution ; and that neither Congress nor a Territorial
Legislature could terminate its legal existence. It M'as only the
people of a Territory, when forming a Constitution, who were
competent to detei-mine whether slavery should exist or not, in
the new State. This decision of tlie highest judicial tribunal of
the nation, affirm.ed the doctrine on the slavery question, that had
always been held by the South, and also by the Democratic and
"Whig parties ; and that vrhich was the dictate of reason and of a
sound and enlightened public policy.

The people of Kansas had determined in the' regular Territorial
Legislature, to call a convention for the purpose of forming a State
Constitution. Accordingly on the 20th of May, 1857, F. P.
Stanton, then acting Governor of the Territory, published his
proclamation commanding the proper officei's to hold an election
on the third Monday ( f June, 1857, for the choice of membei*s
to this Convention, as the Act of the Legislature directed. The
election was legally held as directed, and the Convention assembled

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 177

at Leconipton, according' to law, ontlio iirst Monday of the follow-
ing September, Having framed a Constitution, the Convention
adjourned on the 7th of JMoveniber, 1857. Only that clause of
the Constitution respecting slavery, which seemed to be the
principle question in dispute between the parties in the Territory,
was directed by the Convention to be submitted to a vote of the
people for ratilication or rejection. This submission took place
on December 21st. The Free State men, having chiefly absented
themselves from the polls, the vote resulted as follows : For the
Constitution, with slavery, 0,226 ; for the Constitution, without
slavery, 567. By the new Constitution it was directed, that an
election should be held on the 4th of January, 1858, for a Gov-
ernor, Lieutenant-Governor, Secretary of State, State Treasurer,
Members of the Legislature, and also a Member of Congress.

At the election held in October, 1857, the Free State party
participated, and the result was that a Territorial Legisla-
tui'e of their selection was chosen, and also a Delegate to Con-
gress. Acting Governor Stanton convened, by proclamation, an
extra session of the Free State Legislature, for which act he was
removed from office by the President, and Governor Denver
appointed in his stead. The Territorial Legislature, when
assembled in extraordinary session, also authorized an election to
be held on the -Ith of January, 1858, at which the Leconipton
Constitution should be submitted de novo, to a popular vote of
the people of Kansas, for acceptance or rejection. Of this elec-
tion, ordered by the Territorial Legislature, James Luchanan, in
in his Message of February 2d, 1858, said :

" This electionwas lield after the Territory had been prepared for admis-
sion into the Union, as a Sovereign State, and when no authority existed
in the Territorial Legislature, which could possibly destroy its existence
or change its character."

The election ordering the Leconipton Constitution to a new
vote of the people, resulted in its repudiation by over ten thou-
sand majority. The Pro-Slavery party declined to vote, inas-
much as they contended that the Constitution had been alroady
submitted in a legal manner, and, consequently, adopted. ]3ut
both parties participated on the same day in the general election
appointed as before stated in the Lecompton Constitution, and tlio
result was a great triumph for the Free State ])arty. The Anti-

178 A REVIEW OF THE

Slavery men were thus placed in the ascendant, and the political
power uf the Territory was In their hands.

Afterwardri, on the 30tli of Jannary, President Buchanan
received a copy of the Lecompton Constitution, with a request
from the President of the Convention that it might be submitted
to the consideration of Congress. This was done by the Presi-
dent, in his Message of February 2d, 1853, In which he recom-
mended the admission of Kansas, and the termination of the
pending territorial dithculty. He urged the admission of Kansas
because its Constitution had been adopted In a regidar and fonnal
manner ; and, although the one party had declined to vote either
for the election of delegates to the Convention, or on the
question of slavery, when the same was submitted to the people
for adoption or rejection ; this, in his opinion, was no reason why
the Constitution as adopted was not valid. Mr. Buchanan further
contended in his Message, that no other course would so speedily
terminate the slavery agitation as the admission of the new State ;
and he also showed, that the people of Kansas had it in their
own power immediately to take steps for changing their Consti-
tution and abolishing slavery if the majority of the citizens so
desired. In this Message he said :

" Tlie people of Kansas have in their own way and in strict accordance
with the Organic Act, formed a Constitution and State Government ;
have submitted the all-important question of slavery to the people, and
have elected a Governoj-, a Member to represent them in Congress, Mem-
bers of the State Legislature, and other State othcers. * * *
For my own part I am decidedly in favor of its admission, and thus
terminating the Kansas question."*

'" This message occasioned a long, exciting and violent debate
in both Houses of Congress, between the Slavery and Anti-
Slavery members, which lasted nearly three months. It was but
the re-echo of the storm that was raging throughout the land.
Mr. Buchanan was bitterly denounced as truckling to the slave
power, and as lending the weight of his high ofiice tOAvardsiixing
upon the people of Kansas the curse of slavery against their will.
Members of Congress were classliied during this controversy as
Ixjcompton and Anti-Lecompton, as they favored or opposed the
admission of Kansas. A wing of his own party separated from
!Mr. Buchanan on this point, and among these Stephen A. Doui -
las, of Illinois. Kansas was not admitted under the Lecompton

* Buchanan's Administration, p. 43.

POIJTICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 179

Constitution and was 011I3' admitted a short time before tlic close
of Mr> Buchanan's a(huinistration, with a Free Constitution."*

During the administration of James Buchanan, a permanent
schism developed itself in the Democratic party, which rendered
the triumph of Kepublicanism in the next Presidential election
almost a certainty. The discord which rent the old party of
Jefferson, was itself produced by Anti-Slavery agitation ; and
emanated from the conHicting opinions that existed as to the
power of the people of a territory to legislate concerning slavery
whilst in a territorial condition. In the year 1847, Gen, Cass,
in his celebrated Nicholson letter, had given utterance to senti-
ments that seemed to imply such power in the inhabitants of a
Territory ; and from this period the question was more or less
discussed in Congress and in the public journals. The great
object of the leading statesmen at that time appeared to be the
removal of the question of slavery from the Halls of Congress
and leaving it with the people, who were themselves directly
interested in it. It soon became evident that Southern Demo-
crats viewed the doctrine of squatter sovereignty, as an innova-
tion upon the ancient creed ; and from its earliest advocacy they
determined to resist its incorporation into the platform of the
party. In 1854 the Bichmond Inquirer, speaking of General
Cass, said:

" The concerted efforts of the Washington Union and other journals in
his interest, to run him a second time (for President) and incorporate
squatter sovereignty into the Democratic creed, will provoke a resistance
which may possibly end in a disruption of the party."

That Gen, Cass had been rightly understood as favoring the
disputed doctrine, seems clear from remarks made by him in the
Senate in May, 1856, as follows :

'•He held, however, that a'ter Congress had enabled a Territory to
assume legislative powers, it was not competent for Congress to restrain
any legislative act of such Territorial Government under the Constitu-
tion of the United States ; and amongst such acts he held the admission
or exclusion of slavery. This was a necessary deduction of popular sov-
ereignty, "f

The Cincinnati Convention of the Democratic party in 1850,
did not determine in its platform the disputed question as regards
the power of a Territorial Legislature, but left it fur future
decision. James Buchanan, speaking of this convention, says ;

*Harris' Biographical History of Lancaster County, p. lOS,
\National IuteUi(jencei\ May 13th, 1856.

ISO A REVIEW OF THE

" It is altogether silent in regard to the power of a Territorial Legisla-
ture over the question of slavery. Nay, more ; whilst affirming in
general terms the provisions of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, it specifica ly
designates a future time wjien slavery may be rightly dissolved, not by
the Territorial Legislature but by the people. This is when Uictiwj
through the legally and fairly expressed irill of a majority of actual resi-
dents, and ivhenever the number of their inhabitants justifies it {they assem-
ble), to form a Constitution, with or xoithout domestic slavery, and be
admitted into the Union upon terms of perfect eqality ivith the other
States.'' Biifore this period the Cincinnati platform is silent on the sub-
ject."*

The Congressional strugg-le over the Lecompton Constitution
was potential in widening the breach that already existed in the
Democratic party. Stephen A. Douglas, in view of the Anti-
iSlavery storm that had been prostrating the ancient structures of
Ills p.^rty, deemed it necessary to lind refuge for his own 'safety
in some of the modern edifices that were rearing their domes
around him. The contest for the admission of Kansas offered
the Illinois Senator an admirable opportunity to redeem liis sin-
stained head from the impending destruction with which he was
menaced by the Anti-Slavery spirit of the North. He had seen
the terriiic overthrow which the Democracy suffered in 1854, and
even had witnessed by his side the fall of his Senatorial colleague ;
and all this the product of his own conjuration in the repeal of the
Missouri Compromise. lie must make peace with the aroused
demon, and obtain atonement for the deeds of the past. In
uniting with his former enemies in opposing the admission of
Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution, Senator Douglas
hoped again to so re-instate himself in Northern confidence as to
assure his return to the United States Senate in 1859. Some of
the high priests of Eepublicanism were ready to clothe him with
sacred robes for his able defense of their cause. Horace Greeley

says :

"It seemed to me that not only magnanimity but policy dictated to
the Republicans of Illinois tliattliey should promptly and heartily tender
iheir support to Mr. Douglas, and thus insure his re-election for a third
term with substantial unanimity."' f

This opposition of Senator Douglas and his friends to the
admission of Kansas, proved the entering wedge that distracted
the National Democratic party. But it was in the famous Illi-
nois contest which took place between Stephen A. Douglas and

*Buchanan's Administration on the Eve of the Rebellion, p. 55.
t Greeley's Recollections, p. iJ57.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 181

Abraham Lincoln, that the furiner rcvcalud hhnsclf as the politi-
cian, who sought to secure his election at the risk of disrupting
that party, to which he was indebted for all his substantial honors,
and upon whose harmony the union of the States perhaps de-
pended. Although as touching the slavery controversy he had
obligated himself to acquiesce in the decision of the Supreme
Court, yet when this was rendered in 1857, he, with the Republi-
cans, strove to evade its effect, in his pandering to the abolition
sentiment of the Northern masses. ILo declared in his Illinois
speeches, that it was within the power of any Territorial Legis-
lature, by a species of " unfriendly legislation," to exclude slavery
from the new Territories — ^and though conceding the Supreme
Court to have declared that the Constitution carried slavery into
all the 2)ublic domain, and that neither Congress nor a Territorial
Legislature were authorized to exclude it — yet Senator Douglas
argued that it could not exist, unless certain favoring enactments
of the Legislature were passed for its protection. In this manner
he endeavored to conciliate the Anti-Slavery opposition of his
State, and to show that his attitude was equally antagonistic to
slavery extension as that of the Republican party.

Such subterfuges of the politician, however, are miserable to
contemplate. "What a death of demoralization does the position of
Senator Douglas assume ? His plan for excluding slavery from
the Territories pre-supposed that every Territorial legislator was
ready to perjure himself in order to accomplish his political schemes.
Does not every legislator sw^ear to support the Constitution of
the United States ? How then could the legislator, who believed
with Senator Douglas, that the Constitution guarantees the right
to hold slaves in the Federal Territories, free himself from his
outh, unless he favored such legislation as would enable the slave-
holder to enjoy his property after transporting it to his new
settlement 'i Does an oath to obey the Constitution, permit a
legislator to support laws violative of rights established by that
iSTational compact ? Is he a supporter of the Constitution, who,
knowing or believing there is a right established under it needing
specific legislation, would refuse the required enactments ? Would
he not, by such refusal, violate the solemn oath lie had taken to
support the Constitution ? And yet such " unfriendly legislation,"
received the approbation of Senator Douglas. He would have
the members of a Territorial Legislature, who were sworn to sup-

189 A REVIEAV OF THE

port tlie guarantees of tlie Constitution, and wIiIcTi tliey themselves
accepted as genuine, assist in legislation intended to defeat those
rights. This was, in phiin words, to counsel the repudiation of
legislative obligations. It is not surprising that the period of
political corruption had fully set in, when a prominent leader of
one of the great American parties could be guilty of such a breach
of moral conviction ; and yet at the same time, not alienate from
him his partisan followers.

If the principles of the Democratic party were wrong, neither
Senator Douglas,, nor any other man, should have advocated
them ; but if right, as he pi-ofessed, then it was his duty to bat-
tle for them before a corrupted public opinion, even if he must
fall in the contest. The llepublicans challenged the truths of
the Democratic doctrines ; resisted openly the extension of slavery
into the Territories ; and planted themselves in opposition to the
former principles upon which the Government from its o'rigin
had been conducted. In the estimation of all men of clear per-
ception, they were the revolutionists who strove for the over-
throw of the old social status and the inauguration of a new one.
But, Stephen A. Douglas;- and his followers avowed themselves
as Democrats ; as friends of the existing order of government
and its institutions ; and yet they did nothing to avert the revo-
lution wdiich was threatening the country. Instead of presenting
themselves as a breakwater to the Hood that was rising, they
simply added the squatter sovereignty current as a cumulative
force to the deluge, and permitted it, unobstructed, to beat with
still greater impetuosity against all the landmarks of ancient
order and constitutional guarantee. The Illinois Senator was
therefore no true man for the crisis. lie was the sunshine patriot
whose voice was loudest when prosperity covered with her wings
the party to which he was attached; but when adversity ad-
vanced, the ingrato was soon found a deserter in the enemy's
ranks.

But besides all this, the Congressional struggle over the Le-
compton Constitution, added new strength, as was anticipated,
to the Bepublican revolutionists of the Xorth ; and the election
of 1S58 resulted for them in another triumph. Tliaddeus Stevens
was in this year returned from Lancaster County to the 3Gth
Congress, which assembled on Monday, December 5th, 1859. lie
again took his scat in that body, of which he continued a member

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 183

during the remainder of his life, a period of the most eventful
interest in his own and the history of the KepuLlic, The ele-
ments of discord were at no former time so threatening, as at
the opening of this Congress. The country had but just recov-
ered from the shock produced bj the raid into Virginia, led by
the fanatical John Brown and his deluded followers. In the
opinion of every reflecting man, a crisis was near at harid. The
portents indicating such were visible on all sides. The whole
period of James Buchanan's administration up to this moment,
was like a diseased body, one pustule aj)pearing after another,
indicating the putrefying condition of the whole. The Southern
mind was highly alarmed Mdth the state of affairs, and unity of
interest had cemented their States into an attitude of resistance
to Xorthern sectionalism. The Kepublican nominee for Speaker
of the House, was John Slierman, of Ohio, who had made himself
especially odious to the South, by publicly recommending in con-
nexion with sixty-eight other members of Congress, a document
called "Helper's Book," the doctrines of which were of the
most fanatical and revolutionary character. But political mad-
ness and insanity ruled the hour ; and although the entire South-
ern delegation gave warning that they would regard the election
of Sherman, or any other man with his record, as an open declar-
ation of war against the South, the Kepublican revolutionists
defiantly continued to vote for him for nearly two months, giving
him a majority lacking but a few votes upon every trial of his
strength.* He was finally withdrawn and William Pennington,
from Isew Jersey, a member of the same party, was elected.

The Republican party, openly pledged to oppose slavery ex-
tension, was already dominant in the Northern States. The
Douglas Democracy of the North also advocated sentiments that
in Southern 'estimation would circumscribe slavery within its
present bounds; indeed, this was the secret of their reception
amongst that wing of the party, tinctured with anti-slavery vioM's.
The anti-slavery agitation had raged with such intensity,' and for
so long a period, that the Is"orthem people were seduced by
the arguments of the Abolitionists into the belief that slavery
was a great social and moral evil, and repugnant to the instincts
of a refined humanity. But few remained unconverted to the

*Follard's First Year of tlie War, pp. 29.

184 A REVIEW OF THE

scntiihcnls of the aljolition reform, save those Mho were conipe-
tciit to think and reason for theoiselves. The leading intellects
of the South were nut sIdw in detecting the state of jSTorthern
opinion upon the slavery question ; a vigilant statesman of the
ISouth took occasion to denounce the Douglas i defection as " a
short cut to all ends of Black Eepublicanism." Whilst the
"Helper Book" controversy was agitating the country, one of
the Georgia Senators was so bold as to denounce, in his place in
Congress, the entire Democratic ;^arty of the North as unreliable
and rotten.

Jefferson Davis, on the 2d day of February, ISGO, offered in
the Senate a series of resolutions, cxpi-essive of Southern opin-
ions, as regards the relation of the States of the Union, and the
power of Congress, or of a Territorial Legislature over slavery in
the Federal Territories. The resolution detining the Democratic
position on the slavery cpestion, denied to Congress or a Terri-
torial Legislature the power " to annul or impair the Constitu-
tional right of any citizen of the United States to take his slave
property into the common Territories, and there hold and enjoy
the same while the territorial condition remains." These reso-
lutions were adopted in the Senate by nearly a two-thirds vote ;
the Republicans, however, opposed their passage with unanimity
as conilieting with the principles of their party.

The States Eight party of the South had in 1856 at Cincinnati,
united with the Northern Democracy upon a platform of princi-
ples which received different interpretations in the two sections.
In the Xorth it was believed by one wing of the party (the fol-
lowers of Douglas ) to express the doctrine of popular sov-
ereignty for the government of the Territories ; and in the
South a contrary interpretation obtained. The popular sover-
eignty doctrine of the North claimed for the people of a Terri-
tory, the right to determine the slavery question for themselves.
Those favoring this view, asserted that this was the principle
established by the Kansas-Nebraska Act. This assertion James
Buchanan refutes in the following language :

" If the Douglas-, construction of the act be correct, it is morally cer-
tain that the Southern Senators and Representatives who were warm
advocates of its passage, could not possibly have so understood it. If
they had, they would then have voluntarily voted away the rights of
their constituents. Indeed, such a construction of the 6,ct wouM be
more destructive to the interests of the slaveholders than the Republican

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 185

doctrine of Congressional exclusion. Bottor. far better, for him to sub-
mit the question to Congress, where he could be deliberately heard by
his representatives, than to be deprived of his slaves after he had gone
to the trouble and expense of exporting tliem to a Territory, by a hasty
enactment of a Territorial Legislature, elected annually, and freed from
all constitutional restraints. Such a construction of the Kansas-Nebraska
Act would be in direct opposition to the policy and practice of the Gov-
ernment from its origin. The men who framed and built up our institu-
tions, so far from regarding the Territories to be sovereign, treated them
as mei-e wards of the Federal Government. * * ■- It was not
then foreseen that any political party would arise in this country claim-
ing the right for the majority of the first settlers of a Territory, under
the plea of popular sovereignty, to confiscate the property of the
minority. Yv'heu the pojiulation of the Territories had reached a certain
number, Congress admitted tbem as States into the Union, under the
Constitution framed by themselves, with or without slavery, according
to their own discretion."*

The dual Democratic interpretation obtained, regarding that part
of the Cincinnati platform, which adopted the principles of the
Kansas-aVTebraska Act ; and it was agreed am^ongst the leaders of
the party that the subject should be referred to the Supreme
Court for adjudication. But when the Dred Scott decision was
promulgated, so violent was the clamor which w\as raised against
it by the revolutionary Kepublican party, that Stephen A. I)ou<t-
las and those agreeing with him in sentiment, were intimidated
from that defense of it, of which the high character of the
Court should have rendered it worthy. And, even though some
of the principles de.-ided might strictly not have been before
the Court, yet they disclosed Avhat the judges regarded as law,
and were indicative of what would be affirmed when the point
in technical accuracy might arise. In this view of tlie question,
the Dred Scott decision was a positive affirmance of the Southern
interpretation of the Cincinnati platform. In this decision, all
Democrats, both Xorth and South, should willinglj'- have acqui-
esced ; it was only for that party to dispute it whose principles
of policy were based upon the doctrine that no law or decision
of any court could justify the existence of Slavery in tlie States,
and much less its extension into the Territoi'ial domain. Sup-
ported by the decision of the highest Federal Court ; by the
unanimous opinion of their own section and a respectable portion
of the Xorthern Democracy ; and also in the historical practice
of the country as regards the manner of governing the Territo-

*Buchanan's Administration on the Eve of the RebelUon, pp. 5-1- j.

ISO A REVIEW OF THE

I'ies, the Southern pouple detennined to insist upon tlicir riglita
and defend their honor as integral members of the Confederacy.
In view of the assembling of the Democratic party for the pur-
pose of nominating candidates for President and Vice-President,
the people of several of the Southern States defined the condi-
tions upon which their delegates should hold seats in the National
Convention, appointed to meet at Charleston, April 23d, 1860.
The Democracy of Alabama Avas lirst to move in this direction,
A series of resolutions were passed, affirming the Southern doc-
trine that neither Congress nor a Territorial Legislature were
authorized to interfere with Slavery in the Federal Territories ;
and also directing their delegates to see that these principles be
incorporated as part of the jSTational Democratic creed, or that
they retire from the convention. Similar resolves formed the
credentials of the delegates from other Southern States.

The Democratic Convention which assembled at Charleston,
was composed of discordant elements, representing the unharmo-
nious condition of the only remaining organization that formed a
tie between the Northern and Southern portions of the American
I'nion. The Democracy now met as did the old Whig party in
1S52, when nothing remained of it save the name; for as to
principles, a full separation had taken place between its antago-
nistic sections. It was soon apparent that the party would be
unable to harmonize upon a platform of principles satisfactory to
both divisions of the Union; and this because such a spirit of
compromise was wanting as the exigency of the hour would have
demanded. Patriotism required that the Democrats of the North
should meet their brethren of the South in fraternal amity, and
accord them in a public platform of principles the recognition of
those rights which the Constitution guaranteed. This was all
they demanded, and whilst the constitutional compact endured,
equity suggested the fulfillment of its stipulations. The revolu-
tionists were in serried array ; the alarming decree had gone
forth that tlie will of the majority must triumph, and that the
accorded rights of the minority must yield ; and yet the Demo-
crats of the North stood stubbornly upon a principle in which it
was impossible for the South, as she conceived, to acquiesce
without a sacrifice of her honor as a member of an equal Con-
federation. After the convention had been in session for several
days, the South was out-voted in the adoption of the platform ;

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN A]*IERICA. 187

and this iiltimated in the disruption of tlie assemblage by the
withdrawal of the cotton States ; and an adjournment to Balti-
mora followed. The border Slave States still remained in the
convention in the hope of effecting' some ultimate settlement of
the diJSficultj. But the breach, instead of being closed, widened.
The re-assembling of the convention at Baltimore resulted in a
final and embittered separation of the opposing delegates. The
majority still clinging with uncompromising tenacity to their
position ; A^irginia and the other border States, except Missouri,
withdrew from the convention and united with the representa-
tives from the cotton States, then assemljlcd at Baltimore, in the
nomination of candidates representing their views. A portion
of the Northern delegates also retired from the convention and
united with them. Tlicir nominees were John C. Bi-eckenrida-e,
of Kentucky, for President, and Joseph Lane, of Oregon, for
Vice-President. The Northern Democracy placed in nomina-
tion Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, for President, and Ilerschel
V. Johnson, of Georgia, for Vice-President

The Constitutional Union party, being the remnant of the old
Whig and American organizations, met in Baltimore May 9tli,
18G0, and nominated for President and Vice-President, John
Ball, of Tennessee, and Edward Everett, of Massachusetts. The
platform of this party was a vague and undefined enumeration
of their politcal principles summed up in the following words :

"The Constitution of the country, the union of the States, and the
enforcement of the laws."

The Democracy was at length sundered, the "Whig party was
virtually defunct, and nothing seemed now able to interpose
resistance to the triumphant march of the revolutionists to victory.
This party met in Chicago in June, 1860, and placed Abraham
Lincoln, of Illinois, in nomination for the Presidency, and Han-
nibal Hamlin, of Maine, for the Vice-Presidency, and at the same
time adopted a platform declaring freedom to the normal condi-
tion of the Territories. Sectionalism had now chosen its cap-
tains for its last struggle with the principles of representative
democratic government. Its Anti-Slavery and Non-Compro-
mise banners floated over the hastily constructed wigwam in
which the leaders had assembled, and the nominations as made
were received with an eelat which seemed to portend trium2>h as
about to crown their standards. But reason was lost sight of in

1S8 A REVIEW OF THE

an assembl}^, -wliicli was intoxicated Avith tlie contemplation of
n?g'ro emancipation npon the AVestern continent.

The weakness and incapacity of men for self-government was
fully exemplified in the campaign of 18G0. The people of both
sections of the country, in opposition to the admonitions of the
framersand ancient patriots of the American Republic, permitted
themselves to be seduced by false leaders into a hostility of sections,
which could not but carry with it revolution and constitutional
overthrow. Party success and partisan triumph, were the motives
of the politicians in a campaign which, of all others, should have
produced instances of pure disinterestedness and patriotic self-
devotion. But the contrary was everywhere apparent. Men
adhered to their parties, although in doing so, they were con-
sciously adding iirebrands to the Federal Republic, soon to be
ignited in the flames of civil convulsion. The campaign resulted
as all reflecting men must have anticipated, in the election of the
revolutionary candidates, Lincoln and Hamlin, Eepublicanism,
save in New Jersey, triumphed throughout the entire North,
Sectional antagonism, which an Anti-Slavery agitation of many
years had been preparing, was at length fully complete. Destiny,
however, had in store for the American people the fruits of offi-
cious interference and impolitic reform-

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 189

CHAPTER XIL

SECESSION OF THE SOUTHERN STATES, AND THE EFFORTS AT COMPROMISE,

The Southern people correctly interpreted the import of
Northern ascendency in the election of Lincoln and Hamlin, on
the 6th of November, 18G0. * The composition of the Republican
party, the utterances of its orators and press, and the resolves
of its conventions, left no doubt as to the animus of the ora-ani-
zation, much as this, for political reasons, might be concealed.
The most violent Abolitionists of the North were the most ardent
champions of the new combination, and the entrusted chiefs in
all party manipulations, provided they displayed sufficient saga-
city as not to disclose the esoteric doctrines of the initiated. The
enunciated principles of simple opposition to the extension of
slavery, vi-ere far from being those which raised the enthusiasm of
the sincere Abohtionists, and attracted them to the standards of
Republicanism. The same secret which attached to the risino-
party, the enemies of slavery, aroused the friends of the institu-
tion, and, as it were, admonished them of the adder in the
grass, whose poison was to be avoided. This antagonism resulted
from the existence of slavery in the Southern States, and althouo;h
the Republicans avowed no intention to interfere with the insti-
tution where it existed, yet this addition to the creed was simply
a matter of time, and the education of Northern public opinion.

Southern institutions were doomed to a short existence under
the Federal Government in the hands of the Republican party.
This/leading statesmen of the South had often predicted, should
Northern sectionalism succeed in gaining control of national
affairs. It had been determined, therefore, by the controllino-
minds in the slave States, that if their constitutional rights were
to be preserved, resistance would become necessary when a sec-
tional party should come into power with principles known to be
violative of the guarantees of the Federal compact. In the

100 A REVIEW OF THE

election of Aliraliam Lincoln, as they conceived, that period had
at length arrived. The predictions of Calhoun, Clay, and other
leading statesmen of the t5oiith were verilied ; Northern Aboli-
tionism, iiu(k'r the fal.'^c name of Republic^anism, had triumphed;
and the Southern people would simply be conceded such rights
as the new rulers would see proper to accord. The only question
in the South, was the remedy to be adopted, in view of Northern
ascendency upon a basis of hostility to their institutions.

A iuiml)er of prominent South Carolinians had met on the
25 th of October, 1860, and had determined upon the secession
of their State, in case the Eepublican party, as was anticipated,
should triumph in the pending campaign. This determination
of the influential men of the Palmetto State, was shared very
generally by the controllers of public opinion in the remainder
of the cotton States, The Legislature of South Carolina, being
convened by Gov. Gist, on Monday, November 5th, the day
before the Presidential election, for the purpose of choosing
electors ; the State politicians had an opportunity of perfecting
their plans, should Republicanism in the North triumph. The
Governor, in his proclamation, and other prominent men of the
State, who were serenaded on the evening of the 5th, expressed
the opinion that in the event of Abraham Lincoln being chosen
President of the United States, duty demanded that South Caro-
lina should inaugurate the movement of separation from the
Union ; and set in motion the ball of resistance to the Northern
despotism.

The morning of the 7th of November, 18G0, announced to
the people of the South the unwelcome news that the hated party
of the Nortl) had won its crowning victory, Abraham Lincoln
and Hannibal Hamlin were elected to the highest offices in the
gift of the people ; and by a party pledged in its platform to
prohibit Slavery extension ; and animated with the resolve to
weaken the institution at all points, and ultimately effect its
entire extinction. William IL Seward, the life and soul of the
Republican party in 1848, thus spoke at Cleveland:

"♦ Correct your own error that Slaverj- has any constitutional guaran-
tees wliich may rot be released, and ought not to be rclinquislicd. Say
to Slavery, when it shows its bond (the Constitution) and demands its
pound of flesh, that if it draws one drop of blood, its life shall pay the
forfeit." * * * " Do all this and inculcate all this, in the spirit
of moderation and benevolence, and not of retaliation and fanaticism.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 191

and 3-0U will soon bring the parties of the conntry into an effective
aggression upon slavery. * * * Slavery can be limited to

its present bounds ; it can be ameliorated. It can be and must be abul-
-ished, and you and I can and must do it. The task is as simple and easy
as its consummation will be beneficent and its reward glorious."

Henry Wilson, another of the shining lights of llepublicanism,
expressed himself in the following manner :

"We shall triumph in the end ; and we shall overthrow the slave-
power of the Republic ; we shall enthrone freedom ; we shall abolish
slavery ; we shall change the Supreme Court of the United States, and
place men in that Com-t who believe that our prayers will be impious to
heaven while we sustain and suppoi-t human slavery."

The diabolical and fiendish principles of the Helper Book,
which had been endors3d by 69 Eepnblican members of Congress,
could n»ver be forgotten by the people of the Southern States.
As soon, therefore, as the triumph of Abolitionism was made
known, secession was very generally determined upon by Southern
Statesmen as the remedy for evils which threatened the overthrow
of that form of Constitutional Government under which their
States had prospered, and to which they were devotedly attached.
The Legislature of South Carolina being at this time in session,
joint resolves were passed in both Houses calling for the election
of a convention on the 6th of December, and which should meet
on the 17th of the same month, to take into consideration the
question of separation from the Union. Steps leading in the same
direction were taken throughout the whole section of the cotton
States; and the influential leaders in most of the remaining slave
States prepared themselves so to act as the current of a united
Southern sentiment might dictate. B}^ general consent it seemed
now recognized that the period had arrived which demanded har-
mony of counsel amongst the slave States, in order that they
might be able by united action to countervail Northern section-
alism, and defend their constitutional rights as equal members of
the Anjerican Confederacy.

The South Carolina Convention, assembled at Columbia, the
Capitol of the State, on the day determined upon ; and on the
20th of December, 1860, proceeded to pass by an unanimous vote
an Ordinance of Secession, dissolving their connection with the
Federal Union. The secession of South Carolina was received
by the dominant party in the North as a matter of light conse-
quence ; as only another nullification affair which would scarcely

193 A REVIEW OF THE

create a ripple upon the ocean of American life. Indeed, a
studied system of deception had characterized the utterances of
the organs of this party from its organization in 1854. During
the whole of the campaign oi 1860, the declarations of Northern
and Southern Conservatives that the election of iVbraham Lincoln
would produce revolution and civil M'ar, were scouted by the
Kepublican orators and press, as simply election threats, intended
to intimidate the dough faces of the Xorth ; and that as soon as
the election was over the Southern braggarts, as they were termed,
would tame down as on former occasions. This system of de-
ception was simply a part of the programme to enable the party
to gain power. The objects to which they were leading the
Northern people, and the dangerous course over which the passage
led, must all be concealed from the eyes of the people, otherwise
these were unattainable. The Northern masses were neither
prepared for the abolition of slavery, nor for civil war with their
countrymen of the South ; both of which were logical results of
the success of the Republican party.

But the eyes of the ISTorthern masses were partially opened as
one after another of the cotton States folloAved in the wake of
South Carolina secession. Mississippi was the iirst to imitate the
example of the Talmetto State, and enrol herself under the ban-
ner of Southern resistance, having passed an ordinance of seces-
sion January 9th, 1861. Florida buckled on the secession armor
in defence of her inherited rights on the 10th of the same
month, and on -the day following, Alabama was by her side in
similar warlike array. On three successive days, these last named
States had in secession resolves, donned the martial outtit of
Southern independence. Georgia, the old Empire State of the
South, was next to take her stand by the side of her resistant
sisters, and give character and weight to the movement of seces-
sion. This she did January 19th, in an ordinance asserting her
State Sovereignty and independence of the Federal Government.
Louisiana passed her act of secession January 25th, and on the
1st of February the Lone Star of Texas was added to the flag of
the Southern Confederacy. On the 4th of February, 1861, a
Cono-ress of Delegates from the seven seceded States convened
at Montgomery, the capitol of Alabama, adopted a Provisional
Government, and elected Jefferson Davis, President of the Con-
federate States.

POLITICAL CONKLICT IN AMEEICA. 103

The deception tliat had been practiced began to sliow itsbniiig
through the clouds, and as nianj as caught the glimpse broke in
all directions. Horace Greeley, the leading Abolition editor of
the Korth, says :

" Every local election held dui-ing the two months succeeding our
national triumph, showed great conservative gains. Conspicuous Aboli-
tionists were denied the use of public halls, or hooted down if they
attempted to speak. Influential citizens, through meetings and letters,
denounced the madness of fanaticism, and implored the South to stay
her avenging arm until the Nortli could have time to purge herself from
complicity Av.th fanatics, and demonstrate her fraternal sympathy with
her Southern sister."*

During all this period, the leading Republicans of Abolition
faith exerted themselves to the utmost to turn the tide that had
so strongly set in against them. The politicians, the journalists,
and the iniidel clergy of the Xorth, had another difficult tusk to
obscure the vision of the people and prevent them from seeing
the yawning gulph of destruction to which they were conduct-
ing them. They were made to believe by these wolves in sheep s
clothing, that the South was only blustering in order to terrify
the timid conservatives and enable them to obtain further guar-
antees for Slavery. Efforts at compromise were discouraged by
them because, as they assured the people, such w^ould be vain and
useless. Sentences from the speeches of Southern men were
perverted from their connection ; and these were made to utter
sentiments which they never entertained. The papers teemed
with the declarations of Clingman, Chestnut, Rhett, and other
Southern statesmen, who were cited as asserting that no compro-
mise would avail to arrest the revolution. But the reasons given
by these men for believing and asserting that no compromise
could heal the difficulties between the Xorth and South, were
carefully concealed from the Xorthern people. Had they told
the whole story as it now stands revealed to history, and as
shrewd men well understood at that time, such a demand for
conciliation would have gone up, as would have almost rent the
whole Northern heavens, and have driven the leaders from a plat-
form of discord, which admitted no entrance for the Angel of
Peace ; but which was conducting the American people to the
bloodiest chasm of civil war, that the annals of the world have

vjrreeley's iiecoUejtions, p.

194 A REVIEW OF THE

ever rejorded. It was the Cliiengo conclave that interposed and
made liaraionj between the sections impossible. It was the
resolves of the Lake City Convention, in 18GU, together with
the knowledge of the designs of these men, that indnced Soutliurn
statesmen to declare that sicssion could not be arrested. To show
that tlie people were somewhat aroused to the alarming dangers
to which the Republican party had brouglit the country, the f.;l-
lowing Abolition testimony is submitted. Ilorace Greeley says :

" III fa -t the attitude of the North during the two last months of 18G0,
Avas foreshadowed in four lines of Collins' Ode to the Passions. * "- *
xViul the danger was imminent that if a poi)ular vote could have been had
(as was proposed) on the Crittenden Compromise, it would have prevailed
by an overwhelming majority. Very few Republicans would have voted
for it ; but very many would have refrained from voting at all ; while
their adversaries would have brouglit their every man to the polls in its
support, and carried it by hundreds of thousands."*

South Carolina and the other cotton States did not secede, as
was averred by the Republican leaders, on account of any hos-
tility to the Union, or the people of thel^orth, but simply because
they became fully satisfied that their rights were in jeopardy.
Mutual interest had originally induced the people of the South
to unite with those ot the jSTorth ; and wdiile it was clear that it
was to their advantage to remain in the Union, like all other
people, they would do so. In the Union with their Northern
brethren they had grown wealthy and powerful ; and some valid
reason existed to induce them to prefer a dissolution of the Union.
The reason was no clearer to Southern than to Northern appre-
hension. It was the intermedling, fanatical disposition of the
Abolitionists of the North which induced them to interfere in the
affairs of others, and assume to be the rulers over all America and
her institutions. This in short was the lion in the way of an
amicable settlement of the National troubles. A party existed
confined to the Northern States, whose doctrines were antagonistic
to the interests of the Southern people ; this party was soon to
obtain control of the Federal Government; and as a consequence,
the Union for them had no further attractions. Nations, as well
as individuals, will ever seek such alliances as will redound, as
they conceive, to their advantage. It was so in the case of the
union of the States. But the long, bitter and intemperate Anti
Slavery agitation, had antagonized the A'orth into a sectional

•Greeley's Rjcollectio.is, pp. 396-7.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AJIERICA. 195

attitude against; the South and licr institutions; slavery was
clearl}" seen to be jeoparded in a longer association with a people
who could be seduced into such a hostile aggression against the
rights and interests of another people over whom they had no
legal control ; and therefore, reason and common sense dictated a
dissolution of a once friendly and happy alliance ; but which had
now become dan^^erous and threatening to constitutional civil
guarantees, and even to the perpetuity of free representative
government itself. The men of the South w^ould have been pol-
troons and worthy the doom of slavery themselves, had they
ignobly yielded to the dictation of Northern fanaticism ; and
tolerantly permitted the inauguration of a policy that in the end
was sure to lead to the subversion of their constitntional rights.

In the system of disimulation and deception, by which the
Kepublican leaders blindfolded the ^Northern people in 1860 and
ISGl, there was no one more adroit than Thaddeus Stevens in
the use of such instruments as were required for the purpose ; and
■one who was able to distort Southern sentiment, and pervert it
into the support of his own party position. An instance of this
is seen in his speech in the House, delivered January 20th, 18G1.
lie said:

" I regret, sir, tliat I am compelled to concur in the belief stated yes-
terday by the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Pryor) that no compromise
whic'li can bs made will have any effect in averting the present difficulty." *

Mr Stevens fails to state in his speech (intended for circulation
in the Northern journals of the Kepublican party f) what stood
in the way of comjn-omise ; but this is seen in the speech of Mr,
Pryor, to which he refers. The latter, in his speech of January
28tji, spoke as follows :

" '^lu. Speaker, since the fatal Cth of November to the present hour,
the Representatives of the South have invariably exhibited an accomo-
dating disposition. The first day of our session was signalized by a
proposition from a colleague of my own (Mr. Botteler), which contem-
plated a pacific adjustment of our difficulties, A similar movement,
likewise originating with a Southern man, was initiated in the Senate.

"Congressional Globe, p. G21.

■j-Heuce flows one great evil of an unbridled press, which details all that
is deemed favorable to the infests of party ; but- the antiilote is rarely
permitted to appe.ir. Under such a system as now obtains wiih most
party organs in America, the truth is with the greatest difiiculty ascer-
tained, even by investigators, but rarely by tiie masses. Some method
would seem necessary to be devised wliich would better secure the dis-
semination of the truth than now exists.

193 A REVIEW OF THE

Moanwliile. various sc-hemos of settlement hivebeen submitted in one oi
the other Ho.ise of Congress, of which, without much regard to their
intrinsic eflicac}', we have uniformly avowed our support ; while on the
other side (tlie Republican), tliey have been as uniformly rejected with
a contemptuous disdain of compromise, Tims, while the South are will-
ing to remain in the Union with an assurance of their rights, the North
declare, by a refusal of all concession, that they will destroy the Union
rather than renounce their aggressive designs. In the perverted patriot-
ism of the dominant party, the Constitution of Washington is substituted
by the platform of Lincoln ; and rather than be reproached with logical
inconsistency, they chose to incur the guilt of civil war.' *

Ml-. Stevens, on tlto 14th of February, ISGl, in replying to a
]Mr. AVebster, of Maryland, who chanieterized his speech of
January 2i)th as " a strong Anti-Compromise speech," admitted
that instead of being sorry, ho was gratilied that compromise
coald not save the Union. He said : " I did not agree to go for
compromise. I am opposed to compromise until there is some-
thing to eompromise."t

Another illustration from the speech of Mr. Stevens of Janu-
ary 29th, is cited as an example of the illogical and clap-trap
method made use of by the Kepublican leaders to parry Southern
argument in favor of compromise, and by sophistry also, to arouse
Northern pride and false patriotism against the people of the
South. He spoke as follows :

'■ When I see these States in open and declared rebellion against the
Union, seizing upon her public lands and arsenals, and robbing her of
millions of the public property ; when I see the batteries of seceding
States blockading the highway of the nation, and their armies in
battle ariay against the flag of the Union ; when I see our flag insulted,
and that insult submitted to, I have no liope that concession, humiliatou
and compromise can have any effect whatevei-..' %

Such was the pal)ulum that fed Northern venom during the
period when patriots North and South werxi engaged in the
holy mission of endeavoring to adjust the national difficulties,
and shield the llepublic from bloodshed and fratricidal strife.
Much nujre worthily would the powers of Mr. Stevens have been
engaged, if in true republican spirit he had employed his intel-
lectual abilities in logically controverting the positions of Southern
statesmen, and convincing them, in the fornm of reason, that their
'' ri'dits would be better secured in the Union than out of it.

'^C'onrjressiunal Gluhe, p. GOlJ.
t Globe, p. DOT.
X Globe, p. 0-21.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 107

That was the method by wliicli tlie lTnio!i had been franic^h and
by no other could a republican Union be perpetuated. Instead,
therefore, of paradin^^ the iniquity of Southern secession, why
did not he and his party endeavor to prove that the reasons which
induced it were groundless? The eloquent E. A. Pryor, of
Virginia, (against whom, as has been seen, Mr. Stevens in a
measure replied) submitted a resume of the causes that induced
the Southern revolt which deserved an argumentative rather than
a ])itter, sneering reply. After recapitulating the non-execution
of the fugitive slave law by the N'orth, with many other viola-
tions of Southern rights, Mr. Pryor said :

" But the defence of the South rests upon still stronger grounds ; and
her secession from the Confederacy is justified by even higher principles
than the right to vindicate a violated covenant. Absolute power is the
essence of tyranny, whether the power be wielded by a monarch or a
multitude. The dominant section in this Confederacy claims and exer-
cises absolute power— power without limitation and without responsi-
bility—without limitation, since all the restrictions of the Constitution
ai-e broken down, and without responsibility, because in the nature of
things, the weaker interest cannot control the majority. Of all species
of tyranny, the South is subject to the most intolerable. Under the
rule of a despot we mi-ght hope something of his impartial indifference
between the sections ; but to be exposed to the unbridled sway of a
majority adverse in interest, inimical in feeling, and ambitious of domi-
nation, is to be reduced to a condition more abject than that of the slaves
whose emancipation is the pretext of all this controversy.

'•It is against this sectional domination, this rule of the majority with-
out law and without limit, — a rule asserted in subversion of the Con-
stitution, and established on the rums of the Confederacy, it is in

resistance to this despotic and destable rule that the people of the South
have taken up arms. This, sir, is the cause of the South ; and tell me if
cause more just ever consecrated revolution ? It is the cause of self-^-ov-
ernment against the domination of foreign power — the very cause for
which our fathers fought in 1776. I repeat, it is against the laile of a
sectional despotism that the South demands protection ; and it is to assert
the cause of civil liberty that she declares her independence. You of the
North lavished your syrnpatliy on the people of Hungary in their revolt
against Austrian absolutism ; but our cause is identical, in principle and
in purpose.

•'To-day, it is Southern interests Avhich suffer from the overthrow of
constitutional guarantees and the irresponsible reign of the majority.
But the principle of absolute power, once ascendant in the Government,
no interest is secure ; and circumstances will determine against what
object it may be directed. The only safeguard of American liberty is in
maintaining the integrity and preserving intact the limilations of tiie
Government. For that the South contends; and all are alike concerned
in her cause.

108 A REVIEW OF THE

"If, after tliecndurance of so many wrongs and the menace of otlicrs
still more intolex-able, were anything wanting to justify the South in tJie
public opinion of tlie world, it would be supplied by her solicitude to
avoid violence and redress lier grievances within the Union. We are
reproached, I know, with precipitancy in not waiting an overt act of
hostility from the sectional administration. Sir, in our judgment, a
proclamation of war is an overt act, and such jiroclamation we lind in
the election by an exclusively sectional vote of a President pledged to
put our rights and our property "in course of uUiinate extinctio)i,' — a
President who admonishes us in advance of his aggressive designs by
the sententious but significant declaration that ' the]/ who deny freedom
to, others do not deserve it themselves, and under a just God cannot lomj
retain it.' We could not agree to await, inactively, the development of
the disposition of the President elect ; for we claim to hold our rights by
some higher and more solid tenure tlian the capricious temper of any
individual. Indeed, the arguments of our opponents involves a conces-
sion of our case, inasmuch as it implies that the rights of the Soutli are
no longer secured by constitutional guarantees, but are suspended on tho
accident of an unfiiendly administration.

''A more imperative consideration still determined tho Soutli to act at
once and to act decisively. If negotiation miglit avail, we thougiit to
strengthen this by a demonstration of our spirit. If the sword alono
can reclaim oui* rights, we were resolved not to be unprepared for iho
issue."*

The united South and the Democracy of the Xorth were all

in favor of an adjustment of the dispute between the sections,

without recourse to coercive measures. Even a considerable win"-

o

of the llepublican party Avhich had supported Lincoln for the
Presidency, were likewise favorable to a peacefid solution of
the national difficulties, in order to avoid a collision of arms that
would endanger the Federal Union, and might ultinuite in a total
overthrow of republican institutions. Influential men of both
political parties, in view of Southern demonstrations, felt that a
crisis had arisen, that called for the elforts of patriots to exert
their influence to ward off the dangers with which the country
was threatened. Meetings were held in different sections of the
North for the purpose of giving expression to public opinion ;
and also with the design of securing such a coincidence of senti-
ment as might lead to an amicable termination of the troubles
that were threatening the peace of the country. One of the
largest of these assemblages was that held in Independence
Square, in the City of Philadelphia, and which, by the advice of
the councils, had been summoned by Mayor Henry to counsel

*Glohc of 2d Session, 3Gtli Congress, Vol. I, pp. G03-3.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 19S

togetlicr, in view of the appreliensiou that disunion was immi-
nent, unless the " loyal people casting off the spirit of party,
should in a special manner avow their unfailing fidelity to the
Union, and their abiding faith in the Constitution and hiws."
This meeting — the spontaneous outburst of the purest patriotism
that a people could exhibit — was of vast magnitude, and showed
the interest that was felt by the masses who came in any wise to
realize the maelstrom of civil war into which the Ship of State
was rapidly descending. Addresses were made before this con-
course of citizens by leading old line Whigs, Democrats and
Conservative Kepublicans, evincing a desire of compromise ; and
that fraternal concord might again be restored between the States
and the Union perpetuated without bloodshed. It was a clear
indication that the Northern people wished the Union to be pre-
served by pacific remedies rather than risk its safety upon the
liazard of the sword. But JDOwer had passed from the hands of
those who desired that the Union should be perpetuated in the
manner it had been formed. In compromise its foundations had
been laid ; in conciliation its structure had been reared ; but this
policy must now yield to that which can terminate the career of
Slavery and end its existence as one of the institutions of the
American Republic.

The second session of the Thirty-sixth Congress opened on
Monday, December 3d, 18(30, and President Buchanan on the
next day transmitted to this body his fourth and last Annual
Message. In this document, the President essayed the discussion
of the national difficulties, and set forth as he believed the causes
that had induced the troubles. He said :

"Why is it then, tliat discontent now so extensively prevails, and tha
Union of the States, which is the source of all our blessings, is ilireatened
with destruction? The long continued and intemperate interference of
the Northern people with the question of slavery in the Southern States,
has at length produced its natural effects. The different sections of the
Union are now arrayed against each other, and the time has arrived so
much dreaded by the Father of his country, when hostile' geographical
parties have, b.en formed. I have long foreseen and often forewarned
my countrj^men of the now impending danger. This does not proceed
solely from the claims on the part of Congress or the Territorial Legisla-
tures to exclude slavery from the Territories, nor from the efforts of
the different States to defeat the execution of the Fugitive Slave Law."
In both the Senate and Kouse of Kepresentatives, committees
were appointed to consider the state of the Union in view of the

2C0 A REVIEW OF THE

threatening aspect of national affairs. The Senate Committee,
t'unsistiug of thirteen members, was composed of the most dis-
tiugui.shed Senators, representing' the dillerent parties to M'hich
they belonged. It consisted of live leading llepnblicans, the
same number from the slave States, and three Northern Demo-
crats." The latter were intended to act as mediators between the
extreme parties of the Cununittce. The Committee of the
House consisted of thirty-three members, one from each State,
and was made up of sixteen llepublicans, fifteen Southern men
and two Xurthcrn Democrats. Horace Greeley, speaking of this
Connnittee, says:

"Mr. Speaker Pennington, who formed tlic Committee, was strongly in"
clined to conciliation, if that could be effected, on terms not dis,^racefui
to the North ; and at least six of the sixteen Republicans placed on the
Committee, desired and hoped that an adjustment might yet be achieved.
No member of extreme Anti-Slavery views was associated with them." \

The Committee of the Senate first met December 21st, and
preliminary to any other proceedings, they "resolved that no
proposition shall be reported as adopted, unless sustained by a
majority of each of the classes of the Committee ; Senators of
the llepublican party to constitute one class, and Senators of
tlie other parties to constitute the other class." This resolution
was adopted, because it was well-known that any report that
might be submitted would be vain, unless sanctioned by at least
a majo«-ity of llepublican Senators. Few Southern men ever
believed that these efforts at compromise would result in any
amicable settlement of the difficulties between the sections; but
they were willing to co-operate in any measures that promised
the least hope of warding off from the country the calamities of
civil war. On the 22d of the same month, John J. Crittenden,
of Kentucky, submitted to the Conmiittec his proposed amend-
ments to the Constitution, Mdiich became popularly known as the
Crittenden Compromise. This was designed as a compromise of
conflicting claims, inasmuch as it proposed that the South should
surrender their adjudicated right to take slaves into all the Terri-
tories, provided the^Sorth would concede this right in the Territory

* Tlie live Republicans of the Committee were Messrs. Seward. Colla-
mer, Wade, Doolittle and (liimes; the Southern Senators were Powell,
Hunter, Crittenden, Toombs and Davis ; and the Northern Democrats,
Douglas, Bigler and Bright.

f Greeley's American Coullict. Vol. 1, ]). ^7:3.

rOLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 201

Goutli of the old Missouri Coniproniisc line. It was tlie accept-
ance bj the South of vastly less riglit in the Territories than she
possessed under the decision of the Supreme Court, and showed
Southern I'cadiness to acquiesce in terms of reasonable compro-
mise that might stay the flood-gates of civil outbreak between
the States.

Of the vast existing Territory, all was conceded to the ISTurth
by the proposition of Compromise, save Isew Mexico alone. And
in regard to this section it was generally believed that it never
could with prolit be made a slave-holding State. At first it was
thought by some that this amendment would be yielded by the
North as a peace offering to the South. It was in truth, but an
offer to restore the Missouri Compromise, against' the repeal of
which the ISTorthern Anti-Slavery men had struggled so fiercely
in 1854. It was hailed throughout the country as the rainbow of
peace, promising perpetuity to the Union. James Buchanan thus
spcc^iks of this measure :

" Indeed, who could fail to believe that when the alternative was pre-
sented to the Senators and Representatives of the Northern States, either
to yield to their brethren in the South, the barren abstraction of carrj-ing
their slaves into New Mexico, or to expose the country to the imminent
peril of civil war, they would choose the side of peace and union ? The
period for action was still propitious. It will be recollected tha{ Mr.
Crittenden's amendment was submitted before any of our forts had been
seized, before any of the cotton States except South Carolina, had seceded,
and before any of tlie conventions which liad been called in the remain-
ing six of these States had assembled. Under such circumstances it
would have been true wisdom to seize the propitious moment before it
fled forever, and even yield, if need be, a trifling concession to patriotic
policy, if not to abstract justice, rather than expose the country to a
great impending calamity. And how small the concession requked, even
from a sincere Anti-Slavery Republican."*

In advocacy of this Compromise, Mr. Crittenden used the fol-
lowing language :

" The sacrifice to be made for its (that of the Union) preservation is
comparative!}' worthless. Peace, harmony and union in a great nation
were never purchased at so cheap a rate, as we now have it in our power
to do. It is a scruple only, a scruple of as little value as a barley corn
that stands between us and peace, reconciliation and union ; and we
stand here pausing and hesitating about that Uttle atom which is to be
sacrificed. "f

*Buchanan's Administration on the Eve of the Rebellion, pp. 130-7.
\Con(jressional Globe, 31 January, 1861, p. 237.

203 A REVIEW OF THE

As leading" Soutlicrn statesmen however eorreetlj apprehended,
the Crittenden Compromise failed to receive the a2)probation of
a single Ilepublican member of the committee ; and therefore it
could not have been reported to the Senate as adopted, according
to the resolution which they had agreed upon, though all the
other thirteen members had voted for it. But because of the
unanimity of the Ilepublican opposition, neither Jefferson Davis
nor Kobert II. Toombs would stultify themselves by supporting a
measure in which they were willing to acquiesce, but which they
were satisfied the ruling party would, not accept. In addition to
this. Senator Davis, in view of the attitude of his State, had
desired to be relieved from serving upon the connnittee when
first named as a member of it. Senator Toombs, in his speech
of January 9th, 1S61, in enumerating the demands of the South,
evinced that all he desired was a fair and honorable compromise,
lie said :

'• We demand that tlie people of the United States shall have an equal
right to emigrate to and settle in the present or any future acquired 'J"er-
ritorics, with wliatever property they may possess (including slaves), and
be securely protected in its peaceable enjoyment, until such Territory
may be admitted as a State into the Union, with or without Slavery, as
she may determine, on an equality with all existing States. * * *
We have demanded simply equality, security and tranquility. Give us
these and peace restores itself. * * * gut although I insist
upon this perfect equality in the Territories, when it was proposed, as I
understand the Senator from Kentucky, now proposes that the line of
36°, 30', shall be extended, acknowledging and protecting our proiierty
on the south side of the line, for tlie sake of peace, permanent peace, I
said to the Committee of Tliirteen, as I say here, that with other satis-
factory- provisions I would accept it."*

In addition to this, we have the testimony of Senator Douglas
in his speech of January 3d, 1S61, showing upon whom rested the
responsibility of the failure to accept the Crittenden Compromise
in the Committee of Thirteen. He said :

" If you of the Republican side ai'o not willing to accept this [a propo-
sition of adjustment offered by himself] nor the proposition of the Sena-
tor from Kentucky (Mr. Crittenden's), pray, tell us wliat you are willing
to do. I address the inquiry to the Rc>pul)licans alone, for the reason
tliat in the Committee of Thirteen, a few days ago, every member from
the South, including those from the cotton States (Messrs. Davis and
Toombs), expressed their readiness to accept the proposition of my ven-
erat)le friend from Kentucky as a tinal settlement of the conlrovers/, if

* Congressional Globe, p. 2C8-70.

I'ULITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 20^

tcnderod and siistnined by the Republican members. Hence, the sole
responsibility of our disagreement and the only difficulty in the way of
an amicable adjustment is with the Republican party."*

1)1 his reply to ]\[r. Pngli, of Ohio, Senator Doujj,'las re-aflirined

his former statement, lie said :

*' The Senator has said, that if the Crittenden proi^osition could have been
passed early in tlie session, it would have saved all the Slates except
South Carolina. I firmly believe it would. While the Crittenden propo-
sition was not in accordance wi hmy cherished views, I avowed my readi-
ness and eagerness to accept it, in order to save the Union, if we could
unite upon it. No man has labored harder than I have to get it passed.
I can confinn the Senators declaration that Senator Davis himself, when
on the Committee of Thirteen, was ready at all times to compromise on
the Crittenden piopositiou. I will go further, and say that Toombs was
also ready to do so." f

Although Mr. Critteiiden's measure failed before the Connnittee
of Thirteen, he did not despair of ultimate success with it.
After this ho could not expect to cany his compromise as an
amendment to the Constitution, but believed it was possible to
obtain a majority of each House in its favor so as to have it
referred to a direct vote of the people of the States. He thought
a portion of the Republican Members of Congress might be will-
ing to favor a reference of the questions in dispute to the people
themselves, as in this manner their party could relieve itself from
its former committals to the Chicago platform. Besides, he
scarcely conceived it possible that they would be willing to
assume the responsibility of denying to the people of the States
an opportunity of expressing an opinion at the ballot-box, on
questions involving no less a stake than the peace and safety of
the Union. It v>^as quite manifest to any one observing the cur-
rent of public opinion at that time, that the people of perhaps
every State but one were ready to accept the Crittenden Com-
promise as a settlement of all difficulties between the l^^orth and
South. Memorials in its favor poured into Congress from all
sections of the North. One of these presented to the Senate was
from the Mayor, members of the Board of Aldermen and Coia-
mon Council of the City of Boston, and was signed by over
2.2,000 citizens of the State of Massacliusetts, praying the adoj>-
tion of the Compromise measures proposed by Mr. Crittenden.
Another from the City of New York contained 38,000 names,

* Congressional Globe, 18G0-61, p. 1301.
fAppendix to Cva'jressioaal Globe, 1600^61, p. 41.

204 A TvEVIEW OF THE

A greater number of persons petitioned in favor of tlie Crit-
tenden Coni})roniise than for any former measure that had ever
been before the American Congress.

]\Ir. Critteiuk'u iiiiide repeated efforts to bring the Senate
to a vote upon his propositions, but was steadily baffled by the
jiarliamentary tactics of Iie})ublican Senators, On the 1-ith of
.January, 18(>1, he made an unsuccessful attempt to have it con-
sidered, but it was postponed until the following day. On this
day it was again postponed by the vote of every Kepublican
Senator present, in order to make way for the Paciiic Railroad
Bill. He succeeded on the IGth, by a nuijority of a single vote,
in bringing lys resolution before the body ; every Republican
Senator voting against its consideration. A direct vote upon the
resolution so earnestly desired by the country, now seemed inevi-
table ; but Republican fertility was not lacking, and a new display
of tactics once more, baffled the compromisers. Mr. Clark, a
Republican Senator from Kew Hampshire, moved to strike out
the entire preamble and resolution olfered by Mr. Crittenden, and
in lieu thereof insert those of a directly opposite character, and
such as were in accord with the Chicago platform. This motion
prevailed by a vote of 25 to 23, every Republican present votiiig
in its favor. Six secession Senators declined to vote on the Clark
amendment, being already firmly convinced that all efforts to
compromise between the sections would prove abortive because of
Republican obstinacy. Mr. Iverson, of Georgia, one of the six,
who declined to vote, in his speech of December 11th, 1860, ex-
pressed his utter disbelief that compromise in any wise could
effect a solution of the National difficulties. He said:

"Then, sir, is it proposed by Congressional legislation to appease tho
Soutiiern States by the adoption of the doctrine of Congressional protec-
tion to Slavery in the Territories of the United States ? Sir, I want to
know who expects that sucli a remedy as that will ever be occorded by
this Congress, or any other? We know that the Republican part}', so
far as they are concerned, are a unit against any such provision. It was
the "-reat Shibboleth, on which they fought the recent battle and won it.
It is the great principle which stands as the very basis of their jDolitical
organization that Slavery sliall never advance one inch beyond its
present boundaries, and shall never plant a footprint in any Territory of
the United States.

"The Southern peojile now moving for secession, will never be satisfied
with any concession made by the North that does not fully recognize not
only the existence of Slavery in its present form, but the right of tlie

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 205

Southern people to emigrate to the common Ten-itories with their slave
property, and their right to Congressional protection while the Territorial
existence lasts. The recent liattle of the South was fought upon that
very issue. The friends of Mr. Breckenridge put him u[)on the very
grounds of Congressional protection to slave property in the Territories ;
and it was upon that ground that he caiTied tlie cotton States.

'* The North, if tliey yield at all, yield from an apprehension that tlie
South is going to dissolve the Union, and they yield from fear of the
consequences. Of what value would any concessions, made under these
circumstances, be to the South ? None, as long as tliis vitiated public
sentiment of Anti-Slavery exists, in tlie hearts and minds of the Northern
people. And, when is that ever going to be changed ? Never, as long as
the Union lasts. It is a part, not only of their literary education, but of
then- religious creed. It enters into all the complications of society. It
pervades the pulpit, the halls of legislation, the popular assemblies, the
school houses — all teach the doctriae of the ' irrepressible confliet '; and
liow many arguments in favor of Slavery, its morality, its social and
political advantages, ever reach the Northern eye and the Northern ear."*

Mr. Wigfa], of Texas, another of the six secession Senators
who refused to vote on the Clark amendment, gave his reasons
for so doing in a speech delivered by him Januaiy 30th, ISCil,
He said :

"^Miat were the Clark resolutions? Tliey were resolutions asserting-
that no amendments to the Constitution were necessary ; and that the
only matter of importance was tl.at coercion should be used upon the
sovereign States that had declared themselves out of the Union. Wlien
these resolutions came up as a substitute for the resolutions of the Sena-
tor from Kentucky, every Senator who belongs to the dominant party

the party that is to be entrusted with the reins of Government on the 4th
of March next, voted for the Clark resolutions as a substitute for the
Crittenden i-esolutions. What then was the use of our stultifying our-
selves ? Wliat was the use of our sitting here and voting down resolu-
tions, which expressed the otanion of tiie dominant party of the countrv
in order that the Senator from Illinois might write letters or telegraph
to different States that the Union was about to be saved ; that the Crit-
tenden resolutions had been passed through the Senate. I did not intend
to make myself a party to the fraud ; and therefore, when the question
came up between the Crittenden and Clark resolutions, I for one forbore
to vote. I knew the Senators on that side of the chamber had the ma-
jority. We had appealed to them ; we had begged them in God's mercy
and for the good of their own people and for the peace of the country,,
to interpose and to settle this question upon some safe basis, "f

All hope of a compromise that could save the Union was vir-
tually abandoned, when the Senate of the United States declined
to accept the Crittenden propositions, as the basis of an adjudi-

* Congressional Globe of 1860-61, pp. 49-50,
\Congressional Globe, 1800-61, i>, G65,

SC5 A REVIEW OF THE

cation. Tlic intense anxiety, however, that existed in the breasts
of those who desired to avert the calamity of civil war, suggested
one plan of conciliation after another, but all to no purpose.
The General Assemby of Virginia, on the 19th of January,
1801, adopted resolutions expressing the opinion "that unless the
unhappy controversy which now divides the States of the Con-
federacy shall be satisfactorily adjusted, a permanent dissolution
of the Union is inevitable." For the purpose of averting this
calamity, they invited all the States to appoint Commissioners to
meet at the City of AVashington, February 4th, 1861, in order
that an earnest effort be made " to adjust the present mdiappy
controversies in the spirit in which the Constitution was originally
framed." Tliese resolutions expressed the belief that the Crit-
tenden propositions with perhaps some modifications, would "be
accepted as a satisfactory adjustment by the people of this Com-
monwealth."

Seven of the Southern States had already either seceded or
were moving in that direction. Everything indicated the break-
ing up of the Union, with its consequent calamities of civil war,
and the probable downfall of the Government. To avert tliese
calamities, all classes were v,'illing to nnite, except those who
were resolved to risk national disaster rather than compromise
their party principles; and those, also, who were fully assured
that no satisfactory settlement could be obtained. The former
were the anti-com^Dromise Ilepublicans of the Xorth, and the
latter, the Southern secessionists and their allies in -the border
States. Commissioners were appointed to the Peace Conference
from fifteen Northern and seven Southern States, although the
movement was one which met with little sympathy in Itepublican
circles. Some of the Northern States refused to appoint Com-
missioners, and those who did so, selected men of strong Anti-
Slavery opinions, who were known to be opposed to any compro-
mise whatsoever. Senators Chandler and Bingham telegraphed
to the Governor of Michigan, urging him to send to the con-
ference radical Abolitionists, in order that no compromise might
be effected. A view of the composition of the conference, to
one acquainted with the antecedents of the members from the
North, was sufRcient to satisfy the observer that little hopes could
be based upon the actions of that body. AVhat reasonable expec-
tiition of compromise could be anticipated from the deliberations

I

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 207

of an assemlilv in which such men as SahnonP. Chase and David
Wihnot exercised a leading- control ; and the majority of whose
members were associated together in the same political organiza-
tion ? It was only in deference to public opinion, that the radical
Ilepublican leaders consented at all, to participate in the move
ments of the Peace Conference, for they never for one moment
cherished the thought of acceding so far to Southern demands,
as reason dictated it to be necessary, in order to avert the calamities
of civil war. But the people demanded compromise, and it was
necessary for the politicians, in view of the popular desire, to
yield in appearance, and thus sliield themselves from public con-
demnation. It was but a part, therefore, of that system of dis-
sinmlation which had secured abolition ascendency under another
name, and which was now baffling the wish of the people, nntil
the party of new ideas had iirmly grasped the reins of the Gen.
eral Government.

But a compromise was adopted by the conservatives of the
Peace Congress, which restored the old Missouri division of 36'^
30 ^ to all the present territory of the United States. ]N"orth of
this line, slavery was to be prohibited, and south of it permitted;
but this compromise was not to extend to future territorial acqui-
sition. And even this diluted com.promise was extorted with
such grinding reluctance, that it failed altogether in its effect.
Southern men, who had still cherished some lingering hope of a
settlement of the difficulties, left the convention fully satisfied
that the day of conciliation had passed. John Tyler, the Presi-
dent of the Peace Congress, however, in obedience to the resolu-
tion of that body, communicated February 27th to the Senate
and House of Representatives, the result of their deliberations.
In the Senate, on motion of Mr. Crittenden, tliis was referred
to a Select Committee. The Committee, on the following day,
reported it as an amendment to the Constitution, but the Senate
was never able to be brought to a direct vote upon it. Failing
in this effort, Mr. Crittenden made a motion to substitute the
amendment of the Peace Congress instead of his own proposi-
tions. This M'as rejected by a very large majority, eight yeas to
twenty-eight nays. Mr. Crittenden, on the 2d of March, 1861,
after having been repeatedly thwarted, succeeded in getting a
direct vote in the Senate upon his propositions of compromise,
but tliey were defeated by a vote of nineteen in the affirmative

2Cy A REVIEW OF THE

to twenty in tho negative. They were rejected by Hepublican
vote!? alone.

In the House of liepresentath'es, every tliini;- looking- to eoui-
proniise, met witli resistance from Mr. Stevens and other leading
licpuLlieans. lie, with 37 others, on the 1st day of the 2d ses-
sion of the oGth Congress, voted against Mr. Botteler's resokition
to refer the President's message to a Committee of one from each
State. On the Ttli of January, 1801, the Tiepublieans of tlie
House on a vote of yeas and nays, refused to consider certain
^propositions moved by Mr. Etheridge, of Tennessee, which were
less favorable to the South than tlie Crittenden resolutions offered
in tlie Senate. The Crittenden proposition in substance was sub-
mitted as the ultimatum of the South to the House Committee
of thirty-three, by Albert Kust, of Arkansas, but was voted down,
no Republican sustaining it. Mr. Stevens, and G4 radical Repub-
licans of the House, even voted against Corwin's amendment to
the Constitution, reported by a majority of the Committee of
thirty-three, and which dechircd that no power existed to interfere
with slavery in the States. Every act of the i-adical Republican
members of the House, as well as the Senate, during the last
session of the SGth Congress indicated, that the Abolition wing
of the party had fully resolved upon permitting no concession to
the South, such as might lead to a pacification between the sec-
tions. AVhen a Conservative would olfer in Cungress, resolutions
looking to a settlement of the Xational difficulties, some radical
Republican would call for the regular order of business, and en-
deavor to exclude their presentation. Mason AV. Tappan, a
Republican Congressman from New Hampshire, and a meml)or
of the Committee of thirty-three, submitted February 5tli, IS'U,
a minority report of that Committee, which declared that the
])rovisions of the Constitution were ample for the preservation of
the Union. Speaking of the Crittenden plan of compromise, he
said :

*' It would be the adoption into the Constitution of the creed of the
ultra portion of the Democ-ratic party, who broke up the Charleston Con-
vention, because the dogma of protection to Slavery was not inserted in
the Democratic platform. Sir, the Free States will never concede
these terms of settiement. let the consequences be what they may."*

Galusha A. Grow, Thaddeus Stevens, Hickman, Lovejoy, and

''ConrjresHional Globe, 18G0-Gl,p. 7G0.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IX AMEPJCA. 20D

otlicr Iladicals of the House, on the 1st of March, co-operated
in preventing the reception of tlie ]\reniorial of the Peace Con-
gress. They batHed its reception by refusing to allow the sus-
pension of tiie rules of the House. Mr. Stevens, in voting to
prevent the suspension, reniai'ked :

" I think \vc had bettor go on with the regular order (of business). We
have saved tliis Union so often tliat I am afraid we shall save it to
death.''*

The day of compromise was past and the new era had set in,
with the advent of the Eepublieans to power. The Abolition
portion of the party were fully resolved to stand by their prin-
ciples. B. F. Wade, in a speech delivered by him in the Senate,
December ITth, ISGO, said :

"Sir, I know not what others may do ; but I tell you that with the
verdict given in favor of the platform upon whicli our candidates have
been elected, so far as I am concerned, I would suffer anything to come
before I would compromise tliat away. I say, then, that so far as I am
concerned, I will yield to no compromise. "f

A Xew England dinner was given in the City of i^^ew York
on Saturday, December 22d, ISOO, at which a number of Repub-
lican orators, including William II. Seward, made speeches, all
of whom rejected the idea of a compromise with the South. :|:
The Kew York Tribune, of the same date, contained the follow-
ing declaration ;

" Yfe are enabled to state in the most positive terms, that Mr. Lincoln
is utterly opposed to any concession or compromise that shall yield one
iota of the position occupied by the Republican party ; that the great
North, aided by hundreds of thousands of patriotic men in the slave
States, have determined to preserve the Union— peaceably, if they can-
forcibly, if they must I"

The following sentiments, to the same purport, were quoted
as emanating from Mr. Lincoln, by James II. Campljell, of Penn-
sylvania, a Pepublican member of the House, in his speech of
February llth, ISGl :

" I will suffer death before I will consent or advise my friends to con-
sent to any concession or compromi-e which looks like buying the privi-
lege of- taking possession^ of the Government, to which we have a
constitutional right, because, whatever I inight think of the various
propositions before Congress, I should regard any coucessiou ia the face

"Congressional Globe, 18(50-61, pp. 1.332-3.

f CZo&e of 1860-61, pp. lU2-;3.

tXew York Herald, December 24th, 1860.

ojo A REVIEW OF THE

of menace as the destruction of the Government itself, and a consent
on all hinds, that our system sliall be brought down to a level with the
existing disorganized state of alTairs in Mexico."*

Followinii; in the wake of the Xew York Trlhtne, the chame-
leon ort>-aii of New Eiighmd ruritanisni, the inlluential press of
the North, Avith the exception of the Albany Evening Journal,
decried coiiipruinise Avith the South as an ig-nohle surrender to
the behests of the shive power. After the fii-st ahirni of seces-
sion had extorted from their k-adcr the dechiraliou that he would
resist all coercive ineasures to ^preserve the- Union, the whole
radical journalistic fraternity gradually veered into an attitude
that compelle(l their Jupiter Tonans of the press to cluuige his
base with tlu'iii. Xo compromise with traitors was henceforth
the standiiii;- utterance of the combined radical press of the
North. ]M-en whilst Senators and Members of Congress, in
meliiluous sentences and smooth words, spoke of fraternal affec-
tion and the blessings of the Union, the radical i)ress was teem-
ino- with the most bitter denunciations of the Southern rebels
and their institutions, and so far as they had the power, consign-
ino- them and the Northern compromisers to the lowest depths
of Hadcan darkness and seething perdition. Shielded by the
press those who hesitated elsewhere to utter their real sentiments,
spoke v>'ith courage, and vented their spite in strains of malignity
that cast into the shade the annals of all former history. The
radical ecclesiastical as well as the secular press were in entire
accord in this system of wholesale denunciation ; and besides, the
Abolition pulpit came in for its full share of credit in stennning
the tide of compromise, and fanning the tlames of the approach-
ing revolution.

Were Southern statesmen then, mistaken, when they declared
in Cono-ress that no compromise could stay secession ? Why, it
Avas the stereotyped assertion of the radical press and puljut of
the North, that the era of conciliation and compromise had passed
forever, and they all rejoiced to be able to say so. But, unlike
the sincere Abolitionists of the Philippo-Garrison school, they
lacked the honesty to declare manfully and openly the objects of
their party. By fraud and deception they continued still to de-
ceive the Northern people, and have them to believe that they
Avere the only friends of the Union and free government.

^ Congreasiunal Glole, ■.8C0-'G1, p. 110.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 211

Whilst the Garrisonians rejoiced in tlie dissolution of tlie TTiiion,
because they believed this event would overthrow slavery, the
political Abolitionists pretended that they cherished unbounded
love for the Constitution of the Republic, In opposing oompro-
miso, they felt assured that a collision of arms would supervene,
which would end in the overthrow of Southern slavery. That,
instead of the preservation of the Union, was what inspired
their opposition to every proposition of settlement with the
South. The mob philosopher of the Tribune^ in his journal
of the 26th of February, 1861, disclosed in somewhat oracular
words, his genuine opinions. He says : " We are not willing to
make every sacrifice for the preservation of the Union, because
Ave value liberty and right more than we do the Union." Phil-
osophers do not seek under dark expressions to hide their ideas ;
they -express them fearlessly and accept the consequences. If
slavery was an unendurr.ble evil, it sliould have been battled with
Garrisonian weapons and under genuine colors; and history will
remove the phik)sopher,s cloak from the statue of ever}^ one who
otherwise fought it. The stern arbiter of time ever consigns the
agitating knave and hypocrite to the historic recesses of execration
and contempt, where the shades of Eobcspierre, Danton and
Marat are gathered.

213 A IlEVIEW or THE

CHAPTER XIII.

STATE SOVERETGXTT AND CENTUALIZATION, OR THE OPPOSITE PRINCIPLES
OF GOVERNMENT STRUGGLING FOR ASCENDENCY.

As stated in a former cliapter, two schools of political opinions
strove for mastery in the Convention of ITST, wliich framed tlic
Federal Constitution. The same fundamental questions "vvliieh
divided the franiers of our Governnient, have from that pi'riud
continued to separate the American peo^jle into two antagonistic
parties, each of which trace a lineal descent from revolutionary
ancestors. The effort of the one party was to consolidate the
States into a Xational Government, so as to give it that strength
and durability which monarchies possess ; but this was combatted
and successfully resisted by those who were unwilling to merge
the sovereignty of the States in any consolidated form. De
Tocqueville says :

'• When the war of independence was terminated, and the foundations
of the new government were to be hiid down, the nation was divided
between two opuiions which ai-e as okl as tlie world, and which are per-
petually to be met with, under all the forms and all the names which
have ever obtained in free communities — the one tending to limit, the
other lo extend indefinitely the power of the people,

" The party which desired to limit the power of the people, endetivorcd
to apply its doctrines more especially to the Constitution of the Union,
whence it derived its name of Federal. The other party, which affecttd
to be more exclusively attached to the cause of liberty, took that of Re-
imhlican. America is the land of Democracy, and the Federalists were
always in a minority ; but they reckoned on tlieir side, almost all Iho
great men who had been called forth by the war of independence, and
their moral influence was very considerable. Their course was, more-
over, favored by circumstances. The ruin of the Confederation had im-
I)ressed the people with a dread of anarch}-, and the Federalists did not
fail to protit by this transient disposition of the multitude. For ten or
twelve years they were at the head of affaii-s, and they were able to
api>ly some, though not all their principles ; for the hostile current was
becoming from day to day too violent to bj checked or stemmed. In
1801, the Rei)ublicans got possession of the Government : Thomas Jelfer-
6o:i was named President, and he increased the influence of tJieir party

t<

rOI.ITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 213

by the weight of his celebrity, the greatness of his talents, and the im-
mense extent of his popularity."*

Whilst the Federalists liehl the reins of the General Govern-
ment, there were entrapped in the passage of the Acts of Con-
gress known as tlie Alicii and Seditio/i laws. These were seized
upon as an exposure of the cloven-foot of their monarchical })rin-
ciples ; and the people were aroused to the dangers that threat-
ened free government from a further continuance of that party
in power. The leaders of the Republican or Democratic party-
conceived that the liberty of the people was in jeopardy, if laws
infringing the Constitution could be passed with impunity; and
they determined to resist the illegal measures of the ruling fac-
tion and secure their condemnation by the verdict of American
public opinion. For this purpose Jefferson, the prominent advo-
cate of the Republican theory of Government, drafted a series of
resolutions for the Kentucky Legislature ; and similar resolves
were sketched by Madison for the Virginia Assembly, both of
which received the sanction of these legislative bodies. The
resolutions were transmitted to the Legislatures of the other
States for their approval or disapproval. The Democratic party
throughout the Union endorsed the correctness of the doctrines
enunciated in the A'irginia and Kentucky resolutions of 1798 ;
and these famous declarations of governmental principles formed
in after years the political creed of the organization. The sound-
ness of the principles of these resolutions was necessarily dis-
puted by the Federalists as being directed against their own
legislative measures. These resolutions formed the platform
upon which the Democratic party triumphed in 1800, and suc-
ceeded in electing Thomas Jeffersoii to the Chief Magistracy of
the Nation.

The cardinal principle was laid down in the Virginia and
Kentucky resolutions, that the General Government was one of
limited authority, granted originally by the States as the sover-
eign members of the Confederation, and that in case undelegated
powers should be assumed, such became void and of no force,
because unauthorized in the original constitutional comj^act. It
was farther declared that the General Government was not the
" exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated
to itself, since that would have made its discretion and not the

*De Tocqueville's Democracy, pp. 1S7-8.

211 A REVIEW OF TIIE

Constitution the measure of its powers ; but as in all cases of
compact muong powers having no common judge, each party has
an etpial right to judge for itself, as well of infractions as of the
niuik' and mearfure of redress."

The General Government, according to the above theory, was
simply the representative of the delegated authority of the sove-
reign States of the; Union, and was authorized to execute its civil
mandates upon tlie people of every State, so far as its authority
extended. It was, therefore, simply the agent of the States for
the execution of certain general powers, wliich are necessary in
all governments, and which alone, could properly be performed
by a federal head. All the authority granted to the General
Government was of a civil nature, and specified only civil modes
for its execution. The union of the States was a Confederated
Eepublic, and was different from all former leagues of this
character, in the feature already mentioned, that it permitted
the Central Government to execute the general laAVS upon
the people of the States themselves. Under the articles of con-
federation, the laws of Congress could only be executed through
the instrumentalities of tlie State organizations, and it was, in
the main, to remedy this defect that the Federal Union was
formed. All the power delegated to the Federal Government to
be executed over the people of the States, was either of a civil
character or such as the execution of civil law required. In the
convention which framed the Federal Compact, the exertion of
military power against the States or the people thereof, save
as the Constitution ex]3ressed, had been explicitly refused.

We find by the proceedings of the Federal Convention of
May 31st, 17S7, that the adoption of a clause was defeated,
" authorizing an exertion of the force of the whole against a
delincpient State." This Mr. Madison opposed in a speech, in
which he said :

" The use of force against a State, would look more like a declaration
of war than an infliction of punishment; and would probably be considered
by tlie party attacked, as a dissolution of all the previous compacts by
which it might be bound."

Upon Madison's motion, the consideration of this clause was
unanimously postponed, and it was never again presented.

The following extract from Xo. 16 of the Federalist, combats
the idea of the General Government being clothed with the right

POIJTICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 215

of coercing the States of the Union, as chimerical and absohitcly

proposterons :

" Whoever considers the populousness and strength of several of these
States singly, at the present Juncture, and looks forward to what they
will become, even at the distance of half a century, will at once dismiss,
as idle and visionary, any scheme which aims at regu'ating tlieni or
coercing them in their collective capacities, by the General Government.
A project of this Iviud is little less romantic than the monster-taming
spirit attributed to the fabulous heroes and demi-gods of antiquity.
Even in those Confederacies which have been composed of members
smaller than many of our counties, the principle of legislation for sover-
eign States, supported by military coercion, has never been found effec-
tual. It has rarely been attempted to be employed against the weaker
members, and in most instances attempts thus to coerce the refractory
and disobedient, have been the s gnals of bloody wars, in which one-half
the Confederacy has displayed its banners against the other. The first
war of this kind would probably terminate in a dissolution of the Union."

That eminent patriot and statesman, Alexander Hamilton, who

was a member of the convention which framed the Constitution

of the United States, in a speech delivered by him in the year

178S, in the ratifying convention of the State of Xew York,

used the following language in reference to the coercive power

being entrusted to the General Government :

" The coercion of States is one of the maddest projects that was ever
devised. A failure of compliance will never be confied to a single State.
This being the case, can we suppose it wise to hazard a civil war ? It
would be a nation at war with itself. Can any reasonable man be well
disposed toward a government that makes war and carnage the only
means of supporting itself — a government that can exist only by tlio
s%vord? Every such war must involve the innocent with the guilty.
This single consideration sliou.d not be inefficient to dispose every peace-
able citizen against such a government."

The Virginia and Kentucky principle of the sovereignty cf
States, and their non-coercion through military force by the Gen-
eral Government, was the only doctrine compatible with republi-
can principles, which declare that all gocernment rests uj)on th&
consent of the governed. And so signal -was the overtlirow of
the antagonistic doctrine of the Federal party, that the Govern-
ment was a consolidated union of tlie people of all the States in
one Xational licpublic, that from the election of Thomas Jeifer-
son until that of Abraham Lincoln, no President was clioscn upon
the avowed principles of consolidation. Ihit tlie principles of
monarchy ever continued secretly to form the leading character-
istics of the party, which at all times was arrayed in opposition

21G A REVIEW OF THE

to the Xational Democracy. On this point licar De Tocqueville,
ill his History of Democracy, Vol I, pp. 100-1.

" But when one comes to study the secret propensities which govern
the factions of America, he easily perceives that the greater part of
them are more or less connected with one or the other of those two
divisions which have always existed in free communities. The deeper
we penetrate into the workings of these parties, the more do we perceive
that the object of the one is to limit and the other to extend the popular
authority. I do not assert that the ostensible end, or even that the
secret aim of American parties is to promote the rule of aristocracy or
democracy in the country, but I affirm that aristocratic or democratic
passions may easily be detected at the bottom of all parties ; and although
they escape a superficial observation, they are the main point, the very
soul of every faction of the United States."

This penetrative writer elsewhere permits it clcjirly to appear
that the Democratic was the party of the people, whilst its oj^po-
nent was that which was ever intlueuced by aristocratic or mon-
archical principles.

Eesistance to the efforts of the Federal party to enlarge the
powers of the General Government led, as has been seen, to the
enunciation of the principles of the Virginia and Kentucky reso-
lutions, and to the utter prostration, for the time, of the Consoli-
dationists. Ihit, although the Federal party was overthrown, its
principles as already noted still continued to live, and inhere in
all the organizations which succeeded it in opposition to the
National Democracy. The cpiestion of a protective tariff was
o-erminated in the principles of Ilamiltonianism ; and after the
Alien and Sedition Laws, was the next whicli caused serious
alarm, and threatened danger to the Union. " Before ISIO, pro-
tection to home industry had been an incident to the levy of
revenue, but in 1816 it became an object." *

The tariff of ISlO, having inaugurated the protective policy, the
measure was seized upon by the politicians of the Ilamiltonian
school as one that might again re-instate their party in power.
From this period, once in every four years, the (piestion was
brought up with the evident i)urpose of intiuenciug the Presi-
dential election. The tarilf bills of 1816, 1820, 1821: and 1828,
each succeedino- the other in its degree of protection, became the
re^nilar appenditges, as it were, of the Presidential canvas. The
"•reat debate on the tariif before Congress at the session of 1823

* Bent jn's View. Vol. 1, p. 2GG.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 217

and 1824:, was the coniinenceineiit of that dispute which after-
wards led to the nullitieation diffieidties. Members of Congress,
'"divided (at this time) pretty much on the line which always
divided them on a question of constructive powers. The pro-
tection of domestic industry, not being among the granted pow-
ers, was looked for in the incidental, and denied by the strict
Constructionists to be a substantive power to be exercised for
the direct purposes of protection ; but by all, at that time, and
ever since the first tariff 1789, to be incident to the revenue-
raising power, and an incident to be regarded in the exercise of
tliat power." ^ " After 1824, the New England States (always
meaning the greater portion when a section is spoken of ) classed
with the protective States — leaving the South aloue as a section
against that policy." f The Southern States believed themselves
impoverished under the protective policy, to enrich those of the
Xorth.

The Southern States were therefore almost a unit in opposi-
tion to a protective tariff. The Act of 1828 bore the most
oppressively of all against the interests of the people of that
section. South Carolina, j^orth Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi,
Alabama and Yii-ginia, had all united in remonstrances against
the principle of protection ; declared over and over again its un-
constitutionality, and passed resolutions condemning the system.
The people of these and other Southern States pointed out the
inequality and the injustice of a protective tariff, and showed
that the one section of the country was enriched at the expense
of the other. This they urged was altogether unjust, and sus-
tained by no warrant in the Federal Constitution. But Southern
remonstrance was in vain ; and all efforts to secure a repeal of
the odious tariff legislation proved useless and abortive. Tlie
election of Andrew Jackson was a triumph of constitutional
principles over a protective policw ; and the Southern people de-
manded that its true import be considered. After his second
election as President of the United States, South Carolina, seein<r
no hopes for the attainment of their rights by a repeal of an un-
unjust tariff, determined to have recourse to those reserved rights
which she, as a sovereign member of the Confederacy, possessed.
A convention of her people accordingly assembled on the lUth

* Benton's View. Vol. 1, p. 32.
t Benton's View. Vol. 1, p. 97.

218 A REVIEW OF THE

of November, 1832, and passed an ordinance of nullification,
Avhich declared the existing tariff " null, void and of no law, nor
binding on this State, its ofiicers and citizens." The duties im-
posed by the Federal law were forbidden to be paid within the
State after the 1st day of February, 1833.

Matters had now ai)proaclicd a crisis ; and great caution and
sagacity were reMpiiivd in oivUt to obviate a collision of authori-
ties. Fortunately, statesmen at that period ruled America, if an
exception did not exist as to the Presidential occui)ant. A phil-
osophic foreigner's estimate of President Jackson will not be out
of place in this connection :

" Gen. Jackson, whom the American people have twice elected to be
the head of their government, is a man of a violent temper and medio,
ere talents ; no one circumstance in the whole course of his career ever
jiroved tliat he is qualilicd to govern a free people ; and indeed tlie ma-
jority of the enlightened classes of the Union have always been opposed
to him.""

If nothing mofe existed to show that Gen. Jackson was devoid
of the necessary judgment to conduct the Government of a free
people, sufficient would be found in his Proclamation of the 11th of
December, 1832, to the people of South Carolina. The whole
scope and tenor of this proclamation to the nulliiiers, were
antagonistic to the principles of the party of which he professed
himself a member ; and if a body of prudent statesmen had not
been found in the country, the Republic at that early day might
have sunk beneath the waves of civil convulsion. For although
South Carolina was alone in her nullification attitude, her South-
ern sisters sympathized with her in her demands, and would have
resisted her forcible coercion upon the battle field. Even the
patriotic statesman of Roanoke, though upon the brink of the
grave, declared that should Gen. Jackson attempt to coerce South
Carolina into the Union, he would cause himself to be buckled
upon his old white charger, and that he himself would tight in
defense of liberty and State sovereignty.

President Jackson recommended to Congress that additional
power be granted to him to collect the revenue at Charleston,
and that sufficient troops be placed at his command so as to
enable him to enforce the laws against the people of South Caro-
lina. A bill for this purpose was reported by the Judiciary

*De Tocqueville's Democracy, Vol. I, p. 316.

I

POLITICAL CONFLICT m AMERICA. 219

Committee in the Senate, which called forth an animated debate,
and for a period produced great excitement throiighont the
country. Many feared that the days of the llcpuLlic were num-
bered, and diilereut opinions were entertained as to the best
method of averting the dangers that were threatening the peace
and integrity of the Union. The North permitted itself to bo
seduced into the sup»port of the monarchical measures recom-
mended by President Jackson, one of which was the coercion by
military force of a State by the General Government. This had
ever been a cherished principle of the Federal Consolida-
tionists, and in this instance was seized upon by Gen. Jackson as
a weapon by which to defeat his political enemy, John C. Cal-
houn, the philosophic statesman of South Carolina, who was the
ablest defender of State Sovereignty, and the admitted father of
nullification. In enforcing the view of the General Government
held by Webster and the other leaders of the Federal school,
President Jackson placed himself in antagonism to the principles
he had ever professed to advocate, and inflicted upon free gov-
ernment the severest blow it had ever been compelled to endure
in America. Being a Southerner by birth, education and sympa-
thies, a member of the Jeftersonian State Eight party, and a man
whose military career gave him a reputation with the whole
people of the country ; the President by the force of his position
and influence, was able to carry to the support of his measures
all excapt those who had carefully studied the character of the
General Government, and who apprehended danger to liberty in
the exercise of undelegated authority ; and who, besides, had the
boldness to defend their sincere opinions, even in the face of
controlling authority. But the obsequious vassals of party are
ever ready to truckle before the throne of power, and pay their
obeisance to any despot who may for the time happen to All it.
It was so in this case. ■ Power emenated from the Federal Execu-
tive, and obedience to his dictates was the surest method of
securing powci*.

Besides humbling -his bitter enemy, the great statesman of
South Carolina, President Jac^kson, in asking power to enforce
the laws against the nulliflers, doubtless desired nothing more
than to bo able to preserve the Union of the States. Tliis was
the opinion of the Northern people, rfnd also of many in tlie
South ; but the real danger existed in the estabhshmcnt of an

220 A REVIEW OF THE

niiconstitutional precedent. Rome was perfectly safe ■when she
called Cincinnatus from his plow, and clothed him with unlimited
powers; but she had cause to grieve long when she gave the dic-
tatorship to Sjlla and Marius, whose legions overthrew the bul-
warks of liberty, and rioted in the blood o£ their comitrymen.
But a resolute band of Southern statesmen, seeing the dau<;or
that threatened freedom, boldly arrayed themselves in opposition
to the demands of Executive power, and though prostrated,
placed upuii record the unmistakable words of truth, which will
live and be cherished whilst republics endure. They declined
clothi ug President Jackson with power to coerce South Carolina,
not because (as most of them declared) they favored nullification,
but because the Constitution granted no authority for tliis pur-
pose. All power granted to the Federal Government was of a
civil nature, and it M'as never contemplated by the framcrs of the
Government that the military authority should be exerted save
as auxiliary to the civil, and in that case as the Constitution
specified. In the debate upon that occasion, Judge Bibb, of
Kentuclvy, spoke as follows :

** It seemed to him that a falsa issue was presented. Tlie question of
war agaiust South Carolina is presented as the only alternative. The
issue was false. The first question was between justice and injustice.
Shall we do justice to the States, wlio were united with South Carolina
in comi^laint, and remonstrance against the injustice and oppression of
the tariff? Shall we cancel the obligations of justice to five otlier States,
because of the impetuosity and impatience of South Carolina, under
wrong and oppression? The question ouglit not to be, whether we have
the phj'sical power to crush South Carolina, but whether it is not our
duty to heal her discontents, to conciliate a member of the Union, to give
peace and happiness to the adjoining States which have made common
cause with South Carolina, to compel her to remain in the Union ? Shall
we keep her in the Union by force of arms for the purpose of compelling
her submission to the tariff laws of which she complains ?

''My creed is, tliat by the Declaration of Independence, the States were
declared to be free and independent States, thirteen in number, not one
nation, — that the old articles of Confederation united them a-i distinct
States, not as one people ; — that the treaty of peace of 1783, acknowledged
their independence as States, not as a single nation ; that the Federal
Government was formed by States ; submitted by States ; and adopted
bj^ the States as distinct nations or States ; not as a single nation or people.

" He would like to know when and where Soutii Carolina surrendered
the right to secede from the Union in ease of a dangerous invasion of her
rights by the Federal Government."*

*Stephens' "War between the States. Vol. 1, pp. 425-27.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 221

John Tvler, of Vif'giuia, said :

"The idea that ours is a National Government, has lately received
much encouragement from high sources, Tlie President in his procla-
mation, speaks of the i>eople as one mass, and of the Government as
forming us into one Nation. ' When were the States, he would ask,
welded together? AVas ic before or since the revolution?"

Further speaking of the overthrow of the principles of Fed-
eralism, Tyler savs :

"In the year 1T9S,* all these doctrines were, he had thought, put down
completely and forever. He had not expected to be obliged to renew the
cont st. For thirty years they had now been in obscurity, but suddenly
they are waived into life, and brought into daylight by the President's
proclam.tion.

" The President of the United States had declared against the doctrines
of secession. But the President should not decide that doctrine for him.
The military power was called for, to support this for-egone conclusion of
the President of the United States. If Soutli Carolina secede, he is to be
armed with niilitar}' and naval power to subdue her."

Mr. Tyler speaks of the dangerous precedent that would be

established by aecpiiescing in the execntive demands. He said :

" He had all proper confidence in the Executive, but he was not dis-
posed to confer very great powers upon any Executive. If they should
even be used by tiie present President for tlie common good, and our
institutions should come out safe from the trial, the precedent would be
left standing on the statute book, and other Presidents might not use the
power so beneficially. "f

Mr. Poindexter, of Mississippi, deduced the origin of the nn-

constitntional power claimed by Gen. Jackson, as follows. He

said:

" But this extra ofScial document (Jackson's proclamation to the people
of South Carolina) owes its origin, in reference to the political heresies it
c jutains, to the speech of the Honorable Senator (Mr. Webster) of Massa-
chusetts, delivered iu this body in 1830, on what were familiarly called
*• Foot 8 Resolutions,'^ These principles have never before been avowed
by any politlcAl party in this country. Tliey leave the old Fedei'al Schooi
far in the rear, in their utter con .olidation tendencies, and were for the
first time introduced to the notice of the American people, in the speech
of the Honorable Senator to which I have referred.":^

Several other distinguished statesmen of the South, with John
C. Calhoun, took the ground that no power had been delegated
to the Federal Government to exert the military arm againsfc
a State in its sovereign capacity, tlie j^x^ople of which had assumed

*He refers to the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions,
^National Intelligencer, Feb. Gtli. 1838.
X^^ational Intellijencer, ilarch 19, 1833.

2C3 A REVIEW OF THE

either a nullifyinij; or seceding attitude. Even tlie yirL,dni;i
House of J-)eleg-ates eondctnued the doctrines contained in the
President's rrocUunation, characterizing them as the product of
Federal inspiration. John Floyd, Governor of Virginia, in liis
Message of Decenjl^er KJtli. 1832, said :

■"Many questitms of deep iiniK)rt have lieretofore agitated these States,
but none have equalled this in in^)ortance, either in the interest it ought
to excite among the people or the effect it may produce upon the Confed-
eracy A sovereign State has spoken her sentiments in relation to this
subject, a:id has pronounced those laws unconstitutional. Should force
be resorted to by the Federal (lovernment, the horror of the scenes lierc-
after to be witnessc I cannot now be pictured, even by the allrighled
imagination.

" The genius and spirit of our institutions are wholly adverse to such a
step, and ought not to permit the mind of any to look in that direction —
for what safety has any State of her existence as a sovereign, if differ-
ence of opinion should be punished with the sword as treason? Surely,
civil war is not a remedy for wrongs in a countrj^ where the people are
recognized as sovereign, and each individual has the right to the full and
free expre^ssion of his opinions.'"*

JUit, although the Force Bill became a hiw, reason and good
sense still whispered tliat the only proper way to preserve the
Ilepnblic, was by the removal on the part of the General Gov-
ernment of those features of the tariff, w^hich had occasioned the
discontent in South -Carolina and the other Southern States.
Measures introduced into Congress for that purpose, and which
received the approbation of those bodies, satisfied the South
Carolinians that it was the desire of the General Government to
i-espeet their rights, and w'ithont delay they yielded all further
resistance to the national authority.

As soon as the storm of nullitieatlon liad spent its strengtli, the
Virginia and Kentucky resolutions became again the acknowledged
creed of the Democratic party both JS^orth and South. Even
President Jackson, through his political organs, attempted to
satisfy public opinion, that no doctrine enunciated in his jirucla-
niation to the people of South Carolina was repugnant to the
principles of Jeffersonian State Sovereignty. ]hit all such
attem])ts failed to convince the logical nnderstaiuling of the small
Ijand of bold adherents of State rights, whom the popular storm
had well nigh overborne, because of their lirm defense of the
principles upon which ll('[)n!)lican Government rested. The

*J^atio)ial Intelligencer, December 18, 1833,

POLITICAL CONIXICT IN AjMERICA. 223

stauiic-li (lefeiulers of principle saw tlic fatal stabs tliat JcfTer-
soniaiiisni had received, and the danger that threatened liberty
in the coercion precedent which had been est;il)]ished. The re-
endorsenicnt of the resolutions of ITOS by the Democratic party,
was unable to give ample assurance of safety to the sincere be-
lievers in State Sovereignty, in view of the manner those doc-
trines had been trailed in the dust in obedience to the demands
of impassioned excitement and popular phrensy.

A lesson had been learned by the friends of Free Government
not soon to be foi'gotten. Tliat little reliance was to be placed
upon the declarations of politicians, when interest admonished
their repudiation, was a demonstrated truth. It was also ascer-
tained that the will of a people, expressed in times of great com-
motion, is not the utterance of convictions based upon reason
and justice ; but rather the effervescence of passion and vindictive
hatred. The vast influence of position on such occasions was
likewise clearly perceived ; and it was observed that one man
may have it in his power, to so arouse a whole people that the
compacts of liberty afford no protection to guaranteed rights.
AYhat assurance of safety had those who dreaded consolidation,
when the very party itself which came originally into power
upon the principles of the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions,
could be induced, through Presidential influence, to repudiate its
cardinal doctrine ; and the one of all others that distinguished it
from its Federal antagonist. But the deed was done, the prin-
ciples U])(in wliich the Constitution was founded were prostituted
at the anarchical cry of national preservation ; and it but re-
mained for the enemies of the Federal Union, like the conquer-
ors at Phillippi, to overwhelm in a general collision the defenders
of constitutional republicanism.

It was not diflicult for State Sovereignty in the forum of rea-
son to maintain its ascendency, while statesmen were permitted
to rule in the Halls of the nation. In peaceful times this prin-
ciple triumphed, and no party in America could have sustained
itself that wonld have openly endorsed the contrary opinicju. It
was only in the JSTorthern wing of the Whig party that the
Ilamiltonian principles were still visible. I3ut the Abolition
party and its successor, the Eepublican, were based upon a pure
monarchical creed, which stamped them as the legitimate deendsc-
ants of Federal ancestors. The avowed and leading principle of

201 A REVIEW OF THE

tluit party, wlil.-li (lecLnvd that no more slave States slionld be
adinitted into the Union, was itself a phiin repudiation of the
prinei}»les of Free Government, M'hich assumes that all authority
flows from consent. And even the a--itation of slavery by the
Northern ]ieople was an interference with the rights of those of
the Southern States, over whom, under the Constitution, they
had no control.

The known principles of the Ptepublican party were sufficient
to determine the people of the South, after the election of Abra-
ham Lincoln in 18G0, to seek their safety in the exercise of those
reserved rights ^\■llich they, as States, had never surrendered to
the General Guvernmcnt. The preparations that from that
period, began to be made throughout the whole of the Cotton
States, again made the cpiestion of State Sovereignty a leading-
subject of discussion in all parts of the Union. That portion of
the Democratic party in the Xorth which still adliered to Jeffer-
Fonian princij)les, viewed the Constitution as a compact between
the States, and that no power could be exerted agai'jst the States
or the people thereof, save as had been already expressed and
delegated. According to this view of the Constitution, in case
one o;- more of the States should choose to secede from the Gen-
eral Government, no authority w^as believed to exist by which
these seceding members of the Confederated Eepublic could be
coerced back into the Union. James Buchanan, in his last xVnnual
Message, gave the following opinion with reference to the coer-
cion of the seceding States :

" The question fairly stated is : Has the Constitution delegated to
Con"-ress the power to force a State into LUbmission, wliich is attempting
to withdraw or has actar I'y withdrawn from the Confederacy ? If an-
swered in the affirmalive, it must be on the principle that the power has
been conferred upon Congress to declare and make war against a State.
After much serious reflection I have arrived at the conclusion that no
such power has been delegated to Congress or to any other department
of the Federal Government. It is manifest upon an inspection of the
Constitution, that this is not amongst tlie specific and enumerated pow-
ers granted to C9ngress ; and it is equally apparent that its exercise is
not "nece sary and proper for carrying into execution" any one of
these powers. So far from this power having been delegated to Congi-ess,
it was expres ly refu ed by the convention which framed tiie Consti-
tution."

Mr. Buchanan had tak^n the prrcaiition to consult Jeremiah
S. Black, his Attorney-General, and one of the ablest lavryers of

POLmCAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 223

the nation, as to the powers of tlie General Government, with
reference to the qnestion of secession. The Attorne}'- General in his
reply to the President, showed clearly that military force conld
only he nsed to aid in the execution of civil powers, and only
then, when the civil officers would he resisted in their duties, and
the ajjpropriale State official would call upon the President for
assistance as the Constitution specifies. " But," says the Attorney-
General, " what if the feeling in any State against the United
States should hecome so universal that the Federal officers them-
selves, (including Judges, District-Attornies and Marshals) would
be reached by the same influence, and resign their places ? Of
course, the first step would be to appoint others in their stead, if
others could be got to serve. But in such an e^-ent, it is jnore
than probable that great difficulty would be found in filling the
offices. We can easily conceive how it might become altogether
impossible. We are, therefore, obliged to consider what can bo
done in case we have no courts, judicial process, and no
ministerial officer to execute it. In that event, troops would
certainly be out of place, and their use wholly illegal. If
they are sent to aid courts and marshals, there must be courts and
marshals to be aided. Without the exercise of these functions,
which belong exclusively^ to the civil service, the law-s cannot be
executed in any event, no matter what may be the physical
strength which the Government has at its command. Under
such circumstances, to send a military force into any State with
orders to act against the people, would be simply making war
upon them.

" If it be true that war cannot be declared, nor a system of
general hostilities be carried on by the Central Government
against a State, then it seems to follow that an attempt to do so
would be ipso facto an expulsion of such State from the Union,
Being treated as an alien and an enemy, she would be compelled
to act accordingly. And if Congress shall break up the present
Union by unconstitutionally putting strife, and enemity, and
armed hostility, between sections of the country, instead of the
domestic tranquUity which the Constitution was meant to insure,
will not all the States be absolved from their Federal obligations'^
Is any portion of the people bound to contribute their money or
their Itlood to carry on a contest like that V

Without a further attempt to specify the names of leading

2-2Q A REVIEW OF THE

Xortliorn Democrats, who maintained the doctrine of State Sov-
ereiii'nty ; and that the General (iovernment was clothed "vvith
no j)()wer to exert the coercive arm against States in case of their
secession, it can be affirmed with confidence, that this was the
accepted doctrine of the <]^rcat l)ody of the party in the North,
as well as in the South, This M'as the opinion of all who, in any
wise, were conversant with the history of the formation of the
Federal Constitution ; and who were disposed to resist the mon-
archical tendency, which, from the origin of the Hepublic, had
shown its w^orkings ; and which, to sagacious minds, seemed to
threaten entire overthrow to the Constitutional Government. The
American Union was, as they conceived, the product of the ad-
vanced intelligence of the age and founded upon the principle
of consent alone. Experience had taught mankind to believe
that republican institutions could endure in their simplicity only
in the government of small countries and States ; and that if
they were to be extended over large territories, this must be
accomplished by means of confederations amongst these, still per-
mitting the several allied States to remain sovereign as to all
power not expressly delegated to the Federal Union. That this was
the character of the American Confederacy, had been the received
and steadily avowed opinion of all who maintained rank amongst
the sound thinkers and statesmen of the Jefferson school of
politics. Even publicists,* who were strictly members of neither
political party, viewed the Government as a compact between ti)c
several States ; and that as the Union was constituted, there was
nothing to prevent a State from seceding, should she choose to
assume and exercise her reserved powers.

But such a constniction of the Constitution was never agree-
able to that party, wdiich strove to concentrate power and to dic-
tate their opinions to the j^eople of the whole country. That
school of politics, which have ever striven to impose their views of
social polity upon other States and people^ would necessarily bo
the enemies of State rights, as declared in the Virginia and Ken-

*Jud{?e Tucker, Professor of Law in the University of William i
Maiv Viririnia. in his edition of Blaekstone's Commentaries, issi

-' -....., > -.r ii 1 ; t T : .1. ^c Tj., „. .!..„„;.,

and

Aixtii y, * iii^iiixci, xii. ii»»,j ^v.^i-.v'** v.. - — *- — — - — ■ --, issueti

about 1803, and Mr. Rawle, an eminent Jurist of Pennsylvania, in his
work upon tlie Constitution, publi.-hed in 18:^2(5, took the view that the
General (Jovernment was simpl}' the result of a compact between tho
States ; and that the rij^ht of secession was a sequence tiiat necessarily
flowed therefrom, should the States choose to exercise this denier remedy
for experienced or apprehended evils.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 227

tnelcy resolutions of 1798. And hence Puritanism from tlie iirst
lias been arrayed against tliem.

The doctrine of abolitionism could derive its support in
no other principle than that of monarchy ; even though slavery
should be conceded to be a moral and social evil ; for it was the
effort of one people to interfere with the affairs of another and
dictate how they shall manage them. The principle thus assumed
was the same as had ever enchained the nations of the old world
and bound them wntli the manacles of despotism ; and again,
not dissimilar from that which riveted ecclesiastical fetters upon
independent thought, which modern ages have busied themselves in
disrupting. The inquisitorial judges and the robed prelates of the
Spanish Peninsula, made no other assumption than was claimed
by the abolition band infidel priesthood'-^ of the ]S"orth, when they
demanded the emancipation of the negro slaves in the Southern
States. And all the blood that flowed on St. Bartholomew's
night, and that in religious wars moistened the soil of Europe,
was shed in obedience to that same dictatorial spirit, which would
impose the conscientious convictions of one people upon the
minds of another.

The peaceful and conservative policy of the Democracy was des-
tined to yield to one of a different character upon the advent of
Ilamiltonianisni to power in 1860, under the assumed name of
Republicanism, Prior to this time, the utterances of the leading
men of the party had been very guarded as regards their inten-
tions, and those of them who had the honesty and courage to
express their real sentiments, were popularly viewed as enthusiasts
and fanatics, who would possess no influence under the new gov-
ernmental regime. Even Thaddeus Stevens himself, was re-
garded as one of those extreme men Avhose opinions would never

* " Wherever the seed cf Abolitionism has been sown broadcast, a
plentiful crop of infidelity has sprung up. In communities where An!i-
Slavery excitement has been most prevalent, the power of the gospel has
invariably declined ; and where tlie tide of fanaticism begins to subside,
the wrecks of church order and of Christian character have been-
scattered on the shore. * * * The effect of abolitionism upon
individuals is no less striking and mournful than its influence upon com-
munities. It is a remarkable and instructive fa.ct, and one at which
Christian men would do well to pause and consider, that in this country,
all the prominent leaders of abolitionism, outside of tlie ministry, have
become avowed infidels ; and that all our notorious abolition preachers
have renounced the great doctrines of grace as tliey are taught in the
standards of the I'eformed churclics." — Sermon of Rev. J, Vandyke, of
Brooklyn, New York Herald, December 10th, 1860.

22S A REVIEW OF THE

become the rule of the Ilcpublican party. T>nt the news of the
cleetioi) of Abraham Lincohi had scarcely flaslied across the tele-
graphic wires until a greater boldness of utterance was discernible
in the (.•oliinius of the Republican press. This party had won
the p,olitical battle, and henceforth, inspired with confidence, they
assumed the attitute of masters that must be entreated rather
than menaced. The exiled monarch that had wandered in dis-
guise, and in varied habits, since the people had elected Thomas
Jefferson to the Presidential Chair, at once returned and ascended
again the throne of his federal ancestors. The iiat was innne
diately issued to the magnates of power, that the principles of
compromise should be suspended, and the maxims of Emjjire
substituted.

But, that the humble obeisance of the vassals might be secured,
and a ready obedience to the orders of despotism guaranteed, a
preliminaiT course of instruction was required. The subjects so
long inured to the policy of peace and democratic leniency, must
be indoctrinated into the principles of the new school, and this
without delay was undertaken. In reference to the secession
commotion, the Eepublican press of the North instead of discus-
sing the reasons of Southern discontent, and the method to effect
its allayment, spoke of the powers of the Government, craftily
thereby endeavoring to inflame the enthusiasm of the unreflect-
ino- masses, in behalf of national unity and the perpetuity of
the Republic. How captivatingly were the people admonished,
that the first questioii to he decided, was, lohether ice have a Gov-
ernment or not. The Union was dear to the people of the Xorth,
save to the abolitionists themselves, who had now succeeded in
o-aining power under the Republican banner. The lirst aim of
the leaders of the triumphant party, was to arouse the people to
the daiio-er by which the Union was threatened from Southern
secession. By the haranguing of an intlamatory press, i^orthern
sentiment was soon made almost unanimous against this dogma
of the State's Right School. ISTo name at this period was so poten-
tial with the people as that of Andrew Jackson, whose famous
declaration now formed the watch-word with the Constitution
destructives, '•'- the Federal Union, it must he pi^eserved^ Those
seekiu"- to subvert the Constitution were now loudest in their
cries for the preservation of the Union.

Gen. Jackfton in the nullification excitement had given ex-

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. £29

prcpsion, as lias been seen, to utterancec for wliieli lie afterwards
Lad cause siiicercl}^ to repent. No man ever filled the Presiden-
tial Chair, who was subjected to more malignant abuse by that
party which comprised in its ranks the monarchical or consolida-
tion element of the country ; and yet when this same school
succeeded in gaining political power in the government, the
unstudied expressions of this nnich abused President, were re-
hearsed before his admirers, by those who despised and vililied
all his actions ; save the one in which he unfortunately erred, and
which was contrary to the whole tenor of his political life, and to
his subsequently expressed convictions. This same party wliilst
retailing the declarations of President Jackson, studiously avoided
circulating the following extract from his farewell address to his
countrymen :

'■It is well known that there has always been those among us who
wish to enlarge the powers of the General Government ; and experience
would seem to indicate that there is a tendency on the part of this Gov-
ernment to over-step the boundaries marked out for it by the Constitu-
tion. Its legitimate authority is abundantly sufficient for all the purposes
for which it was created ; and its powers being expressly enumerated,
there can be no justification for claiming anything beyond them. Every
attempt to exercise power beyond these limits should be promptly and
firmly opposed. For one evil example will lead to other measures still
more mischievous ; and if the principle of constructive powers, supposed
advantages, or temporary circumstances shall ever be permitted to justify
the assumption of a power not given by the Constitution, the Genei-al
Government will before long absorb all the powers of legislation, and you
will have in effect but one consolidated government. From the extent
of our country, its diversified interests, different pursuits, and single
habits, it is too obvious for argument that a single consolidated Govern-
ment would be wholly inadequate to watch over and jirotect its interests ;
and every friend of our free institutions should be always prepared to
maintain, unimpaired and in full vigor, the rights and sovereignty of the
States, and confine the action of the General Government strictly to the
sphere of its appropriate duties."*

The excitement throughout the country had become irrtense'
upon the assembling of Congress in Decend^er, ISOO. As soon
as President Buchanan had submitted the view^s of the adminis-
tration upon secession and coercion, the Pepublican press united
in a general condemnation of the principles therein enunciated,
and ridiculed the Executive as a coward and committed to the
interests of treason. Assaults upon the peace policy of the ad-
ministration, now became one of the means by which the Pepub-

*Statesman's Manual, vol. 2, p. 952.

230 A REVIEW OF THE

Hean leaders strove to intensify Northern sentiment against
the Southern people ; and prepare the masses for that bloody
strife of sections which they found it necessary to foment in
order to strengthen their own political power and crush that of
their adversaries. AVhen South Carolina at length seceded, the
aurora] star of the millenium seemed to rise upon the vision of
those who had for upwards of a quarter of a century prayed for
a dissolution of the Union. Wendel Phillips and his associate
band of open and avowed Abolitionists, were in exstacies over
the event. The harbinger of the new epoch was announced.
The emancipators shouted huzzas when the convention of South
Carolina had proclaimed secession. " Deck her with garlands — ■
lade her with jewels," cried they; "because she has gone, and
God speed her on her journey."

But the nnavowed Abolitionists, Republicans in name. Eman-
cipationists in principle, Wade, Hale, Stevens, and others, now
found a glorious opportunity to assaidt the South, the administra-
tion and the Democratic party in general. Compromise with
traitors was ridiculed, and all members of the Republican party
favoring a conservative policy were denounced as derelict to the
principles of the Chicago platform. The strong current that set
in shortly after the election of Lincoln, in favor of compromise,
had the effect of intimidating all but the boldest Republicans
from expressing freely their designs as regards the coercion of the
Southern States. John P. Ilale, of Hsgw Hampshire, was one of
the iirst who permitted it clearly to appear that it was determined
by the Republican leaders to declare war ' against the seceded
States. This announcement in the United States Senate embold-
ened those editors of like opinions to utter their sentiments with
less reserve ; and the Republican press from this period teemed
with threats of coercion and condign punishment of the rebels.
As early as December 20tli, 1860, the Springfield Journal, the
presumed reflector of the views of Abraham Lincoln, the Presi-
dent elect, gave utterance to the following sentiments:

•' She (South Carolina) cannot get out of this Union until slie conquers
this Government. The revenues must and will be collected at her ports,
and any resistance on her part will lead to civil war."

The following extract from the T^ew York Herald, seems very
truthfully to portray the Republican attitude at the time of its
appearance :

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 231

" Because Mr. Buchanan has adopted the peace policy, he is denounced,
by the Republicans as a dotard, an imbecile, a traitor, and a lunatic.
* * * The Republican journals of the North, are daily becoming
more and more bitter in the tone of their belligerent manifestations, and
in their vituiaerative advocacy of the extremest measures to reduce the
slave States to submission to the doctrines laid down in the Chicago
platform. Appeal to the inexorable logic or grooved cannon, Sharpe's
• rifles, and the bayonet, takes the place of reflection and argument now,
just as cant; abuse, calumny and diatribe did that of truth and facts while
they were arousing their readers to that pitch of Anti-Slavery excitement
which has produced the present crisis. They demand that Mr. Lincoln
shall inavigurate his administration with blockades, bombardments and
invasions, as flippantl}- and impudently as though the welfare of the
country could be promoted by conformity to such diabolical fancies.
They decree that the South shall be put down as glibly as if fifteen States
were a vagrant to be arrested by the first policeman. With quasi author-
itative language, they pretend to foreshadow the policy of the incoming
administration as substituting the blood-red flag of civil war for the
stars and stripes which float over the Capitol ; and confidently predict
that the ' irrepressible conflict ' will be carried out with a ruthless bar-
barity Avhich John Brown hiinself would have hesitated to sanction.

" The transparent motive of so much furious clamor on the part of the
Republican press, is to drive ]\Ir. Buchanan into initiating aggressive
measures against South Carolina and any other States that may secede,
in order that he and his administration may be charged with beginning
the war. He is denounced for not sending troops to Moultrie and sur.
rounding Charleston with a naval cordon. Should Buchanan accede to
them, they would be the first to turn upon him the full vials of popular
indignation, and charge him as responsible for beginning the war."*

The tide of denimciation against President Buchanan and his
peace policy, rose still higher and higher ; and broke upon the
public ear in all its vindictive fmy and tumultuousness. The
roar of the Abolition press resounded throughout the whole
length and breadth of the ISTorth ; a partisan malignity seemed
as if ready to engulph all reason and sobriety beneath the opening
•waves of the social convulsion, Henry Ward Beecher regretted
that destiny had not vouchsafed to America, at this time, an
Oliver Cromwell for President ; and the Republican journals
urged that in the imbecile attitude in which the country found
itself, owing to the treasonable dereliction of the administration,
it behooved the loyal States of the North to act Avith reference
to the emergency and prepare for the coming crisis. Some of
the Pepublican Governors called attention to tne condition of the
country and urged npon their Legislatures to place the military

*New York Herald, Dec. 21th, 1860.

233 A REVIEW OF THE

iorces of tlieir States upon sucli a footing as to be ready to respond
when called npon Ly the Federal authority. All these move-
ments in the North served to indicate what the proposed policy
of the incoming administration would be, as regards the seceded
States.

, That it was the full intention of the Hepnbliean leaders after
their elevation to power, to inaugurate coercive measures against
such Southern States as might secede from the Union, admits of
no reasonable doubt. And although "William II. Seward and
other members of the party, attempted to appear as conservative
in their views, and willing to extend the olive branch of peace ;
yet all these vascillating manoMivres were sim])ly designed to
enable these diplomatists to veer between the Scylla of Aboli-
tionism and the Charybdis of Conservatism. The New York
Senator had been selected as the premier of the incoming admin-
ist]-ation ; and yet in view of the opposition that existed against
him in his own party, and the growing strength of the movement
favorable to compromise, he esteemed it prudential to feign con-
ciliatory sentiments ; and at the same time avoid committing
himself to any delinite line of policy. By this means he sailed
in the centre current of his own party and avoided touching the
extremes. As regards personal popularity and promotion, he felt
that this was altogether his safest method ; and at the same time
he was sufficiently astute as to perceive that in times of commo-
tion, the extremists of party always lead the Conservatives. In
sentiment he either M'as or had ever feigned himself an extremist ;
but he now chose to be led to that point, where in truth, he
wished to conduct others. On the one hand his early radicalism
allied him with the Abolition wmg of his party ; on the other,
his sentiments as uttered in his speeches in the Senate and else-
where, since the election of Lincoln, gained him the confidence
of the Coni])romisers ; and he therefore was prepared for leadcr-
shi]) in the Cabinet, should public opinion even force a conserva-
tive policy upon the new administration.

Hemembering that the Kepublican leadei'S almost unanimously
resisted all compromise which might prove satisfactory to the
Southern people, was it not apparent in view of events that one
of two things must occur, either a dissolution of the Union, or
civil war to prevent it ? Must it not then be accepted as an un-
deniable truth that they preferred either of these results, rather

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 233

tlian acquiesce in a compromise ? And yet tliey songlit to evade
these logical inferences which necessarily flowed from their words
and actions. But the popular mind was unable to detect the real
aim of those who despised the old Union, and who simply sought
to arouse the Northern people to tight in its defense, in order
that they might effect its destruction.

An ominous silence was maintained by Abraham Lincoln as to
the policy which would be pursued after the Government came
into his hands. For over threo- months after his election not a
W'ord was spoken by the new President that served clearly to
indicate what his future policy would be. This silence was main-
tained in order that he might be free to accept that guidance
which the controling opinon of his party might indicate. It
can not be doubted, but that he with other leaders of the party,
had fully agreed upon a course of action after his accession to
the Chair of State, and time simply was permitted to determine
whether the proposed plan could be executed or not. And this
silence Avas simply a part of the revolutionary programme, which
from the organization of the Republican party it was impolitic
and politically dangerous to disclose. It w^as not believed by
the Southern leaders, and by many in the North, that there was
doubt as to the course the new administration would pursue
when once installed in power. The unanminity of the Republican
party, favoring the coercion of the seceded States by military power,
made it suthciently clear what the policy of the Lincoln Admin-
istration would be. This unaminity was but the echo of the well
understood views and expressions of Members of Congress and
other leaders of Republican opinion. Any one, at aU attentive to
the discussions which took place in the Senate and House of
Representatives during the second session of the Thirty-sixth
Congress, would have shown remarkable obtuseness not to have
discovered, that war was the policy determined m^on by the
Republican leaders. The following extract w^ould seem to indi-
cate that the sentiment on this point was almost unanimous:

"The Republican leadex's and journalists, with one or two exceptions,
insist upon holding the Chicago platform, the whole i)latform, and noth-
ing but the platform, no matter what may be the consequences to tlio
party, the country, or the human race. * * * * They de-
clare they will maintain it to the bitter end, though civil war should bo
the consequence.'*

* New York Herald, January 21st, 1861.

23t A REVIEW OF THE

The great difficult}', with which tlie Tiepnhlican leaders had to
contend, was the growing current of conservatism that set in after
the Presidential election in November, 18G0, and which llowed
in ()})position to their wishes, and which they feared might bear
their revolutionary bark upon the rocks of political disaster.
This current showed itself in the numerous petitions that flooded
Congress in favor of compromise with the South, in the mani-
fest changes M-hich marked the local elections in many sections
of the Xorth, and also in the breaking up of Abolition assem-
blao-es and Julm Ih-uwn demonstrations, which six months before
liad been popular and held without interruption. It was the
general belief of all the conservative classes, that the troubles
likely to burst ui)on the country had ])cvn produced by the fanati-
cal agitation of the slavery question, and respectable citizens, in
different places, aided in dispersing meetings of Abolitionists,
believing that such were but gathering additional fuel for the
flames of civil'discord now threatening to consume the fair fabric
of the American Eepublic. But this popular opposition only
served the more to intensify the efforts of the whole radical
school of the Republican party ; unite the better in one com-
pact band, the avowed and secret Abolitionists, and give this
faction the leadersliip and entire control of the political ma-
chinery of the organization. "Wendel Phillips, Beecher, Sumner,
Hale, Hickman, Howard, Stevens, Lovejoy and others were com-
pactly united together in a band of brotherhood, pledged by
mutual consent to unite their forces in a general assault upon the
citadel of State Rights and Southern Slavery. It was soon
manifest that the radicals were master of the situation, and
Thurlow Weed * and other Republicans who had advocated com-
promise were threatened with ostracism for the their opinions.
Even the editor of the New York Tr'ihune, the j^retcnded
staunch advocate of principle, after having declared in favor of
peaceable secession, was compelled by the radical conclave to
espouse the policy of coercion against the seceded States. And
after pennitting himself to be made the mere moutli})iece of the

* " Thurlow Weed has been denounced and his peace propositions repu-
diated by the journals and leaders of the Republican party." Movements
were even made to start a new paper in Albany opposed to him, and
which the leaders promise shall be conducted •• iriUiout temporizing con-
cessions and vacillating expediencies.'' — New York Herald, December 17,
18G0.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. SGo

ruling faction, lie, to wlioni the editorial fraternity gave tlie
name of philosopher, became the bitterest amongst his country-
men in resisting a compromise with the Southern people, and the
most ardent in hounding on the masses of the North to a conflict
that must work the prostration of the principles of Free Govern
ment, and the downfal of the Constitutional Union.

At length the pilgrimage of the new President, from his home
in Springtield, Illinois, to Washington, began on the 11th of
February, ISGl ; and the people of all sections of the country
now looked with anxiety for a disclosure of the views of the man,
who more than all others held the future destiny of the Union
in his hands. But the country was sadly disappointed. At a
time when double-dealing should have been laid aside, and wlien
manhood and honor demanded a clear and explicit declaration of
the future intentions of the Chief Magistrate, Ave lind him in
his speeches made to the crowds that flocked to see him, giving
utterance to ambiguous expressions ; and such as but served to
conceal his real intentions. His home organ, the Springfield
Journal^ about the time of his departure for the Seat of Govern-
ment, contained the following enunciation of policy, which doubt-
less expressed the intentions of the journeying President : but
which State craft and perfidy would not permit him openly to dis-
close. The Journal said :

" The seceding States are in rebellion against the Federal Government,
and it is the dut}' of this Government to put down rebellion. Away with
compromises. We should not talk of compromises while the flag of
traitors floats over an American Fort, and the flag of our country trails in
the dust. Until that flag is unfurled over Moultrie and every other stolen
Fort, Arsenal, Custom House and Navy Yard — until the laws of this
Government are obeyed and its authority recognized, let us never talk
of compromise. Let the stolen Forts, Arsenals and Navy Yards be re-
stored to the rightful owners, — tear down your rattlesnake and pellican
flags, and run up tlie ever glorious stars and stripes, — disperse your
traitorous mobs and let every man return to his duty."*

But the only competency shown by the New President on his
journey to Washington, was the proficiency he displayed in the
science of Machiavelism, by which he was enabled to discourse to
the people concerning the brewing troubles, and yet conceal from
them his opinions. Otherwise his speeches gave no evidence of
intellect ; but were interspersed with the flimsey jests of the low

*Extracted in New York Uerald, Feb. 14, I861!

£33 A REVIEW OF THE

politician, altogether unbecoming the man that was chosen to
succeed the honored statesmen, M-ho, from AVashington to Bu-
chanan, had graced the Presidential Chair. In his harrangues to
the crowds M'hich intercepted him on his journey, at a time wlieu
the country was in revolutionary cliaos; when connueree ami
trade M'ere prostrated, and when starving women and idle men
wei'o among the very audit'iici'S that listened to him, he declaivd
to them, in his peculiar ])hraseology, that '•'"nobuibj icas hurt^'''
that '^ all ICO aid come out r!(//it,^^ iuu\ that there was '''"notlumj
going wro7igJ^ Nor was his rhetoric the only entertainment he
afforded those who floeked to hear the new Sovereign.

His conduct and speeches disclosed the demagogue ; and evinced
his admirable adaptedness to be the President of the radical con-
clave, that was to dictate to him as a subaltern the duties reijuired
of him to be j)erformed. As President, he was the creature of
and for the occasion. He was chosen in revolutionary times, for
revolutionary purposes, and by the revolutionary element of the
country. Statesmanship was at a discount ; the destructive in
politics rided, and reason and reflection must of necessity be laid
aside. A conservative President was not wanted by the men
who controlled affairs in the new party ; and Lincoln was known
to be of that pliable disposition which would allow himself and
his policy to drift with the current.

In his Indianapolis speech, the touring President sufficiently
disclosed his sentiments for esoteric ears, but which the iminitiated
mass accepted simply as interrogatories. lie said :

" If the United States sliould merely hold and retake its own Forts and
other property, and collect the duties on foreign importations, or even
withhold the mails from places where they are habitually violated,
would any of these things be invasion on coercion? Would the march-
ing of an army into South Carolina be invasion ?''

By these and many other similar remarks, it was ascertained
that coercion had been determined upon by the radical Itcpub-
licans. Senator Chandler, diu-ing the last days of the Thirty-
sixth Congress, declared that the Pcpublican party were ready to
stand in blood. Fessenden, of Maine, remarked '' that if the
time was coming to use force, he was perfectl}' ready to do it."
Thaddeus Stevens, in the course of the debate upon the Kavy
P>ill, ex})rossed it to be the intention (A his party to retake the
Southern forts.* A volume miijlit be tilled with similar dcclara-

•Xew York nerald, February 22nd, 1801.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 2p7

tlons, nil to tlic same purixort, showing tliat civil war was tlie
pre-determined policy of the radical school.

The first distinct enunciation by Abraham Lincoln of the
com-se he would pursue was made in his inaugural address, wherein
he says :

"It follows from these views that no State, upon its own mere motion,
can lawfully get out of the Union ; that resolves and ordinances to that
effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or
States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary,
according to circumstances.

"I, therefore consider, that in view of the Constitution and the Laws,
the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability I shall take care,
as the Constitution expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union
shall be faithfully executed in all the States.

"In doing this there need be no bloodshed or violence, and the'-e shall
be none unless it be forced upon the national authority."

Did despot ever lay down more dogmatic and authorativo
dicta than are contained in the extracted portion of this inaugural ?
Without condescending to consider the alleged grievances of
the Southern people, or recommend any terms of concession, as
a wise and virtuous ruler, master of his owm thoughts, would
have done, the Republican President proceeds in one sentence to
declare State Sovereignty, the cardinal doctrine of the Jeffer-
sonian school of politics, as baseless and unfounded. Was greater
presumption ever manifested ? The matured thought of a whole
school of distinguished American statesmen was not to be over-
thrown by the mere declaration of a man, whom accident rather
tlian intellect had elevated to power. But presumptuousness
and conceit were the characteristics of the part}" to which he was
indebted for the position he occupied, and he must necessarily
display a similar pretentiousness with that of his compeers.

lie next declared that he would cause the law^s of the Union
to be faithfully executed, as the Constittction exjpressly enjoins,
^vhich to the American ear was more palatable, than to have told
them what he meant, which was that he and his party had deter-
mined to conquer by military force the Southern States. But
the Constitution did not permit, much less enjoin him to make
war upon the seceding States in order to preserve the laws, and
purposing to do so, as his party leaders had resolved, he falsely
accepted his obligation to the Constitution, which he f>retended
to obey. But a part of the secret programme still remained to
be performed. This consisted in sending a naval squadron, under

CC3 A REVIEW OF THE

tiie pretence of relieving tlie Southern garrisons, -u-hcn in trutli
designed to provoke an attack upon tlie American flag, and thus
obtain a pretext for declaring M-ar against the South, nnder the
plea of defending the Union. This scheme, which was craftily
planned, was entirely successful, and on the 12th of April, 18G1,
the attack npon Fort Sumpter lighted up the flames of civil
rcvulutiuu, and the triumph uf centralization was ntnv assured.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA, 259

CHAPTER XIV.

WAR FOR THE UNION.

TIic news of the attack on Tort Sumpter aroused tlie demon of
the Xorth, in all his ferocious hate and unreasoning madness.
Kevenge, deep and bitter, was resolved upon in every hamlet and
village from the most remote corner of Maine to the furthest
extremity of California, The Southern secessionists who had
dared to question the National authority and lire upon the flag
of the Kepublic, became at once in the public mind, the objects of
malediction and of the most burning execration ; and resolves of
vengeance seemed for the time written upon nearly every coun-
tenance. Insanity, in truth, ruled the hour. It was a people at
length fully awakened to a realization of the dangers, of which
they had often been admonished, but which they as repeatedly had
been assured, were groundless and without foundation. Like a
mob destitute of that reflection by which it should weigh causes
and consequences, the people were everywhere borne in blind zeal
to oj)pose resistance to the immediate agent of their dread. The
Government was threatened ; the Southern people had turned
their cannon upon a Federal Fortress and forced its evacuation ;
and all the sacred associations of the Union, Constitution and
National integrity were jeoparded. At once they forgot the
lesson of philosophy, that " the aggressor in a war is not the first
who uses force, but the first who renders force necessary."*

Although the people of the North had been admonished by
patriots and Statesmen, from Washington to Buchanan, that the
formation and success of sectional parties could not but endanger
the perpetuity of the American Ilepublic ; still all their counsel
was rejected and their admonitions unheeded. Men had arisen
who repudiated the wisdom of fonner generations; and who had
mcceeded in securing followers, a majority in the Northern

'Hallam's Constitutional History,

240 A REVIEW OF THE

States, The most studied efTorts had l)eon made by leadinp^ T\.c-
publicans, in tlieir speeches and through their presses, to eouvinea
the people that the object of the Southern secessionists was to extort
from a passive Xorth, further guarantees for slavery, as they had
Bueeeeded in doing on former occasions. And tliey were also
told that even should actual resistance occur; and the. South bo
found to be in earnest in their determination to sever their con-
nection with the Union by force of arms, the collision would
prove one of short duration ; and that a month, or at furthest,
ninety days would end the struggle. Believing these declara-
tions, the mass of both political parties in the North, regarded
the suj)pression of the rebellion as an undertaking of no great
difficulty.

Kow was the ojipoi-tunity for the deep, crafty schemes of
Abolition consolidation ; and with admirable adroitness Avas it
seized. AVitli a full knowledge of the delusion which reigned in
the public mind, as regarded the rebellion, and for the pnr2')ose of
still further strengthening this false impression, Abraham Lin-
coln, as President of the United States, on the 15th of April,
ISGl, issued his proclamation calling for seventy-five thousand
men to suppress the insurrection in the seceded States. Assuni-
ino- to treat the Southern revolt as mere insurrectionary resist-
ance, he ordered the seceders to disperse in twenty days from
the issue of his mandate. Will posterity ever give him credit
for believing that the rebels would disperse at his bidding, or
that his quota of soldiers would prove suiheient to overthrow the
armed resistance of the South ? If matured reflection shall
satisfy coming ages that the role he played on this occasion was
not an hyjiocritical one, then the only alternative to be accepted
will be, that his party made a great mistake in selecting one of no
superior sagacity for President of the United States.*

The idea promulgated at AVashington of a ninety days' com-
motion was encouraged by the Korthern press, with the sanie

*The great admirers of the Sage of SpringfleUl, in justifica'ion of the
call tor seventv-tive thousand men for tnree inoutiis, will attempt to de-
fend him in asseiting that he acted in accordance with the law of 1795,
in culling out the militia and ordering the disi)ersal of the insurgents in a
specili.'d time^ It is true that he did nuxlel his call lor troops after an
Act which coutemplat -d simi)ly the raising; of armed punsca, in aid of
the civil authorities. In doing so, howcvor, he disclosed the desperate
length that he and his party were ready to go for the purpose of cai-ryuig
<jut their desigui*.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 211

design as luid influenced the Executive Cliicf in tlie Federal
Capitol. It was all done to continue tlic deception tliat had been
practised from the organization of the llepu'i)lican party. Tlie
rebellion was derided as a matter of mere insignihcancc, and
belittled in language which no sane men but impostors could
utter. The New York Tribune, the leading organ of the Re-
publican party, declared that it was nothing " more or less than
the natural recourse of all mean spirited and defeated tyrannies,
to rule or ruin, making of course a wide distinction between the
will and power, for th hanging of traitors is sure to begin before
one month is over. The nations of Europe," it continued, "may
rest assured that Jeif. Davis & Co., will be swinging from tlie
battlements at Washington at least by the 4th of July. We spit
upon a later and longer deferred justice,"

The ]^ew York Times expressed the following confident
opinion :

" Let us make quick work. The ' Eebellion,' as some people designate
it, Is an embryo tadpole. Let us not fall into the delusion, noted by
Hallam, of mistaking a ' local commotion ' for a revolution. A strong,
active pull together will do our work effectually in thirty days.
We have only to send a column of twenty -five thousand men across the
Potomac to Richmond, and burn out the rats there ; another column of
twenty-five thousand to Cairo, seizing the cotton ports of the Mississippi,
and retaining the remaining twenty -five thovisand included in Mr. Lin-
coln's call for seventy -five thousand men at Washington, not because
there is need for them there, but because we do not requii'e then- services
elsewhere."

The Philadelphia Press declared that no man of sense, could
for a moment doubt, that this much-ado-about-nothing would end
in a month. The Northern people were " simply invincible."
" The rebels," it predicted, " a mere band of ragamuffins, will
fly like chaff before the wdnd on our approach."

The people of the AVest in no wise flagged in their competency
to depreciate the magnitude of the troubles that awaited the
country. It was necessary for the political success of the Ee-
publican party to under-rate the impending evils that were
threatening the nation ; for had the people fully realized the
magnitude of the undertaking they were entering upon, the Peace
party would have been too potential to have permitted the inau-
guration of the carnage that was to drench the land in blood.
The Chicago Tribune, the valorous sheet of the Lake City, in-
sisted that alone and unaided, the West should be permitted to

243 A REVIEW OF THE

figlit tlio battle tlirough, since she was probably most interested
in the suppression of the rebellion and the free navigation of the
Mississippi, "Let the East," demanded this warlilve organ, "get
out of the -wdy ; this war is of the AVcst. AVe can liglit the
battle and successfully, within two or three months at the furthest.
Illinois can whip the South by herself. We insist upon the
matter being turned over to us."

Horace Greeley, the editor of the New York Tribune, who
skiUfully performed his part in helping to deceive the masses of
the North into the belief that the rebellion would melt away in
sixty days, was willing, however, to be judged in history as an
iinposter rather than a fool. In his history of the war he says :

" The original call of President Lincoln on the States for 75,0C0 militia,
to :.crve for three months, was a deploi'able error. It resulted naturally
from that obstinate infatuation which would believe in defiance of all
history and probability, that an aristocratic conspiracy of thirty years
standing, culminating in rebellion based on an artifi. -ial property valued
at four thousand milUons of dollars, and wielding the resources of ten
or twelve States, having nearly ten millions of p?ople, was to be put
down in sixty or ninety days by some process equivalent to the reading
of the Riot Act to an excited mob, and sending a squad of police to dis-
perse it."*

After the fall of Sumpter, it was indeed esteemed disloyal to
even intimate a doubt of the speedy overthow of the rebellion-
Many a patriotic citizen was branded as a traitor, because his
reason admonished him that the conquest of a people so imited
as were the Southern Confederates, would be an undertaking requir-
ing years, and also vast outlays of blood and treasure. Many,
who in other matters were endowed with excellent sense, either
really agreed with the short-sighted rabble in believing that the
South Avoidd soon be conquered, or for the sake of selfish interests
permitted themselves to drift with the current of public opinion.

Such an apparent change of sentiment as took place upon the
fall of Sumpter, perhaps never was before witnessed in any
country. Newspaper editors, who np to this period had battled
the positions of the Abolition party, and pointed out the dangers
into which their anti-compromise policy would drift the country,
shifted their positions M-ithout delay into the advocacy of war
against the South. Notwithstanding they had contended that
the coercion of the seceding States was altogether unconstitutional,

♦Greeley's American Conflict. Vol. 1, p. 551.

rOLlTICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 243

Tct in obedience to selfish aspirations, or induced by fears of mob
violence, war for the Union was now urged by tlicni with as
much vehemence and zeal as before had been conciliation.
Other leading citizens, who before had been prominent and
influential members of the Democratic and old Whig parties ;
and who had never sympathised with the abolition movement,
immediately changed positions ; and permitted themselves to be
made instruments of fanaticism to unite the North in a war
against the Southern people and their institutions. Democratic
ex-Governors, Mayors, Members of Congress and other influential
men of the party, presided at war meetings, and thus lent their
aid and encouragement to the war party. Daniel S. Dickinson,
of Kew York, who had even enjoyed the reputation of a
" Northern man with Southern principles," boeame one of the
fiercest advocates of war, and consigned his former friends in
the South to fire and sword. Edward Everett, the scholarly
orator of New England, who a few months before declared that
the Southern States should be permitted to secede in peace, be-
came an apostle of coercion, and exhausted his beautiful rhetoric
in proclaiming the new gospel of subjugation. The conversions
of this character were remarkably abundant, indeed ; and men of
all professions and occupations received the outpouring of the
war spirit, and became new creatures in their whole walk and
conversation. No doubt their olfactories scented the sweet pei-
fumes of power, and they forgot the past in anticipations of the
future. So manifest and mighty was the change that had been
wrought, that the un regenerate could but look with amazement
upon the scenes in which their eyes and ears were unable to
deceive them.

The crusade of passion, fury and blasphemy, which set in
against the South is entirely undescribable. It would have
seemed as if the fiends of Pandemonium had burst forth from
their confines and were exciting the frenzied multitudes of the
North to deeds of hate and cruelty. The infidel clergy of New
England, and their jjious brethern of the modern ecclesiastical
schools, feasted their souls in the holy anticipations of humani-
tarian elevation, through the blood and carnage of their Northern
and Southern countrymen. The li(»liness of the war M'as pro-
claimed from the pulpit as well as from the hustings. Dr. Tyng,
a distinguished divine of New York, assembled certain ferocious

214 A REVIEW OF THE

cut-throats of tliat city, coiniuDuly kiiuwii as " Billy Wilson's
men," presented tlieni bibles, and declared to them that in carry-
ing tire and sword into the rebellious States they would propitiate
Heaven, and would go far to assure the salvation of their souls.
"Were the dark ages ever guilty of more ungodlike and unchris-
tian abomination ^ Ihit this is but an illustration of the senti-
ments that were popular and lauded to the bkies throughout the
Northern States.

A like madness seized the people in their seeming adur.ition of
the flag of their country. The national emblem was flung to the
breeze in nearly every street of the iSTorthern towns and cities ;
and floated from the house-tops and windows of the most intensely
loyal of the people. When these signs of war ardor made no
voluntary aj)pearance from a residence, a committee of patriotic
citizens often deemed it their duty to admonish the inmates that
a token of loyalty should be displayed. Some few bold men,
however, who claimed to have opinions of their own, and who
believed that they still lived in a free country, refusing to be
driven into an apparent endorsement of an inquitous and uncon-
stitutional war, declined to display any other insignia 'of patriot-
ism than the laws of their country demanded. But those
manifesting such independence, in all cases did so at the risk of
life, property, business and reputation; and were sure to be
branded as sympathisers with treason and desirous of seeing the
Government overthrown.^

Up to this period in the history of the country, one oath to
support the Constitution of the United States was deemed suf-
ficient ; but this opinion also underwent a change at the outbreak
of the rebellion. Men whose intelligence and self-respect should
have shielded them from the commission of acts only designed
to win popular applause, permitted themselves to assume the
patriotic attitude of moving that all the members of their bar
renew their oflicial oaths, and swear, more flrndy than ever, that
they would support the Federal Constitution. An instance of
this superflous swearing Wiis enacted in the Coui't Iloom in Lan-

*The portraits of Isaac Toucey, of Connecticut, Secretary of tlic Navy
under James Buchanan, of C L. Vallandingliam, and otlier eminent
Democrats of the North, were placed in tlie Koj^ue's Gallery of New York
with the design of blackening their reputations with the unthinking
masses. And journals like the New York Tribune endorsed such, uialig-
naut partisan conduct m highly becoming and creditable.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN A:\IERICA. 245

caster City, one morning after the reduction of Fort Sumpter ;
and done at the instance of Benjamin Champncys and seconded
by Thaddeiis Stevens. What a prostitution of the sacredness of
an oath to attempt to render that more binding Vvdiich was ah'eady
scaled before Heaven as the hohest obligation which liumanity is
capable of attesting. The annals of the French revolution would
be scanned in vain for an instance of greater mockery of sacred
solemnities.

It is not strange, that with the prospect of a short M-ar, given
out from Washington and encouraged by the whole Republican
press, the rage for volunteering would be immense. Going to
the war for three months, under the iirst call of Abraham Lincoln,
was viewed as a sort of holiday excursion ; and had peculiar at-
tractions for large numbers of the fast youth in the ISTorthern
cities. From this material it was boasted that the Xorth could
gather the most terrible and invincible army that ever enacted
deeds of war. Some of these adopted the Zouave costume in
order to gratify their desire for singularity, and add to their fero-
cious appearance ; and a company of them even went through the
ceremony of being sworn, in a public hotel in New York, to " cut
off the head of every d secessionist in the war." Such exhi-
bitions of ferocity were retailed with glee and devoured with the
most gratifying satisfaction by the most saintly advocates of the
war. These valiant defenders of liberty were extolled for their
burning pati'iotism, after having plundered the stores of some
sympathizers with treason ; and prostrated the persons of others
who presumed to question their inalienable right to act as they
saw proper in the city of their birth. They were simply giving
evidence of the manner the_y could handle Southern traitors ; and
these experiments upon Xorthern sympathizers afforded the
greatest satisfaction to their admirers. These acts were retailed
with the most fiendish pleasure by the Loyalists, as they termed
themselves, and were cited as proof that the crusading army from
the North would strike terror into the secession bands, and win
the brightest and bloodiest laurels on the fields of battle.

But it was not the vagrant and unrully classes of the jSTorthern
cities alone that enrolled themselves in the war for the Union ;
the quiet and orderly young merchants, clerks, printers, farmers
and others, entered the race for glory. The North was full of
martial courage, and war ardor animated both rich and poor.

243 A REVIEW OF THE

Go\'. Dennisoii, of Ohio, telegraphed to Washington, tendering
thirty thousand troops for the service. Weston, the Governor of
Indiana, received assurances that a like number of soldiere was
eager for eidistment in his State. A. Cr. Curtin, the Executive
of Pennsylvania, was not to be outdone in his promises to the
Washington authorities. Massachusetts and New York were
pressing in their offers of men for " the three months Avar."

The deceptions conduct of Abraham Lincoln and his coun-
sellors, gradually displayed itself as time advanced. The second
call of the President of May 4th, 1861, for forty-two thousand
volunteers, for three years or during the war, besides the twenty-
two thousand called for at the same time for the regular army,
and eighteen thousand seamen, would on its face seem to evince
that the Federal authorities had rapidly changed their views as
regards the magnitude of the conflict that was to be encountered.
The truth, however, simply was that tlie administration feared to
alarm the country by calling at first for a large force of A-(^]un-
tecrs, until the sections had become so far Invohed in the strife
as to preclude all further efforts of the Peace pai-ty at accommo-
dation. This is clear from the endeavors which were quietly
made to induce the three mouths' soldiers, soon after their enrol-
ment, to re-enlist for three years, even under pain of dishonorable
dismissal from the arm}'. The Lancaster Exjpress correspondent
of May 15th, 1861, says ;

" The call was for three months, but we are now asked to serve for
three years ; should we decline the latter proposition, we aore told that wo
will be discharged in such a way as not to leave the service with honor."

So great had been the willingness of the administration to
enroll a large army, and one much greater even than its several
calls would indicate that by the middle of June, 1861, it v/as
estimated that the number of men already in the Government
service amounted to 308,875.

But an administration that was inaugurating a policy in viola-
tion of solemn obligation and constitutional warrant, and striving
for the utter overthrow of Eepubllcan Government, was not one
to hesitate at any stage of perlidy, that might be required for the
accomplishment of its designs. It was but in harmony, there-
fore, with a well-matured and pre-arranged programme when
President Lincoln, In the presence of Gen. Scott and his Cabinet,
and in conflict with his proclamation calling for 75,000 men^

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 217

solemnly assured the Mayor of Ealtiinorc and other leading
men of that cit_y, that the troops called for were simply for the
protection of the Federal Capital. Of this assurance Mayor
Brown said :

"The 1 rotcctiou of Washiiii^ton he (the President) asseverated witlx
great earnestness, was the sole object of concentrating troops there, and
he protested that none of the troops brought through Maryland were in-
tended for any purposes hostile to the State, or aggi'essive as against the
Southern States."'*

That William II. Seward was well skilled in the tortuous ways
of perfidious diplomacy, and admirably suited to he the colleague
of a President who would deny his public record and intentions,
no eyidence from Judge Campbell was needed to determine.
The Premier's letter to Governor Ilicks, of Maryland, furnishes
abundant testimony on this point. With reference to the passage
of the troops through Baltimore, he wrote a letter to the Goy-
ernor, April 22d, in which he says :

" The force now sought to be brought through Maryland is intended
fornothing but the defense of the Capitol."

Ilora.-e Greeley, the editor of the Tribune, perceiying the
bald untruth of the Secretary's declaration, and with reference
to it, said :

"Is this true ? Is it safe ? It certainly is not very consistent with the
President's Proclamation, which Governor Seward countersigned. The
militia of the loyal States were called out to suppress combinations that
defy the laws and obstruct their execution — not in Washington, but in
the disloyal States. Having reached Washington, they are several hun-
dred miles 0:1 their way to those States — not to speak of the rebellion
that has suddenly broken out in Virginia and Maryland. Having drawn
men enough to Washingt m to repel the apprehended attack, is it prob-
able that they will be sent home without even attempting to effect the
object for which they were expressly called out? And if not, will not
the Government be accused of bad faith in giving the assurances em-
bodied in Governor Seward's letter, and then acting in defiance of them T\

The War against the seceded States was inaugurated by Abra-
ham Lincoln and his party, for the purjiose as they declared of
preserving the integrity of the Union. But the maintenance of
a Union and Constitution that guaranteed the existence of slavery
could not be desired by any save a hyprocritcal member of a
party, whose animating principle was opposition to the Southern,
institution. Eveiy sincere and honest leader in the licpublicau

'*x±nnnal Cyclopaedia, 1861, p. 717.
t New York Tribune, April SCth, 1861.

243 A REVIEW OF THE

organization, had avowed the mission of his party to be the
eradication of Southern Shivery, and it was left to state craft
and deception to devise a poh'cy M-hich could carry to its support
sufficient strength to accomplish the party aim. Had not Abra-
lunn Lincoln and the members of his Cabinet, repeatedly declared
their antipathy to the institution of slavery, and that its existence
was incompatible with republican institutions? And yet when
war was proclaimed, did not these same statesmen avow that the
object of the administration was simply to preserve the Union
and the Constitutie»]i, and that the destruction of slavery was
altogether out of their power and foreign from their intentions ?
On the contrary, however, the honest and manly avowals of
Wcndel Phillips, Gerrit Smitli and (Others, proved that the
administration was sailing under false Ci)lors in order to catch
the popular gale. In his spec h of Ajr.l 27th, Gerrit Smith said:
" The end oj. slavery is at hand. If we suiYer it to live, it may return,
to torment us. Let no Northern man henceforth propose, for any reasons
whatever, the sparing of slavery. Such measure, such insult, such con-
tempt of her interests and rights and honor, the North will stand no
longer. Thank God ! the spirit of the North is at last aroused at this
point. She is determined to kill slavery, and she will be patient with no
man who shall thrust himself between her and her victim."*

With the above compare the following words from Abraham

Lincoln's inaugural :

"I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the insti-
tution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful
right to do so ; and I have no inclination to do so."

AVhicli of these two men, will posterity determine, expressed
most sincerely and honestly his convictions ? Which of them
must forever bear the brand of hypocrite upon his brow, and be
enrolled in the category of those who deserve the execration of
mankind ?

Influenced with the same design as President Lincoln, his Sec-
retary of State, William II. Seward, in his letter of instructions,
in April, 1861, to the Federal Minister in Paris, says :

" The condition of slavery in the several States will remain just the
same, whether it (the rebellion) succeeds or fails. The riglits of the
States, and the condition of every human being in tliem, wiL remain
subject to exactly the same laws and form of administration, whether
the revolution shall succeed or whether it shall fail. Their Constitutions
and forms and customs, habits and institutions, in either case will remaiu

♦New York Tribum, May 3d, 1861.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN ALIERICA. 249

tlio same. It is ha-dly necessary to add to this incontcstible statemc nt,
the further fact that the new President, as well as the citizens throuj^li
whose suffrages he has come into the administration, has always repudi-
ated all designs whatever and wherever imputed to him and them, of
disturbing the institution of slavery as it is existing under the Constitu-
tion and laws, The case however, would not be fully presented were I
to omit to say, that any such effort on his part would be unconstitutional,
and all his acts in that direction would be prevented by the judicial au-
thority, even though they were assented to by Congress and the people."

But the political Abolition editor of the New York Tribune
discloses the reason which detered the administration from allow-
ing the war to appear as waged for the destruction of slavery.
He says :

" This Avar in ti-uth is a war for the preservation of the Union — not for
the destruction of slavery ; and it would alienate many ardent Unionists
to pervert it into a war against Slavery."*

This humane editor and would-~be j^hilosopher, this wise and
sagacious statesman, like the administration, through dread of
antagonizing the conservatives of the country, declares that the
war is prosecuted for the preservation of the Union ; and yet, in
an issue of four days earlier, he eulogizes Daniel S. Dickinson,
who had advocated the extermination of the Southern people in
order to eradicate slavery, the germinating root of the revolt. It
was this j)hilosophiG editor who first of all the members of his
party most clearly explained the policy of the administration war
for the Union ; and, calmed by the following argimients, the
complaints of those who early demanded that it should be
directed for the emancipation of the Southern slaves. The war
for the Union, argued he, is sure to ultimate in the destruction of
slavery, and therefore it behooves all Abolitionists to give it their
support. Do not strive to have emancipation proclaimed, for by
doing so many friends of the Union will be turned into enemies
of the war, which will only procrastinate the overthrow of the
Southern institution. Let those fight for the Union who will,
for in doing so they likewise aid the cause of emancipation.
Many patriots do not desire the liberation of the slaves, and it
is necessary, therefore, that the war be waged in behalf of the
Union and the Constitution ; and in this manner the enemies of
emancipation really aid the movement of abolition. We who
perceive the results to follow the war, favor it because of these ;

«New York Tribune, May 14th, 18G1.

250 A REVIEW OF THE

and hence Lotli Unionists and Abolitionists can nnitc in its prose-
cution. Tliis, in brief, was the whole secret and philosoplij of
the Abolition enthusiasm in the war for the Union.

The first acts of the Federal autlioritv, in the i)ro.seeution of
the war touc-hiiig the institution of slavery, were made to con-
form strictly to the assurances that had been given. An extrav-
agant zeal was shown by Federal oiiicials to prove that the war
was prosecuted alone for the restoration of the Union. Fugitive
slaves were not only arrested within the Federal military lines
and returned to slavery, but were taken in tlie streets of "Wash-
ington and surrendered by judicial process to their masters. On
the 26th of May, ISGl, General McClellan issued an address to
the people of Western Virginia, assuring them that not only
would his troops abstain from any interference with their slave
property, but that they were ready likewise to assist in cpielling
any efforts at servile insurrection. General McDowell issued an
order prohibiting fugitive slaves from coming into, or being har-
bored within his lines. All these acts were permitted by the
Federal administration, in order to disprove the assertion of the
Southern people, and of those in the ^NTortli who charged the
Tiepublicans as secretly designing the overthrow of slavery.

But the administration and the llepublican leaders awaited
with impatience for an opportunity to allow the connnencement
of that line of policy which was to ultimate in the entire over-
throw of slave institutions. The war had been inaugurated for
the avowed maintenance of the Union and the Constitution ;
but other aims animated most of the sincere friends of the
coercive policy. The lirst opportunity which permitted a change
of base for the administration, was furnished by General B. F.
Butler, a former member of the Democratic party, and one high
in its confidence. Some fugitives had made their way into the
camp of General Butler at Fortress Monroe ; and being demanded
by an officer of a Confederate force in the neighborhood, Butler
declined to surrender these ; choosing to consider them contra-
band of war, as being the property of rebels. He placed the
able-bodied negroes at work upon his fortifications, and immedi-
ately notified the War Department of his action as regards the
fugitives. Other fugitives, men, women and children, shortly
afterwards came to his camj), and ho now chose to consult the
"War Department as to his duty imder the circumstances. The

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 251

administration felt itself safe in accepting and endorsing the
views of a States llight Jeifersonian Democrat, who was fighting
for the Union and. the Constitution. CJen. Cameron, Secretary
of War, nnder date of May 30th, 1801, replied to our Contraband
General as follows :

"Your action in respect to the negroes who came within j-our lines,
from the sei-vice of the rebels, is approved. The Department is sensible
of tlie embarrassments which must surround officers conducting military
operations in a State by the laws of which slavery is sanctioned. The
Government cannot recognize the rejection by any State of its Federal
obligations, nor can it refuse the performance of the Federal obligations
resting upon itself. Among these Federal obligations, however, none
can be more important than that of suppressing and dispersing armed
combinations, formed for the purpose of overthrowing its whole consti-
tutional authority. While, therefore, you will permit no interference
by persons under your command with the relations of persons held to
service under the laws of any State, you will, on the other hand, so long
as any State within which your military operations are conducted, is
under the control of such armed combinations, refrain from surrendering
to alledged masters, any persons who may come witliin your lines. You
will employ such persons in the services to which they may be best
adapted, keeping an account of the labor by them performed, of the
value of it, and the expenses of their maintenance. Tlie question of
their final disposition to be reserved for future determination."

This decision of the administration, which touched the slaves
of rebels voluntarily seeking refuge within the Federal lines,
was reached with great misgivings at the time as to the effect it
might have upon public sentiment and the prosecution of the
war. The aim of Abraham Lincoln and his Cabinet was to
so conduct the Government policy, with reference to the slavery
question, as to follow rather than lead popular opinion in the
North ; and which was steadily being shaped by abolition agita-
tion. Aware that in civil convulsions the radical revolutionists
ever triumph over the moderates, the same, it w\as believed by
President Lincoln and his counsellors, would haj)pen in the Re-
publican party. They could, therefore, afford to permit events
to dictate the varied changes of policy to effect the cherished
objects ; yet, nevertheless, aiding by every means in their power,
to hasten the steps that would permit their open espousal of the
changed schedule.

But Congress, at its extra session in 1861, aided the adminis-
tration in making a new advance towards its destined goal, in the
enactment of the first Confiscation Bill, which the President,

253 A REVIEW OF THE

with great hesitation, approved. This bill 'Mimitcd tlic penalty
of confiscation to property actually employed in the service of
the rebellion, M'ith the knowledge and consent of its owners ;
and instead of emancipating slaves thus employed, left their
status to be determined either by the Courts of the United States
or by subsequent legislation."* This was as bold a move, at so
early a period in the history of the war, as dared be hazzarded ;
and was only engineered through the Senate and House of Rep-
resentatives amidst the greatest misgivings upon the part of
many Republicans, and after the defeat of the Federal army at
Bull Run had aroused the country to the necessity of putting
forth every effort that might weaken the rebellion. It was con-
tended by the political Abolitionists, that the rebel property,
including slaves, should all be confiscated, in order to aid iu
breaking the strength of their enemy in arms against the Gov-
ernment. Whilst really striving to effect in this way the eman-
cipation of the slaves by confiscation, they strenously maintained
that the object of the war was simply the maintenance of the
Union; and that negro liberation was only one of the means to be
made use of to put a termination to the conflict. This disguise
was well made up, and prevented those who could not penetrate
the veil from showing to the dim-eyed masses the naked skeleton
of emancipation that stood in the background.

During the extra session of Congress in ISGl, the conservative
patriot of Kentucky, John J. Crittenden, on the 19th of July,
18G1, asked the unanimous leave of the House of Represetatives
to submit the following resolution :

"Resolved, By the House of Representatives of the Congress of the
United States, that the present deplorable civil war has been forced upon
the country by the disunionists of the Southern States now in revolt
against the Constitutional Government, and in arms around the Capitol ;
that in this national emergency Congress, banishing all feeling of mere
passion and resentment, will recollect only its duty to the whole countrj- ;
that this war is not waged on our part in any spirit of ojipression, nor for
any purpose of conquest or subjugation, nor for the purpose of over-
throwing or interfereing with the rights or established institutions of the
Slates, but to de end and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution,
and to preserve the Union, with all the dignities, equality and rights of
the seceded States unimpaired, and that as soon as these objects are
accomplished, the war ought to cease."

The most thoroughly consistent member of the Republican

*Letterof Joseph Holt, of Seiiembter 12, ISGl.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA, 233

party in the Ilouse at that time, (Thaddcus Stevens) objected to
the reeepticni of the above resohition, and when it passed by
an ahnost unanimous vote, he declined to allow his name to
be recorded, either affirmatively or negatively. The cowards
and hypocrites of his party in Congress, like Abraham Lincoln
and William II. Seward, feared to disclose their real designs of
emancipation, and supported a resolution which expressed senti-
ments contrary to their feelings, and by which they never meant
to be obligated. That negro freedom was the darling goal of
asj^iration of the Republican party, the following from " Occa-
sional " in the Philadelphia Press of August 31st, 1861, would
seem to attest :

"Tliousands who have recoiled from a mere Anti-Slaveiy war, now
advocate emancipation as an imperative necessity."

Although Thaddeus Stevens, Owen Lovejoy, Charles Sumner,
and a few other radicals, had somewhat partially disclosed the
designs of the Republican party, it was altogether too soon for
the Administration to show its hand upon the slavery issue.
These men though the soul of their party, were represented by
the crafty Republican leaders as extremists, whose views would
never be adopted by any organization ; and much less by the
conservative administration of Abraham Lincoln. Such were the
stereotyped reiterations of the Republican press of the iSTorth.
But time disclosed whose sentiments really represented the heart
of the party in power ; and to what point the highly Conservative-
Republican administration was drifting.

On the 10th of August, 1861, the Secretary of the Interiory
Caleb Smith, in an address to the citizens of Providence, Rhode
Island, declared the policy of the Government in the following
lano'uawe :

" The minds of the people of the South have been deceived by the artful
representations of demagogues, who have assured them that the people of
the North, were determined to bring the power of this Government to
bear upon them for the purpose of crushing out the mstitution of slavery.
I ask you, is there any truth in this charge? Has the Government of the
United States, in any single instance, by any one solitary act, interfered
with the institutions of the South ? No, not one. The theory of this
Government is, that the States are sovereign v/ithin their proper sphere.
The Government of the Unitod States has no more right to interfere with
the institution of slavery in South Carolina than it has to interfere with
the peculiar institutions of Ehode Island."*

*Annual Cyclopedia, ISGl, p. 643.

Sr4 A REVIEW OF THE

r>ut it remained for General Fremont to strike tlie key note of
Tiei)ubliean sentiment, when in his prockimatiou of August 30th,
lyOl, he said :

"Real and porsonal property of those who shall take up arms against
the United States, or who shall be directly proven to have taken an active
part with their enemies in the Held, is declared confiscated to public use,
and their slaves, if any they have, are hereby declared free men."

From this period the famous explorer, in Abolition estimation,
became the heait ideal of an American General and Statesman;
and the laudations that were showered upon him by the Republi-
can press, were almost bewildering. The chord of radical aspira-
tion had been touched ; and the harmony that followed showed
llie real motives of the revolutionists, much as they had endeav-
ored to conceal them. But the border States and the conserva-
tives Oi the Xorth were yet an object that could not be dispensed
with bv the war party. Abraham Lincoln and his counsellors
deemed it too soon to permit the aim of their party to appear before
the vision of all ; and the avowed emancipationists now had the
bitter mortilication of seeing tlie confiscation order of their
favorite general rescinded. The President, under date of Sep-
tember 11th, issued to John C. Fremont the following order:

"Yours of the Sth, in answer to mine of the 2d, is just received. As-
sured that you, upon the ground, could better judge of the necessities of
your position than I could at this distance, on seeing your jiroclamatiou
of August 30th, I perceived no general objection to it ; the particular
clause, however, in relation to the confiscation of propertj', and the
liberation of slaves, appeared to me to be objectionable in its nor.-L-on-
formity to the Act of Congress, passed the 6tli of last August, upon the
same subjects ; and hence I wrote you expressing my wish that the clause
should Le modified accordingly. Your answer just received, expresses
the preference on your part, that I should make an open order for the
modification, which I very cheerfully do. It is therefore ordered that
the said clause of the said proclamation be so modified, held and con-
strued, as to conform with and not to transcend the provisions on the
same subject contained in the Act of Congress, entitled, ' An Act to con-
fiscate proiterty used for insurrectionary purposes," approved August Gth,
1801, and that said Act be published at length with this order."'

Events now sped with a ra|)id gait, and upon tlie assembling
of Congress, in December, 1861, it was discovered that legislative
timidity Avas being laid aside, and frank avowals were made by
Thaddeus Stevens and other bold leaders, showing still more
clearly the objects of the war. The session was a long and
active one, and the administration gathered strength and conli-

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. Cjj

dence as one legislator after another expressed himself as regards
the exigencies of the occasion. By the middle of February,
1S(>2, the Marat of the revohition, the editor of the New York
Tribune, was able to make the fuhowing announcement :

" Some of our readers will have noticed with interest, a recent promi-
nently iDublished despatch of a AVashington letter writer, whose correct-
ness has never been denied, announcing that President Lincoln had, in a
conversation with Gen. Lane, declared that after mvich deliberation he
had come to the conclusion that he could not recognize the existence of
slavery in the seceded States. Slavery must be deemed to be abolislied
within those States by the very action of the State seceding ; and of
course there can be no return of the fugitives from those States nor any
constitutional recognition of the institution."*

At length the bold attitude of the radical leaders in Congress,
the tone of the radical press, and the recollection of the eulo-
gistic praise which had been heaped upon Fremont by the Aboli-
itonists, coupled with a holy zeal for negro freedom, induced
General Hunter, connnanding the Department of the South, to
essay emanicipation in order that his name likewise might be
enrolled, as one of the distinguished commanders of the world,
along with the great California explorer. For this purpose, he
issued an order putting the States of Georgia, South Carolina and
Florida under martial law, and declaring that as slavery and
martial law were incompatible, the slaves of tliose States should
be forever free. If the exuberant commendations of the Ilepub-
lican press were sufficient to place General Hunter in the category
of famed military heroes, then had he truly reached the height
of his ambition, for his eulogists assigned the zealous foe of
Southern serfdom to a rank with the Cromwells and Is'apoleons
of history. ^Yith the patriot daughters of the ISTorth he was the
valorous knight, sans peur et sans rejyroche, and far eclipsed all
the Bayards of chivalry. But Abraham Lincoln was Com-
mander-in-Chief of the American armies, and some glory was
his due. Were he to permit his pragmatical subordinates one after
another, to strike off the chains of slavery in their different de-
partmaats, nothing would remain for himself, the Jupiter tonans
of the abolition camp, to perform. lie needed no council from
Generals Fremont and Hunter ; wiser and more cautious intel-
lects supplied him with advice, '^o threats by infidel orators of
New England of encircling his Irow with a slave hound w.reathy

*New York Tribune, February 13th, 1863.

2oO A REVIEW OF THE

^vould induce liim to yield to the liasty l^eliests of h:ili--Lraincd
enthusiasts who were unable to preserve tlieir own secrets, much
less dictate his governmental policy. When the omens gave
assurance that a servile and degraded people would fully sustain
Ills decree, the grand jubilee of freedom would be proclaimed.
They did not as yet so admonish him. General Hunter's ])rocla-
mation of freedom was accordingly set aside, and the olticious
commander rebuked.

But during all this time, the fruit was maturing, and the lields
of abolition were rapidly ripening for the harvest. The long
period of growth was ended. The husbandmen had watched
and waited with patience, and the reapers would soon be called
to finish the work. The call of the master was now looked for
with longing anxiety.

POLITICAL CONFLICT LN AMERICA, 257

CHAPTER XV.

EMANCIPATION DECREED.

Tlic slioclv of war wliicli aroused the nation from its slumber,
had for a time a depressing effect npon abohtion agitation and
the utterances of the schooh An upheaval of union aspiration
arose in the Northern breast, all else being stifled in the general
desire that the compact of the fathers should not be broken, and
the leaders of the revolutionary sect found it necessary to retreat
for a period from the public gaze, and discuss their sentiments in
retirement. It was only in the secret chambers where these
leaders dared any longer to give expression to opinions that were
now perceived upon all hands as those which had plunged the
nation into the throes of intestine strife and bloodly revolution.
Gerrit Smith, an honest pioneer in the cause of emancipation, on
the 30th of October, ISGl, spoke as follows :

"For months the state of the pubUc mind has not been such as to
encourage me to speak or write as an Abolitionist."*

Thaddeus Stevens was one of the Members of Congress who
were looked upon as the extemists of their party, and the mantle
of povrer was but cautiously conferred upon him, and onJy when
it was perceived that the niglit of contempt which had weighed
upon the Abolitionists was beginning to depart, and their aurora
of dawn to ascend the political horizon.

The aii'itating crew began again their movements with the de-
sign of inliuencing public thought, and preparing the nation for
the reception of their views, which were the emancipation of the
negro slaves in the Southern States, and their social and political
equality with the whites. After the battle of 13all Kun, a plausi-
ble pretext was afforded them to argue that slavery must bo
destroyed in order to weaken an enemy that had so contraiy to
all expectations shown such dexterity upon the battle-field. As
the preservation of the Union was the sole object of the massed

*Ne\v York Tribune, November 9, 18G1.

238 A REVIEAV OF THE

that La J espoused the prosecution of tlie war, the agitators had
tlic sa<i:ac-ity to 2)erceive that they could now urge with safety ;i
policy and measures that were calculated to weaken the Southern
Confederates. The services of the politieal cliilt, the abolition
pulpit and the rostrum of the revolutionary lecturer were again
brought into retpiisition to further emancipation, and intensify
Northern hate against the Southern cause. The following extract
from the Xew York Herald of July, 18G1, shows the movement
of the avowed abolition school of the Eastern States :

** The speeches delivered at Fi-ammgham, Massachusetts, on the 4th of
July ; the resolutions of Lovejoy ; the epistolary manifesto of Gerrit Smith,
from Peterboro ; and the renewed vigor in behalf of Abolitionism
of Wendoll Phillips, Garrison, Chandler and Greeley, with their satellites,
all prove that the deadly fear of consec^uences which frightened the
revolutionary demagogues of the Northern States into silence, threy
months ago, is subsiding, and that they are renewing their mischievous
attempts to undermine the Constitution and perpetuate the dissolution of
the Union. They have commenced a simultaneous onslaught upon Mr.
Lincoln, and abuse him ojjenly for not having made the destruction of
slave institutions and the confiscation of Southern projierty a part of his
programme. Wendell Phillij s, at Framingham, gives the President the
choice of having 'slave-hound'' branded ou his forehead, or being the
liberator of four millions of bondmen."

The utterances of the radical Jacobins, simply betokened that
the army of revolutionists were near at hand and ready to second
their most violent demands. The ^^ew York Ile2:»ublican Cen-
tral Club, an influential organization, petitioned Congress soon
after the battle of Bull Eun, to pass a law abolishing slavery ;
and letters began to come in inquiring why Government would
not destroy the root of the evil to save the nation.* By the
middle of September, the Xorthern Abolition pulpit was fully
freighted for the crusade, and performed its full share of service
in shaping opinion to subserve the objects of the timid political
leaders that stood at the helm of Government. The followiu":
extract of a sermon of Dr. Cheever, preached in the Church of
the Puritans, will show the boldness of the utterances that were
by this time become current. Dr. Cheever said :

"The desire in England and in Eurojje, is to see in us a nation, hon-
ored, great and noble, by abolishing slavery and putting away tho
accursed thing from among us. This is it, which chiils Christian sym-
pathy and draws upon us instead, the rebukes of the English people.
* * * There can be no peace — there must be none till tliis rebellion is

*New York Tribune, August 2d and 3d, 18G1.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMEHICA. 259

put down, * * * We say to England, give us your s^ympatliy, for
ours is a holy conflict, we are fighting the battle of ages ; the battle of
humanity and mankind against the most odious and wicked rebellion the
world ever saw. But to the South we say, down with your rebellion, we
do not object to slavery, we have never interfered with it. Why the
newspapers load their columns with arguments to prove that we never in-
tended to interfere against slavery, and that we do not mean to interfere.
They say to the South, you may keep your slaves, and if you return to
your allegiance we will assist you in keeping them. The declaration that
you may keep your slavery in ihe Union ! What an attitude to hold be-
fore the world ! In God's name, the people demand emancipation, not
only as an act of beneficence to the slaves, but as their right. Tho^e only-
are traitors who refuse this ; and the only treason that can destroy the
Government, is the denial of this naeasure of righteousness. This meas-
ure can only save the country engaged against the most wicked and
atrocious Confederacy of hell, We must not loose sight of the fact that
this is God's war against slavery. He has given to us the means of putting
an end to slavery, thi-ough the rebellion. * * * If the people are
faithful and resolute, they will petition and memorialize the President
until he issues a proclamation to all the bond of the country. The Church
must do this. If the Church takes a lead iu it, the masses will follow.
There must be an uprising in the Church, in the demand for justice to
the slaves, as there was an upiising when the booming of the first cannon
was heard from Sumpter. It is said on all sides that the force of cixxum-
stances must be relied on for bringing about the emancipation of the
slaves. This is a false, cowardly way of dealing with the great question."*

No man, perhaps, in the nation, since the outbreak of hostili-
ties, had done more to strengthen the courage of the Abolitionists
throughout the North, and add new fuel to the flame of agitation
that set in after the battle of Bull Run, than Thaddeus Stevens.
Although he? himself labored under the suspicions of his party
friends of being too outspoken in his views ; yet he was an hon-
ored and influential member of a body that represented the voice
of the Northern people. At the extra session of Congress even,
called in July, 1801, he maintained the bold and independent
attitude of one who had little desire to conceal that so far as he
could influence events, the war should be engineered in the interest
of emancipation and negro elevation. And when the distin-
guished John J. Crittenden, of Kentucky, offered his famous
resolve in Congress, on the 19th of July, 1861, that '■''xolien the
Union should he restored hy force of arms^ t/ie war ought to
cease^^ Mr. Stevens was the only member of his school who was
unwilling to be enrolled as a hypocrite. In manly uttex'auces he

""New York Herald, September IGth, 1861,

2G0 A REVIEW OF THE

objected to the reeoptii)n of a rcpDlution winch he could not
approve ; for with him the Avar meant riomcthin<j:; more than the
i^imple restoration of the Union. • Again, during the same session
whvn the bill was before the House to conliscate property used
for insurrectionary purposes, he had given utterance to the follow-
ing sentiments, that by no means were heard with patience by
liis more cautions compeers. Mr. Stevens said :

'• If this war is continued and is bloody, I do not believe that the free
people of the North will stand by and see theii- sons, brothers and neigh-
bors slaughtered by thousands and tens of thousands by rebels with arms
in their hands, and forbear to call upon their enemies to be our friends,
and help us in subduing them. I for one, if it continues and has the
consequencLS mentioned, sliall be ready to go for it, let it horrify the
gen ;leman from New York or anybody else. That is my doctrine; and
that will be tlie doctrine of the whole free people of the North before
two years roll around, if this war continues.

"As to the end of the war, until the rebels are subdaed no man in the
North thinks of it. If the Government are equal to tlie i:)eople — and I
believe they are — there will be no bargaining ; there will be no negotia-
tion ; there will be no truces with r2bels, except- to bury the dead, until
every man shall have laid down his arms, disbanded his organization,
submitted himself to tlie Government and sued for mercy. And, sir, if
those who have the control of the Government are not tit for the task
and .have not the nerve and mind for it, the people will take care that
there are otiiers wlio are — although, sir, I have not a bit of fear of tho
present administration or of the present Executive."

•'I have spoken more freely, perhaps, than gentlemen within my
hearing might think politic ; but I have just spoken what I felt. I have
spoken what I believe will be the result ; and I warn Southern gentlemen
tiiat if this war is to continue, there will be a time when my friend from
New York will see it declared by this nation, that every bondman m the
South — belonging to a rebel recollect ; I conline it to them — shall ba
called upon to aid us in war against their masters and restore this Union,"

It was to be expected that speeches such as the above from
men of the conceded capacity of Mr. Stevens, would embolden
Abolitionists everywhere to utter their opinions with more free-
dom than they had as yet been able to do since the outbreak of
the war. A writer in the Kew York Tribune in Kovembcr,
1861, spoke as follows of the growing sentiment of the peoi)le,
which in other words was simply aboTitionisni gradually with-
drawing the mask which it had hitherto carefully worn. This
writer says :

'• We do not think we over-estimate the rapid march of public senti.
ment in this direction. Cautious and conservative men are going forward
faster than they iniagnine. All now conceive, '• if Slavery or the Union

POLrilCAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 201

must foil, then Jet Slavery instantly perish. And the nuiubor of thoso
who believe that this alternative is close upon us i? multitudinous, and
increases with every reverse of our arms, and with every day that post-
pones a decisive victory of our forces.

"When the Confiscation of August last was passed, discharging from
labor or service every slave who had been used by the rebels, directly or
indirectly for carrying on the war, the President even hesitated to sign
it. "Weeks rolled on, our arms encountered reverses, the rebellion assumed
gigantic proportions. At length Fremont's pi'oclamation appeared.
After a little breathing spell, and when the President resolved to modify
it so as to make it conform exactly to the Act of Congress, these timid
and conservative classes, who had stigmatised this law as an abolition
scheme, rushed to the defense of the President, and eulogized the Act of
Congress as a wise measure.

" And we recollect how cautiously the people received and how gin-
gerly the administration handled the contraband proposition which Gen.
eral Butler let fly at the public from Fortress Monroe. The War Depart-
ment, after much painful cogitation, and despite not a few misgivings in
conservative circles, restricted the application of this novel doctrine
exclusively to the slaves of rebels who voluntarily sought shelter within
the walls of the fort, and were then to be set at work only in pacific
employments. But we now find the department applauded in all quar-
ters, while instructing commanders invading the South, not only to
receive and arm them in companies to aid in crushing the rebellion — in a
word, to convert them into military auxiliaries. This rule is to be ap-
Xjlied not to the slaves of rebels only, but to those of loyal citizens, giving
assurance to the latter that Congress will pay them for their losses."*

By tlie time the Thirty-seventh Congress assembled in Decem-
ber, 18G1, the current of agitation liad become qnite rapid, and
every day added to its velocity. Vast armies had been called
from both sections of the country to meet each other in mortal
combat, and many a held had been drenched with American blood
without any decided advantage having been secured up to this
period by either of the contestants. The flag of the ]North was,
liowever, rather in the ascendant. Severe blows had been dealt
'to the Southern Confederacy in Missouri, Kentuck}^, and West
Virginia ; and the stars and stripes were floating over llatturas
and Port Royal on the Eastern coast.

The conflicting sentiments that had, from the formatiun of our
Constitution, formed the basis of the two political parties of the
nation, with the meeting of Congress, in December, 1801, were
again brought forward in marked contrast. The unanimity of
approval that the prosecution of the war for the Union seemed

"New York Tribune, November 12th, 1801.

2G2 ' A REVIEW OF THE

to have secured, after the assault upon Sumpter, began now to
disappear; and the leadere assumed in somewhat disguised bear-
ings, before the country, the respective positions that marked
their several views. The radicals of each of the divergent par-
ties were the first to display their positions. Clement L. Valhm-
dignam aiid George 11. rendleton, of Ohio, and ex Governor
Wickliffe, of Kentucky, were conspicuous amongst those who
undisgnisedly maintained the old attitude of the Democratic party,
that the war against the South was an encroachment upon
the Federal Constitution, ami an invasion of State rights and of
the immunities of the Southern people. It was an unpopular
position for a statesman to defend in the midst of the excitement
of war ; for the people, the large proportion of whom are in-
capable of reasoning and deducing logical conchisions, were
ah-eady carried away by their zeal in behalf of the Union, as
they conceived ; and which they now regarded as in great
jeopardy and danger of dissolution. It was indeed with the
greatest difticulty that these men and the few who heartily co-
operated with them, were able to unite all the Democratic Eep-
resentatives of Congress in a phalanx of solid resistance to the
unconstitutional measures of the dominant party. Their resist-
ance, however, was but ciceronic and vain in its results. They
simply could enter their protests against the behests of power
sustained by the bristling bayonets of a hireling soldiery ; and in
doing so they periled their reputations and future political pros-
pects before their several constituencies, to such an extent that
most of them, by degrees, sunk beneath the waves of a boisterous
jwlitical ocean. They, however, are the politicjiJ patriots and
martyrs whom truthful history will enroll on the same pages with
Cicero, Brutus and Cassius ; and with the patriots who sunk with
Eoman liberty on the field of Phillippi.

Civil war was no period for calm reflection, and for the suc-
cessful display of considerative statesmanship, such as is needed
to guide the affairs of States and ]S"ations. But, upon the other
hand, it was the epoch for bringing to the surface of the political
caldron, the revolutionary and fanatical leaders whose mission
in life would seem to'be mcst appropriately characterized by styl-
ins it the destructive. Thaddeus Stevens, Charles Sumner and
Owen Lovejoy arose to the ascendant, as leaders of their party,
and displayed a disregard of inherited rights and of the man-

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 203

dates of the Federal Constitution, tliat find no i^arallel in Ameri-
can liistorv; and to be equalled, must be found, if at all, on tlio
dark and bloody images of the French Eevolution. These men
came to Washington, all of them, for one reason or another,
freighted with cargoes of gall and bitterness to pour upon the
heads of the Southern people driven to rebellion ; and now the
opportunit_Y was fully come for such a display of partisan tactics,
as would enable them to triumph over their ancient foes, and
ultimate the struggle in universal emancipation. Thaddeus
Stevens, the dreaded extremist of his party, was at length har-
nassed by his coadjutors in the glittering armor of strength,
being now the honored Chairman of the Connnittee of Ways
and Means of the Lower House of Congress. Eepresenting a
constituency, in which his party could figure live thousand ma-
jority, he was the representative of all others who dared to be
frank in his public expressions, and bold in his recommendations
of measures to accomplish the objects of the revolutionary school,*
And, instead of being, therefore, any longer the shunned IN'orth-
ern radical, he now towered in his strength as Achilles on the
plain, and his blows were dealt with unerring aim upon slavery,
his Hectorean antagonist. At the beginning of Congress, he
was one of the first members of the House to open his batteries
upon his foe, and indicate the aim of the war party. On the
first day of the session, he submitted the following preamble and
resolutions ;

" Whereas, Slavery has caused the present rebellion in the United
States ; and whereas, there can be no solid and permanent peace and
union in this Eepublic so long as that institution exists within it ; and
whereas, slaves are now used by the rebels as an essential means of sup-
porting and protracting the war ; and whereas, by the law of nations it
is right to liberate the slaves of any enemy to weaken its power ; there-
fore,

1st. " Be it resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America, in Congress assembled, that the President be

*"Some of our public men do not hesitate to say, that rather than
bring back the seceded Slave States into the Union, they would agree to
a peaceful and prompt separation. They contend that in the event of a
reunion, the slave despotism would rule by its unity and with the aid of
the Breckinridge Democrats of the Free States ; and by means of tlio
divisions of the Republicans, th_^ destinies of the future of our country
will be comj^letely controlled by traitors to the Fedei'al Constitution.
Although no open demonstration in favor of this tlieory has yet been
made, it is undoubted! v sincerely entertained in certain influential
quarters," — " Occasional," in Philadelphia Press, January 31, 1862.

264 A REVIEW OF THE

requested to declare free, and to direct all our p;cnerr.ls and ofTicors in
command, to order freedom to all slaves who shall leave their master.s.
or who shall aid in quelling this rebellion.

2d. " Be it further resolved, Tliat the United States pledge the faith of
the Union tt) make full and fair compensati jn to all loj-al citizens who
are. or shall remain active in supporting the Union, for the loss they
bhall sustain by virtue of this Act." *

In the above resolutions, the animus of tlie liepublicun party
was clearly betokened ; yet the more cautious niuuipulators of
partisan tactics contended that they expressed simply the views
of the extreme Abolitionists; and that they would never bo
made the basis of the party creed.f Indeed so closely veiled
had Abraham Lincoln and his esoteric advisers been able to keep
their opinions, that the rash men of the Abolition wing of his
party, came to suspect the head of the (xovernnient as lacking in
zeal for the cause of emancipation. His zeal, however, was
equally ardent with their own, as time at length disclosed. But
he was surrounded with an array of counsellors who were sagac-
ious enough as to perceive that the only way by which slavery
could be destroyed, was to permit the administration to appear as
if led by public opinion, to lay the axe to the root of the insti-
tution tiiey were all seeking to extirpate. In one of the earliest
caucuses held by the extreme Abolition members of Congress,
after the assembling of that body in December, 1861, and con-
vened for the purpose of considering the emancipation measures
already submitted; Mr. Stevens, who was recognized as the lead-
ing radical spirit of the House, if not of his p-arty at Washing-
ton, made an attack upon the President for refusing to acquiesce
at once in the expediency of the emancipation programme. In
that speech he is reported to have said :

"Tliat the Republican party have been sold in the election of Lincoln
to the Presidency ; that the North West had deceived them by assur-

*Conrjre^donal Globe, part 1 of Second Session of 3Tth Congress, p. G.

+The uianncr in which the Republican papers deceived the country, is
soon in tlic following, i'rom '• O.'caskmal," of the Philadelphia Press, ot
luno Itith lS(;-3 : " In llie campaign that is about to be opened against
the ■idininistration and the war. powerful emphasis is to be laid upon the
emp'tv accusation that the friends of Mr. Lincoln favor unconditional
omiiu-ipation and negro equalitv. Contemptible as this accusation i^, it
is froiiuently repeated by m(Mi who, in their heated partisanship, forget
that thev are intelligent and reasonable beings. * * * Iho

men in the Free Stiites who advocate unconditional emancipation, aro
very few in numbers ; and in the RepubUcan party they do not number
one" in five hundred."

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN Al^IERICA. 203

ances tliat lie was a true and sound Republican ; but that assurance had
failed."*

"Wendell Phillips and other ardent Liberators, had before this
made repeated assaults upon the President, and aceused him of a
desire to perpetuate the institution of Southern Slavery. Mr.
rhiUips had even been so bold as to assert that the President
had it in his own choice, either to wear a WTeath of contempt or
be enrolled m history as the destroyer of Southern serfdom.

The resolutions, tactics, and tone of the radicals of the Repub-
lican party in this Congress, disclosed that it had been fully
determined that slavery should either perish in the national
struggle then waging, or a restoration of the old Union be ren-
dered impossible. Indeed, Mr. Stevens from this period made
little concealment that this, so far as he could influence public
affairs, was his fixed and determined resolve. He and his zealous
coadjutors should have been less severe upon Abraham Lincoln
and the administration ; for this oflicial was not in a situation to
give as free utterance to his opinions as others ; and besides, he
had dextrously disclosed in his message to Congress of December
3d, ISGl, that he was in spirit, in full accord with the most
outspoken radical of his party. In that message he disclosed, to
an observant mind, his willingness to accept the most extreme
results of the emancipating crusade, that is to say the social
equality of the black race. He said :

"If any good reason exists why we should persevere longer, in with-
holding our recognition of the independence and sovereignty of Hayti
and Liberia, I am unable to discover it. Unwilhng, however, to inaugu-
rate a novel policy in regard to them, without the approbation of Con-
gress, I submit for your consideration the expediency of an appropriation
for maintaining a charge 'd affairs near each of those new States."

The recognition of these States, and the appointment of gen-
tlemen to till the new posts of honor, was a clear and unmistakable
recognition of the social equality of the negro with the white race.

One of the earliest measures submitted by the radical leaders
of the Pepublican party, in this Congress, was the bill to punish
officers and privates of the armies for arresting, detaining or
delivering fugitive slaves to their masters. But this, at lirst, was
feared by many of the party, as too plain a disclosure of their
views; and one that might not meet with public a])])robation.
The Fugitive Slave law stood yet unrepealed upon the statute

*New York Herald, December 10th, 1861.

2C6 A REVIEW OF THE

l)Ool<s of the nation ; and the bill now proposed, too clearly, had
the appearance of coallicting with that law. Bein^ stubbornly
resisted by the Democrats, and also by some Conservative Ee-
publieans, it was defeated in its original shape ; but it was after-
wards in February, 18G2, reported from the Military Committee
as an additional article of war in the following words:

"All officers are prohibite^l from employing any of the forces vmdcr
their respective commands, for the purpose of returning fugitives iroui
service or labor, who may have escaped from any persons to whom such
service or labor is claimed to be due. Any officer who sliall be found
guilty by court-martial of violating th is Article, shall be dismissed from
thu service."

This bill, after having been resisted in its new shape by the
Constitutional defenders in both Houses, was passed and received
the sanction of the President on March 13th, 18(32. Indeed, it
seemed clearly apparent, almost from the beginning of this ses-
sion of Congress, that one spirit, without any digested plan,
animated the leading Abolitionists in these bodies, inasmuch as
innumerable propositions one after another were submitted in the
two Houses, all having one general aim, negro emancipation.

But the bill which, of all others, was intended as the real
entering wedge for all subsequent emancipatory measures, was
that prei)ared as early as December 17th, 18G1, reported by
Morrill, of Maine, on February 13th, 18G2, and which was to
free the slaves of the District of Columbia, The bill served its
purpose of testing the sentiment of the country as regards this
radical advance, and assured the extreme Republicans how far
the moderate men of their party would follow them. They
were determined to overleap all constitutional barriers in their
way, and if a suthcient following in their ranks would permit
the passage of this radical measure, the future seemed clear for
them. This bold attempt to subvert the plain spirit of the Con-
stitution, the Democrats and Lorder State Eepresentatives battled
with the most stubborn resistance ; but their efforts, as on former
like occasions, were futile ; and they were obliged to witness
another invasion of the constitutional innnunities of their country-
men. The arbitrary assessment of $300 as the value of the slave
of each loyal master in the District, was a most palpable infrac-
tion of the Constitution, which declared that no man shall " be
deprived of life, liberty and property without due process of
law." The rapid change of base by the Eepublican party, which

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 267

the support of this measm-e indicated, did not escape the animad-
version and severe reproof of Senator Davis, of Kentucky, who
stood by the landmarks of the Constitution, and fought as an
ancient Eoman in behalf of his country's liberty. He said :

"There is a very different spirit and there are verj- different purposes,
now in the dominant party in relation to slavery, to what were declared
a few months ago."

This bill was passed in both Houses by an almost strict party vote,
and received the approval of the President April 16th, 1SG3.
The abolition re-echoes of approval to the passage of this law,
giving freedom to the few slaves in the District were heard
tliroughout the whole Korth, as therein the fiery advocates of
negro liberation recognized an assuring harbinger of their long-
anticipated millenniitm.

In the midst of the blows that were falling thick and fast
upon the institution of slavery, it would have indicated great
lack of ardor had not Abraham Lincoln, the Agamemnon of
the Abolition host, sliown some apparent readiness, at least, to
do his full share in the great battle of emancipation. He must
somewhat keep pace with his ardent chieftains, or all the honor
of the victory might be borne away by others ; and he left to
pine in grief because of inactivity. Accordingly, on the Gth of
March, 1862, he submitted in a special message the proposition
that Congress should pledge the Government as ready to co-
operate pecuniarily with any State, that might be willing to
inaugurate measures for the emancipation of the slaves within
its borders. His proposition, as he was well aware, could not
fail to attract some agreeable perfume in the shape of abolition
adidation to his olfactory sensibilities ; and might in a measure
compensate for some of a contrary character, to which he had
been repeatedly subjected. It is true his proposition was not
composed of the ingredients coveted by the Stevens wing of his
party ; for this leader of the House characterized it as " the most
diluted milk and w^ater-gruel proposition that was ever given to
the American nation."

Mr. Stevens, however, who by this time had come more fully
to realize the qualities of Darwinian development possessed by
the head of the Government, moved and carried in the House, a
reference of this message to a Committee of the Whole on tho
state of the Union. AU the unconstitutional objections that

L'G3 A REVIEW OF THE

vrere urged against tlie passage of this measure ; and every lack
of warrant shown to draw money from the Xational Treasury
for tlic purpose of freeing sUives, were insufficient to swerve from
their purposes the rccldess leaders of the llepublicau party.
Eniancii.ation was the lirst goal they were Lent upon reaching;
and all obstacles that stood in the way of their passage must be
removed at any cost. The object must be reached or the Union
of the Staics must pny the foi-feit. President Lincoln, before
submitting this proposition of compensated emancipation, was
well aware tliat no Southern State either desired, or could be in-
duced under the existing circumstances voluntarily to emancipate
its slaves. Honor and integrity, therefore, should have demanded
of the President to declare what he really meant ; t/iat {f the
JSouthcrn States declined to accede to the aholitlon demand, lie
would shortly ?'elieve them of that necessity. But the subject
afforded the JPresident an excellent opportunity to exhibit him-
self as disposed to be fair and generous to the loyal slave holders
of the South ; Avhereas, neither he nor his party ever meant that
the jjropositiou should be accepted. The measure, however,
passed both Houses, and received the assent of its proposer,
President Lincoiii.

The abolition current was by this time become a rapid tide,
and was washing away one constitutional embankment after
another. Every day developed more clearly that the assurances
whicli liad been made by the llepublicau leaders and press, that
they did not intend to interfere with slavery, were all deceptions
and intendetl to blindfold the nation, until it became involved in
fratricidal strife with the people of the Southern States. One
Member of Congress after another was disclosing his secret views
that the destruction of slavery with the zealous leaders had from
the hrst been a deliberate and well matured resolve. Members
no longer hesitated to declare upon the floor of Congress, that
they would not vote a man or a dollar for the further prosecution
of the war, unless it be made one for the emancipation of slavery,
clearly expressed.

Even the attitude that the party had assumed in the 3Gth
Congress, in the organization of the new Territories of Colorado,
Nevada' and Dacotah, was hypocritical and false. These Territo-
ries had been organized after the withdrawal of the Ilepresenta-
tives from the Cotton States ; and by Acts which maintained a

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 209

prof omul silence as regarded slavery. These Acts were passed at
a time when AboHtiunism was rather at a discount, in view of
the calamities it was bringing upon the nation. But as soon as
its former strentgh was regained, and it became apparent that the
nation was intoxicated with the fumes of blood and fratricidal
strife, this territorial legislation must undergo a like metamor-
phose. For this purpose, Owen Lovejoy reported a bill at this
session of Congress for the abolition or prohibition of slavery in
all the Territories of the United States. This Bill after having
passed the ordinary ordeal of resistance, as the other measures
already alluded to, became a law in the xVbolition sense, though
stigmatized as unconstitutional.

Alfairs were now nearing a crisis. Congress had shown itself
ready to endorse the most extreme measures of the radicals of
the Eepublican party. All the extreme measures seemed to em-
euate from the representatives of the people ; and the President
had hitherto been fortunate in being able to appear befoi-e the
country as a Union man, with or without slavery. He and his
advisers were sufficiently shrewd to have him preserve an equi-
poise amidst the extremes. While therefore, the President stood
before the friends of the Union, as a Union man, Senator Sumner
who could communicate with the inner recesses of his soul, was
early in 1862, able to assure his Abolition friends in the East,
that they need not be solicitous as to the views of the Commander
in Chief. That personage was all right, as time Avould fully
disclose. Time did precisely what the Senator had promised.
The country was fully committed to the task of subjugating the
Southern States. A p&ople cannot reason amidst the strife of
warfare. All this the President or his advisers knew ; and the
lono- anticipated opportunity seemed near at hand when the curtain
could with safety be raised.

In an interview with the Eepresentatives from the Border
States, the President urged them to accept compensated emanci-
pation for their several States; but these men, educated in schools
in which a reverence for right and obedience to the Constitution
had been taught, spurned an offer that they felt no other save a
usurper of his country's liberty was able to tender. A fitting
parallel to this proposition of the American President is found
in the instance of that individual who escorted the Son of Man
to the pinacle of the Temple, and temptingly proposed, " all these

270 A REVIEW OF THE

iv'dl I give iheeP Neither in the one case nor the other, was it
in tlie power of the proposer to execute liis promise ; but in the
modern instance it was designed to enable the deceiver the better
to develope his contemplated programme.

Northern arms on the battle-held were still slowly penetrating
the rebellion, and General Lee, the commander of the Southern
invading army, had left the field of Antietam with no advantage.
The President was buoyant with a victor's joy, and four days
after this sanguinary contest, on the 22d of September, 18G2, ho
issued his famous emancipation decree, to take effect with the
beginning of the coming year. The edict of the master was at
length issued ; the goal of emancipation had been reached ; and
like death upon the pale horse of apocalyptic vision, the abolition
fiend went forth conquering and to conquer.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. ^''

CHAPTER XVI.

EXECUTIVE UNCONSTITUTIONALISM.

The declaration of war by President Lincoln against the people
of the seceded States, was in conflict with the letter and spirit of
the Federal Constitution ; which was but the receptacle of such
clearly specified powers, as the framers of that instrument, the
States, through their Representatives, had deemed it expedient
to delegate. But the party to which he owed his election as the
Chief Magistrate of th.e nation was the legitimate successor of
Federalism and its descendants ; that party which during all tlie
anterior history of the Government had struggled for a liberal
interpretation of the Constitution, as it was termed, in opposition
to the strict construction of the Democracy. Indeed, this principle
of constitutional construction with the new party was a necessity,
as otherwise the institution of slavery, whether in the States or
Territories, was invuhierable. It came into power, therefore,
bearing upon its front the clear and unmistakable evidence of
Ilamiltonian parentage ; and the period now seemed to have
arrived that promised verification to the anticipations of the an-
cient monarchist.

The leading patriots of the nation, Clay, Webster, Calhoun,
Benton and Buchanan, had from the inception of tlie Anti-
Slavery agitation, clearly perceived the tendency of the new
school of theorists, should they ^ever succeed in grasping the
reins of government. And now, when this at length had taken
place in the election of Abraham Lincoln, the declarations of
these philosophic statesmen were verified. The Constitution, as
they had predicted, was trampled upon, and the laws of the
Government set at defiance. This was worse than monarchy
itself — it was the inauguration of the despotism that followed.
The monarchical Alexander Hamilton, and these later American
patriots, were equally logical and sagacious. Both perceived
that the future of America was freighted with daggers to the

270 A REVIEW OF THE

perpetuity of free Constitutional Govcnimcnt ; equally was it
inuuifL'st to their logical visions that under republican institutions
Avild, turbulent and sellish leaders would ])C able to seduce the
people, and ascend the seats of power ; and fully conscious of tlieso
dangers, the one foresaw the eventual overthrow of the Tlepublic,
and the others, hoping against hope, still fondly clung to their
darling favorite and stroVJ in vain to battle the ]-ising fanaticism
that endangered it.

But the unconstitutional declaration of war against the seceded
States, was simply the commencement of the despotic power of
the party calling itself Eepublican. The great inheritance of
English liberty, the culmination of individual rights, the famous
privilege of JIaheis Corpus that had been wrested by the staunch
freemen of the mother country from the Sovereigns of Great
Britain, was next to fall before the usurpitig despot, who had
been chosen by a revolutionary party to trample upon the inherited
rights of his countrymen, and give freedom to a race of men,
whom history had shown to be incapable of building up or sus-
taining civilization But usurpers usually proceed with cautious
steps, and it was so in this case. In the name of libery and
clothed with the sanctimonious garb of humanitarianism, the
ancient inheritance is invaded. The American President, with-
out anv legislative sanction,* directs the suspension of the

*The su^ponsion of the Habeas Corpus by President Ijincoln, was a bold
iindertakin.c; for an American Executive to assume, and one that shouhl
liave caused his arre.st as an usurper of liis country's liberties. Up to
the outbreak of the war, all the expository writers on the Constitution,
without exception ; all the most eminent jurists of the country ; and all
the IMembers of the only Congress in which the question was fully dis-
cussed (during the Burr conspiracy), had agreed that this extraordinary
power, the suspension of the Habeas Corjjus, was lodgc-d in Congress
alone. It was regarded as a legislative power, but on(! which no f(M-mer
Congress deemed it expedient to exercise. The exertion of this power,
bv President Lincoln, from the first met with the steady and almost
unanimous opposition of the best legal minds of the nation of both politi-
cal parties ; and it was only a few second-rate lawyers (anxious to sup-
port revolutionary principles) whose legal endorsement in this parfcular
thtt Pr sident ever received. Attorney-General Bates, and the octogena-
rian. Horace Binney, of Philadelphia, were conspicuous amongst the
President's defenders.

In the c ■lel)rated Merryman case, Rodger B. Taney, Chief-Justice of
the Supreme Court, clearly enunciated the doctrine that the suspension
of the Habeas Corpus by President Lincoln was unconstitutional and
void. This same view was expressed by Chief-Justice Dixon, as the
unanimous opinion of the highest Court of the State of Wisconsin.
Judge Dhxon says : '-And first. I think the President has no power in
the sense of the Ninth Article of the Constitution of the United States
to suspend the privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus, Upon this qued-

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 3:3

■ ITalcas Corjnis in a specified district, by virtue of wliicli a citizeu
of Maryland ^vas seized and incarcerated, who was guilty of no
delined legal olfence — and an inhabitant of this State was made
the object of despotic j)o\ver, because of the strong sympathy of
its people with those who had raised the banner of revolt to
abolition domination ; and because, in phrenzied Northern opin-
ion, the people of these States should be held in the strictest reins.
The President and the powers behind the throne, felt assured
that the abrogation of the privilege of the time-honored writ of
Habeas Corjyas in behalf of a citizen of Maryland, would be less
resented in the condition of public opinion that then obtained,
than were the like attempted in New York or Pennsylvania.
This first essay of such power was wholly experimental, but the
result justified further advances. Sustained by his obsequious
Attorney-General and a maddened public sentiment, President
Lincoln was able to set at defiance the mandate of the learned
and venerated Rodger B. Taney, the Chief-Justice of the highest
court of the nation ; and it was then app;irent that no bounds

tion, it seems to me that the reasoning of Chief -Justice Taney, in ex-
iporie Merry man, is un uiswerable." — Annual Cijclopcedia, 18ii~', p. 515.

Judge Hall, in the Northern District of New ^ork, in a case tiiat came
before him, expressed the same opinions and fortified the same by a vast
array of legal learning. Judge Curtis, of Boston, one of the dissenting
members of the Supreme Cjurt in the Dred Scott case, published a strong
argument combattmg the position of President Lincoln in assuming the
right to suspend the writ. Even the ablest Reiniblican lawyers o. Con-
gress were unwilling to advocate a view of constitutional law which wa;3
repugnant to their legal understandings, and to all just theories of inter-
pretation. Senator Sherman, of Ohi ., in his speech of December 9th,
1862, said : '• Our attention was called to this question at the extra
session by the opinion of the Attorney-General, that the President had
the power and by the actual exercise of it by his pruclamation, of suspend-
ing the writ in certain cases. I formed and expressed t/ie opinion, at an
early period of the session, that this power was purely a legislative
power, to be exercised by Congress with the approval of the President.
This opinion has been strengthened by subsequent reflection, by the able
criticisms of lawyers and statesmen, which the discussion ha"s elicited
and by the decisions of some of the Courts. It is apparent from the
context in which this power is found, that the framers of the Constitution
classed it with tlie delegated powers of Congress. In its nature it is a
legislative i^ower."

Senator Trumbull, in a speech of December 9, 1863, said : " The bettor
opmion, as has been stated here to-day among judges, lawyers and con-
stitutional commentators, surely is that the writ of Habeas Corpu>i was
never intended by the Constitution to bo suspended, except in pursuance
of an Act of Congress."

John Merryman was the party arrested, and in behalf of whom Rodger
B. Taney issued a writ of Habeas CorpuH, but which, in pursuance of
instructions from President Lincoln, was not obeyed. A full report of
this case is found in the 9th Volume of American Law Register, p. 534.

274 A REVIEW OF THE

could be placed to his usurpations. The renowned Massacliusotts
Senator's prediction was thus early fulUlled, that if ever the
fanatical Abolition party came into power, the Constitution would
perish, the Supreme Court be uwrtbi-uwii, and its decrees
repudiated.

Another unconstitutional stretch of executive authority, was
the Trosidential rroclaniation of the blockade" of April 19th,
18G1, along' the whole seceded coast, and which afterwards, upon
the secession of Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee and Arkansas,
was enlarged so as to embrace the sea-coast of these latter States
that had united their fortunes with the new Confederacy. In
support of these infractions of the Federal compact, the tyrant's
plea of necessity was omnipotent to refute every argument that
could be urged against the President's illegal assumption of power.
An observer, even at this early period, mi^dit have reflected in
the following strain. The weakness of free government is strik-
ingly exemplified in this convulsion, and this should seem patent
to every reflecting mind. Here is a ruler elected in accordance
with the letter, but in violation of the spirit of the Constitution
of the country, and who has sworn to defend it, striking down
that same Constitution, in order that he and his party may be
able to grasp objects, which are unattainble as long as the old
Magna Charta subsists. The friends of the Constitution are in
banishment, in apparent array against the (lovernment, though in
truth lighting its battles, and Cataline holds the gates of the
city. The people are in confusion ; have mistaken their enemies
for their friends ; are crusading under the banners of duplicity,
and fast digging the graves of constitutional republicanism and
free government. But the elected ruler is guilty of no higher
offence than all the other leaders, who have sworn allegiance to
the governmental compact; but who like him were too cowardly
to openly assail it, yet who gained control of affairs by falsehood

* Thaddeus Stevens was too able a lawyer to be willing to acknowledge
tliat the General Govenuuent could blockade its own ports. In his
speech of December 9tii, 1802, in tiie House of Representatives, he said :
'• We, ourselves, by what I consider a most unlnrluuate act, not well
considered — declared a blockade of their (the Coiili'denile States) ports —
have acknowlidged tliem as a power. We can not blockade our own
ports. It is an absurdity. We b'ockade an enemy's ports. Tlie vciy
fact of tleclaring this lilockade, recognized them as a belligerent power
entitled to all the privileges and subject to all the rules ot war, accuid-
ins to the law of nations.''

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN A:\rERICA. JJ75

and fraud ; and then, as matricides, stab the kind parent who
nourished them and shielded their ascent to power. A peoiilc
that can be seduced bj' such leaders, and induced to light fo/
principles they utterly abhor, neither deserve nor or they compe-
tent to i^rescrve the inheritances of freedom. They evince this
inal)ility in disclosing the simplicity and weakness here presented,
and time is but required to fasten the rivets of Imperialism upon
their social structure.

But madness and fury had carried reason away, and the masses
eeemed bent upon their own downfal and destruction. The sac-
ritice of peace, liberty and prosperity were insignificant, provided
only the subjugation of the Southern Confederates could be
effected. This object in the general fanatical opinion, was wortli
all it might cost, though the Union and Free government itself
should perish in the achievement. Even the breaches made by
Lincoln and his administration in the walls of the Federal Con-
stitution, were greeted with shouts of applause by an infatuated
populace; and with still greater huzzas, should some honest
defender of that ancient heritage, utter his feeble protest against
the Presidential usurpation. The impotent friend of his country's
liberty v/as execrated as a traitor; whilst the cool, calculating
tyrant who had fraudulently seized the helm of State, was ap-
plauded as Honest Abe.

At the extra session of Congress, which assembled on the 4th
day of July, 1861, little else was transacted save that men and
money were freely voted to the Administration for the prosecu-
tion of the war against the South ; and the infractions of the
Federal Constitution were also condoned. A larger appropriation
of money, and a greater number of soldiers even, were granted
by Congress for the war, than Lincoln had asked for in his
message ; and a resolution was introduced in the Senate by Wil-
son, of Massachsetts, and pressed for a considerable time with
the greatest zeal to legitimate the confessedly illegal acts of the
President. But this body, although overwhelmingly Republican,
was unwilling as yet to place itself upon record as openly en-
dorsing the plainest violations of the Constitution, and such as
no partisan justification would serve to exculpate. Public senti-
ment was not yet clear upon this point. The manner, however,
in which the leaders of the Pepublican party in both Houses of
Congress, chose in their conduct to excuse the unconstitutional

27G A REVIEW OF THE

acts of the Pi-c-^idL-nt, Jeniuii.-tratcil tliat instead of censure being
intended for Iiini, his ^diole course, since liis elevation to power,
met with their -warmest approval. Ko necessity, therefore, dic-
tated to him to be at all guarded in his further advances on the
liighway of despotism, and he, himself, was sufficiently shrewd
as to perceive that a general Congressional permit was now
granted to him to strike down without reserve the remaining lib-
erties of his countrymen.

President Lincoln, as the Chief Executive of the Xortherri
and of such Southern States as the Government had been able
to retain in its military grasp, with the adjournment of this
Congress, began through his Secretaries to order with less hesi-
tation the arrest and imprisonment of prominent Democratic
, citizens ; and those who disbelieved in the war against the
acceded States. The hated bastile, that relic of barbarism, which
had sunk amidst the upheaval of the French revolution, arose on
the Western continent, and became the receptacle of those
Americans who feared not a despot's oppression, because they
loved the institutions of the country under which they had been
reared and educated. Arbritrary arrests of prominent individu-
als in all sections of the country, subject to the Lincoln adminis-
tration, were matters of connnon occurrence in nearly every
community ; and the little bell of Secretary Seward became an
instrument of daily recpiisition in the overthrow of the people's
inalienable rights. Instead of Americans being free, by virtue
of a written Constitution, which guaranteed to all life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness ; the further enjoyment of these
rights depended upon the individual will of a ruler and his
satellites. Men who had ranked as eminent and worthy states-
men, were without warrant seized in the seclusion and sanctity
of tiieir homes, and dragged thousands of miles and immured in
loathsome cells — yea, at times in dungeons, because, perhaps,
they had given expression to some sentiment unpalatable to a
member of the party in power. Judges, wdio for years had
adorned the chairs of justice, were dragged from their seats by
a ruthless and vulgar squad of soldiei-s, and often brutally
• wounded in the struggle that occasionally ensued on such occa-
sions. Should the party to be arrested demand the authority for
the arrest, and the accusation with which he was charged, he
would in all probability be told that lie was ^ Democrat^ and that

rOLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 277

all such wero traitors and deserved not only to be arrested but
also to be hung. One of the incarcerated in Fort Lafayette
afterwards describing his condition of imprisonment, says :

' Here you would see men from almost all the States, the largest por-
tion of whom were in the vigor of manhood. You would find men wlio
had ably represented our Government at foreign courts, had adorned the
United States Senate, been Governors of States, Judges of courts, Mem-
bers of Congress, State Legislatures, doctors, lawyers, farmers, and in-
deed almost all departments of business were here represented, not one
of whom was tainted with- any crime."*

Forts Lafayette, Warren, McHenry, the old Capitol at "Wash-
ington, and other places of confinement were crowed with inno-
cent citizens who had been arrested withont legal warrant in all
sections of the J^orth and in the border States ; and these vic-
tims of Federal power were subjected to indignities and outrages,
the recital of which yet fires a freeman's blood with honest
indignation. Citizens of almost all ages and conditions of life
were compelled to wear the chains of despotic power, such as
Americans in their palmy days would have broken with vindic-
tive fury ; and consigned the destroyer of their country's peace
and constitutional liberty to a felon's cell, there to await his doom
on Haman's gallows. Persons who had the misfortune to be
incarcerated in one of these filthy Federal fortresses, were for
months not even informed of the accusations that had been
alleged against them ; and the most studied efforts seemed to be
made by the despot and his minions to degrade the manhood of
those in their custody.

The miserable wretches, clad in Federal uniforms, who acted
the jailor's role in these bastiles, in guarding those who had re-
sented a tyrant's will, conscious of their degredation, were but
too anxious to reduce to their own level, the noble spirits they
held in custody. But they found in their keeping those whose
spirit no oppression could bend ; and v\-ho chose to endure for
months and years the prison and opj^ression of despotism, rather
than gain their freedom by dishonorable concessions. Many a
patriot was subjected to the rigor and petty tyranny of a shoulder-
strapped turnkey who compelled them to submit to the taunts
and insults of the sentinels placed over them by day and night.
The prisoners were reprimanded, yea, even punished, should

* American Bastile, p. 510.

378 A REVIEW OF THE

tliey tlare to retort or resent the scoffs cf the boorish sohliei"S,
\vho stood over them as guardsmen. They Avere not even per-
mitted to leave their quarters to visit a fellow-prisoner, unless
leave were granted them by some sergeant whose loyal uniform
indicated his master's service. The wives and friends of the
inmates, who came to visit them, were not allowed access until a
pass were obtained from Secretary Stanton, or some other mag-
nate of Federal authority. And even when admitted, the con-
versations of the prisoners with their relatives, were limited to an
hour, and that in the presence of the Connnandant.

The black inquisitorial system of incarceration was germinated
in a desire to repress all critical investigation of the acts and con-
chict of the revolutionary party ; and those especially were the
victims of this species of despotism, who were perceived to be
most likely to inlluence public opinion, and thus thwart perhaps
the designs of the revolutionists. Can history determine aught,
but that the man who wielded the whole executive power of the
nation, and by whose sanction all these tyrannous outrages upon
constitutional freedom were enacted, was anything save a demon
incarnate, who, under the guise of humanitarian impulses, tramp-
led upon the rights of his countrymen^ His name, in spite of
all party efforts to enshrine it in hallowed recollection, will be
■written upon the same darkened pages upon which those of
Louis XI and Lucretia Borgia stand inscribed.

Besides the restrictions that almost totally precluded intercourse
with the friends and relatives of the prisoners, the interposition
of legal counsel, that agreeable solace in times of ditllculty was
pereratorily forbidden. In being thus precluded from securing
the assistance of gentlemen learned in the law, to bring their
cases before the judicial tribunals of the country, anotJier Article
of the Federal Constitution was trampled upon, which prescribed
that in all criminal prosecutions, " the accused shall have the assist-
ance of counsel for his defense." On the 3d of December, 18G1,
the commanding officer at Fort Lafayette came to the prisoner's
quarters and read a document signed by a Federal satrap, in
which was the following language :

"I am instructed by the Secretary of State to inform you, that tlio
Department of State will not recognize any one as an attorney for politi-
cal prisoners, and will look with distrust upon all ajiplications for release
through such channels, and such applications will be regar^ied as addi-
tional reasons for declining to release the prisoners."

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMEEICA. 270

Of all tlie States in the Union, Maiyland suffered most from
the tyranny of the Federal administration. In September, 1861,
the Democratic Members * of the Legislature of this State were
arrested by orders of the Government, and conveyed to Federal
fortresses, because of their known sentiments which were liostile to
the party in power. The pretence alleged was, that they were
concerting a scheme to have the State secede, and unite its for-
tunes with the Southern Confederacy. But this excuse lacked
all basis, as at the time of the arrest, the Northern Government
had its tyrdnous heel upon the neck of a people ^vho could not
but revolt in sentiment against the invasion of its sister Southern
States, and the inauguration of the despotism they witnessed.
The pretence of the Federal Administration was further desti-
tute of foundation, because, that at the Special Session of tho
Maryland Legislature, called by Governor Ilicks in April, 1861,
the question of secession was fully disposed of and determined.
The session opened on the 26th of that month, and on tlie follow-
ing day a Select Committee of the Senate reported an address to
the people of the State, in which occurs the following language:
"We cannot but know that a large portion of the citizens of Maryland,
have been induced to believe that there is a probability that our delibera-
tions, may result in the passage of some measure, committing this State
to secession. It is, therefore, our duty to declare that all such fears are
without foundation. We know that we have no constitutional authority

*The following is the statement of S. T. Wallis, Chairman o! the Com-
mittee on Federal Eelations, of the Maryland House of Delegates: "I
w :s a member of the Maryland Legislature in 1861, and was arrested at
midnight at my dwelling, in the City of Baltimore, about tlie middle of
September, 1861 ; from which time until the 27th of November, 1863, I
was confined in one or other of tlae fortresses of the United States, which
have been appropriated by Mr. Lincoln for the use of State prisoners. I
h.ive never been informed of the grounds upon whicli I was arrested.

" The commission, consisting of Messrs. Dix and Pierrepont, which
was created by the Seeretary of War, for the examination of the c.ises
of prisoners arrested and confined like myself, held a session at Fo:t
Warren in May, 1862 ; but I was not vouchsafed any communication as
to the charges against me or any opportunity of being lieard in my own
defense. Tne commissioners, in fact, took no notice of my existence.
Counsel I was not permitted to emplo3^ 1 or as early as the 2Sth of Novem-
ber, 1861, the United States Marslial, at Boston, visited Fort Warren for
the purpose of commu licating to my fellow j^risoners and myself an
order from Mr. Seward, the Secretary of State, announcing that no one
would be recognized by this Department (which then had charge of us)
as attorney of any State prisoner ; and that the employment of counsel
by any of us, would be regarded by him as a sufficient reason for tlie
prolongation of our imprisonment. On the 26t]i of November, 1862, I
was releas d from Fo:t Warren without conditions or explanations of

-'inv sort
was a

•rt. The authority for my discharge, as I suppose for my arrest
telegram."— A'iSif; York Worll, Dec. '60, 18C2. '

200 A REVIEW OF THE

to take such action. You need not fear that there is a possibihty that
we will do so."

In the House of Delegates, at tlie Special Session, the question
of recession also came up, on the j^etition of 210 voters of Prineo
George County, asking of the Legislature of Maryland the pas-
Siige of an Ordinance of Secession without delay. On the 20th
of April, this petition was referred to the Committee on Federal
Relations. This Committee submitted both majority and min-
ority reports, in the former of which, the following language
occurred :

" That in their judgment tlie Lo.^islaturo does not possess the power to
jiapssuch an ordinance as is prayed for, and tliat the prayer of the memo-
I'iahsts cannot be granted."

The minority of this Committee begged leave "to report un-
favorably to the prayer of the memorialists." From that period
down to the forcible suppression of the Legislature by Mr. Lin-
coln's orders, the subject was never again mooted, but was con-
sidered on all hands as absolutel}'' and permanently disposed of.

With personal liberty, the freedom of the press also sunk
beneath the weight of the Lincoln despotism. As early as Sep-
tember, ISGl, several of the leading Democratic newspapers of
New York were suppressed by orders from Washington, and the
editors conveyed to Fort Lafayette, where they were detained at
the pleasure of the administration. Many independent presses
in the border States and in other sections of the Xorth, were
compelled either to moderate their tone of hostility to the ruling
powers, or suspend their publicatien. Some of the most resolute
editors chose the latter alternative, which was generally accom-
panied with free ingress into a governmental bastile. To many the
alternative was not presented ; and the doors of a Federal fort-
ress fastened upon them, before they were made aware of the
charges that were preferred against them. The sum of all their
sinning consisted in their belief in the principles of the Virgini.i
and Kentucky resolutions ; and in occasionally attempting to
argue in their papers that the Constitution warranted no military
coercive forcp for the maintenance of the Union. Many, indeed,
known simply to entertain these views of the Constitution, were
subjected to incarceration in a military fortress for the utterance
of sentiments that in others would have escaped all animadvcr-
Bion.

" If a Democratic paper did not proclaim war with the zeal of

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN ASIERICA. 281

a Moliamcclan, ond denounce all wlio opposed it witli the appro-
brious epithet of " traitord,^^ and recommend them as lit subjects
for the "toj;^ and halter^'' the editor himself was liable to receive
these delicate attentions."* Should a paper contain sentiments
severely reflecting upon the Administration, for the inauguration
of the war, or otherwise condemning its policy, a crowd of ex-
cited citizens, instigated by some pimp of power, was likely to
assemble and demolish the office from which the offending sheet
made its appearance; and likewise maltreat the editor, should he
be so unfortunate as to fall into their hands. Many papers in
different parts of the North M'ere destroyed by infm-iated mobs
of lawless citizens, vrho had been instigated in their conduct by
men who stood high in the confidence of Eepublican leaders ;
and from whom a v/ord of dissuasion would have been sufficient
to prevent the outrage. Persons who desired to figure in com-
munitj^ as respectable personages, would make remarks calculated
to inspire the mob-element like the Eastern college President,
who declared himself as " oj)j)osed to tarring and feathering trai-
tors ;" but who added that he " was forced to admit that this
act had at times heen loell dorie^ It is apprehended that it would
require no logician to deduce the intent of this loyal Puritan's
remarks. And in scarce a single instance where the law had
been violated, was adequate satisfaction able to be obtained ; for
prejudice ran to such extremes that Democrats, with the greatest
difficulty, could secure justice at the hands of partisan courts
and juries. Indeed, citizens of all grades of outsj^oken anti-war
opinions, were villified with all kinds of abuse during the whole
continuance of the rebellion ; and the word traitor or copperhead
would often be heard by them, whilst walking the streets and
engaged in the pursuit of their daily avocations.

Early in 1862, an order was issued transferring the matter of
arbitrary arrests to the War Department. From this department
a proclamation emenated by order of President Lincoln, which
in itself virtually subverted republican government, inasmuch as
Mr. Stanton, the Secretary of War, was authorized to appoint a
number of men to constitute a corps of provost marshals, clothed
with authority, in addition to their military duties, to arrest any
citizen throughout the country. These marshals were appointed

* American Bastile, p. 119.

233 A REVIEW OF THE

and proved an annoyance to peaceable citizens in all sections of
the nnrebellions States ; they had it in their power, npon indefi-
nite charges, to arrest any person against -svhoni accusations
might be alleged, and for this purpose they were warranted to
call in military aid to sustain their authority. They were recpiired
to report to the central power at Washington, and hold prisoners
in custody subject to its authority. In truth, these provost mar-
shals were vested with imperial power in their respective dis-
tricts, and could order the arrest of any citizen whatever, without
dread that their conduct would be subjected to an investigation.
In Maryland, Missouri and other Southern States, commission-
ers were appointed, under military authority, who proceeded by
a kind of illegal inquisitorial surveillance, to take cognizance of
the acts and even sentiments of their fellow-countrymen ; and
those whom these judges determined to be sympathizers with
treason, were arbitrarily assessed certain sums of money by way
of assessments upon their property ; and compelled under pain
of confiscation to liquidate these assessments.* Assessments of
this kind, purporting to be sanctioned by marshal law, but in-
flicted in districts where no authority warranted its ])roclamation,
were palpable violations of the Constitution, which prescribes
that no individual shall be " deprived of life, liberty or property
without due process of law." And though the establishment of
these extraordinary tribunals may in many instances have been
the work of executive subordinates, still their existence could not
escape the notice of the "Washington authorities, or endure with-
out their sanction.

J^ut as the war against the Southern States and people was
inaugurated in conflict with the })lainest principles of republican-
ism, and in accordance with those of imperialism, it nmst of
necessity be in the same manner sustained. There was no other
way of sustaining a war which the franiers of the Constitution
never designed to be proclaimed. When the Korthern armies
liad overrun portions of Tennessee, North Carolina, and other
Southern States, and overthrown the State authorities, President
Lincoln, without any constitutional warrant whatever, appointed
Military Governors for those States, in order thereby to re-erect
State authority. Andrew Johnson was appointed Military Gov-

♦New York World, Sept. 20th, 1863.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 283

crnor of Tonncssco, and Edward Stanley of North Carolina ;
and others were again assigned as the Military Executives of
other States. Tliuddeus Stevens was too able a lawyer to he
willing to stultify himself by claiming that such appointments
found support in the Federal Constitution., He and his special
school of radical followers ignored all restraint of the Constitu-
tion, averring that they acted outside of that charter, and in
accordance with the law of nations ; but seeing the absurdity
and hypocritical audacity of President Lincoln, who assumed to
be guided by that instrument, on the 9th of December, 1862,
he spoke as follows :

" I see the Executive one day saying, you shall not talce the property of
rebels to pay the debts xvhich the rebels have brought upon the Norther)i
States. Why ? Because the Constitution is in tlie way. And the next
day I see him appointing a Military Governor of Virginia, a Military
Govenor of Tennessee, and some other places. Where does he find any-
thing in the Constitution to warrant that ?

" If he must look there alone for authority, then all those Acts are
flagrant usurpations, deserving the condemnation of the community.
He must agree with me, or else his acts aie as absurd as they are unlav/-
ful ; for I see hiin here and there ordering elections fOx Members of Con-
gress, wherever he finds a little collection of three or four consecutive
plantations in the Rebel States, in order that men may be sent here to
control the proceedings of Congress, just as we sanctioned the election
held by a few people at a little watering place at Fortress Monroe, by
which we have here the very respectable and estimable member from
that localit3\"

But the culminating point of Executive despotic innovation on
3onstitutionalism was reached, when President Lincoln issued his
proclamation declaring the emancipation of the negro slaves in
the rebellious States. If the ruler of a people was ever guilty
of the violation of faith, solemnly plighted in his own and the
declarations of his party, it was in this instance. From the
origin of the Kepublican party in 1855, the only object to be
obtained by this organization, as gathered from the declarations
of its leaders, the utterances of its presses, and its so-called
national platforms, was to prevent the further extension of slavery
ijito free territory. During the campaign of Fremont in 1850,
and again of Lincoln in 1860, the Kepublican leaders solemnly
repudiated all designs of interfering with slavery in the Southern
States. They were unanimous in their solemn declarations, that
they neither possessed the power nor the inclination to meddle
with the institution where it existed. The Constitution was

CSl A REVIEW OF THE

pointed to as an obstacle to any apprehended designs tliey miglit
be supposed to entertain, as to the eradication Qf slavery in the
States where it ah-eady had a legal existence.

But revolutionary partisans do not stop for obstacles. They
(.•an readily lind excuses (as in the mstance of the wolf and the
lamb) to abandon their assurances, and seize the objects which
form the centre of their designs. It was so in the case of the
llepublican party. From the composition of their party, and
the enthusiasm which it arrouscd in the breasts of the undis-
sembliug Abolitionists, it was apparent that the ultimate aim of
the party was universal emanicipation, much as the leaders strove
to conceal this. In this, Southern and Northern conservative
statesmen were not deceived, as they repeatedly predicted. But
the achievement of this object must depend upon circumstances.
That it would surely be the result of Itopublican success in the
nation could easily be affirmed^ when the principles were con-
sidered. It was a necessary eccpience. The poison lay in that
dogma of their creed, that would give to the majority of the
people of the United States, a right to determine questions in
which those of the several States had constitutional interests. It
was, in a word, to allow democracy to override constitutionalism.
This itself, an eiiiux of centralization, the product of imperialistic
rule, was sul)versive of all constitutional guarantee, and calcu-
lated to awaken serious alarm in the minds of thinking men both.
North and South. It was sure to overwhelm the ancient State-
right landmarks, as soon as a party of these principles gained
control of the General Government. ,

The emancipation decree of Abraham Lincoln was simply the
legitimate fruit of Republican teaching, and an aim of the party
that was striving for the social and political equality of the negro
race. Though its promulgation had been from the first fully
resolved upon, yet in the estimation of the President and his
confidential advisers, its further postponement might have been
judicious. Tublic opinion, as the President feared, was scarcely
prepared for the measure. But the pressure of the ardent eman-
cipationists, amongst whom Mr. Stevens ranked conspicuous,
compelled the Executive, as it were, to issue a proclamation
which but a few days before he had declared could prove of no
utility to the Abolition cause. The Massachusetts Republican
State Convention, however, had assembled some days prior to it3

rOLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 235

issue; and tins body had deeliucd to give the President tlic usual
resolution of coniidenee, wliieli every Chief Ma^-istrate expects of
his party, Mr. Lincoln was deeply wounded by this indignity in
the very citadel of Kepublicanisni ; and he nnist hasten to do
penance for his transgression. He understood what the slight
of his party betokened. A secret meeting of Xew England
Governors had also been held which indicated no confidence in
the Administration. The I^epublican State Convention of the
Empire State was soon to assemble at Syracuse ; and it behooved
the President to endeavor to obviate a new animadversion upon
his conduct, such as he had experienced in the Bay State.

Besides, the novelty of enlisting for the three months' war had
subsided. The soldiers and the people had been deceived by the
Republican orators and journals ; and additional recruits were
needed to fill up the depleted ranks of the Northern armies, held
at bay by the Confederates. Additional deception was again
required. Indeed, it was the constant pabulum of the soldiers,
and the easily deluded people, during the struggle. The rebel-
lion was always just upon the brink of yielding. Governor
Andrews, of Massachusetts, and other radical statesmen, now
predicted that so great enthusiasm would follow the promulgation
of emancipation, that the roads would be crowded with soldiers
who would flock to the national escutcheon to defend the cause
of universal humanity.

Indeed, the deception practised by men in power during this
time was of the very grossest character, and if for no other
reason, the names of those who practised such fraud and imposi-
tion, should be written upon tablets of contempt, and handed
down for execration to the remotest j)osterity. A worthy cause
needs not such means for its execution. But the means em-
ployed have sown the seeds of such social and national demorali-
zation, that Republican Government is no longer able to perpet-
uate liberty, honor and integrity, and but time is required to
evolve a new order of things.

2Sa A REVIEW OF THE

CHAPTER XVIL

LEQISLATIVE UNCONSTITUTIOKALISil,

"Wlien the elements and fundamental principles of the Ttepub-
lican party is considered, it will not seem strange that the Con-
stitution, after the inauguration of war against the South was
foimd to interpose but a slight check upon the lawless invasion
of civil rights. The enthusiastic, self-styled reformers, whose
opinions of right can tolerate no contradiction; the Maine liquor
advocates whose efforts to remodel society had for years been dis-
tracting social order; and the narrow ecclesiastical sectaries, who
can only see moral evil in distorted visions ; all these and others
of like character had become consolidated into one aggregated
mass of turbulent agitators. This agitating army of fanatical
Kealots, found its home in that political organization termed the
Republican. Abraham Lincoln and the majority of the Thirty-
seventh Congress, were the choice of that party of the American
people largely composed of the enthusiastic classes, whose zeal
ever surpasses their wisdom.

That the Ilepublican President and the IMombers of Congress
chosen on the same ticket with him, should be persons of the
same characteristics as the partisans to whom they owed their
election, was to be expected. The discussion of the slavery
question had largely eliminated the zealous classes from the
Democratic party, and attached them to the new organization
that was combatting the institution of Southern slavery. These
<all were fired by the same zeal for the emancipation and eleva-
tion of the negro race, as had been Innocent III. and his coadju-
tors in the establishment of the Koman inquisition. The spirit
of persecuting ecclcsiasticism was again to be witnessed upon a
new arena ; and the maddened zeal that flamed forth as in fiery
volumes from the North, was the result of the sincere desire
upon the part of the ardent classes for the extirpation of the
JSuuthern institution. It was, however, in itself that same prin-

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERIC.L 287

ciple that ever destroys civil organism and leaves but a wreck of
rnins in its path; and which, perhaps, prepares the minds of
the reflecting classes for the disagreeable reception of imperial-
istic, when constitutional Kepnblican Government has failed.
Tlie reformer and the statesman are designed to occupy very
variant spheres in the world's life, and never can with safety be
exchanged. The philosophic ruler holds the scepter even, between
all conflicting opinions, and permits none to overstep the bounds
of constitutional order ; but the zealot becomes the mediiieval
iconoclast, or the persecuting prelate who causes rivers of blood-
to flow, that the souls of men be not endangered.

The war from its inception was waged with a spirit of malice
and vindictive hatred, such as had been witnessed in modern
warfare but once (during the French revolution) since the period
of the religious wars of Europe, during the 16th and 17th cen-
turies. The ancient animus was revived, the dial of time was
turned back for centuries, and all the guarantees of constitution-
alism which philosophic ages had secured, were madly and
fanatically overturned in the v/ild and delusive hope of elevating
to ecpiality with the Caucasian, a race totally incapable of even
sustaining the fruits of civilization. !Negro liberation and eleva-
tion being the sole objects to be achieved by the fiery enthusiasts
who gave life and soul to the Kepublican party, it would have
been contrary to all experlencfe had not vindictiveness ruled the
hour. Were it to be expected that zealots, who esteemed the
emancipation of four millions of negro slaves, the great blessing
of the 19th century, would at all be lenient and tolerant in meas-
ures for the achievement of the result ? Since the commencement
of the civil war, the union of the States instead of being
any longer a league icith death and a covenant with hell., had
become at length the great centre of their fondest hopes. Men
of enthusiastic aspirations, had ascended the seats of power, bent
upon wresting the ancient fabric of the Republic from its foun-
dations ; and fully determined upon breaking down all those
parts of the Constitution that interposed obstacles to their de-
signs. The legislation at the extra session of Congress in ISGl,
was chiefly confined to the granting of men and money to the
Administration for the prosecution of the war of Invasion against
the South. But as '■^ out of the abundance of the heart the mouth
sj^eaketh y" so from the utterances and conduct of Thaddeus Ste-

283 A REVIEW OF TPIE

veils, Sumner aiul other leading members of Congress, it was
already clearly a]i])arent to an observer, that the Federal Consti-
tution, would be ft mud to interpose slight resistance to the
designs of these most extreme partisans and radical revolutionists,
Avho now found themselves in position to so shape the laws of the
nation, that their emancipating designs might be fully nltimated.
The Constitution having conferred no authority npon the Presi-
dent or Congress to make war against the seceding States, was it
to be anticipated that no further invasions of that instrument
would take place ?

The resolutions submitted by Members of Congress, and the
majorities that endorsed these, exculpating the blockade of the
Southern coast, the illegal arrests of innocent citizens and other
unconstitutional acts of President Lincoln, clearly demonstrated
that nltcrior objects to the preservation of the Union and the
Federal Constitution, were entertained by the leading men of
both branches of Congress.

An initiative measure vras enacted near the close of the session,
which declared the confiscation of all the slaves employed Avith
the consent of their masters to further the cause of the rebellion.
The object of the war to a discerning eye was clearly portended
in this enactment, but the people of the Border States and the
Democrats of tlie IS^orth were assured that this was simply a
military measure that the laws of war demanded. It was one,
however, that !N^apoleon had disdained to make use of in his
wars with Pussia, although repeatedly solicited to employ it.
But the European Emperor was fighting for conquest, the Ameri-
can Congress, though professing the same, for emancipation.
' When the 3Tth Congress assembled in December, 18G1, an
advanced attitude on the slavery question, as we have seen in a
former chapter, was presented ; and fully matured plans seemed
to have been agreed upon, by Sumner, "Wilson, Stevens, Lovejoy
and other leading radicals. There was nevertheless a number of
conservative Pcpublicans in Congress who strove to defend the
Constitution to the best of their ability ; but Avhom a deluded
public opinion, either kept for the most part in radical traces, or
democratic quarters ultimately gave them refuge. The Con-
gressmen of this character were either reflective thinkers or sound
constitutional statesmen, whose districts and States had become
abolitionized; and they as politicians, must either yield to the

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 280

current or retire from public life. Those chose the latter alter-
native M'ith whom conscience ruled suj^reme.

On the 11th of December, 18G1, Senator Trumbull, a rtei)ub-
lican, offered the following resolution :

" Resolved, That the Secretary of State be directed to inform the Sen-
ate, whether in the loyal States of the Union any person or persons have
been arrested or imprisoned, and are now held in confinement by orders
from him or his Department ; and if so, nnder what law said arrests
have been made and said persons imprisoned."

In support of his resolution, and speaking of illegal arrests,
the Illinois Senator said :

"The unconstitntionalit}^ of such action as this seems to be admitted
by the Senator who comes to the defense of this despotic power. Why,
sir, the power — without charge, without examination, Avithont oppor-
tunity to reply, at the click of the telegraph — to arrest a man in a peace-
able portion of the country, and imprison him indefinitely, is the very
essence of despotism. What, sir, becomes of constitutional liberty, what
are we fighting for if this broad ground is to be assumed and to be jus-
tified in tliis body, and any man is to be thanked for assuming an uncon-
stitutional and unwarranted authority ? What are we coming to, if
arrests may be made at the whim or the caprice of a Cabinet Minister ?
Do you suppose he is invested with infalibility, so as always to decide
aright? Are you willing to trust the liberties of the citizens of this
country in the hands of any man to be exercised in that way ? May not
his order send the Senator from Connecticut or myself to prison ? Why
not?"

Most of the Republicans in the Senate opposed the aljore reso-
hition of Senator Trumbull, many of them warmly justifying
the President for all the arrests he had caused to be made ; and
as only Democrats, whom they chose to entitle traitors, had
been made to suffer, they had no fault to tind with the
Executive Department of the Government. Senator Fessenden,
of Maine, expressed the sentiments of the majority in the follow-
ing language :

"Indeed, I know, that under the directions from the Secretary of
State, certain individuals in the loyal States have been arrested and im-
prisoned. That is notorious ; the whole country is aware of it. I will
say here, that I do not believe there is the slightest warrant of law for
any such proceedings, and I do not suppose that you will find a lawyer
who does think there is any warrant of law for such proceedings, and yet
I do not shrink from it. I justify the act, although it was against law.
I justify it from the necessity of the case."

The resolution of Senator Trumbull was consigned by a ^'oto
of the Senate to its lethean tomb, the Committee on tlio
Judiciary.

200 A REVIEW OF THE

Besides the imcoiistltutional measures passed at tin's session of
Congress, and clearly intended to advance the cause of emanci-
pation, some of which have been detailed in a former chapter,
others of the same character, both of a direct and indirect nature,
and yet designed to effect similar aims were likewise enacted. A
monetary crisis supervened wiili the close of the year 1801, in
the general bank suspension, and the Avheels of coercive govern-
ment were likely to stop, unless the herculean might of despotic
])owcr could l)c invoked, also to relieve the liiumcial condition.
This crisis was enhanced, because of the constant delusion that
had been practised upon the public mind, that the war would
be of but from sixty to ninety days duration. Indeed, the men
at the helm of government, dared not to disclose to public view
the delusion" that had been perpetrated, although themselves
well aware of it, through fear of the general alarm it would
occasion. In that event, they feared that a j^eace party at the
North would be likely to grasp the reins of povcer, and thus the
aims of the revolutionists would be baffled. The public for a
time Iiad freely loaned of their money to supjDort the Govern-
ment, but Congress being as yet fearful to enact laws to tax the
people, the sinews of war were at length exhausted.

• But doubtless it had been from the first apparent to Salmon
P. Chase, the Head of the Treasury Department, that the solution
of the problem committed to his charge would necessitate a
complete revolution in the linancial affairs of the country, in
order to enable the government to prosecute the war with suc-
cess, against the seceded States ; and for that length of time,
which his discerning mind must have assui-ed him, that it would

■•^Tliose who Imd the sagacity to perceive the delusion and Ihe courage
to expose it, were denounced by the intensely loyal hypocrites, as traitors
and deserving of the severest jiunishnient. It was incumbent upon one
who desired to be esteemed a friend of the Union, that he be willing at
all times to ileceive his countrymen. As an illustration of the deception
practised by the leading men, the following extract from a speech of
Representative Morrill, of Vermont, of February 4, 18G'2, is cited : "We
are urged by the gentleman from New York to pass this bill ;!S a war
measure, a. mcasui-e of iiccessitij ; and to enforce this idea he gives you
the figures of our probable re(iuirements, if the war sJiould be prolonged
until July 1st, 18G3. Sir, I have no expectation of being required to sup-
port a war for that length of time. The ice that now cliokes up ihe
Mississippi is not more sure to melt and disappear with the approaching
vernal season, than are the rebellious armies upon its banks, a hen our
Western army shall break fr. m its moorings, and rusiiing wtli the cur-
rent to the Gulf, baptise as it goes in blood tiie iK'opie to a fresher alle-
giance."— Cniigrcssional Globe, 2d Session of Thirtv-seventh CongreiS,
Part 1, p. caO.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 291

be necessary to do so, to effect their subjugation. Tliis was in-
deed a necessity, when our form of Government be taken into
consideration. The principles upon which the States had united
to form a union, based upon consent, had, as we liave seen, becu
violated by the declaration of war to coerce those that had seceded.
That in itself was the assumption of imperial power by the
General Government, which had never been delegated to it.
The war was at first pretended to be prosecuted upon republican
principles, and by means of voluntary loans. For the first three
months money was freely furnished to the Government, because
the people expected its speedy termination : and for the next six
months loans were with still increasing difficulty secured upon
republican principles. The effort on the part of tlie Government
to conduct a war, anti-republican in its character, by means of
republican principles, was absurd, self-contradictory, and simply
designed for the delusion of the JSTorthern people. This, Secre-
tary Chase and all the leading officials of his party, from the
first must have clearly perceived, otherwise they were utterly
incompetent for the positions they were chosen to fill.

But theirs was the party of revolution, and it behooved -them to
proceed with cautious steps, so as not to alarm the people, until
the sections had become so far entangled in the conflict, and the
ISTorthern people so embittered in the carnage that the peace
party would be impotent. The same sagacious shrewdness, there-
fore, was required by the Secretary of the Treasury and the
revolutionary element in Congress to get the financial affairs so
shaped as that the administration could control the national purse,
as it was also designing to do with the sword.

The monetary crisis that took place at the close of the year
18G1, was but the natural sequence, therefore, of the incon<n-u-
ous effort to wage a monarchical war uj^on republican principles.
It was, in short, only circumstances necessitating the revolutionary
monarchists to show their real designs ; and with the greatest
dexterity and adroitness was this essayed before the country.
Secretary Chase, in his report of July 5th, ISGl, and also in that
of December 9th of the same year, suggested his plans by which
he deemed it feasible tluit the national jmrse might be grasped in
order to further the work of abolitionism. The great work to
be achieved by his party for this purpose, was to obtain the over-
throw of the principle of State Sovereignty, so far as the same

^02 A REVIEW OF THE

ill any wise conflicted with the central authority now fully re-
solved upon negro emancipation. For this purpose the currency
of the country must undergo a radical change from what it had
lieretofore ever experienced. Mainly, therefore, in accordance
with the suggestions of the Secretary in his rej^orts, a bill was
luutured by the Connnittee of "Ways and Means, of which Mr.
Stevens was Chairman, and submitted to the House on the 30th
of December, 18G1. This bill proposed the issue of one hun-
dred millions of Treasury notes, which with the fifty millions
of demand notes already in circulation, should be a legal tender
for all claims due the Government, and also, for all dt-bts public
and private within the United States, Avhether the same were
already due, or to be collected in the future.

This was indeed a revolutionary movement of revolutionary
men ; but many of the conscientious adherents of the Republi-
can party refused to give it their sanction, because of its utter
violation of all justice and equity and of the whole spirit of the
Federal Constitution. A cardinal principle of that fundamental
charter which the legal tender clause of this measure proposed to
repudiate, was that which declared that no /Slate shall pass any
laio iinjxdruxj the obligation of contracts : and it was one, the
denial of which up to this period no American statesman had
been bold enough as to conceive. But because this prohibition
had not been applied in express tenns to the Government of the
United States, the Republican majority in Congress, had tlie
audacity to introduce and sustain a measure plainly void and un-
constitutional. Secretary Chase, in his letter of January 20th
to Mr. Stevens, also gave his approbation to the legal tender
feature of the Treasury Note Bill,* but at the same time ex-

*Afterwards, when success had crowned the Abolitionists, and Salmon
P. Chase had been elevated to the most honored seat upon the Supreme
Bench of the United Slates Court, he could speak in language tliat in
1S(]2 would liave been denounced by the loyal as treason. Speaking of
the prohibition imposed by the Constitution upon the States to ''pass any
law impairing the obligation of contracts," Chi^f Justice Chase said :
'• It is true this prohibition is not applied in terms to tlie Government of
the United States. Congress has express power to enact bankrupt laws,
and we do not say that a law made in the execution of any other express
power, whicli inc dentally only impairs the obligation of a contract, can
be held lo be unconstitutional for that reason.

■■ But wo do think it clear that those who framed and those who
adopted the Constitution, intended that the spirit of this prohibition
should pervade the entire body of legislation, and that tlie justice which
the Constitution was ordained to establish, was thought by them to bo
incompatible with legislation of an opposite tendency. lu other words.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. -293

pressed Lis loathing for such legislation. On this point he said:
" It is not unknown to them (the Committee) tliat I have felt, nor do I
wish to conceah that I now feel a great aversion to making anything but
coin a legal tender in pajment of debts."

Much, however, as conscience interposed, so great was his zeal
in the cause of negro emancipation that he did not have the moral
courage to utter his protest against a measure for which he well
knew there was no warrant in the Federal Constitution. The
necessity for such legislation was even insisted upon bj him, as
a means of prosecuting the war with success against the South.

The Democrats in both Houses of Congress, and some of the
ablest Eepublicans opposed the passage of the Legal Tender Bill,
with a stubborn resistance that no radical measure since the inau-
guration of Abraham Lincoln had encountered. It was shown
to be entirely revolutionary in its character, and in coniiict with
the universal legal thought of the country, from the foundation
of the Government. The opinion of no jurist, publicist or
statesman was able to be cited by the advocates of the measure
favorable to their position ; but the declarations and writings of
the most eminent men were adduced, combatting the views of
the revolutionists. Daniel Webster, the great expounder of the
Constitution, in his speech upon the renewal of the charter of
the United States Bank in 1832, spoke as follows :

"Congress can alone coin money. Congress can alone fix the value of
foreign coin. No State can coin money. No State, not even Congress
can make anything a tender but gold and silver in payment for debts." *

Webster again expressed the general thought of the country
on this question, in his speech in the Senate on the Specie Cir-
cular in 1836, in which he held the following languao-e :

"Most unquestionably there is no legal tender, and there can be no
legal tender in this country under the authority of this Government, or
any other, but gold and silver— either the coinage of our own mints, or
foreign coin at rates regulated by Congress. This is a Constitutional
principle, perfectly plain, and of the highest importance. The States

we cannot doubt that a law not made in pursuance of an express power,
which necessarily and in its direct operation impairs the obligaticm, is
inconsistent \v\.W\ the spirit of the Constitution."— Hepburn vs. Griswold,
in American Law Beg ititer, 1870, pp. 187-8.

The Supreme Court of the United States, in the above case of Hepburn
vs. Griswold, decided that the clause in the acts of 18G2 and 1863, making
United States notes a legal tender in the payment of all debts, public
and private, is, so far as it applies to debts contracted before the passage
of these acts, unwarranted by the Constitution.
*Webster's Speeches. Vol. 2, p. 81.

291 A REVIEW OF THE ,

are prolubiti-d frora making anything but gold and silver a payment of
debts ; and altliough, no such prohibition is applied to Congress, yet as
Congress has no power granted to it in this respect but to coin money
and regulate the value of foreign coin, it clearly has no power to substi-
tute paper or anything else for coin as a tender in payment for debts, and
in discharge of «ontracts." '•'

An array of intellectual men in CongresS; of butli p:u-(.ic3, as
before stated, placed themselves in opposition to tlie passage of
tlic Legal Tender Bill, and strongly argued that the measure was
unconstitutional ; and one that would launch the country on a
sea of irredeemable paper currency, amidst whose billows the
ship of free government might nltimately submerge. Eoscoo
Conlcling, a liepublican llepresentative from New York, spoke
as follows on the constitutionality of the question :

" The proposition is a new one. No precedent can be urged in its favor ;
no suggestion of the exis ence of such a power can be found in the legis-
lative history of the country ; and I submit to my colleague, as a lawyer,
the proposition that this amounts to affirmative authority of the highest
kind against it. Hivi such a power lurked in the Constitution, as con-
strued by those who ordained and administered it, we should find it so
recorded. The occasion for resorting to it, or at least referring to it, has,
Ave know, repeatedly ai-isen ; and, had such a power existed, it would
have been recognized and acted on. It is hardly too much to say, there-
fore, that the uniform and universal judgment of statesmen, jurists, and
lawyers, has denied the constitutional right of Congress to make paper a
legal tender for debts to any extent whatever. But more is claimed hero
than tiie right to create a legal tender, heretofore unknown. The pro-
vision is not confined to transactions in fiituro, but is retroactive in its
scope. It reaches back and strikes at every existing obligation."t

The same gentleman depicted the moral effect of such legisla-
tion, in the following words :

"But, sir, passing as I see I must from the constitutional objec-
tions to tlie bill, it seems to me its moral imperfections are equally
serious. It will, of course, proclaim throughout the country a. saturnalia
of fraud, a carnival of rogues. Every agent, attorney, treasurer, trus-
tee, gxiardian, executor, administrator, consignee, commission-merchant,
and every debtor of a fiduciary character, who has received for others
hard money, worth a hundred cents on the dollar will forever release
himself from liability by buying up, for that knavish purpose, at its
depreciated value, the spurious currency which we will have put afloat.
Everybody will do it, except those who arc more honest than the Ameri-
can Congi-ess advises them to be."|

Georn-e II. Pendleton, a distinguished Democratic Eeprescn-

-- Webster's Works. Vol. 4, p. 2.1.

+C'onr7ress/oaa/ G'/o^e, 37th Congress, part 1, pp. Ca4-j.

XCuvljresHlonal UluUc, Second Session, a7th Congress, Pait 1, pp. Go4-o.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 205

tfitive from Ohio, nrgued the unconstitutionality of tlic measure,
and the intrinsic inequity of a hiw that would attempt to unset-
tle all fixed values and unjustly confiscate, as it were, the credits
of every man in the community. He predicted the calamitous
consequences of such legislation as follows :

" You send these notes out into the world, stamped with irredeemability.
You put on tlieni the mark of Cain ; they will go forth to be fugitives
and vagabonds on the eartli. What then will be the consequence ? It
requires no prophet to tell what will be their history. The currency will
be expanded ; prices will be inflated ; fixed values will depreciate ; in-
comes will be diminished ; the savings of the poor will vanish ; tho
lioardings of the widow will melt away ; bonds, mortgages, notes, every-
thing of fixed value will loose their value ; everything changeable will
be appreciated ; the necessaries of life will rise in value ; the Govern-
ment will pay two-fold — certainly largely more than it ought — for every-
thing that it goes into the market to buy ; gold and silver will be driven
out of the country.""'

The radical republicans supported the Legal Tender measure
of their party, believing it to be a matter of necessity to enact the
same, to accomplish the subjugation of the Southern people.
Belonging to that school of interj)retation which professed to be
able to find in the Constitution, any power that they deemed
necessary for the national weal, it was not dilficult for the leaders
to find support in that instrument for any species of legislation
which they desired. They, however, favored the measure be-
cause it was germinated in monarchical principles, and because
such were needed upon the financial arena, and such as already
had been and were to be introduced into the other avenues of
the Government.

The measure was of a monarchical character, as it relied u^^ou
force for the circulation of the notes to be issued, looked to the
direct and despotic coercion of arms, over-rode both the letter and
spirit of the Constitution, shocked every principle, not only of
justice between the Government and the citizens, but also be-
tween the citizens themselves, and of all sound political philoso-
phy. That the Legal Tender Bill was sim])ly a part of the
financial scheme of Secretary Chase and the influential men of
his party, to subsidize to their control the monied interests of the
country, C. L. Vallandigham, of Ohio, had the clearness of vision
to perceive. In his speech of February 3d, 1862, this patriotic
and sagacious statesman uttered the following words:

'''Congressional Globe, Second Session, 37th Congress, Part 1, p. 551.

2D0 A REVIEW OF THE

"Tlio notes are meant to circulate generally and pormancntly as cur-
rency, at least till the Secretary's grand fiscal machine, his niagnficent
national iMpcv mill, fouiuled upon the very stocks provided for by this
bill, can he put in operation, when this sort of bills of credit are
to become the sole currency of the country, and to drive all gold and
eilver and ordinary bank paper out of circulation."

The main ari;-uinL'nt iir^a'd in belialf of the bill was its neccs-
6ity, and that no express words in the Constitution forbade such
an enactment.

The friends of the measure denied that more than one hun-
dred and fifty millions of legal tender bills would need to be
issued by Congress ; and in these denials we have another ex-
ample of the deceptious method pursued by the liepublicau
leaders to conceal the magnitude of the rebellion ; and it was one
^vhose Janus-faced visage was ever presenting itself during the
whole progress of the war. Thaddeus Ste\'ens, who was a warm
friend of the Treasury Note Bill, in reply to a question pro-
pounded to him on the Gth of February, 1SG2, said:

" But my distinguished colleague from Vermont, fears that enormous
issues would follow to supply the expenses of the war. I do not think
any more would be needed than the $150,1)00,000."

But this assurance proved, like most others emenating from
radical sources and made with reference to the duration and the
expenses of the war, simply deceitful ; and especially so in this
case ; it having been uttered by a man who had the sagacity
from the commencement of hostilities to somewhat clearly meas.
ure the magnitude of the rebellion, and the length of time and
the vast expenditures that would be required to overthrow it.
Instead of one hundred and fifty millions being found sufficient,
very many additional hundred millions of legal tender notes
were necessary to be issued to perfect the great work of emanci-
pation, and allow the tide of war to fully inundate and deluge in
blood the States of South.

Another necessary feature of the financial scheme was that
which imposed the requisite taxes upon the people to support the
Government demands. The imposition of these was, however,
made with the greatest caution ; for it was perceived that noth-
ino' would so surely open the eyes of the masses as the infliction
of onerous taxation. The Kepublicans steadily resisted the enact-
ment of a sufficient internal revenue law as long as possible ;
and acquiesced in supporting such a bill only when circumstances

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 207

forced them into the measure. Bv the Act passed August 5th,
ISGl, it was estimated that twenty millions of revenue could be
raised ; hut that sum was by no means adequate to support the
wants of the Government.

During the second session of the Thirty-seventh Congress, the
question of revenue became a pressing one, upon the attention of
Congress, and all scliemes were resorted to in order to press off
the consideration of so unpleasant a concern. The elections of
1S62 were nearing themselves, and the agricultural interests of
the country required to be handled with the greatest caution that
political managers could employ. A revenue bill was at that
time of all things most needed to sustain the wants of the ad-
ministration, as Secretary Chase in his reports had undissem-
blingly shown. Congress at length found itself compelled to
take up the consideration of this question. Mr. Stevens, the
Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means in March,
1SG2, submitted a complicated tax bill, which the members of
the Committee had for nearly two months been busily engaged
in elaborating. In the bill, as submitted, almost every con-
ceivable tax was imposed upon manufactures, the profits of
trade and industry, and the incomes of individuals. The most
studied effort was made in the preperation of this system of rev-
enue, so as to allow the agriculturists seemingly to escape from the
burdens imposed. But the escape was only apparent, for upon
the consumers ultimately fall the taxes of the community. The
fallacious, hypocritical scheme, however, served as the blind to
hide the enormous burdens that the revolutionary j^arty was neces-
sitated to impose upon the people, in order to carry throuo-li their
designs of emancipation and negro elevation ; and which was
but a part of the centralizing plan they had in view in their war
against the South.

This revenue bill mot in Congress with no steady party oppo-
sition, for, although its whole features had a centralizing tendency,
yet the Constitution clothed the law making body with the j^ower
to raise taxes. It is evident from the discussions in Congress,
that a decided aversion was felt by all real Democrats to the pas-
sage of the bill, inasmuch as the}' were conscious that the money
to be raised by it was to be expended for an unconstitutional
and altogether anti-republican purpose. "Williani II. AVadsworth,
a Representative from Kentucky, made no concealment of his

298 A REVIEW OF THE

oi)posltion to the measure, on account of the known objects to be
achieved in the prosecution of the war against tlie seceded States.
The bill, after a long deliberation in both Houses of Congress,
became linally a law on the 1st of July, 1S02.

This Internal llevenue Bill was very long and minute in its
details, almost every transaction of business being obliged to
submit to the imposition of stamp duty. This repulsive feature
of British rule, that had aroused our revolutionary ancestors to
resistance against the Crown of the mother country, was imposed
by the radical Congress, and was submitted to by the people, be-
cause large armies and dictatorial satraps compelled obedience to
the Federal Administration. But it was very unwillingly obeyed
by a large body of the people, who somewhat faintly realized
tiie objects to he promoted by the money wrung from the
people by relentless partisans professing humanitarianism, yet
rioting in the overthrow of Constitutionalism. A tax of three
per cent, was levied upon all manufactures, and upon all incomes
upwards of six hundred dollars. All professional gentlemen and
men eno-a2:ed in various departments of industry, were addition-
ally taxed by means of licenses, and compelled either to pay tlie
same for the advancement of abolition ideas, or withdraw from
the occupation of their lives.

But as abolitionism and all other fanaticisms must necessarily
accompany each other, it would have been remarkable had not
the total prohibition iniiuence, made itself felt in the internal
revenue legislation of Congress. Eepresentative Morrill, of Ver-
mont, one of the first to explain the features of the bill, declared
that the object of its framers was to impose upon the liquor trafic
as heavy a tax as possible, so as to repress that trade to the
utmost of their power. As a member of the American mon-
archical party, he could cite British precedent for such discrimina-
tion, with regard to duty on liquors, and said:

"In England, the duty on spirits is ten shillings and five ponce, or
about $2.52, per gallon."

Another Representative, a Member from Maine, a Mr. Eice,
true to the principles of his State fanaticism, spoke as follows :
'• I would not discriminate, partially, against any citizen engaged in
any honest and reputable business ; but I would to the fullest extent im-
pose excise duty on liquor and tobacco, let it come from whatever source
it may, or let it injure wliom it may. If men are driven out of this
business, it will be all the better for the country. I was in favor of tha

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 2CD

amendment pi-oiw-ed by tlie gentleman from Kentucky, because I iinder-
stood it, thou^^li not s(\ intended by him, to be an absolute prohibition
against distillation. If Congress would only put down,, either by direct
or indirect means, these distilleries that pour out fire and death over .nil
the land, I tliink it would be performing a good work. It would be doing
more good to the people than any other enactment it can pass.

" I hope the day will come when a prohibitioa will be put upon all
distillation ; when such a tariff will be placed on spirituous liquors a-j
will exclude their importation. That will be a glorious day for the
country."*

Ill the antlior of the hist cited extract, we hear one of the
ancient holy Pharisees and hypocrites, who would seem to have
arisen from the dead ; and who sets himself up as more pure and
righteous than all other men ; and whose opinions must he
accepted as the whole rule of rectitude and moral probity. His
doctrines admirably harmonized with the hidden monarchical
sentiments of his party, but were altogether in disharmony with
the principles he professed to advocate, that is to say : the free-
dom of all men. His own and the principles of his party would
allow all to be free to the extent that his infallible judgment and
despotic will would permit. Delightful freedom indeed was it
that he and his fanatical Maine law compeers advocated.

A tax of about one hundred per cent, was imposed by this act
upon spirituous liquors, which, by subsequent acts, was largely
increased, all with the design of indirectly excluding by a species
of Maine liquor law legislation, all kinds of spirituous, vinous
and malt liquors from circulation in the community. The article
of tobacco was likewise highly taxed in the Kevenue Act of
July 1st, 1862, because this article had also been condemned as
imworthy of trahc in Puritan estimation.

The revenue to be raised by this act, estimated as about to yield
$150,000,000, was a burden greater than was borne by the citi-
zens of the most despotic governments of Europe ; and yet so
thoroughly deluded were the masses of the people by abolition
fanaticism, tliat they seemed to yield their necks with pleasure
to the burdens. But after submitting to the load, they ever
afterwards were unable to relieve themselves ; and the despots
only continued to further lade the servilely adapted beings who
had so ignobly yielded to their sway. They had unwittingly
assumed a constantly aecumulating load of debt, which, as AVeu-

^Congressional Globe, Second Session, 37th Congress, Part 2, p. 1309.

300 A REVIEW OF THE

dell Phillips, one of the task masters, had the candor to admi*",
would woi<^h down themselves, their children and descendants, to
remote generations. A hai)py thought, indeed ; possibly endur-
able, liad the cumponsaticm therefor only been of an adequate
character, I'ut it is doubtful if fanaticism be competent to grasp
that idea. Probably the conception is too logical, save for minds
rarely seduced by fanatical delusions.

An incpiisitorial spirit also displayed itself in the radical legis-
lation of almost every character. The bill passed by Congress
and approved July 1st, 1862, which stamped the Mormon matri-
monial unions as criminal violations of social polity that deserved
severe punishment, especially evinced this spirit in a marked
degree. Lack of logical perception allowed the law-givers in this
instance to forget that they were the boasted champions of lib-
erty, both civil and religious, and being such, Mormondom. was
equally entitled with themselves to enjoy that privilege. But
like their protot^-pal predecessors of the Ilildebrandian and
Cromwell ian cast, they reserved to themselves the right to dictate
what should be esteemed Hberty. And in this they were not in-
consistent with themselves, for fanaticism ever assumes the holiest
mantle, much as it tramples, as in this case, upon the jjhdnest
constitutional guarantees.

But whilst trampling uj^on the Constitution of their countrj-, it
behooved the Republican leaders likewise to bid for popular sup-
port at the expense of governmental traditions, and by the most
lavish and prodigal expenditures. After the enactment of the
Homestead Law in 18G2, an Act in conflict with the conservative
teaching of early legislators, they must annul the well settled
internal improvement principles of former Presidents and states-
men, in the passage of the Union Pacitic Kailroad and Telegraph
Line, from the Missouri River to the Pacific Ocean. Indeed, a
seemingly malicious zeal appeared to animate Mr. Stevens and
the leading radicals in Congress, to effect in every particular as
complete an overthrow and removal of the rubbish of the old
constitutional edifice of the fathers, as was possible to be con-
ceived. The existing Constitution, with its spirit and traditions,
had been the work of slave holders and their allies ; and all this
must be remodelled, lest some foul taint might soil the new
superstructure.

An oath to support the Federal Constitution, the only pledge

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. SOI

licretoforc required of the American citizen or ruler, was no
longer deemed a sufficient guarantee of ollicial incumbents, that
they would discharge their functions with that iidelity which
duty required. Pretended dread of future turbulence induced
the revolutionary Congress to exact of every i)erson elected or
aj>pointed to any office of honor or jyrofit tinder the Government
of tJie United States an oath of office, to which no conscientious
Southern resistant of the abolition tyranny would be able to sub-
scribe. This unwise effort to exclude from public trusts the
participants in the so-called rebellion in the event of their over-
throw, was still further proof that the advocates of such measures
lacked the capacity of far-seeing statesmen, who always strive to
harmonize, rather than provoke conflicting opinions. But arti-
lice and craft were the large ingredients that influenced the parti-
san legislation of the last named character, and which was
designed chiefly to exclude in future from power, those most
competent to combat and circumvent the designs of the revolu-
tionary legislators themselves.

A legal principle of universal application that had been coined
in the jurisprudence of the mother country; and which in
essence was made a part of the Constitution of 1787; and also
of all the different States of the Union, that every offender shall
be tried by a jury of his peers, was next to be wiped from the
statute book of the nation. By the Act of July 16, 1S62, Con-
gress, fearful to run in open violation of the plain letter of the
Constitution, which declared that in treason the " trial shall
he held in the State where the said crirnes shall have heen comr-
mnitted^'' nevertheless rej)ealed the Act of 1789, which required^
in cases punishable with death, that twelve jurors be summoned
from the county where the offense was committed. In the repeal
of that act, the spirit of the Constitution was equally violated, as
had the enactment directed, that a jury drawn from a different
State than that in which the offense was committed, should be
intrusted with the trial of criminals. Such legislation was also
the product of necessity, as the revolutionists clearly foresaw that
no convictions for ti'eason could be secured in any of the Southern
States, unless under a species of packed jury system, which this
law of July aimed to establish.

During the second session of the Thirty-seventh Congress, the
contiscation of the property of rebels, became a question of lead-

S03 A REVIEW OF THE

ing importance ; and one that was discussed in both Tlonses at
Bomu length. The ardent advocates of confiscation M'ere impelled
Kolely Ly the desire to secure the emancipation* of the negro
slaves by an indirect measure of this character ; as no other so
feasible a plan presented itself to the revolutionists to secure,
uiuk-r the guise of legislation, objects not M-arranted by the Con-
stitution. Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts, had the candor to
confess, during the discussion of this question, that emancipation
was the main feature of tlie confiscation movement that especially
interested him. Sufficient laws were already in existence to
punish treason of every grade ; and it would have been time to
enact further penalties when the rebellion was overthrown and
the national authorities in condition to determine of what crime
the Southern rebels were guilty.

But as the freedom of the Southern slaves was the grand
object of the war, and as the Constitution of the United States
forbade Federal interference with the affairs of the States, some
kind of legislation must be excogitated to gratify abolition aspi-
ration. The punishment of treason was within the power of
Congress to determine ; and this body was free to fix penalties,
however severe, provided that " no attainder of treason shall work
corruption of blood and forfeiture, except during the life of the
person attainted." The framers of the instrument which inter,
posed this check u]X)n national legislation, bad witnessed in
history the cruel excesses of sanguinary despots from the days of
AVilliam the Norman, to Oliver Cromwell ; and they Avere un-
willing that the innocent descendants of convicted traitors should
be made to suffer for the crimes of their ancestors. Whilst,
however, this restraint was tiie result of the molifying current
of a refined civilization that had gradually obliterated the asperi-
ties of earlier epochs, it was this same obstacle that produced
such anxiety in the Republican party to devise means, notu-ith-

*Senator Saulsbury, of Delaware, addressing the Abolition Senators,
June 'J4th, 18(.)2, said : "Your purposes are known, — your motives are
understood. Tlie present knows them and history will i-ecordthem. Did
not slavery exist in the Soutliern States, you would never have thought
of a confiscation bill. Your design is to make this a war for the destruc-
tion of slavery. You desire to destroy the domestic institutions of tlie
States. Abolitionism will be satisfied wiili notliing less tlian universal
emancipation ; and abolitionism would not j^roseeute tiiis war anotlier
<luy or another liour, were it not for the hope that these objects may be
ai com lishcd." — Congressional Globe, Second Session, {J7th Congress,
I'art 4, p. 2901,

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 303

standing- (liis, to acconiplisli their main purpose, emancipation.
To this end, one bill after another was prepared by abolition
members of both Houses of Congress, all having the same fond
object in view. C. A. Wicklift'e, of Kentucky, spoke in the
following manner of these bills :

" The Chairman of this Committee, to whom had been referred all the
wild, mad and unconstitutional bills, twenty in number, has given to the
House the two bills under consideration. I have carefully collected al
of these bills. I shall have them bound, and with an appropriate title-
page preserved, that they may remain and be read after the excite-
ment of the day shall have subsided ; that those who may survive me
shall take warning from the evidences which they afford, of an utter
disregard of the Constitution of the country, and the danger to civil
liberty which such disregard threatens. And if our liberty and consti-
tutional Government shall survive the assaults made \ipon it at this hour,
or if it should fail, then they may find among the many causes of its
overthrow, these evidences of the reckless efforts of legislators to substi-
tute passion for patriotism, as a rule of action, in the exercise of otiicial
duties and powers."*

Horace Greeley, in his history of " The American Confiiet^''

speaks of the cautions method by which the Republican party

approached the question of coniiscation :

" The policy of confiscating or emancipating the slaves of those en-
gaged in the rebellion, was very cautiously and timidly approached at
the first or extra session of this (37th) Congress. Very early in the ensu-
ing session, it was again suggested in the Senate by Mr. Trumbull, of
Illinois, and in the House by Mr. Elliott, of Massachusetts."!

The position which first secured a somewhat unanimous ap-
proval amongst the revolutionary leaders in both Houses of
Congress, was that which asserted for the militar}' arm of the
Government, the right to break the shackles from the limbs of
the Southern slaves in order to weaken the cause of their masters.
This bold and sweeping advance of the extreme Abolitionibts
was altogether too radical a change for timid and conservative
Republicans; and the proposition besidesencountering the united
opposition of the Border State Congressmen and Xortliern Dem-
ocrats, also met a warm resistance from Senators Cowan, of
Pennsylvania, Browning and Collamer, of Yermont. who de-
nounced it as in glaring antagonism with the Federal Constitution.
Out of the boiling caldron of radical Senatorial views, a bill
was prepared which proposed to clothe President Lincoln with

* Appendix to Congressional Globe, Second Session, 37th Congress, p. 2G0.
"I Greeley's Conflict, vol. 3, p. 203.

304 A REVIEAV OF THE

diserctioncry power to proclaim free, tlic slaves of all persona
who should bo found in arms after a definite periud.

In the House, a similar vehement contest was fought, over the
question of confiscation of rebel property ; and finally, two bills
were reported from the Judiciary Committee that seemed to
accord in the main with the known sentiments of radical Sena-
tors. The one provided for confiscating the real and personal
proper:y of rebels against the government; and the other for the
emancipation of their slaves. In vain did the Democrats, Border
State Eepresentatives, and certain Conservative Eepublicans,
argue the unconstitutionality of these measures ; and to no pur-
pose were they shown to violate all the principles of modern
warfare among civilized nations. Judge Thomas, of Massachu-
setts, a Conservative Republican, spoke of these bills as follows :
"That the bills before the House are in violation of the law of nations
and of the Constitution, I cannot— I say it with all deference to others—
I cannot entertain a doubt."*

But though unconstitutional and violative of all modern inter-
national codes, the revolutionists must of necessity enact laws of
the most extreme rigor against the rebels and their property ; so
that under the pretence of wholesale confiscation, they would be
enabled to secure the great prize, the freedom of the slaves. No
doubt many members of Congress, such as Thaddeus Stevens,
Owen Lovejoy, and others, would ardently have desired to see
the most extensive confiscation of rebel property that was possible
to be secured ; but the honest Abolitionists, who were influenced
by moral principle, rather viewed the proposed severity in the
confiscation movement as a feint to cover the real object to be
grasped, emancipation. At least it was never seriously believed
by any great number of Abolition Congressmen, that they would
be able to inflict upon the South any general system of property
confiscation. The measure, however, proved admirable for agita-
ting purposes, and in the preparation of public opinion for par-
tisan objects.

Both the Confiscation and Emancipation Bills introduced into
the House, passed that body but failed to meet the approbation
of the Senate. Although this latter body contained a large
number of the most radical Abolitionists, still a majority were
unwillinir to iro to the extreme length of enacting that all kinds

^Greeley's Conflict, vol. 2, p. 234.

•

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. COj

of property should be wrested from rebel control ^\•itllOut judici-
ally action, and by the mere foi'ce of Executiye fiat. The bills
Ayhich had rccciyed the approbation of the one body of Con-
gress, were upon a conference between the Senate and House of
Represcntatiycs, so modihed as to form one act proyiding for
both contiscation and emancipation. In this shape the bill became
a law and receiyed the Presidential assent.

The main feature which the Senate impressed upon the confis-
cation scheme, was that which contemplated the conyiction and
punishment of traitors by due legal process, before their property
could be legalh' sequestered. And yet little credit seems due to
Senators who preferred to liaye the enactment in conformity
with the Constitution in one particular, when in another they
were not at all careful to regard it. For it was alone the knowl-
edge that the assent of President Lincoln would otherwise be
withheld from the bill, that induced Congress, very reluctantly,
to declare by resolution .that the act was only intended to operate
upon the life interest of convicted traitors.

306 A REVIEW OF THE

CHAPTER XVm.

GOVERNMENTAL CONSOLIDATION REACHED.

When the Thirty-seventh Congress met on DecemLer Ist,
1S{!2, the Government had thrown aside all disguise that its
future policy should embrace emancipation as a means of weak-
ening the rebellion. President Lincoln had seemingly permitted
liiinself to be dragooned, by his active abolition 2)artisans, into
fulminating the proclamation of September 22>ji, which, by the
beginning of the new year, should set all the slaves in the rebel-
lious States in absolute freedom ; and yet a more unwise measure
for the accomplishment of that object was scarcely conceivable,
as the President himself expressed it, in his interview with the
Chicago divines, a few days prior to its promulgation. It could
scarcely be believed, even by the most enthusiastic champions of
negro liberation, that a paper proclamation, issued by the Execu-
tive of one of the contesting sections of the country, would be
able to emancipate the slaves of the other more rapidly than the
progress of arms warranted. But fanaticism reasons not, it sym-
pathises, agitates, and runs counter to the rules of ratiocination i
and in this instance, having engulphed philosophical forecast in
clamor, it could do what at another time would have been utterly
imj)Ossible.

The enactment of a few measures were still demanded of the
American Congress, in addition to the numerous unconstitutional
encroachments already made, in order that the consolidating pro-
gramme of the revolutionary party might have a tinished and
symmetrical contour. The union of the purse and sword, a
luecessitv of despotism, was the grand desideratum yet to be
accomplished in the subversion of the rights of the States and of
the immunities of the people. The traditionally recognized
pow^erof the States must be overthrown by every possible means,
and no conceivable method seemed to promise greater results in
this direction than the establishment of a national banking sys-

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 307

tern. A national bank was one of the darling projects of Alex-
ander Hamilton, tlie idol of Federalism and its successors ; and in
the history of American politics it proved one of the onerous
burdens that always weighed upon the shoulders of those who
favored its establishment.

And although a National bank had ceased to be a question in
American politics since the period of John Tyler's administration,
yet with the advent of Republicanism to power, the new brood
soon betrayed their parentage in the advocacy of the old measures
which Webster himself had declared obsolete. So thoroughly
grounded, however, had become the opposition of Americans to-
wards a bank of the Unit:3d States, that the establishment of an
institution of this character was deemed hazardous ; and was only
attempted after the leaders had discovered that the will of the
people could with safety be defied, with large armies in the field
from which all information dangerous to party success, could
easily be excluded. And again, for the jDurpose of avoiding tire
popular objections which stood coined in the general mind against
the establishment of a national bank, the scheme was varied by
proposing a bill to incorporate banks in all sections of the country.
A very captivating variation, indeed, was it, and one promising
popular advantages to business circles. The danger of a national
bajik proving a political engine in the hands of whatever party
might happen to control the Government, the main evil foreseen
by President Jackson was equally great, whether one central
establishment were created or thousands of banks with national
privileges, because the latter, equally with the former, would be
subordinate to federal control.

The establishment of a system of national banks, was believed
by the revolutionary leaders to be one of the most efficient means
to subvert the rights of the States, and draw all authority into
the hands of the General Government. In this manner it was
hoped that objects could be grasped by a sj^ecies of monarchical
encroachment, which otherwise were unattainable ; and that a
grand central government, nearly resembling that of Great
Britain, could be established in the midst of the turbulence and
excitement of the rebellion. Indeed, Alexander Hamilton him-
self had predicted that the Federal Government would prove a
faihu-e ; and that it would only, after a time, be molded into
consistency when it should have experienced the shock of war.

308 A REVIEW OF THE

That Federal aspirations prompted the warm advocates of the
national bankini^ scheme, seems disclosed in the following extract
from the speech of Elbridge G. Spaulding, a llepublican Rep-
resentative from Xew York, of February 19th, 1SG3. Mr. Spaul-
ding said :

" It is now most apparent that tlio jiolicy advocated by Alexander
Hamilton, of a strong central government, was the ti-ue policy. A
strong consolidated government would niost likely have been able to
avert the rebellion ; but, if not able to prevent it entirely, it would have
been much bett: r prepared to have met and put down the traitorous
advocates oY secession and State rights, who have forced upon us this
unnatural and bloody war. A sound national bank upheld and supported
by the combined credit of the Government, and rich men residing in all
the States of the Union, would have been a strong bond of union before
the relellion broke out, and a still stronger sui)port to the Government
in maintaining the army and navy to put it down."

The national banking system deduced its whole genealogical
descent from monarchical principles. Its successful inauguration
dej^ended upon the suppression of the State banks, which existed
constitutionally, as the Supreme Conrt of the United States had
authoritatively declared ; and which the General Government
had no delegated power, either directly or indii'cctly, to suppress.
But, when men could be found that had the boldness openly to
declare that Congress had the right to appoint a dictator, as
Thaddeus Stevens had already done, it is not strange that any
kind of bill could be enacted depriving the States of their clear
and constitutional authority to establish banks with State charters.
During the discussion on the National Bank Bill, tlie right of the
States to create banks was not questioned ; but a sufficient tax
was imposed in the bill upon the circulation of the State banks,
as would compel them to exchange their notes for the new ones
to be issued by the General Government. It was, in brief, sim-
ply a new method of indirectly doing tliat which the Constitu-
tion, as interpreted by the highest judicial tribunal of the coimtry,
had forbidden to be done.

The Kational Banking Bill n:iet tlie approval of the most
revolutionary Republicans of both Houses of Congress ; and
received the sanction of President Lincoln February 25th, 18G3.
It encountered, hoM'cver, the imited oi)position of the Democracy
and of a considerable number of the more conservative Repub-
lican Members of Congress, in the Senate and House of Repre-
sentatives. In the Senate, such liepublicans as CoUamer, Cowan,

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 809

Grimes, Howard and Trumbull, refused to support tlic measure.
The Demoi-rats iu general viewed the bill as one of the con-
solidating measures designed to wrest power from the States and
strengthen the central authority. Senator Powell, in his speech
of February 10th, 1SG3, said;

"It is a grand scheme of consolidation; one that, in my judgment,
will become dangerous to the public liberties, and I believe that it should
not be forced upon the people of the States, particularly when it is forced
there to destroy their banking institutions."

Senator Davis, in his speech of Februarj 11th, said :

*" This is a bold and daring attack upon the State banks, * * *
I think it is the most stupendous and most dangerous scheme of policy
that was ever introduced ia a deliberative body."

That the National Bank Bill was of an altogether revolutionary

character, Senator Howard contended in his speech of February

11, 1863, in which he used the following: lansfuaffe ;

*' It contemplates a general revolution in the banking and currency
system in this country ; and it is admitted by its advocates as being in-
tended to bring about an extinguishment of all the State banks by lueans
of the machinery which is to be employed under the provisions of the
bill."

The unconstitutionality of the bill was argued by Senator
Col lamer as follows :

'• In the case of Kentucky, the Supreme Court decided, that the long
continued usage in this country in States to make banks was constitu-
tional, and that a State had a right to i*ake a bank of issue. * «• »
Now, sir, if a State has that right, it has the right certainly, independent
of the consent of Congress. Does it hold it at the will of Congress?
Certainly not. The United States, in making a United States Bank, held
it independent of State action, and it was so decided. If the State has
this right and has it independent of the consent of Congress, it cannot
have that right if the United States can tax it out of existence. Hence,
I say, the UniteJ States liave no more power to tax a State institution
out of existence, than a State has to tax a United States institution out
of existence,^

The Federal Goveu-nment, by tlie passage of the bank bill,
had become the keeper of the people's purse; the sword must
next be grasped, and then the power of the States and the citi-
zens thereof could with impunity be defied. Men, as well as
money were in abundance for a period, after the inauguration of
the war, in answer to the calls of the President; but time dis-
closing the great deception that had been practised, neither could
any longer be liad in such quantics as the exigency denumded.

310 A REVIEW OF THE

Congress, at its extra session in 1S61, had given authority for
raising vast armies; and all tlie soldiers whose services could bo
secured were enlisted under various proclamations of the Presi-
deiit but still more were in demand to end a rebellion whose
resistance had far surpassed the po])ular e.\i)ectation. But the
liepublican method of tilling monarchical armies raised for mon-
archical purposes, soon displayed its incongruity as had ,beeu
witnessed on the linancial arena, and new plans were necessary
to be adopted to save the revolutionary party from disintegration
and its aims from failure, should a majority of the Northern
people discover the delusion that had been inflicted upon them.
By the middle of 1S02, Northern patriotism was greatly flag-
ging, because enlisting for the war was already discovered to be
no holiday recreation, but a stern realty that few cared to en-
counter, sftve those whom fancied sympathy for the negro had
blinded into the espousal of the abulition cause. It was now
perceived that the war steed of JN^orthern patriotism must expe-
rience a slight goad from the spur of his furious rider, in order
to enable him any longer to penetrate to the front of the battle,
and grapple with his rebel combatant upon the Held of Southern
conflict. This slight prick was essayed in the passage of the Act
of Congress of July ITth, 1S62, which authorized the calling out
by draft of the militia of the loyal States for nine months, for
the suppression of the Southern armies, and the restoration of
the national authority.

But the rebellion against abolition domination, notwithstanding
this, stood up in all its mighty strength and colossal magnitude.
The enlisted legions of the j^orth, from Maine to California,
were sinking before the shafts of Southern resistance ; and the
invading armies had become so attenuated by the close of 1SG2,
that more stringent means than had as yet been made use of,
must be employed if the administration of Abraham Lincoln
was to triumph over its stubborn foe. The might of Herculean
despotism must be invoked to the 2-escue, or the flag of abo-
litionism must lower its folds on the fleld of battle. Neither the
war cry of freedom for an enslaved race, nor the peans of the
victorious soul of the felon of Charlestown, marching to victory,
were sutRcient any longer to arouse martial ardor in the breasts
of the enrolled soldiers of Northern fanaticism.

The loathsome beast of despotic innovation now reared a more

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 311

hideous aspect than it had as yet presented. An act was passed
in both Houses of Congress ignoring all authority of the States
over their own militia ; and subjecting all able-bodied men of the
Korth, between certain ages, to a merciless conscription, which
found sanction neither in constitutional warrant nor in prior
Anglo-Saxon history. Britain's Annals were scanned in vain for
a model to subject to Presidential control the independent f .-ce-
men of the North ; and resort was necessarily had to the conti-
nental despotisms of the old world, which alone were able to
supply a genuine copy. Charles J. Biddle, a Member of Con-
gress from Pennsylvania, in his speech of February 23, 18G3,
grouped the Conscription Bill as one of that concatenation of
measures which changed the whole fabric of the Government
from a Eepublic into a consolidated despotism. In his speech he
said :

"This (the Conscription Bill) is a part of a series of measures, which to
my mind seem materially to alter the structure of the Government un-
der which we live. The bill to transfer to the President, without limita-
tion of time or place, our power over the writ of Habeas Corpus ; the
bill of indemnity which, to use the words of the Senate's Amendment,
secures for all wrongs or trespasses committed by any officer of the
Government, full immunity, if he pleads in the courts of justice the
order of the President, and whicli also deprives State Courts of their
jurisdiction in such cases ; the bank bill, which puts the purse strings in
the same hands with the sword ; these bills, to my mind, couple themselves
with this bill, and they seem to me, taken together, to change the whole
framework of this Government ; and instead of the Constitutional Gov-
ernment, which was originally so carefully devised for this country,
they leave us a system which does not materially differ, according to any
definition I can frame, from the despotism of France or Russia."

The passage of the Conscription Bill was found to be indispen-
sable, because the abolition leaders perceived that the prosecution
of the war, by means of enlisted soldiers, would surely prove a
failure. Thaddeus Stevens, the Corypheus of abolition impulse, in
the House of Kepresentatives already had declared on the floor
of Congress, that no more volunteers could be had from the Xorth ;,
and that other methods of filling the Union armies must bo
adopted. Yast numbers of soldiers who had voluntarily entered
the Northern armies, afterwards deserted ; some because they
believed the Administration had forsaken the principles upon
which the war was originally prosecuted; others did so, infected
by the corrupt influences already everywhere prevalent.

Benjamin F. Thomas, a llepublican member of the House,

313 A REVIEW OF THE

from Mas^:ac•lnlsctt^:, siilniiitted his reasons for tlic necessity of
enacting the Conscription liill, in the following language. lie

said :

"The policy inaugurated on tlie 1st of December, 1S61, has been fruit-
less of good. It has clianged tlie ostensible, if not the real issue of the
war. That policy, and tlie want of persistent vigor in our military
counsels, render any further reliance upon voluntary enlistments futile.
The nostrums have all failed. Confiscation, emancii)ation by Congress,
emancipatit>n by proclamation of the President, compensated emancipa-
tion, arbitrary arrests, paper made legal tender, negro armies will not do
the work. Nothing will save us now but victoi-ies in the field and on the
sea ; and then the proffer of the olive brancli, with the most liberal terms
of reconciliation and re-union. We can get armies in no other way, but
by measures substantially those in the Bill before us, unless the Admin-
istration will retrace its steps and return to the way of the Constitution."*

The Democrats and Border State men of both Houses of
Congress combatted the Conscription liill with a zeal and ardor
worthy of Charlemagne's paladins, and the knights of feudal
history. But the conllict waged by these chivalric friends of
their country in behalf of liberty and the Constitution, was
nevertheless hopeless ; yet, impelled by motives of uncalculating
patriotism, they rushed wuthin the breach and yielded themselves,
sacrilices worthy of immortal glory. Senator Bayard, of Dela-
ware, in his speech of February 28, 1803, used the following
lano-uan-e concerning the Conscription Bill :

'* From the foundation of the Government to this day, no attempt lias
been made in this country to pass a law of this character, by any Con-
gress of the United States ; no such bill has been introduced ; no such
doctrine as is involved in this bill has been contended for— that under
the power to raise armies, you can raise them in any other mode than by
enlistment or recniiting, or by the acceptance of volunteers. Has this
power ever been attempted to be exercised by the Parliament of Great
Britain, with all its omnipotence ? No 1"

Senator Kennedy, of Maryland, in the debate on this Dill, said :

" As to the bill itself, I look upon it as odious and despotic. It goes
furthi r to subjugate the people of a free country than any I have ever
read of in history."

Senator Saulsbury, of Delaware, during the same debate,
uttered the following sentiments:

" I regard it as the crowning act, in a series of acts of legislation,
which surrender all tliat is dear to the private citizen into the keeping
and at the mercy of the Executive of this nation. * * * I

assert, that under the law governing this administration, under the law

^Annual Cyclopedia, 18G3, p. 28G.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 813

as declared by the highest law officer of this Government, this bill not
only authorizes the calling into the service of every able-bodied white
man, but it authorizes the calling into the service of every able-bodied
free negro, between the ages of twenty and forty-five, in the land. I
say this because the Attoi-ney -General of the United States has expressed
the opinion, in writing, that the free negroes are citizens of the United
States. * » « Sir, if the theory of this bill be the theory of
your Government, if this be the power conferred upon Congress by the
Constitution of the United States, tell me where is the difference between
your form of Government and the most absolute and despotic form upon
the face of the earth."

The Conscription Bill received the assent of President Lincoln
March 3d, 1S03, and contrary to the patriotic wish of the older
statesmen, the power of the purse and the sword was united.
The passage of the National Bank and Conscription Bills effected
a comj^Iete revolution in the workings of the General Govern-
ment, and though • retaining the name of a Republic, no Empire
in Eiu'ope now exerted a more absolute and despotic control over
its citizens.

Absolutism had been reached in the passage of these two last
named bills ; but to round the figure more in harmony with
Asiatic despotisms, all the unconstitutional excesses that had been
committed since the advent of the Republican party to power
must be condoned, and unlimited authority granted to the Fede-
ral Executive to trample in future upon civil liberty. It was not
enough to satisfy the abolition appetite that the Constitution had
been ignored, the reserved rights of the States overthrown, and
the liberty of the citizen set aside ; all these flagrant violations
of right must be justified by an American Congress, intoxicated
with the fumes of fanatical zeal and revolutionary incendiarism.
It was a dark period in our history, when an assemblage of
enthusiastic emancipationists had imder deceptions colors stolen
their way into the seats of representation in the National Capitol,
and at length had it in their power to repudiate all the traditions
of the anterior epochs of the Republic, and desecrate the holiest
sanctuaries of the people.

Thaddeus Stevens, the cool, calculating demagogue, like his
prototype. Cardinal Wolsey, paying hypocritical adoration at the
shrines of zealous humanitarianism, on the 8th c»f December,
1862, brought into the Lower House of Congress a bill to indem-
nify the President and other persons for suspending the privilege
of the writ of Habeas Corjpus^ and acts done in pursuance

311 A REVIEW OF THE

thereof. Up to tliis period it would have been difficult to have
discovered in the utterances of the real or pretended emancipation
zealots, with a few exceptions, that anything had been done by
the President and Cabinet, or by any of their numerous subordi-
nates throughout the country, that was not in strict accordance
with the Constitution and the laws of Congress heretofore en-
acted. Had not an obsequious Attorney-General convicted the
Chief-Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States of
error, wlien the latter decided that the suspension of the Habeas
Corpus was the perogative alone of the Federal Congress ? Had
not the revolutionary party by their representatives in both the
United States Senate and House fully endorsed that view of
constitutional interpretation, and acted in entire conformity there-
with ? Had not, again, a partisan press throughout the North,
echoed the above sentiments to the eclat, and hurled anathemas
and (,i])probrium u])on the heads of those, who had the boldness
and honest v to stand up and question the right of the President
and his subordinates to suspend the Habeas Corpus, and do what-
ever else they might deem advantageous in furtherance of the
abolition cause? Tomes would be required to contain all the
labored arguments that tilled to satiety the Xorthern press, de-
sio-ned to prove the entire constitutionality of the many violations
of civil liberty, that were inflicted upon the citizens of the loyal
States, and wliich would have driven to revolution the people of
the most despotic governments of Europe ; and could only havs)
been perpetrated with impunity upon degri^ided serfs by the
Ghengis Khans and Tamerlanes of history.

But the introduction and party support of the Indemnity Pill
to a philosophical mind, was clear and palpable proof of the
conscious falsity of the abolition reasoning, which claimed to find
support for the infractions of the Constitution in that instrument
itself. Mr. Stevens was far too clear in his perceptions to be de-
luded into the belief, that any sanction could be found in the
Constitution for many acts to which he himself had freely given
his adhesion. In support!' g the admission of West Virginia, he
had declared that there was no constitutional warrant for such
action ; but contended that the measure was justified by the exi-
gency of the times. On many other occasions he had expressed
similar sentiments, defending his views nevertheless by political
necessity, and not by any authority to be found in the Federal

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 313

Constitution. At the beginning of the session of this Congress,
he even had tlie boldness to dedare upon the floor of the House,
that he " had grown sick of the talk about the Union as it was,
and the Constitution as it is."

The bill of indemnity, as it passed the lower House of Con-
gress, led by Mr. Stevens, was too open a repudiation of the
Constitution to receive the unqualilied approval of a more
cautious Senate. Tliis body, the majority of whom were equally
desirous to enact a bill of general oblivion for all the illegal and
unconstitutional acts of the President, Cabinet, and all the infe-
rior subordinates of the administration, was nevertheless more
guarded in endeavoring to have its legislation apparently to con-
form with the words of the Federal Constitution, so far as the
same could be made to do so. Senator Collamer, of Yermont,
took grounds of opposition to the constitutionality of the Indem-
nity Bill, passed by the House, and prepared a substitute for it,
which was reported by the Judiciary Committee of the Senate
on the 27th of January, 18G3.. The main feature of the Senator s
Substitute was that it provided for the removal to the Circuit
Courts of the United States of all actions commen-ced, or to be
commenced in the State Courts against persons who had violated
the individual rights of their citizens. This was simply an in-
direct method of reaching, as far as possible, the same objects
sought by the Indemnity Bill of Mr. Stevens, that is to say,
absolute immunity for all the past and future unconstitutional
acts of the Federal administration and its satellites. It was per-
ceived that w^ere authority granted to remove actions from a
State into a Circuit Court of the United States, the judges and
jurors of which were the menials of Federal power, the absolute
oblivion of these actions was well nigh reached. Whilst this
bill was before the Senate, James A. Bayard, of Delaware, ex-
pressed his views of the measure in the followino- lano-uao-e :

"With the solitary exception of an amendment, proposed by the Hon-
orable Senator of Ohio, which was originally rejected and afterwards
adopted, there is nothing in the bill that does ought than advance us
towards a despotic exercise of power. It refers not only to the past, but
to the future action of the Executive of the United States, and it throws
a shield ovtr every act of aggression that he can commit against the
rights of an American citizen ; and interposes a bar, in point of fact, to
the right of recovery against even the individual who is the agent for
the purpose of infracting those rights. » * * They (the friends of

318 A REVIEW OF THE

the measiiro") will have, hy thepasa^o of tliis bill, brought the lej^islative
power into a.ccord with the Executive, so as to prevent for past action
and for future action of the Executive, any redress on the part of an
American citizen, however great the outrage may have been. In my
judgment, it would have been better to pass the House Bill. That is a
plain, open, manly defiance of the Federal Constitution. This is more
indirect. It is in some respects sustainable ; but I' trust that in others,
when it comes to the criterion of the Courts, it will be adjudged to be
void and of no effect. It is useless to particularize now ; but whether it
be done under cover of law, and whether it be sustained or not, it is, in
my belief, equally true that the passage of the bill is but an advance
towards a centralized despotism in this country."*

The Senate bill having passed that body, came np in the House
on the ISth of Fehruaiy, for consideration. Mr. Voorhees, of
Indiana, spoke at considerable length in opposition to the meas-
\ire, lie said :

" Sir : — The bill now before the House has no parallel in the history of
this or any other free people. It is entitled 'An Act to indemnify the
President and other persons for suspending the privilege of the Writ of
Habeas Corpus, and acts done in pursuance thereof But it embraces
even more than its startling title would indicate. It gives to the Execu-
tive and all his subordinates, not merely security for crimes committed
against the citizen in times past, but confers a license to continue in the
ifuture the same unlimited exercise of arbitrary power, which has brought
disgrace and danger to the country. I propose, to the best of my ability,
this day to show that neither indemnity for the past nor impunity for
the future can be bestowed on those who have violated, and who i)ropose
further to violate the great and fundamental principles of constitutional
liberty,"

After an extended debate in the House, tlie Senate's Substitute
was rejected, and a Committee of Conference was appointed.
This Connnittee reported a bill, M'hich embodied a compromise
of views between the two Houses ; but which to the unobscrv-
iint seemed to embrace new matter. One section of this Com-
promise Bill autliorized the President, at anj time during the
rebellion, and when in liis judgment required, to suspend the
privileo-e of the writ of Ilaheas Corpus throughout the United
States or in any part thereof. In another section, provision was
made for removing into a Circuit Court <.f the United States any
action "commenced in a State Court against any officer, civil or
military, or against any otlier person for any arrest or imprison-
ment made, or other trespasses or wrongs done or committed, or

*Annual Cyclopedia^ 1863, p. 2Ci3.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 317

any act omitted to be clone, at any time during the present rebel-
lion, by virtue or under color of any authority derived from or
exercised by or under tlie President of the United States, or any
Act of Congress."

The bill, as submitted by the Committee of the Senate and
House of Ilepresentatives, met the approbation of the majority
in both these bodies ; and receiving the sanction of President
Lincoln March 3d, 1863, became a law. This act completed the
series of measures which completely changed the character of
the Government from a confederation of States, into what his-
tory should entitle the monarcliically consolidated American
Union. With the enactment of this series, the legislative revo-
lution was completed. The party of fanaticism had at length
introduced their principles into the workings of the General
Government ; it next behooved them to sustain these upon the
battle Held, and thus carry forward and complete the social revo-
lution, towards which they looked with anxiety.

The purse and the sword had now been grasped in one hand,
and civil liberty, the birth-right of every American freenuin, was
wrested from its deposit, the Constitution, and committed to the
keeping of Abraham Lincoln. This Chief Magistrate, whoso
oath demanded obedience to the Constitution and a faithful exe-
cution of the laws, though a guilty participant in the sacrilege
of robbing his country's Magna Charta, became by the act
of his criminal compeers, the repository of the sacred emblems
of civil right, which antericr pges had bequeathed. Freedom
ceased to be any longer what its name signified. From that
period forward every American citizen possessed only such
liberty us the Federal executive saw proper to accord him. The
President had it in his power, by virtue of the act of Cono-ress,
to order the arrest and incarceration of any citizen in the broad
arena of the Union ; and no authority in the States or in tho
Federal Judiciary could withstand the dictator. His will, though
feeble, was absolute, and that of the fiendish ]S"ero and the tyrants
of the French revolution was no more. These earlier despots
were able to deprive of liberty whomsoever they chose ; so could
the American President.

Abraham Lincoln and his guilty associates in crime were voted
by the Punup Congress entire immunity for all offences that any
of them, under the guise of authority, liad perpetrated, since the

318 A REVIEW OF. THE

coinniencement of tlie rebellion, upon the persons and property
of innocent and unull'ending citizens ; against whom no accusa-
tion coultl be preferred, save that they believed the abolition war
policy to be unconstitutional antl inimical to the principles of
republics. But fortune, in her grant of imbecility, compensated
for the grave error that a maddened and intoxicated people, in
the midst of an a})[)alling revOiUtion, had committed. That
beneticient goddess cither had other duties for the American
Union, or she wished in future to witness on the AVestern Con-
tinent, a chivalric combat of crown worthy heroes; for had Na-
poleonic will and ambition conjoined themselves with the powers
of the Federal President, the days of the great occidental repub-
lic in name, even, would have been chronicled amongst the things
of the past. The name w\as retained, however, because fear for-
bade its abandonment ; but governmental consolidation in ifs
fullness had been reached.

rOLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 319

CHAPTER XIX.

DEMOCRATIC ANTI-WAR ATTITUDE.

pRi'tj ties, for a time, after tlie inauguration of hostilities
against the South, seemed * to the unreflecting almost to have
disappeared ; hut this was so in appearance, rather than in reality.
A wave of deceived love for the Union swej)t over the Kortli,
and washed into the war current the masses of all political
organizations, and large numbers of the Democratic leaders were
also carried by the flood into an antagonism of sentiment to that
wdiich they and their party, prior to the attack on Fort Sumpter
had advocated. In this rapid transit, from one school of politi-
cal opinions to the opposite, we have- a fair illustration of the
manner in which modern pretended leaders are ready to abandon
their princij^les and creed, when a storm of popular favor carries
their opposing party bark into the port of triumphant victory.

Uiit all those competent to think for themselves, and whose
principles harmonized with the opinions that had been uniformly
entertained by the representative men of the Democratic party,
notwithstanding the popular clamor, remained attached to their
sentiments ; but from the necessity of the situation, they were
either compelled to conceal their thoughts or run the risk of
political martyrdom. Owing to the large desertion that had
taken place in their ranks, the Democratic leaders that remained
true their principles had become too few to be able to rally their
followers into an opposition to the coercion doctrine of the aboli-
tion party. The cry for the Union drowned all the jjatriotic

* "There is, oi' has been quite a general impression, backed by constant
and confident assenions, that the people of tlie free States were united
in support of the w.ir, until an Anti-Slavery aspect was given to it by the
adniiiiistration. Yet that is very far from the trutli. There was no
moment wherein a large portion of the Northern Democracy were not at
least passively hostile to any form or shade of 'coercion;' while many
openly condeume;! and stigmatised it as attrocious, unjustifiable aggres-
sion. And this opjjosition, when least vociferous, sensibly subtracted
from the power and diminished the efficiency of the North." — Greeley's
Conlilct. Vol. 2, p. 513.

320 A REVIEW OF THE

ex]>ostulation of tlio.^c who emlcavoivd to prove that a war
a«i;ainst the South foiuul no warrant in the Federal Constitution,
or in tiie princii^les of an enlightened rej)ubliean confederacy.

It soon seemed as if the war current was irresistible, and the
large and cautious portion of those who believed the coercion
policy to be uncoustitutiunal, deemed it prudential to refrain
from the utterance of thoir opinions, and thus the Hood gates of
war fury were permitted to open to their fullest extent. A small
and resolute band, however, of bold and courageous freemen,
members of the " Democratic party and others antagonistic to
ultra-abulitionism, declined to surrender all their sense of man-
hood and in(K'[»L'n(lence, and, without any hypucritical conceal-
ment of their opinions, steadfastly combatted the doctrine of
coercion as wicked, anti-republican and unconstitutional, and one
pregnant with future evils for the perpetuity of the free institutions
of America. That war and bloodshed could unite in fraternal
concord the two sections of the Union, now becomeinharmonious
from a sectionalized antagonism of contiicting principles, appeared
to this class of citizens as madness in the extreme. This class of
Democrats was the only one deserving to be recognized as the
followers of that party, which from the first endorsed the senti-
ments of the Yirginia and Kentucky resolutions ; and had such
doctrines found no supporters even in the darkness of revolution,
human nature on this occasion would have been convicted of a
perlidy to principle unheard of in the annals of all anterior
epochs.

The disintegration that had nearly penetrated to the core of
the Democratic party, displayed itself in unmistakable colors
when the war cry of abolitionism was heard tln-oughout the
leno-th and breadth of the Republic. Men, who up to this
period, had in words staunchly defended the cardinal principles
of the old party of Jefferson, which denied to the General Gov-
ernment any power to compel by arms the people of a State to
remain in a Union distasteful to them, at once changed their
position and planted themselves under the banner of the coer-
cionists.

And although the American people in appea.rance had divided
the Northern against the Southern, a division., however, not of
sections, obtained as the true one. On the one side were arrayed
all those who. deducing their lineage from Federal and Tory

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 321

ancestors, favored the employment of the war-power for the en-
forcement of the national will against the States and their people ;
and on the other were found those who denied that the General
Government had ever been clothed by its framers with such
august authority. The rebels in battle array were marshalled,
ready to dispute the right of the Government to coerce by arms
the people of any of the States, and they, like the anti-v/ar party
of the Xorth, based their opinions nj)on the often endorsed
Virginia and Kentucky resolutions of ITOS-'D.* Dissemble the
situation, therefore as we may, truth demands of the impartial
historian the fair ndmission, that during the war of the rebellion
but two real parties existed in the nation ; the Southern Confeder-
ates and the Northern anti-coercion Democrats forming the one of
these, and the unconcealed Abolitionists, who sincei-ely strove for
the emancipation and elevation of the negro race, the other.

In former 'chapters, the hypocritical guise assumed by the
political abolitionists, has been discussed at length ; it now remains
to be presented the false attitude likewise maintained, for selfish
ends, by Democratic leaders, dnring the war ; and to this de-
ceptions position are due, in a large measure, the vast calamities
that have been entailed upon the country, from an unholy and
iiendish crusade of one section of the Union against the other.
Had the influential Democrats of the ISTorthern States boldly
faced their political enemies npon the question of Southern sub-
jugation, and sternly demanded that no men should be taken
from any of the States for the wicked and unconstitutional pur-
pose of crushing a kindred people, the demoniacal purpose of the
fanatical party of Lincoln would have been foiled. Such a
demand woidd have paralysed the power of the abolition admin-
istration, and prevented it from securing recruits for the vile
object it was secretly plotting to accomplish, under the pretense
of defending the Union. But, instead of asserting what justice
and the principles of the Federal compact demanded, and resisting

* " From a period as early as 170S, there had existed in all the States a
party almost uninterruptedly in tlie majority, based upon the creed that
each Slate was in tiie last resort the sole judge, as well of its wrongs, as
of the mode and measure of redress. * * * * -pij^ jj^mo-
cratic party ot the United States repeated, in its successful canvas of
1836, the declaration made in numerous previous political contests, tliat
it would faithfully abide by and uphold the princi[)les laid down in tiie
Kentucky and Virginia resoluti ns of 1798 and 17'J!J, and that it adopts
those principles as constituting one of the Main foundations of its politi-
cal creed.'"— Special Message of Jefferson Davis of April '^'J, 18(31.

323 A REVIEW OF TUE

the war and its prosecution ; false and treacherous leaders within
the Democratic organization, pretended that they were in favor
of defending the national authority by arms, and compelling the
obedience of the Southern States to the General Government.
They confined their open opposition to contending that the war
must bo waged npon constitutional principles ; whereas, it was
clear to the mind of every conscientious and intelligent member
of the Democratic party, that such a thing as a constitutional
war against the Southern States was an ntter absurdity ; for the
General Government possessed no further power tluiu was con-
ferred upon it by the Federal Constitution ; and this instrument
was silent as regarded any such authority.

The campaigns of 1861 were contested, seemingly M'ithout a
political diiicrence, both parties in the Xortli advocating a most
vigorous prosecution of the war against the South, in order that
the restoration of the national authority might be effected. In
some sections, certain Itcpublicans united with the Democrats
under the name of the Union party, and the resolutions of these
in conventions, called for vigorous measures against the seceded
States. The small party that found itself within the Democratic
organization, was too feeble to make its voice heard in the party
resolutions of county and State conventions.

In the resolves of Democratic conventions, the sentiment of
the party might reasonably be supposed to have been indicated ;
but it was far from being so at this period. Like by its oppo
nent, the Republican party, a false attitude was assumed by the
Democratic party before the country, induced by a fear of popu-
lar opinion, which unmistakably had committed itself in favor
of the war for the Union. The Republicans found it necessary
to disguise the sentiments of all those in their party who sought
to make the emancipation of slavery the direct object of the war
against the South ; and the Democrats deemed it also expedient
for partisan effect to preserve as much as possible from disclosure
the opinions of their independent men, who resisted from prin-
ciple the prosecution of the war against the South. Both parties
WQre thus false to their known creeds and antecedents, as was
well understood by shrewd discerncrs of partisan opinions. From
the first the political leaders of each party were able to detect
the real sentiments of their adversaries. The Democrats accused
the Republicans of designing negro emancipation, as their

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. S23

ultimate aim, whidi the latter stoutly denied ; and on the other
hand, the Itopublicane charged upon their opponents that they
were in reality opposed to the war, though pretending to favor its
prosecution ; and this latter accusation was likewise vehemently
denied. These accusations were indeed both well founded, as
truthful history will be obliged to determine.

The Democrats of principle were opposed to the war, because
it was an a.^suniption by the General Government of an authority
that had never been delegated to it. The States, as they viewed
matters, having been originally Sovereign Commonwealths by
their successful revolt against Great Britain, and their recognition
as such in the family of nations,- afterwards agreed to unite for
commercial and other purposes in a general confederacy, in order
that they might the better be enabled to defend their independ-
ence, and advance their happiness amongst the other nations of
the earth. But the powers delegated by the States were clearly
defined in the Constitution, and embraced only certain matters
of a civil nature, which as the framers of the Government be-
lieved, could be better discharged by Federal than by State
officials. The General Government, in this manner constituted,
was simply as designed, the representative agent of tlie States,
and in no wise clothed with authority to originally dictate to its
component factors, the States themselves, the independent sove-
reignties, over all matters of government not clearly enumerated
in the Federal bond of Union, the Constitution. The framers
of the Federal Compact had discussed the question of granting tne
right to the central authority to coerce by force of arms the States,
but this power they expressly refused to confer. In democratic
eyes, therefore, what el-se could the war be, but an unwarranted
exercise of unconstitutional authority.

Another reason that induced Democratic oj^position to a war
of subjugation, arose from the belief that all efforts of that kind,
instead of cementing the antagonistic portions of the country,
would simply widen the breach that had for years l)een forming
between the people of tlie North and those of the South; and
render a permanent Union of the two sections upon republican
principles impossible. The history of the rise and fall of I'epub-
lics, and the philosophy of human nature, were sufficient to
satisfy reflecting Democrats that the preservation of Govern-
ments, such as the American Union, must ever rest upon the

CM A REVIEW OF THE

free and unconstrained consent of the controlling minds of every
eonimimity. This consent can alone be retained by that govern-
ment uhich metes ont equal and exact justice, according to the
letter and spirit of its institutions, to all its component sections
and their citizens. The Democratic party had ever done so whilst
the reins of power were in their hands ; and no serious revolt of
any State ever i-aiscd its liead dui-iug tlicir administration of pub-
lic affairs ; and wlien dissatisfaction upon any occasion manifested
itself, wisdom dictated to their representatives to remove the
same, and this having taken place, peace instantly returned.

Again, the Democratic party could not approve of the war
begun against the South, under the pretence of restoring the
Union, when fully satisfied that other reasons formed the motives
for its inauguration. Had they not read the declarations of
Seward, Giddings, Burlingame, and other leaders, whose words
clearly proved that negro emancipation, and that alone, was the
secret that ui-ged the Abolitionists to take up the cause of that
same Union, which before this period had in their eyes been con-
temptible? If, argued the Democrats, the preservation of the
Federal Union alone, influenced the Republican party in its
movements, why did its representative men refuse all teniis of
compromise when offered by Southern statesmen ; and at a time
when this, as was admitted upon all sides, would have rescued
the country from the bloody chasm into which abolition obsti-
nancy and fanaticism were driving it ? The party of reason and
reflection could not be ignorant of all these facts ; and when the
war was made and prosecuted in violation of rectitude and a true
and enlightened policy, was their approbation of the govern-
mental iniquity to be expected ? Xot unless error and madness
were to be canonized as truth. And would even true philan-
thropic motives have called for the emanci]>ation of the Southern
bondmen, the demand, nevertheless, would have forbidden war
and bloodshed for tlie accomplishment of their freedom. For as
Caucasian serfdom had perished in the different countries of
Europe, before the advancement of a refining and Christian
intelligence, without any revolutionary uprising ; so also should
the same influence, penetrating the Southern States themselves,
have been permitted to remove African slavery without any
obtrusive Northern intermeddling. Was then the Democratic
party required to give its supp(jrt to a war conmienced in viola-

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 325

tion of all the principles of modern civilization ? If it was not,
■what else, to he ohcdient to conscience, could sincere and intelli-
gent members of the party of Jefferson in the North do, except
to oppose to the utmost of their ability, the abolition war, as
unconstitutional, unchristian, and altogether anti-republican in
its aims and tendencies ?

As the war against the South progressed, one occuri-ence after
another revealed more clearly the changing programme of the
administration party. The legislation of the first regular session
of the Thirty-seventh Congress, disclosed to the eyes of thinking
men that the overthrow of negro slavery, under the pretence of
devotion to the Union, was fully resolved u^^on, by Republican
leaders assembled at AVashington and throughout the North.
And as abolition approval became enthusiastic in its endorse-
ment of the "war and its changing schedule, so in like ratio did
the Democratic party unite in a more solid phalanx of opposition
to the anticipated designs of abolitionism.

In the different States of the North, an organized opposition
in the Democratic party to the w'ar, began first to display itself
with intensity in the political campaigns of 1802; and yet no
important convention of that party fully committed itself to an
open denunciation of the war for the Union. The politicians
who are ever upon the lookout for political ascendancy rather
than for the success of principle, held in check those Democrats
who would have had the party in its conventions to declare
openly against the war, and b.iave to the utmost abolition malig-
nity. An avowal by the Democratic party of its open repudia-
tion of the war of invasion against the South, would have
released it from its hypocritical attitute, and placed it in a posi-
tion where its blows would have been more felt by its adversary.
But in the base and ignoble condition in whicn it was placed by
false leaders, men of honor and courage were unable to grapple
successfully with their political opponents. How could men,
thoroughly imbued with the belief that the war was unconstitu-
tional, give a hearty support to candidates nominated upon a
platform which called for the restoration of the Union by blood-
shed, and for vigorous hostilities against the seceded States?
They only did so as a choice of evils, convinced at the same time
that the spirit of the Democratic party was repugnant to all
coercive measures ; and although the latter had been endorsed in

326 ' A REVIEW OF THE

their convention.-?, yet tliey felt tliat a cowardly policy alone had
been instnnnental in inducing their leaders to approve of such,
undeniocratir piiiieiples.

The Denuicratic i)arty Avent into the several State canvases,
animated by hustility to the war, and thoroughly imbued with the
conviction that the theory of the administration for the restora-
tion of a Confederated Union was baseless and chimerical. The
contest alixjady having proved one of longer continuance than
popular expectation had anticipated, was calculated to induce
most of those who had originally favored compromise to support
the principles and candidates of the Democratic party. A strong
Northern tide of antipathy to the movements of abolition-
ism, had indeed been rising since the meeting of Congress, in
December, 18G1 ; and which continued to flow the more rapidly
as the curtain of disguise continued from time to time to be
lifted. The Presidential proclamation of September 22d, 18G2,
might seem to have produced a crisis of popular rv.viilsion against
the abolition policy, which showed itself in the anti-administra-
tion victories of the autumn of that same year.

The victories of this year, in the Xorthern States, recuperated
somewhat the prostrate Democracy, and inflicted a slight blow
upon the Republican administration, which was fruitful of bene-
flt. Horatio Seymour, of New York, and Joel Parker, of Xew
Jersey, were elected Governors of their respective States by con-
siderable majorities. Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana and Illinois,
were carried by the Democrats by small majorities on their State
tickets. All these States sent heavier Democratic delegations to
the Lower House of National Ilepresentatives, than were found
in the Thirty-seventh Congress. Michigan, Wisconsin, and most
other Western States, showed a decided falling off in administra-
tion strength.

It was natural that the result of the elections of 1802, shoiild
infuse a buoyancy of spirit into the breasts of the Northern
Democracy ; and many of them, forgetful of the platforms upon
which their victory had been won, credited the growing anti-war
sentiment of the people of their difterent States as the chief
cause of their success. No doubt this sentiment was largely in-
strumental in keeping up the compact organization of the party ;
but the time had elapsed when the subjugationists, with vast
armies in the lield and the whole machinery of the National

POLITICAL CONFLICTIN AMERICA. 827

Gorernnicnt at their coiiiinand, could successfully be resisted.
But the Peace Democrats of the AYesteru States and elsewhere,
emboldened, nevertheless, by the late successes, believed that the
party could now be brought into an attitude of open resistance
to the war ; and, impressed with this conviction, they deemed it
their duty to make the effort.

Besides, the Thirty-seventh Congress would have seemed to
an indifferent spectator as if desirous of adding additional incen-
tives to the Peace party, to resist the war of subjugation. For
if ever a people should rebel against an ungodly and wicked fac-
tion having control of a Government, then the Northern people
would have been fully justified in doing so at this period.
But, notwithstanding the odious and unconstitutional legislation
of this Congress, the people were found to be as slaves, utterly
incapable of resisting the tyrannous despots , and the old party
of law and order was still compelled to muzzle its utterances
and stigmatize those resisting with arms the national tyranny, as
traitors and assassins of liberty.

The anti-coercion sentiments of Benjamin Wood, one of the
outspoken and independent peace Congressmen of the the North,
which will ever reflect increasing lustre and glory upon his name
throughout distant ages, are here given at considerable length :
and this because they are typical of the views of those who from
the first opposed the inauguaration of hostilities, and who ever
afterwards continued to adv'ocato a cessation of arms in order
that reason might be left free to restore Avhat fanaticism had dis-
rupted. Mr. "Wood, in his speech of February STth, 1803, said :

" AYe can never by force of arms control the will of a peo-
ple, our equals in the attributes of enlightened manhood ; and
while the will of that people remains adverse to political com-
panionship with us, political companionship is impossible. Blood-
shed, destruction of property and occupation of lands are possi-
ble ; much suffering, grief and folly are possible ; we have too
sadly proved it ; but a constrained union of Sovereign States is
an impossibility, which if omnipotence could accomplish, omnis-
cience would not attempt.

" I feel that upon the fresh, pure soil of the New AYorld, we
Lave thrown the seeds of discord, and they will take root. But

328 A REVIEW OF THE

"while my expcrieucc and the testimony of om* fathers through
eighty-seven years of pro;sperity and progress, have well estab-
lished my faith in the beneiicence of a union of the States, I
cannot understand that its blessings are of a nature to be enjoyed
upon compulsion.

" Hut granting it possible, the question arises of equal moment,
is it desirable I Has not the struggle already been too fierce to
admit of unity and cordial feeling between a conquering and a
conquered section ? Sir, I fear it has ; I believe that while the
memory of this war exists, the people of tlie Xorth and South,
united by constraint, would not sufficiently forgive the past years'
record to admit of kindly relationship in the same politcal house-
hold. Kight or wrong, men will cling to their own unpressions
of a great and sanguinary struggle, in which tliey or their sires
have been participants. As the living fathers of future genera-
tions this day feel, so will they bequeath to their children, and in
natural course, the Korth and South will nurse their own seperate
views of this unparalleled epoch of carnage and cont3ntion."

" Will the text book of history', conned by the boys of Massa-
chusetts, serve hereafter in the school rooms of the Carolinas i
Will the stories of Manassas, of Shiloh, of Antietam, of Freder-
icksburg, and of a hundred other battle fields, be told in the
eame spirit, Xorthward and Southward from the banks of the
Potomac^ AVill the winter tales be similar when the youth of
either section gather about the hearthstone, and feel the young
blood tingle in their veins at the words of white haired heroes 2
"Will the matrons of Louisiana train their ofiisjjring to venerate
the name of Butler ] Will the remembrances of Davis, Lee and
Johnston be identical in New England and Virginia? No, sir,
unless mutual consent should re-unite us, the pages of history
and the words of tradition will breathe of the synqjathies that
now exist ; and the generations to come will as surely be educated
to distinct and opposite prejudices. The school-room, the pulpit
and the press, would then, as now, inculcate doctrines that cannot

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 3i^9

assimilate ; and in tliis Capitol, the representatives of tlie people
^vould be the representatives of sectional antipathies. Sir, to
avoid this, we must avoid inflicting the sting of submission, or
engendering the pride of conquest.

" Our fathers gave us a Union founded on mutual consent,
concession, and reciprocal attachment ; we would entail npon our
children, a political connection based upon hatred, suspicion, and
opposing prejudices. A Kationalitj thus constituted, would be
a mockery ■ of republicanism and its bane ; a political j^rostitu-
tion ; the joining of hands before an altar whose divinity could
attest the heart's irrepressible loathing and disgust. Had I the
faculty to crush with one blow the material power of the South,
I would not strike. My pride as an American would revolt at
the thought of dragging them reluctant, hopeless, and spirit-
broken into a fellowship that they abhor. Union restored by
subjugation would be but the prelude to increasing altercation.
It is not enough to affirm that I would not enforce the unnatural
connection ; sir, I would not consent to it. I would oppose it as
a degrcdation to ourselves, an insult to our institutions, and a
violation of the priciples of self-government. I would oppose
it as an impediment to our national progress ; as a perpetuation
of discord and contention between States, and as involving either
its own future dissolution, or the assumption by the General
Government of military and despotic functions, fatal to republi-
canism. I confess, sir, that I apprehend no difficulties or mis-
fortunes in the event of a separation at all commensurate with
those that must inevitably prove the sequences of reunion by
mere force of arms.

" I cannot conceive a happy, prosperous and republican Union,
cemented by blood, remolded in repugnance, and prolonged by
the submission of the weak to the dictation of the strong,

"A partnership in our Confederacy should be granted as a
boon, and only to those that seek it; not enforced as an obliga-
tion upon those that ask it not. It should be held a privilege- to

330 A REVIEW OF THE

be proud of, not an imposition to shrink from and protest against.
Were I certain tliat, in a military sense, this war would prove
successful, nevertheless I would oppose it ; for with the destruction
of the resisting power of the South, would vanish every lio})e of
their existence as equal and contented members of one household.

"In my view this war, nominally for the Union, has actually
been warred ai^ainst it.

"But upon what foundation was the structure (of the Union)
built ? Sir, upon the free will of the people. Kot of one
State, or of one section, but of all the States and of all the
sections. "While that free will existed, the temple was of a
nature to withstand the ravages of time. That free will has
ceased to exist, and the temple has crumbled into dust. It is no
more. It is a glory of the past. What you conceive to be the
sti'ucturc is but a memory, so intense that it seems reality ; but
the substance is not there. Rebuild it if you can ; but you must
iirst obtain the free will of the South which yom* armies and
navies cannot secure.

" I have never voted a dollar for the war. As a legislator, as
a citizen, and as a man, I claim to be absolved from all participa-
tion in this murderous strife. With all my humble abilities I
have endeavored to arrest it. I shall still endeavor, and if in
vain, let my efforts attest before God and man, that I am un-
stained with the blood of my countrymen.

"Sir, vou may have observed that I have spoken without
reo-ard to the views of other men or the doctrines of political
organizations. If I stand alone, my isolation conjures u]) no
l>hantoms of doubt or fear. While my country groans beneath
the stroke of her own dagger, I forswear all allegiance to party
Whatever proposition in my mind shall enhance the prospect of
' peace shall have my vote. Peace is the goal of my political
course — the haven of my hopes. I care not by whose chart I
steer, or whose hand shall guide the helm, so that the compass
shall guide thitherward. Whosoever shall raise its standards,

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. SCI

sliall find mo vciidy to serve beneath its folds. Whosoever slitvll
blazon the olive branch for his devise, shall have nio his adherent.
lu -vvhatevor shape the demon of destruction shall appear, I will
oppose him. In whatever garb the spirit of peace shall clothe
her radiant form, I will embrace her. Conciliation, compro-
mise or seperation, each shall be acceptable to me, if as its conse-
quence, we shall be spared the scourge of war. Let the most
zealous emancipationist suggest a cessation of hostilities, and I an^
with him. Let the stamichest member of the opposition uj^hold
the war, and I am against him. I have no sympathies with those
who denounce the Administration, and yet call for vigorous
hostilities. In mj view, the Abolitionist is a more honest politi-
cian and a more conscientious citizen. He is a fanatic — not a
mere time server ; wrong, but consistent in his wrong ; the wor-
shipper of a false God, but earnest in his adoration. Would
that all who denounce him, were as sincere and as bold in the
expression of their opinions." *

During February and March, 18G3, the Peace Democracy
began to assume a bolder position than they had as yet done ;
and the slurring epitliet of Copperheads, from this period, was
currently applied to them by their political enemies. Meetings
of the Peace men were held in different sections of the country ;
and a large one in Mozart Hall, New York, was addressed by
Fernando Wood and others of similar sentiments. Resolutions
strongly denunciatory of the war were adopted by the Mozart
Democracy.

The Democratic party of Connecticut, in the spring of lSG->,
placed in nomination for Governor, Col, Thomas IL Seymour,
an early, consistent and outspoken opponent of the Abolition
war ; and the Convention which nominated him, adopted the
following resolution :

'•'■Resolved, That while we denounce the heresy of secession, as unde-
fended and unwarranted by tlie Constitution, we as confidently assert,
that whatever may heretofore have been the opinion of our countrymen,
the time has now arrived when all true lovers of the Constitution aro
ready to abandon the "monstrous /aKa c?/" that the Union can be restored

*Appendix to Con, Globe, 3d Session of 37th Congress, Part 2, x^p. 134-5.

833 A REVIEW OF THE

I)}' the armcil hand alone ; and we are anxious to inaugurate such action,
honorable alike to the contending sections, as will stop the ravages of
war, avert universal baukrvii)tcy, and unite all the States upon terms of
equality as members of one Confederacy.''

The war party now bceaine more Ititterly denunciatory of tlieir
political antaij;-onists, than before, accusing them of a desire either
to establish slavery throughout the JSorth, or to disrupt the Union
in the interest of the rebellion. It soon became evident that
sucli abuse and vilification ^vould be able to detract timid men
from the support of the Peace party ; and neutralize their
strength by detaining them from the polls, or attract them to the
support of those boasting themselves the Union party of the Xation.
That the Peace JJeuiocracy ^vould not be able successfully to
contest with the party that already had seized the National purse
and sword, become evident in the Connecticut campaign. Thomas
11. Seymour was defeated and the peace movement crippled.

rOLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 338

CHAPTER XX.

THE NEW ERA.

A new era of American affairs began witli tlie 1st of Jamiary,
18G3 ; this being the date of the emancipation edict, which pro-
claimed freedom to the negro slaves of the South. In this
famons proclamation, President Lincoln boldly avowed the false-
hood of his own former assurances of his constitutional inability
and also his disinclination to interfere with the institutions of the
seceded States*; and without any further disguise he declared
that the future policy of the Government should embrace not
alone the non-extension, but the entire removal of African Sla-
very. In more senses than one, therefore, did this constitute
the commencement of a new era. It was impossible but that
this proclamation emenating from the Chief Magistrate of the
IS'ation, and clearly disproving his own former utterances and that
of his party, should sanctify perfidy and breach of faith. ; and
tend to enoble every form of treachery and corruption of which
mankind are capable.

*" Aj>preliension seems to exist among the people of the Southern Statfi.=!,
that by the accession of a Republican administration, their property and
their peace and personal security are to be endangered. Tiiere has
never been any reasonable cause for such apprehensions. Indeed, the
most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed, and been
open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the public speeches of
him wlio now addresses you. I do bvit quote from one of those speeches
wiien I declare that I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere
with the institution of slavery in the States wliere it exists. I believe I
have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. Those
who maintained and elscted me did so, with full knowledge that I had
made this and similar declarations, and had never recanted them.
And more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and
as a 'aw to themselves and to me the clear and emphatic resolution which
I now read.

''Resolved, That the maintenace inviolate of the rights of the States,
and especially the right of each State, to order and control its own do-
mestic institutions, according to its own judgment exclusively, is essen-
tial to the balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of
cur political fabric depend ; and we denounce the lawless invasion by
anned force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what
pretext, as among the grossest crimes." — Lincoln's Inaugural of ^larch i,
1861.

334 A REVIEW OF THE

Tlie new era Ijcini]:; thus inaugurated in the promulgation of
the linal einanei})atiiin proclamation, the 37th Congress hy the
time of its tormiuation, had so M-elded the chains of despotism,
as to render the revolution complete and irreversible. Theprin-
cijjles of the radical revulutionists, Sumner, Stevens, Lovejoy and
others, Avhich at first were seemingly repudiated utterly in Con-
gress, now came forward and found party recognition, being sus-
tained by a pretended popular opinion in the Xorthern States.
Tlie new era was especially significant in this, that legislation
came to be molded by what showed itself, from a despotic sup-
pression of opposing opinion, as the will of the majority.

The revolutionary leaders were sagacious and far seeing, and
from an early period of the war, little doubt, even prior to its
commencement, had planned the entire future policy of their
party, which was to remodel the whole social system of the South
as also of the Korth, should the might of numbers finally tri-
umph over the defenders of the Constitution, and the principles
of free government Did not Charles Sumner offer his famous
resolutions in the United States Senate, which declared the for-
feiture of statehood by all the seceded members of the South-
ern Confederacy ? and did he not do so at so early a day that his
senatorial friends deemed it impolitic that they should commit
the Republican party to their endorsement? Did not the radical
Congressmen, from the first, oppose the admission of Representa-
tives from the reclaimed sections of the South, out of fear for
their favored State-suicide doctrine, which would territorialize the
revolted States, and place them fully beneath the heel of their
despotic power ? Did Thaddeus Stevens, Bingham, of Ohio,
Eliot, of Massachusetts, and certain other radicals in the House,
vote for the admission of Flanders and Halm as Representatives
from the First and Second Districts of Louisiana, after the cap-
ture of the Ch-escent City by the Union army ? Henry L. Dawes,
himself a Republican, in his speech of February 17, 1SG3, showed
the motive for the opposition to the admission of the Louisiana
Representatives. He said :

** My own colleague (ilr. Eliot) has anotlier remedy. These States,
according to him, have destroyed themselves, andean re-enter the Union
tlirough the prei)aratory stage of Territorial Governments."

Again, the new era gave fresh impetus to the movement
rJready begun of enrolling colored soldiers into the Northern

rOLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 335

armies. A few enthusiastic Union Generals had in the hitter
part of 1SG2, done everything in their power to impel the
AVashington authorities to determine to accept slaves and free
negroes into the military service of the country; but President
Lincoln and his advisers did not yet deem it prudent to take so
important a step, until its entire safety in Northern puljlic opinion
might be premised. Fugitive slaves, had however, been accepted
by several of these federal connnanders, and at the same time
with the knowledge of the Washington Administration. No
express warrant to do so had as yet been given, and neverthe'ess
negro regiments were recruited and daily drilled without ai^y
fear of rebuke from Abraham Lincoln or his Cabinet. Thes:3
officers, however, well understood the spirit and tone of the
Administration, and lience had no dread of any reprimands that
might be inflicted, for they were fully assured that none such
would be given by the President, unless in deference to opniions
which he himself by no means cherished.

The revolutionary abolitionists had for some time been advo-
cating the enrollment of negroes into the LTnion armies, and
mainly in behalf of the future political equalization wdiich they
intended to advocate, should the overthrow of the rebellion be
eifected. With the new era, therefore, negro enrollment may be
said to date its open approval by the National Administration.
The President, in his Emancipation Proclamation, declared in
language still somewhat guarded, that negroes should henceforth
form a part of the military forces of the nation. lie said :

" And I further declare and make known, that such persons of suitable
condition will be received into the armed service of the United States to
garrison forts, positions, stations and other i:)laces, and to man vessels of
all sorts in said service.

The Abolitionists now conceived their victory as almost com-
plete, since they, at length, had succeeded in having the Execu-
tive to declare before the nation that negro soldiers might be
taken into the federal service. And, notwithstanding, in the
cautious language which the President had made use of, he had
scarcely connnitted himself beyond what was already granted in
the Act of Congress of July 17, 18G2. This Act had authorized
the employment of negroes in constructing intrenchments, and
in performing camp and other naval and militar}' service, for
which they might be found competent. Full ecj^uality in tho

Snc A REVIEW OF THE

military service, however, was nut therein conceded, and ALraham
J.incohi, tliough designing this eqnality, guarded liis hinguage so
carefully, as that he should not appear before the country to be
extending what in reality he meant to grant. His intentions,
nevertheless, were fully understood by those of his friends and
enemies, who were not deceived by words aione. But his ambig-
uous expressions admirably served the purpose of his political
partisans, A\ho were thus enabled to interpret them as exigencies
might require.

The enrolling of negroes into the Union armies, which was so
discouraged by the administration during the lirst and second
years of the war, soon came now to be everywhere allowed. It
was in accordance with what might readily have been surmised,
that Massachusetts, the home of revolutionary republicanism,
should be found to be the first place in the North to open its
doors for negro recruiting. And the earliest upon record that
invoked the privilege of doing so, w;.s Governor Andrew, the
prophetic Executive of the Ixiy State, who foresaw the streets
and highways of his own Connnonwealth crowded with soldiers,
rushing to the battle's front, when the Presidential bugle of free-
dom should sound its blast throughout the laud. This highly
coveted privilege was accorded to the enthusiastic Chief Magis-
trate of the Old State of the Pilgrims, by Edward M. Stanton,
Secretary of War, on the 20th of January, 1803.
. And lest his characteristic timidity slioidd deter Abraham
Lincoln from allowing negro recruiting to be prosecuted with
sutflcient zeal in all sections of the Union, Thaddeus Stevens
deemed it his duty to exert his utmost efforts to strengthen the
Presidential nerves. It was the policy that Mr. Stevens had
long desired to see inaugurated ; and one which his fellow-mem-
bers in Congress credited him as being the Urst to advocate upon
the floor of the House. Long delay interposed, though \t'it and
scorn gave frequent admonition of Presidential duty ; but Anally
hesitation relaxed its hold. The decree had gone forth. And
now others, perchance, might carry off the glory in equalizing
the human races, should the leader of the House not conspicu-
ously show himself .the ardent cham})ion of that movement
which he had labored so faithfully to inaugurate.

llis amendment of the 27th of January, to the bill before
the House, to raise additional troops for the service of the Gov-

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. C37

crnment, placed Mr. Stevens in full accord with the new era ;
and none need seek, after that exhibition of desii'o for negro
equality, to snatch from Vermont's son the laurels he had so
fairly won. From this period the name of commoner was htly
applied to the Lancaster statesman. But as the great orator of
Kentucky, Henry Clay, also bore the same appellation, for dis-
tinction's sake in history, it will be well to entitle the younger
statesman the negro commoner.

But this effort of Mr. Stevens, to raise negro soldiers, though
it received the approbation of the Low^er House of Congress,
already quite obedient to his dictation, was deemed altogether
needless, in the estimation of sagacious Senators. This highly
learned body Avere unable to see any necessity for legislation,
additional to what had been enacted in the preceding July.
Senators contended that ample power had already been conferred
upon the President to enable him to recruit negroes for any de-
partment of the land or naval service for which he might con-
sider them competent. It might have been tho'^ght matter of
surprise that these two loyal bodies should differ so widely as to
the powers granted to the President, in regard to the enrollment
of the negroes into the Union armies. Had no fears, however,
been entertained as to the consequences of adopting the policy
of the new era, it is apprehended that much greater harmony of
sentiment would have prevailed between the Senate and House
of Bepresentatives. A clearly avowed negro equalizing and
enlistment policy was yet dreaded by leading Bepublicans. Ac-
cordingly, the Thirty-seventh Congress adjourned, having its
role of despotism finished and complete, but leaving as the mis-
pion of the new era to accomplish what reason discouraged, vi:^ :
to equalize as soldiers and citizens the jpeo]:)le of every race and
clim,e.

In view of the popular antipathy to the enrollment of African
soldiers into the army, by far the most prudential method for the
Government to pursue, was to permit the War Department to
accord the privilege of raising colored troops, and thus elude
public scrutiny to better advantage. Indeed, the wide spread
contempt and hatred of the colored race, was turned to practical
account by the philantrophic reformers, who argued that these
despised men should be taken into the public serv^ice, in order
to spare the lives of free white men of the North. The white

033 A REVIEW OF THE

Boldicrs of the North became at once very dear to the enthusiastic
negro e(jualizers, when an object gratifying to their malicious
souls was to be served. It had not before occurred to them that
the lives of the poor white men should have been considered, at
a time when the war could have been averted by a slight con-
cession of principle to confederate allies, whose conscience and
judgment were equally deserving of regard as their own. But
they were the infallible conscience guides of the races, and the
least swerving from the jM'e-arrangcd programme might have
been fatal to their darling hopes of sable elevation.

The new era, with its despotic phases and Africanizing evolu-
tions, was now fully installed. The qualm of loathing that had.
been rising for some time in democratic sentiment, was sufficient
almost to produce a counter rebellion in the North to resist
cqtuilly, what the Southern Confederates were battling. But
much as any rebellion would have been justified, under the cir-
cumstances, in resisting the most consummate traitors and des-
pots that had ever disgraced the principles of free government ;
a successful one was utterly impossibe at a time when all the
governmental machinery was in the hands of the enemies of the
Confederacy of the fathers, and when vast armies of the youth-
ful men of the country were under arms, enlisted, in the belief
that they were called into to the service of their country to de-
fend the Union and the Constitution ; whereas, every stroke they
inflicted was a stab at that Constitution they adored, and the civil
liberty of their countrymen.

It was the principle of rule or ruin that spurred onwards the
revolutionary men (though a minority of the American peo-
ple) who had, under the guise of law, snatched control of the
reins of Government ; and which they determined either to
remodel to suit their wild and delusive ideas of right, or to per-
ish in the struggle. And so has it ever been in the world's his-
tory ; and the Western revolutionists differed little from their
elder brethren across the waters. Thaddeus Stevens, Charles
Sumner and Horace Greeley varied but triflingly in spirit and
sympathy from Ilobespierre, Danton and Marat, the men who
were willing to subvert church and State, constitutional and
Bocial order, and overwhelm in one universal vortex of ruin
everything that interposed obstacles to thou- mad designs and
ambition.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 839

The negro enrolling of the new era, was prosecuted with steady
continuity in face of all the protests of the people of the Bor-
der, and the Democrats of the Northern States, Soldiers of
African descent henceforth were enlisted into the service through-
out the North, and likewise in those parts of the South which
had been rescued from the control of the Confederates. Fugitive
slaves were all the time n:iaking their way into the Union lines,
and being speedily metamorphosed into regiments and corps
<r Afri<2ue^ were steadily drilled by white otHcers. By the 22d
of May, 1SG3, a special Bureau of colored troops was found nec-
essary to be organized in the AVar Department for the manage-
ment of this branch of the Federal army. President Lincoln,
in his Message of the 8th of December, following, was able to
speak of the colored recruits as follows :

'•Of those who were slaves at the beginning of the rebellion, full one
hundred thousand are now in tlie United States military service, about
one-half of which number actually bear arms in the ranks."

The new era, again, was not alone revolutionary^ in the move-
ments originated by the radicals for placing the negro in the
Union armies, in order to pave the way for his future political
equalization. It was the product of and pregnant with revolution.
The old stable land marks of law and order must be removed to
further the views of men who regarded neither the will nor
interests of the people, further tlian they could make the same
subserve their own purposes. Had public interests influenced
them, would not their conduct from the tirst have been different ?
Should not the opinions and sentiments of the Southern people,
being a part of the United States, have been consulted as to their
demands and the conditions uj)on which they would have been
willing to remain in the Union ? Did not justice and reason so
dictate? Did not the Northern Democratic party, in its con-
ciliatory policy, demand this consideration in behalf of the rights
of the Southern people ? Were not tlie united South and the
Democrats of the North a great majority of the citizens of the
Union ? It follows, then, as a secptence, that the Abolitionists," a
vast minority oi the American people, despising the constitu-

*The word Abolitionists will be seen to have been employed at time ;
to designate the Republican party, for the reason that though a'l Repub-
licans were not Abolitionists, yet all xVbolitionists were Re^^ublicans,
And besides, it is ditiicult from the period of tlie Emancipation Frocia-
malion, to conceive how any save Abolitionists could act with the
Republican party.

SIO A REVIEW OF THE

«

tionnl guarnntoos of tlicir Sontlieni l)rotliren, drove the latter into
rebellion in defence of their inherited rights.

Permission for the soldiers to vote in the army was one of the
instrumentalities seized upon by tlie revolutionists as an admirable
means for the perpetuation of their power. And as a phase of
the movements of the new era, it deserves to be considered.
The defeat of the llepublicans in the Autumn of 1802 in the
North by the Den\ocratic party, came upon them as a clap of
thunder from a clear sky, and they were puzzled to devise phiusi-
ble excuses for the disaster they had sustained. Their shrewd
leaders fully comprehended the reasons that influenced the popu-
lar verdict that had been pronounced against them. But born of
dissimulation, it M-as not to be expected that they would admit
the real causes which they were aware had contributed to the
result. The main excuse urged by them was, that it was owing
to the absence of such vast numbers of their voters in the army,
that the elections had resulted in their overthro\v. It was a
plausible pretence that crafty leaders could employ to good ad-
vantage ; for it was reasonable to suppose that all who had
enlisted in the Federal armies would be favorable to the prosecu-
tion of the war for the restoration of the XTnion. And, there-
fore, the presumption seemed probable that the majority of the
enrolled men in the different Union armies could be relied upon
to sustain by their votes the war in which these same soldiers
were enlisted.

Immediately after the Kepublican reverses of 1SG2, move-
ments were set on foot to amend the law, so as to secure the
political aid of the soldiers in the field, in order that all future
efforts of the Democracy to snatch power from Abolition hands
might be thwaited. A purely deceptions method was instituted
to change the law as it stood, in favor of soldier suffrage. Most
of the Constitutions of the JSTorthern States contained provisions
adverse to the right of any indivividual voting, except he was
prepared to tender his ballot in the disti'ict or the precinct where
he resided. "Well matured reasons had induced the framers of
the different State Constitutions to demand of every voter that
he be a resident citizen in that place where he offers to vote. A
voting army has never been deemed a safe phenomenon by pure
patriots who had no interests to subservo, save those of civil
liberty and free representative government.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN ASIERICA. 341

The mctliod adopted by the KepuLlicaii leaders, was shnply to
obtain the passage of a law by the Legislatures of the diiferent
States, permitting their soldiers in the army to vote ; and that
this result should be remitted and computed with the home vote.
Laws to this effect were passed by the Legislatures of Pennsyl-
vania, Connecticut, Iowa, and other States, which were de-
clared unconstitutional. A bill also passed both Houses of the
New York Legislature, which was promptly vetoed by Governor
Seymour. It seemed madness to enact laws clearly in violation
of "^ the fundamental charter of a State, but an object was to be
gained in so doing. The Democrats, as consistent men and as
friends of tlieir State Constitutions, could not support a measure
in plain violation of these instruments. The opposition of Horatio
Seymour, of New York, George W. Woodward, of the Supreme
Court of Pennsylvania, and of other constitutional men in the
different States, was made use of as an electioneering argument
to induce the soldiers and their friends to believe that the Demo-
crats of the North were disinclined to granting them the right
of suffrage.

The Democrats did not meet the demand for soldier voting
with that prompt opposition which duty required ; but they
temporized by showing their readiness to acquiesce in the change
sought for, by supporting, in 18G3, in the New York Legislature,
Judge Dean's Bill for an amendment to the Constitution, pro-
viding for soldier sufl"rao;e. Instead of the evasive resistance to
what they must have felt to be a violation of fundamental prin-
ciple, an open and manly resentment of the political wrong
contemplated, would have obtained strong support, even amongst
intelligent soldiers themselves. But in none of the States was
united party opposition made by the Democrats to the voting of
the soldiers in the army, when it once came to be a question of
amending the Constitution for that purpose. There can, how-
ever, be but little doubt, that from the time when the question
of voting in the army was first mooted, it was viewed by all
sound constitutional Democrats with dislike, because based upon
unsound principles ; but thw saw the disadvantage under which
they would be placed in attempting to combat it. liut the He-
publican party, under the (;aptivating pretence of equality, con-
tinued zealously to press the right of all citizens to vote, even
when in the service of their country ; and by 1804, fourteen

312 A REVIEW OF TIIE

States luid authorized their soldiers in the Held to deposit their
ballots in all elections of the people.

But, until the State Constitutions could be changed, the Repub-
lican party was necessitated to resort to the desperate expedient
of sending home from the armies, as many of their partisans as
were necessary to turn in their favor the election in any State in
which a canvass was pending. This was done in the Kew
Hampshire and Connecticut elections in the Spring of 1863,
before alluded to; and in the succeeding elections in other
States, steadily repeated. Indeed, the army from this period
was manipidated into an engine of omnipotent power in the
liands of unscrupulous partisans, who were willing to do any thing
to perpetuate their hold of the machinery of Government. The
most daring and high handed excesses and violations of all moral
principle were resorted to by bold and bad men, instigated without
doubt, by the highest officials, to counteract the will of the people
through the instrumentality of the ballot. It was an easy matter
for the officers of the army, the great majority of whom were
favorites of the Administration, to send home to any election the
Ivepubliean soldiers, and such others as were known to be in
sympathy with the professed objects of the war party. Those
known to be of contrary opinions, could easily be detained upon
a thousand frivolous excuses, the enumeration of which would
till a volume. No excuse might be able to detain from his home
on election day, a bold and intelligent Democrat like Lieutenant
Edgerley, of New Hampshire, who knew that thousands of Ee-
pubiican soldiers had been sent to their States to vote ; but, it
was easy to cashier one of such independence, (as was done in
this case*) for distributing Democratic ballots at his own home.

It was easy for Louis Kapoleon, by means of his beautiful
snare of universal suffrage, to carry away the liberty of his native
France ; and so in like manner it was no difficult task for the
Ilepublican party, by aid of the soldiers, from whom all informa-
tion was excluded, to turn any election in their favor that they
desired. The despotism required for the purpose was of course
equally as perfect as that which enabled the French aspirant
across the waters to seize the reins of absolute power. When
no newspapers were allowed to circulate in the army, except such
as the President and his officers were pleased to allow, and when

*So\v York Herald of April 27, 18G3.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. C43

soldiers were not permitted to discuss public questions and freely
canvass the acts of the Administration, Avhat else could be expected
than that the great majority of them would vote in favor of that
same Administration ?

The very constitution of an army makes it an available engine
in the hands of that Administration by which it is directed, and
hence arises the danger of allowing the riglit of suffrage to be
exercised by its soldiers. The officers of the army are dependent
upon the Administration and its agents, for their original posi-
tions, for assignments to duty suitable to their wishes, for leaves
of absence, and for chances of appointment in the regular army,
when mustered out as volunteers. As a consequence, the more
submissively they act, the more probabilities exist for such ad-
vancements and other favors whic]i they are desirous of obtain-
in o-. Upon these officers, in turn, the soldiers are dependent for
the promptness of their pay, for humane treatment, for fm--
loughs, for relief from exhausting duties and exposure, for con-
siderate forbearance, in view of the petty breaches of discipline,
and for numerous other mitigations of the hardships of mihtary
service.

In addition to the official, the sutler influence is of vast weight
in making an army a machine, as it were, subject to the control
of that political party, which for the time, has in its hands the
power of the government. The sutlers are a class of men
v.sually destitute of all moral principle, and such as have secured
through official friends, their privilege of fleecing the ignorant
soldiers ; they, as a consequence, become serviceable adjuncts in
the hands of unscrupulous politicians, to influence the will of the
soldiers in the army. In view, therefore, of the subordinated
relationship and dependence between the governing party in a
country and its armies, what more potent instrumentality of des-
potism can be thought to exist than a voting army machine ?

Another phase of the new era was the management of tho
freed negroes of the South after their liberation from bondage.
The propriety of the emancipation of the slaves was made to
rest upon the assumption of the equality of men of all races ;
and that all men are worthy of freedom, and capable of enjoying
its fruits and advantages. The truth of this assumption being
accepted, it should have seemed needless to resort to additional
pains in behalf of the negro after his emancipation had been

Gil A REVIEW OF THE

t:ecnred. Eut not so ; for when this was once acconi])hshed, tlio
frcediiian (whose inferiority was felt by all) must next be taken
nnder society and governmental tutelage ; hrst, fur his subsistence
and secondly in order to lit him for that position in society which
his liberators were secretly but busily carving for him. The
young, the aged anil the infirm negroes of those districts, rescued
from the Confederates, must be supported by that Government
whiiU had eHected their emancipation. The families of those
who had enlisted in tlie Union armies, were at least, as was
argued, become the especial wards of their charitiible lihejHitors.
In a word, all the f rcedmen were the especial objects of abolition
care and attention ; and their education and preparation for all
the functions of manhood, were inaugurated witli miparalled zeal
and enthusiasm.

Schools were established amongst the freedmen ; and industrious
teachers entered upon the work of communicating to the emanci-
pated slaves the rudimentary elements of an English education.
As citizenship was the goal of all these efforts, a preliminary
question for consideration should have been to have inquired
into the nature of modern civilization; and ascertained the
requisites of the American citizen. It should have been borne
in mind that with all the developments of modern progress and
enlightenment, it still remained a question of great doubt
whether good government can long endure the strain of the uni-
versal suffrage of even the Caucasion race alone. If a large
proportion of the civilized race have been found utterly incapa-
ble of wielding the ballot in the furtherance of individual views,
could it reasonably be supposed that the lowest barbarian race
should 1)0 able to do so ? Might it not have been M'ell to have
remembered the axiom of philosophic thinkers, that a race can
sustain that form of civilization alone, which it was originally
able to germinate ? And especially did it seem inconsistent that
the ardent advocates of negro education and elevation, should
come from that same party of Americans, Avho had heretofore
criticised democratic extension of the right of suffrage to the
foreign emigrants who landed upon our shores. A large propor-
tion of these foreigners possessed a much higher order of educa-
tion than it was possible for the freed negroes to attain. But the
principles of these anti-foreiga suffragists, at once seemed to
undergo a sudden change, and the emancipated Africans appeared

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. S!5

to loom up in their imaginations as tlic idea. Auicrieans of future
ages.

The crop of corruption that so hixuriantly sprung up with the
new era, and ajso proved one of its features, was evidence that
an enemy had entered the iieldii of the republic, and scattered
impurities baneful to representative government. How could it
be otherwise when men were honored with the highest trusts of
of the nation, who had coiled their way to power by means
of the basest appliances of debauchery and political prostitution ?
At no period before in the history of government had men been
honored with the highest appointments by the Executive of the
nation, and by Congress, whose whole former career had been
one continued succession of villainy and fraud from their first
entry upon the career of public life. One man, Simon Cameron,
had been selected to a seat in the Presidential Cabinet, and
afterwards transferred to a ministerial position abroad, who with
a blasted reputation had secured, as was generally charged, a
Senatorial chair in the Congress of the United States by the
means of filthy lucre, and the basest strategy that could be em-
ployed. Another, Thaddeus Stevens, a man long reputed as one
of the most corrupt politicians of his State, by the selection of
his political associates, had been made Chairman of the Com-
mittee of Ways and Means, the most important and responsible
position in the Lower House of Congress.

In the distribution of governmental favors, no discrimination
was made between men of corrupt antecedents and those of un-
blemished reputations. This in itself was to cast away entirely the
scales of moral scrutiny. It was essentially the introduction into
the workings of government of that thoroughly debasing norm
of social hfe, which treats that individual with most consideration
who possesses the largest sum of money, whether the same be the
acquisition of honorable effort or otherwise. Besides, what other
but an augmenting demoralizing influence could the breach of
plighted Presidential faith produce upon the minds of the masses
of society, who are always more ready to imitate the vices of
their rulers rather than their virtues ?

Indeed, the Pepublican party seemed in a large measure to be
the fountain from which political corruption flowed. In differ-
ent Northern Legislatures accusations of bribery and all other
corrupting influences were charged in the newspapers of both

310 A REVIEW OF THE

])olitical parties. It was ventilated in the partisan Blicct?, tliat
the sum of $25,000 had been tendered a member of tlic Legis-
hiture of Pennsylvania in the AVinter of ISGo, for the vote that
would determine the election of a leading Republican to the United
States Senate.* Stalking corruption had also raised its filthy
head in the New York Legislature. It was publicly charged in
the newspapers that Callicott, a corrupt democratic representative
of the State of Xew York, in consideration of the Speakership
of tlie Assembly, had allowed himself to be bribed by the
Iiepublicans to support their measures, and assist them in the
election of a United States Senator. The following extract from
the Tribune., depicts the corruption of the New York Legislature,
both branches of which wore lte])ublii'an :

"If we are to credit information that reaches ns from most respectable
sources, the Legishvturc now sitting at Albany, is fast earning a reputa-
tion for profligacy. We are well assured that there are committees of
either branch, that levy regular assessments on bills passing through
• their hands, demanding §100 to $500 for those of considerable impor-
tance, but taking §50, or evjn §20 each, when the measure is of secondary
consequence, and no more can be had. ' How much inoney is in this
hill ?' is the first inquiry when a i^roposition is submitted. ' Have they
got the money here in Albany f comes next. Promises to pay when the
bill becomes a law, or at the close of the session, are scouted ; and offers
of interests in the enterprise to be promoted very rarely command atten-
tion.

" A friend who recently spent a day at the Capitol, represents the pre-
valent corruption as more general and shameless than was ever before
known. How much has been or must be paid for this or that report or
vote ; how many members are ' interested ' in the passage of this or that
bill ; how A or B was ' fixed ' as to this robbery, or by whom C was seen
in behalf of that gauge, is discussed as cooly and openly as the time
made in the last notable race, or the cost of double locks on the Erie
canal. And the lobby is rei)resented as more numerous, more imjiudent,
and more shameless than ever before, "f

From the inauguration of the new era, was witnessed in an
especial manner, a weakness of republican government ; and
this because of the truckling subserviency of political leaders to
policy, for the masses, even in educated communities, just as in
ancient times, think only as their leaders advise them. The
chains of despotism had been forged in great abundance, and
every political right was virtually withdrawn from citizens, and

* New York World, January 24, 18G3.

fC^uoted in New York World, of April 18, 1SG3.

I'OLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 317

placed in tlie keepin<^ of the President of tlie United States.
But for the falseness of the majority of the leaders, a cry for
vengeance would have resounded throughout the land, and the
Abolition traitors that had subverted lil)erty and the Constitu-
tion of their country would have been driven into speedy exile,
or exalted to gallows high as those upon which Haman swung.

As before remarked, but two consistent parties existed in the
North — the outspoken abolitionists who sought the overthrow
of the system of Southern , slavery, and the elevation^ of the
emancipated negroes to equality with their former masters ; and
the unconcealed peace men, who opposed the prosecution of the
war against the South as a violation of the Constitution, and an
infraction of the principles upon which 'epublican government
is based. Properly speaking, these two parties, which were
purely consistent, were simply the antagonistic extremes of the
respective organizations with which they operated, and neither
the peace men nor the Abolitionists could enlist full Democratic
or full Pepublican endorsement. It must have been clear, how-
ever, to every penetrating Republican, after the commencement
of the new era, that the measures sustained by his party could
lead to no other result than that whieh was desired by the revo-
lutionary Abolitionists. In sustaining the prosecution of the
war, then, what else was he doing save perj^etuating the delusion
that the war was waged for the restoration of the Union ?

The masses of the people of the ISTorth, of both political par-
ties, cared little whether slavery lived or died in the struggle
that was being waged between the sections. Indeed, slight
doubt can exist that in the abstract, Northern Democrats as well
as Republicans, were disinclined in sentiment to the institution
of slavery : and that as a choice, they preferred in their own
minds to see an end to the system of Southern bondage rather
than its perpetuation. Republicans who were not confirmed
Abolitionists, very nearly agreed in their views of slavery with
the most of tlie Democrats themselves ; and yet all these were
devotedly attached to the Union of the States , and in its preser-
vation they considered their future liberty and happiness to bo
involved. The Democrats, who were in favor of peace at any
price, were those who viewed the war as an utter viohition of the
Constitution ; and these, as before noted, formed the only con-
sistent opponents of the Abolitionists, who from the lirst de-

CIS A REVIEW OF THE

gii^-neJ the destruction of slavery, and all the constitutional
<,niarantees upon which it was based.

The f^reat attachment of the Northern people to the Union,
M'as the result of i>ure delusion, the product of ])rejudice and
popular fancy ; which could see liberty and repulilican happiness
alone in its preservation. In this particular the Northern people
differed little from the ancient Humans, who were so devoted to
the name of the liepublic that they were unable to perceive the
loss of their freedom, whilst the naked form of that wdiich they
adored was preserved ; and wdiilst the name of king would have
driven them to revolt, that of imperator (emperor,) a more des-
potic title, was by no means discordant to their sensibilities.

Reflecting men, after the full installation of the new era, saw
that the shadow of the old Union alone remained ; but that its
substance had fled. The number, however, of those who per-
ceived the popular delusion, as regards the Union, and were suf-
flcicnlly honest and courageous to attempt to dispel it, were too
few to accomplish the mighty task. It is always easier to accom-
pany currents than to attempt to strive against them. A bold-
ness is demaTided of the man, who dares to question popular
opinions, that is not possessed by a large portion of mankind.
Only true freemen are competent for this undertaking ; and
whilst these pass through the flres of martyrdom, hypocritical
dcmatj-ogues gather applause and honors amidst popular ruin and
governmental shipwreck. Owing to the original yielding of the
Democratic party to the false demaTids ot fanaticism, the whirl
pool currents obtained too strong a hold upon the vessel of State
any longer to be resisted ; and all was now rapidly sinking in one
common vortex of destruction.

The New York and other riots of 18G3,' were simply the
natural reaction against the tyrannical despotism that had encir-
cled its coils around the American Ee]niblic ; and -n-liich, like
Laocoon, was dying encompassed in serpentine folds. But for the
delusive devotion to the Union which had blinded the people so
that they w^ere unable to perceive civil liberty, save as an eiflux
from their favorite idol, instead of unorganized resistance to
Federal conscription, the flames of Northern revolution would
have burst from their confines and quickly consumed the gilded
fabric of despotic tyranny, which abolition fanaticism had erected.
The thunders of denunciation which, but for the above delusion.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 3-19

would have advised the administration of Abraham Lincohi of
its criminal viohition of the Constitution, in the arrest of Clement
L. Yallandigham, the patriot of Ohio ; instead of inducing
replies of attempted justilication from the daring usurper, woukl
liave hushed him into the silence of contempt, and admonished
him of the volcano of revenge that was ready to overwhelm all
who dared to repeat the foul deed which his servile minion had
perpetrated.

In the latter part of the year 18G3, the political parties again
began to prepare their platforms for the Autumn elections. The
Kepublican leaders, conscious of the unpopularity of the differ-
ent miconstitutional acts that had been passed by the Rump
Congress, and enacted by the Presidential dictator, deemed it
politic to conceal from the public that such measures received
party endorsement. This was simj^ly to continue the same hypo-
critical method pursued by Republican leaders from the lirst
organization of their party in 1855. That method consisted in
the enunciation of a platform of principles, and after poM'er had
been grasped to steadily act disregardful of pledges. The New
York Herald spoke of the Republican State Convention, held in
SejDtember, 18G3, at Syracuse, as follows:

"The Emancipation Proclamation, the Confiscation Act, arbitrary
arrests, the suppression of the freedom of speecli and of the press in the
loyal States, the Indemnitj^ Act and the Conscription Act, have not been
endorsed. The Emancipation Act received only a qualified endorsement.
All reference to it was omitted in the regular series of resolutions, aa
reported by the Committee and adopted by the Convention. But a radi-
cal, having moved its endorsement, this was adroitly evaded by an
amendment endorsing it simply as a war measure,''

The revolutionary Republicans, before this time, had clearly
mapped out the boundaries they intended to traverse. Charles
Sumner, Thaddeus Stevens, and other leaders of the same senti-
ments, had already indicated clearly that their aim was the terri-
torialization of the seceded States ; and that their re-admittance
into the Union should be fully interdicted nntil the total prohi-
bition of slavery within their borders could be secured. The con-
servative policy advocated by the political Republicans, Avith
M'hom, for popularity sake. President Lincoln pretended to sym-
pathize, simply demanded the restoration of the Union, and of
the States in statu quo ante Ijellum. Sumner and Stevens
represented the real, the Republican nianipulators the ostensible

C50 A REVIEW OF THE

policy of abolitionism. The one formed tlic line of attack, tlie
other the protecting columns that came npon its flanks and
formed its steady support. The preparation of the State and
other platforms was the work of that crafty body of politicians,
whose principal object was party success. Even the llepublican
convention of Massachusetts, in 18G3, only endorsed the Eman-
ci])ation Proclamation as a war measure.

The Democratic part}', eqally with the llepublican, permitted
its platforms to be drafted by its politic men. Mozart Hall was
necessitated to yield to Tammany ; and the popular sails were again
unfolded to the breeze, in order to still further perpetuate the
delusion that cowardice and craft had originally permitted. The
Herald spoke of the Albany Democratic State Convention, and
as compared with the Syracuse llepublican, as follows :

"They are both entirely conserv^ative. They both return thanks to
our brave soldiers, who are now risking tlieir lives in defense of the
Union. They both pledge their supporters to sustain the Government
and the Administration in all necessary measures for the suppression of
the rebellion. They both express the desh-e of the people of the North for
an honorable peace. They both oppose disunion and maintain the integ-
rity of the Union. They differ in this : the Democrats condemn the
Emancip.ition Px-oclamalion, Confiscation, Conscription and the Indem-
nity Acts ; while the Republicans shuffle out of the responsibility of these
acts, and only endorse the Emancipation Proclamation as a war meas-
ure."*

In other States, the war policy of the Government for the
restoration of the Union, was also approved, in words, by the
Democratic party. Its ambiguous conduct was illustrated in the
States of Maine, Ohio, and Pennsylvania, during the campaigns
of 1863, In these States war platforms were adopted and peace
men nominated in each of them as the candidates for Governor.
In Pennsylvania, George AV. Woodward, a conspicuous peace
man, whose opinions and sentiments were known to harmonize
with the cardinal principles of the old party of Jefferson, per-
mitted himself to be induced to write a letter, a few days befoi-e
the October election, in which he expressed his approbation of
the war policy for restoring the Union. This was enough to
d*estroy all the enthusiasm felt in behalf of his election ; for no
others, save peace men, could be enthusiastic suj^porters of the
Democracy.

*New York Herald, September 13, 18G3.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 3:il

The rcsdt of tlio elections of 1SG3, were Waterloo defeats in
the States Avhere peace men were the candidates. C. L. Vallan-
dighani, the Democratic candidate for Governor, was defeated in
Ohio by over one hundred thousand majority ; and Geor<^e W.
AVoodward, in Pennsylvania, by upwards of fifteen thousand.
The entire Xorth, with tlie exception of Xew Jersey, was swept
by a hurricane of administration victories. The Democratic
party was utterly overthrown ; and far more weakened and de-
moralized than had it fought the battle beneath its real colors,
by opposing the abolition war upon principle ; and though de-
feated, its moral integrity would have been rescued ; and, like
the young giant of the past, which it was, it would have returned
to the combat with renewed strength, ready to grapple with its
bated foe. Vallandigham and other peace men were signally
defeated, because their cowardly compeers lacked the courage to
follow honest leaders and urge their comrades to the onset. They
permitted the enemy to be the attacking party and to crown
their banners with victory.

A REVIEW OF THE

CHAPTER XXL

THE MILITARY SATRAPS.

The utter inconsistency of making war for the preservation of
a republican Union was clearly exeniplitied in every effort that
was made by the coercion party, from the outbreak of hostilities
between the sections. The first error having been committed, it
was necessary, as a sequence, that a train of inconsistencies should
follow. When the principle of military force was once brought
into requisition to compel the seceded States or the people
thereof to obey the behests of a central authority, the principle
of republicanism died and that of monarchy took its place.

The principle of making war to coerce the people of the
South being thus anti-republican, all the means required to sus-
tain the Avar policy must necessarily be of the same character.
It was the principle of domination, which was the reverse of
consent, that upon which republican government is based.
And yet so great was the clamor for .coercive measures that all
who denied to the Government the right to exert the strong arm
of military power, were denounced as traitors and enemies of the
Republic. The preservation of the Union being once determined,
then, to depend upon the employment of force, it became alto-
gether needless in coercionist opinion to consult the will of the
people further than necessities required. And so far, therefore,
as the aims of the revolutionists were attainable, success alone
was considered.

Instead of endeavoring to effect the conciliation of the dis-
affected people of the South, as sound judgment would liave
dictated, one despotic advance after another was made by the
men who shaped the abolition counsels of the nation. Besides
those before this enumerated, another of the unconstitutional
means made use of to retain the power already grasped, was the
suppression of the freedom of the ballot in the States of Dela-
ware, Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri ; and also in those parts

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 353

of the otlier Soiitliern States, over which the arms of the Federal
Government had been succcssfuL

The Democratic party had aimed at compromise for the settle-
ment of tlie difficuhies between the North and the South ; and
tlie people hy the adoption of their policy would have prevented
the rebellion from breaking out, as it did, and drenching the
knd in blood. Indeed, the acceptance of their policy at any time
during the rebellion, would have stayed the tide of blood and led
to a settlenient of the sectional troubles. All the Southern rebels
at any tim.e demanded, was that their fair and constitutional rights
as equals in the Confederate Union, should be recognized ; and
to thi5 they were justly and honorably entitled. For, even after
the rebellion broke out and blood had been shed, thougli rebels,
they did not cease to be American citizens and men ; and their
rights were equally as deserving of being considered as before
any acts of secession had taken place. And their rights were
respected by all who loved the Union of the fathers as it had
existed from the origin of the Government, and for the preser-
vation of which, a hypocritical party pretended to have made
war. But other objects than its preservation were to be secured,
and ar?y compliance with the principles Avhich true republicanism
demanded, would have been fatal to the objects that Abolitionism,
through the pretence of devotion to the Union, sought to obtain.

Fanatics were not now lii<ely to permit the suspension of a
strife which they had succeeded in enkindling, in order to allow
the sections to adjust their disputes by any peaceful method,
And, as Anti-E,epublican war had been made against the rebels,
something of a similar nature also must be inaugurated against
the peaceful citizens of those Southern States that remained in
the Union. Many rights had already been wrested from the
Northern Democrats, and others who disapproved of the war
policy of the Government, in the suspension of the Habeas Corpus
and in the suppression of freedom of speech, and of the press and
other unconstitutional proceedings. But, because of the infatua-
ted delusion that had seized control of the minds of tlie Northern
people, a greater excess in the despotic overthrov/ of civil rights
by the Administration, was permissible in the Southern unseceded
States, than in any portion of the loyal North. For it was unde-
niable that the people of the whole South, as a unit, almost,
believed that the party of Abraham Lincoln, was a revolutionary

s.j4 a review of the

one; and that its principles would produce lastinj;- disorder an^
the destruction of the Confederate union of tlie States. Enter-
tertaining these sentiments, could tlie body of the border people,
after the unconstitutional proclamation of war, do else than
sympathize with their Southern brethren, whose guaranteed
rights were to be obliterated in the fiendish conflict that was
beiui; washed ao^ainst them ?

r> o o

Instigated by tlie proclamation of freedom and the succeeding
measures allied to it, were those which were framed to carry
forward by the might of despotism the principles of emanicipa-
tion, and firmly fix them in the legislation of the States and
nation. The Government of the several border Slave States
7iiust be controlled by one or other means by the party of eman-
cipation, and skillful plans were devised by which this could be
accomplished. A small and insignificant body of voters" in
Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky and Missouri had sup-
ported Mr. Lincoln for President, and in this was found the
nucleus for the party of emancipation in these States, after the
edict of January 1st, 18G3. The balance of the citizens of these
States who had cast their votes either for Douglas, Breckenridgo
or Bell, were considered by the rulers as moi-e or less unsound
advocates of the war policy of the Goveriiincnt, and of the
freedom of the slaves designed by it to be accomplished.

The masses of a people, during periods of turbulence, like
ours, seem always ready to lick the feet of power. By the
wholesale arrests of Legislatures, and of influential citizens,
effective resistance to the administration in the border Southern
States was soon broken ; and the hands of truckling hypocrites,
who sought to better their worldly conditional the expense of
honor and integrity, M'ere strengthened. Shrewdly conceived
oaths were prepared both for the voters and the oiHcials of these
States, so as to exclude from the polls and stations of trust, all
those who had heretofore been the respected citizens and ruling
men of their several States and localities. And these oaths were
so skillfully framed as to exclude from the polls, by virtue of
apparent right, all voters who had extended aid or even cherished
any svmpathy for the cause of the rebellious South. That they

* In Delaware only 3,815 voters supported Lincoln for President in 1860,
2,294 in Maryland, 1,929 in Virginia, 1,361 in Kentucky, and 17,028 in
MiasourL

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 835

eliouM have cliovished none sneh, was to suppose an entire rever-
sal of reason, and of the instincts of an enlightened humanity.
Large numbers of the people of these States, being thus unable
to accept the wholly unconstitutional oaths, w.'re disfranchised ;
and the States, as a consequence, fell under the control of the
few original Abolitionists, and of thoss perfidious and dishonorable
classes who are ever ready, servilely, to bend their necks to the
yoke of might, in order to grasp the thrift tliat fawning secures.
Those who do so, however, are the ignoble souls of life, who are
fitted for servitude, but unworthy of freedom, because unen-
dowed with the traits needed for its maintenance.

In one election in the city of Baltimore, after the inauguration
of the new schedule, full two-thirds of the citizens refused to go
to the polls to tender their votes. They chose rather to preserve
their honor, than sacrifice it in a vain effort to resist the authority
of that unreasoning party, which wielded the sword of an arbi-
trary despotism.

The method which the revolutionists made use of to control
the elections in these States, and defeat those who, in spite of
unconstitutional oaths, dared to press their rights of freemen,
was to send their military satraps, with soldiers, under the pre-
tence of guarding the polls and preventing invasion and domestic
violence. But the President of the United States had no right
to send his militarj'' subordinates into any State to control or in-
terfere with the elections, unless first requested so to do by the
civil authorities. As in other matters, however, the Constitution,
in this particular, was likewise violated with imj^unity. In some
cases, then, the citizens were intimidated from appearing to vote
their sentiments, inasmuch as proclamations had been issued by
the satraps which threatened seizure of the property of the dis-
loyal. And voting against the Government was declared to ])e
conclusive evidence of this disloyalty. In other instances, the
citizens who were known to entertain democratic opinions, as
they appeared to vote were arrested and detained in custody
imtil the election was closed, and then they were discharged.

In the "Winter of 1803, a convention of the Democratic party
of Kentucky, assembled at Frankfort, for the purpose of making
nominations for State ofticei-s, was dispersed by a Colonel Gil-
bert, who commanded a regiment of troops. And when one of
the Senators from this State afterwards demanded of the United

35G A REVIEW OF TII3

States Senate, that the conduct of the officer who interfered with
that political assemblage of his State should be investigated, the
demand was refused. The majority of this body, as then con-
stituted, seenijcd to regard naught save partisan success, whether
achieved by constitutional overthrow or otherwise.

The following extract from the speech of Senator Powell, of
Kentucky, of March 3d, 1864, gives an illustration of the con-
duet of the military satraps in his State:

•'•In many counties the name of the whole Democratic ticket was
stricken iroiin the poll book by the military authorities. In many voting
places, and in entire counties of Kentucky, no man was allowed to vote
for the ticket. In the county in which I live, the names on the Demo-
cratic ticket were stricken from or not allowed to go into the poll books
of three or four of the voting precincts. It is asserted that in one pre-
cinct of that county sixteen votes were cast, all for the Wickliffe ticket.
The military then came there, took the poll books from the judges and
clerk, returned them to head-quarters and stopped the election.

"Sir, there is abundant evidence of the facts that I have indicated.
Since the beginning of time there never was a more atrocious assault on
free elections, than took place in many counties of Kentucky. In many
places the candidates were arrested. In the First Congressional District
Judge Trimble, the candidate for Congress, as loyal a man and .as true
to the Constitution and Union of his fathers as lives in the Union, was
arrested by military authority. He was brought to the City of Hender-
son, a town just without his district, and there he was kept in military
confinement near a month until after tlie election was over. They told
him if he would decline being a candidate for Congress they would
release him. He would not so degrade his manhood as to decline the
canvass at the bidding of military tyrants and usurpers, and he was kept
in prison. Tliey found that he would be elected by a large majority,
notwithstanding his imprisonment, and then they sent the military over
his district, and had his name stricken from the polls in almost every
voting precinct in the district. The gentleman wlio beat him got some
four thousand votes in a district that polls about twenty thousand."

The pretended excuse for the interference of the military
authorities in the election of Kentucky in 1863, was found in
the declaration of martial law, in that State, by Gen. Burnside,
the iailor of Yallandigham. This satrap of the Administration,
assumed the right to subordinate civil to military authority,
because forsooth, one thousand rebels were yet fotmd within the
borders of that State. The true reason was, that in this man-
ner it was conceived a plausible excuse would be offered to his
subordinates and their justifiers for their unlawful and outrageous
conduct. The excuse, however, was lame and impotent, for at

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 357

the time, tlie small remainini,^ mimber of rebels were leaving the
State, and General Burnside had Hftj thousand soldiers under
liis command to confront them.

But Federal soldiers were also sent to the polls in Maryland,
and interfered with the elections in this State, although no pre-
text therefor could be found in the existence of rebel soldiers in
the old Commonwealth. The freedom of elections was likewise
overthrown bj military interference in the other border Southern
States. Governor Bradford, of Maryland, in his protest against
military interference with a free ballot in his State, speaks as
follows :

"On the day preceding the election, tlae officer in command of the
regiment, which had been distributed among the counties of the Eastern
shore, and who had himself landed in Kent County, commenced his
operations by arresting and sending across the bay some ten or more ot
the most estimable and distinguished of its citizens, including several of
the most steadfast and uncompromising loyalists of the shore. The jail of
the county was entered, the jailor seized, imprisoned, and afterwards sent
to Baltimore, and the prisoners confined therein, under indictment, were
set at liberty. The commanding officer referred to, gave the first clue to
the character of the disloyalty, against which he considered himself as
particularly commissioned ; by printing and publishing a proclamation,
in which, referring to the election to take place next day, he invited all
the truly loyal to avail themselves of that opportunity to establish their
loyalty, ' hy giving a full and ardent support to the ivhole Government
ticket, upon the x)latform adopted by the Union League Convention ;' de-
claring that, ' none other is recognized by the Federal authorities, as loyal
or worthy of the support of any one, who desires the peace and restoration
of the Union.''"

"When these outrageous proceedings were reported in the United
States Senate, and referred to the Military Committee, instead
of condemnation they re-eived the approval of the committee in
a lonw report, which set up a full justification for all that had
been done. The tyrant's plea of necessity was the prolilic re-
pository, whence all excuses were drawn for the violation of the
Constitution and the laws of the States. The Senators of the
revolutionary party, in general, defended all the unconstitutional
acts of the military satraps ; and thus granted to the Adminis-
tration and its subordinates full license to trample upon the free-
dom of elections in the. Southern States.

By such means, this freedom was destroyed ; and the revolu-
tionary ])artv, calling itself Union, obtained the control of
Maryland, West A'irginia and Missouri. For a time, also the

358 A REVIEW OF THE

freemen of Delaware and Kentucky were defeated Ly the revo-
lutionists. It was not astonishin<^, then, that cuiiveiitions elected
nnder the dictation of the military satraps; and when large
numbers of the best citizens of these States were disfranchised
by means of unconstitutional test oaths, should be ready to do
the work of abolitionism. In West Virginia, Maryland and
Missouri, conventions were elected under military dictation ; and
these bodies proceeded to decree the emancipation of slavery
within their borders.

rOLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 359

CHAPTER XXII.

THE GKEAT CONSPIRACY REVEALED.

As events progressed, during the period of the rebellion, the
conspiracy to overthrow slavery, change the status of Southern
society, and elevate the negro race to equality with the white,
more and more displayed itself. Upon the assembling of the
Thirty-eighth Congress, in December 1863, President Lincoln
craftily submitted a plan for the restoration of the rebellious
States to unionship, when the armed resistance should be so far
overcome as to warrant measures for this purpose. As the
chief representative of the nation, it was expected of him that
some method would be pointed out, by which the seceded States
should again be numbe]-ed amongst the Commonwealths of the
Federal Union.

The President fully understood the disharmony that reigned
in his party upon the question of Southern reconstruction, and
in view of this, greater caution was needed to be observed by
him, in submitting a plan for the restoration of the seceded
States. He was well aware that the State suicide theory of
Charles Sumner, was that which received the approval of Thaddeus
Stevens, Salmon P. Chase, Wendell Phillips, and the other
radicals of the Pepublican party ; and at the same time he was
sufficiently astute to perceive that this policy was as yet too ex-
treme to meet public approval.

In the submission of his method of restoration for the Southern
States, it is not to be believed, that the President meant to tix
any definite mode; but it was rather enunciated and designed to
serve as a toy for conflicting sentiment, and to be molded to suit
public o| iiiion as the same became more developed. Indeed, the
President declared his i)lan as not intended to exclude others in
the following words of his proclamation of December Sth, 1863:

"And while the mode presented, is the best the Executive can suggest,

SaO A REVIEW OF TITE

with his present impressions, it must not be understood, that no other
possible mode would be acceptable."

That tlic President vy liis party should at all be tnunmeled by
oblio-ations of governmental -conipaets, >vas not to be expected
after the entire repudiation of plighted faith, on their part,
that had already been witnessed. Finn adherence to any promise
or obligation would have been fatal to the principles of the rev-
olution, for the accomplishment of which, the Ilepublican party
had been originally organized and brought into power; and a
studied caution, as a consequence, therefore, was required to be
observed in the submission of any plan of reconstruction, so as
to permit any change of policy which ever varying circumstances
might require. The President, in truth, had in his mind no fixed
mode of restoration that he esteemed more than another, save as
it mi'dit aid Abolition views; and his only object in submitting
the one which he did, was to answer public expectation on that
point.

The plan proposed by the President for restoring the Southern
States to their former relationship in the Union, was in entire
harmony with the prior Abolition programme. It was the em-
bodiment of the principles of monarchy and revolution; such as
we have discovered to have given tone to so-called Kepublicanism,
from its earliest advent to power. The fears that induced the
slave States to rebel in defense of their constitutional rights,
were entirely overlooked. No tender of assurance was made,
that the anticipations on their part had been groundless ; but the
attitude assumed by the President, still more clearly j^roved that
Southern Statesmen had not been mistaken, in their conceptions
of the danger that threatened their institutions. Like a con-
aueror, on the contrary, and despot which he was, utterly regard-
less of the fears and anticipations of those contesting his power, the
President announces his plan of forcing all the armed resistance
under his dominion and authority. He declares in explicit terms
that slavery must be abandoned in aU the rebellious States; and
even in those sections of them in which he himself had made an
exception in his Emancipation Proclamation of January 1st,
1803. Treating the Southern Confederates as traitors and out-
laws, he compels thera before they shall be permitted to secure
af'ain for their several Commonwealths, the right of Statehood,
to accept an oath not demanded by the Constitution ; and which

I'OLITICAL CONFLICT IN AUTERICA. 361

no democratic freeman of the IS^ortli, with a sense of manhood,
would have subscribed. This odious oath, recjuired of all voters,
before being re-clothed with citizenship, to swear to abide by and
support all acts of the Federal Congress, passed during the re-
bellion with reference to slaves ; and also to support all procla-
mations of the President, made or to be made during the rebellion,
which had reference to the same. A delusive exception, it is
true, was inserted, should these laws and proclamations at any
time be modilied by Congress or the Supreme Court. The Pres-
ident, however, too well understood the designs of Congress, to
fear aught from that quarter; and as to the Supreme Jurliciary,
it had been for some time a topic of discussion to so remodel
this tribunal, as to render it hannlcss to Abolition progress, should
any danger in that direction be seriously apprehended.

What an entire disregard of republican principle did the
Presidential mode of reconstruction manifest ? It was a plain
violation of the Constitution, which clothed the Chief Magistrate
with no power to dictate the qualifications of suiirage in any
State or Territory. It ^was an entire reversal of the cardinal
X)rinciple of Democracy in essaying to found government upon
the will of a small minority of the people of a State, rather than
upon that of the majority. Again, the method proposed by the
President seemed strongly to imply his own disbelief in the
current assertion of his party, that in all the rebellious States a
njajority of the people were loyal and attached in feeling to the
Federal Government. lie, himself, upon any other hypothesis,
had condemned the war against the South as an outrage and a
crime. But when he comes to find voters who shall bring back
the ]-ebel States into the Union, this majority of Southern patriots
would seem to have escaped his recollection, inasmuch as his
restoration plan was so framed, as did he think that it might bo
necessary, in some cases, to be satisfied with one-tenth of the
citizens of a rebel State, out of whom his loyalists should bo
manufactured. And that a smaller number than the one-tenth
of the people should constitute the basis of citizenship for recon-
structing a seceded State, would scarcely have been proposed by
the most radical revolutionist of the North.

But, admitting even a modicum of truth in the Abolition
assumption of the loyalty of a majority of the Southern people ;
the policy of restoration proposed by President Lincoln, claimed

303 A REVIEW OF THE

the rii^lit to do what the Constitution in express terms forbade.
This instrument prechided the takinf^ of the private property of
any citizen for public purposes or otherwise, unless am[)le com-
pensation therefor should be made. And yet the President, in
the plan submitted by liim, proposed, without any recompense,
to cancel the value, and destroy all the slave property in the
rebel States, whether the same belonged to loyal or disloyal iiuli-
viduals. r>y this high-handed exercise of despotic might, the
fears entertained by the Southern people of the designs of
Korthern fanaticism were fully sustained ; and the rebellion from
this period, at furthest, nmst ever stand justitied in historj'. The
rebels, anticipating the designs of abolitionism, from the collected
utterances of the leaders of that party, originally revolted against
its rule in behalf of their constitutional rights and privileges ;
and now, when their surmises had been verified in the action of
the Federal President and the congressional radicals, what was to
condemn the rebellion? Instead of. rebels arrayed, striving to
destroy the Union and the Constitution, the Confederates stood
before the world as patriots, defending within their States, in
essence, that same Constitution and the principles of republi-
canism guaranteed by it.

But despotic and unconstitutional as was the Presidential plan
of reconstructing the seceded States, it by no means met the
approbation of the radicals in Congress and throughout the
North. Negro suffrage from this period, began to peer forth as
one of the measures that must be secured in the revolution that
was being urged forward. This, indeed, was a part of the great
conspiracy that was now daily revealing itself.

The doctrine of human equality, being that which lay at the
foundation of abolitionism, it was not to be supposed that the
fanatics should halt with the achievement of simple emancipa-
tion. The more evidence the progress of arms gave the hoj^ef ul
enthusiasts that the rebellion would probably, in the end, be
overcome, the more effort was made by them to shape legislation
in the interests of race equality. All the conflicting views re-
garding the restoration of the States to Federal autonomy,
hin<'-ed therefore upon this question. Hitherto, emancipation
was the principal result of equality, that was presented before
the people in the agitating crusades that had been waged against
Southern slavery. But shortly after the meeting of the Thirty-

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 363

eiglitli CongTcss, and tlie submission of the Presidential plan of
reconstruction ; revolutionary leaders come forward and took
open grouiuls in favor of extending the right of suffrage to the
emancipated slaves of the seceded States, From this period the
revolutionary party may be considered as composed of avowed
negro and of anti-negro suffragists. And of the latter, many
were such, simply because they deemed it impolitic as yet openly
to avow their principles.

There can be little doubt even that President Lincoln agreed
with the negro sujffragists, and that his characteristic hypocrisy
alone deterred him from avowing the principle in his reconstruc-
tion scheme of December 8, 1SG3. lie was very solicitous, how-
evei', to shift the avowal of the doctrine of negro suffrage upon
others,* whose position more securely guarded them from the
assaults of public opinion. Owen Lovejoy, a man equally radi-
cal with Thaddeus Stevens, seemed to have fully understood the
President's motives and feelings. In his letter of February 22d,
ISG-i, to "William Lloyd Garrison, he s^^eaks of the President in
the following language :

" I write you. although ill health compels me to do it, by the hand of
another, to express to you my gratification at the position you have
taken in reference to Mr. Lincoln. I am satisfied, as the old theologians
used to say in regard to the world, that if lie be not the best conceiv-
able President, he is the best possible. I have something of the facts
inside during his administration, and I know that he has been just as
radical as any of his Cabinet. And, although he does not do everything
that you or I would like, the question recurs whether it is hkely we can
elect a man who would. It is evident that the great mass of Unionists
prefer him for re-election ; and yet it seems to me certain that the Provi-
dence of God during another term will grind slavery to powder." f

* The following letter to Governor Hahn, of Louisiana, discloses the
President's double dealing course of action :

"Executive Mansion, )

„ ,, „ "Washington, March 13, 1864.1

"Hon. Michael Hahn. '

''My Dear Sir ;—l congratulate you on having fixed your name in
history as the first Free State Governor of Louisiana. Now you are
about to have a convention, whicli, among other tilings, will probably
define the elective franchise. I barely suggest, for your private consider-
ation, wliether some of the colored people may not be let in, as for
instance, the very intelligent, aind especially those who have' fou"-lit
gallantly in our ranks. They would probably help in some tryiu"- time
to come, to keep the jewel of liberty in the family of freedom. But this
is only a suggestion, not to the public, but to you alone.

"Yours truly,

,^ , ,. "ABRAHAM LINCOLN."

j; Animal Cyclopedia of 1864, p. 480.

3Ci A EEVIEW OF THE

The State suicide doctrine of Charles Sumner was inspired by the
desire to secure in the Southern States for the negro, full equality
with the Caucasian race. And all the efforts of Thaddcus
Stevens and the other unconcealed revolutionists, to establish the
principles of State destruction, the confiscation of Southern
propertv, and the exclusion of Southern Representatives from
the halls of Congress, were influenced by the same desire. These
men, the soul and spirit of their party, were compelled, however,
to await the developments of time, whilst the treacherous hypo-
crites witliiu the same, were enabled still further to lure their
countrymen into the snares that were set for them. The suicidal
resolutions when first offered by Sumner, in 1SC2, met the cold
reception of silence ; and the Congressmen from Louisiana, and
other military reconstructed States, were welcomed to the Xa-
tiunul Halls of the Thirty-seventh Congress, in spite of the oppo-
sition of Mr. Stevens and others, who were keen-sighted enough
as to see the logical elTect of such admission. But Mr. Stevens
and others who agreed with him, were able to exclude from the
Thirty-eighth Congress A. P. Field and the other Eepresenta-
tives of Louisiana and other subjugated States of the South. In
their exclusion of Southern Representatives, additional evidence
of the great conspiracy was presented.

The belief of the equality of all races of mankind, having
firerminated the movement of abolitionism, the fanaticism must
run its full length, the control of the Government being now, as
believed, firmly grasped. Xothing less than the complete politi-
cal and social equality of races, would satisfy zealots who allow
feeling rather than reason to guide them. And, as if to prove
that their enthusiastic visions of human equality, could controvert
lof'ic and all the experience of anterior ages, they set themselves
to work to elevate a race, fitted alone for barbarism or subordi-
nation.

The education of the colored race in the District of Columbia
having been determined upon, after the act of Emancipation had
passed, every other step must be taken in order to elevate the
newly liberated man up to the full measure of perfect equalit3\
As the Africo-American freedman had been introduced into the
Northern armies, his standing in that position must be guarded ;
and all olfences to his lately achieved dignity, absented by a Con-
gress, desirous of obliterating the repugnant decrees of eternity.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 805

And Avlien a shoukler-strapped member of the eufranclilscd, race
found himself forcihl}' ejected from the cars in the City of
AYashington, the elevators of the colored men were aroused to
the utmost; and a law was speedily enacted by Congress which
precluded the officers of the railroad companies of the City of
Washington and Georgetown, from determining what regulations
should be observed with regard to their passengers. iSTo negro
dare in future be ejected from any railroad cars in the District,
under a severe penalty. It was not enough for the colored
American that he be provided by the railroad companies with
equal facilities for travel, and cars of equal quality with white
people, he must be allowed to obtrude himself into white com-
pany, where his presence was offensive. This kind of legislation
was an attempt to imdo what God had done ; that is, to obliterate
the distinctions which he had made. Herein another evidence
of the great conspiracy was disclosed.

Equalizing the compensation of all the soldiers in the armies,
whether of African or Caucasian descent, was a part of the
schedule that radical legislation must complete. And, as no
Member of Congress seemed to long more ardently for this form
of equality than Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, and he who
stood the acknowledged leader of revolutionary radicalism in the
House, Thaddeus Stevens, it was appropriate and fitting that
these distinguished representatives should be the first to propose
the desired legislation. Accordingly, on the Sth of January,
1S6-1, Mr. Wilson introduced into the Senate a bill to promote
enlistments, which provided that all j)ersons of African decent, avIio
may have been mustered into the military service of the United
States shall receive the same uniform, clothing, arms, equipments,
camp-equipage, rations, medical and hospital attendance, pay and
emoluments, as other soldiers of the regular and volunteer forces
of the like arm of the service. After a spirited contest in the
Senate, the bill as above proposed in substance was adopted in
that body ; and on the 30th of April, Mr. Stevens called it up in
the Lower House of Congress. The measure likewise met the
approbation of the House, and colored soldiers were placed on an
equality with white from January 1st, 1804. " The Attorney-
General has finally decided, that colored soldiers are in all respects
entitled to the same compensation as white soldiers." *

* Henry AVilson's Anti-Slavery Measures in Congress, p. 312.

SCO A REVIEW OF THE

The most persistent efforts were made by the radicals in the
first session of the 3Stli Congress, in both the Senate and House
ot" Representatives, to allow the negro to grow to the full stature
of free manhood, with M'hich he, however, was but simply in the
process of being endowed. He was clothed by Act of Congress
with the right of appearing in all the courts of the United States
as a witness, not so much because this privilege was then espe-
cially demanded, but rather because it was believed that it would
aid in the final extirpation of slavery, the first grand object of
the revolutionists. The repeal of the law, which precluded ne-
groes from carrying the mails, was also strongly urged during
this session, chiefly for the same reasons.

In this session of Congress, a Bill was j^repared in the House,
providing for the organization of the Territory of Montana, and
having passed the same in the usual form, was remitted to the
Senate for its approval. AVhen the Bill came up for consideration
in this body, Senator Wilkinson, of Minnesota, moved to strike
out of section live, of the oiganizing Act, M-hich prescribed who
should be voters, the words '" white male inhabitant," and insert
" male citizen of the United States, and those who have declared
their intention to become such." The undenied object of thi,s
amendment, was to secure the organization of the new Territory
in accordance with the principles of the avowed Abolitionists,
who already were beginning to urge that the right of suffrage
should be extended to the negro race. Prominent members of
the party in different sections of the Xorth, had already given
ntterauce to this recent demand of Abolitionism.

The amendment met with a considerable opposition from
Republicans themselves, chiefly because they feared to encounter
in the coming Presidential canvass the opposition that would
array itself against the principle of negro suffrage. The majority
of the Senators, however, all Republicans, showed themselves
as favorable to universal suffrage by supporting the amendment.
It was carried in the Senate by 22 yeas to 17 nays. Several of
the Senators who supported the amendment made no conceal-
ment that they heartily favored the principle which it expressed ;
its adoption by the Senate, however, was admitted to be a pure
abstraction, as not one negro inhabitant at the time was found in
the new Territory. And of those also, who deemed it impolitic
to agitate the question of suffrage at the time, in view of the

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. S67

approaching Presidential election, were some who declared them-
selves as not opposed to granting negroes the right of voting.

The submission and support of the amendment in the Senate,
was the lirst clear jjroof that the RcpuljHcan leaders were ready,
when a fair opportunity would present itself, to extend the right
of suffrage to all races of men. Up to this period they had
studiously sought to elude the avowal of this principle, and pos-
itively averred that no such design was at all entertained by them.
In the most solemn assurances, they declared that the emancipa-
tion of the negroes from the chains of slavery, would be the ulti-
mate limit of humanitarian effort in behalf of the degraded
race. It was even resented, as offensive, that they should be
accused of the design of intending to open the ballot to ignorant
African menials. But before the inauguration of the war, and
for a time afterwards, had not they in equally strong terms re-
sented the imputation, that the emancipation of slavery in the
Southern States was designed by them ?

The House of Representatives, however, declined to concur in
the Senate's Amendment, because they saw clearly that negro
suffrage would be too heavy a burden to carry in the Presidential
contest of 18(3-1. But enough was disclosed, from its adoption
by the Senate, and from the sentiments that were beginning to
be uttered by conspicuous radicals, favorable to this principle, to
satisfy reflecting men, that it formed the main part of the great
conspiracy that was rapidly revealing itself in its fullest extent.

The full completion of the conspiracy required the repudiation
of the Fugitive Slave Laws, and also of that provision of the
Federal Constitution which supported the Acts of 1793 and
1850. A bill for this purpose having been referred to the Ju-
diciary Committee of the Senate, was reported back adversely.
Repeated efforts were made, prior to January 11th, 1804, to
effect the repeal of the Act of 1850, and also that of 1793. At
the latter date, on motion of Charles Sumner, the question of
the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Laws was referred to a commit-
tee of seven Senators, the majority of whom rej)orted favorable
to the measure. The Repealing Act received the approbation
of the members of the revolutionary party in Congress, and was
approved by President Lincoln, June 28th, 1864.

The bill was stubbornly resisted by the Democrats of both
Houses of Congress, because of the violation which the repeal

5G8 A REVIEW OF THE

inflicted upon the Federal Constitution. The passage of the
Kcpealing Act, in Denioeratic opinion, was an open and palpable
infraction of the bond of covenant, according to the terms of
which the States had united to form the Union ; and for the
preservation of which the radicals claimed that the war was being
waged by the General Government It Avas also argued by the
Democrats that no practical good could result from the rej^eal at
that time, as the slaves in the Border States were already in such
a state of insubordination that they were free to go where they
chose. All State control over tlie slaves had for months, prior
to this period, almost entirely ceased in the Border States ; and it
v.'as only in these States that the law could be considered as of
any avail. ]>ut, besides, the Northern people at that time would
not have permitted any fugitive slave to be reclaimed in their
midst by any Southern master, however loyal to the General
Government he may have been.

But in truth, the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Acts was simply
a part of the programme w^iich the revolutionary leaders, from
the origin of their party, had designed, viz: to destroy slavery
rc'i^ardless of every guarantee which the Constitution contained.
The report was really nothing, save an Act of the purest des-
potism and revolution, of which history affords an instance. It
was utterly unwarranted and unjustilied; and altogether as great
a violation of civil right as would communism be guilty of, should
it ultimately assume to wrest all property from its jDossessors, and
distribute the same as its principles would dictate.

The plan of reconstruction, submitted by President Lincoln,
in December, 1SG3, although in entire accord with the principles
hitherto acted on and approved by every branch of the Federal
Government, could not, as we have already observed, meet with
the approval of the i-adical leaders of his party. It was not
upon its face, sufficiently revolutionary to meet the approbation
of men, utterly regardless of all constitutional restraint whatso-
ever. Members of Congress who were ready to avow that the
war was carried on outside of' Hie Constit^ition, as they viewed
it, were not likely to agree with the Presidential plan of restoring
the seceded States, to their Federal status in the Union.

The main reason Avhy the Executive plan of reconstruction did
not meet radical approval, was as before remarked, because the
principle of negro suffrage had been entirely ignored. Salmon

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. SC9

P. Chase, a member of the President's Cabinet, in his letter to
Cerrit Smith, of March 2d, 1804, speaking of the phm submitted
by the head of the Nation, said :

" The Aninesly Proclunaliou seems to fail. I don't like the qualifica-
tion in the oath required, nor the limitation of the riglit of suffrage to
those who take the oath, and are otherwise qualified, according to the
State laws, in force before the rebellion. I fear these are fatal conces-
sions. Why should not all soldiers who fight for their country vote for
it ? Why should not the intelligent colored man of Louisiana have a
voice, as a free-citizen, in restoring and maintaining loyal ascendency."

From the identity of sentiment tliat pervades this letter of the
Secretary, and that of President Lincoln, to Michael Halm, of
Louisiana, before C[uoted, they wonld both seem to have flowed
from the same school of abolition thought. And, although the
Executive preserved himself before the country as the apparent
conservative, his views permitted him to drift beneath the cur-
rent as an unseen revolutionist and a radical amongst his brethren.

The question of reconstruction during the first session of the
Thirty-eighth Congress, was viewed as a favorable one for agita-
ting purposes. It was regarded as very different when Mr.
Ashley introduced the same question in the early part of the
Th rty-seventh Congress. The revolution, however, had now
advanced so far that but little fear was entertained to discuss in
Congress the most radical topics. The most, extreme revolu-
tionists were able, at length, to promulgate their views on the
question of suffrage ; and so long as both Houses did not agree
upon a measure of this kind, the leaders had it in their power to
deny that such opinions would ever be adopted bytlie xVdminis-
tration.

On the 4tli of May, 18G4, Mr. Davis, of Maryland, Chairman
of the Committee of the House, to whom had hecn I'eferred the
President's views upon the restoration of the rebel States, sub-
mitted a Ihll, embodying a fixed and elaborate plan of reconstruc-
tion. This also, like the President's plan, was revolutionary as
it assumed, without warrant and contrary to the former avowed
policy of the Government, that the statehood of the seceded
Commonwealths were altogether overthrown. The war for the
repression of the rebellion, from , its outbreak, had been waged
upon the principle that the rebellious States were still in the
Union ; and that no act of secession could loosen the cords that
held together the members of the old Confederacy. And the

370 A REVIEW OF THE

policy of tlie Government, for a long time after the outbreak of
the war, was so shaped, lest something might be done or omitted,
which wonld operate as an admission that the rebel States had
in law seceded.

The bill ]>rcpared by the Reconstruction Committee of the
House, provided for the appointment of a Provisional Governor
by the President in each State declared to be in rebellion, to
serve until a State Government should have been organized and
recognized by the General (iovernment. On the suppression of
military resistance to the authority of the Tnited States iu any
such State, an enrollment of white male citizens was to be made,
and a convention was to be called, when a majority of them
Bhould have taken the oath of allegiance, to act upon the re-es-
tablishment of a. State Government. All persons having held
any office in the rebel service, civil or military, State or Confede-
rate, and all those having borne arms in such service, were to be
prohibited from voting for, or being elected as delegates to the
State Convention. The convention was required by the bill to
insert in the new Constitution to be formed by it, provdsions dis-
franchising those who " held or exercised any civil or military
office, (except offices merely ministerial, and militai-y offices below
the grade of colonel) State or Confederate under the usurping
power;" also, prohibiting slavery, and repndiating all debts
created by or under sanction of the nsurping power, State or
Confederate. The State Government, thus created, was to be
recognized by the President after obtaining the assent of Con-
o-ress, and only after such recognition was it allowed for the State
to be represented in Congress and in the Electoral College.
Slaverv was further formally declared to be abolished in all the
States in question, with remedies and penalties to give this decla-
ration effect. Those rebels, holding any civil or military otKce
with the conditions above stated, after this bill should become a
law, were declared not to be citizens of the United States.*

The bill having passed the House of Representatives, was sent
to the Senate for its concurrence, and after some debate and
interchange of sentiment between the two Houses, was finally
adopted by the latter body. The President could not approve
the reconstruction plan of Congress, without too openly exposing

♦Barrett's Life of Abraham Lincoln, p. oC3.

rOLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 371

himself to the charge of puerile vacillation and breach of plighted
faith ; for he was already fuHj committed to the recognition of
the new State Govermncnts of Louisiana and Arkansas. These
States, in accordance with his own plan, had chosen Governors,
changed their State Constitutions, and done whatever else was
enjoined upon them to regain their lost Statehood in the Union,
lie had likewise appointed Military Governors for other Southern
States, Besides, no essential abolition advantage would be
gained, even should the President append his signature to the
Reconstruction Bill. lie, therefore, shrewdly withheld it.

The culminating movement in the great conspiracy, was that
instituted to effect the iinal overthrow of Southern slavery, under
the appearance of an apparent amendment to the Federal Con-
stitution. This was an adroit, wcii-planned scheme of the revu-
iutionists, to obtain in the tnkht vjf and by means of revolution,
the object of abohtion zeal, the eradication of the hated institu-
tion. The Constitution provided for an amendment, when the
same having been proposed by the two-thirds of each House of
Congress and submitted to the States, should be ratiiied by three-
fourths of these.

Shortly after the assembling of the Thirty-eighth Congress,
with other revolutionary measures, an amendment to the Con-
stitution abolishing slavery in all the States was proposed by
James M. Ashley, the super-serviceable member of the Lower
Ilouse of Congress from Ohio, And as evincing concert of
action, a proposition Avith like design not long afterwards was
also submitted in the Senate, and referred to the Committee on
the Judiciary.

After a time, the amendment having been matured, a joint
resolution was offered tiuit the same be submitted to the States
for ratilication. The resolution aroused a spirited opposition
upon the part of the Democrats, who saw nothing in it save a
subtile and crafty iricthod of subverting that very Constitution
which tiie revolutionists, hypocritically, were preparing in name
to amend. For did not the amendment propose to interfere with
the social economy of the States, even of the unrebellious States,
and with affairs over which the General Govermnent had no
authority to legislate or interfere ? It was in violation even of
tliat resolution of the Chicago Convention of ISGO, which de-
clared that " the maintenance, inviolate of the rights of the States

27:2 A REVIEW OF THE

and cspeei;illy the ri^-lit uf each State, to order and control it;?
own domestic institutions, according to its own judgment ex-
chisively, is essential to that balance of power oii which the per-
fection and endurance of oiu- political fabric depends."

The Democrats took the position that changing the fundamen-
tal charter of a coiuitry, was an action demanding so great
solemnity that it should never be undertaken during a period of
effervescence and civil comi/iotion. Besides, no such pressing
liaste required an amendment to the Constitution to obliterate
slavery, as the institution would prove well nigh invulnerable,
so long as Southern armed resistance Avas not overcome upon the
battle field. But slavery being the mark of abolitionism, it was
-iot to be expected that men deeply indoctrinated with its
fanaiical views could rest, save in exerting to the utmost their
strength in one or other method for the extinction and destruc-
tion of their hated foe. Statesmen of balanced minds, saw how-
ever, the inutility of all such maddened legislation, pn-ovided
the I'estoration of the Union was tlie object to be achieved.

It was also argued that as the amendment proposed to interfere
with social interests, its character was revolutionary. It was the
introduction of a principle antagonistic to that which underlies
all republican government. The Union was made for the polit-
ical government of its members; and only for certain specified
objects of a very general nature. The management of domestic
affairs, according to the letter and spirit of the compound system
of the United States Government, Avas remitted entirely to the
States and to their people. The General Government, by the
Constitution, was entrusted with no control over the marital or
religious i-elations of the people of the States, or with the right
of eminent domain within their limits. All these were social
and State relations ; so also was the institution of slavery.

Again, the Democrats viewed the effort to destroy slavery by
an amendment to the Constitution, as at variance with its spirit,
as a breach of good faith, and wholly unjust in its method. It
■was a breach of faith, because the. war had been prosecuted upon
the assumption that the seceded States yet formed integral parts
of the Union ; and being such, the Government w^as bound to
see that the private property, at least of all loyal citizens, be pre-
served unharmed. For even in a pure monarchical government,
it is deemed due to all adherents of the crown, that they suffer

POLITICAL CONFl-ICT IN AMERICA. 873

no loss in person or estate by reason of others in their midst
having rebelled. How then, in the republic of the United States,
could such be deprived of their property, iniless a fair compensa-
tion were first made to them by the Government?

The leading Democrats of both Houses lirndy contended that
the Constitution, could not legally be so amended, as to destroy
slavery in the States without the unanimous consent of those
States. Senator Saulsbury, of Delaware, in his speech of March
31st, 1864, spoke as follows :

"I firmly believe in the truth, that if the Senate of the United States
were to adopt this joint resolution, and were to submit it to all the States
of this Union, and if three-fourths of the S'tates should ratify the amend-
ment, it would not be binding upon any State whose interest was affected
by it, if that State protested against it."

" I know that the popular theory is that a convention can frame a
Constitution, and if three-fourths of the States ratify it, it is obligatory
in reference to everything and anything they do. * * * * if
tliat be so, then I ask you, could three-fourths of the States say that you
should have no manufactories, that you should plant no corn, that you
should not have property in anything else which is the subject of
property.

"Sir, property is not regulated, and was not intended to be regulated
by the Constitution of the United States. Property is the creature of the
law of the State, and whenever this Government undertakes either by
legislative enactment, or operating through and by thi'ee-fourths of the
States to say to the people of any State, "we tvill ichat shall he property
and tvhat shall not be property in your midst ; that subject shall be regidated
by a Federal Constitution or by a Federal law,'' they vioirate the purposes
and objects for which the Constitution was framed ; and do that which,
if they had proclaimed had been their object in the beginning, would
have prevented the formation of that Constitution, and of the Union.

"Can Congress propose an amendment to the Constitution which,
being ratified by three-fourths of the States, shall become the supreme law
of the land, by wliich there shall be an equal distribution of property
throughout the United States? "

Senator Hendricks, of Indiana, on the same subject, in his
speech of April 7th, 1864, said :

"I am not satisfied that this proposed amendment is one that can be
made to the Constitution. The institution of slavery is a domestic insti-
tution. It exists not by virtue of the Federal Constitution, not by virtue
of any law passed pursuant to the Constitution of the United States, but
it had its existence before the formation of the Federal compact, before
the establishment of the Federal Constitution. It was the Constitution of
the Colonies."

George H. Pendleton, of Ohio, a member of the House, iu
his speech of June 15th, 1864, said

374 A REVIEW OF THE

"Tlioi-G is in three-fourths of the States neither the powcT to estaulisli
nor to abolish shivery in all the States. The Federal Government has
power over the relations of the States with foreign nations, and over the
relations of the States as between and among themselves. It has no power
over the purely iutornal affairs of the State. This principle was as
familiar as househohl words three years ago. Every power delegated to
the Federal Government, relates either to the inter-national or the inter-
State relations of the United States. The domestic internal allairs of a
State having no connection with the Federal Government, or with for-
eign nations or with the other States, are reserved to the absolute, ex-
clusive, sovereign power of the States respectively, and to the people
thereof. The other States are not affected by them, and have no interesc
in them. The Federal Government has no cognizanco of them. The
power of amendment, which is confided to three-fourths of the States,
does not reach them nor the power to regulate them, but is limited to
the subjects and powers delegated to the United States."

The rcsolutian pi <■ posing the submission to tlie States of the
constitutional amendment, which should abolish slavery through-
out the Union, passed the Senate xYpril 8th, ISGl, by the strung
vote of 3S yeas to G nays. The question was alao considered in
the House and a vote taken upon it June 15th ; but there was
a failure to secure two-thirds of this body in its favor. The vote
in the House was 95 yeas to G6 nays, the Democrats in general
opposing the resolution. Four Democrats, however, believing
a further defence of the Constitution hopeless^ voted with the
majority.

POLITICxVL CONFLICT IN AMEPJCA.

CHAPTER XXIII.

THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 18C4.

Tlie Presidential campaign of ISG-l, "was an anomalous one in the
history of the American Union. It was to be conducted during
the existence of the most gigantic revolution which free govern-
ment^ had ever experienced, since the commencement of time.
The sectional party which had grasped the reins of Administration
in 1860, had as before shown, been the result of the long period
of agitation which had cemented together the fanatical elements
of the Xorth, and made the ruling aggregation of this section,
a somewhat homogenous compound.

But the long period of turbulence and civil war which had
geparated the sections of the country, had j^roved an eliminatino-
process which had more and more strongly placed fanaticism and
reason in opposition to each other. From the time when it was
discovered, after the secession of the Cotton States, that the
Eepublican leaders would not consent to settle the difhculties
between the Xorth and South by fair and honorable compromise,
the reasoning classes began to enter their protests; and, although
this protesting was chiefly in silence, it nevertheless had its influ-
ence in molding the aspect of the parties of the country. From
that period, reflective men* began to drop their connection with
the Republican, and become quietly absorbed in the Democratic
party. And from the beginning of the war, during its Avhole
progress, this process of separation was going on, and a counter
elimination was likewise all this time taking place, which was
drawing the most corrupt and selfish material from the Democratic
into the so-called loyal party of the country. Fanaticism had at
length become profltable ; and it was not unusual to And men
M'ho had figured as conspicuous friends of p)eace and compromise,

*It is not meant, however, to assert that all the reflecting men deserter! ,
the Republican patty ; but that many did so is undeniable. Interest and
other motives detained sagacious men in the Republican party who couid
not be ranked as Abolitionists.

870 A REVIEW OF THE

turn out to be the most blatant advocates of the war and Southern
6ubju^:ition.

Wlieu the time approached that candidates should be selected
for a Chief Magistrate of the United States to succeed Abraham
Lincoln, the two parties of the country had become more dia-
metrically antagonistic than had ever before been witnessed in
tlie country. The boiling caldron of war had stirred society to
its foundation ; and its sedimentary dregs that heretofore had
remained quiescent, were cast to the surface, and were exerting
an influence not felt on former like occasions. The enthusiastic
mob, the fanatical agitators, and the intolerant clergy of the
North, found themselves in the so-called Republican party, which
Avas bent upon crushing out all resistance to the Federal despot-
ism reared by them ; and against these were arrayed the calm,
considerative classes, who could only see destruction to free gov-
ernment in the policy and movements of the party that sustained
the war and its further prosecution.

Kever in the history of the country did the people's govern-
ment exhibit itself in such odious features. Its like had alone
been seen during the dark and bloody epoch of the French revo-
lution. The preservation of republicanism had ever, to thinking
men, seemed problematical ; and the old Federal Union was
believed to have afforded the most perfect illustration of a repre-
sentative Republic which w^as anywhere to be found upon the
globe. But all through the representative system of the American
Union, a necessary substratum of intellectual and cultivated
society, from the formation of the Constitution, had firmly held
the helm of State ; and cautiously guided it amidst the rocks
and quicksands of social disorder, upon which like forms of gov-
ernment had been wrecked. An intelligent and polished class of
society existed in the Southern States, from the peculiar race
subordination of that section, which produced a succession of
clear-headed statesmen, in whose estimation honor and integity
formed guiding stars. The plan of the Federal Union itself was
the conception of these eminent men ; ami its unclouded pros-
perity, until 18C0, was owing to the influence they exerted in the
maintenance of order and the repression of corru])tion.

l>ut, whilst Southern statesmen formed a Union with slavery,
it remained as the task of the intelligence of Xcw England and
the Xorth to form a more perfect Union, where men of all

POUTICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. S77

races slioiild bo equal, botli socially and politically. Northern
fanaticism, by means of the free school system, conceived this to
be attainable, although in direct contravention to all anterior po-
litical philosophy. Sound reason would rather have dictated a
method of instruction, which would render each individual bet-
ter Utted for the task and station of society, for which God and
nature had chosen him ; for the statesman and the religious pre-
ce]-)tor, the highest grade of moral and scholastic culture, but for
him chosen to fill the humble walks of life, the plainest elements
of knowledge.

Human equality was first promulgated by the Redeemer of
men, in a sjDiritual sense, and by Thomas Jefferson, in the
Declaration of Independence, as the deduction of the thought of
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries* in an ethical and
philosophical sense ; yet contradistinguished from a natural and
political sense. For no man of the keen sagacity, and intuition of
the Virginia statesman wouldhavebeen willing to stultify himself
in the eyes of the scientific and philosophical world by asserting
what his unclouded reason must have assured hini was untrue, viz ;
That all men are created equal ; as he could not but see that all
men are created unequal, intellectually, physically and politically.
The Ilyder Alis and Pontiacs of their times are born unequal to
any of their subjects ; and though devoid of all save nature's
education, exert a political power that their innate superiority
alone accord them. Could it be proven tliat the author of the
declaration meant to teach the entire equality of men, he would
forever stand in the light of reason and common sense, as the
purest demagogue that ever attempted to delude mankind. Such
a conclusion is not, however, to be assumed, without the clearest
evidence to sustain it. Natural and political inequality obtains
amongst all men, because of the original endowment of creation ;
and it docs not disappear in a representative republican govern-
ment, when it is abstractly said, that all men arc born equal.
Democratic equality is purely speculative, and brings to the great
body of the people no greater power than the same class enjoy
under a monarchy. Power in an inertial condition, inheres, it is
true, in the mass of societj^, but like the human body, it is ever
exerted by the head of the body politic, those possessing the capacity

*.Speech of R. M. T. Kunter, at the University of Virginia, on the 30th
of Jane, lyOo, p. 10.

C73 A r.EVTEW OF THE

to direct the social org-anism. It is so in all society, nionarcliical,
aristocnitical and deuiocnitical; and tliis was as clearly seen by
Aristotle, the philosopher, over two thousand years ago, as at the
present day. Jhit for the men whose thought controls conitnu-
nities, eternal anarchy would reign. Political power is simply
the effort of intellect directing society ; and a few thinkers per-
form the task in every subdivision of government. The very
superior minds control the aggregated whole of society, and the
body of voters exert no more authority than the same number in
the purest despotism of Asia. All the i:)eople can have, is the
liberty for each individual to HU up and enjoy the full measure
of his being. Good government does not depend, therefore,
upon the general intelligence of the masses, but upon the supe-
rior intellect, culture an.d virtue of the few, who are by nature
fitted for rulers.

The lirst successful effort of the abolitionized North, inde-
pendent of the cultured South, to select a President, had resulted
in a concession to the equalizing ideas of that section. Instead
of au erudite, high-toned and honorable scholar, a tricky, jocular,
village politician of mediocre capacity, was chosen to till the seat
that the most eminent citizens and educated Statesmen alone had
heretofore graced. A boorish President was acceptable to parti-
sans, who believed in the full equality of all men ; and, although
men are necessitated to qualify themselves for the ordinary avo-
cations of life, a rail-splitter and flat boatman was deemed equally
as competent for President of the United States, as the most
acute logician and tinished Statesman. Indeed, it may be
averred, as a political axiom, that modern fanaticism can neither
produce nor secure the services of a Statesman of Ilaniiltoniar^
or Websterian calibre. This declaration tinds support, wlicn
reference is made to the class of men elevated by the i'e\-olu-
tionary party to Congress, and to other governmental trusts.
Charles J. Ingersoll, a modern thinker, says :

'♦ We know, and only a great public change can account for it, that in
the Revolution of 1776, a country of some three millions of people pro-
duced illustrious men ; and in that of 18C0 the same country, ten times as
populous, did not produce one." *

The unnatural, equalizing tendency of the Pepublican party,
havin"- originally secured a President of ordinary ability and low

* Fears for Democracy, p. V21-2.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. S79

tastes, and a Congress likewise of nearly the same grade ; it was
not to be expected that higher aspirations would guide the party
in 1864 ; inasmuch as the whole social structure was in a condi-
tion of turbulence and revolution. But, common and revolu-
tionary a^5 Abraham Lincoln had exhibited himself during his
administration, he yet lacked some of the qualities that were
considered at that tiuie desirable to be possessed by the President
of the United States, lie did not have the lightning celerity of
movement, and that utter disregard of the whole spirit of the
Constitution which the radicals desired. His common sense
assured him that too great haste sj^oils the work / and he waited
to see the currents of opinion, before too clearly disclosing his
own views. The radicalism of the President was intense, in the
highest degree ; but he caused it to be tempered with a greater
degree of caution than the extreme revolutionists desired.

In pursuance of a movement inaugurated, in the winter of
1863-4, a convention of extreme radicals, who were opposed to
the re-nomination of Abraham Lincoln, for President, met at
Cleveland, May 31st, 1864 ; and after the adoiDtion of a platform
of principles, named John C. Fremont, as their candidate for the
Presidential Chair. And in order, the more fully, to place them-
selves, in direct opposition to the President's policy, they an-
nounced the doctrine, that the reconstruction of the Southern
States, was a question for the consideration of Congress, rather
than the Federal Executive. The extreme revolutionary charac-
ter, of the sentiments of the members of this convention, was
also displaj^ed in the endorsement of the jDrincipleof conjfiscatino-
the lands of the rebels, regardless of law and the express words
of the Constitution. In this convention, Thaddeus Stevens
Charles Sumner, and men of theirrevolutionarj^prineiples, if true
men, should have been found, either in person, or by letters.
Being deceivers however, they waited the assemblino- of another
convention, which feared to avow, what its real leaders intended
to carry into execution.

Great numbei^ of the radicals, no doubt, strongly sympatln'zed
with the Cleveland convention movement ; and wished it success
but were too timid, openly to commit themselves to it. They
altogether doubted that it could accomplish any potent result
inasmuch as the popular current in the Eepublican party scorned
too strong in favor of Abraham Lincoln to be diverted from him

880 A REVIEW OF THE

by any effort that could be made. They surmised correctly, for
the Cleveland Convention scarcely produced more than a passing
ripple upon the surface. The President had a large army of
subordinates, who were all interested in his re-noniinatiou ; and
besides his skillful knowledge of the politician's art had enabled
him to a]>pear before the country as the man of all others, who
•was believed to be fitted to carry his party onwards to victory.
His own remark, that it is never safe to change horses in crossing
a stream, served to coin an impress upon the public mind that
was now craftily utilized by him.

The Republican politicians assembled at Baltimore, June Tth,
1SG4, to make Presidential nominations for their party, and
auK.ngst these Thaddeus Stevens appeared as a delegate to the
convention. And, in order to appear consistent before the
countrv, in view of the contemplated plan of reconstruction,
which was now the kernel of radical policy, Mr. Stevens strove
to the utmost of his power to exclude all delegates to the con-
vention from any of the rebel States. " lie declared that he
had never recognized Virginia as being in the Union, since she
passed the Ordinance of Secession ; and the applause which had
greeted the delegates from those States that had spoken in the
convention to-day, was to him a more dangerous element than
armed rebels in the field."* In spite of the commoner's pro-
test, the delegates from Tennessee, Louisiana and Arkansas, were
admitted to seats in the convention, and accredited the full priv-
ileo-es of members from other States.

The Republican representatives in the Baltimore Convention,
announced their platform as demanding the unconditional aband-
onment of all resistance to the Government, without any tender
of compromise, and that slavery should no longer be tolerated by
the Federal authorities as an institution of the country ; the
Emancipation Proclamation of the President, and the employ-
ment of African soldiers were also approved by the party leaders.
An amendment to the Constitution was likewise recommended,
so as finally to put an end to slavery in all of the States. But^
althoufh President Lincoln had made the subject of reconstruc-
tion tiie capital topic of his message in December, ISCS, and,
although his plan was already scouted and derided by a large
section of his party, a cowardly hypocritical silence was main-

*New York M'orld, June 8th, 18G4.

rOIJTICAL CONFLICT IN AlMERTCxV. 381

tai'ned upon this most important point. Tliis was the cardinal
qnestion of the time, wliicli underlay all others, and which tread-
ing- cloGe on the heels of military success, was first in the order
of importance. It especially deserved to he unfolded by honest
men, who desire nothing but the advancement of justice. The
truth, however, was that the Republicans were so divided on this
subject, that any attempt to define a policy would have cleft the
party asunder, and fixed a great gul])!! between the two seg-
ments, the %varm adherents of Lincoln, and the Stevens and
Sumner extremists.

The nomination of Abraham Lincoln, as Robert Breckenridge,
the temporary Chairman of the Baltimore Convention substan-
tially expressed it, was une fait accompli^ even before the
assembling of that body. It simply registered tlie pa^ty determi-
nation, as it had generally been arranged and understood through-
out the ISTorth ; inasmuch as no other candidate could be substi-
tuted, who would so heartily unite all classes of Republicans in
his support. Being a man of no positive ideas, he could permit
his opinions to be shaped to suit the j)opular gale. lie, there-
fore, admirably suited as the Presidential foot-ball to be played
by the revolutionists, who could propel him in whatever direction
they chose. A man of fixed principles was by no means a
suitable instrument of the existing emergency. Besides, Abra-
ham Lincoln had the sobriquet of ^' honesV '-^ appended to his
name, which was well calculated to catch the unthinking herd of
voters.

The nomination of a candidate for Vice-President, vv^as a mat-
ter that likewise called for shrewdness at the hands of the Re-
publican managers in the Baltimore Convention. Three men
of early democratic faith — Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, Han-
nibal Hamlin, of Maine, and Daniel S. Dickinson, of IS'ew York
— were the prominent candidates for this position. The first
named of these received the endorsement of the convention, in
the face of the protest of Tliaddeus Stevens, who saw in the

*Dr. Orestes Brownson, the clear-headed thinker and pIiiloso])her, him-
self a member of the Republican party, had the sagacity to perceive
wliat the title of '■'lionef^t" in American politics indicates. In a speech
maile by him, June 3Tth, 18G1. he remarked that he had no confidence in
any man wiio liad the appendage of '"honest" to hi-^ name, as ho will in-
variably be found to be '"a cunning man, a canny man, a foxy man."'
He also added, " There is not a more cunning man in this country than
Abraham Lincoln." — New York World, June 2Sth, 1804.

3S3 A REVIEW OF THE

nomination of this candidate a stab at liis favorite tlieory of re-
coiistructiun. But the vahiable services to the cause of aboH-
tionisui, rendered by the Mihtary Governor of Tennessee, could
not be overlooked by party manipulators, who more highly
prized the ignoble surrender of life cherished principles than the
manly performance of honorable duty. This nomination was
but in keeping with the promotion of Callicott* and others of
like antecedents, who were rewarded in proportion to the low
obeisance they had made to the corrupt beast of infamy that had
been set up for universal homage.

The selection of rulers by universal suffrage, to govern man-
kind, is a republican process. It is the result of znodern thought,
in opposition to the principles of monarchy ; and designed to
bestow upon all classes of men as large an amount of liberty and
power as may be compatible with moral and governmental in-
teo-rity. Philosophical reflection, in its desire for the elevation
of o-encral humanity, up to the period of the French revolution,
had concurred in the justice of the effort to equalize men as
much as possible in their social and political relations. The boil-
ino-, however, of the French caldron, upset the hopes of many
calm European thinkers in the capacity of man for self-govern-
ment* and from that period absolutism in the old world has
been surrounding itself with strong barriers, so as to prevent
further outbreaks of incendiary madness and lawless revolution.

But the Federal Union was the product of mod.'rn thought, as
it was molded prior to the French revolution. This Confederacy,
liavin'T been early grasped from the hands of the monarchical
faction, that for a time controlled it ; under the administrations
of wise rulers it was rendered the model republic of both the
ancient and modern world. The extraordinary prosperity which
it enjoyed under the principles of Democracy, was because wis-
dom kept in harmony the complicated machinery of the whole
svstem, based upon tacit, universal consent. During all this
time, the turbulent, lawless and fanatical elemxnts of society,
were kept in due subordination by that succession of wise and
eminent Statesmen who stepped to the helm of Government in
1800, and held the ship steady for sixty years. But the violent

*Salinon P. Chase appointed ex-Speaker Callicott to official position,
little doubt in consideration of his base desertion of democratic priiici-
plos.— iVcio York World, April 2oth, IbOi.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 883

rocking of tlie vessel began almost instantaneously to sliow itself
"vvitli the departure of the great hehnsnien, Clay, Webster and
Calhoun. The false doctrine of equality had become so impressed
upon the popular mind, that witli the retirement of these dis-
tinguished Statesmen, nearly every newspaper reader conceived
himself as equally competent to rule the nation as the electsd
representatives of the people. Free schools in the ]S"orth had
done their fancied work ; they had educated a nation of States-
men ; and the millennial days of freedom were yet in store for
the republic,

AVith such thoughts, the Xorthern j)eople having originally
elevated Abraham Lincoln to the Pi'esidency, not because of his
intellectual superiority, but because of his representing the ruling
sentiments of his section ; it was uot to be expected that another
than he or his like, would be the Presidential nominee of the
Kspublican party in ISGl. Heason had be^n discomlite 1 in the
election of ISGO, and being fully dethroned, was in banishment
in 18G4. Popular election being the mode during pacific times,
which wise men in State and Federal compacts had agreed upon
for the choice of rulers, to whom the reins of power were to be
entrusted, would this same method promote liberty and equity
when these Constitutions were overthrown, and a period of dis-
order had seized tlie country ?

Such was the condition of affairs, when Lincoln and Johnson
were nominated at Baltimore, as candidates for President and
Vice-President of the L^nited States. Republican success in ISGO,
was due to the political prostitution of former Whig and Demo-
cratic leaders to the abolitionized sentiments of the North, alrcad/
pregnant with revolution and constitutional downfall. But as
the pretended foes of slavery extension, and the courtiers of
popular opinions, had been exalted to high seats in the temple of
Mammon, was it probable tint in 1804, the}' would abandon
their seats, after having caused hundreds of thousands of
deluded soldiers to be drowned in seas of blood and carnajrc,
to sustain the non-compromise policy of knaves and madmen.
Again, the party that had grasped power in ISGO, under
the watchwords of economy and reform, was now necessi-
tated to defend, not the annual expenditure of seventy mil-
lions of dollars for the support of the Government, but of
one thousand millions. Delightful economists and i-'eformcrs in

SCI A REVIEAV OF THE

truth ! The party also, tluit had tlirongh the thousands of utter-
ances of its leaders, proclaimed that no danger was to he appre-
hended from the secession of the Southern States, was now
compelled to face an unsuhdned rebellion of near four years
duration. And the men who came into power vituperating and
vilifying Democratic Administrations as having been dishonestly
conducted, were since their advent to place, busily engaged in
rearing a pagoda of fraud, iniquity and corruption, such as tlie
civilized world had never before contemplated.

The Republican party, altliough boasting itself of its Christian
designs and moral purposes, was the great destroyer of princii)le
amongst the American people. Its organization rested upon
the perversion of man's moral nature, the basis of which is
truth. Its secret, but unavowed objects, had attracted to its
folds, the inlidel clergy and statesmen of the North, whose
numbers are legion and whose God is humanity. The party from
its ori'-in, was the emboa'ment of conscious untruth in pretend-
ino- tiiat its only object war. to prevent the extension of slavery
into free territory ; whereas, from its organization, it aimed at
the complete extirpation of the institution, even where it had a
constitutional existence. The personal liberty bills also had been
enacted upon the pretence that these were for tlie protection of the
citizens of the free States ; yet, the sole object of these, though
violating the Constitution, was to prevenl. the return of fugitive
slaves. During the war again, the Ttopublican party pretended
to reo-ard the emancipation of the slaves as a militarv necessitv,
when in truth it only meant to take advantage of tlu; war to
accomplish its original object. It also pretended to regard
Democrats as traitors ; but this was assumed simply to render
them odious, and drive them from power. This method of ostra-
cism, proved indeed a valuable aid to the revolutionists. During
the whole war, indeed, falsehood colored the utterances of the
Eepublican press, so as to delude the people concerning the pro-
♦n-ess and movements of the national arms. Oatlis were not
bindino- upon the consciences of the President, Cabinet Ministers,
Senators or Congressmen, who subscribed to a higher law than
the Constitution, riighted faith 'was no longer required to be
observed, according to the principles of those who sought by all
means the eradication of the hated Southern institution. From
the head of the nation, therefore, to the lowest party subaltern,

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 885

almost, deception and fraud were employed to further the cause
for wliicli war had been made against the South. These and
other influences necessarily germinated the festering corruption
and demoralization, that arose all over the North in gigantic
forms, after the installation of the Republican party ; and which
threatened to bury humanity in a night of universal gloom.

But the deluge had come ; the foundations of the great deep
of society were broken up, and constitutional ruin and prostration
were everywhere visible. The anarchical mob of the Xorth was
ruling the nation, both in the Cabinet and upon the field. The
Baltimore Convention was its selection, and the candidates its
ch(jice. Law, liberty and order were subordinated to the dictates
of fanatical propagandism and revolutionary freedom. And it
even militated nothing adversely to Abraham Lincoln, the favor-
ite of the social dregs, that he had the courage at length to avow
his infamous conduct in violating the Federal Constitution. In
his letter of April Gtli, 186^, to Colonel Hodges, he said :

" I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become law-
ful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution,
through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this
ground, and now avow it."

Society being at this time, in a condition almost of chaotic
anarchy and tumultuous disorder, public opinion was no fair
index of the intelligent reflection of the reasoning classes, who
must always guide the ship of government, or ruin invariably
ensues. And as occurred in the French revolution, in the change
of attitude by Mirabcau, La Fayette and others, the thoughtful
men of the North, who could descry the maelstrom of social
overthrow that the vessel of State was approaching, left (as
before remarked) the Eepublican party in considerable numbers,
after the commencement of the war ; but for every one of this
character that deserted the organization of fanaticism, two of an
opposite kind came to it from the Democracy, now likewise
become imbued with the spirit of revolution. A bitter partisan
press was all the time fanning the flames of hatred against the
South, and urging onwards the Northern armies to finish the
work of destruction in which they were engaged. The anti-war
Democrats were pointed out as sympathisers M'ith the Southern
rebels, who were drenching the fields of the Ilcpublic in tliebest
blood of its citizens, patriotically fighting in defence of the life

S8G A KEVIE^V OF THE

of the nation. The unrelleetini^ democrat, whose son had fallen
at ChancellorsNiHe or Gettty.sbiirg, was stirred to rag-e when told
that his party friends were opposed to the war against the peo-
ple's enemies. lie could not see that it was the wicked refusal
of the llepublican leaders to compromise the dithculties with the
Southern people, which had impelled the sections into deadly
conflict, and the same which had pruloiiged it, and flooded the
land with blood.

In tliis state of sentiment, there existed but little probability
that the Democrats could do more than protest against the acts
and policy of the Administration party. But that they should
resist, was in the nature of things ; for do nut all oppose those
injuring them, if they have the power to do so I The Democratic
party perceived that war was anti-republican and suicidal to the
principles of free government ; and they should have been false
to the instincts of humanity not to have expressed their disap-
probation of a further prosecution of the war. Accordingly, on
the 29th of August, 18GJ:, the National Convention of this party
assembled in Chicago, and resolved in favor of a cessation of
hostilities, in order that peace and the Union might iiltimately be
restored by pacitic remedies. xVnd as the dictate of reason and
true republican sentiment, this resolution must ever stand justi-
fied before the world and the intelligence of coming ages.

The large umjority of the members of this convention, were
decided peace men, and made hut little concealment of their
views. But a portion of the delegates viewed the platform as
entirely too strong a committal in favor of peace ; and to coun-
terbalance this, they insisted upon the expediency of nominating
a war Democrat, as the party candidate for the Presidency. The
name of (Jeueral George B. McClellan was presented to the con-
vention, amidst great applause ; and being known to be veiy
popular with the masses of the party, he received the nomina-
tion. This candidate was, however, by no means the choice of
the avowed peace men, and was accepted by them with considerable
reluctance. Could the reverse of that have been expected, when
the peninsular hero's participation in the illegal arrest of the
Maryland Legislature was as yet unforgotten. George II. Pen-
dleton, a peace man, was settled by this convention as the Demo-
cratic candidate for Vice-President.

General McClcllan's letter of acceptance had the effect of

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMEEICA. 387

deadening Democratic enthusiasm in his support. The military
cliieftain carried las martial autocracy with him in liis letter
accej)ting the nomination ; and laid down an interpretation of
the platform of his party which was agreeable to himself. But
liis letter evinced a base truckling to the corrupted war sentiment
of the Xorth ; and the party should at once have repudiated liim
as its nominee, and selected a true representative of Democratic
principles, who could have aroused warm enthusiasm in his suj3-
l^ort. There were indeed mutterings heard ; but the Democracy
liad become too far demoralized under the guidance of selfish
leaders to be capable of bold action. There were yet Spartan
bands in its ranks in abundance, but competent leaders -were
wanting to unite and lead them to victory, or even honorable
defeat.

But even the apparent united array of the old party, that had
so long borne victory upon its banners, was terrifying to the
enemy. A closing up of ranks was at once ordered. Fremont
and his retiring followers deemed it also prudential to return to
the fold in order that fanaticism united, might be able to grapple
with the common foe. The campaign was short and spirited
upon one side alone. Genuine enthusiasm was lacking in the
breasts of the Anti-war Democracy. The candidate was tar-
nished in the eyes of true men, having fought the battles of the
wicked despotism that was overthrowing the liberties of the
country.

The Republican leaders, on the contrary, were buoyant with en-
thusiasm in anticipation of the victory of might over right. The
legions of infidelity, malice and rapine, were moving their serried
columns to the battle that was to crown them victors over equity and
plighted compact. The spirit of intuition api^eared to the Den\o-
cratic freemen of the North, and audibly whispered in their tents,
before the onset began, " / will meet the at Phillippi.''^ On
November 8th, ISGi, the battle was fought, and constitutionalism
was prostrated upon the "Western continent.

Abraham Lincoln was again elected President, carrying tlie
electoral vote of every State considered in the Union, except
three — New Jersey, Delaware and Kentucky. Over four hun-
dred thousand of a popular majority endorsed his election. The
anarchical mob-spirit of the North had again triumphed over
reason and reflection ; and the party, which was regardless of

388 A REVIEW OF THE

law and order, had anew seized the hehn of Government. Tlie
exhausted yoiith of the South, now alone stayed the oppressor's
advance. Should their resistance at length be fully overcome,
the Juggernaut of Northern incendiary fanaticism, wouhT then
roll its hideous figure over the prostrate form of constitutional
government.

rOLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 380

CHAPTER XXI V

FANATICISM TRIUMPHS.

The tide of warfare and invasion still continued to swell, and
was rapidly submerging in a sea of blood, section after section of
the Southern States. The available military strength from the
old Dominion to Texas, had been conscripted to repel the hated
Yankee invaders ; the chivalric armies of defense were greatly
reduced in numbers, and still further melting away in daily colli-
sions with the enemy ; and no avenues now remained open that
promised replenishment to the rapidly exhausting Confederacy-
The spirit and courage that had shown themselves upon a hun-
dred battle-fields were yet unconquei*ed, but the rolling waves of
fresh levies from the North were advancing with steady move, and
promised to j)rostrate in a general overthrow the still struggling
remnants of the Southern armies. Cut off from the outside
world, the Confederate defensive strength must alone be raised
upon their own soil, and their armies replenished from their own
citizens.

The American sectional struggle, bemg the commencement
upon the "Western Continent of the great battle of Communism
with capital and stable government, the Red Republicans of the
old world lent all their influence to the cause of the revolution-
ists, throwing their weight into the abolition scale by enlisting
themselves in tens of thousands in the ISTorthern armies. Europe
imported its exuberant sans cidotte population uj^on our shores ;
fanaticism turned the negro slaves of the South into conscripting
fields; and from these two sources, the ISTorthern military strength
in a large measure was steadily replenished. But the conquest
of the Southern rebels had not taken place in sixty days, as had
been promised. The negroes of the South now proved a valua-
ble reserve, upon which the war party of the North could fall
back, and red republicanism also arose in demand to assist in tlio

SOO A REVIEW OF THE

completion of the -^-ork that luid at first been sneered at as a
matter of insi<^-niticaiife.

That aboHtionism and communism should have united in our
sectional struggle, was altogether natural, inasmuch as they had
like aspirations, being sisters of a common patronage. Both
followed the movement of modern free thought, which for ages
had desired to reach in governmental spheres, the practical equali-
zation of humanity. To strive, however, for full human equality
was to endeavor to remove what the inscrutable wisdom of Diety,
for certain reasons, had implanted in nature. And those who
did so, influenced by logical reasoning, were they for the most
part, who were unwilling to recognize the existence of a Supremo
Creator and ruler of men ; and their desire was to remove all the
inequalities, which the creative mind had left upon the face of
universal being. They were those who officiously set themselves
lip as wiser than the Divine Lawgiver, and as competent to rec-
tify the work of Ilis hands.

Freedom itself has bepn the conception of the philosophical
thought of the world ; and an attribute of those alone who have
been able to comprehend and enjoy it. It has been the birth-
right of the few in all ages and countries ; and so will it ever
remain. The great mass of mankind are born either tyrants or
slaves, both being endowed with like characteristics. For the
slave becomes the most unrelenting task-master, when circum-
stances have elevated him from his former menial condition ;
and the tyrant, in turn, readily sinks to a state of servitude,
when reverses of fortune have overtaken him. It is only he
whom nature has endowed with the principles of freedom, who
stubbornly resists the condition of slavery, in which his birth
may have placed him ; and who makes incessant effort to relieve
himself from the chains of bondage. The great bulk of man-
kind do not realize the bondage of their creation ; and hence
thay make no effective effort to relieve themselves from it.
Freedom does not consist in being relieved from the necessity of
manual labor, but in the right to think, speak and act as a moral
intelligence. Esop and Epictetus, the philosophers, were free
men, though occupying the condition of slavery. He alone is a
free man, whom his moral and intellectual qualities make free.
And he is one, again, who o!ily asks from others what he would
be willing to extend were circumstances changed j but seeing the

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AIMERICA. 301

inequality implanted npon the face of creation, Avifdoni admon-
ishes him to permit the laws of destiny to remain un{j[uestioned
as they are fixed.

Free government, likewise being the prodnct of philosophical
tlionght, has hitherto sunk, because too large a j)i"oportion of
mankind have ever permitted themselves to be made the slaves
of designing tyrants, who care alone for their own promotion
and success. The ancient Republics of Greece and Home disap-
peared, because their freemen were too few in numbers to defend
them against the natural foes of their existence. Centralization,
the antipodal force to freedom, from the origin of government,
has been active and has always succeeded in submera-ino- free
institutions in the abyss of despotism. During the middle ages,
also, the Teutonic intellect succeeded in establishing free repub-
lics and an enlargement of freedom in different parts of Europe ;
but all these were overthrown in the centralizing movements
that reared absolute monarchies in France, Spain, Eiiii;land and
elsewhere, about the close of the fifteenth century. The tyrants
pretended to enlarge the liberties of the lov;er classes, in order
to entice them to their support ; and by means of the aid thus
obtained they were enabled to prostrate freedom in one common
ruin, and ride in triumph over those "whose services they had so
treacherously subsidized.

And in the alliance between abolitionism and the communistic
element of Europe, free government in the Western world w\as
again assailed by enemies who appeared in the habiliments of Con-
federates. These foes stood forth as the friends of freedom and
universal humanity; and professed the most sincere love for
America- and her institutions. The attitude, however, which
these assumed, clearly demonstrated that their zeal outstrippin<'-
their wisdom, rendered them like Matthison and John of Leyden,
the enemies of social order and constitutional law ; and that their
efforts to extend freedom beyond its natural limits, would in the
end turn out to be labor in vain and purely abortive. And worse
than this would follow, as it was perceived, that tliese snper-
serviceable efforts would prove the suicidal, and destroy eveu
liberty of those worthy of it ; and as had happened in other
ages, aid in centralizing all the power of the government, and
ultimately lead to the establishment f)f an empire wliere the peace-
ful and prosperous Republic of America had flourished.

G33 A REVIEW OF THE

«

A tendency to cen*:ralization, as before observed, had existed
from the ori^-in of the Federal Union ; and it was one, whieh of
all others, distinguished the Federal party and its successors from
their o})ponent, through all the periods of our history. Against
this trait of Federalism, the Democratic party early arrayed
itself, and steadfastly adhered to this position ; and, although it
was the party of the humble classes, and the one wliich might
have been suj)posed most likely to sympathize in all efforts to
elevate mankind ; yet comprising in its ranks a body of philosoph-
ical thinkeri, whom principle alone detained, it was not strange
that it ever remained the Constitutional party of the country,
which was opposed to all useless aims of fanatical zeal. The
Democratic party was indeed, from its origin, the exponent of
the most enlarged freedom of which men are capable. It was
the one that made our country the home of the oppressed of all
nations, and which strove by means of constitutional law to
aiiord them all the means by which they might uninterrui^tedly
work out their own destiny. It, however, never accepted the •
theory uf the universal equality of all races of men. But Cau-
casian equality, in a certain sense, having been the established
theory upon which tlie government was framed, this was accepted
as the embodiment of the largest practical liberty that was attain-
able. The Democratic was, therefore, simply the Constitutional
party of the nation.

Having been such, then, rather than a sans culotte Democracy^
v.'hich its name might have implied; when the fanatical and rev-
olutionary element of the country had developed itself to streufth,
and, like the tyrants of Europe, sought to subvert the funda-
mental theory of government, under the hypocritical cry of
universal Democracy, it was natural that the party of Jefferson
should stand by the constitutional institutions of the Republic.
It thus exhibited itSLlf as consistent with its early record, and
opposed to the destructive principles of fanaticism and com-
munism ; both of which ever lie in wait for the overthrow of all
established government when an opportunity presents itself.
The uneasy, agitating and revolutionary elements of Europe,
led by Victor Hugo, Garibaldi, and others of hke character, were
very naturally, therefore, in sympathetic accord with American
fanaticism. The British Red Republican classes were so grati-
fied with the re-election of Abraham Lincoln, that a large body

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA.- 393

of tlicm in a letter, promptly congratulated the successful can-
didate upon his political success.

Fanaticism in America, fortified as it was, therefore, in the
affections of the unreflecting millions of Europe, was a force of
nearly invincible power. It is ever such in its nature, being
propelled by the emotions rather thai\ by the reason of mankind.
What else furnished the crusaders the material, that prolonged
for centuries their struggles for the conquest of the holy land 1
The thirty years' war of Germany was inspiritea by that evei
living principle of the human breast ; and the blood that ilowed
on Saint Bartholomew's night, and which moistened the soil of
France, Spain and the JSTetherlands for ages, was slied by this
active enemy of human repose. Did not, indeed, leading Abo-
litionists openly declare that nothing could justify the flooding
of American fields with crimson gore, except the principle which
had produced the war ? And what was that principle, as they
themselves confessed it, but that urging of the equality of
all mankind ? In behalf of this, then, European and American
fanatics were united. This union could not, therefore, be but
almost omnipotent and resistless.

Fanaticism was the ruling force during the middle ages, and
down to the peace of Westphalia. But philosophic reason rose
to the helm about this period. The principles of Des Cartes and
Bacon, taught men that when two religious parties of antago-
nistic principles live in the same country, it is the dictate of wis-
dom, that the one do yield to the other, so far as that they can
live together in peace, rather than in a state of perpetual war-
fare. It was perceived that conquering a people does not lead
to the change of their opinions, but rather intensities them in
their former notions. Fanatical and religious wars disappeared
as the consequence of such views, from the face of Europe ; and
the adjudication of questions of this nature, was remitted to the
forum of reason and sound luclgment. The peace of Munster
inaugurated in government the era of religious .oleration.
Compromise, from this period, settled what before had been re-
ferred to the arbitrament of arms.

But as Christianity, the religion of peace, haa been i)erverted
by fanaticism into one of enthusiastic zeal and bloodshed, so was
the philosophy of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
changed by the like influence into revolution and governmental

394 A. REVIEW OF THE

rnin. The same classes of men who, upon the religions arena,
had converted the divine love of the master into bloody fervor,
now entered the department of social life, and corrupted the
principles of pure thought in the furnace of the French revolu-
tion. Excessive zeal and fanatical ardor, threatened during this
eventful period^ to overturn all sound government in an abyss of
social destruction ; and it was simply owing to the sagacious wis-
dom of European Statesmen, that the current of fanaticism, now
found in the new channel, was able to be successfully stemmed.
The stream of fury, crime and madness was at length stopped,
but numerous lessons were written by the hand of destiny for
the editication of future ages.

Fanaticism ever pcrfoims acts of kindred character. Doing
the bidding of emotion, it never consults reason, and hence its
work is hastily and imperfectly executed. Being the quality of
feminine minds, it moves without the guidance of retlectivc
thou-dit, which is needed to direct human action. American ab-
olitionism being of like quality with other fanaticisms, its move-
ments in the war against the South must likewise be similar.
And so indeed did it show' itself. Having refused all tenders of
amicable settlement and compromise between the sections, before
the outbreak of hostilities, it was not to be supposed these pa-
cific modes would be embraced after the demon of battle had lit
up the flames of sectional strife. Death must continue his work
of destruction, or the zeal of the invaders would not be satislied.
Instead of terms of adjustment being considered, the car of rev-
olution pressed onwards to its flnal goal

Sherman's invading hosts, by means of fire and sword, cut
their way through South Carolina and Georgia ; and Columbia,
the c<'^.pitol of the Spartan State of the Southern Confederacy,
€unk amidst the cracking of hostile flames and the bombs of
Korthern artillerists. The shade of the brave Count Pulaski,
from his honored monumental summit in the City of Savannah,
was next compelled to view the old flag of the Republic, carried
as a despot's banner, for which ignoble service the heroic Pole,
in his devotions to constitutional liberty, had never consecrated it.
Torn up railroads, burnt bridges, and plundered residences,
-:arked the path of General Stoneman and his followers through
South-western Virginia and Western Xorth Carolina, Alabama
and V7cstern Gcoi'gia received rude experience in the severities

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN A^IERICA. 895

of vrar. Captured cities and the remains of burned locomotives,
cars and cotton, attested tlie presence of Wilson and his raiders.
The beautiful and fertile valley of the Shenandoah, meandered
by the river of its own name, was made memorable in modern
warfare, because of the fiendish and Attilla-like destruction of
property by General Sheridan and his devastating soldiery. The
flouring mills and barns* of this large valley district of Virginia
were consumed in the flames of Federal atrocity, an act of bar-
barity that linds no parallel in the annals of civilized war. And
upon the flimsy pretext that a J^orthern engineer had been killed
by some unknown rebel, the Federal Haynau confesses that " all
the houses, w^ithin an area of five miles, w'ere burned." f
Destruction and desolation spread their ravages in all directions,
as the armies of the J^orth meandered in tortuous courses,
through the barren fields of the South; and the black and
smoking ruins that marked the invaders paths, presented sad
evidence of the love that held together in fraternal union the
Korthern and Southern people.

Whilst the blows which fanaticism dealt, were falling thick
and fast upon tho Southern Confederacy ; and whilst its walls
already breached, upon all sides, were showing unmistakable
signs of yielding to the assaults of the euemy, the valleys began
to resound with shouts of joy for the nearly grasped victory.
The mask that had so long been worn to conceal the object of
the war, was now laid aside by the boldest of the radical leaders.
George W. Julian, a Member of Congress from Indiana, in his
speech of February 8th, 18G5, boldly avowed that the designs of
his party never contemplated anything further in their war for

* General Sheridan reported the destruction effected by his soldiers, as
follows :

" In moving back to this point, the whole country from the Blue Ridge
to the North Mount lin, has been made untenantable for a rebel army.
I have destroyed over 2,000 barns filled with wheat and liaj^ and farming
implements, over seventy mills filled with flour and wheat ; liave driven
in front of the army over 4,000 head of stock, and have killed and issueJ
to the troops not less than 3,000 sheep. This destruction embraces tlie
Luray Valley and Little Fort Valley, as well as the main valley." —
Greeley's Conflict, Vol. 2, p. Gil.

f Horace Greeley, in his History of the American Conflict, Volume 2,
page 611, speaks as follows of the devastation of the Shenandoah Valley :

"It is not obvious that the national cause was advanced, or the national
prestige exalted, by this resort to one of the very liarshest and most
questionable expedients, not absolutely forbidden by the laws of civilized
warfare."

390 A REVIEW OF THE

the Union, expect their triumph for liuman ri<,'hts, that is tho
the emancipation of the negro race, and their elevation to equal,
social and political rights with the whites. Characterizing the
condict as a war of the people, he said :

"They (the people), expect that Congress will pass a bill for the con-
fiscation of tlie fee of rebel landholders, and ihey expect the President
will approve it. They expect that Congress will provide for the recon-
struction of the rebel States, by systematic legislation, which shall
guarantee republican governments to each of those States, and the com-
plete eHfranchinement of the ne<jro. * * * They expect that
Congress will provide for parcelling out the forfeited and confiscated
lauds of the rebels iu small homesteads, among the soldiers and seamen
of the war, as a fit reward for their valor, and a security against the
niinous monopoly of the soil in tlie South."

In the same speech Mr. Jtilian even admitted that " the whole
policy of the Administration had been revolutionized." But
this was an acknowledgment that would not have been made at
a much earlier period. It had hecn the standing accusation of
the Anti-war Democrats, but was steadil}^ resented by the men
themselves who had produced the revolution. Now, however,
when their hold of the Government for the next four years was
fully established, and when the rebellion Beemed to be nearing
its close, the men that had hitherto averred, in the most solemn
lano-uao-e, that the war was alone prosecuted for the defense of
the Union, could step forward, the success of their ideas bemg
assured, and confess their hypoci'isy and the deception that had
been practiced upon the country.

In the second session of the oSth Congress, fanatical hopes were
buoyant beyond what had before been witnessed. The Presi-
dential election that crowned the Republican party with victory ;
and had dispirited, in a corresponding measure, large numbers
of Democrats who felt that for the time being, their party was
utterly prostrated. The car of radical destruction had obtained
such velocity that it seemed to many as labor in vain to attempt
any longer to resist it. And when Representative Ashley on the
0th of January, 18G5, called up in the House his favorite joint
resolution to submit to the States, the Constitutional Amendment
abolishing slavery^ throughout the Union, several Democrats who,
in the former session of Congress, had opposed the Amendment,
now co-operated with the Republicans and gave it their support.
Those who now for the first time supported the measure, had

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 397

become fully convinced that tliono-li violative of tlie Constitution,
it would be iinally carried; and that longer resisting it would
be attended with no benetieial residts. And notwithstanding,
duty to principle and obedience to their oaths, demanded of all
sincere Democrats, that they defend with their votes the Federal
Constitution ; and that they allow the responsibility for its vio-
lation and overthrow to rest npon other shouldersthan their own.
After a heated controversy of three weeks on the floor of the
House, the joint resolution was adopted by 119 yeas to 56 nays.
"When this result was announced, fanatical zeal as it ever does,
burst all the barriers of order, and tilled the Hall of Congress
wath loud and continued demonstrations of joy. One historian,
himself a Republican, says : " IS^ever was such a scene before
witnessed in any legislative hall."*

At this session of Congress, the establishment of a Freedmen's
Bureau was considered. A measure of this character was found
necessary to be established, when the authority of the Southern
master had been broken by the Presidential edict ; and the negro
slaves set adrift as freemen. And the demand for governmental
protection came from the same classes of the people, who had
ever claimed for the negro the highest rights ; and that they
were fully competent to take care of themselves if freedom was
granted to them. The request for such a bureau came from the
Freedmen's Aid Societies of Boston, New York, Philadelphia
and Cincinnati ; ■end from men who were the most ardent friends
of emancipation and negro equality. As soon, however, as this
equality had been proclaimed by the Government, these same
people instinctively shrunk, as it were, from allowing the negro
unaided to make his future way through life. They were fully
conscious that he was incompetent to cope with the superior
white man in the struggle for existence, much as they had
boasted of his ability. But their emotional natures, driving them
without rudder or compass, they had looked to emanci2:)ation as
the long sought haven of hope ; and as soon as this had been
reached, a gleam of reason seemed to signify to them that
the freed African was incompetent to retain, if left to him
self, what he hal grasped. George H. Pendleton, of Ohio, when
this matter had been discussed, at the former session of Congress,

*Bairett's life of Abraham Lincoln, p. G8G.

093 A REVIEW OF THE

turned the argument against the ALulitionists in the following

words :

'•Nor need I remind gentlemen, that this A'ery difficulty was frequently
foretold, that the incapacity of the negro to take care of liimself, was
often alkided to, and tliat you always ridiculed the idea. What will you
do with the negro when you sliall have emancipated him? was fre-
quently asked ; and as often your virtuous indignation boiled over at the
bare intimation that he was not thoroughly competent to take care of
himself."*

The Freedmen's Bureau Bill was the subject of a long and
heated discussion in both Houses of Congress. It was contended
by those opposed to the measure," that the Constitution con-
ferred no authority upon the General Government to establish
such a bureau of African affairs ; but it was become necessary,
that stronger arguments should be urged against the passage of a
bill, than its unconstitutionality. The faction whose aim was
resisted by that instrument of compact, was not likely to heed
arguments drawn from it. This was particularly so now, when
the revolutionists believed that they were about to triumph in
the near future over the armed combattants of tl^e Sf^ath. Some
of the Eepublicans of both Houses, besides the Democrats,
opposed the passage of the Freedmen^s Bureau, as a measure not
contemplated within the purview of the General Government.
John P. Hale, of iS'ew Hampshire, and others, argued that as the
ne^ro was now freed, he should be left to manage his affairs to
the best of his ability. The measure, however, passed both the
Senate and House of llepresentatlves, and having received the
assent of President Lincoln, became a law March 2d, 1SG5.

The act embraced the management of the affairs of freedmen
refugees, and abandoned lands in the South. The bureau created
by it was attached to the AVar Department; and its friends,
doubtless wishing to excite no inquiry as to the expense that
would be required to sustain it, made no appropriation for carry-
ing out its purposes. But E. M. Stanton, the Secretary of War,
exhibited his humble obeisance to his masters ; and greatly en-
deared himself with them in the service he rendered their pro-
ject by his illegal action. He assigned army officers to take
charge of the new bureaus concerns, provided buildings for its
accommodation, and furnished the supplies required by requisi-
tions on the Quarter-Masters Department. By this method the

*fc>pLejh of March Ist, 18GL

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. SOS

expense needed to sustain the newly created bureau, could not
easily be known, as the War Department was able to cover the
whole with its ample wings.

The proceedings of the second session of the Thirty-eighth
Congress, evinced a spirit of malignity and vindictivenoss on the
part of the revolutionary men who shone conspicuous in those
bodies, that even supassed in intensity the worst exhibitions that
the war fury had as yet produced. Indeed, this spirit in a
measure animated the breasts of the war patriots from the com-
mencement of hostilities. Bloody conquest and destruction of
the Southern people, was the motto imprinted upon the banners
of the braves, led by the hyena captains of the North, and in-
spired by the infidel clergy of 'New England ; the hypocrites
who pretended to be the followers of the meek and lowly man
of JSJ^azareth ; but wdio were simply the exponents of the princi-
ples of A^oltaire, Condorcet and Kousseau, and visionary propa-
gandists of the murderous creed of the leaders of the French
revolution.

Universal extermination of the Southern whites, wholesale
seizure of their property, and its distribution amongst the eman-
cipated negro slaves, were the proclaimed doctrines of Stevens,
Wade, Sumner, and the other stars of the first magitude that
sparkled in the firmament of fanatical glory. Kather than com-
promise with traitoi*s, Thaddeus Stevens, early in the war, had
announced himself as willing " to see the Union shattered into
ten thousand fragnients.^^ One revolutionary scheme after
another had been from the first proposed in Congress by the
most violent of these men, all designed to destroy the Southern
whites and elevate barbarians to political equality with them. A
retroactive spirit, antipodal to the destructive, during the first
stages of the war, had the ability to hold the demoniac force in
more circumscribed bounds than the French Girondists had been
able to do, in the old world. The spirit was the same, however,
but no vast American city afforded equal opportunities for its
development, as existed across the waters.

The closing session of the Thirty-eighth Congress, supplemented
former acts of negro elevation, by opening, at last to the new
American, the privilege of carrying the United States mails.
This was done at a period when demoralization and corruption,
had made such inroads into the Republican party, that it was,

400 A REVIEW OF THE

perhaps, difficult for ihe^^tire government of fanaticism, to find
enough of loyal whites, of sufficient honesty to perform even
the menial service of carrying the mails. But, if negro purity
was even at that time ahovc par, the leaders had unfortunately
omitted to consult their great Apostle, Jean Jacques Rousseau,
who would have advised them that the African's morality would
sink in the proportion as culture was thrust upon him.

The leading revolutionists, during this session of Congress,

had a tine opportunity to inflame the minds of the Korthern

unthinking people, by accusing the rebels of cruelty towards

Federal prisoners of war. It was not at all sincere sympathy

for the Northern soldiers lying in Southern prisons, that excited

these complaints, but the desire to intensify Northern hate

against the rebels, which was the sole food that sustained the

revohitionary Republican party. Generous breasts were equally

touched with pity for prisoners of war, whether confined in

Northern or Southern prisons. But the party that had it in

their power to end the captivity of all the Northern prisoners by

an exchange for Southern in their possession, and refused to do

so, could not be supposed to entertain very ardent sympathy for

their captives languishing in the enemy's custodj^. At this time,

the North held twice as large a number of Southern prisoners, as

the Confederates had in their keeping. Besides, real sympathetic

men would not have spurned the generous tender of Lord

Wharncliffe, a British Nobleman, to mitigate the miseries of

Federal prison life, as William II. Seward, the representative

of the Administration, had the audacity to do.

Retaliation, confiscation and extermination were the current
watch- words of fanatical feeling; and no measures of Congress
received ardent support, save as they approximated the attainment
of these righteous standards of intemperate zeal. Even the
patriot daughters, the Sanitary and Christian Commissions, and
the other charitable agencies of the North, could raise their live
liundred millions of dollars to support Congress in its unconsti-
tutional advances ; and to aid in sending the demon of M-ar upon
his fiendish mission to tlie South. Another Madame Roland upon
the American continent might have cried aloud : " 6>, Christi-
anity, what crimes are committed in thy name /" An infidel
priesthood had deluded the people into the belief, that the bible
meant what its words contradicted ; and an oligarchy of mad-

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMEPJCA. 401

(Icned onthnsiasts, at the dictation of an atheistic ConoTcs?, songht
to canonize the overthrow of constitutional rights as the highest
attainment of humanitarian effort. ]*assionate laatred of shive-
hohlers was esteemed by all these as the holiest inspirations of
Divinity.

The 38th Congress closed its session March Gd, 1SG5, having
exjDended their every effort to pour out the full vial of their
demoniac wrath upon the heads of the Southern people. Meas-
ni'es of almost every character, were considered to complete the
work of destruction. The leaders, however, were unable to secure
the passage of their bill of retaliation, which should permit them
to i]iiiict vengeance npon the rebel prisoners in their hands, al-
though the same was pressed for a time with great earnestness.
Full confiscation of rebel property, as Mr. Stevens would have
desired, was also too daring a project to run the gauntlet of
public criticism in the North. Its pressure was left in abeyance.
The great question of reconstruction, although considerably de-
bated, was likewise left for future discussion when fanaticism had
fully grasped its victory.

13ut the tide of war moved onwards, and speedily prostrated
one embankment of opposition after another. The battle of the
Five Forks was lost by the Confederates ; and the lono- and
heroic defense of Richmond and Petersburg, was ended. The
Capitol of the resistant States was evacuated, and General Eobert
E. Lee and his depleted army were compelled to surrender them-
selves prisoners of war to the Northern invaders. The sun of
the Confederacy sunk at Appomattox ; and the night of fanatical
despotism covered with its mantle the thirty-six States of tlie
American Union.

The old Whig party had been prostrated by fanaticism ; the
Democracy had been rent and overthrown by it ; and now, after
four years of the bloodiest strife that civilization had ever contem-
plated, the united South was forced to lovrer her standards from
the Potonuic to the Jl'io Grande, and do repentant homage for
daring to defend the inherited rights of her people. The Itoman
Republic was buried on the field of Phillippi ; American Free
Government was also gathered to its fathers, in tlie land of its
birth, beneath the soil of Virginia. The social cataclysm that
the founders and friends of the Republic had foreseen and dreaded
with pensive awe, had come at last in all its direful reality.

403 A REVIEW OF THE

The windows <»f a wratliful heaven had opened wide upon their
lunges; and the foundations of the great deep of constitutional
liberty were broken up and destroyed.

Victory, however, had fully perched upon the banners of the
revolutionists, and their triumphant armies were receiving the
plaudits of a deluded people. Ilivers of blood had been shed,
and near a million of America's youth had perished in the
terrific confict of arms which madness had provoked. Besides
the enormous expenditure of se\-eral thousand millions of dollars
which were recjuired to prosecute a four years' war, a debt of
almost three thousand millions of dollars, and a large pensionary
list were entailed as a legacy upon the country, for the henejit of
coming ages. But the fanatics knew no bounds to their ecstasy,
when victory finally crowned their banners. The gain was so
incalculable, in their estimation, that their shouts of applause
almost rent in twain the whole Northern heavens. They had
wrested, without compensation, four millions of negro bondmen
from the ownership of their Southern masters, and they had
done nothing more. What was this, however, save the equity
and justice which robbers exhibit I But had they not (as history
will inquire) also preserved the Union from destruction and dis-
memberment ? The old Union, the product of mutual consent
and compromise, needed no defenders before the rise of the
Abolition party of the Xorth ; and but for this baneful organi-
zation no defense should have been at all necessary. The free
o-overnment of the Constitution had been metamorphosed into a
despotism under the name of a llcpublic. Such is the govern-
ment which Abolitionists presei-ved for Americans. And their
service in behalf of the Union simply resembled, therefore, the
aid of those generous banditti, who enroll their names as a
municipal constabulary, to protect the city against their own
secret robberies.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN A^IBRICA. 403

CHAPTER XXV.

THEORIES IN CONFLICT.

The reLelllous armies, after their long and valorous resistance,
finally stocked their arms in submission to the Federal Adminis-
tration. Iniquity and crime were now permitted to take their
seats as conquerors, and dispense justice to their humbled vassals.
But vengeance, one of the compensating furies of humanity, turned
her hand and snatched the figure-head of conquest from its ex-
alted seat, which left a void to be filled by another. The rancor
of Marat, and the revenge of Charlotte Corday, had crossed the
ocean, and were again confronting each other. In the moment
of despair a victim is sacrificed. The American President was
shot in Ford's Theatre, in the City of Washington, by tlie furious
J. Wilkes Booth. The apparent embodiment of the victory, as
usually happens, rather than of the crimes committed, was the
one consigned by the fates to the eternal shades.

But Abraham Lincoln, the representative of the Abolition
party, was by no means the worst man in its ranks ; and ven-
geance missed its mark when he was selected to bear into the
wilderness the sins of fanaticism. The Marat of the revolution
had escaped, and was still breathing forth slaughter against the
objects of his venom. But the act of canonization performed
over the manes of the deceased President, will fail to rescue
his name from the odium that must ever rest upon it as the
representative despot who, in violation of his oath, trampled
upon the Constitution of his country. Saintship in this case was
too hastily conferred ; and, it is to be feared, that in after years
the adversary will yet rise and read so long a list of charges, that
a re-hearing being granted, the verdict of fanaticism may be
rescinded. Will not the enemy be tempted to cite even the
place of the assassination, as an unbecoming one, in which saints
and martyrs should be congregated, when the blood of their
countrymen was moistening many a battle field. The assassin's

404 A REVIEW OF THE

poniard draiil-: tlic life-blood of Saint Thomas a'Becket, in a
spot more holy than the theatre. But Nero is said to have Hd-
dlcd whilst liunie was burning, which was of a piece with visit-
ing the theatre when death in every shape was stalking the
land.

The mantle of the assassinated President fell npon Andrew
Johnson, the Yice-President, who, after qualifying himself,
entered upon the discharge of his othcial functions as the Chief
Magistrate of the United States. ]\Ir. Johnson was a Southern
citizen ; and as a Senator in Congress from Tennessee, had re-
sisted the secession movement of his people with all the ability
he could command. Even after his State had seceded he re-
mained firm in his attachment to the Government ; and for so
doing had been bunied in effigy in nearly every village of Ten-
nessee. Although elected to high positions by his countrymen, nc
cordial sympathy had ever existed between the ruling classes of
the South and himself. The former viewed him as a sans
culoite of ability, who had risen to ijosition without wealth,
culture or social standing. A natural antagonism, in turn, re-
pelled him from these; and allied him in feeling with the hum-
ble classes of his State and of the whole country. And again,
though a member of the extrej^''.^^ Southern State Eights party,
yet having lacked that cultured trdning needed to produce
the finished statesman, he never fully accepted the ultimate de-
ductions of the Jeffersonian and Calhoun theory of constitutional
construction ; and when secession came, his repugnance to the
slave-holding classes of the South, induced him to take his stand
with the representatives of the General Government, as being
the surer embodiment of freedom and popular democracy.

A hurricane of rage and vindictive fury swept over the
Northern States, as the news of the assassination of Abraham
Lincoln sped over the telegraphic wires of the country. It was
the period of the highest intensity of public feeling that liad man-
ifested itself since the announcement of the attack on Fort Sumj)-
ter in April, i8Gl. Freedom of opinion disappeared absolutely for
a time and it was expected that a sad melancholy shoidd clothe-
the countenances of all in son'ow, for the Uiisfortune that had
befallen the Union. A philosopher would hardly have expected
that all should be wrapped in sadness for the death of one who
had permitted himself to be the leading representative of tho

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 405

fanatical classes of tlie country ; who, in order to carry ont their
wild "and chimerical ideas, had overthrown all the embankments
of constitutional liberty, and flooded in a sea of blood the one-
half of the States of the Federal Union. A sort of compensa-
tion, however, always obtains in the affairs of men and nations.
Such may have happened in this ease, in the divine order of
onmipotence^ Fanaticism had triumphed. A check was re-
quired ; and a subservient President would by no means supply
the demand. Destiny had selected one of stern material for the
performance of the service she required. Andrew Johnson, with
unquailing firiimess, had already passed through the furnace of
opposition, which had steeled him with the courage that enabled
him to grapple successfully with the boldest assailant he might
be compelled to encounter.

But to comfort themselves for the removal of their Presi-
dent, the Abolitionists pretended to believe that they recog-
nized the linger of Providence in what had occurred. The kind
hearted, charitable and humane Abraham Lincoln, as they ef-
fected to believe him to have been constituted, was not the man
to dispense full and exact justice to rebels and traitors, who had
maliciously exerted themselves, to the best of their ability, to
destroy the Union, and establish a new one with slavery as its
corner stone. The man who, as Military Governor of Tennessee,
had shown himself relentless towards traitors, \vas the one to till
the Presidential Chair which the times demanded. Such ex-
pressions as the following were everywhere current : " The
traitors have killed their lest friend ; Andrexo Johnson will
show no mercy to traitors ; Jefferson, Davis and Robert E. Lee
will now swing high on a sour apple tree."

The new President in his expressions and conduct, at first
gave seekers of blood some verbal assurance that the mantle of
authority had fallea upon suitable shoulders. Delegations of
citizens from different States waited upon the Chief Magistrate,
and tendered him their hearty support- To one of these from
ISTew Hampshire, shortly after his installation, he used the fol-
lowing language :

•'Treason is a crime and must be punished as a crime. It must not be
regarded as a mere difference of political opinion. It must not be ex-
cused as an unsuccessful rebellion, to be overlooked and forgiven. It is
a crime before which all other crimes sink into insignificance ; and in

40a A REVIEW OF THE

saying this, it must not be considered tluit I am influenced by angry or
revengeful foolings."*

Not only did President Jolinson express liim self in tlio strono;-
est terms, that treason must he made odious ; but as an adruit
dissembler he hvimored public sentiment, and moved with the
current as it drifted. Deferring to public opinion, which came
to suspect that Booth and his accomplices, were simply instru-
ments in the hands of the President of the defunct Confederacy,
and other prominent men of the South, <jn the 2d of May, 18G5,
lie issued a proclamation offering large rewards for the arrest of
certain prominent characters, whom suspicion had designated.
In this proclamation, one hundred thousand dollars were offered
for the capture of Jefferson Davis ; and twenty-five thousand
each, for Clement C. Clay, Jacob Thompson, George jST. Sanders
and Beverly Tucker; and ten thousand for William C. Cleary,
the late clei-k of Mr. Clay.

It was not long, after the President's accession to the Chair of
State, that one remark after another began to disclose his real
sentiments ; and show that he was not in sympathy with the
revolutionary element of the party to which he owed his election.
In an address to a delegation from Indiana, April 21st, 1S65, he
touched the cardinal question of the time, that of reconstruction,
in the following words :

"Some are satisfied witli tlie idea that States are to bo lost in terri-
torial and other divisions, — ai'e to loose their chai-acter as States. But
their life-breath has only been suspended, and it is a high constitutional
obligation we have to secure each of these States in the possession
and enjoyment of a republican form of government. * -s *

While I have ojiposed dissolution and disintegration on the one hand,
on the other I have opposed consolidation or the centralizat'on of power
in the hands of the few."f

Such language disclosed the fact that Andrew Johnson was neith-
er an advocate of the State suicide theory of Sumner and Stevens
nor a consolidationist of the school of Alexander Hamilton. To
reconcile, however, the above and other utterances of like char-
acter, with expressions made whilst he was Military Covernor of
Tennessee, is a somewhat difficult problem, but which time per-
haps may aid in solving. But a Maurice of Saxony, was needed to
figure upon the arena of American histor3\ In Andrew Jolni-

*Ann}fal < ycJopccdia for 18G5, p. 801.
\ Annual C'l/dopoidiu. for lyiia, p. bOl.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 4)7

son, it may have been that the gold of constitutional democracy
^vas again beginning to gleain through the sedimental iiltli of
fanaticism, which had flooded it since the advent of the revolu-
tionists to power.

The President for a time was very guarded in his expressions,
and only an occasional sentence dropped from him, that (as time
disclosed) indicated his genuine opinions. The excitement aroused
by the assassination of Abraham Lincoln, upon the close of the re-
bellion, caused almost the firmest defenders of principle to vacillate
somewhat in their political action, and bend before the terrific blasts
of vindictive fury that were coursing all sections of the country.
President Johnson would have required well-nigh super-human,
endowments to have resisted all the demands which fanaticism
exacted of him ; and to have steadily opposed every effort which
the revolutionists made to utterly crush with the merciless heel
of oppression, the conquered people of the Southern States. On
the first of May, 1865, the President, following the advice of
his Attorney-General, appointed a military commission to try
the conspirators for the assassination of the murdered President.
This ofiicer pretented to find in the law of nations, authority for
trying the culprits by military rather than by civil law. It vcas
not diflieult for that law ofiicer of the Administration to invent
excuses for the appointment of a military commission, when,
after the close of the war he could, as chief legal expositor of
the Government, declare tliat the wearing of Confederate uni-
forms Avas a fresh act of hostility.

The military commission, charged with the trial of the conspira-
tors, sat from May 13tli until June 29th, 1865 ; and, after having
heard the evidence, sentenced the accused to punishments which the
civil law had no power to inflict. Four of those charged as
conspirators, David E. Harold, George S. Atzerodt, Lewis Payne
and Mary E. Suratt, were sentenced by the Commission to be
hung, which sentence was approved by President Johnson, and
the 7th of July was fixed for their execution. A writ of Habeas
Corpus^ sued out in behalf of Mrs. Suratt, was suspended by the
President ; and strenuous efforts were made in the interests of
this individual, in order to shield her from the doom of legal
murder to which the American ofiicials had condemned her.
Even President Johnson, on the morning of the execution,
refused to meet the suppliant daughter of the devoted woman,

403 A REVIEW OF TIIE

Avhora the furies wore about to inimolate to the manes of
Abraham Lineohi. A dark cloud mijst ever rest upon the mem-
ory of the Presilent who permitted fanaticism to exult in the
sacrifice of this innocent female. Indeed, the execution of these
four victims will ever stand in American history as one of the
darkest blots upon its pages. The four victims were virtually
murdered, inasmuch as they were tried and condemned by a tri-
bunal unauthorized by the Federal Constitution. This govern-
mental compact declares that:

"No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous
crime, miless on the presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except
in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia when in
actual service, in time of war or actual danger,"

On the 29th of May, 18G5, the President instituted measures
for the re-establishment of Federal authority in the subjugated
States of the South. Ou this date he issued his Proclamation
of Amnest}'- and Pardon, granting general forgiveness for past
offenses to all those engaged in the rebellion, with fourteen ex-
ceptions, which included the most influential and intelligent of
the Southern Ccaifederates. And following in the wake of his
predecessor, President Johnson, as a Roman Emperor, would
have selected his pretors, named one after another, Military
Governors for the States of Xortli Carolina, South Carolina,
Alabama, Georgia, Florida, Mississippi and Texas ; but none
were appointed for Virginia, Tennessee, Arkansas and Louisiana.
The measures already taken by Abraham Lincoln for the re-or-
ganization of these last named States, Avere regarded by his
successor as having placed them rectae in curia. William M.
Ilolden, the iirst appointed of these, was named Governor of
North Carolina the same day on which the afore mentioned edict
of amnesty had been promulgated. In this pronunciamento it
was ordered, as regards all voters in the South, before being rc-
clothed with the elective franchise, that they should take and
subscribe an oath which the Constitution did not prescribe ; and
which required them to abide by and support all laws and proc-
lamations, which had been made during the rebellion, with ref-
erence to the emancipation of slaves. All such demands made
of the people of the South, were utterly inconsistent with the
i>rinciples of the Federal Government. In the appointment of
the Governors, and in the forced dictation of terms for the res-

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. i09

toration of authority in tlie subjugated section, whilst the States
Avcre still named as such, they, nevertheless, were treated simply
as conquered provinces ; and governed by the laws of military
dominion, which obtained during the middle ages.

Revolutionary as was the method pursued by President John-
son, for restoring the rebel States to their autonomy in the
Union, it was not sufficiently so to meet the approval of the
radical Abolitionists. It Avas clearly understood before the
avowal of any plan of restoration by the President, that unless
his views coincided with the radicals, his policy would be com-
batted by them. The unconcealed Abolitionists no longer de-
manded emancipation alone for the negro, but tliey now in-
sisted likewise upon his social and political equality with the whites.
Wendell Phillips, one of the early and consistent leaders of the
Abolition party, in a speech delivered at the Cooper Institute,
May 12th, 18G5, gave utterance to the following sentiments :

"Abolitionists secui-ed liberty for the black inan ; he achieved but half
of his work, which he had pledged half his life to effect during thirty
years. I shall never relax my efforts till an amendment to the Constitu-
tion is passed, declaring that no State shall make any distinction between
X^ersons born on our soil, and those residing on it, on account of race,
color or descent." *

No sooner, therefore, had the President avowed his plan of
restoring the Southern States in the appointment of William W.
Holden, as Military Governor of North Carolina, than the con-
flict with him was commenced. By his method, which was
simply pursuing that inaugurated by Abraham Lincoln, the
Southern whites would have had in their hands the sole power
to re-shape their Constitutions, and mold the legislation of their
respective States. Two antagonistic theories were strr\'ing for
the ascendancy in the work of reconstruction. The Presidential
plan was reprobated at once by Wendell Phillips, Salmon P.
Chase, Horace Greeley, Thaddeus Stevens, Charles Sunnier, and
other shining lights of radicalism. A- division in the Republi-
can ranks was imminent ; but it was the work of the tacticians
to keep it from spreading to any further extent than could be
avoided.

The Military Governors appointed by the President, issued
proclamations to the people of their dili'ereut States, calling

*New York World, May 13lh, 1865.

410 A REVIEW OF THE

upon them to elect delegates to conventions to revise tlieir several
Constitutions; these being now viewed by the conquerors as en-
tirely defunct. All the proceedings, however, which looked t.j
the restoration of the Federal authority in the Confederate
States, were deemed necessary to be employed in order to com-
plete the first measure of radical desire. The plan of revising
the several State Constitutions, was a more modest method of
getting fully rid of the institution of slavery, than any other
that might have been devised. Abolition aspiration from the
inauguration of the war, aimed at this as the first object to be
accomplished ; and no method pro:::ised for this result absolute
surety, save the suppression of the institution by the Southern
States themselves, after having been brought under Federal con-
trol. And the task was no. difficult one upon the downfall of
the rebellion. The great object of the war being well under-
stood by all intelligent classes, whether Xorthern or Southern ;
when resistance to the Government was abandoned, the Con
federates, with one consent almost, gave up any further defense
of their institution.

Prominent statesmen throughout the South, declared their
readiness to acquiesce in the overthrow of the institution of
slavery, deeming the further advocacy of it nugatory. It was
altogether as they conceived, ready to be ranked amongst tlie things
of the past. Thei-e were many, however, who \iewed the
amnesty oath, which the citizens were obliged to subscribe before
being clothed with the elective franchise, as a despotic trampling
upon the rights of free men born in a republican government ;
but the current of popular opinion in the South, notwithstanding
this, tm-jied strongly in favor of resuming, at the earliest practi-
cable moment, and by the only method proposed, amicable
relations with the people of the Northern States. Oflicers were
authorized in all places to administer oaths of amnesty to the
citizens, and furnish them such certificates thereof, as would
enable them to participate in the elections to be held for dele-
firates to the conventions to revise their several State Constitu-
tions. Before taking the oath, the applicant was required to
make affidavit that he did not belong to any of the fourteen ex-
cepted Classes. Having subscribed this, he was then allowed tlie
oath of amnesty, which operated as a pardon for all past political
uifenses, and restored him fully to the rights of citizenship.

POLITICAL CONFLICT I^ AMERICA. 411

Public meetings "were held throngliout tlio entire South, and
candidates of talent and character were nominated, and in many
instances pledged to the repeal of the Ordinances of Secession
and the abolition of slavery ; and also, in favor of such amend-
ments to the State Constitutions, as might seem necessary, midcr
the new condition of affairs.

All the time, from the announcement of the Presidential plan
of reconstruction, public opinion in the Xorth was in a condition
of ebullition. Political lines began at once to divide somewhat
upon the new issues. Prominent radical papers began to endorse
the ideas of Sumner, Stevens and other leaders, who had ex-
pressed themselves as favorable to universal suffrage. Democratic
newspapers, on the contrary, soon after the appointment of
William AY. Ilolden as Governor of Korth Carolina, began to
view the new President, although elected by Kepublicans, as a
man who was not dominated by fanatical ideas, and who desired
a fair and honorable restoration of the Southern States to their
place in the Federal Union, and with all their rights save slavery
unimpaired. Early in June, 1S65, Democratic Committees re-
corded their endorsement of the President's reconstruction
policy. In endorsing the President's plan of reconstruction, '•^'
the Democrats did so, however, simply as a choice of evils, and
not because it was a method which they, as rulers, would have
devised. A considerable number of prominent Republicans also
ranked themselves under the Presidential banner. Many of
those who did so, were anxious to preserve harmony in the
Republican party. Even as strong a radical as Gov. Andrew,
of Massachusetts, thought the effort to force negro suffrage in
the South, was premature; and that the Government should

*Presi(lent Johnson's plan of reconstruction, was the same as that which
Abraham Lincohi and his Cabinet had originated. WilUam H. Seward.
the Secretary of the S+ate, under both administrations, in his speech of
October 20th, 1865, at Auburn, New York, said : "We are continually-
hearing debates concerning the origin and the plan of restoration. New
converts. North and South, call it the President's plan. All speak of it
as if it were a recent development. On the contx'ary, we now see that
it is not specially Andrew Johnson's plan, nor even a new plan in any
respect. It is'the plan which abruptly, yet distinctly, offered itself to
the last Administration, at the moment, I have before recalled, when
the work of restoration was to begin ; at the moment when, although
by thd world unp^rceived, it did begin, and it is the only plan which
thus seasonably presented itself ; and, therefore, is the only possible
j)lan which then, or ever afterwards, could be adopted." — New York
World, October Zith, 18G5.

•413 A REVIEW OF THE

simp]}' retain its military grasp of the rcljel States, and universal
suifrage would in time follow. The Governor was very anxious
to avoid a breach with the President. General Cox, the Repub-
lican candidate for Governor of Ohio, came out in a letter early
in 1SG5, opposing negro suffrage.

The fissure between President Johnson and the radicals once
forincd by the announcement of his plan of reconstruction, con-
tinued steadily to grow wider and develope itself. It soon be-
came apparent in the Summer of 18G5, that the leaders of the
conflicting theories of State restoration had taken their posttions,
and that no retreat was contemplated by either party. The
Kew York World spoke of this party schism as follows :

"The split in the Republican party has made too much progress to be
arrested. Several of the most eminent Republican leaders, with a ma-
jority of the party to back them*, stand against negro suffrage and they
will not recede. Chief Justice Chase. Senators Sherman, Wilson, Sum-
ner, and others of equal influence and distinction, are ardent negro suf-
frage men, in declared opposition to tlie policy of the President ; and the
fii-st Republican State Convention held since Mr. Johnson's avowal of
Ills policy on this subject (that of Iowa on June 14th, 1SG5). adopted
negro suffrage as a plank in their platform. * * * xhe quar-
rel will be likely to culminate in the next Congress, when the radical
members will assume to revise the Constitutions of the reconstructed
States, that do not admit negroes to the elective franchise."!

In a public speech, Senator Wilson had already been bold
enough as to warn the President that the radicals in Congress
would reject every State Constitution, which did not come up to
their mark oh the slavery question. Radical meetings were held
in different sections of the ^orth, favoring negro suffrage. The
Republican Convention of the State of Maine, held in 1805,
took exception to the President's reconstruction policy, and by
implication condcnmed it; the Democratic Convention of the
same State, on the contrary, endorsed it without reservation.
The representative party bodies of other States, placed themselves
in about the same attitude towards the President's policy as did
those of the States already named.

*This clause of the World's statement, that the majority of the Re-
publican party stood with those leailers who o[)posed negro suffrage was
clearlv overdrawn. The majority of the party at this time were favoi-
abl'e ti) imiversal suffrage. Negro suffrage was made a party question in
the State of Connecticut in 18G5, and only defeated by 0272 votes. Ko
Democrat supported it.

\yew Yurie World, June 21st, 1875.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 413-

The confiscation and extermination theory of reconstruction,
also found its advocates along with the others that were advocated
in 1865. The leading representative of this theory was Tliad-
deus Stevens, who upon the close of the war, loomed up as the
great beacon of radicalism ; and the man who was destined to
exert a potent influence upon the reconstruction policy of the
nation. Since the commencement of the war he had stood before
the country as the most radical abolitionist in the lower House of
Congress ; and the representative of all others, w^ho determined
that no constitutional barriei's should interpose between him and
his party in their race towards the goal of universal liberty and
equality. Being the extreme leader of the extreme wing of his
party, crowned at length with victory over their opponents, Mr.
Stevens was now able to bear a weight upon his political arms
that none other could pretend to carry. lie could with impunity,
therefore, dare to advocate a policy that w^ould have been unsafe
for any other leader of his party to have urged. Eegarded as
the unconcealed opponent of the j^rinciples that had triumphed
in the overthrow of the rebellion, he was free to claim their
legitimate fruits ; and with unabashed eifontry, he assumed as
the dictator of his party, to demand them.

In September, 1865, Mr. Stevens delivered a speech in tlie
City of Lancaster, in which he advocated the confiscation of the
property of all the leading rebels w^hose estate was worth ten
thousand dollars, or whose land exceeded two hundred acres in
quantity. He estimated that one-tenth of the whites only
would loose their property by such a proceeding ; yet that most
of the real estate would be confiscated, it being held by the few.
Of the property thus to be taken from the wealthy rebels, he
declared that justice demanded that forty acres of it should be
given to each freedmen, and the balance sold to liquidate the
national debt. He calculated that by this process tlie sum of
three thousand five hundred millions of dollars would flow
into the public treasury, enough to pay off the debt contracted
in the subjugation of the Southern people. The alliance be-
tween abolitionism and communism was proven in the demand
of this intellectual leader. A more wholesale confiscation of the
property of the discomfitted resistants of fanaticism, was uro-ed
by Mr. Stevens, than had taken place in England under William
the ISiormim, The real animus of abolitionism, however, was

in A REVIEW OF THE

shown in tlie position of this bold champion of his party.
The elections for the constitutional conventions took place at
the times determined upon in the diilerent States of the South.
The delegates to these promptly convened and proceeded to organ-
ize, as the conquerors prescribed. ]\[an3'- of the prominent men
of these States, and those even who had figured in the rebellion,
appeared and took seats as members of the constitutional con-
ventions. A dictatorial oath was likewise imposed upon every
member of these several conventions, that the}' would support
all laws and proclamations which had been made during the war
with reference to slaves. These bodies adopted resolutions re-
scinding the acts of secession which their several States had
enacted and abolishing slavery ; and they framed Constitutions for
their respective Commonwealths in conformity with the altered
situation of affairs. After the adoption of the new Constitutions,
elections were held in these different States for Governors, Mem-
bers of Congress, Members of State Legislatures, and other
officials. "When the Legislatures convened, they in general
adopted the amendment to the Constitution proposed by Con-
gress, abolishing slavery. President Johnson strongly urged
upon the Legislature of South Carolina, that it ratify the newly
submitted amendment, as an example for the imitation of the
other States. It did so, by an almost unanimous vote. But the
representative assemblies of these States were for the time
being, pure automata,* subject to the dictation of those who
controlled opinion at the seat of the National Government ; and
their acts in no wise represented the free and independent senti-
ments of their people.

*Thad(leus Stevens was fully conscious that the Constitutions already
forced upon the Southern States, in 1SG5, were altogether the result of
Northern domination. Speaking of the Confederates, when once re-
stored to their place in the Union and hecome masters of their own
aiTairs, in his speech of December IStli, 18G5, he said : " That they (the
Southern people) would scorn and disregard their present Constitutions,
forced upon tliem in the midst of martial law, would be both natural
and just. No one who has any regard for froedom of elections, can look
on those governments, forced upon tiiem in duress, with any favor." —
Cunfjressiunal Ulubc, 'dOtk Congress, First Session, Vol. 1, p. 74.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERIC^V. 415

CHAPTER XXVI.

ANTI-REPUBLICAN RECONSTRUCTION.

I'lie iinconstitutioncality and anti-republican character of tho
war for emancipation and riegro elevation, under the pretense of
defending the Union, were fullj^ displayed after the close of the
national conflict; when efforts were inaugurated to re-cement
" the broken and dishonored fragments of a once glorious
Union." The appalling spectacle in all its horror was in full
view, which ISTew England's ablest statesman, with ardent love
of country, had wished never to contemplate. The prayer of
the patriot had been heard, but the drama was being witnessed
of " States discordant, belligerent, a land rent with civil feuds,"
and but lately " drenched in fraternal blood." The glorious
ensign of the Republic was no longer waving over the peaceful
fabric of the American Union ■, but what remained of it, typi-
fied an anarchical despotism, more ignoble and tyrannous than
could be found outside of the dominions of Asia.

The principle of monarchy had mailed the batallions tl«it
prostrated constitutional government on the American continent.
The harmonious people of the States had been hurled into sec-
tional strife by mischievous intermeddling, induced b}'- the
monarchical conception which assumed in essence to declare, " /
am holier than thouP Instead of a free and hajDj^y Union,
whose yeai:ly governmental expenditure did not require over
seventy millions of dollars, the unrighteous war of the emanci-
pationists entailed upon it an annual expense of nearly five hun-
dred millions, in order to meet the interest upon the ISTorthcrn
debt and other attendant demands. A highly oj^pressive tariif,
enhanced for the consumers the value of the articles of every
day necessity, and yielded for the liquidation of current
expenses, over one hundred millions of dollars ; where prior to
the s-truggle less than half that amount had been raised through
this politic method of indirect taxation. Interest on tho national

41G A REVIEW OF THE

debt of tlirec thousaiul luilllons, was to be collected from tlio
labor of a liig'hly taxed i)cople. A pension list of Northern
soldiers required the annual sum of thirty millions.* A Freed-
men's Bureau had been created for a population which, in its
natural condition of subordination, was comfortable and happy
before tlie intermedlers appeared. This newly framed Bureau
roipiired for its support as large a sum of money as the whole
Government during- the Administration of Jolm Q. Adams had
consumed. Ijcsides, the expense of a considerable standing
army to watch the movements of the Southern jjeople, was added
to the burden of the citizens.

Anti-republicanism, after the close of the struggle of arms,
dominated more strongly than ever in the counsels of both wings
of the conquering party of the JSorth, in the efforts made to
adjust the sectional strife. It was attempted to be settled upon
the principle of might dictating to right ; and by means of
the basest pandering to the uncultured ideas of the mob, that
ever was witnessed in any country All justice was ignored
and the equality of the States repudiated. The refusal to con-
sider the question of adjusting Southern loss in the unjust
emancipation of their slaves.' the forced obliteration of the
Confederate debts ; and the pensioning of Northern soldiers to
the exclusion of Southern, simply added new fuel to ths flames
of strife between the sections, intensified existing hate, and made
republican union upon such a basis an impossibility Henry S.
Lane, a Kepublican Senator from Indiana, seeing these difficulties
in the way of an amicable settlement, spoke as follows :

"Do you suppose they (the Soutliem people) will willingly tax them-
selves to pay the interest upon the immense debt, created for their sub.
jugation and overthrow ?

" There are other questions you will be called upon to decide. You
will liave to provide a fund for the payment of your invalid pensioners.
Think you the}' will vote willinglj^ to raise money to pay the i)ensions of
your invalid soldiers, when their own invalid pensioners are excluded ?
Can you hope for any cordial co-operation between the rebels and 3"our-
selves, upon any of these great subjects of national legislation ; * * ^^
I tremble in view of the evil consequences which would result from the
admission of rebel members to your national debt, to tlie national credit,
the plighted faitli of the nation, to your bondholders, the plighted faith
of the nation to your living and dead heroes."t

* Annual Keport of Commissioner of Pensions for 1874, p. 8.
\ Annual Cydopccdia, in IbCG, p. 151.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA, 417

But it was only tlie faith of fanatics tliat was piiglitcd in the
Xorth, and that for base political purposes. And faith was not
])liglited upon one side alone. Southern faith had been plighted
in defense of the rights guaranteed by the Constitution. And
Confederate honor was equally sensitive with Federal ; and was
never dininicd when compared with any of which the North could
boast. Equity, therefore, had demands in behalf of Southern
wa-ongs, equally as foi JSTorthern. And Confederate sokliers felt
their weakness and wounds, quite as keenly- as did those who had
been maimed under McCIellan at Antietam or Meade at Gettysburg.
The God of Justice demanded that the poor and wounded Con-
federate be treated by a generous and Christian nation with
equal tenderness as the Federal who had exhausted his strength,
to do what his hypocritical masters denied that they meant to
accomplish. The poor Confederate was not even accused by his
savage conquerors, of having sinned in conscience, in lighting for
his section and people, and in defense of their inherrited and
constitutional rights. If the soldiers of either of the contestants
deserved to be pensioned, they surely, with equal right, deserved
this favor who fought for constitutionalism and the inheritances
of their countrymen. But a pretended and pitiful amnesty was
all the boon accorded the crippled Southern soldier to soothe his
declining years, and soften the hard pillow of advancing days.
It was generous and humane to pension the wounded Federal
soldiers, who had risked their lives upon the lields of battle,
fought between the sections of oui country. But no holier zeal
inspired them than animated the Confederate soldiers to hazard
all in the service of their States. The Federals obeyed what
they conceived to be lawful authority ; so did the Confederates.
When the former in the great settlement were deemed by a
kind governmeni; deserving of being pensioned, the latter were
entitled to the same consideration. In addition to this, it was
the only method for the Government to pursue, it it meant to
harmonize in one pacific Union, the Korthern and Southern
States. The needy and crippled Confederate was, however,
contemptuously cast aside, as not even deserving the sympathy
of the people of his own native South. An opening ear of jus-
tice will yet meet his troubles and compensate him for what the
obdurate heart of fanaticism denied him. But the widow and
orphan, and thousands equally innocent, whose all was treasured

418 A REVIEW OF THE

lip in Soutlieru capital, ^vllicll sunk at the dictate of the revolu-
tionists, were likewise overlooked by men who madly expected to
cement a peaceful Union, by means of war, rapine and robbery.

AVise and philosophical statesmen, desirous of restoring the
iJnion, would not liave demanded of the Southern j)eople, that
they abandon all the rights fur which they fought; and acquiesce
Avholly in the imperious behests of the conquerors. None, save a
wicked and demented tyrant, refuses to consider the causes which
have induced his subjects to rebel. If the Union of the States
was to be reformed, this could alone be done by a general and
free convention of the representative minds of the conflicting
sections ; and upon such terms as would bo acceptable to all
parties and interests. It was fully dissolved by the war of the
rebellion ; and if a new Union were to be constructed, it must of
necessity be the work of compromise, and eft'ected in the same man-
ner as it h; d originally been organized. But to a thiidcing mind,
the dc-stniL-tiun of the Union was final and complete the moment
that war fired up the passions and fury of the people of the
Korth and JSuuth against each other. The antagonism of two
powerful, warring nations, as were the Federals and Confederates,
can never afterwards be eradicated ; and humanity and civilization
both demanded a peaceful separation, in preference to the wicked
four year conflict, that was cruelly waged to subjugate a free
people, and give freedom to barbarians, who are incapable of
appreciating its fruits.

But the base spirit of tyi'anny and monarchy, which inspij'ited
the crazy madmen of the Xorth to inaugurate and wage with
their own people a bloody war of several years, still rode tri-
umphant, and animated the revolutionists to further victory.
The weakness of democratic government fully unfolded itself,
during the fierei* struggle of arms, and afterwards in the forum
of legislation. Its infirmity arose from the multitude of foes
within its own household. Its foes are the tyrants and slaves,
that ever produce the festering and corruption of humanity
which ends in monarchy and despotism. In all the efforts of
President Johnson to restore the seceded States, the virus of
despotism was blighting instead of giving life to the branches of
tho Republic. What else was the unconstitutional test oaths
which Southern citizens were required to accept, before being
permitted to exercise the rights of franchise ? What, besides

POLrnCAL CONFLICT IN A5IERICA. 419

that, was it that iiidnced the arrest and incarceration of Jefferson
Davis, Alexander K. Stepliens, and other prominent citizens of
the South, -vvlio had with their people been recognized as bellig-
erents in the family of nations ? What, but despotism, was it
that required the Southern legislators to adopt the amendment
to the Constitution, abolishing slavery, and repudiate all the debts
contracted in resisting the Abolition Administration? In assum-
ing to pardon rebels, President Johnson simply deferred as a
demagogue to the popular ideas of the ISTorth ; there being in a
strict constitutional view, nothing to be pardoned, as the intelli-
gent revolutionists themselves well understood.* The experi-
ment, at least, was never hazarded to determine, whether any
treason had been committed by the rebellious men of the South.
The mongrels knew that to be dangerous ground, and never had
the courage to venture upon it. In the forum of law and reason,
they themselves might have been convicted of all the treason
that was committed, and shown to have been the wicked deceivers
who caused all the blood to be shed that flowed in the unhaj^py
struggle. The future has this judgment yet in store for them,
and to be gibbeted in infamy with England's regicides. But in
executing the pretended power to pardon the rebels, Andrew
Johnson acted as a despot, rather than the President of a
Tiei^ublic A vviss and liberal policy demanded that rebels and
Federals be treated as ecpials, and that they freely and without
constraint be permitted, through their Representatives, to deter-
mine whether they would live together in one government, or
organize separate ones.

But despotic as was the policy of Andrew Johnson, for the res-
toration of the rebel States, which had been coined for his use by
President Lincoln and his counsellors, it was not such a one as suited
the purposes of the extreme revolutionists. The radical leaders
perceived the disadvantage they would sustain, should the South-
ern States be restored to their places in the Union ; and they
sought by every means in their power to delay the restoration of
those States until negro suffrage could be forced upon them, and

*Gen'itt Smith, the fanatic but honest abolition pionoor, delivered an
address at Cooper Institute, New York, to prove tliat " the, K<^vernnient
has neither the legal nor the moral right to try the rebels." He con-
tended that the Govenimenc had absolved them I'rom the crime of trea-
son by acknowledging them, as belligerents. — j-Veiu York Times, June 10,
IbGS,

420 A REVIEW OF THE

the rebel strength neutralized by barbarian Africans. These
States, during the Autumn of 18(55, under the plan' of recon-
struction presented for their acceptance by President Johnson,
had elected Senators and Representatives to the Thirty-ninth
Congress, which was to meet in December, 1SG5. To prevent
the admittance of these was the work of Thaddeus Stevens and
the crafty leaders of his party. When Congress assembled,
December -ttli, it was shrewdly arranged that the names of the
Senators and jMembers of Congress elected from the eleven
Southern States, should be omitted from the rolls of the respective
Houses until after the organization of both bodies.* This was
the turning point of the scheme. It was determined upon in
conclave, that but few, if any, from those States should be ad-
mitted until they would be reconstructed upon the basis of negro
suffrage.

In accordance with what liad been planned, and before Presi-
dent Johnson's Message had been presented to Congress, Thad-
deus Stevens submitted his famous resolution, which had been
approved in a secret caucus of the revolutionists. This resolution
called for the appointment of a joint committee of iifteen — six
Senators and nine Members of the House — whose duty it should
be to inquire into the condition of the Southern States, and re-
port whether any of them are entitled to be represented in either
House of Congress ; and until such report shall have been sub-
mitted, no member from any of these shall be received into
either of the representative bodies.

Mr. Stevens secured the passage of his resolution in both
Houses of Congress, and was made Chairman of the " Revolu-
tionary Committee." Of all the men who nn'ght have been
named, he was most deserving of that honor. The work to be
performed by this dark tribunal, was of such a character as to

*That the omission of those names was part of a concerted plan, the
following extract froni a s')eech of George T. Curtis, in Brooklyn, seems
to show ; " Tlie culminating point on which this matter is to turn, will
be the action of tiie Clerk of tlie last House of Representatives in prepar-
m"- the list of the members ek'ct of the new House. It is given out— I
kiiow not on what authority— that the gentleman who held the offi-e of
Clerk of the last H<nise. intends not to place upon the list, the names of
' xpv persons returned as memb;'rs of the new House from any S:ate that
iuis been in rehelion. If the Clerk. Mr. McPlierson. means to act wisely,
I would advise him to seek the opinion of some constitutional lawyer,
wlio is above being inthienced in his leg il opinions by his pohtical athn-
ities, and to act upon the opinion that may be given to him It may
bavo him much future tribulation,"— A'cto Vurk luaoi, Mov. «, lbb;j.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 421

require tliG services of an eiitrei)id, reckless and daring man,
snc'li as Mr. Stevens liad already shown himself to he. He was
on all sides, even hy his political enemies, acknowledged as the
ahlest and most influential leader of his party in Congress. This
secret committee, being a conscience extinguisher, a man was
required as its director, who in former years had desired no in-
trusive monitions from that unruly messenger of humanity ;
and who had the boldness to enjoin his partisans to consign the
busy intruder to the custody of Pandemonium's master. The
service to be performed by this ever to be remembered committee,
was of a death-bringing nature to the principles of republicanism
and free government ; and such as Mr. Stevens and his intelligent
party followers could not but have realized. The task of this
despotic directory, was to disfranchise a sufficient number of the
rebels ; and, on the other hand, enfranchise the emancipated
negroes, so as thereby to secure the permanent ascendancy of the
revolutionary party, who might in after years rear monuments
of glory to its intellectual creator.

Free government being the conception and product alone of
the Caucasian race, the attempt in republican America to thrust
its keei^ing into the hands of barbarian negroes, was one of the
maddest and wickedest schemes that State-craft and pertidy ever
devised for selfish, partisan purposes. It fully equalled the mad-
ness of the French revolution, as subsequent experience has
clearly demonstrated. With the exception of a few bold and
dangerous destructives, the Abolition leaders themselves believed
that the Southern negroes were entirely unfitted to be entrusted
with the right of suffrage. Senator Fessenden, himself an
ardent Abolitionist, after the appointment of the above danger-
ous committee, and whose purpose was already planned, spoke of
universal suffrage as follows :

" At this time no one contends that the mass of the population of the
recent slave States, is tit to be admitted to the exercise of the right of
suffrage."*

But the leaders were well aware that the Southern whites
were almost a unit in opposition to the political theories of the
Abolition party ; and perceiving this, they saw that it was
necessary to secure the aid of the negroes in the South, or their
party would certainly be overthrown with Southern restoration.

* Annual Cyclopoedia, 1866, p. 150.

422 A REVIEW OF THE

They were well aware that the Xorthc-ni Democrats and the
Southern whites woukl again unite to resist the party of destruc-
tion ; and that united, these would he able to seize control
of the Government. And it was to avert this political calamity
that negro suli'rage was so strongly advocated by the revolution-
ists. It was not, therefoi-c, the belief that universal suffrage was
demanded as a right, or that the interests of republican go^'ern-
ment would be promoted by its bestowal upon tho blacks, that
prompted the negro suffragists in their movements ; but base
policy induced the support of it in order to prevent the disinte-
gration of the most corrupt organization which ever controlled
the affairs of any nation.

Thaddeus Stevens, the Chairman of the odious Committee,
was a follower of Alexander Hamilton, and one who believed
that Great Brittain exhibited the best form of government that
the wisdom of man had ever yet devised.* In that country, a
restricted suffrage prevailed. It would be very improbable to
suppose that a believer in the perfection of the kingly govern,
ment of England, could be induced to favor negro suffrage,
unless he desired the more speedily to ruin republican institu-
tions, in order that his favorite system of polity might be substi-
tuted. By far the most likely motive, however, which prompted
Mr. Stevens, in his eft^orts to secure the right of suffrage for the
freed blacks, was, as he himself confessed, to bolster up his party
and forever weaken his political antagonists, the constitutional
democrac}'. Base and ignoble were all such motives; and the
men thus incited to act, deserve the execration of all future ages.
The American Union had been pronounced the model republic
of the ancient or modern world ; and even to hazard its perpe-
tuitv or the ])rinciples it embodied, was more liendish and dia-
bolical than the darkest treason of midnight conclaves.

* During the trial of tlie Christiana rioters in Philadelphia, Mr. Stevens,
who was one of tlie counsel in the celebrated case, in iut -rviews wliich
lie had in the liouse of an old political companion, who had sat with him
as a member of the Ilefonn Convention of lb37-'8, expressed the opinion
that the British form of government was the most perfect c Jncei)tii)n of
man. Had he expressed tliis opinion after the ruin which fanaticism
had bi\)Ught upon the country he would be excusable, and could witii
justice be named a monardiiat from lu'c/'ssitij ; but liaving entertained
the belief b^-fore the deluge of social destruction came, is suthcient to
entitle him to be onvolled an a monarchist in prhicijjlaind an Abolitionist
from a desire to be odd and eccentric, which was somewha? in him a
cbaiacteribtic. His aspirations for fame aro proof of this latter view.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 423

The doc'trliie of Sumner and Stevens, wliicli sustained the
appohitment of the Revolutionary Committee of fifteen, was
endorsed by the extremists because it was the only one which
would secure in their interest negro suffrage. This was the solo
object sought to be accomplished in the reconstruction of the
Union. If the plan of restoration, which Andrew Johnson
adopted for the Southern States ; and which came to be known
as the Presidential policy, should be accepted, the question of
suffrage would be left with the people of the States, where the
Constitution placed it. Mr. Stevens and his allied revolutionary
followers well knew that the people of the South were most in-
tensely hostile to conferring the right of suffrage upon the igno-
rant negroes, who had lately been their slaves. These radical
men perceived, however, that the subversion of the rebel States as
organizations must be accomplished at every hazard, otherwise
suffrage could not be secured for the emancipated slaves. Presi-
dent Johnson had already become an object of hatred with the
leaders, because they had been unable to water Jiini^ with that
advantage which they had hoped. Mr. Stevens, who was a
shrewd discerner of men, in the Baltimore Convention of 18G4,
seemed to have surmised a future difficulty of this character in
the nomination of Andrew Johnson, a citizen of a slave State,
for the Yice-Presidency. He no doubt felt that all native
Southerners would oppose negro suffrage as a measure inimical
to republican government.

The annihilation of the statehood of the seceded common-
wealths, being the gi-and essential to be acknowledged in recon-
struction, the Connnittee of Fifteen became the ready engine for
this purpose. It was insisted that the States by their rebellion
had ceased to be members of the Federal Union ; were, by the
overthrow of their armies, become conquered provinces ; and that

* Wendell Phillips, the great moral leader of Abolitionism, remarked
on a certain occasion : "Mr. Lincoln is a growing man ; and why does
lie grow? Because we have ivatercd liivi." Garret Davis, of Kentucky,
in his speech in the Senate of June 7th, 18GG, having quoted the above
words of the Abolition apostle, said : " There was a great deal of truth
expressed in those few words. The Abolitionists in Congress, and out of
Congress, icatcred the late President. They cause i him to grow in the
direction and shape that they wished him. They w;irpcd him irom his
own principle-i and policy to theirs. And what is the great sin of the
present Executive of the United States? It is that he will not make
himself the leader, the obedient tool of the majorities of the two Houses
of Congress ; that his judgment of his powei-s of his duties to the coun-
try is inconsistent with and may contlict with their party purposes."

424 A REVIEW OF THE

their Senators and Ttcpresentatives should he inhibited fioni scats
in the JSational Congress, until their several State Constitutions
were altered in conformity with the wishes of their Northern
masters. In this demand, whijh was simply a part of the secret
progrannne originally concerted, the revolutionists were disclos-
ing their full purposes as yet, however, in a measure concealed
as a party ])rineiple. During the campaign of 18C5, the politic
leaders of the Republican part}^, denied that negro suffrage was a
principle, of their organization, in order still further to play the
old card of deception, in which experience had rendered them
very skillful.* In supporting the annihilation of Southern state-
hood, the revolutionists were unable to determine at what period
the act of State destruction had taken place. Had this niost
important event occurred when the State Ordinances of Secession
were respectively adopted, or when they a})peared in insurrection
against the United States? If not at either of these periods, did
it take place when they surrendered their arms to General (irant
and Sherman, or when they dissolved their Confederate Govern-
ments, and acknowledged obedience to the Constitution and
laws of the land ?

* John Cessna, the Chairman of the Republican State Committee of
Pennsylvania, denied in a pul)'ic letter, iu the campai^Q of Ibtij, that
negro suffrage was a principle of his party.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA, 425

CHAPTER XXVII,

BREACH WITH PRESIDENT JOHNSON.

After the Eeconstruction Committee of Fifteen had been ap-
pointed Lj the Thirty-ninth Congress, other movements were
instituted by the revolutionary leaders, one after another all
designed to pave the way for negro suffrage. It was now become
apparent to all observers, that this was the last grand act to be
performed ; and then the curtain would drop and the drama be
ended. Fanatical aspiration aimed at this as its ultimate goal.
Senator Stewart, of ISTevada, an unconcealed Abolitionist, con-
fessed this in his speech of January 18th, 1866. He said :

*• If this question (negro sugrage) were out of the way, we could settle
everything else in two weeks, at least, so far as a portion of the Southern
States are concerned, and we could receive such Southern representa-
tives that are loyal and none other. As the Senator from Ohio has said,
there would be no diflBculty in agreeing upon everything else, if it were
not for the question of negro suffrage. We may as well meet this issue
here and understand each other. This is the issue — the only issue before
the country. * * * There are some who are determined to
sacrifice the Union and the Constitution, unless they can achieve the
right of suffrage for the negro."

It was determined by the managers, that an enlargement of the
powers of the Freedmen's Bureau should be pressed as one of
the means to elevate the negro to equality with the white race.
The original bill for the creation of this bureau, became a law
March 3d, 1865 ; and was to continue in force for one year after
the close of the rebellion. Being a serviceable engine of mili-
tary law to foster strife in the South, which was the nutriment
of the Bepublican party, it could not with propriety be aban-
doned by the revolutionists at a period when the future was
clouded with uncertainty. The conflict of 'arms, it is true, was
ended ; but the warfare was only transferred again from the
field to the forum. The Southern people had been forced to renew
their allegiance ; the amended Constitutions of their States were

420 A REVIEW OF THE

framed in obedience to the dictates of the Executive and the
radical rulers. 13ut the whites were still masters of their State
administrations, and would so remain unless Congress interfered,

A plausible pretext was afforded for the continuance of the
Freedmen's Bureau, in the enactment, by some of the recon-
structed Legislatures of the South, of vagrant, contract and
apprentice laws for the government of the emancipated bond-
men, which seemed to recognize the freed negroes as the inferiors
of their late masters. All men of ordinary observation could not
but see that the emancipated slaves were inferior to their former
owners ; and the necessity of laws to regulate their conduct in
the new situation in which tlie}^ were placed, was felt by all who
had it in their power to rise above political prejudice. But any
legislation, implying eveu/hat a natural difference existed between
the two races, was extremely offensive to men who had spent a
life-time in securing the emancipation and liberty of the colored
race. If these revolutionists did not as yet dare unitedly to pro-
claim the enfranchisement of the negro, they were able to do
what was next to it, forbid all discrimination in State Legislation,
so as to make him as far as possible the equal of the Caucasian
in other particulars. And to accomplish this, the Freedmen's
Bureau must be continued for a period, and made to embrace all
that was possible to be grasped. In the early part of the first
session of the Thirty-ninth Congress, therefore, a bill for this
purpose was introduced into the Senate by Lyman Trumbull, of
Illinois, and was supported by the great body of his party as an
act whieh necessity imperatively demanded.

The working of the Freedmen's Bureau was already perceived
to be in the interest of the fanatical party ; and in view of the
determination to exclude the Southern States from representation
in Congress, until negro suffrage could be forced upon them, it
must be continued yet for some years. Under it, a system of
military law might bo jierpetuated, and this was an advantage
not to be overlooked by the revolutionists. The great object to
be achieved by them, was to thwart the State Legislation of the
Southern whites, as far as the same conflicted with radical policy;
bafiie Presidential reconstruction, and endeavor to elevate the
negroes at the cx])e]ise of the discomfitted rebels. Already
under color of the Act of March 3d, 18G5, as originally passed,
authority had been exerted far surpassing the tenor and words

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 437

of the Statute, aiid transcending tlic bounds claimed for it.
Even when Senator Sunmer, during tlie discussion of the Freed-
men's Bureau Bill had asked for an enlargement of power, his
request was denied ; and yet, so soon as the Act was passed, all
which he had requested, was without law carried into practice.
The law makers were too timid to concede, what they were well
aware would be enforced.

Besides, victory had not completely crowned the banners of the
revolutionists, when the novel bureau was first created. They
now, however, were fully masters of the situation, and could
dictate terms which prior to this, policy forbade. A communistic
advance was no longer so dangerous, as before it would have
been considered. The distribution of rebel property amongst
the freedmen, could now be discussed Math some safety ; and the
enlargement of the bureau's powers afforded an admirable oppor-
tunity for this purpose. It was urged, with boldness, by the
friends of the burCcTa, that several millions of. acres of good landy
seized as the property of the Confederates, should be set aside
for the new citizens ; and that houses, schools and hospitals
should be erected for them at public expense.

The Democrats resisted the enlargement of the Freedmen^s
Bureau, because of its perpetuation of military rule in the
Southern States ; and in that view they contended that it was
violative of the Federal Constitution. The, bill clothed the
President with authority to appoint an army of officers in the
South,; and this they regarded as an unwarranted stretch of
power. They further urged that the military jurisdiction thus
indefinitely attempted to be extended over the eleven Southern
States, and designed to embrace all questions that might arise
concerning contracts, in which negroes were parties, Avas alto-
gether anti-republican in its character. The creation of such a
power, without any authority for revision by higher tribunals,
was at variance with the fundamental principles of American
jurisprudence. Such legislation, in their view, must in the
nature of the case, be attended by acts of caprice, injustice and
passion ; and was without precedent in the former history of the
country. The proceedings of trials so conducted for the punish-
ment of offenders in civil life, and when no war was raging, were
in no respect dissimilar from those in courts martial. The trials
were to proceed without any previous presentment, contrary to

428 A REVIEW OF THE

what til 3 Constitution re(juii-ecl, an indictment not even Leing
necessary to advise the defendant of tlie accusations to which he
would be required to plead. Charges and specifications, in lieu
thereof, were alone to be submitted. It was contended that this
course would be an infringement of the Constitution, wdiich declares
that : " iSTo person shall be held to answer for a capital or other-
wise infamous crime, unless on the presentment oi indictment of
a Grand Jury, except in cases in the land or naval forces, or in
the militia, when in actual service, in time of war or public dan-
ger." The trials to take place, were furthermore, in conflict
with the Constitution, which prescribed that : " In all criminal
]n'osecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and
public trial by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein
the crime shall have been committed.'*

After a warm debate in Congress, the enlarging Freedmen's
Bureau Bill passed both Houses, and was remitted to President
Johnson for his approval. This officer occupied as embarassing
a position at the time, as could well be conceived. Having lent
his influence to the extreme men, who had prosecuted the uncon-
stitutional crusade against the people of the Southern States, he
could expect little real sympathy from those who had re-
sisted tlie war upon principle, should he break with his party.
But with the subsidence of the rebellion, his early democratic
ideas began to recur to him ; and having now reached the highest
seat of power in the nation, he thought himself competent to check
the revolution in its mad career, which doubtless he had thus far
accompanied rather as as demagogue than a patriotic statesman.
He returned, therefore, February 19th, 1866, the bill to the
Senate, in wdiich it had originated, wath his reasons for withhold-
ing his official signature. Andrew Johnson's reasons for his
veto, were more sound than consistent with his prior conduct, as
Military Governor of Tennessee and President of the United
States. In objecting to the bill, because of its military character,
thj Executive was simply unconsciously, as it were, passing
sentence upon his own conduct, in permitting up to that
period and afterwards, the writ of Habeas Corpus to be sus-
pended in the eleven States of the South. If opposed in prin-
ciple, to the execution of military law by that part of the army,
chari^cd with the execution of the Freedmen's Bureau, why did he
permit the same kind of authority to be carried into practice by

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICxV. 429

tlic other divisions of the army? The fact is undeniable that
military commissions up to that period, with the President's
sanction, had been held all over the South ; and these had con-
signed men to penitentiaries, and inflicted other odious punish-
ments in violation of the plainest provisions of the Federal
Constitution. But the breach between the President and the
radicals was now rendered complete by his veto ; and his impeach-
ment from that period was one of the questions of discussion.
Even before the open rupture memorials had been in circulation
asking that he be impeached for official delinquency.

The Civil Eights Bill, which was sin:iply complemental to the
Freedmen's Bureau Bill ; and part of a scheme for peii^etuating
military rule in the South, and subverting State sovereignty, was
next the engrossing topic of Congressional discussion. It was
also introduced by Senator Trumbull, Chairman of the Judiciary
Committee, as part of the plan to govern the rebel States until
his party should be able to reconstruct them upon the basis of
universal suffrage. The essence of the Bill was contained in the
first section, which declared that the emancipated slaves " shall
have the same right in every State and Territory in the United
States, to make and enforce contracts, to sue, be parties and give
evidence, to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold and convey real
and personal property ; and to the full and equal benelit of all
laws and proceedings for the security of persons and property as
is enjoyed by white persons."

In support of the Bill, it was urged that several of the South-
ei-n States, since their reconstruction upon the Presidential plan,
had enacted laws for the freedmen^ which would practically reduce
them to a condition of slavery It was the same argument that
had been produced in support of the Freedmen's Bureau. The
friends of the measure believed that they would have the support of
the President in its behalf, as he already in several instances had
caused the legislative acts of these States, which discriminated
against the blacks, to be set aside. He had done so, through
General Sickles, declaring that "all laws shall be applicable alike
to all inhabitants." By his own fiat, the President, through
General Howard, set aside an Act of the Legislature of Missis-
sippi ; and by another order, through General Terry, an Act of
the Legislature of Virginia ; and forbade any magistrate or civil
officer from attempting to execute it. He likewise ordered Geu-

450 A REVIEW OF THE

cral Canby to cause the State Courts in his Department, to sus-
pend all suits against persons charged with offenses for which
white persons were not punished. From what source a President
M'ho was a believer in the doctrine of State Eights, could con-
ceive that such arbitrary power as the above, was derived, is
somewhat difficult to say. It was as plain an infraction of State
^Rights as could be committed. It was, however, no difficult
Tuatter for a President to act in this manner, who could so far
forget himself as to have uttered the following declaration :

"Whenever you hoar a man prating about the Constitution, spot him
as a traitjor,"*

The Democrats in Congress resisted the Civil Ptights Bill in
all its phases, and portrayed with startling vividness the
manner in which it undermined the independence of the judic
iarv. If Federal District Attorneys, Marshals, Agents of the
Freedmcn's r>ureau, and other officials, shall have it in their
power to arraign any State Judge, who may interpret a State law
in a way unsatisfactory to some claimant of justice, of what use
they insisted, can State laws and State Judges be? Better
abolish both, without delay. But not only were these petty
Federal officials empowered, under the Civil Ilights Bill, to ap-
pear as accusers of the State judiciary ; they even had a premium
held out to them to prefer charges. For every case of alleged
injustice to a freedman, a fee was fixed. Should the accused be
declared innocent, the fee was to come out of the United States
Treasury ; but if found guilty, the convict was compelled to help
to increase the store of the Federal informer.

If the colored race had been worthy of freedom, no such ex-
treme measures, as the Freedmcn's Bureau and the Civil Bights
Bill, need have been resorted to by their emancipators to secure
them in their liberty. No such legislation was ever recj[uired to
bolster up and support the liberty of the serfs of Europe, when
T)ublic opinion concurred in the propriety of according them their
freedom. But the Northern anti-slavery zealots were aware that
they had forced negro emancipation before its time ; and had
violated all precedent and liistor}^ in their unconstitutional efforts
to make freemen of barbarians. They knew that they had sub-
verted the foundations of society in one-half of the Union, in

*Androw Johnson was reported in the public journals to have made
thiij remark whilst acting as Military Governor of Tennessee.

rOLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 431

opposition to the ciuitioiiary protests of the wisest statesmen of
America, and the universal intellii^-ence of the South ; and to
sustain their unrighteous acts, laws must be enacted l)y Congress
to counteract Southern revulsion, and practically enchain the
educated and eidightened intellect of that section. If the Con-
stitution had hitherto proved no barrier to the wild advances of
fanatical legislators, could it be hoped that it would be such
when the South was crushed beneath the heel of Jacobinical
fury ? And although the Statutes of the United States and the
journals of Congress afforded no instance of such legislation
ever having been proposed, the revolutionary leaders hesitated
not to introduce and sustain in the Civil Rights Bill, a law, that
invaded the reserved rights of the States, and trampled upon the
compacts of the Constitution. The whole force of tlie party
machinery was brought to the support of this bill, and it passed
both Houses of Congress by heavy majorities. Even the un-
just ejection* of legally elected Congressmen was resorted to
for the purpose of having a two -thirds majority in each House,
in order lo counterpoise the Presidential veto, and prevent it
from proving an insuperable obstacle in the way of radical
advance.

But tlie President came again to the defense of the Constitu-
tion, and vetoed the Civil Rights Bill March 27th, 18GG, basing
his reasons therefor, upon sound democratic arguments. The
demagogue, impelled by the monitions of duty, was endeavoring
to throw aside his hypocritical robes, and array himself with the
pure men of the country, witli v\diom his reason allied him. As
a vile politician, however, he had mingled with the social dregs
against which his natural tastes revolted; and now, like his pro-
totype, he was desirous of breaking with the repulsive alliance.
He declared in his Message, vetoing the bill, that " it is
another step or rather stride, towards the centralization and the

*John P. Stockton, a legally elected Democratic Senator from New Jer-
sey, was debarred from his seat in the United States Senate, by the
revolutionary men who controlled that body. Tlie Committee of Sevcji,
appointed to pass upon his case, five of whom were RepubHcans, reported
in his favor ; l)ut partisan feeling and interest, both demanded the ex-
clusion of every Domocrat upon the most frivolous pretences. The Sen-
ator was, as a consequence, ousted from his seat. Daniel W. Voorhees,
John D. Baldwin and James Brooks, Democratic Memliers of the Lower
House, were likewise ejected from theu- seals in the Thirty-ninth Ci)n-
gi-ess, for partisan purposes.

4S3 A REVIEW OF THE

concentration of all legislative powers in the Xational Govern-
ment." ]>ut he forgot that he, more perhaps than any other
single individual, had helped to strengthen the party of centrali-
zation, which fruni their iirst seizure of power, had been invading
the Constitution ; and having np to this time been permitted un-
checked to tread upon it, their regard for it could not be expected
to revive at the dictation of one who, with themselves, had proved
false to its most sacred mandates. Gamblers and thieves do not
heed the pious monitions of one of their own number ; sudden
conversions being ever criticised with considerable scrutiny.

When tlie news of the veto by President Johnson, of the
Civil Rights Bill, was spread over the North, a torrent of rage
and vitu[)eration poured forth more terrific and violent, even,
than that which followed his Iirst refusal to accompany the revo-
lution in its late developments. He was denounced as a tyrant
and usurper ; and numerous were the demands made by the in-
cendiary press to impeach and remove him from the high office,
which he was accused of intending to prostitute in the interest
of the discomfitted rebels. The veto was taken up on the 4th
of April, ISGC), in the Senate; and was defended in masterly
arguments by Senators Johnson, Hendricks, Guthrie and other
able men ; and the unconstitutionality of the bill was particu-
larly dwelt uj^on by these patriotic Statesmen. Being, however,
a favorite measure of the revolutionary party, it obtained the
requisite two-thirds majority of that body. It was next taken
up in the House on the 9th of the same month, and secured a
like majority ; and thus became a law without the Presidential
signature.

From the period of the President's veto of the Civil Eights
Bill, a steady and persistent war was waged with the Executive
Department of the Government. Indeed, from the commence-
ment of this session of Congress, the whole of the legislation of
almost whatever character it might consist, was made subsidiary
by Thaddens Stevens and the other radicals, to the attainment of
the one great object, universal suffrage. Henry J. Kaymond,'-
Editor of thelS'ew York Times, himself a Pepublican Member of
the I louse, spoke in his paper of the object of his party, as follows :

*Kt'nry J. Raymond belonged to that wing of the Republican party
■wliich sustained President Jolinson in his policy of restoration of the
Southern States.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. • 433

"Universal negro suffrage, as the condition sine qua non, of tlie ro.
storation of the Union, is now and has been fi'om the beginning of tlio
session, the grand goal and objects of all their (the Republican revolu-
tionists) eiforts. Thoy have cloaked it more or less, partly from policy
and partly from fear ; but the time is drawing nigli wlien they can cloak
it no longer. Tlie whole subject of restoration was first put into the
hands of the Reconstruction Committee, tliere to await the manipulations
necessary for success. Each Hous3 was pledged to admit no member
fi'om the South, until that Committee should have reported, and until
final action should have been taken by both Houses on that report. This
tied Congress hand and foot, and left the field perfectly clear for the
grand can»paign. Every attempt tliat has been made to draw attention
to the case of Tennessee to the returns and qualifications of Southern
members to the testimony reported to the Commiiteo, or to any other
general branch of this subject, has been temporarily squelched, by being
sent under the Speaker's ruling, to the Committee of Fifteen, and undjr
the injunct ion of secresy to this hour.

•' Meantime all the talk and all th 3 excitement that had been raised
about constitutional amendments, equality of civil riglits. status of the
Rebel States, &c.. &c., has been simply dust thrown in the eyes of the
public to cover the approach to the grand fundamental, indispensable
principle of universal negro suffrage, as the condition, without which
no Southern State should ever be admitted to the Union. This is the
secret of all the elaborate legal endeavors to prove that the Union is
destroyed — that the States went out of it, and that they can get back
only on such conditions as Congress may prescribe. Tlxis was the reason
why Stevens entitled them conquered States, deprived of all rights, ex-
cluded from the protection of the Constitution, and to be dealt with as
conquered subjects at the sovereign will and pleasure of the conquerors'
This was the object of the studied legal argument of Jlr. Shellaberger,
in support of the doctrine of State suicide, and of his more recent effort
to prove that if even, in the Union, they may rightf ullj^ be held to have
forfeited all the rights of citizenship under the Constitution. The feeble
but still more zealous efforts of Hart, Ward, Holmes and other radical
members from this side, have all aimed at the same thing — namely, to
lay a foundation for demanding, at the hands of the South, universal
negro suffrage as the condition of restoration.

'•The plan does not work quite to their liking; some of the more
timid among them begin to doubt whether it is quite safe. Its strength
with the people does not quite equal their anticipations. The President
is more obstinate in his fidelity to the principles and platform of the
Union party than they expected. The country is not convinced that tlje
South is out of the Union, that their people are conquered subjects, or
that Congress has the right to force universal negro suffrage ui)on
them.

"Mr. Stevens annamced, very early in the session, that he and the
friends of universal negro suffrage were strong enough, by uniting with
he Democrats, to defeat any kind of negro suffrage. * * *" xhat
radicals on the Reconstruction Committee, will follow the policy marked

4ai A REVIEW OF THE

out by "Wendell Phillips,* who is really Ihc leader of the radical move-
ment. Tliey will report in favor of universal negro suffrage as the only
basis on which the Union shall bo restored — as the only condition on
which the SoiitUern States shall ever ag;iiii be represented in Congress —
and tliey will require these hesitating, halting gentlemen to walk
up to the mark and vote with theiH in its support. * * ■» They
have excluded Tennessee in spite of the conviction of three-fourths of
the House, that her members ought to be admitted. Tliey have repeat-
edly passed resolutions insulting the President, in spite of a professed
desire for harmony between the Executive and Legislative Departments
of the Government. And they have passed -against tlie veto by over-
whelming majorities, and with loud applause a bill (the Ciyil Rights
Bill), which a majoi-ity of their own faction admitted by neces->ary im-
plication to be utterly beyond the constitutional authority of Congress.
(Vnd all this has bseu done by party drill and party m.'uace. 'f

Senator Stewart coudeinned the iueousistency of hid party in
the following words :

" Do you think if you had avowed that negro suffrage was your ulti-
matum, that you knew the States were not in tiie Union, that your pur-
pose was not to keep them in the Union, but to govern them as Territo-
ries, that you could have drawn the loyal masses of the North to this
terrible conflict. Show me the platforms upon which this tight was
made ; show me the resolutions of Congress ; show me the declarations
that put in issue the question of negro sutfrago, which is now delaying
the peace and disturbing the country." f

The District of Columbia was the first place upon which the
revolutionists determined to force negro suffrage. A bill was
introduced into the House for this purpose in the tirst session of
the Thirty-ninth Congress, and after a warm discussion received
the approved of that body, and was remitted to the Senate for its
conciu'reuce. 13ut the cautious Senatorial House, though equally
radical as the representative assemblage, feared to concur in this
measure until the elections of 1SG6 had been successfully tided
over" although it had virtually committed itself to the same
iirinciple, when the organization of the Territory of Montana lunl
been before it. Jhit i)rudence deterred the political leaders of
the revolutionary party from too openly committing themselves
to neoTO suffrage, being well aware that too free a committal
upon this question would jeopard their success, as partisans, in
the coming political cauipaign. The eyes of the deluded JS'orth-

* President Johnson, in his speech to the citizens of Washington City,
on the 2"3d of February, 18GG, characterized Thaddeus Stevens, Charles
Sr.mner and Wendell Pliillips, as the three leaders of the radical pai-ty.

\ New York Times, April 2Tth, 1800.
X Speech of January 18, 1800.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 45:

em people must not be too fully opened to tlic designs of men,
who only strove to rivet party chains at the expense of traditional
institutions.

Tiie Thirty-ninth Congress having delegated all authority over
the admission of Senators and Mend)ers from tlie Confederato
States, to the Committee of Fifteen, on reconstruction, awaited
with humble submission the decrees of this Central Directory.
In the meantime this Committee, under the Chairmanship of
Mr. Stevens, now become the recognized leader of his party,
busied itself in taking testimony concerning the condition of the
Southern States, the temper of their people, the details of crime,
the action of magistrates, and the general character and tendency
of their officers, jS"© member from any Southern State was ad-
mitted, or even allowed to bring his credentials to the notice and
judgment of either the Senate or House of Representatives.
AVithout the least courtesy of recognition, they were remitted
with their passports to the august Sanhedrim of revolutionary
domination. The local State Governments already in operation
in the South, were ignored ; and communications from the Gov-
ernors elected by their people, under the authority of those ap-
pointed by the President, were not received; and these officers,
themselves, were even denied receptions.

Whilst this Central Committee was engaged with its special
labors. Congress was by no means idle. Numerous bills were
introduced and referred to their respective committees ; all of
them as varied as the mental constitutions of their several pro-
pjsers. Bills were submitted for erecting Territorial Govern-
ments in the Southern States ; for confiscating the real estate
and other property of the Southern people ; for annulling the
action of the President in granting pardons; for exc]udinf>-from
the exercise of political rights the great mass of the Southern
citizens ; for dividing among the freed slaves the lands of the
Southern planters; for conferring the elective franchise upon the
emancipated blacks of the South; and in general for accomplish-
ing all such changes in the structure of the Government, as the
authors of these measures respectively, found most consistent
with their ideas of an Utopian Republic. Numerous amend
ments of the Constitution, some of them of the most sweepin*'-
cliaracter, were presented and pressed upon Congress and the
attention of the country. Resolutions were adopted to hold the

406 A REVIEW OF THE

Soutlicrn States undor absolute military rule diirlii.:^ tlic pleasure
of Congress. The general scope of all the attempted action of
that body, Avas to concentrate supreme authority over the States
in the Federal Government; and all power in that Government
in the hands of Congress.

Ait.T many long and heated discussions in Committee and in
both Houses of Congress, an amendment* to the Constitution
was at length agreed upon, and submitted for the consideration
of the States on the 13th of June, ISOG. This amendment con-
ferred: First— an equality of civil rights. Second— Federal
representation, based substantially upon voters instead of popula-
tion. Declared — Third — the exclusion from office of certain
classes of rebels. Proclaimed— Fourth— the public debt as in-
violate, and forbade payment for emancipated slaves. Fifth
— "ave Congress power to carry these provisions into effect
This amendment was by no means what the radicals desired.
But they were doomed to the necessity of presenting something,
and what they desired w^as as yet too extreme for the timid
party slaves. Mr, Stevens made no concealment that the amend-
ment failed to meet his views on the question of negro suffrage;
but he declared it the best in his view that could then be secured.
It was believed by many that the interest of the Southern peo-
ple would overcome their prejudices to the negro, and that they
would linahy grant to him the right of suffrage. JJut if nothing
else would have prevented the Southern States from accepting
the proposed amendment, the known insincerity that accompanied
its presentation would have been sufficient. Though endorsed
by Congress as just and desirable, its adoption by any Southern
State, or by the whole of them, was not presented as a condition
of re-admission to representation in Congress ; but that matter
was left open as before to the constitutional discretion of each
House. Wendell Phillips, the great moral leader of Abolition-
ism, in his speech of July -ith, ISGO, disclosed the designs of the
revolutionary leaders in submitting the amendment. He s;.id :

"The Republican party to-day repeats the sani3 experiment, and
hopes it willbe successful. What the leaders in Cougress think, is that
the amendment will be rejected. •» * * "What then does

Stevens, what does Boutwell, what does Wade, what does Sumner ex-
pect ? When the elections are over and the amendment defeated, what
do they expect? Why, they expect that the Republican i)arty, victori jus

* This is what was afterwards ratified aa Amendment No. li.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 4C7

at the ballot-box, unfctteretl by the ailontion of the amendment, will
float back into Congress, able to pass an act that shall give the ballot to
the negro and initiate an amendment to the Constitution which shall
secure it to him. They hope, they expect, that after the defeat of the
amendment in the fall elections, tlie party will return to Congress
stronger than it stands to-da}'. Tiiey do not want the amemlmcnt
accepted. The worst possible news tliat Thaddeus Stevens could hear,
would be, that the amendment was adopted. The most unwelcome news
you could carry to George Boutwell, of Groton, would be that the
amendment had been ratified. They neither expect it nor wish it. It is
a party move. I do not disgrace it when I say it is a party trick to tide
over the elections and save time — nothing else ; to serve a purpose —
to get rid of an emergency — to tide over the summer — to get on the other
side of the elections — that is alL"*

On May 22d, 18GG, in the House of Representativ^es, a bill was
reported to continue in force the Freedinen's Bureau for two
years. Some features of this measure had been altered from
the last one, which had failed in its passage because of the
Presidential veto; and it also embodied the provisions of the
Civil Rights BilL It passed both Houses with some modilica-
cations, after its introduction, but again failed to receive the sig-
nature of the Executive, and for very similar reasons to those
which he had assigned as causing his disapproval of the former
Freedmen's Bill. This time, however, the oj^position to the
President mustered in full strength, and the new bill excogitated
out of pretended charitable regard for the negro race, was passed
in both Houses over the veto, and enrolled upon the statute
books of the nation.

But Congress, though recognizing Thaddeus Stevens as its
intellectual leader, feared to follow him in his mad scheme for
confiscating Southern property, and distributing it amongst the
emancipated slaves. This stretch of communism was too uause-
atiuf for many who obeyed him as lord and master in every
other particular. Many other propositions that found individual
advocates in one or other House of Congress, failed likewise to
receive such approval as to give them the character of laws.
Although warmly urged, out of opposition to President Johnson
no enactments were passed for ignoring or superseding the local
governments of the Southern States; for organizing Territories
upon their soil ; for disfranchising the white people, or for con-
ferrinij the right of suffrage on the colored race. These were

*New York World, July 7Lh, 1866.

433 A REVIEW OF THE,

Jill rc^-ardoJ as tjo daring,' innovatiuas to be as yet Iiazarded.
Time must do its work before any of these bt)ld measures could
with safety receive strong party support. The llepresentatives
to Congress from Tennessee were ivdmitted just before the close
of this session; but this right was simply extended to them as a
blind to deceive the unwary in the coming Autumn elections.

The other action of this Congress, also portrayed its partisan
predilection. The Internal lievenue Taxation, before the close
of this session, underwent a modification at the dictation of the
revolutionary rulers. An unheard-of excise of three cents per
pound, was imposed upon cotton ; and two dollars a gallon on
whiskey. The Maine liquor law reformers were now in ecstasies.
The millenium was surely advancing with rapid strides. No fair
and e(|ultable deduction, however, was made in the odious and
unjust tariff, which special interests had originally procured to be
enacted. Corporations and railroad monopolies came in with
their sweeping demands ; and an obsequious Congress hesitated
not to donate vast tracts of the public domain in behalf of wild
enterprises; whijh public property should rather have been hus-
banded with care, as a fund to help in the reduction of the public
debt, and pay the expenses of the Government. The members
of this Congress, whilst displaying an almost total disregard of
the public interest, were by no means neglectful of their own
affairs. As shrewd private financiers, they determined that a salary
of five thousand dollars per annum would more swell their purses
than the three thousand they already were receiving. A New
York editor, hin:iself a Member of the House, spoke of the par-
tisan and linancial action of this Congress as follows:

" Its general action, in niattei's of expense, has been lavish, wliere
party interests were involved ; and its general temper througliout the
session has indicated a pretty close regard for socurinj^ the supremacy
^ of the Union {Abolition) party in the luture.'*

*New York Times, July GO, 1866.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICxV. 4C0

CHAPTER XXVIIL

THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN' OF 18C6.

The break of President Johnson with the radicals, led to the
belief that a new party, with the Executive as the central figure,
might be organized, able to Merest jDower from the hands of the
latter. The Democratic party was not in a condition to contest
successfully upon the political arena with its old opponc'it. It
had been decoyed by false leaders, in violation of its j^rinclpies,
and in opposition to the advice of its wisest members, into the
endorsement of the war against the Southern people ; and in
doing so it played the role of duplicity, inasmuch as its leaders
and thinkers were well known to entertain the belief that no
constitutional warrant existed for making war ag'-ainst the seceded
States of the South. Upon the close of the rebellion, it was no
difficult matter, therefore, for the crafty demagogues of the Tie-
publican party to affix, as a stigma, the brand of seeming dis-
loyalty upon the brow of the political opposition ; who were
vituperated as pretending to support the war for the Union, when
they were known to be hostile in sentiment to its j^rosocution.
It was not difficult to cite the utterances of representative Demo-
crats, who, prior to the outbreak of hostilities and down to their
close, had declared the war to have been an unconstitutional
invasion of the rights of the Southern people. Might, never-
theless, triumphed over the Constitution ; and its defense, of
necessity, became treason. The Democracy had been quilty of
no higher offense than defending in its letter and spirit the
compacts of the fathers ; but the revolutionists, having succeeded
in overthrowing the old constitutional barriers, and being now in
possession of the authority of government, towered aloft as the
patriots of the new order of affairs. Those members of the
Democratic party in the ISorth, the most sincere and conscientious
men in its ranks, who had been conspicuous from their opposition
to the war, were after its close viewed by their fellows as dan<'-er-

440 A REVIEW OF THE

Oils le;uler.s in tlie future political contests of the country. Men
iriust henceforth le;ul the party to victory, who had either favored
the war against the South, or who had been so cautious in their
nttenmces as not openly to have coniniitted themselves against it.
The pure J)einocrats had martyred themselves n[)on the altar of
]>riiK-iph'; jiolitic leaders now stepped forward, seized hold of
the party reins, and marshalled the organization in accordance
with the perverted ideas Avliich the revolution introduced. It
was fraud truckling to ignorance, and demonstrated the demor-
alizing tendency of politics w'hen the moral and intellectual
leaders of a people, from any cause, have been stricken down.

Early in the year 186G, a political association, called the
■National I'nion Club, Avas organized in the City of Washington,
by liepublicans, who coincided with the President in their views,
and was designed to be the germ of similar organizations through-
out the whole Union. The basis of the organization was expressed
in a series of resolutions, denying the right of sesession; ex-
pressing confidence in the ability, patriotism and statesmanship
of the President ; endorsing the resolution of Congress of the 22d
of July, ISOl ; asserting from the Chicago platform of 18C0 the
importance of ,'naintaining the rights of the States ; declaring the
constitutioiial right of the several States to prescribe the qualifica-
tions of electors therein ; that the war having closed, the rights
of the States should be maintained inviolate ; that the States
were entitled to representation, and all loyal members should be
admitted into Congress without unnecessary delay ; that no com-
])romise should be made by bartering " universal amnesty " for
" universal suffrage ; " and endorsing cordially the restoration
j)olicy of President Johnson as in harmony with that of President
Lincoln.

This club was subserpiently united with another of the same
character in AVashington ; and a National Union Executive Com-
mittee likewise appointed. One of the first acts of the National
Union Club, was to give an evening serenade, on the 23d of
May, to the President and members of his Cabinet, in order to
elicit an expression of opinion upon the existing political issues
from the advisers of the President. A part of the Cabinet fully
committed themselves to the Presidential plan of reconstruction,
yet some of them declined to do so. "William II. Seward, the
Secretary of State, and Ilugh McCullough, the head of tho

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 411

Treasury Department, without reserve, endorsed the views of
President Johnson.

Emboldened by the endorsement given to the President's
policy by the Members of his Cabinet, itself the selection of liis
predecessor, his friends and admirers believed that the task of
organizing a new l>arty upon Executive popularity, would be no
difficult one. A man who, in his own State, had resisted the
waves of secession ; had obtained the support of the llepuljlican
part}" ; been elevated by the votes of the people to the second
highest office in the nation ; and now transferred by constitu-
tional succession to the highest place of power; must unques-
tionably, as was conceived, have a strength with the people of
considerable magnitude. The managers, therefore, with sagacious
adroitness, untertook the task of organizing the Presidential fol-
lowers into a political party that might strive with probability of
success, before the ]>Torthern peoj)le, in the Congressional elec-
tions of ISOG. A number of leading Republicans, Members of
the Senate and House of Representatives, lent themselves to the
undertaking, which aimed at nothing less than obtaining the con-
trol of the Government of the country. The Executive Com-
mittee of the National Union Club, issued on the 25th of June,
a call for a National Convention, of at least two delegates from
each Congressional District of all the States, and four at large
from each of them, to meet in the City of Philadelphia, ca the
14th of August.

The probability of building up a party that might be able to
resist that one which sustained the revolutionary Congress, was
based upon the belief that the Democracy would co-operate with
any organization which promised the overthrow of radicalism.
In this expectation, the friends of the President were not mis-
taken. Forty-one Democratic Members of Congress signed an
address to the people of the United States, in which they de-
clared their cordial approval of the call for the National Union
Convention, and their endorsement of the princiitles which it
enunciated. They urged the people of each State, Territory and
Congressional District, to promptly select wise, moderate and
conservative men to represent them in the Philadelphia Con-
vention. The reasons alleged by the signers of this appeal,
were that dangers threatened the Constitution ; that the citadel
of the public liberties was assailed; that it was essential to

443 A REVIEW OF THE

Kational Union, that tlie rights, the dignity and the equality of
the States, inchiding the right of representation and the exchisive
riirht to control their own domestic concerns under the Constitn-
tion should be preserved; that eleven States Avere unjustly ex-
cluded from the J^ational Council, and that whilst denied repre-
sentation, laws affecting their highest interests, have been passed
witiiout their consent, and in utter disregard of the fundamental
principles of free government.

The action of President Johnson, with reference to the Freed-
men's Bureau and the Civil Eights Bill, turned the Democratic
party in his favor, as it was perceived that he exhibited a greater
regard for the Constitution than did his enemies. And, although
men of that organization could by no means justify the course
he had pursued in sustaining the war against the South, and the
other numerous Irjaches of the Constitution, which had been
perpetrated with his acquiescence; yet the politicians were will-
iuf to ignore the past, in hope of a brilliant and successful
future. But this was again, to repeat the o:-iginal error, which
the party lial co.nmitted in endorsing the prosecution of the
Avar fur the restoration of the Union. The first error, from time
to tiuie, necessitated repetitions of the same; all of which would
have been averted had the Democratic party from the first stood
lirmly by its cardinal principle of State Sovereignty, and refused
to permit an armed blow to have been struck in behalf of the
Federal Union. As the Union had died in secession, it should
have been permitted to be resurrected by the same life-giving
process of evuliition, as it were, by means of which it had been
created. That process was consent^ the only one that can origi-
nate, preserve or reconsti-uet the republican government. Mon-
archical republicanism may, it is true, rest upon the sword ; but
it is impossible that any other kind should do so.

But, as the Democratic party by its desertion of principle, in
supporting coercion as a means of restoring the Union, had
rendered the war popular with the unreflecting masses of the
Korth how was it to regain power for a time upon old issues,
save by the basest conceivable hypo.r^sy? It was necessary that
its old tried and trusted leaders, who had never bowed the knee
to the false gods of abolitionism should be ostracised, and new
ones selected who had trampled upon the Constitution of their
country, as if it were the waste paper of the highway.

rOLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 413

Andr>}w Jolmson, in the movement wliich culminated in the
Philadelphia Convention, was viewed as a leader under whoso
banner, as it was believed, the Democracy might again ride to
victory. In the estimation, however, of reflecting men, this
hope seemed baseless and chimerical. If the war was justifiable,
then the party tlia: had prosecuted it to its close was the viid
to administer upon its eii'ects, and gather the fruits of concpiest.
Was it to be supposed that the people of the countr}', who be-
lieved in the nationality of the Government, would entrust the
adjudication of the affairs which the victory over the Soutl.i
placed within their pjwer, to men who were suspacted of having
entertained sentiments of hostility to the war and its ultimate
objects ? A superficial knowledge of human nature alone, was
.sufficient to dis2:)rove such a supj^osition.

As the Democratic part}^, however, in 1SC6, was unable to re-
trieve its error, for the same reason that induced, its original com-
mission ; it left this duty to be undertaken in the future, and to
be accomplished during the same period when the republican
union shall be in process of restoration (if this ever be possible,)
out of the chaos of revolutionary despotism ; and by the
only method which modern Christian civilization reco^-nizes;
unless prior to the hapj)ening of this event the ship of State-
shall have been finally M-afted within the whirpool gulph of
a crushing absolutism. Bat the party of Jefferson and Cal-
houn, was led by false guides to the footstool of Executive
power; and through hope of political triumph, made to endorse
results which had been attained by means of the most inicpiitous
character. It was believed, nevertheless, by conservative Ile-
publicans and politic Democrats, that the convention to assemble
in Philadelphia, on the l-ith of August, would be able to unite
an opposition against the revolutionary party, that had broken
the Union into fragments ; and which, in attempting to re-cement
these by force, was only further pressing them into the lowest
depths of social perdition.

The efforts that led to the holding of the Philadelphia Con-
vention, were the first endeavors since t'.ie war, that were fairly
made to bridge the chasm pf bluod that seperated the two sec-
tions of our country. Difficulties encompassed the situation
upon all sides, and the work of civil war, only began to present
its terrible visage to the reflective intellect of the nation, when

411 A REVIEW OF THE

the leaders set themselves to the task of bringing the people and
Bec'tions upon a coniniou platform. As the convention tu assemble?
Mas to represent the sentiments of all those who were hostile to
the revolutionists, a difficulty j)rcsented itself as regards the
delegates, who should be accredited as membei's to the harmoniz-
ing assemblage. De-mocrats and Conservative llepublicans, both
claimed the right of being re])resented in the convention. To
obviate any misunderstanding that might exist, as to the parties
entitled to be represented in that bod}', it was recommended by
the Committee of the National Union Club, that two delegates
from each Congressional District should be selected from the
supporters of Lincoln and Johnson in 1SG4, and the same num-
ber from their opponents. In the Southern States, a correspond-
ing number of delegates was permitted to be chosen by the
people generally, who accepted the principles of the call. Both
coercion and peace Democrats were elected as delegates ; but it
was feared by the politic manipulators, in view of the popular
war sentiment which prevailed, that the presence of C. L. Val-
landigham and other Northerners of his school, would injure the
influence of the convention. This fear, however, Avas simply
the result of that species of cowardice, of which republican govern-
ments are wonderfully prolific; and which doubtless germinates
the demoralization that leads ultimately to their overthrow. If
public opinion bo wrong, that government which is sustained by
it must submerge, or a power must exist somewhere, pure, free
and independent, and one wdiich is competent to denounce and
correct the error. Can this ever be found of sufficent strength
where leading men truckle to public prejudices, and only seek
their own elevation at the expense of public prosperity and
happiness ?

I'ublic attention for a time was almost entirely engrossed with
the movement, which had for its object, the assembling of the
Philadelphia Convention. It was believed that this convention
would prove to be the line of demarcation, between the Executive
and the Congressional modes of reconstruction ; and that it,
more than any other event, would nationalize the Presidential
followino-. It occasioned the first rent in the Cabinet ; and ena-
bled President Johnson to surround himself with advisers, who
?vmpathized, in the main, with his views of governmental j)olicy.
On the day preceding the assembling of the convention, W.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 445

Dennison, Postmaster-General, tendered his resignation, wliieh
was accepted, and A. W. liaiidall appointed as his successor.
James Speed, the Attorney-General, also tendered his resigna-
tion, and was succeeded by ]Ienry Stanbery. Mr. Harlan, after-
wards resigned the post of Secretary of the Interior, and O. IL
Browning was substituted in his stead. The resigning members
of the Cabinet retired from it mainly because, differing from the
President, they were unwilling, when interrogated by a commit-
tee, to lend their sanction to the call for the convention.

AVhen the delegates assembled in Philadelphia, Republicans
and war Democrats were permitted to be the leading movers in
the organization and manipulation of the representative body.
General John A. Dix was made temporary Chairman, a former
Democrat, but one who had sustained the war against the South
with the most ardent enthusiasm. James R. Doolittle, a Repub-
lican Senator in Congress, from Wisconsin, was elected perma-
nent President of the convention ; and Edgar A. CoAvan, a
Republican Senator from Pennsylvania, Avas appointed as Chair-
man of the Committee on Resolutions. Henry J. Raymond, a
Republican member of the House of Representatives, and editor
of the ^STew York Times, was the author of the address which
was adopted b}'- the convention, and which pui-ported to be a
succinct expression of the sentiment of that body.

In this convention, the earliest effort was made, since the war,
to harmonize the conflicting sentiments of the people of the
Xorth and those of the South ; and the difiicnlty of doino- so
was for the iirst time fully realized. That the war had left two>
radically antagonistic peoples, loomed uj) into prominence in this-
convention ; and in what manner to unite these, into an harmo-
nious whole, was a question that quietly engaged the attention
of the assembled representatives. The South appeared in the
convention, through her delegates, and did so apparently by con-
sent ; but the coercive arm of the Government compelled this
seeming acquiescence ; for no representatives would have ap-
peared from that section, if full freedom had been the privilege
of her people. ' She had struck for independence, but the armed
legions of the North bafiied her in its attainment. How could
her representative men, having supported the rebellion with the
most enthusiastic earnestness, cherish another desire, save to be
fi'ee from a people, who had sown the seeds of sectional strife in

^.43 A REVIEW OF THE

tbc land ; and waged a godless and unconstitutional war against
tiie rights, liberties and institutions of her peopled But,
though van(piished, the South nevertheless remained a separate,
individual nation, whose feelings, sjMnpathies and aspirations
were discordant from those of the North, and will so remain
throughout coming ages. Her inhabitants held in recollection a
cause not to be forgotten ; the memory of her heroes, martyrs,
and fellow braves were imperishably inscribed upon her mental
tablets; and her separate tombs and nuiusoleums were conse-
crated shrines, to which pious pilgrimages were wont to be
undertaken.

Tlie pcoi)le of the Xorth equally had their heroes and sympa-
thies, which the struggle had engendered. A severance of
boundary would no more have alienated the North and South
from each other, than had the conflict done ; and possil)ly the
future may determine that wisdom, in the interests of free
government, dictated that the metes and bounds of division even
then, should amicably have been struck. One iniquity at least,
with all its following evils, the nation and civilization would have
been spared. That iniquity was reconstruction. But the two
eections having met in the Philadelphia Convention, endeavored
to evolve harmonious views. A series of resolutions were
adopted, intended to meet Korthern prejudice, some of which
outra'^'-ed Southern and he nest democratic sentiment; and dis-
closed the difficulty that existed of ever again uniting the anti-
podes of American opinion in a common Republic. Could the
Southern delegates endorse State coercion and the jnsrice of a
war that had bcggarded their people ? But policy demanded
that they do so. Could they declare that the war had maintained
the authority of the Constitution, when Thaddeus Stevens, the
radical leader, made no concealment that that instrument had
been repudiated by his party I Politicians, however, claimed
this of them. Could they pronounce that the Confederate debt
should be cancelled, and that of their conquerors liquidated ?
Honesty bore as weighty upon their consciences as upon those of
the triumphant revolutionists. Again, must they forget their
crippled soldiers, who had borne their colors upon many a crim-
soned field ; be denied the privilege of bestowing some legal
alms for their relief ; and be forced to contribute for the support
of those who had overthrown the Constitution whilst carrying

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 447

the false banner of Union and liberty. None, except cowarda
and deceivers, could exact all this of them. In extorting it,
however, though in the house of their political friend, vassaldom
and conquest, in all their vividness, loomed up before the assem-
bled representatives of the conquered South. This itself was
sufficient to assure thinking men that the republican government
of the Fathers had ended its career.

Andrew Johnson and his reconstruction policy were endorsed
by the Philadelphia Convention, which was one of the main ob-
jects that induced the politic managers originally to call it.
As a present issue, the Presidential plan of restoring the Southern
States to Federal autonomy, was far preferable to that advocated
by the radicals. Being a fruit of conquest, however, it could by
no means meet the full approval of the people of the South ; but
as their condition necessitated its acceptance, (in order, as they
hoped, to attain Federal representation,) or have a worse than this
forced upon them ; they embraced it simply as a choice of evils.
Andrew Johnson had not been elected President by the Southern
people, nor by the Xorthern Democracy. But they both lent
their support to his Administration, because the rebellion being
ended, he more strongly than his enemies, defended the Consti-
tution ; and desired that no further invasions of State Sovereignty
be permitted. In concurring with the President, the Southern
people were able to do so, as conquered subjects ; but not as free-
men and equals in a Constitutional Republic.

In order to counteract the possible influence of the Philadel-
phia Convention, a number of persons styling themselves Union
men of the South, were induced on July 4th, to issue a call for a
convention of Southern Loyalists, to meet in the city of Brotherly
Love in the month of September. Little doubt can exist, that,
the influence which prompted this movement, largely emenated
from the radicals of the North, who believed that it would
strengthen their influence with their political followers. The
call evinced entire sympathy with the revolutionar}^ Congrcs,, and
took decided grounds in opposition to the reconstruction of the
Southern States upon the Presidential plan. Equality before the
law was strongly urged ; and also, that no State should be recog.
nized as a legitimate government, until impartial protection
would be incorporated in the organic law. The demand for
negro suffrage was as yet withheld, as the revolutionaiy party

418 A REVIEW OF THE

Mas not quite prepared to carry this clearly printed upon their
banners in the a})proaching campaign. 13ut it was already in-
scribed in dark declarations, -well understood by the initiated few,
who directed thought, and managed in their interests tlio unin-
doctrinatcd masses.

A marked contrast as to Soutliern ineml)ership, was visible
between the late Johnson Convention, and that of the Loyalists.
The latter was made up in a great measure of self-appointed
delegates,* who appeared neither having Southern homes nor
constituencies to represent. In the former convention, on the
contrary, the wealth and intelligence of the Southern States were
represented. But a small proportion of the loyal delegates from
the South were men of distinction or political influence. Ex-
Attorney-General Speed, Governors iJrownlow, of Tennessee,
and Fletcher, of Missouri, John Minor 13otts, of Virginia, A. J.
]IamiJton, of Texas and a few others, made up the notabilities
of the assemblage. But the quintesence of ribaldry and fanat"-
cism met together in the loyal body. The first illustration of
universal equality, upon , a conspicuous scale in America, was
given on this occasion, in the parading of the whites and blacks,
arm in arm, to this convention. They freely mingled together,
as demonstrative of the doctrines meant, soon to be inaugurated
in practice. Frederick Douglass, the mulatto orator of the
Xorth, first receiv^ed full recognition as the representative of his
race, in this ring streaked and speckled body of demagogues.

And although this convention of variegated hues was devoted
in soul to negro suffrage, yet it feared so to declare itself. A
considerable contest for a time raged in this mingled association,
as to the projtriety of crossing the Hubicon of their aspirations,
without further delay. This party plunge was still dreaded by
the Korthern delegates, who had united with their loyalist
friends ; and also by those representing Southern constituencies,
who were fully conscious that the white sentiment of their dis-
tricts, was almost unanimous against the extension of the ballot
to the negro. John ]Minor Botts, in the convention, expressed
the belief that of thirty thousand white loyalists in Virginia, not

*"The Phili'lelphia Loyalist Convention of 1S6G, was composed of
Freethneu's Bureau agents, ex-sutlers, discharged volunteer officers, New
England schoolmasters, speculators and adventurers, who possibly have
seen the South wliiie they traveled in the track of war." New York
World, September 17, ISUG.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN A:.IERICA. 410

tliroc hundred of them would sanction the bestowal of the right
of suffrage upon the ignorant negroes. But for policy, such
represcntativ^es as Mr. JJotts would have been hissed by the
infuriates from the rostrum ; for it was the determination of these
desperadoes to treat Southern opinion with the most studied in-
difference. Anna Dickinson, the Abolition oratrix of the North,
in her chiding address, glowingly delivered in the presence of
the motley assemblage, declared that she " would tell the men of
the convention that their great party from Maine to California
icas devoted to Mack snffragc.''''

But the majority of the Southern loyalists being equally devoted
advocates of negro sufl'rage, as Mr. Stevens and his extreme con-
gressional followers, were unwilling to allow the adjournment of
the many colored convention, without an expression of senti-
ment on this question. Steadily continuing their pressure, the
co-operative delegates from the ISTorth, being disinclined to com-
mittal on this issue, withdrew from all ostensible connection with
the body. The more moderate loyalists from the South also
followed these ; and the infuriated madmen were now left masters
of the situation, and allowed to wind up the proceedings of the
convention. These prepared a series of resolutions, and adopted
an address which contained the following languao:e :

" We declare that there can be no security for us or our children ;
there can be no safety against the fell spirit of slavery, now organized
in the form of serfdom, unless the Government, by national and appro-
priate legislation, enforced by national authority, sliall confer on every
citizen in the States we represent, the American birthright of impartial
suffrage and equality before the law. This is the one all sufficient
remedy."

Whilst declining to commit themselves to neOTO suffrao;e in
1866, the revolutionary party strove to make the submitted con-
stitutional amendment appear before the country as the issue of
the campaign. It was presented as a preferable reconstruction
policy for the South, to that which had received the endorsement
of President Johnson. The National Committee of the party
declared " that Congress will restore the ten waiting States, if
these States adopt the amendment." The llcpublican Conven.
tion of the State of New York made the same declaration in its
enunciated platform of principles. The promises of these high
authorities were uttered purely in the interest of party ; and
were calculated to attract voters who deemed the amendment as

430 A REVIEW OF THE

reasonable one for Southern acceptance. But the promises were
alto<5ether deceptions. Mr. Stevens and the leading men of his
party in Congress, entertained no thought of admitting the
Southern States to representation, even should the amendment
be adc»j)ted by them. As if steering between Scylla and Charyb-
dis, they had studied •with care the temper of Northern senti-
ment ; and framed an amendment which the people of their own
section, owing to existing sectional hatred, would regard as fair
and equitable ; and which those uf the South were sure to reject
upon principle. Congress positively refused to declare, that
Southern liepresentatives should be admitted to their seats, in
the event of their States ratifying the amendment. Leading
organs of the Ilopublican party asserted in strong terms that the
attoption of the amendment would not entitle the South to be
rehabilitated in her ancient regalia. The New York Lidejyen-
dent^ one of the influential papers of the party, said :

"No leading Republican in Congress means to admit the ten waiting
States, simply on the adoption of the amendment. These States are to
be admitted ou no conditions, short of the equal political rights of their
loyal citizens without distinction of race. A reconstruction of the Union,
on any other basis, would be a National dishonor. Until the rebel States
can come back on this basis, they shall not come back at all."

George K. Boutwell, of Massachusetts, an influential Republi-
Ciin, in a speech, said :

"He did not intend to vote for the admission of either of the ten
States, not at present represented in the Congress of the United States,
until impartial suffrage was extended to all the people of those States."*

The composition of parties varied in this campaign very tri-
ilingly from what they had done priortoandduring the rebellion.
The Democrats of the North, with a slight sprinkling of Con-
serv'atives, made up the party Avhich sustained the President ;
and the Tlepublicans that which stood by Congress. The bulk of
the latter sympathized with the radical leaders of Congress ; and
it was altogether natural that they should do so. They had
favored the coercion of the South ; and this policy had been
ultimately crowned Avith triumph, notwithstanding the vast difii-
culties that were necessary to be encountered. The body of a
party always go as their leaders dictate; and many of these
unitedly must desert an organization before they can draw their

•New York World, October 24, 1866.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. -^51

old party followers with tliem. It was not Lntlicr alone, who
carried the protestant columns into revolt to their former eccle-
siasticalleaders ; hut his schism became a success, hecanse the
professors of the Wittenher<>: University and the ma«?natcs of
Saxony marched abreast with him. President Johnson had alone
the approval of a few scattering Tiepublicaii leaders, Avho with
him, had sustained the war and its prosecution against the people
of the South.

It was clear to observers, that President Johnson had mainly
thrown jiimself into the arms of the Democratic party, the consci-
entious members of which had resisted npon principle the prosecu-
tion of the war against the seceded States. As Northern senti-
ment was at the time molded, this apparent change of attitude
from one politcal extreme to the other, was itself suihcient to
greatly damage the cause ot the Executive. The revolutionary
Conoress was supported by the party wdiich had returned as con-
querors from the armed conflict ; whilst the President had in the
Xorth, chiefly as his supporters, those whose politic^il pennant
had been lowered in the dust; and who were also begrimmed with
standing accusations of having been the disloyal confreres of the
defeated foe.

The campaign of 1866, in the different States, was a bitterly
contested one. The memories of the war, as was natural, were
drao-cred into the canvas, and made again to do their work of
intensifying the hate of the people of the one section of the
country against the other. The horrors of Andersonville, Libby,
Bell Isle, Florence, and other Confederate prisons, were recalled
in all their intensity, before the imaginations of the masses of the
JSTorth ; and the cannon of jSTew Orleans, Yicksbui'g and Charles-
ton, were once more subsidized, by clear toned demagogues, in
the interest of the radicals, as if the rebellion had not as yet
been fully ended. The President was accused by his political
enemies of designing to aid the rebels to the disadvantage of the
Union, by securing their representation in Congress, before they
were fitted to serve the interests of a common country. He was
denounced as endeavoring to accomplish, by traitorous usurpation,
what Jefferson Davis and his enrolled legions had failed to secure
upon the battle field. Was he not (sis was asked by the Ilepub-
lican press) the betrayer of his associates, and the accepted advo-
cate and defender of those who had sought to overthrow the

433 A REVIEW OF THE

libcrt}' of tlielr country ? From beiiii^ the protended friend of
the Union, lie lias gone over to the enemy, and now seeks to intro-
duce the Trojan liorse amongst his countrymen, in order tlic
more surely to effect the destruction, which his rebel associates
failed to accomplish. Tell us not that the President is not in
sympathy with the defeated rebels. As evidence that he is^ see
the multitudes of blood-dyed traitors, to whom 'he has extended
free and unconditional pai-don for the crimes they have com-
mitted ; and he is now striving by his plan of reconstruction to
force these same rebels into the halls of Congress to outvote
loyal men. See the Governors he has appointed ; hear the senti-
2uents of hostility they utter against the Congressional pliin of
reconstruction ; leani the infuriate hatred which they and their
people cherish towards the freedmen of the South, who buckled
on their armor and fought your battles for the preservation of
the Union and the Constitution. Again, do you not see, to-day,
the President in close sympathy with the men, who resisted by
their speeches and influence, the war for the Union 'i Are not
the anti-war Democrats of the Xorth, heartily supporting the
President and his policy 1

The above is a sample of the political abuse, which was heaped
upiiu the President and those who sustained his reconstruction
policy. Those supporting his views were stigmatized as the
Johnson-Davis party. The Xew Orleans and Memphis riots of
this year, the legitimate products of Northern intermeddling,
were admirable subjects for misrepresentation, and did their full
share in exasperating the Xorth against the prostrate South.

Mr. Stevens, in this campaign, performed his share of service
in clouding, by sophistry, the issue before the country In his
speech of September 4th, at Bedford, Pa., and afterwaids in
Lancaster, he endeavored to defend his borrowed theory of State
extinction ; and in support of his view, demagogically perverted
the argument of Chief Justice Hufiin, of iS^orth Carolina, against
the legality of the Constitution of his State, which had been
amended subsequent to the war at the dictation of President
Johnson, and in obedience to revolutionary sentiment. Having
' used the argument of the Chief-Justice fcr a deceptions purpose,
lie next advocated a more thorough j^rostration of State authority,
than tiiat condemned, by advocating the reconstruction of the
Confederate States, by means of so-called eiuibling acts ^ and in

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 453

this manner pceuro the enfranehiscnicnt of the cniancipnted
slaves in the South. Lut the burden of his ditcourses was the
confiscation of Soutlicrn property, and the utterance of ad eaptan-
duni appeals, caleulatetl to intianie the passions of the unthinkiuiij
classes, until the work of subverting the Statehood of the several
excluded Commonwealths should be completed, and the clasps of
partisan treachery so riveted as to be able to endure the adverse
ehocks of opposing opinion.

The preceding charges and appeals, as detailed, afford an
illustration of the arguments made use of by the radical speakei's
and press during the campaign of 18GG. Many of the accusa-
tions made against the President were wholly baseless ; and those
to which a deceptions representation gave plausibility, retired
before the light of candor and reason. The following extract
from the Press, a leading Republican paper of Philadelphia, dis-
closes the character of the deceptions appeals spread before the
country by the politicians in order to influence the unreilecting
voters :

" Oil Tuesday next, the people of four States will decide at tlie ballot-
box, who are to represent them in the National Congress ; and in effect to
pass upon the scheme of reconstruction as developed by the National
Legislature. They are to dc-cide whether they will accept the plan set
forth by their representatives, or whether they will submit to that of
Andrew Johnson ; whether, in short, the loyal men shall govern the
country, or whether the control of the Government shall be thrown into
the hands of the traitors."*

In the next issue this same partisan paper contained the following

utterance :

"The true issue of this campaign is the constitutional amendment. ''f

In a subsequent number, this political organ spoke as follows :

" The real question before the i^eople, to-day, is whether traitors or
loyal men shall rule the country.'*!

The radical accusations that were liurled against Democratic
opposition to the war, were most of all difficult to be answered.
The party was. placed by these charges, however, in a false atti-
tude— that of hostility to the Government. Selfish leaders liad
led the Democracy so far astray, as to sanction State coercion in
defense of the Union ; and having veered thus from the ancient

^Philadelphia Pre^s, October 3, 18GC.
fPres.s, Oct. 5, 180G.
XPress, Oct. 9, 1«GG.

454 A REVIEW OF THE

land-marks, its orators and press were now. after the close of the
reljellion, lo^•ie;^lly ])reclu(led from striking at the routs of the
erroi-, hy showini^ who wei'c rcsixjiisihle for the war; and domou-
stratiii;;- its iiii<inity and dc])Ioral)le conseijuenccs. Crafty poli-
tic'ians;, as a eonseiiuence, were the only mjn within the party,
Avhose services were s])ecially in recpiisition. Con.sistent Demo-
crats were, therefore, hushed into silence as regards the war; and
ob'.igecl to stand branded as traitors in unenlightened opinion.
They had no choice left them, save to feign compliance \vith the
new departure from principle, and support the Presidential mode
of reconstruction, in opposition to the revolutionary Congress.

liut the prospect of breaking the ranks of the revolutionary
party, soon became doubtful after the issue had been made up
between the two political organizations of the country. Early
in the year, New Hampshire and Connecticut gave their usual
party victories, which they had for years been wont to do.
AVhen Maine, in the beginning of September, came sweeping in
with a majority of twenty-eight thousand for radicalism, the
defenders of the Constitution again perceived that the omens
were against them. The New York Herald, and other politic
journals of the North, who had so far eteadily sustained Andrew
Johnson and his policy, in opposition to the revolutionists, broke
when the new^s from the old Pine State was announced. They
now advised the President to circumvent the radicals by accept-
ing the amendment, and urging the Southern people to adopt it
as a less evil than these were designing to intlict upon them.
Its acceptance, they contended, would defeat the aims of the
President's enemies, and leave the Southern people masters of
their own State governments. Ihit the Southern people stood
upon higher ground than a desire sim})ly to secure the represen-
tation of their States. They had fought for the riglit of self-
government ; and had the President been so tickle as to have
followed the suggestions of these changeable counsellors, he
would have found few Confederates who would have ace-e])ted
his advice. The honor of the South was at stake ; and though
she had s\nik upon the battle lield, no power existed that could
compel her to accept her own degredation.

It was only when the results of the October elections, in
Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana and Iowa, were chronicled through-
out the country, that it became clearly evident that President

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 45r>

Johnson had lost the battle, and was now at the mercy of tlie
enemy. All these States gave sweeping majorities fur the radical
ticket. In the following November elections, the wlu^le ]\\)rtli
was still found to be arrayed nnder the old banner of fanaticism ;
and the designs of the revolutionists were now fully assured.
Save in the State of New York, the majorities that endorsed
Congress through the Korth were almost overwhelming. Massa-
chusetts was carried by near 70,000, Illinois by 40,000, ]\Iichigau
25,000, AVisconsin 20,000, and the other States by corresponding
majorities. The only States that emancipated themselves froiii
radical despotism, were Kentucky, Maryland and Delaware. By
a system of disfranchisement, that drew its germs from Great
Brittain's enslavement of the Iribh Catholics,the revolutionists were
enabled in this canvass to still hold, as in chains of bondage,
the States of Missouri and West Virginia, the majority of whose
people cherished for their destroyers as uncj^uenchable a hatred as
ever lii-ed the breast of man.

4oG A REVIEW OF THE

CHAPTER XXIX.

RECONSTRUCTION, OR TUE CLIMAX OF THE REVOLUTION REACHED.

The second session of tlic Thirty-ninth Congress assembled at
the National Capitol on December 3d, 18G6. In the preliminary
caucus of the dominant party, which preceded the opening of the
Senate and House of Representatives, Mr. Stevens still towered
as. the controlling dictator of his party, who appeared to give
courage and enthusiasm to the timid and flagging members of
the political conclave. The dauntless chieftain was returned to
the field of conflict, panoplied as an Achilles, ready to combat
with his hated foe, the Federal Executive. On his motion, a reso-
lution was unanimously adopted in the caucus, requesting the
Senate to reject all appointments made during the late recess, where
the removals had been effected for political reasons. In this
connection, ho gave notice of his intention to introduce a bill to
restrict the rresident as regards his right of removal from otKce.
A committee, headed by Mr. Stevens, was likewise appointed to
j>rcpare the business programme of the session ; and a resolution
was adopted instructing this committee to consider the propriety
of enacting a law, fixing the meeting of the next Congress before
the time prescribed in the Constitution.

It was thus early exemplified, that the war against the Presi-
dent was to be prosecuted with unabating ardor. This ofiicer
was viewed by the revolutionists as the main obstacle in the way
of their designs, the enfranchisenient of the negro, and its
concomitant results. For this purpose, it was resolved to deprive
him as much as possible of all the power which his official station
i)laccd in his hands. Ever since his breach with the radicals, the
rresident had been the subject of the most bitter and acrimo-
nious abuse, of which history affords an example. From being
the admirc'il Suuthern patriot, after his veto of the Freedmen's
Hureau bill, he sunk in radical esteem to the lowest depths of
traitorous depravity; and henceforth no language was too intense

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. /."iT

to designate the foulness of the Presidential treason. Jefferson
Davis, the arch-rebel of the Southern Confederacy, Avas never
maligned with more vituperative dcnuticiation, than was President
Johnson, for daring to question the constitutionality of the
enactments of the revolutionary Congress.

Since the opening of the Thirty-ninth Congress, in December,
1SG5, Mr. Stevens was looked upon by his partisan followers as
the great champion of the revolution ; and the man of all others
most fitted by age, intellect and eifrontry, to lead the crusade for
the overthrow of Confederate Statehood ; and, by means of
negro suffrage, reverse the classes to be enslaved south of the
Potomac. A bold man, and one of reckless daring, is ever
needed to head revolutions, and lead them to the performance of
deeds that dazzle the unretlecting, but which invoke cries of' an-
guish from considerate observers. These latter, see in such men,
the destroyers that devastate human effort, wreck progress, and
overthrow the constructions, which time, talent and the skill of
man have erected. They are the demons of earth, the infuriates
of pandemonium, who ride in chariots of lire, drawn by steeds
of fanaticism ; and they are sent on missions of woe to call the
nations to halt in their careers, and enable them to see whither
they are wending. The leader, around whom the revolutionists
gathered, Mr. Stevens, was one of the bold, intrepid men of the
Robespierrian cast, whose fame ever rests more upon their eccen-
tricity than their philosophical intellectuality. Possessing more
than ordinary ability, they astonish their inferiors, rather than
overtop their equals.

A political desperado being required to lead the revolutionists
to their desired goal, the managers stood aside and allowed Mr.
Stevens to assume that lead, for which he had an inordinate
ambition. As none had the same brazen audacity as himself, he
was accorded a leadership which on no other occasion could he
have commanded. His leadership, however, was simply that of
the revolutionist, rather than of the dispassionate Statesman,
who has the ability to control men by the strength of his logical
reasoning. As a district politician, Mr. Stevens was able to exert
the control of a despot, which his mentality had framed him ;
but his power disappeared as he ventured into deeper fords. In
the Reform, and in the political conventions of his State, he
invariably sunk through lack of ability to cope as a strategist and

458 A REVIEW OF THE

Statesman with liis political compeers and equals. In liis last
strugf^le for the United States Senate, at a time when he seemed
to be the recognized leader of his party, in the Lower House of
(.'oni^'ress, he fell ingloriously in the conflict, with a man whom
history can only regard as a dextrous and unprincipled j)olitician.

Following the precedent inaugurated, at the ojjening of the
first session of the Thirty-ninth Congress, the revolutionists,
without waiting the Message of the President, as courtesy to the
Chief Magistrate dictated, at the bidding of the American Rob-
espierre, entered upon the performance of the programme which
rancor and fanaticism had suggested. The Prince of destruction
had, at length, enticed the Abolition Congress to the summit of
their zeal's pagoda ; and temptingly had shown them the decep-
tive glory that should crown their memories upon the completion
of the work of political death, which he dictated. The pros-
pect was enchanting ; and, obeying the seductive deceiver, they
advanced to the performance of the task assigned them.

The bestowal of the elective franchise upon the African race,
M'ould now crown, in abolition estimation, the four years' strug-
gle of blood with appropriate satisfaction. In no place could
the movement to this end, be inaugurated with more fitting pro-
priety than in the District of Columbia, where Puritan instruc-
tion had for some time been busily elevating, as believed, the
sable descendants of Africa to fancied equalit}' with their former
Caucasian masters. Accordingly, on the motion of Mr. IMorrill,
of Maine, the bill to grant suffrage to the freed negroes of the
Federal District, was taken up in the Senate. Senators who had
deemed it impolitic to concur in this project with the House at
the former session, because an election was nearing itself, now
laid aside their timidity and advocated the bill with the warmest
enthusiasm. Republican Senators no longer made concealment
that they viewed the battle for universal suffrage as already won;
and that their party w6uld not stop in its course, until the record
of this victory was rgistered in the legislation of the nation.
After a short discussion, the measure passed the Senate by a
strict party vote. It was also taken up in the House, and
obtained the like endorsement in that body.

The bill having passed both Houses, was remitted to the
President for his signature ; but this officer declined to approve
the same ; and returned it to the House in which it originated.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 450

The President in liis veto, dwelt upon the fact that the people
of the District had almost unanimously in a special election,* de-
clared their opposition to nc^ro suffrage ; and urged that the
popular will should never be entirely disregarded, as was contem-
plated in the proposed bill. The incompatibility of forcing negro
suffrage upon the people of the District, when the experiment
Avas a novel one, and before the Northern States themselves were
willing indiscriminately to accept Africansas voters, was ad verted
to in strong and emphatic language by the President. The un-
settled condition of the country was also considered as unwarrant-
ing a change of the character proposed. Bat besides placing
himself as a present defender of the Constitution, in opposition
to the revolution, the President's arguments accomj^lished no
result, as the bill was re-passed in both Houses of Congress and
became a law over the Executive's veto.

But the con>ervative re-action to the revolution, inauguratedf
by President Johnson, went on increasing as time elapsed after
the close of the war. The Supreme Court in its decisions, ap-
peared also as an embankment to the flood that was washing
away one constitutional landmark after another. In 1866, in the
ably argued case of Lambdin P. Milligan and his associates, who
in 1864 had been sentenced to death by a military tribunal, this
Court decided that such commissions had no authority, under the
Constitution, for the trial of civilians. The nine Judges of the
Supreme Bench agreed that the Court wdiich had tried these
citizens was illegally organized ; that it had no jurisdiction in
the case ; and that its sentence was a nullity. Military courts
for the trial of citizens were pronounced to be wholly unwar-
ranted. But partisanship showed its dangerous influence on this
occasion. Chiof-J ustice Chase, and other dissenters, whilst con-
curring with the majority of the Court, as to the illegality of
the tribunal, declined to declare such trials as necessarily in con-
flict with the Constitution. The attitude their party had taken

*"'In Washington, in a vote of 6,536 — the largest with but few excep-
tions, ever polled in the city, only 32 ballots were cast for negro suffrage ;
while in Georgetown, in an aggregate vote of 813, a number considerably
in excess of the average vote, at tlie four preceding annual elections — ■
Imt one was given in favor of the projiosed extension of the elective
franchise.'' — Veto Message of President Johnson.

f An insensible Repujlioan re-action ha I been progressing since tho
commencement of the v.'ar; but which only canij fully into notice, when
the President took position against the revoluiionisth'. Senators Cowan,
Dixon and Doolittle bolougud to the reactionists.

460 A KEVIEW OF THE

diiriiii:^ tlic war, seemed to reijuii'c that this reservation should Le
made by Mr. Liucohi's appointees. J3ut the decision amply jus-
tilied the opposition that had been made to these tribunals by
the Deniocratic party from the opening of the rebellion.

The Supreme Court afterwards, in ex-parte Garland, declared
that the iVct of 1SG2, and also that of 1865, (applicable to attor-
neys,) which exacted test oaths, were unconstitutional. This
decision aroused the anger of Stevens, Boutwell, and their zeal-
ous followers. The latter of these two, introduced into the
House a bill, to nullify this last decision of the Supreme tribunal,
which was driven rough-shod through this body, over the rights
of debate. The higher law, which was one of the fundamental
principles of the revolutionary party, also showed its dangerous
tendency in this movement of the Massachusetts Representative.
If the decisions of the highest court of the nation were to be
treated with contempt* ; and threatening efforts be made to
effect their reversal in an illegal manner by a fanatical Congress,
then the days of constitutional government might be considered
as nearly numbered. The section of the new Constitution of
Missouri, which precluded ministers of the gospel, teachers and
members of the bar, from officiating in theii- vocations, because
they had been in tne rebellion or had sympathized with the
Confederates, was also pronounced by the Supreme Court as
unconstitutional. The above decisions were emissions of sound

* The following extract from the Philadelphia Press, of January 19th,
1867, is adduced as showing the hypocritical parti»ian a-saults that were
made at tliis time upon tlie Supreme Court for it3 decisions :

"If it were not rather a violent [)resuniption, a strong argum-Mit could
be made, to show that a majority of the Supreme Court of t lie United
States, had entered into a regular combination with the rebel State
Judges and politicians. Certain it is that the effect of this combination,
is to increase the argument, that is gradually and irresislably forcing
Congress to establish republican governments all over the region in
which the rebellion was begun and prosecuted. Justice Davis, in the
ca.se of the Indiana traitors, laid himself open to very general reprehen-
sion for injecling into a judi -ial statement, an almost open defense and
ai)ology for the rebellion."

Judges were not wanting at this period who were ready to stand with
the revolutionary men of Congress ; and endeavor to throw contempt
upon the decisions of the Supreme Coiu-t ; and even refuse to yield obe-
dience to its mandates. Ciiief -Justice Carter, of the Sup^'rior Court of
the District of Columbia, on the 12th of February 1SG7, pronounced the
judgment of himself and his associates, Fisher, Olin and Wylie, deny-
ing the motion made by Mr. Bradley for the admission of Co.onel A. h.
McCiruder, o the Confederate army as a practioner at the bar of the said
Court. This decision was designed to invalidate that of the Supreme
Coiu't of the United States. The iron clad oath was as a serviceable
political adjunct, auJ could not yet be dispensed with.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 4G1

reroon, and served to prove, as the Democrats from tlic first liad
contended, that the bulk of radical legislation was revolutionary
and unconstitutional.

But notwithstanding Presidential and judicial reaction, tho
revolution had as yet such momentum, that its progress was
irresistible. Negro suffrage for the Southern States, that fondly
anticipated object was too dear in radical estimation to be aban-
doned at the dictation of the defenders of the Constitution,
The first grand move for its attainment had been a fortunate
one. The principle had been forced upon the Federal District ;
and a basis of operations now existed to make inroads into other
quarters. The organization of the Territories of Nebraska and
Colorado were taken up in this session of Congress, and their
admittance into the Union conditioned upon their acceptance of
universal suffrage. The imposition of this condition would be
the forcible overthrow of the principle which had heretofore
universally obtained, as regards the elective franchise. The
determination of the question of suffrage had^ up to this timcy
been universally deemed the province of the people of the
States ; but this republican principle was now about to yield to
the current of the revolution that was flooding American soil.

The overthrow of this fundamental dogma, was strongly re-
sented by the Democrats and the Kepublican Conseiwativcs in
both Houses of Congress ; and the conscience of as violent a
radical as Senator "Wade^ of Ohio, revolted at the attempt to
reverse this cardinal principle of the Republic ; and which had
formed one of its corner-stones since the foundation of the
Government. The Ohio Senator, in his speech on the Nebraska
bill, used the following language :

" I do uot know what right you have to say, that a State shall bo ad-
mitted, not on an equality with every other State, and shall not be
allovv'ed to regulate her elective franchise as she pleases. I say to the
gentleman who offers this amendment, that he has not under the Consti-
tution, as yet declared anywhere, that the General Government can fix
the status of the elective franchise. You have left it thus fur with the
States. The Constitutional Amendment that we passed last year left it
to the States — even to the rebel States, to regulate it for themselves, the
only restriction being, that they should not have political power lor
those of their population whom they excluded from the right of voting.
Of course, I am as much for the principle of the amendment as anybody
else. I wish'the word white were excluded from the Constitution of ray
own State. But neither you, sir, nor I, nor this Con^rcbs can do it.

4C3 A REVIEW OF THE

undor the Constitution of the United States. We liave no power hero
to say to the State of Ohio, 'correct this error in your Constitution, or
we will correct it fur you.' Will any gL-utlenian contend that we can
do it ? "*

The bills for the admittance of Colorado and Nebraska as
States, passed tlie two Houses of Conu-rcss, and were sent to
President .lolinson for liis approval, which he declined in both
cases to extciul. He vetoed these bills, basing his dissent largely
upon the attempted enforcement of universal suffrage upon the
people of these Territories, which he stigmatised as an infraction
of the fundamental principles of republican government; yea,
even as a violation of the Constitution. In the case of Colorado,
the President opposed its admittance because the people of this
Territory had themselves, through their House of Ilepresetatives,
entered their protest against it. lie severely retlected upon the
action of Congress, as regards the last named Territory, stigma-
tising it as partaking too evidently of a desire to admit new
States, without regard to principle, for the political advantages
that n)ight thereby enure to the revolutionists. These vetoes
were both reconsidered in the two Houses of Congress, but the
President having disclosed the flimsy claims of Colorado for
admittance into the Union, his views were sustained. Nebraska,
however, was admitted as a State over the Presidential veto.

But the great work of reconstruction yet demanded the atten-
tion cf the revolutionary Congress. The man to lead in what
necessitated an utter repudiation of the Constitution, was the
one who had heretofore in his utterances, been the most yegard-
less of that instrument ; and who had openly declared that the
]e"-islation of Congress regarding the Southern States, found
its support outside of paper compacts. This man was Mr. Ste-
vens who, since the Thirty-ninth Congress, stood before the
country as the leading radical in the Lower House ; and who must
ever ii'>'ure as the Corypheus of revolutionary reconstrnct'on, and
the counterpart of Robespierre upon the American continent.
As a skilled general, he began the last onset by a feigned move-
ment in the submission of his North Carolina Bill, on the 13th
of December, 18G0 ; and which was simply designed to gain time,
and allow ]>ublic sentiment to develop itself in the direction he
desired. Congress, in view of the popular apprehension, wasprc-

* Annual C'ljclopcedia. for 1S3j, pp. 148-0.

rOTJTICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 4G3

eluded, ns yet, from adopting any radical scheme of reconstruction ;
inasmuch as but four States of the South, Texas, Ahibama, Florida
and Georgia had up to this time passed upon the Constitutional
Amendment. An observer at "Washington was able to speak of
the Korth Carolina Bill in the following words:

" The bill reported by Mr. Stevens, on Thursday last, is the beginning
of the inevitable end"*

Different members of Congress, since the opening of tliis
session, deeming the amendment too moderate, had introduced
bills looking to reconstruction upon the radical basis ; but all
these were so variant that it was difficult to see how unitj could
be evolved from their conflicting views. Governor Ilolden and
other North Carolinians, had conferred with Mr. Stevens, and
aided him in the preparation of the bill he submitted for the
legal rehabilitation of their State. But, although the bill
assumed the entire overthrow of the constitutional 'government
of the State, and proposed to confer a qualified suffrage upon all
classes, without distinction of color, who could read and write, it
was far from meeting the views of its proposer. The introduction
of this bill created no enthusiasm in the breasts of those who
cherished designs more revolutionary than it proposed. As a
consequence, the bantling came dead-born into earth's sphere ;
and perished unwept, receiving neither the sorrow of its mater-
nal progenitor, nor of the consanguineous fraternity.

But the real movement of Mr. Stevens, the arch revolutionist
in Congress, to effect the reconstruction of the Southern States
in accordance with his views, began fairly on the 3d of January,
1867. Disliking the bill which had been submitted by the Ee-
construction Committee, he called up his own substitute which
he sustained in one of his ablest speeches. This bill of Mr. Stevens
admitted the temporary validity of the Government of the ten
excluded States, and conferred upon all male citizens the right of
suffrage ; but excluded from citizenship, all those who being of
full age, on the 4th of March, 1861, had held office under the
Confederate States, or who had sworn allegiance to the said Gov-
ernment. It contained a plan of reconstructing the South, that
did not meet the approbation of quite a number of the influential
Abolitionists ; but it served suitably as a subject of discussion
before Cong-ress and the nation. This bill of Mr. Stevens em-

*Pliiladelphia Press, December i8th, 18G0.

464 A REVIEW OF THE

budled, as liad also liis Ts^'orth Carolina ijropositlon, liis leading
conception, that the Confederate Commonwealths had lost their
Statehood; and to regain vitality, reqnired aa emenation of
power from the pleronia of the Ilnmp Congress. This feature
of his hill had the approbation of the revolutionists ; and the dis-
cussion on their part, from this period, was mainly confined to
the terms and franchise preliminaries to be adopted.

.The Stevens Bill having been modified considerably by amend-
ments r.nd otherwise, again came u\) in the House on January
16th, 1807, when it was made the subject of a spirited discussion.
Eepresentative Paine, of AVisconsin, opened the debate in a very
bitter attack upon Mr. Stevens for proposing to recognize as A-alid
the existing State governments of the South. Mr. Bingham, of
Ohio, also combatted the Stevens bill and the other radical
modes of recotistruction that had been proposed ; and declared
that honor demanded of Congress, that it adhere to its proposi-
tion made to the South in its Constitutional Amendment, lie
moved the recommittment of the Stevens bill to the Connnittee
on Reconstruction, in order that a better matured measure might
be presented for the consideration of Congress. The bill, after
havin'"- been modified, was referred to the Committee on Recon-
struction.

On the Cth of February, Mr. Stevens, from this committee,
reported a new " bill to provide for the more efficient govern-
ment of the insurrectionary States." The revolutionists, by this
time were coming more into accord in their views ; and time
alone was needed to evolve the issue. The House entered, with-
out delay, npon a debate on this bill, which lasted for several
days. The last measure of Mr. Stevens, entitled the MHita)-;/ Bill,
■was intended to set aside the governments of tlie Southern States^
and divide them into five districts, over each of which the General
of the army should be authorized to appoint a subordinate, whose
martial rule, in his special division, should be supreme. The bill
proposed the complete subordination of the civil to military law;
left the Southern States without representation ; and was designed
simply as a preparative for ulterior measures. It had been framed
with the view of preparing the way for the Louisiana bill,* which

*The Louisiana Bill embodied the conclusions arrived at by the par-
tisan oommitlee appointed by the House of Representatives, to investi-
gate the New Orleans riots of July 30th, 1866. Its clear object was to

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 403

enfranclii?cd tlic negroes, but M-liich virtually disfi-auelilsed the
whites of tlic South. All this being secured, the coveted aim of the
revolutiouists would have been reached, But this was too extreme,
for all except the Stevens radicals. On the 12th of February,
James G. Elaine, of Maine, moved that the Military Bill be re-
ferred to the Committee on the Judiciary, with instructions to
report back a provision admitting the Southern, States, upon the
adoption of the Constitutional Amendment, with sulfrage for all,
black and white. This amendment was to the effect that any
rebel State adopting the Constitutional amendment, giving the
elective franchise to its citizens without respect to color, and
adopting a Constitution ratified by all its legal voters, should bo
declared entitled to I'epresentation in Congress; and that from
the daj of its admission, the military sections of the bill
should be inoperative in such State, It did not strike out a sin-
gle section of the Stevens Bill, but simply introduced a new
issue of reconstruction. The Blaine Amendment was defeated
in the House, upon the grounds that it did not disfranchise
any of the rebel leaders, but accorded them the full priv-
ilege of participating in the work of reconstruction. The
intense revolutionists supported the Stevens Bill, almost pure
and entire ; only the moderate Kepublicans favoring the amend-
ment offered by Mr, Blaine. As a consequence, the amendment
was defeated. The Military Bill of Mr. Stevens, then with
slight alterations, en the 13tli of February, obtained the sanction
of the House, by a vote of 109 yeas to 55 nays.

The Military Bill, after this, came to the Senate and was de-
bated in this body on February 16th, meeting with resolute
opposition, chiefly on the ground that it proposed no solution of
the cjuestion which for two years had been before Congress ; and
that it established in the South simply the rule of the sword,
without containing any provisions for the restoration of civil
governments. The first change proposed by the Senate, was the
amendment which had been offered in the House by Mr. Blaine,
but by that body rejected. This was also defeated in the Senate,

disfranchise as many of the Southern whites as pretexts could be urged
for so doin<^. About uineleen-twcntietlis were proposed to bo disfran-
chised by this measure. The bill was the proiluctiou of Mr. Eiiot, of
Massachusetts, on wiiose motion t!ie committee had been raised for the
investigation of the said riot. It was introduced into tlie Ilou-.e on tho
11th of Febi'uary, and x^assed that body on the fi>llo\ving day.

4GG A REVIEW OF THE

but rather, as it were, for parli:unentary purposes. Senator
Shci-uiau Kubuiitted a substitute for the military bill of Stevens,
which declared that no legal governments exist in the Confede-
rate States, divided them into military districts, and prohibited
State authority from interfering with military orders. The sub-
stitute ditlered from the Stevens Bill, in making it the duty of
the President to appoint the military commanders, and in par-
tially making the Blaine Amendment the basis of reconstruction.
Militarv authority, by the Sherman substitute, was made supreme
in the ten unrepresented States, and suifrage conferred upon all
classes, without distinction of race or color.

The democratic resistance to the revolutionary movement,
which aimed at negro sullrage in the Southern States, like as
ao-ainst a tide of destiny, was utterly powerless. Able and
ar'nimentative speeches were made by Senators JJavis, Saulsbury,
Hendricks, McDougal and others, showing the unconstitutionality
of such legislation ; but all logic and argumentation were vain,
as the measure with but slight alteration passed as submitted by
the Ohio Senator, and by the strong vote of twenty-nine yeas to
ten nays. " Occasional," in the Philadelphia Press of February
17th, 18GT, upon the passage of the Sherman Bill, wrote as
follows :

" This Sabbath morning found the Republicans of the United States
Senate, after a session of eighteen hours, (except a rest from 4)^ o'clock
till 7 last evening) agreed in favor of the substitute of Sherman, of Ohio,
for the various propositions that have been proposed and rejected."

The Sherman Bill, when it came to the House encountered a
fierce opposition from Stevens, Boutwell, Stokes and other
radicals, on the grounds that it provided too general an anmesty
for the rebels, and that it would permit the State Governments
in the South, after reconstruction, to fall into their hands. The
object of these men was to secure the disfranchisement of as
lar<''e a number of the Southern whites as possible, in order that
their revolutionary party might be able to grasp and hold the
sceptre in the South by means of negro suffrage. Hence, they
'-■reatlv favored ]\[r. Eliot's bill for the government of Louisiana,
^ which disfranchised the rebels, as it were, by wholesale. Mr. Ste-
vens and his friends, as a consequence, united with the Democrats in
opposition to concurring in the passage of the Sherman Bill as
it came from the Senate, and carried a Committee of Conference.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 4CT

The Senate refused a conference, and insisted on its amendments.
The House now adopted two important amendments, the one
offered by Mr. Shellabergcr, and the other by Mr. Wilson. The
iirst was to the effect, that until the rebel States were admitted
to representation, the civil governments of the South should be
purely provisional ; and the latter declared, that no person ex-
cluded from office by the Constitutional Amendments, shall bo
permitted to take part in the re-organization of the rebel
States. The Sherman 13111, with these amendments having
passed the House, was scut to the Senate for its cuncurrence.
This latter body accepted these amendments prepared by the
House, and the bill was passed by thirty -five yeas to seven nays.
Even Eeverdy Johnson, of Maryland, as an acquiescent vicar of
Bray, at the last hour deserted his colors for those of the enemy,
and swelled the Senatorial roll of those trampling on the Consti-
tution of their country.

The bill encountered the usual veto of the President, but was
repassed by both Houses, and became a part of the unconstitu-
tional, revolutionary legislation. As another Argonautic cruise,
the f-reat expedition of abolitionism was now ended ; and the
golden fleece of their hopes was grasped. This last act was also
viewed as the philosopher's stone, which would transform as by
magic, the emancipated slaves into American citizens, capable of
preserving republican institutions. This, however, was simply
the ostensible view entertained by the zealous, hair-brained fa-
natics, who had deluded themselves into the belief that education
could metamorphose barbarian negroes into intelligent, virtuous
citizens. The deep, crafty schemers of the Stevens type, enter-
tained no such silly conceptions, but they bent M'ith the popular
communistic current of the age, and sought by means of fraud
and hvpocrisy to govern the unthiidving by a more despotic
tyranny than they assumed to have broken. During the discus-
sion of the reconstruction measures, Mr. Stevens made no con-
cealment that he favored the enfranchisement of the negroes, in
order to strengthdli his party, and politically enslave the Southern
whites. This, in short, was the great object of the intelligent
revolutionists. Stevens, while arguing for universal suffrage,
said :

"The white Union men are in a great minority in each of those States.
AVith them the bhxcks would act in a body ; and it is believed that in

4C8 A REVIEW OF THE

each of said States, except one, the two united would form a majority,
control the States, and protect themselves. * * * It would

insure the asceudeney of the Union party. For I helieve, on my cou-
eciunce, that ou the continued ascendency of that party, depends the
safety of this great nation. If impartial suffrage is excluded in the
rebel States, then every one of them is sure to send a solid rebel repre-
sentative delegation to Congress, and cast a solid rebel electoral vote.
They, with their kindred copperheads of the North, would always elect
tlie President and control Congress."'*

The infamous, wicked and diabolical crime, which the sagacious
revolutionists knew that they had committed against civilization
and Southc'n society, fully assured them of the counter revolu-
tion of hate and retaliation, which would consign them to the
ijottomless pit of American rage and execration ; unless by the
votes of the ignorant negroes and whites, they should be able to
embank with success against the recurrent flood. It was
rule or ruin with the fanatical party. For they were too well
aware, that, composing as they did, the great minority of the
American people, a day of retribution would confront them in
all its horrible solemnity. To hide, therefore, their guilt and
escape merited detection, they preferred the downfall of consti-
tutional republican government, wdth all its attendant calamities ;
and, as if to prevent forever its restoration, they re-opened all the
Hood-gates of ruin, which the wisdom of the w^orld during many
centuries had been engaged in closing.

I3ut the climax of the revolution was now reached. The Re-
public of the fathers was fully prostrated in the Stevens-Sherman
Heconstruction Enactment of the Hump Congress; the union of
consent was transformed into one of antagonism, which arms
and armies united ; and the States Avere left in a condition of
clfervesccnce, from which the hand of the Napoleonic master
may alone be able to rescue them. Hypocritical centralism had
trampled over constitutionalism ; but it was the creature of per-
fidy, fraud and dissimulation ; and lacked the bold front that
seizes the reins by manly entrepidity and moral heroism. As
dastards and knaves, the revolutionists had subverted and trod-
den under foot the Magna-charta of their country, by pandering
to the low insinuating sentiments of the time, and flinging sops
to the multitude ; and upon the ruins of constitutional govern-
ment were rearing a despotism more odious and corrupt than the

*Annual (. yclopcedia for 1867, p. 207.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 4C9

basest absolutism of Asia. The Southeni States were consigned
to niilitaiy rule, until the new citizens should remodel the State
Constitutions in conformity with the mandates of the Washing-
ton dictators. In the cataclysm that prostrated Southern society,
constitutional government was -wholly submerged ; and the land
of the Pinkneys, Tlutleges and Randolphs was now ready to be-
come a jiest of imclcan birds. The political buzzards and cor-
morants of the jSTorth had, for some time, been scenting the lields
of putridit}' in Avhich to gorge their insatiate maws.

In the wreck of society that befell the South at the hands of
hypocrisy and fanaticism, honor and virtue, the two main pillars
of free government were broken down, and chicanery and du-
plicity substituted. In the Xorth, society had for years been
bending to the blasts of fraud and dissimulation ; and it was
only preserved from overthrow by the high Southern tone*
which diffused its influence from the Federal centre throughout
the Union. This being mainly cut off in secession, the torrent
of corruption began at once audibly to roar ; and when the ro-
constructionists had ended their work, it was rushing wdth
rapidity as a swelling stream. It was giving evident tokens that
after uniting with the Southern flood, already rising from recon-
struction, it would become the great river upon M-hicli all the
communistic later-day craft should carry the soldiery to the last
battle of Democracy, the Armegeddon of the new world.

The preliminary legislative work of reconstruction having been
mainly completedf for the subversion of the State Governments
in the South ; the next question of pressing concern with the
revolutionists, was how best to entrammel President Johnson,
and circumscribe his official power by every means within their
reach. Ever since his breach with them, they busied themselves
in devising plans to overcome his opposition, and undermine his
influence A\ith the people. Daring this session of Congress, in
accordance with his resolution in the preliminary caucus, Mr.
Stevens, the great enemy of the President, introduced into the
House a bill to regulate removals from ofHce. A bill with simi-
lar purpose, introduced at the previous session, was also consid-

* Southern society, owing to its class subordination, naturally produced
a higher tone of sentiment than tlie Nortli has ever been able to exhibit.

f Two supplementary Reconstruction Bills were subsequently passed,
which were designed lor carrying into effect the provisions of the
Stevens-Sherman JBill.

470 A REVIEW OF THE

ered, and after liaving gone tlirougli tlie process of emendation,
passed the House. Being taken up in tlie Senate, the concurrence
of this boily was lilcewise secured. It afterwards came to the
l^resident fur liis a})])ruval or dissent. Tlie bill, as it passed both
Houses, precluded the President fi'om removing, of his own
authority, otlicials ; and reipiiring the assent of the Senate to
render his removals valid, in like maimer, as to coiihrm their
appointments.

This was another unprecedented stretch of legislation, and of
itself evinced the revolutionary character of the men who domi-
nated, regardless of reason and law, in the Congress of the
nation. The President vetoed the bill to dejjrive him of the
authority legally vested in him as the Federal Executive ; and the
legitimacy of which had never been validly questioned since 1T89,
in the sitting of the first Congress, after the formation of the
Constii'ution. But this onslaught npon Presidential authority,
was the effoi't of pure partisans, who were bent upon wresting
all power from their own Chief Magistrate, because they dis-
covered that he entei'tained greater regard for his oath of ofHce,
than for the |)romotion of their revolutionary designs. Presi-
dent Johnson strongly disputed the right of Congress to abrido-e
his power to dismiss, at his own option, any subordinate official
for the perforinacne of whose duty he, as the head of the Gov-
ernment, was responsible. All his predecessors had exercised
the power of dismissing authoritatively, and without (piestion, any
of their official subordinates ; and it was one which the framers
of the Government deemed the indispensable right of the officer
who filled the Presidential Chair. The bill was, however, re-
considered ; and having passed both Houses over the veto, was
enrolled amongst the national statutes.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 471

CHAPTER XXX.

THE AFRICANIZATION OF THE SOUTH.

The soul of the fanatics being fixed upon the total revolution
of Southern Society, before the adjournment of the Thirty-
ninth Congress, it was determined to convene at once tlie new-
one, in order to have the supervisory eye of radicalism over tlie
Presidential occupant, and the workins" of the favorite leo-isia-
tion. Accordingly, the Fortieth Congress assembled on the 4th
of ]\Iarch, immediately following the dissolution of the former
representative bodies. It was soon apparent to tlic keen percep-
tion of the managers, that additional features must be impressed
upon the Sherman-Stevens Reconstruction Act of March 2d
1867, in order to secure the coveted objects of the friends of
that measure. A supplementary bill was tlierefore prepared
and passed both Houses of Congress, directing the rc^-istration
of the voters in tlie Southern States, and the other auxiliary
particulars hitherto overlooked by the legislators. This supple-
ment to the Reconstruction Act, also met the opposition of a
Presidential veto, but on the 23d of March it became a law in
the usual method as had its congenital associates.

President Johnson, although disapproving the revolutionary
legislation, which was to subvert the State Governments of the
South, and overturn the whole social system of that section
acquiesi-ed, nevertheless, as the Executive representative of the
nation, and took such action as the anti-constitutional enactments
demanded. The ten States Subjected to military despotism Avere
divided into five districts," over each of which the President

*The State of Virginia formeJ the first of these districts; North and
Soutli Carolina the second; Alabama, Florida and Georj^ia the third-
Arkan'-as and Mississippi the fourth; and L misianii and Texas the fifth'.
C.)n;iderable exchanging of ihe military commanders of tliese districts
iojK: place. General Hancock was tubitituted lor General Sheridan,

473 A REVIirVV OF THE

appointed a General of the anny, as the hxw required of him.
Fur the Jirsi of these districts, J. M. Schotield was selected ;
over the second^ Daniel E. Sickles ; in the third, General Pope ;
to the fourth, General Ord ; and General Sheridan was assigned
to the command of the Ji/'t/i district.

The principles of republicanism were found altogether inade-
quate for the work which the revolutionists were determined to
effect; and those of oriental empires were substituted by men
striving for ideal equality, and the enlarged liberalism of social-
istic Europe. But it was inconsistent, and wholly unphilanthropic,
to iind men, who professed to be the friends of republican liberty,
entirely ignoring, as it were, the results of freedom ; and even
supplanting these by means of viler tyranny and more despotic
usurpation than the people of America ever witnessed. Civil
law all through the South was compelled to descend from its
ancient seat, at the nod of military satraps, who were clothed
with an authority, which no constitutional ])o\ver in America was
able to confer. The rule of the sword which modern civilization
had laid aside, was substituted by legislators in order to force
upon an unwilling people, measures against which, reason and the
sensibilities of the Caucasian race, revolted.

A systeui of intolerance -was inaugurated in the Southern
States, under the pretence of law, which found no warrant, save
in the enthusiastic zeal of despots, who, Gossler-like, could im-
prison their countrymen for diffeiing with them in political opin-
ions ; and giving evidence of that difference by some unguarded
remarks or incautious exhibitions of the feelings of freemen. It
was but natural that the Southern people should resent treat-
ment, designed to crush their free and independent spirit; render
them down-trodden serfs of barbarian negroes; and enchain them
to the car of revolutionary oppression, from which it should for
years be impossible to rescue them. Governors of States, Judges
of the courts, and other officials in the South, were removed

^vith grea*; profit to the opp-esseil Southern people ; General E. R. S.
Canby for Genoral Daniel E. Sickles, with some advantapje ; General
IMcDowell for (Jeiierul Ord, with no loss, and GeiU'ial iMeatlo took the
place of General Pope, no special j^ain, however, bein;? realized. Gen-
eral Scliofield was honor.iblv relieved by being invited to assume the
higher i)ost of Secretary of War. General Stonemau was then assigned
to the command of the lir.st district.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN A:\IERICz\. 473

from tlicir places by military dictators,* wlio were base enough
as to sink their manliood in snl^servieney to arbitrary power ; and
in the execution of authority with which, as they were well
aware, the Constitution of their comitry had never clothed them.
Suppliant tools of despotism, whom the people of the South de-
spised, were foisted into place and position by Generals Sheridan,
Sickles and other appointees of the Federal Government.

A fermentation f of sentiment began in the South, with the
appointment of the Federal satraps, and the inauguration of
measures for the reconstruction of the Southern States. Meet-
ings of the native whites assembled together for consultation all
over the South. Assemblages of the negroes and of tlie unclii-
valric whites, inspired by tlie latter, soon commenced alsj lo be
held in different States, and resolutions were adopted at these,
which were fully in accord with the views of the most extreme
anti-slavery men of the North. No other result could be
expected, than that the newly enfranchised race would sympathise
with and attach itself, in a body to that party, to which it owed
its freedom and the right of suffrage. The boon of liberty and
American citizenship appeared to the untutorei African, as of

*Jen. S eridan removed Governors Throckmorton, of Texas, and AVells,
of Louisiana. Gov. Jenkins, of Georgia, was removed by Gen. Meade ;
and Gov. Humphreys, of Mississippi, was remove<;l by Gen. McDowell.
The removal of other officers would near fill a volume.

f Movements were inaugurated, in April, 1867, in Georgia and Mississ-
ippi, to test before the Supreme Court of the United States the constitu-
tiOiiality of the reconstruction legislation, which would, unless checked,
subvert the State Governments in the Sjuth. The Suprenae Judicial
Tribunal, was now become the last hope of the Southern people, to resist
the flood of revolution, which was about to cover tht m with tiie putrid
filih of negro supremacy. Applications were made on behalf of theso
States to tiie bills for injunctions to restrain the President, as the repre-
sentative of the Government, from exeoutmg laws oJious to him-
seif and to the white people of the South. But the Supreme Court,
before th.s period, had become a target of abuse for the revolutionary
faction tliat held the reins of power ; and its present existence depended
upon the will of Congress. It was, therefore, impotent to resist the
legislation, even though unanimously ojiposed to it. But besides, a
minority of its members belonged to the political party, which favored
the legislation offensive to the South. - Tiie Court, therefoi-e, determined
that it had uo power to consider the reconstruction laws, and thence dis-
missed, lor want of jurisdiction, the applications fi)r the bills of injunc-
tion. It would seem not ditiiculc to account for such a deci4oa, or to
estimate its value, when made by a Court that could decide the Legal
Tender Bill unconstitutional ; an 1 in less than two years afterwards re-
verse that same decision, which it had so soiemnly pronounced. Tlio
] er.od, however, had arrived in ihe liistoiy of the country, when tlio
fanatics were able to do what Daniel Web iter predicte I, that tiiey would
do after their advent to power ; they were able to act the Supreme Uuurt
at defiance.

474 A REVIEW OF THE

infinite consequence; and his devotion to his new masters became
at once as servile and adulatory, as it had been in his former condi-
t"on of slavery. He served therefore, admirably as the instru-
ment in the hands of the dextrous politician to grasp what
otherwise would have been impossible to obtain. Political man-
ipulation in the South became a sort of mutual admiration school
for corrupt office-seekers and ignorant negroes. The one could
flatter the emancipated blacks upon the results of the war, and
their great efficiency and aid in contributing to the same; whilst
the other, in turn, could obsequiously acquiesce in the dictates of
tlie new rulers, and help them to such posts of distinction as
they especially coveted.

But the condition in which the Southern wliites of the old
ruling class now found themselves, was deplorable in the extreme.
Bred in sentiments of honor and high-toned chivalry, they were
unable to brook the reflection of universal suffrage in their
midst ; and that their former slaves, who were just released from
servitude, should be recognized as equals with themselves upon
the political arena. Investigation and observation had satislied
many persons, not only in the South but also in the North, that
rapublican government ran a hazardous risk of loosing its equipoise
even with unlimited Caucasian suftrage. But, to throw all the
negroes into the political scale, without the least preparation for
citizenship, Avas risking an extreme which conservatism would
nev^er have ventured. The plunge, however, having been made,
large numbers of the people of the South were in the utmost
quandary to know how to act in the altered situation of affairs,
ilany, impressed with the belief, that republican government
was fully ended, resolved to perform no part in the political
drama, which was to be enacted for the restoration of civil gov-
ernment in the South, and in accordance with the revolutionary
progranmie. They felt amply sustained in their views, wdien
they called to mind the numerous ])redictions of the early states-
nicn of the Republic, who looked forward to a civil war, as the
event which would end free government within the limits of the
American Union. But, though these were the sentiments and
opinions of a large and intelligent class of the Southern people,
another portion of them, differing little from the former in
many of their views, believed, nevertheless, that duty to them-
selves and tu their section, demanded of them, that they should

rOLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 475

continue to strng^-le for tlicir rights in the midst of all their
ditiicultios ; and that quiescence in the new movements inaugu-
latel in their midst, would be fatal to all their hopes as citizens
of a common country. This class of the Southern people reso-
lutely placed their shoulders to the wheel, resolved to do their
utmost to save their States from the deplorable fate, which negro
suffi-age had in store for all of those that should be submerged
by the flood of lilth ready to be let loose upon them.

The several military commanders, in accordance w^th their
requirements, appointed Boards of Registration in their different
districts, whose duty it should be, to cause an enrollment to be
made of the old and new citizens, qualiiied to vote under the
reconstruction schedule. They also, in general orders, named
the times when elections should take place in the several States
to determine upon the calling of conventions, to revise and alter
the Constitutions of these States, and also to choose delegates to
the said conventions, Auxiliary Boards of Registration were
likewise appointed throughout every State of the South to be
I'econstruc'el ; which boards were to act in subordination to the
principal tribunal selected in each State by the military autocrats
of the various districts. The registration of voters, which was
made in all the Southern States, was purely a work of political
partisanship,'"^ engineered in the interests of that party which
secured the passage of the laws, under which the proceedings
were held. The negroes were enrolled as voters by wholesale,
but the frown of power rested upon every applicant for regis-
tration, whose countenance indicated that suspicious descent, that
was likely to revolt against aaiy intimate contact with the sud-
denly elevated children of Ham. Every member of the sus-
pected race, must either bear evident marks of soul-degredation,
or prove his allegiance to the party of revolution, before he
could have liis name uncontestedly recorded as a legal voter in
his State. All those making application for registration, and not
possessing the characteristics agreeable to radicalism, were sub-
jected to an ordeal of scrutiny, that was sufficient to deter all
save the boldest from the undertakins:.

*The Anti-Slavery standard confessed as follows : " The managers of
the Republican party rely entirely on the rebel Slates to elect Gen. Grant.
* * * It is planned to admit the Southern States on the well un-
cerst'iod < on lition, that they vote the Republican ticket, no matter what
name that ticket bears." — (Quoted in the ^ ow York Herald oi. Jan. 9, 1868.

470 A REVIEW OF THE

But rei^ist ration being now the all important particular to
Le considered in the work of reconstruction, this matter was
scrutinized and watched by the radicals with the all considerativo
care of devoted politicians. After the adjournment of the
special session of tlie Fortieth Congress, in the Spring of 1807,
dano-er was at once manifest, when the putting in force of the
reconstruction laws became a question of Executive Administra-
tion. Certain doubtful points of the law were submitted by
President Jolinson to his Attorney-General, for an i)i)iaion that
should form a guide upon the matters in dispute. This olHccr,
havino- thoroughly considered the (piestions in controversy, on
the 12tli of June gave an elaborate opinion upon the law, and
one which aroused the fears of the revokitionists, and induced
thj^in a<'-ain to buckle on their armor for a new contest with the
Admini:;tration. If this opinion of the law officer of the Gov-
ernment were permitted to be accepted as the true intepretation
of the law, they perceived that they would be unable to secure
the reconstruction of the South in the interests of their party ;
and this desired result, in radical estimation, must bo secured at
all hazards. Altogether too small a number of Confederates
would be excluded from the ballot-box, the official opinion being
permitted to obtain as the interpretation of tlie Government.
Clamor arose over the whole North, in opposition to the views
of Mr. Stausberry, and no other remedy was feasible save in the
re-assembling of Congress, and in the passage of another supple-
mental bill, that should nullify the newiy submitted interpretation.
On the 3d of July, 1S-G7, therefore, both Houses of Congress
assembled in (jverwhelming numbers, determined to givQ recon-
struction a dilferent turn from what the Administration, under
the advice of the .Attorney-General, was inclined to do. A
declaratory act, as it was called, was passed at this special session
of Congress, and became a law over the usual veto of the Presi-
dent. This act was declaratory, however, only in name, as addi-
tions, new in nature, character and eilect, were clearly and palpa-
bly made to what had already been enacted on the subject of
reconstruction. The principal points made more clear in the Act
of July 19th, were the enunciation of the entire and complete
Euppremacy of the military power thi'oughout the whole South-
ern country ; the enlargement of the power of the military
commanders ; and that the Boards of Registration should havo

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 477

tlic fullest latitude of investigation, and tlic yowcr of rejecting
wlionisoever they deemed proper. Senator IJuckalew, afterwards
speaking of this legislation and of the revolutionists, said :

"They carried on the whole proceeding of reconstruction with refer-
ence to party advantages." *

Registration, after the passage of this Act, proceeded with
vigor; and the negroes Avere enrolled by the grossly partisan
boards, with great satisfaction, as the individuals who should
sanction by their votes the decrees of the revolutionary bodies.
In many parts of the South, injustice of the most rank character
was perpetrated upon the rights of the v/liite people, who were
fairly entitled to be registered and. permitted to vote. jS'umerous
classes of persons, by no means disqualified to register; such as
sextons of churches, and petty officers of municipalities were re-
jected upon flimsy pretences, as disloyal and to be excluded from
the rights of citizenship. After this part of the progrannnc
had been completed, it was found that the negroes upon the
registry outnumbered the whites in nearly every one of the
Southern States ; and that thus the triumph of radicalism was
assured. In two of these States the black population considera-
bly exceeded the white, which gave the former the political
control in them, even though none of the latter had been dis-
franchised for particij)atiou in the i-ebellion. Many of the whites
refused to register, because they were unwilling to endure the
ordeal, that was necessary to be encountered, before the partisan
boards that were authorized to pass upon their qualifications as
citizens of their States. The necessity imposed upon them, by
the revolutionary Congress, seemed unjustly to require of them
a degredation of their manhood, to which as freemen, educated
in schools of honor, they were unwilling to submit. As chiv-
alric members, therefore, of an overturned republic, they pre-
ferred to endure the injustice of political ostracism, rather than
to be guilty of the meanness of crouching before the tribunals
wdiich radicalism had set up ; and ignobly strugglino- for the
privilege of being re-clothed with that citizenship of M'hich bar-
barian negroes were not deemed unworthy. Quite a number of
the leading men were clearly disfranchised by the legislation of
Congress; and many who were not, perceived tiiat their re"-istra-
tion could no longer save their States from the horrors of ncf^ro

* New York World, September 28th, 1867.

473 A. REVIEW OF THE

domination. Being unable, therefore, to interpose ciToctivc re-
sistance, the}' Nvere compelled to permit the Juggernaut of negro
suffrage, unchecked, to take its course and prosti-ate tlie State
Governments of the South in one common ruin. As douljts-
also, were entertained as regarded the parties who were clearly
entitled to register, these were seized upon by political mounte-
banks, as admirable means to deter large numbers of the white
people from registering. It was given out from high quarters
that all would be prosecuted whom the courts should afterwards
determine not to have been entitled to be registered as voters.
An oath was also exacted of all candidates for registration, which
was designed to exclude from the polls as large a number as
possible,

I>ut the registration, such as it was, being at length completed
by the boards liaving charge of the matter, the military com-
manders, by gcnoial orders, afterwards fixed tlie times when
elections should take phice in each State, to determine Vv'hether
the novel yeomanry, would favor or disapprove of the calling of
conventions to alter, according to the prearranged schedule, the
several State Constitutions. It was likewise ordered, that dele-
gates to the contemplated conventions should be voted for ; and
where conventions were carried, these bodies in due time slmuld
be convened in their respective States. In the elections thus
fixed, the polls were directed to be kept open during several
days, in order, as it was urged, to allow the new voters a fairer
opportunity to express their desires for or against tlie conven-
tions.

After the registration of the several Southern States had been
completed, orders were then given that caz-eful revisions should
be made ; and that the Registry Boards should strike from the
lists, all whom they should determine to be unqualified to exer-
cise the right of suffrage. This was an admirable safety-valve,
in the control of expert politicians, by means of which to allow
all the superfluous vapor, in the shape of white majorities, to
pass off without endangering the carefully constructed machinery
of radicalism, that was to carry the nation into the happy regions
of African bliss. When this expunging process was with sagac-
ious skill completed, the constitutional elections began to take
l^ace, one after another, with similar results. These elections
v/ere held in the diilerent States from September, 1SG7, until

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 479

February in tlic following year. In most of the States, few
voted at these elections except the negroes, and also a small num-
ber of whites, chiefly emigrants from the North. The negroes
and their associate whites, voted almost without exception for the
conventions.* A stronger conservative vote was polled in Vir-
ginia than in any of the Southern States. In this State, out of
one hundred and sixty-nine thousand votes cast, sixty-one thous-
sand opposed the calling of a convention to alter the Constitu-
tion. In most of the other States, only a comparatively small
vote was cast against the conventions ; in several of them, nol;
over the one-tenth of the votes cast. The great body of the
whites chose to absent themselves from the polls.

The delegates elected to these conventions were composed
chiefly of unknown men, both white and colored. Neither
character nor intellectual worth Avere considered in the selection
of the individuals who were to re-frame the prostrated fabric of
the American Union. Men of wealth and distinguished consid-
ei-ation were defeated in these elections ; and obscure, corrupt
personages were chosen to till the seats, that had been honored
by the ablest and purest patriots to whom America had given
birth. As an example. Judge Alexander Eives, of Albemarle
County, Virginia, a man of intelligence, wealth and position in
society, was defeated as a delegate to the proposed convention of
the State, by an ignorant negro. In Mecklenburg County, a
negro, who was unable to read or write, and who had repeatedly
been tarnished in his passage through Courts of Justice, was
elected a delegate over a respectable citizen. A violent partisan
named Ilunnicutt, the corruptly accused Underwood, an Irisli-
man by the name of Morrisey and two negroes, were the dele-
gates elected from the City of Eichmond. A class of leaders

*'• The negroes were everywhere driven to the polls by the chiefs of
the Union League Councils. The day before the elecdon, radical agents
traveled through Montgomery country, and summoned the blacks to
come to the city and vote, telling them tliat General S\v:iin had ordered
tliem to do so, and would punish them if they d.d not. On the afternoon
before the day of election, tliausands of negrues marclied into Mont-
gomery in regularly org,;nized regiments, cacii man bearing arms ; and
at night tliey camped around the city as a besieging army. The danger
of a disturbace was so great that the military authorities oruered lliem
to be disarmed. Ten per cent, of the negroes who v. ted could not now
tell, and indeed never knew, the name on the ballot which they deposited
in the box ; they acted simply in obedience to the instructions of the
Bureau agents, without the faintest glimmering of an idea of wliat they
were doing."— Corrcspo«de/if from Alabama to N. Y. World, Nov. llth,
18GT.

4S0 A REVIEW OF THE

were tlirown to the surface over the wliolc South, sucli as had
been only the product of the raging sea of French 6^a?i6' cxdottltnii.
The Parson Brownlows, and others of like revolutionary princi-
ples, took the places that had been occupied by the Washingtons,
Jeffersons, Madisons, Clays and Calhouns of the pure days of the
Ikjjjublic A considerable number of the delegates chosen to
these conventions, were, as one correspondent declared, " black
as Nox and Erebus." In more than one State the sable dele-
gates were able to count a majority.

IJut the great Webster himself had now been outstripped, in
the school of modern communistic progress. His eagle vision
had never discerned the coming milleuium of negro govern-
ment, which t^hould render perfect the weakness. of Caucasian
rule. When antiei])atiiig the downfall of the Kepublic, he had
been unable to see the future made happy, by the contrivances
which Stevens, Sumner, riiillips, and their allies devised. Ills
soul-sol icituus inquiries, however, were answered in the constitu-
tional elections that had taken place in the South, The men were
already chosen who, in fanatical estimation, were to supplement
the deficiencies of the framers of our Government, and do what,
as the expounder of the Constitution declared in the following
words, to be the difficult problem. " AVho," said he, " shall re-
construct the fabric of demolished Government ? Who shall
rear again the well-proportioned colunms of constitutional lib-
erty ? Who shall frame together the skillful architecture which
unites National Sovereignty with State Eights, individual security
and public prosperity ? Kow if these columns shall fall they
will be reared not again. Like the Coliseum and the Parthenon,
they will be destined to a melancholly and mournful immortality.
Bitterer tears, however, will flow over them than were ever shed
on the monuments of Roman and Grecian art, for they will be
the remnants of a more glorious edifice than Greece or Rome ever
eaw, the edifice of constitutional liberty."

From the first arrival of the military commanders in their
several districts in the South, a period of turmoil and confusion
was experienced, which baflles all efforts of the pen fairly to
depict. The demoniac spirit of intolerance exhibited by Gen-
erals Sheridan, Sickles, and other military rulers towards the
people, over whom they were commissioned to bear sway, was
sutiicient to goad the most pacific populations to resistance : and

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AilERICA. 421

implant in the brcast^^ of all of them feelings of hati-cd and
deep-seated rancor. Could a nation of people calmly stand by,
and endure the removal of their own legally elected officials,
from the highest almost to the lowest, and see their places filled
by hated individuals, whose only merit consisted in their devotion
to the principles that had deluged their soil in blood, and
beggared them in the land of their fathers? Reflect npon the
aggregated multitude of other injuries and abuse, heaped npon
the Southern people by the men and their subordinates, who
were illegally appointed to rule over them during this period of
convulsion ; and consider, if the perpetration of such was calcu-
lated to re-cement the bonds of fraternal union, upon which free
government assumes to be based. Was it to be expected that
freemen would, as curs, lick the hands of those wdio smote them ?
And yet ten thousand fold more than this, would seem to have
been expected by those, who could conceive that the legislation
of Congress and the action of the revolutionary party, would not
intensify the rage of the Southern whites, and array them in
bitter hostility towards the black race throughout all the Southern
States.

By the time the Congo conclaves began to assemble in the
different States of the Sonth, a well nnited opposition of the
native whites was organized in all these States; and prepared to
do everything in their power to resist the deadly unconstitutional
march of the revolution arj^ F^i'ty, over the fair fields of their
once happy and prosperous section. But as the youthful Samp-
son of the South, had been fatally shorn beneath the apple tree
of Appomattox, he was now left to grind in the prison house of
his misfortunes ; while at the same time, the dulcimers and cym-
bals of fanatical joy were sounding hilarious tunes over his down-
fall; and none were now anywhere found ready to do homage to
the former proud foeman of Northern abolitionism. The hated
strains of his enemies' mirth, he was forced to hear; but all the
the avenues of escape from the bitter thraldom being closed, ho
was compelled to bear what otherwise would have been unendu-
rable.

On the 5tli of November, 18GT, the motley Convention of
Alabama, the lirst of its species, assembled at Montgomery, the
Capital of theState, in obedience to the call of C4eneral Pope; and
proceeded to the work of framing a Constitution and Civil Govern-

433 A REVIEW OF THE

inent, in accordance with tlio reiiuitiitions of tlic Reconstruction
Aett. A eousideriible nunibor of tiie delei^-ates to tliis convention
were negroes, one-Lalf of whom were unable to write their own
names. All of them Ijeing, however, serviceable instruments in the
hands of the revolutionary party, their presence was agreeable, and
desired by men who cared more for iheir political success than for
tlie perpsjtuity of constitutional government. Indeed, the whites
wlio ligured as members of this and the following mixed-race
conventions in the JSouthern Slates, were the creatures of the
social convuLions of the country. The convention of mongrels,
that next met to imitate the proccedure of statesmen and skilled
lawgivers, was that of Georgia ; and so, one after another, the
citizens of the old Commonwealths of the South, were com-
pelled to wiinosd in their midst the variegated assemblages that
were authorized by unconstitutional legislation to subvert their
State Sovereignties, and foist upon them spurious constitutions
that were nauseous to the conceptions of their people. It was
infinitely more olfensivc to the people of the South ; and, as they
viewed it, more unjust, that their State governments, by acts of
Congress, should be made the victims of negro suffrage," inas-
much as all attempts to fasten it upon the ^orth (save in !N^ew
England) had signally failed.

Whilst the hybrid conventions were engaged in chanoino; tlie
State Constitutions of the South, Congress again assembled in

* Negro suffrage in tlio North was steadilj' resisted bj' the people,
although the number of negroes in this section was comparatively small
as compare I with those in the South. Even up to the period when it
was forced upon the South, one Northern State after anotlier defeated
the a,ltenipts that were made to introduce it. In tlie State of New York,
in 18G0. (wliero qua'.ifiei negro suffrage already was adop'ed), a vote was
taken up m allowing negroes the right of suffrage without a property
qu iliiication. The resuh was, yeas — 197,503; nayi — 307,934. In'theCity
of New York, the vote was, yeas— 1,010: nays— 37,471. In lS(i4, a like
effort was made in the same State, wjiich v.-as defeated, wilii tlie ft^llow-
ing result : yeas— So,40'o ; nays — 224, 3CG. In Illinois, in ISr-S, a vote was
taKen on the absolute and total exckision of all negroes from the State
limits, when the yeas were 171,893 : nays — 71,300, On granting them the
right of ofllce and suffrage, the yeas were 35,049; nays — 211,920. And
for the enactment of prohibitoiy laws against their coming into or
voting in the State, the yeas were 19S,9o8 ; na_vs — 44,414, In 1805, tlie
question of negro suffrage was svibniittcd to the people of Connecticut, and
Avas defeated by a majority of 0,272, In the State of Ohio, in 1"*'G7, whe.a
all eff(n-ts were niadt; to overeoiue the [)n'p:).ssess>iousof the pe^iple, it was
defeated by about 50.000 majority. About the same time it was lief-ated
by consideiaile majorities in K insas and Minnesota. And tiie people of
itichigan, a State heavily Republican, in tlie Spring of lyO-^, voted down
a Constitution for no other reason than tliat it conferred the electivo
franchise upon negroes.

rOLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMEPJCA. 483

Deccml)cr, 1SG7. It ^vas at once deterniined to do, by one or
otlicr method, wliat Congress had now the power to perform.
This was to " set the Sujn'cme Court at defianceP The case of
IfcCardle, an editor of Mississippi, was coming before that tri-
bunal, and the constitutionality of the lieeonstruction Acts
vrould be distinctly raised in its argument. McCardlc bad been
arrested h^- General Ord, and having been brought before Judge
Hill, of the United District Court of Mississippi, on Habeas
Corpus^ was remanded into military custody. Judge Hill re.
viewed the law, in an elaborate opinion, and declared that no
judicial tribunal, having cognizance of the offense charged against
McCardle, existed in the State, which was not subject to General
Ord ; and he felt unable to pronounce the Reconstruction Acts
unconstitutional. He deemed the offense of the Mississippi
editor a breach of law, of which the military authorities had
cognizance. From this decision, the case was brought before the
United States Supreme Court.

Early in December, a bill was introduced into the Senate, to
determine what should constitute a quorum of the Supreme
Court. The Senate bill was amended and passed the House, so
as to require two-thirds of the Judges of that Court to pronounce
a law of Congress unconstitutional. But the assaults made upon
the House proposition was so severe, that it was finally abandoned-.
The object of the contemplated legislation, Avas to prevent a
]najority of the Court from deciding in the M^jCardle case, that
the reconstruction laws were unconstitutional. Tlie great efforts
of the revolutionists to prevent a decision of the Court upon
these laws, evinced that thuy themselves feared judicial scrutiny.
Of the eight Judges, of which the Court was then composed,,
it seemed generally to have been understood, that five of them
viewed the Reconstruction Acts as unconstitutional, and if a fair
opportunity were afforded they might so decide. Such a deci-
sion must be prevented. During the discussion of this matter
before the House, Mr. Stevens, the revolutionary corypheus of
that body, from the Reconstruction Committee, submitted as a
substitute, a bill to declare that the jurisdiction of the Supreme
Court should not extend to anything pertaining to the recon-
struction legislation. This, although the direct way of rcacli;n<>-
what Congress Avas aiming at, was in the estimation of radical
politicians rather too unguarded an avowal of the object. An

484 A REVIEW OF THE

aiiieiulincnt, designed to accuinplisli the srfme result, was there-
fore proposed in the House, precluding aj)peals from the Circuit
Court to the Supreme Court. Tliis was adopted in the House,
and concurred in by the Senate. It became a hiw over the
Presidential veto. The Supreme Court was now unable to
render a decision in the McCardle case, and the reconstruction
legislation was freed from scrutiny.

The work of forming new constitutions for the Southern States,
was steadily prosecuted as prescribed. The great object witli
the white and sable Statesmen of the conventions, was to frame
constitutions which would exclude from the polls as large a
nuuiber as pos-ible of the white people of the South,* so as to
insure the succ-ess of the radical party by means of negro votes.
After constitutions had been framed, elections were ordered in
the dilTerent States for their adoption or rejection. A majority
of the registered voters was required to vote upon the ratification
of a constitution before the same could be pronounced as ratified.
This majority was lacking in the election held in Alabama, but
in those held in Arkansas, North Carolina, South Carolina,
Louisiana, Georgia and Florida, the constitutions were declared
ado})ted b}' negro majorities.

Protests from the white people of every State of the South
were sent to Congress, declaring their repugnance to being com-
pelled to submit to the rule of barbarian negroes. These ])ro-
tests predicted the most deplorable consequences to their section
and government, if they should be forced to acquiesce in negro
domination. Deaf ears, however, were turned to all these re-
monstrances. Instead of hesitating in their career, the revolu-
tionists in June, 18G8, admitted into the Union tlie State of
Arkansas over the veto of the President. A few days after-
wards Korth Carolina, South Carolina, Louisiana, Georgia,
Florida and Alabama were admitted as States by an Act entitled
the Omnibus hill. The admission of Alabama was a plain
breach of faith, as it forced upon the unwilling people of the

*As a sample of the oaths required by most of the nev/ constitutions
to be subscribed by every applicant for registration, that from Alabama
is given : '"I * * * do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I accept
the civil and political ecjuality of all men. and agree not to attempt to
deprive any person, or persons, on account of race, color or previous
condition, of any i)olitical or civil right, privilege or immunity, enjoyed
by any other clasj of uien." — Art. vii, ^ec. 4 of New Constitution of
Alab.uua.

rOIJTTCAL CONFLICT IN AIM ERICA. 43.J

State a Constitution Avhicli, under tlio rccunstruetlon law as it
stood when the election was held, had been clearly defeated.
The rceon^^tructod States in turn, speedily discharged their obli-
gations by adopting the Fourteenth Aineridnient to the Consti-
tution. Their admission as States thereupon, was complete.
Senators and lieprescntatives from these States were shortly
afterwards received with open arms in both Houses of Congress.
l>ut three States, Virginia, Texas and Mississippi proved laggards
in revolutionary policy. But time only was now required to
linisli the uncompleted task. The President now being power-
less and. the Supreme Court shackled, the Rump Congress was
at length clothed with the requisite legislative omnijpotencc.
The Africanization of the South was now fully assured.

4S3 A REVIEW OF THE

CHAPTER XXXI.

IMPEACmiENT OF ANDREW JOHNSON.

XoiwitlistnTuliiia: the revolutionary Congress was able to pass
laws over the Presidential veto, and set the Supreme Court at
defiance, it was not satislied. Being the product of the turbulent
elements of the country, it must obey the impulses of those by
whom it Avas sustained, or others would grasp its place and
sceptre. A strong feeling of hostility to Andrew Johnson,
aniinatcd the revolutionists from the period when the President
broke with his party, in the Winter of ISGG. The Chicago
TrU^une, the leading Republican paper of the West, on the last
day of March of that year, in a vehement and acrimonious
article, urged the impeachment and removal from office of Presi-:
dent Johnson, because of his having vetoed the Freedman's
Bureau and the Civil Rights Bills, and otherwise used his efforts
to stem the radical tornado. The demand of this Western organ
met the warm approbation of the infuriates of the party ; wliicli
proposal was from time to time renewed, as Presidential opposi-
tion in one direction and another, strove to break the current that
was still further prostrating the Constitution of the Republic.

Party rancor and political hate, from the period of the collision
of the President with his party, selected him as the mark of
venom, against v/hich the shafts of rage and malice were di-
rected. From that time he became the central figure for the
most malicious partisan abuse which history has ever recorded ;
and all the epithets which vindictiveness was capable of manu-
facturing, M-ere hurled at him, as if to bury him beneath showers
of defamation. The nian who allowed himself to be made the
conspicuous Southern instrument of fanaticism, to inflame pas-
sion against his native people ; as soon as he strove to check the
unholy waves, became well-nigh the victim of the same flames,
which for years he had w-ith others been feeding. A misconcei>
tioa of the objects of radicalism, had seduced his adhesion to

POUnCAL COXTLICT IN AMERICA- iSl

ike Tdeted and nucionstitnti'Oiial -war tliat was pjx>e!lfi--- - "' •;■'-"
tlae Soiitihera people ; and mow at Itiini^tla, wbcD :
j'kin]T difplajed tiheiniselTes, it iras too kte to 6Eeees=fTii]lv resist
the c-GTreiat tkat wa« i!>eetoMae temilie ; aaad Ee, widi others, must
jz til before the blasts that were sweepiii^ OTer tiie laud. In-
st.ead <jf l»e5Bg die aidamiired patritot of tike Soratli isrko fflled tkfj
c.:^iC-« of MolatMy GoTemor of Teniiiessee, an o!fSee animieal to
the Constitiiiitioji of the nataon, Aji'drew Joimsc'ii "vras malioiaed
in tike albnsive dkeete ©f fanatism, as tkse enenuT of Jkis oonntrv,
tihe as3«>c-: ' ' V : " "" " :j Daris a-nd tke areli-:^^!!^ of

lihrcTtv. . . - eonsdenoe in tike jmrror of

tlieir own sonls, tEe fanatics g-ave tike Eseeatave mo (eredit for
7 " ' " " " ■- oppoation to tiheir r; " ' '--Jy deairas-

--- " -'■ fais3 g-ods, wheTi M^ -, . -^ . _ i -s^as a prize

in tlaeffir estajnaftaoiiiL Bnt; tikeir viietorr 'sras now •eonaplete : and
t" ' ' ■ -: be safe'' _ ^ -ed. Tk-ej now onlj wanted in

i — . : !--_ san:-r£2-£ _. .:..--.. wliio5epii]ij!)ilag?e and training naade

t!k;eni nndissenaibiiing roeimters of the fmth. thej advoeatied.
^STeiliher fed tike revolntion as jet spent its i&ir&e. Its em^nues
nanst eitiker retiire ibefore it, or be iKmaked beneath its wEeels.

From tbfi ifirSt prQiposal titat was nuade to impeaek tlife Presi-
4en!t, tike Amor was fcept lap iby tike radical extiremists, tlae 'err
becoming still tks more intense as tike strife between tbe Fedei-al
Esec-nti're and Ccngireas d<eT€iop3d itseilf. Mr. Stexens was oive
©f tbe eariliest and rn'Ost bitter enemies of tike Pr^^dent ; and
1: -'-'- i' - " - '- ' ■" : " '' ^.~ regard for Ms obiligations tC' : tike

(C - : ' - - "3 tike iUim-ost of ikis power in : ,■ tke

iflames tikalt weme rasing betwetem tike two iDepaitmeatsof tke Gct-
esmment. ^ ' ' : '~ . -■ - - - - ■ - ' : n of tbe Tii " ' - ' ■ '\ Col-
gress^inl' ' . - ^ ^ -Tassetinm .T-eneral

AdklET, a ianember of tike iLotwer Motiise of Congress from Oikio.

X. _ "')X1-

1^' ■ . . -1 :- - to

mirdatalke. iSfe dkarg-ed itiie President witli ""Mglk mnaes aipd
r/ " "■ " ■ "power--. " " " ■ - ofibiw;

i^ ■ - : - - ^1 use of :_ . ..... ,. . .., ::ng, tbe

pairdcjnTiiing, an'd tt3ae ■ws^bo power ; and bad ©orraptHT intyerfesied in
eileetaoms. 'ions re-

isefflJi'dk 322- /...:. .i :...: __- . ;_. . . l. -...;. ;. -./is were

sjob'saitte-l by diiSereaai mEniibeis. Tikese reports were made in

488 A REVIEW OF THE

the first regular scs-siou of the Fortieth Congi'ess, in December,
1S07. Tlie eurrent of pohtical fury that was beating against the
President had by this time swollen considerably, and in many
l)laees was ovei-tlowing its b:inks. A majtM-ityof the above named
committee eoncnrred in recomnvending the impeaehment of An-
drew Johnson; but the lluuse still hesitated to sanction this
extreme prt)ceeding, which partisan rancor alone sustained. Party
prudence, therefore, dictated that a more plausible pretext for im-
peachment should be awaited. The vote in the House on this
(piestion was, 50 yeas, all revolutionists, to 108 nays. The Demo-
crats voted against this iirst, as all the following elforts of madness.
In the meantime, the struggle between Congress and the
President had grown more bitter aiid impracticable, and had been
carried even into the latter's ofiicial household. Edwin M.
Stanton, the Secretary of War, being a warm partisan of Con-
gress, was offensive to the President as a member of his select
Council. He continued, however, to retain his ofKce, despite the
repeatedly expressed wish of the Executive that he would retire.
x\t length the President expressed his desire in Avriting. On
the 5th of August, 18G7, he addressed Mr. Stanton as follows:

"Sir : — Public considerations of a high character, constrain me to say
that your resignation, as Secretary of War, will be accepted."

To this message of laconic brevity, Mr. Stanton, in his reply,
was ecjually brief :

"Sir:— » * •» In reply. I have the honor to say, that public
considerations of a high character, which aione have induced nie to con-
tinue at the liead of this Department, constrain me not to resign the
office of Secretary of War, before the next meeting of Congress."

On the 12th of the same month, the President suspended Mr.
Stanton from his office, and empowered General Grant, tempo-
rarily to act as Secretary of "War.

At the time the President suspended Mr. Stanton, the Senate
of the United States was not in session. Upon the assembling
of the Senate in December, 1867, the President, as required by
the Tenure of Offico Act, communicated to this body his reasons
for the suspension of the Secretary of War. The Senate liav-
ing considered the President's reasons, declared them on January
13th, 1S68, as inaderpiate to justify the removal of Mr. Stanton,
in the following words:

''Resolved, That havuag considered the evidence and reasons given by

rOLITlCAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 433

the President, in his report of December 13th, 1807, for t!ie suspension,
from the office of Secretary of War of Edwin M. Stanton, the Senate do
not concur in such suspension."

As soon as this decision of the Senate was comininiicated to
General Grant,* the latter vacated the office of Secretary of War,
and Mr. Stanton took possession of the same without delay.

General Grant to this question, replied :

*' I shall, in that event, either hand you iwj resignation as acting Secre-
tary of War, or let a mandanius be issued against vie to surrender the
oJ)ice.

On Saturday, January 11th, 18G8, two days before the non-
concurring action of the Senate took place, the President again
called General Grant's attention to the matter, when the latter
reiterated his previous promise, and added that the President
should hear from him on Monday. lie saw the President, as
promised, but gave no intimation of any change in his views.
Afterwards, Avhen Mr. Stanton had again taken possession of tlie
War Office, General Grant called upon the President, and was
present at a Cabinet meeting, and being reminded by the Presi-
dent of his promise, admitted his having made such in the
presence of the members of the Cabinet. The President after
this, in a letter, accused General Grant of a violation of his
promise, and was sustained in his assertion by five members of
his Cabinet. General Grant, in turn, over his signature, denied
the charges made by tlie President, but stood alone in his alle"-a-
tions, and wholly nnsupported.

Owing tc tlie speedy surrender of the War Office, by the ad
'i7)te7nm Secretary to Edwin M. Stanton, the President was frus-
trated in his design of making a test case for the courts to
determine the constitutionality of the Tenure of Office Act; and
vrhether or not Congress had deprived him of the power of
changing his Secretary of War. Had General Grant intimated
his intention of surrendering the office, the President would
have named a Secretary in his stead, \vho would ha\-e declined
to suirender to Mr. Stanton, until the courts would have de-
termined to whom the office belonged. In tlie contest between
the President and Congress, it was quite natural for every man

^President Johnson, bein.Q: apprehensive of tlie action whicli the Senate
would take, asked General Grant, his Secretary of War ad inferini, what
his course would bo, in case the Senate should uut concur in his reasons
for the remuval of Mr. Stanton.

490 A REVIEW OF THE

to take sides ; but it was dislionomldc for tlic head of the army
to deceive his superior by viuhitiug his engageiueiit with him.
If ]io meant to surrender the otHce, he should liave advised t'ae
President of his intention so to do. Not liaving done so, he
exposed liimsclf to the cliarijes of breach of faith and corrupt
alliance with the party that was combatting tlie President; con-
duct Mholly unchivah-ic, and unbecoming a man who filled the
exalted position lie occupied. His action and the surrounding
circumstances, seemed to cast upon him a cloud of suspicion,
inasmuch as he had for some time been rising into prominence
as the Presidential candidate of the Congressional party. The
i\ew York Syracuse Convention of the Republican party, de-
clared for General Grant for President, one day after the dispute
between himself and President Johnson had been published in
the 2:)ublic papers of the count-}'.

Affairs remained in this condition until the 21st of February,
follov.-ing, when President Johnson undertook the responsibility
of removing Edwin M. Stanton, and appointed Lorenzo Thomas,
Adjutant-General of the United States Army, to take his i)lace
as Secretary of ^V^ar, ad interim. Tie at once communicated, in
a brief message to the Senate, the fact of the removal of Mr.
Stanton and the appointment of General Thomas to take his
place. Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, submitted the follow-
ing preamble and resolution :

'* Whereas, The Senate has received and considered the communica-
tion of the President, stating that he had removed Edw in M. Stanton,
Secretary of War, and had designated the Adjutant-General of tlie
Army to act as Secrethry of War, ad interim, therefore, —

" Resolved, By the Senate of the United States, that under the Consti-
tution and Laws of the United States, the President has no power to
remove the Secretarj'- of War and designate any other officer to perform
the duties of tliat office ad interim."

The radicals contended that under the Tenure of Office Act,"^'
the President had no authority, without the consent of the

*Tlie first section of the Tenure of Office Act, of March Cd, 1SG7, was
that, by means of which Congress limited the power o the Pivsideiit
over remov >ls from office. The following is a copv- of the first section :

"Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United Slates, in Congress assembled, that every person hdlding anv
civil olfico, to which he has been a; pointed by. and with the advice and
consent of tlie Sc-nate ; and ever;/ p rson who may hereafter bo appointed
to any sucii office, and sliall beome duly qualified to act therein, is and
Khali l)e entitled to hold sucli office until a successor sh til }ia\*e been in
like manner apxJoiuted ; Provided that the Secretaries of State, of the

rOLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA, 4C1

Senate, to remove the Secretary of AVar and appoint his suc-
cessor. Tlie Democrats and the Conservative Kepublicans, on
the eontrarv, argued that under the words of the law, the Presi-
dent was not prechided from acting as he had done. After an
animated discussion, the above resohition of Senator Wilson
was adopted.

A grand opportunity was now presented to Mr. Stcvcnf=, tlio
arch radical of the House, in the attempted removal of Edwin
M. Stanton. It was water upon the mill of his political malice.
The defeat of tlie impeachment movement, which had been
headed by General Aside}", was galling to the Lancaster States-
nuin. lie afterwards made a strong effort to have it renewed,
but without success. When the essayed removal of l\Ir. Stanton
was made known, Mr. Stevens was by general consent permitted
to take the lead in the new imjDeachment undertaking, on account
of the fierce hostility he was known to entertain towards Presi-
dent Johnson. He, accordingly, on the 22d of February, for-
mally reported in the House, from the Committee on Pecon-
struction, the attempted removal of Mr. Stanton ; and at the
same time offered the following resolution :

"Resolved, That Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, bo
impeached of high crimes and misdemeanors/'

This resolution was discussed until the 24th, when it Avas
adopted by 126 yeas to 4T nays. The war against the President
was purely partisan, the Republicans supporting and the Demo-
crats opposing impeachment.'^

After the adoption of the above resolution, the House selected

Messrs. Stevens and Bingham to inform the Senate of their

action. When they came to the Senate, Mr. Stevens said :

"Mr. President: — In obedience to the order of the House of Repre-
sentatives, we have appeared before you. In the name of tlie House of

Treat^ury, of War, of the Navy, and of the Interior, tlie Postmaster-Gen-
eral and the Aitornej^-General, shall hold their oiiices respectively lor
and during the term of the President, by whom they have been ap-
pointed, and for one month thereafter, subject to removal, by and with
the advice and consent of the Senate."

* Considerable excitement pervaded tlie whole country, as the news
concerning impeachment spread. John W. Ceary, the radical Governor
of Pennsylvania, telegraphed to Simon Cameron as follow.:;: "The
news to-day created a profound sens.atiou in Pennsylvania. The spiric
of 1861 seems again to parvad;? the Keystone State. Troops are rapidly
tendering '•heir services to sustain the laws. Let Congress stand linn."
Similar tenders were made by leading Democrats to the President froui
different sections of the country.

493 A REVIEW OF TUB

Reprcscnlalivor;, ami of all the people of the United States, wo do im-
peach Andrew Jolui-on, Preslilent of the United States, of high clinics
and misdemeanors in ofii -e ; and wo further inform th^ Senate that tlio
House of liepresentutives will, in due lime, exliibil particular articles of
impeachment against him, to make good tlie same ; and in thoir namo
we demand that the Senate take due order for the appearance of the said
Av.diew Johnson to answer to the said impeaclnnent."

^[essrs. Bini^fliam, Boutwell, Stevens, Wilson, of Iowa, Logan,
of Illinois, Julian and Ward, were selected by the House to pre-
pare the articles of impeaclnnent. The committee at once
entered tipon the task, and in a few days was ready to submit
the articles upon which it was determined to try the President.
The conmiittee reported in the House the series of impeachment
articles, which, "with those separately offered formed, in all,
eleven. These were adopted by the House, March 2d, 18G8.
The iirst eight of these were based upon the attempted removal
of Edwin M. Stanton, on February 21st. The ninth was based
upon the instruction given by the President to General Emory,
of Washington, on February 22d, 1868 ; and the tenth, upon
the President's denunciation of Congress in his Chicago tour,
durino- the year 18GG. The last article accused the President of
havin"-, in the City of Washington, in his speech of August
ISth, ISGG, declared tliat tlie Congress of the United States was
an ille"-al budy ; and in accordance with that view had, on the
21st of February, attempted, without the consent of the Senate,
to remove from office E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War.

After the adoption of the Articles of Impeachment, the House
of Pepresentatives proceeded to choose the managers, who should
conduct before the bar of tlie Senate, the prosecution against
President Johnson. The managers chosen by the House were
John A. Bingham, of Ohio ; George S. Boutwell, of Massachu-
setts; James F. Wilson, of Iowa; John A. Logan, of Illinois;
Thomas Williams, of Pennsylvania; Benjamin F. Butler, of
Massachusetts, and Tiiaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvanai. On
March -Ith, the Board of Managers, accompanied by the House
as a Committee of the AMiole, proceeded to the Senate in order
to present the Articles of Impeachment. Mr. Bingham, the
Chairman of the Board of Managers, then said :

" The Managers of the House of Representatives, hy orJcv of the
House of Representatives, are ready at the bar of the Senate, if it p'.ease
the Senate to hear them, to present Articles of Imptachment, in main-

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 4D3

tenance of the impeachment prepared against Andrew Johrxson, Presi-
dent of the United States, by the House of Representatives."

Then followed Speaker Wade's order to the Scrgeaiit-at-Arins,
who now made proclamation as follows :

" Hear ye ! Hear ye ! All persons are commanded to keep silence on
pain of imprisonment, while the House of Representatives is exhibiting
to the United States Senate, Articles of Impeachment against Andrew
Johnson, President of the United States."

After this Mr. Ijingham proceeded to read to the Senate, the
eleven Articles of Impeachment.

The Senate, on its part, moved in the matter, after Messrs.
Stevens and Bingham on February 25th, had communicated the
resolution of the House impeaching the President. On the
same day a committee was appointed to take suitable action and
report. Two of the members of this committee, Senators How-
ard and Edmunds, waited npon Chief -Justice Chase, and informed
him of the action of the Senate. They also stated, that their
committee proposed to prepare rules for the government of the
Senate during the impeachment trial ; and the Chief Justice was
politely informed that any suggestions from himself would be
cheerfully received. But politeness precluded them from adding
what their knowledge would have prompted ; that his views
would only be accepted, so far as they might agree with those of
the impeachers. The committee proceeded to prepare the rules,
which the Senate adopted in its legislative C'lpacity. This
method of adopting rules was objected to by the Democratic
Members of the Senate, but without avail, being overruled by
the majority, that -was all powerful, as on former occasions.
Chief Justice Chase addressed a letter to Senator Howard, like-
wise taking exceptions to the Senate's mode of adopting rules to
govern in the impeachment trial. He agreed with the Demo-
cratic Senators, that the Senate had no right to prescribe rules
for the trial, until constitutionally organized as a Court of
Impeachment, The letter of the Chief Justice created consid-
erable sensation among the impeachment Senators ; but the
Senate proceeded, as had it not been wa'itten, and appointed a
connnittce to wait upon and advise him of the trial, and request
his attendance as the presiding officer.

Steps were taken towards the organization of the Senatorial
Court, on Thursday, the 5th of March. The Chief Justice entered
and addressed the Senate on that day in the following words :

404 A REVIEW OF TUB

"Senators, I am here in obedience to your notice, for the purpose of
proceeding with yju in forming a Court of Impeachment for the trial
of Andrew Johnson, President of the United Slates. J am now rea ly
to talce the oath."

As-soeiatc Justice Kelson then administered an oath to th.o

Chief Justice :

"That in all thing-; appertaining to the trial of Andrew Johnson,
President of the United States, now pend.ng, I will do impartial justico
according to the Constitution and Laws, so help me Cod."

Tlie same oath was tlien administered, separately, to each of
the Senators. Objection was made, by Democratic Senators, to
Senator AVadc being sworn, and sitting as a member of the
Court of Impeachment ; inasnmch as he, being the President of
the Senate, wonld, in case of the conviction and removal of
President Jolmson, succeed to his office. It Avas argued that one
in liis position was too much interested to be a competent judge
to try the President, as the rules of equity donumded ; but unblush-
ing partisanship came to the rescue, and tlie revolutionists deter-
mined that as he was not excluded by the Constitution, he should
be sworn and permitted to sit as a judge upon the trial.

After the Senators were sworn, the Chief Justice declared the
organization of the Senate as a High Court of Impeachment.
The rules adopted by the Senate in its legislative capacity, to
regulate the trial, were ui)on the suggestion of the presiding
officer, approved by it as a Court of Impeachment. The House
managers being now advised of the organization of the High Court
of the Nation, came before it ; and the Chairman, Mr. Bingham,
arose and demanded of the Court that it take cognizance as to
the appearance of Andrew Johnson, to answer the articles of
impeiichment which had been preferred against him. It Avas
then ordered that a summons be issued requiring the appearance
of the President before the bar of the Senate, on Friday, the 13th
of March.

On the day fixed. President Johnson appeared in the High
Court of Impeachment, not personally, but by counsel. Henry
Stansberry, P. P. Curtis, Thomas A. P. Nelson, William M.
Evarts, and William S. Groesbeck, all intellectual legal gentle-
men, appeared as the President's defenders. His attorneys asked
the Court to allow their client forty days to prepare his answer ;
but because Benjamin F. Butler and others wished the trial to
proceed " at raib'oad specd,^^ only, ten days were granted. March

rOLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 405

23d wfis fixed for filing tlie President's answer. When this d;iy
arrived, it was submitted. It answered separately the whole of
the eleven articles of impeachment. As to the first eight of
these, the Pi-esident contended that the Tenure of Office Act, of
March 2d, 1SG7, which precluded him from removing subordinate
ofiicials, without the consent of the Senate, was miconstitutional.
He further contended, that even under the words of that act, lie
was not prevented from removing Edwin M. Stanton, as he was
charged with attempting; and that, in doing so, ho had violated
neither the Constitution nor the law of Congress. He also de-
nied that he M-as guilty, as the ninth article accused him, of hav-
i!)g been, in his interview with General Emory, of Washington,
or in any of tiie particulars, as he therein stood charged. He
claimed, as a citizen of the United States, that he v/as fully war-
ranted in expressing, as other men, his views on political affairs ;
and that, consequently, he was not culpable, as charged in the
tenth and eleventh articles, for the cited speeches which he had
made. A replication to the President's answer, was witliout
delay preimred; and having been adopted in the House by 115
yeas, to 3G nays, was filed by the managers in the Court of Im-
peachment, March 21th. The legal pleadings being now com-
pleted, the ardent impeachers, Sumner and his associates, as they
had from the beginning urged, wished the trial to proceed at
once ; but it was again postponed until March 30th, to alIov\' the
President a short time finally to prepare for his defense.

On Monday, March 30th, Benjamin F. Butler opened the case
for the managers in a speech, in which he sustained his view of
the law, and stated the evidence which they proposed to adduce.
Witnesses were then called by the managers, to prove the facts
as alleged in the several articles of impeachment. Both oral and
documentary evidence were admitted. The presentation of the
evidence was managed mainly by General Butler, who displayed
great adroitness and legal ability in this particular. His dex-
terity, as a criminal lawyer, shone conspicuous on this occasion.
The'Chief Justice was allov.-ed tlic right of biving a casting vote,
where the Senate should be equally divided, although the radi-
cals, led by Senator Sumner, sought to deprive him of this priv-
ilege. He was also accorded the privilege of primarily deciding
upon the admissibility of evidence ; his decision, however, was
subject to reversal, upon an appeal to the Senate. The produo

498 A REVIEW OF THE

tion of testimony by the manngcrs consumed one 'weclc, tlic
prosecution resting upon April 4tli./ The court of impeaehrnent
tlicn adjourned until Thursday, April 0th. This additional time
"was allowed to the President and his counsel, to' enable them to
prepare and arrange the evidence which they intended tu adduce
in behalf of the 'defense.

Upon the meeting of the Impeachment Court, at the time to
which it stood adjourned, Judge Curtis opened for Andrew
Johnson in a logical, learned and argumentative speech, presenting
the President's defense in the manner he believed the evidence
and the law would sustain him. lie resumed and concluded his
speech on the following day; April lUth. "Witnesses were next
examined f(jr the defense, amongst whom Generals Thomas and
Shcrnum were conspicuous. As to the motive of the President,
in the attempted removal of E. M. Stanton, evidence of his
statements to General Sherman was offered in evidence to repel
what had been proven by the managers. Considerable dispute
arose over the admission of General Sherman's testimony on
this point, he being produced to detail remarks of the President,
showino- his intention in the removal of the Secretary of AVar.
The admission of this testimony was strongly combatted and
refused; but was afterwards somewhat admitted. Many strong
le'^-al conliicts, took place between the managers led hy General
Putler and the President's skillful attorneys. The hero of Fort
Fisher, was the prominent champion on the side of the House
Manao-ers, in these encounters, and he w^as severely accused of
attempting to bully the President's counsel. In that, however,
he si"-nnlly failed. Mr. Stevens was too prostrated during the
whole proceeding, to take any but a subordinate part. In his
youn'»-er years, on such a trial, he would have shone as a star of
the first magnitude. On the 20th of April, the evidence on both
F.ides was closed,' and the Court adjourned until April 22d.

The evidence in this important trial was rather formal in its
character, as the facts were in the main undisputed. The evi-
dence adduced by the managers, was chiefl}' to prove the facts
alleo"ed in the articles of impeachment, as was likewise, that for
the defense, in order to sustain the assertions contained in the
President's answer. The statements and counter-statements
jnust in law, of necessity be proven; but the dispute was more

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 4D7

legal In its nature than dependent upon facts, charged ui)on one
side and denied upon the other.

On Wednesday, April 22d, the leg.d discussion began In a
well prepared speech, delivered by George S. IJoutweH, whicli
occupied the attention of the Senate that and most of the ioWow-
ing day. Judge Nelson followed In an able disL-oursc in behalf of
the President, which he finished April 2kh. AVilllam S. Groesbeck
on the same side, addressed the Court In an argumentative and
ornate speech, on that and the following day, Thaddeus Stevens,
one of the managers, readacarefuUy prepared speech, on Monday,
April 2Tth. ; and Thomas Williams, anotljer manager, occupied
the balance of that and the succeeding day in the delivery of his
argument, William M. Evarts followed for the defense, makinf>-
the star speech of the trial, which engaged the attention of the
Senatorial Court from April 2Sth to May 1st, four days, Henry
Stansberiy began his speech May 1st, and ended it on the next
day. Manager Bingham began the closing argument May 4th,
whicli occupied him three days, concluding it May Gth.

The legal arguments being ended, the Senate sitting as a
Court, now spent some time in discussing and determining upon
the method of taking the vote upon the Articles of Impeach-
ment. An adjournment was then carried until Monday, May
lltlu When the Court re-assembled, in accordance with an
adopted rule, fifteen minutes were granted to each Senator to
express his views upon impeachment, and the guilt or innocence
of the President. Four independent Republican Senators,
Messrs, Grimes, Fessenden, Trumbull and Henderson, openly
declared themselves against conviction. This was a friglitful
bomb in the radical camp. The impeachers became alarmed.
Th3 victory which the zealots, on account of partisan sub-
serviency, had scarcely doubted, was already in extreme danger.
They seemed to descry the linger of doom, writing the verdict
of Presidential acquittal upon the walls of the Senate Chamber.
Despair drove them to an adjournment until the IGth of May, in
order to see If, in the meantime, the jjower of party tyranny
would not be able to compel a sufficient number of unwilling
Senators to obey those who claimed to be their political masters.
From this time up to the re-assembling of the Senatorial
Court, the most unjustifiable means were resorted to by the bitter
political enemies of the President, to influence Senators who

498 A REVIEW OF TIIE

Merc regarded as doubtful, to vote for conviction. The wliolo
-sveiglit of abu-e, of an intensely partisan press, was brought to
bear upon Senators, in order to force them to yield to what was
made to sceiu as a pressing public opinion. Senators were ad-
dressed by telegraph, letter," and otherwis} to stand by their
party, and nut desert it in the hour of its deepest distress. They
were threatened by prominent i>arty leaders with political ostra-
cism, should they choose to exercise the freedom of their own
judgment, and vote for the acquittal of xVndrew Johnson. The
assertion of Mr. Stevens was accepted as the gospel of radicalism,
to which all the faithful must subscribe, viz : that the failure of
'imjjeachmenty 'would le the death of the Bej)uUlcan 2Kirty. The
llepublican Senators, therefore, who had exprctsud themselves as
opposed to the conviction of the President, were for several days
the taro-cts of the most virulent and malicious vituperation, t lat
ever emenated from a partisan press. Besides this unbounded
abuse of the known and unknown recreant Senators, the most
desperate expedients, for insuring the conviction of the President,
were proposed by unprincipled journalists and others, amongst
whom the editor of the Philadelphia Fress,\ had for years borne
a super-eminent rank.

* The radical Congressmen from Missouri, addressed Senator Hendeioon,
of that State, the following impertinent letter :

WASHtS'GTON, May 12th, 1888.
Hon. John B. Henderson, U. S. Senate: . ^, tt f

giR -—On a consultation of the Republican Members of the House of
Representatives from Missouri, iii view of your position o:i the Impeach-
ment Articles, we ask you to withhold your vote on imy Article, uj o i
which you cannot voteaffirinatively. This request is made, because we
believe the loval people of the United States demai.d thi immediate
removal of Andrew Johnson from the office of President oi the United
Stites Respectfully,

^^^^'^'" GEORGE W. ANDERSON,

JOSEPH W. McCLURG,

willia:\i a. pile,
benjamin f. loan,
c. a. newcoimb,

JOHN F. BENJA:\nN.

JOSEPH J. GRAVELY.
+ The Philadelphia Press of Mav t:3th, 18G8, containe I the fo lowin-
sentiments: "The Senate sitliui, lor the trial of Andrew Johnson, is
ao"nrdin'- lo'the ar-umtnt of tlie counsel for the defense, purely a court

subiect to all the incidents, and following in its actions and practice, all
the analo-ies of a iu licial trib uial. Tiiis declaration they insist on,
and reii'x't e^ciVt.meone of them addresses the Ciiief Jastice Tb"--
have prep.u-ed and .arefully observed, a formula involving this tlieoi
Now, the C .urt never dies. If one of th- Judges, or aU ot them die.

They
ory.
or

if their terms expire, the Court still lives in their successors. The cases
are not diocontiimed, or allect^d by the change. The outgoing of one

rOLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMEEICA. 490

The Senatorial Court met, according to adjournment, on tlio
IGtli of May, and proceeded to vote on the eleventh article of
impeachment, which many regarded as the strongest of the series.
The result of the vote was, thirty-live for conviction to nineteen
for acquittal. The Constitution requiring two-thirds of the
Senate to pronounce the President guilty, lie was dechired by the
Chief Justice as acquitted on this article. Seven Senators, who
bad up to this time co-operated with tlie revolutionists, voted
with the Democrats for the acquittal of President Johnson.
These were William Pitt Fessenden, of Maine ; J. S. Fowler, of
Tennessee: James W. Grimes, of Iowa; John B. Henderson,
of Missouri ; E. G. Ross, of Kansas ; Lyman Trumbull, of Illi-
nois ; and Peter G. Van Winkle, of West Virgiiiia. The im-
peachers now had but one hope left, and that lay in another
adjournment, to see what additional party threats might yet be
able to effect.

An adjournment took place, until May 2Cth. The powers of
party terrorism Avere again subsidized with all the effort that
fanatical despair could render. It was, without doubt, supposed
that the Chicago Convention, which was about to assemble, would
work some inner awe within those who aspired to be leaders in
the party ranks ; and some rebukes from that body may even
have been anticipated. General Grant was to be nominated as
the Presidential candidate of the Lake City Conclave. This
occurred on May 21st. His august name, now almost hailed as
Im.perator, would lend additional sanction to his already ex-
pressed opinion, that the conviction of President Johnson was a
necessity. The 2Gth of May arrived. The Congressional Court
re-convened for the last time. A vote was taken upon the
second article of impeachment, with the same result as on the
eleventh. The third also was voted on, but with no change.
The seven recreant Senators yet remained obdurate in their
apostasy to the revolution, whose principles they had so long and
60 faithfully served. Impeachment had failed. The High Court

Judge, or the incoming of another, does not and cannot have any bear-
ing on the decision of tlie cases on the docket. Now, if the nation in
th% hour of her extremity, needs loyal votes in the Senate, let the loyal
majoritii admit at once the Senators from tlie ncicly reconstructed and re-
generated State of Arkansas. They are standing, waiting at the door.
It is a .superfluous caution that keeps them out. Bring in two, if there is
need of them, patriot Senators from Florida, Georgia, Louisiana and the
Carolinas.

500 A REVIEW OF THE

now adjourned s!ne die; and E. M. Stanton, on the same day,
advised the rresident that he had reluKinished charge of the
AVar Department. The partisan trial to depose an American
Prci^idcnt was now become an liiuiii fult of history.

Tlie revohition was first cliecked in the accpiittal of Andrew
Johnson. But the check was only of the same kind, though in
effect superior to that produced by the conservative reaction, led
by Senators Cowan, Dixon and Doolittle ; and which the Presi-
dential resistance served to concentrate. The revolutionary force
was partially stemmed by the apparent conservatism of the seven
Ecpublican Senators, ranging themselves for once with the Demo-
crats, who luul earnestly striven against the current since lirst it
arose ; and with somewhat similar effect as regarded themselves.
The Democrac-y had been exiled ; and likewise the Conservative
llepublicans, who from time to time had joined them in their
efforts to resist the storm of fury, were consigned to the same
quarters to await the call of their countrymen, when repose
should again have taught them the severe but truthful lessons of
history and experience.

The revolution must of necessity find its martyrs ; and those
who contributed towards its development were quite as deserving
of that lot as those who patriotically strove to prevent it. But
are the seven llepublican nominal conservatives, whose votes
Siived Andrew Johnson from bemg deposed as President of the
United States, entitled to any especial honor because of their
action ? So far as they then contributed to defeat the objects of
the revolutionists, in one particular, they acted a worthy part.
Thev, however, only deserve honor so far as they were influenced
by motives of pure patriotism. From the time the sectional
party first organized, most of these men had steadily lent their ad-
liesion to nearly all the views of that dangerous organization ;
and all of them, from the outbreak of the rebellion, endorsed
most of the revolutionary principles of their party up to the
impeachment of the President. In preventing the President's
deposition, their alarm simply aroused them to the necessity of
arresting this new current of the revolution that had far exceeded
their antici])ations ; and which was threatening to prostrate all
the land marks of constitutional government. Is that, however,
patriotism, which forbears to strike further out of dread for
retroactive consequences i

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 501

If fear, or other like motive, induced the action of the revolu-
tionary Senators, wlio voted for the acquittal of the rresidcnl,
its effect was but of brief duration. The dog speedily returned to
liis vomit again. The pretended conservatives were soon in alli-
ance with their old political associates. They were begotten to
political fame of the revolution ; and its children they must re-
main. Xeither can the Ethiopian change his skin, nor the leopard
his spots. Fit companions of revolutionists, the Republican anti-
impeachers, as truants, returned to their camp to be guarded and
court-marshalled for their insubordination ; but faithfully to
renew their service with their old masters. In consummating
the unconstitutional legislation, by which it was pretended to
restore the seceded States, to their normal rights of representa-
tion in the Union ; who were more efficient actors than Trumbull,
Fessenden and others of the non-convicting Senators ? In one
aspect, their recurring reason stemmed the revolution ; in another
their fanaticism was further accompanying it on its doleful mis-
sion of death.

502 A REVIEW OF THE

CHAPTER XXXII.

DEATH OF MR. STEVENS, WITH CONCLUDIXG REFLECTIONS.

The present work carries the historic- thread of the revolution
up to Au^-ust 11th, ISGS. Ou that day Thaddeus Stevens, the
coi-ypheus of the Congressional revolutionists, ended his earthly
career, leaving the seeds which he and his associates had sown, to
germinate and yield their natural fruit. Our subject died in
Washington City, the scene of his most famous labors, after an
llness of some months, which terminated in his demise. Hav-
ing been brought to his home in Lancaster, he M-as buried in
the cemetery of liis own selection, because none wei'e prechided
from interment within its enclosure, on account of race or color.
In his funeral procession, he received the especial homage of that
race, for which he was believed to have devoted his crownini;:
eiforts. Considerable numbers of these with others, followed
his remains to their last resting place. A handsome monument
in Shreiner's Cemetery marks his sepulchre.

But in the selection of Mr. Stevens, as the man whose political
career should span the development and progress of the revolu-
tion which has been sketched, he was in no wise chosen as a sub-
ject for eulogiuui or laudation ; but simjsly as typical of those
who have subverted pure republicanism in the wild and chimeri-
cal hope of reaching what is wholly unattainable under any form
of government. His career as a citizen and lawyer, is left
mainly for others to portray, who have taste for this species of
literature. His benevolence and witticism, peculiar traits de-
veloped by him, have likewise been omitted. Tiie former of
these, was in his hands simply an instrument by which he engi-
neered his way to power in a government, which his reason dis-
.ipproved. Lacking pure purpose, he was ready to embrace any
means to attain the objects of his ambitious aspirations ; and liis
shrewdness assured him that nothing would so attach the unthink-
ing to his standard, as the favors he bestowed upon them. Had

rOT.ITICAL CONFLICT IN A^IERTCA. 503

Tinselfisli benevolence influenced liis seeniinu^ clmrities, lie would
in other respects also, have shone as a moral luniinai'v of his aij^o
and nation ; and he avouUI have left behind him, an imj)ress of
virtue never to be eradicated. Cut ho passetl away, having
simply towered as an able, adroit, skillful lawyer, and an extreme
advocate of human equality, regardless of consequences. In his
advocacy, however, of this equality, he evinced to the philosophic
mind, the demagocjue; as only sincere, honest fanatics could ad-
vocate a doctrine that reason, from the origin of recorded history,
lias disproved. But Mr. Stevens was no fanatic. His intellectu-
ality raised him high above all fanaticism, and enabled him to
scan its strength, and adroitly use it as a caparisoned char<''er to
ride to the goal of his political ambition. He fully understood
the fanatics of his age, and clearly perceived, that paying court
to their sentiments, was the only method by which he and his
party, could overthrow the Constitutional Democracy. This he
did, originally impelled out of personal hatred to men, who for
years had been instrumental in excluding him from coveted posts
of honor to which he had aspired.* ThroM'ii thus into antao-o-
nism with the chivalric spirits, wlio controlled the old political
parties, he was compelled to find his su2)porters amon"-st the in-
congruous herd of discontented agitators, whom birth and posi-
tion consign to subordination and vassalage, and who are ever
eady to combat their own and the imaginar}^ ills of others.

Some concluding observations and reflections npon the course
of events since the demise of Mr. Stevens, will not be deemed
as is presumed, inappropriatel^y appended in this, the last chapter
of the work. Only in this way can the dangerous character of
the revolutionary men of the Stevens type be fully understooch
The American Government, up to the period of the advent of
fanaticism to power, had justly acquired the reputation of beino-
the model Republic of the world. The Union was the promised
land of peace, plenty and happiness for the oppressed of P]urope.

*His confident'al friends say, tliat in tlie campaign of 1844, whilst
pretending to be the supporter of Heiiry Clay for Piesident, he visited
New York and other Norlliern States, and urged the Abolitionists to
eupport Birney, so as to abstract a sufficient number of votes from Clav
to cause his defeat. A conlidential friend of Mr. Stevens, a man o(
prominence, who was an Abolitionist, was licard to remark about tiiat
time, liiat his two-faced action in this i)articular, was deserving o com-
mendation. Only an Abolitionist or an unprincipled knave could com-
ix.end such conduct.

504 A REVIEW OF TIIE

A succ-ession of lionoraljlo Statesmen had risen to eminence in
the United States, that were worthy to be compared with the
noblest personai^es of ancient or modern times. Tiie Senate,
adorned by the intellects of the Clays, Websters and Calhouns,
was fully the peer of that of ancient Home in her palmy days.
From its formation the Government, as a kind of foster mother,
had been receiving new accessions of territory, casting her pro-
tecting folds around the acceding aeipiisitions ; and was so enlarg-
ing her daniain as if purposing ultimately to embrace the wliulc
"Western continent. All this development and prosperity was
the fruit of Jelfersonian Democracy and State right Cipiality.

r>ut how soon was the mighty fallen. Xo sooner had the ideas
of Seward, Sumner and Giddings triumphed in the election of
Abraham Lincoln, than the peaceful and piosperous days of the
Kepublic ended. The preliminary crusade that led to this event,
had been subverting the principles of morality and saund Chris-
tian purity, the pillars of all stable government. The doctrine,
that a higher law- than the Constitution should regulate huniau

*The prevailin.ijc dislionesty and con-uption of our country, take their
source in the i)rinc ip.es of the '• liigJier laiv," uud m the yrowing dish(;lief
in llie old sysieuis of morality, wliich recognized all property as sacred
and inviolable. The 'liiijliev taw " is itself an etllux of nii.dera infideiity,
■which is rapidly spreading its deadening biiglit, over the fair fields of
modern civilization ; and in no country are its elfects so sad as in
America, the boasted land of liberty. Wnere the mosi extreme doctrines
of disbelief can with freedom be discussed and propagated, it is reason-
able to find the natural results oi such indoctrination. The United States
are now suffering from consequences to prouuceil, and will continuo
to sutler, until the causes themselves be eradicated and fully removeu.

The "higher law " doctrine being the development of the inhdelity
of the age, linds its chief nourishment in the far-famed Puritan free
school !-ystem of America. This system of instruction is producing
its desolating elfects in our country, because morality and biblical in-
struction are not made essential paris of the tuitional work. Aichibald
Alison, a philosophic author, says: " Ediicatioii, if not baaed on reliyion-i
tuition, is iCitrse tJian useless; and every day's exper.eiice is adding addi-
tional conlirmatiou to the eternal truth." — [Alison on Population, Vol. 2,
p. 2[)-2.]

M. Uousin, another Etu'opean writer of celebrity, uses the following
language : " Religion is, in my eyes, the best — perhaps the only — basis of
insUuciion. 1 know a little of Europe, ami I have never wiiuessed any
good popular schools where Christianity was wanting. The more I
reflect ui)on the subject the more 1 am convinced with the directors of
the Eculcs Aorniales and the ministerial counselors, that we must go
hand in hand with the clergy in order to instruct the people and make
religious eduiatioii a special and large i)art of instruction in our |)rimary
schools. 1 am not ignorant that these suggestions will sound ill in Iho
ears of some, and tnat in Paris I shall be looked upon as excessive. y
devout ; but it is from Berlin, nevertheless, not Rome, that I write, lie
who speaks to you is a philosopher, one looked on with an evil eye, and
even persecuted by the priesthood ; but who knows human nature and

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 05

action, -^as destructive of all goveruniental subordination ; and
set up each individual's opinion as the norm that should regulate
his obedience m a citizen. The refusal of the Abolitionists to
acquiesce in the reipiirenients of the Fugitive Slave Law, was
in itself revolutionary and destructive of all government. In
placing themselves in opposition to the rendition of fugitive
sl=i.v-es, they became robbers of the property of their countrymen,
equally guilty, in a moral aspect, as they who piu-Ioin or other-
wise destroy what belongs to another. Each slave that escaped
from his Southern master, was his legal property ; and the men
who aided him in his escape, and those who justiiied this action.
Were the detroyers of society, and responsible tVr all the ills that
America has suffered since the commencement of the rebellion
up to the present time ; and also for those wdiich destiny has in
store for her. They were the infidel and wicked subverters of
morality and rectitude of life ; and vrere they who opened
wide the llood-gates of demoralization, which permitted the cur-
rent of corruption to ilow forth with such impetuosity, that it

history too well not to regard religion as an indestructible power, and
Christianity, when rightly inculcated, as an essential instrument fur
civilizing mankind, and a necessary supi^ort to those on Wiioni society
imjioses Jiard and humble duties, uucheered by the hope of future for-
ttuie or the consolations of self-love." — [Ra^jport sur i' Instruction de
r AUemagne, p. 273.]

Democrac}', under the non-religious free school system of our country,
is as a vessel set adrift ujjon the stormy ocean of life without rudder or
helmsman, and permitted to float as the storms of pasiion may beat upon
it. A gloomy future is in store for free government, if some means be
not devised to change the present morality-destroying system of popular
instruction, b}* which the youth of our country shall be indocti'hiated in
tlie principles of honor, virtue and truth, as well as made familiar with
the developments of intellectual culture. The church and tuu school-
house must again be united, or corruption and demorauzation will sink
republican government in a vortex of social ruin.

The destruction now tbreatening our country, in the upheavals of im-
moraUty and national corruption that are arrising all over tae land, un-
mistakably traces its origin to the free school system of instruction as at
present conducted. For years the bible, the vade rnecnni of Christian
communities, has been expelled from the schools of our country ; and
the flood of impiety whicb, on that account, has penetrated them, is now
showing its results in every village and hamlet from Maine to Caiitornia.
AVliilst it was retained, it was the flaming sword that guarded against
tlie entrance of the evil influences that are now disp aying their baneful
fruits in the higli places of the nation. Its return must be secure 1, or
liberty, that solace of freemen, will expire in the nigiit of gloom that is
fast >etting upon ottr cotintry.

And, if a reason be sought why corruption is more highly i-earing ita
head under revolutionary Repubhcan, than under c.yii^tuut.onal Demo-
cratic rule, it is found in the fictthat the lead 'rs of tiie former jiarty,
contra-distinguished from their opponents, profess not to square their
opinions with the teaching of revelation nor with the moral maxims of

506 A REVIEW OF THE

now threatens to wasli away all the defences of truth, vh-tuc and
and honor.

These minions of Phitonic darkness, drove the defenders of
truth and the Constitution oil' tlie field of eonlliet and captured
the citadels of virtue. Under the hypocritical pretence of ele-
vating universal huiuauity to absolute equality, by means of the
far-famed free schools, from which all biblical and moral instruc-
tion, as far as possible, was excluded, they set out virtually to
infldelize the world, and consign Christianity to the fabled .de-
posits of past ages. Their crnsade against slavery was an insidi-
ous but cowardly attack upon the truths and morality of the
Christian system. The original founders of their schojl and
political maxims, were French Encyclopaedists and British free-
thinkers; and the ease with Avhich large numbers of the Chris-
tian clergy were seduced into the sujjport of revolutionary
abolitionism, either showed the latter's lack of discernment, or
proved them to be wolves in sheep's clothing, who were siniplv
fattening upon the stipends of their needy parishioners. Had

the ancient philosophers. Did not Anson V. Burlin.^amo, one of the
high priests of Kepubiicanisni, demand an anti-slaveri/ Bible and ananti-
slav.rij God? In his utterances tlie spirit of tlie *' liiglier law" was
spealving, in unmistakable words, the full demands of the infidel San-
hedrim. And we see all around us the results of the new teaching, in
the steady decline of moral sensibility. A R 'publican author is lorc.-d
to make the following admission: "Tlu fact is liumiliating that the
tone of American life is lower since the war, which was supposed to be
about to usher in a new era of national honor and culture, than it was
before. It may be, indeed, that we are in a state ol irausitioa from
lower to higher aims ; but the transition is very bewildering and lasts a
very long time. The promised light refuses to come. The days grow
darker every day, and the tliotightiul patriot can dimly see litt e nioro
than a broad and dismal waste, crowded with men ravenous for gain ;
while those who de-ire and seek better things are trampled under foot
like dogs." — [Dix's American State, p. 15.]

But. notwithstanding, it is apparent that the moral tone is steadily
declining, do not Republican propagandists still vaunt their superior in-
telligence over their political p irtisans, and boast that their ranks are
composed of the relinemeut and intelligence of the country? Do they
not laud their sui)eri(jr devotion to the free school system of A nerica ;
and point to the culture which their voters display':' And do they not
refer sneeringly to the masses of the Democraiic party, and gibe them
for lack of the.r kind of intelligence ? Tiie contrast between the two
parties (the negroes being excluded) is palpable and conceded ; and it is
to the credit of the Democratic party, that its ranks do not jiosiess the
irreligifius intelligence of iheir opponents. But they do have tha which
enrolls lliem far above their poliiical eziemies. Tliey have sup,'rior moral
training and a superior m ral sense. Theirs is yet the moral sense of
the oldeu periods, before corruption had made its desolating inroads,
induced by a false training, that is eating out the vitals of i)urity and
reverence lor right. Plato declared that ••General ignorance is neither

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 507

these clergymen and their followers looked around them, they
would have found themselves mai'shalled by the bold, brazen in-
fide's of the North; and every stroke these poor deluded slaves
s'ruck, in behalf of rationalistic abolitionism, fell with all its force
upon biblical revel.it'o:i and the revered truths of the Christian
religion. But they struck, not then being al>le to distinguish
their friends from their enemies.

And though, at length, ccmscious tliat the American body
politic is sulfering from excruciating pains, they are still unable
to comprehend what has given rise to the national disease. They
ignorantly impute all our disorders to the kSouthern rebellion ;
and accuse the peoj^le of the South as the guilty agents in pro-
ducing that sorrowful struggle between the people of the two
sections. The late civil war has been largely instrumental in
causing the condition of affairs by which we are now surrounded ;
yet numerous other agencies must also be considered, for a full
solution of the causes of cur troubles. False doctrine has been
the germinating source of our national calamities. The war

tha greatest evil nor the worst to be dreaded." Ignorance, indeed, is a
blessing, unless intelligence be imparted in scliools of virtue laid moral
purity.

But by how much the vaunted intellectual intelligence of the Repub-
lican party surpasses that of its antagonist, b}' so much lias th- tune of
American life declined since the advent of tiiat cultured organizat on to
power in 18(51. And thus by contrast is seen the danger cnat menaces
free government in sustaining a system of education, that aims simply
to develop the intellect of humanity, whilst ignoring and leaving its
moral sense to perish.

AVhat else, save a corruption genuinator, could a party be, the promi-
nent leaders of which deliantly cast aside moral restraint, as inculcated
in the bible and by the Ciiristian church ; and simply look to a higher
lav/ ;or the guidance that humanity requires? For ic is an undeniable
fact, that the infidel he rdes of the North naturahy found tlieir home in
the organization that named itself Republican. Taey were the advanced
levelers of the races ; and as full equality could not take place until
property was also equalized, it was to be exj^ected that thjy would use
alt their efforts to effect such equalization. The publiL; corruption and
dishontsty of the last fifteen years, are but part of the equalizing pro-
cess that these leaders advocate. Having no moral reg.ird for individual
rights, like robbers they feel themselves warranted m plundering from
others as lar as they have the power to do so ; and the only barrier to
their advances is dread of detection. It is thus that the principle of
communism is working in the body politic, and producing the loatusome
festering in our social and official corporations.

Does it not evince almost a putrid condition of th':? moral sense, when
the highest Court of the nation could make a decision in palpable viola-
tion of the Constitution of the country V And what commuaisiic draugiits
these same judges must have imbioei!, before they could have bejome so
intoxicated as to render a decision ignoring the fundamental principles
of justice? They must have been apt pupils of the higher law school ;
and Lave received with humble docility the new go^ix'i of S.;ward, Bur-

5C8 A REVIEW OF THE

itself, like the other evils, "with Avhich wo liavc been and arc
atHictetl, was produced by the disseiinnatiuu of spurious princi-
ples, that were antagonistic to republican institutions. It was
caused hy the officious elTort of Northern interniedlers, to pluck
the mote out of their brother's eye, without being consjious of
the beam that cloudetl their own vi.-ioiis.

The M'ar being produced by the anti-constitutional interference
of a party, whose corner-stone principle was sectional hate, it
slionld not be supposad that the bcdy politic of our country could
ever recover its wonted strength, until all the deadly virus would
be totally expelled from the system. The war upon the part of
the Southern people, therefore, was but an effort of nature which
the republic made to cast off the offensive matter, which was
threatening death to constitutional liberty, Tl.e effi^-t would
have been successful, but for the fact that the vigor of healthy
life was dissolved in the disease of fanaticism which had over-
taken our country. And all the subsequent struggles undergone
to overthrow the j)olicy of the revolution, were made in the interest
of republican government. The Democracy, being the nat-
ural party of the Republic, could not die as long a^ any hope
for free government remained. But the principles of the party
of revolution, being the eliiux of despotism, must l)e overtlirown,
or the Republic can never again be restored to its normal condi-
tion. As it now exists, it is simply a liepublic in name, its
cardinal principles having perished. It is a mockery to call our
government a republic, until the people of every section of
our connnon country shall have amicably adjusted all their diffi-
culties since the beginning of the war; franud a new Constitu-
tion, or remedied the old one so as to make it satisfactory to all ,'

lingame and their wortliy co»//eJTs. No doubt they passed a creditable
examination in comiuun.stic exegesis before tlie judicial erniine had
I'allen upon them. Even members of tiie liepublican party are com-
pelled to acknowledge that our prevailing corruption has been aided by
the conduct of men in hi.i^h places. \V. G. Dix, an author who speaks
iu euiogib'ic terms of Lincoln and Sumner, says: " Wlio cauwondir
a" tlie corruption which prevail* in so many departments of the Govern-
ment, and .a every nook and corner of the kind, -when a judgment of
the Supreme Court of the United States, however just or ieg.d its uiten-
tion, is universally uudersttod to ];ennit and sanction fraud i" * * *
The resign;it;on of those Judges of the Supreme (Jcnirt. wlio pronounced
irredeemable greeenbacks lawful money to. tlie p.iyment of prev.ous
debts, contacted to be paid in gold or its equivalent, would do more
tliaa anything else to reacm the Donor of our liighest tiibunal, and to
bring public opinion back to its bearings ou tinanc.al questions.'' — [Tlie
American iStalc. pp. ol and 35.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 509

nnd afterwards in State conventions shall have freely adopted tlio
same. Then, and not before, will peace, prosperity and happiness
retnrn to our united country ; and, as before, gladness cover our land
as the waters cover the sea. If, however, this be impossible to be
reached, on account of the turbulent elements of our composition,
then without further dissembling let the declaration be made, that
republican govermnent has proved a failure ; that the irrational
efforts to secure what God opposes, universal equality", have, instead
of bringing liberty, only sunk the strugglers deeper in the slough of
despotism ; and then let the inevitable consequences be accepted ;
let constitutional monarchies arise where the republic, whilst
governed by wisdom and virtue, flourished, and let the world-
struggle forever end. Who is unable to see that our Govern-
ment, as conducted by so-called Republicanism, since its advent to
power has been infinitely worse than the constitutional monarchy
of Great Britain ?

The Abolition part}^ being based upon false principles, it of
necessity produced an entire disintegration of our whole repub-
lican sj'stem of government. The history of the past fifteen
A'ears has demonstrated its workings. Coming into power as the
pronounced advocate of moral delinquency, could abolition rule
do ought else than produce tlie miserable desolation of principle
which now covers our country from ocean to ocean. l\o other
result was possible to occur, when the moral lepers, who con-
trolled the underground railroads and their tutors, had seized
control of the reins of government. Men who made a boast of
their dexterity in securing the safe passage of fugitives to Canada
and elsewhere, were suitable instruments ta degrade virtuous
tone throughout the community ; and produce from Maine to
California, that condition of moral putrefaction which is rapidly
eating out the vitals of trutli, honor and upright manhood.
Having no respect for the immutable laws, which God has im-
planted upon the face of being, they were ready to set aside all
the instruction of past ages, and reconstruct society in accord-
ance with their wild and unhallowed conceptions. Atheists in
disguise, and infidels in profession, they had no regard for the
Christian code, nor even for the moral maxims of the Greek and
Roman philosophers. The felon of Charlestown was the exem-
plar they worshipped, and his maxims formed their guide as
citizens and rulers.

510 A REVIEW OF THE

It was easy for such men, to violate as they did, the Federal
CoiKsititutiun, lirst in making war against the Suutii, and after-
wards in its prosecution. JS^o oaths Avere Ijinding upon them,
most of .thcni entertaining no belief in a future state of exist-
ence. They came into ])0wer, therefore, determined to destroy
Southern society, and make it in future conform with their ideas,
drawn from the revolutionary schools of France, v/here belief in
a Deity is scolfed to the encore. The ])assage of the Legal
Tender Fjill, which declared th:it all debts, whether contracted
before or subsequent to its enactment, should bs paid by the
notes issued by the Government, was simply the work of men
destitute of moral obligation, and displayed their dangerous
character. Necessity, they plead, as justifying their action,
thei-eby admitting, that the Constitution clothed them with no such
authorit3\ What worse do banditti, pirates and other public rob-
bers, than did the American Congress, in the enactment of the
nnjust and unconstitutional la-\v, which permitted all debtors to
discharge their obligations with less sums of money than they owed
their creditors. Robbers embark in a career, in which necessity
compels them to seize the property of others, in order to support
their existence. The Abolition Congress and President Lincoln
did the same. They entered, in violation of the Constitution,
upon a war to subjugate and ruin the Southern people. Necessity
compelled them to enact the Legal Tender Bill in order, under
guise of law, to be alile to subsidize, by a false iinaiicial system,
the wealth of the American people, or abandon their unrighteous
undertaking. But for their violations of sacred obligation, in
having done so, the compensater of human action, as anavengino'
Deity, will yet sing songs of infamy over the tombs of those,
who trampled upon and desecrated her holy laws.

The inspired book advises us, that we are to judge the tree by
its fruits. In the application of this test to the political parties
of our country, what a verdict of doom, at this time, strikes the
vision of the revolutionary party ; that party which has almost
sunk the Ship of State in the billows of misgovernment and
social corruption ? It is, as many of their shrewd leaders have
already expressed it, enough to make them shudder at the
thought of the Democracy returning to power. They see the tide
of ignominy slowly rolling, that is to cover them forever, unless
by j)crjury, bribery, and the perversion of the elective franchise

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. Cll

they can successfully embank against it, as tliey have been able
to do since the close of the rebellion.

The tree of corruption, sprung chiefly from the soil fertilized
by those M'ho proclaimed a higher law than the Constitution, has
produced in our country its natural fruit. It seems even to be
growing with fearful raj^idity, and producing every year a fresh
and more abundant crop than that of the preceding season. Its
roots have penetrated every State of our monarchically consoli-
dated Union, diifuoing exhalations that have tainted the moral
atmos])here in all departments of society. And the pestiferous
fruit, though in itself noxious, has come to be the chief object
of aspiration amongst the American people, and is sought after
with the greatest possible avidity. WJiat at an early period in
our history, would have been rejected with scorn as dishonorable
and degrading, is now coveted by large numbers of the commu-
nity with the greatest zeal.

The moral disease displayed itself fully with the installation of
the abolition party, in power in ISGl. The men who appeared
in, and those who were appointed to the chief places of trust and
honor under the Govern uient, were mainly those who were most
sensibly tainted with tlie leprosy that had for years been diseas-
ing the body politic of the jSforth ; and the subsequent develop-
ment of the public corrui^tion, which from this time disclosed
itself to the eyes of the nation, Avas chiefly traceable to this
class of public functionaries. Accusations followed accusations,
from that period of cur history, and public officials were accusad
of peculations and plunder of the public money, which would
never have been committed at an earlier period of our history.
These charges, numerous as they were, nevertheless were mostly
unheeded by the men and the party that controlled the National
Government. And even when investigations were ordered,
those appointed to inquire into the charges of corruption, were
usually the friends and companions of the guilty parties them-
selves. During the whole period of the civil war, this con-
dition of affairs continued, the corru])tion all the while steadily
increasing. And this, it has continued to do, up to the present
time.

It should have seemed probable, that the moral organization of
the body politic would have revolted against the hideous deformi-
ties that arose upon all sides ; and have rebuked the coiTupt men

513 A REVIEW OF THE

who perpetrated and those wlio sustained evil doers in their
foul ini(juitles. But the false doctrines which had been pruj>a-
gated with success for years, had aisci taken tirui hcUl of the
<.)pinions of the masses, and they no longer viewed public offences
as their ancestors had done before them. Besides, they were
assured by crafty leaders, that periods of turbulence, as civil
wars, ever eng'ender corruptions, and lead to such violations of
principle as ever shock the moral sense of communities. As
soon as the corrupt officials came to discover that the moral tone
had lowered itself, their descent on the descending plane percepti-
bly increased, and still further gained in velocity as fresh license
was granted. Action and reaction were thus plainly effective in
the lowering of the moral tone.

The lobby rings of the different States and nation, first showed
themselves in their utter deformity, after the accession of the
Abolition jiarty to power. In those States, fully under the con-
trol of this party, the lob])y at the seat of government was a
fixed and profitable institution ; and many Democrats came to
be participant in its doings* But though individual impurities
were disclosed in the Democratic organization, its principal lead-
ers placed themselves in opposition to the lobbyists, and strove
to break up their calling. Ln Pennsylvania this was effected,
under the new Constitution, adopted in the State in 1ST3, mainly
by the Democratic party, against the votes of most of the oppo-
sition party. In Washington, the corrupt lobby only attained to
notoriety after tlie majority of both branches of Congress had
become Abolitionists.

The sinking of the moral tone, throughout the country, which
took place after the Abolition party came into power, gave rise
to the numerous scandals, which from time to time, blackened the
memories of public men in their States and at the Federal
Capital. In consequence of this moral fall, a more corrupt and
less cultivated class of politicians were able, in their respective
States and districts, to secure their elevation to Congress. Means
were resorted to by the successful politicians, which men of
honorable tone refused to adopt ; and when these reached Con-
gress, they were eager to make up by bribes, and other corrupt
practices, what they had expended to procure their seats. The
Credit Mobilier, Pacific Mail, and nuitierous other scandals that
inflicted dishonor upon Vice-President, Senators and other

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. C 3

Members of Congress, arc to bo imputed to the lowering
tune of moral purity that lias pervaded the nation binco the
year 1861.

With corruption stalking in mid-day, nnrebnked in the Federal
and State Capitals, it was not surprising tluit it should react
upon the body politic. This it has done ; and for a decade in
the I^orth, elections have proved farcical in tiie extreme. Men,
for years, have been declared as elected Governors of Statc3,
Members of Congress, State Legislators and other officers, who
never received the majoritj^ of the legal votes of the people.
IVaudulent repeaters, purchased voters, and altered j-eturns of
elections, were employed to secure the prolongation of that party
in power, which originally opened the flood-gates of political
corruption. To such a degree of boldness did the so-called
Kepublican leaders advance, that they no longer hesitated to
count their victories in advance, basing them upon their knowl-
edge of what the money placed in the hands of the leaders for
the canvasses would be able to effect. Politicians no longer seek
for men best fitted for public positions; and only those are
selected as nominees, who respond most freely to the financial
demands made upon them. The nominee must liquidate his
assessment, under pain of being stricken from the list of
candidates, and another name substituted for his own by tlie
committee that holds the party desj)otism in its hands. This
corrupting and anti-republican system of political proceedure,
urio-inatino: in the fertile brains of Abolitionists, has also made
its entry into the Democratic party. Corruption seems the all
present attendant of modern American politics.

Besides, is to be mentioned, as abolition fruit, the shocking mis-
government which followed the accession of the revolutionary
party to power in the South, by the aid of negro votes. Men
were then elected as public oflicials, who were utterly unfitted
for any other occupation, save that of cotton pickers upon the
plantation of a Southern master. A large proportion of several
of the Southern legislatures were composed for years, of freed
negroes, who were no better fitted to legislate upon questions of
government than the Chiefs of Soudan or Guinea. Many of
those who were elected, had simply been barbers, waiters in
hotels, or field laborers upon Southern plantations before the out-
break of the rebellion. A few of them had picked up a smat-

514 A REVIEW OF THE

tering of tlic elemontaiy braiiclic? of an luiglisli edacatioii, ^v]l!C'll
litted them in their own and abolition estimation, to be the riders
and hiw-<;ivers in theii* States and in tlie nation. Jjiit that
eternal adaptation and litness of thin<^s, Avhieli eauso harmony
and their eonti'ary inharmouj, soon displayed themselves in
the workings of governmental aJffairSj after the South had become
Africanized.

It soou became apparent that it is nut elementary education
that fits men for self-government. This kind of learning only
furnishes the tools for the acquisition of that other instruction,
that prepares men for government. It is alone, after men
have become imbued with the principles of moral science and
political philosophy, that they are (jualified for taking part in
governmental alfairs, and not when they have simply mas-
tered the rudiments of an education. The history of other
]iations and of former times should be studied by legislators,
the nature of government be well examined, and reflected
upon; and the experience of our own and foreign nations be
dilligently observed, inferences drawn therefrom, and atten-
tively weighed and considered. By "such education alone, are
men prepared for taking an intelligent share in the concerns of
government.

The misgoverninent of years, that oppressed several of the
Southern States from the peiijd of reconst;-uction, until one
after another of these were grasped from the tiilons of the filthy
cormorants that were feeding upon them, is known throughout
the nation. And some of these States as yet remain to be snatched
from the political vultures that have fattened upon their sub-
stance. South Carolina remains in the grasp of corrupt seound-
relisiu, which was fastened upon her by a party, whose leaders
deserve the reprobation and contempt of coming ages. Their
rotten system of negro government has been thoroughly tested
in that State, and the late election of F. J. Moses and AV. J.
Whipper, the colored jurist, has almost satisfled their own cor-
ruptionists, tliat the eyes of an indignant nation are opening to
their misdeeds.

But not only is the fruit of fanaticism exemplified in the
lia'T'rant corruption and misgaverument that are festering in the
nation, but the business of the people has been ruined by the
adoption of an unwise financial system, which may, perhaps,

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AjMERICA. S13

ultimately produce uuiversal bankruptcy and entail ruinous con-
sequences upon coming generations. The condition of affairs
under which v;c are now laboring, was predicted as sure to fol-
low, should Congress adopt the Legal Tender ]>ill and banish
gold and silver from business circles. But all the predictions
were unheeded, and the con(|nest of the South was prosecuted at
all hazards. It was accomplished; and now the people are reap-
ing the harvest of financial disaster, the seeds of which the
fanatjcal men of the war epoch sowed. And wlc:i the huiricanc
of death has come, these same destroyers of the currency are
striving to appear before the nation as the constitutional financiers
of the countr}'-. Like the old ruler of darkness who, when sick,
desired the Moidcish Cowl, but wdien cured again, was soon ready
to lay it aside. The destructive party is smitten with sickness;
and it now desires to show its penitence.

Can the condition of affairs under which we labor be altered I
Only one remedy appears to present the possibility of improve
ment. And that is the restoration of the constitutional Democ-
racy to power, and the purification of their ow^n ranks by a
gradual elimination of the corrupt elements. Can more of re-
form be expected from this party than from their political oppo-
nents? Upon the affirmative determination of this question,
depend the restoration of our Union back to a republican condi-
tion, and its future preservation as a free government. Lender the
management of the revolutionay party, the Union from being a
comparatively pure Confederated Republic, has become a cor-
rupt consolidation ; and the demoralization of affairs threatens
the general prostration of moral principles.

Can the Democracy remedy this condition ? That they may do
80, is hoped for the following reasons. The democracy are the
national party of America, tracing lineal descent from the f ram ers
of the republic. They are the constitutional party, the one
which ever abides by its own and the nation's legal obligations ; op-
poses all fanaticisms, but is the tolerator and extender of equal
liberty to all religions. It is composed mainly of the conserv^ative
elements of the country. Its long continued existence, as a party,
has been owing principally to the elements of its composition ;
the ranks accepting as dogmatical truths, its cardinal fundamental
principles finding their own, and the country's interest in so

516 A REVIEW OF THE

doini,'. The Democracy* are largely the parly of the laboring,'
jieople, who are not in possession of the wealth of the country.
The leaders are men whom the just and constitutional principle^
of the party hold in its ranks; and whom otherwise, interest
mi-^ht in the North attract to the opposition. These men when
elevated to power, will again diffuse u new moral tone throughuut
the nation; and if possible, restore the Union to its former
republican purity. Is it not natural to suppose that a more
h.ealthy tone of morality will be established amongst the people,
by leaders who observed their oaths to support the constitution,
than by those whu, relying upon a higher law, disregarded them i
By the latter, as has been seen, the political corruption has l^een
introduced, but this remains to be arrested by the former, if
however, they be unable to arrest the political disorders of om-
country, the days of the republic have ended.

The bitter fruits that the American ])cople have been com-
pelled, by fanaticism, to gather from the tree of evil, should
admonish them to forsake the leaders, who have so treacherously
seduced them. Let them return and^ accept tl e leadership of
men of true principles ; men of the same principles as those who
laid the fonndation of the republic, and built np for it a peaceful
and prosperous government. For if they continue to follow the
blind guides of the past, then America has only begun her career
of madness ; and a magazine of destruction is yet in reserve
for her. If a speedy return to the path of wisdom be not made,
one collision after another is in store for uur country, until the
<rrand clinuicteric epoch arrives. That will, in due time, come
in the career of republicanism ; and fanaticism is hastening it
with rapid steps. It will be the grand climacteric in the history
of modern times, the French revolution being simply the minor.
AH the time the portents of the struggle are gathering. It will
be the great world battle uf Christianity and stable government
against the iniidel, anarchical hosts, whu are striving for a total
overthrow and reconstruction of civilized Society. Abolitionism
has o-ained its first battle on the Western continent. The com-
munistic forces of Europe are marshalling their battalions, and
advancing them with steady steps towards the standards of

*ln the South, the wealthy classes attached themselves to the Democ-
racy to resist ilie unconslitutional movemeuc of iuuaticism, and liiey
ivmaiu united with that pai-ty.

POLITICAL CONFLICT IN A]\rERICA. 517

tiiclr allies, the Aiiicrican faiuities and agitators. Both will
soon unite their legions oi) common ground ; proclaim the hold-
ing of property to he robhery; and the })reparation for the last
conflict will conimeuce. Senseless propagandists are blindly
hastening towards the connuiniistic centre. Wisdom can alono
shield our nation from what destiny seems to be gathering for
her final destruction.

Date Due

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