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The American Monthly 
Review of Reviews. 



Volume XXII. July-December, 1900. 


New York : 13 Astor Place. 



ji,;%I u^ ivo* 

Copyright, 1900, by The Review of Reviews Co 

^ ««72"2 ^, 005 
89 53 XL 

ifif 3879 




Abbot, Willis J. The Management of the Democratic 

Campaign, 556. 
Abbott, Lyman. Grovernor-elect Odell, of New York, 

Afghanistan, Amir of, 602. 

Africa as a Game-Preserve, 788. 

Africa, Sonth : see Transvaal. 

Beira Railway, On the, 601. 

Mid- Africa, Our Brothers in, 477. 
Air-Ship, Count von Zepi)elin*s, 481. 
Alabama, State Election in. 272. 
Albee, Helen R. A Profitable Philanthropy, 67. 
Alexander, King of Servia, Marriage of, 279. 
Alsace and Lorraine, 100. 
American Historical Review reviewed, 744. 
American Journal of Sociology reviewed, 494. 
American Psychic Atmosphere, 848. 
Annals of the American Academy of Political and 

Social Science reviewed, 494. 
Antarctic Exploration, 479. 

Appellate Court-House, New, in New York City, 191. 
Arctic and Antarctic Regions, Life in the, 788. 
Arena reviewed, 106, 248, 867. 492, 626, 748. 
Argentina. Italian Interests in. 348. 
Aruona : Should She Be Admitted as a State ? 652. 

Appellate Court-House, New, in New York City, 191. 

Books. Holiday, Art in the, 749. 

Embellishment of a Michigan Town, 195. 

National Art Exhibition, 198. 

Paintings, Great, Selected by English Artists, 855. 

Paris Exposition, World^s Art as Mirrored at the, 855. 
Asia : see China, Japan, Philippines, Russia. 
Asia, Central, Problem of, 82. 
Asia ? Should the Monroe Doctrine Take in, 79. 
Atlantic Monthly reviewed, 106, 241, 865, 489, 625. 
Australia : 

Australasians Place Among the Nations, 845. 

Constitution. New Australian, H. H. Lusk, 72. 

Election, Federal, in Australia, 406. 

Federation, Australian, 75. 
Authors, New England, Old Age of, 698. 

Bkhrkkds, Rev. Dr. A. J. F., Death of, 21. 

Belra Railway, On the, 601. 

Belgian Heir- Apparent, Marriage of the, 586. 

Betiis, Lillian W. A Town and Country Club, 718. 

Birds, On the Language of 89. 

Bonaal, Stephen. The Chinese Revolution, 166. 

Bookman reviewed, 741. 

Books, The New. 115, 877, 501. 682, 749. 

Art in the Holiday Books, 749. 

Children and Young People, Books for, 774. 

China, New Books on, 87o. 

Editions, Some New, 769. 

Fiction, Current, Change in. 755. 

Fiction, Notes on the New Books of. 759. 

History and Travel, Some New Books of, 771. 

Roosevelt as a Man of Letters, 877. 
Brains of Women, 237. 
Brewster. William N. America and the Reconstruction 

of China, 814. 
Bryan, William Jennings, at Home, 179. 
Bryan, William Jennings : The Democratic Leader in 

Butterworth, Hezekiah. 
Authors, 698. 

The Old Age of New England 

Campos, Gen. Martinez, Death of, 586. 

Canadian Elections. 406. 581, 592, 661. 

Carey, Samuel F., Death of. 586. 

Caricature, Current History in, 27. 158, 287, 411, 542, 668. 

Census, Twelfth, of the United States, 275, 276, 650-653. 

Century Magazine reviewed, 103, 238, 862, 486, 620, 740. 

Century. Nineteenth, Review of the, 98. 

Century^s Ending, 648. 

Character Sketches : 

Brvan. William Jennings, 41, 179. 

Daly, Marcus, 707. 

Humbert, King of Italy, 816. 

Huntington. Collis P., 828. 

McKinley, President William, 88, 678. 

Milller, Max Friedrich Maximilian, 708. 

Odell, Beniamin B., Jr., 687. 

Roosevelt, Theodore, 181, 187. 

Russell, Lord. 425. 

Stevenson, Adlai E., 420. 
Children and Young People, Books for, 774. 
Children, Provision for, in Public Libraries, 48. 

America and the Reconstruction of China, 314. 

America, Chinese Revolutionary Junta in, 210. 

Americans in China, 209. 

America's Duty in Chin%^888. 

Armies Heading for the East, 150. 

Books, New, on China, 378. 

Boxers, The, 338, 476. 

China : Can It Be Saved r 294. 

China's Future and the ** Yellow PeriL" 14a 

China Under the Dowager Empress, To. 

China, What to Dojfvith, 473, 606. 

Chinese Civilization, 212. 

Chinese Crisis, 15-18, 147-152, 218. 

Chinese Revolution, 166. 

Commercial Future of China, 475. 

Defense of the Chinese, 834. 

French Russophobist. 613. 

Germany's Foothold in China, 215. 

Hart, Sir Rober^ on the Chinese Problem, 717. 

Imbroglio, Far-Elastem, 662. 

International Problem in China, 385. 

Ja|>an's Present Attitude Towards China, 308. 

Missionaries, Chinese Attitude Towiurds, 211. 

Missions in China, 302, 721. 
* Mother Goose," Chinese, 722. 

Negotiations, Progress of the, 534. 
"Open Door*' : Is It Guaranteed ? 81. 

Partition Is the European Purpose, 404. 

Peace Negotiators— Prince Chingand Li Hong Chang 

Peking Relieved, 277. 
Powers, China and the, 408. 
Punishment of China, 404, 605. 
Railways, Building, in China, 77. 
Russia, China and, 333, 610. 
Russians in Manchuria, 611. 
Sectaries, Chinese, Russian Amonff, 720. 
Societies, Secret, and the Chinese Government, 889. 
Tientein Captured by the Allies, 151. 
y^'^nited States, Attitude of the, T'owards the Chinese, 




United States, Leadership of the, 260. 

Wu Ting Fanjg»8 Plea for Justice, 316. 
Civil Servants, Training of, 222. 
Civiltd Cattolica reviewed, 250. 
Coal, World's, 480. 
Coal-Miners' Strike, 809, 588, 534. 
Collier. Price. The Rise of Golf in Amerioa, 450. 
Competition : What It Costs Us, T20. 
Confederate Reunion at Louisville, 20. 
Congressional Affairs : 

Army Bill, New, 646. 

Congress, Questions for. 650. 

House, Representation in the, 658. 

Nicaragua Canal, 660. 

Reapportionment Problems, 658-455. 

Senate, Ekjuilibrium of the, 653. 
Conservative Review reviewed, 627. 
Contemporary Review reviewed, 109, 245, 870, 628, 74i. 
Co5peration in Russia, 471. 
Comhill reviewed, 118, 247, 871, 496. 
Cosmopolitan reviewed, 104, 239, 868, 488, 622, 740. 
Cotton-Mills in Cotton-Fields, 61. 
Country People, Industries for, 57. 
Cox, Jacob D., Death of, 281. 
Crane, Stephen, 98. 

Crusoe, Robinson : Island of Juan Femandes, 478. 

Affairs in Cuba, 894. 

Beveridge. Senator, on Cuba, 898. 

Constitutional Convention, 269, 660. 

Cuban Republic— Limited, 706. 

Election Times in Cuba, 14. 

Teachei-s, Cuban, in the United States, 18. 
Custer's Last Fight, Indian Account of, 218. 

Daly, Marcus, Death of, 663. 

Daly, Marcus, £m|)ire-Builder, 707. 

D'Annunzio, Gabriele, the Herald of a New Italian 

Literature, 849. 
Delagoa Bay Arbitration. Story of the, 472. 
Democratic Campaign, Management of the, 556. 
Democrats : see Political Affairs. 
Dennis. James S. Missions in China, 302. 
Deutsche Revue reviewed^ 261. 
Deutsche Rundschau reviewed, 251. 
Development, Studies in, 359. 
Disfranchisement of Negroes, 273-275. 
District of Columbia, Hundred Years of the, 675. 
,.i>unald^ Robert. Trusts in England, 578. 
Du Bois, W. £. Burghardt. The American Negro at 

Paris, 575. 

Edinburgh Review reviewed, 378, 746. 
Education : 

France, *' Popular Universities" in, 354, 

Hypnotism in Education, 90. 

Library, Public, and the Public School, 56. 

Manila's School System, 857. 

Oxford Undergraduate, 734. 

Textile Schools, New Developments in, 67. 
England : see Great Britain. 
English, Growth of the People Who Speak, 651. 
English Town and Country Ideals, 233. 
Europe : Why It Hates England, 97. 
Ewing. James S. Mr. Stevenson, the Democratic Can- 
didate for Vice-President, 420. 
Eyes, How to Care for One's, 361. 

Fiction, Current, Change in, 755. 
Financial Policy, Bryan"s : A Democratic View, 449. 
Financial Policy, Bryan's : A Republican View, 447. 
Finley, John. The Political Beginnings in Porto Rico,571. 
Flint, Charles R. New Light on the Problem of Trusts, 

Forbes, Archibald, 94. 

Fortnightly Review reviewed, 111, 246, 309, 628, 745. 
Fortune-Tel ler, Modern, 734. 
Forum reviewed, 106, 241, 366, 490, 624, 742. 
France : 

Affairs in France, 662. 

Fleet and Colonial Army, 342. 

France and England— (1) Population — (2) Defense, 
646, 647. 

Naval Power of France, 472. 

" Universities, Popular," in France, 864. 
Frank Leslie^s Monthly reviewed, 742. 
Fruit-Growing in America, 618. 

Galveston's Calamity, 898 ; Lessons of, 616. 
Game-Preserve, Africa as a, 788. 
Germany : 

Affairs in Germany, 662. 

Chancellorship, Change in the, 584. 

China, Germany's Foothold in, 215. 

England, Germany's Dependence on, 851. 

German Trade Jealousy, 225. 
Gillmore, Lieut.-Com'd'r James C, Experiences of, in , 

Luzon, 216. 
Gladstone, Mrs. William Ewart, as Wife and Philan- 
thropist, 858. 
Golf. Rise of, in America, 459. 
Gk)odrich, Joseph King. Japan's Present Attitude 

Towards China. 808. 
Gk>Vemmental Methods, Our, 222. 
Great Britain : see also Tremsvaal. 

Affairs in England, 662. 

Army System, England's, 649. 

Boers. British Policy for the, 527-^529. 

British Czar : The General Elector, 585. 

Colonial Problems, 279. 

Defense, National, Salisbury and Rosebery on, 647. 

Election, British General, 402, 526-^30, 508. 

Europe : Why it Hates England, 97. 

Financial Burdens, 279. 

France and England— (1) Population— (2) Defense, 
646, 647. 

Germany's Dependence on England, 851. 

Growth of the British Empire in the Nineteenth Cen- 
tury, 596. 

Liberalism, Future of, 580. 

Military Prestige Abroad, 596. 

Municipal Trading in England, Limits of, 728. 

Party Principles, Continuity of, 595. 

Salisbury Ministry, Some Assets of the, 580. 

Trusts in England, 578. 

War Office, Head of the, 648. 
Qunton's Magazine reviewed, 109, 244, 868, 483, 628, 74a 
Gutenberg and the Yellow Journalist, 484. 

Hadden, Archibald. The Embellishment of a Michi- 
gan Town, 195. 
Haeckel, Ernst, and the New Zo()logy, 86. 
Hague Peace Conference, Reminder of the, 644, 645. 
Han of Fame, The, 563. 
Hamlin, Rev. Dr. Cyrus, Death of, 281. 
Hanna, Marcus A., Truth About, 590. 
Harper's Magazine reviewed, 103, 238, 862, 486, 621, 740. 
Hawaii, Race Lines in, 661. 

Hovey, Richard— A Successor to Poe and Lanier, 785. 
Hull- Ottawa Fire, 228. 
Humbert, King, Asisassination of, 278. 
Humbert, King, of Italy: A Character Sketch, 816. 
Hunting in the Indian Ghauts, 86. 
Huntington, CoUis P., Death of, 281. 
Huntmgton, Collis P., Sketch of, 323. 
Hurricanes, West-Indian, 617. 
Hygiene : 

Eyes, How to Care for One's, 36L 

Infection, Process of, 736. 

Microbe Infection, Basis of Immunity from, 483. 

Neurasthenia in Statesmen, 737 
Hypnotism in Education, 90. 

Ice-Breaker as Polar Discoverer, 481. 
Immigration as a Factor of Growth in Population, 27<6w 
Infantry, Mounted, Value of, 723. 
Infection, Process of, 786. 
Ingalls, John J., Death of, 281. 
International Monthly reviewed. 109, 498, 748. 
luveutioiis, Some Notable New, 480. 
Ireland, Remaking of, 727. 
Irish Immigration, Century of, 227. 
Iron : Demand for a Pig-iron Reserve, 852. 
Italian Review reviewed, 376. 
Italy : 
Argentina, Italian Interests in, 348. 


Humbert, King, A ssassf nation of, 278. 
Humbert, King, Italian Progress Under, 470. 
Italian Politics; 847. 
Pensions for Italian Operatives, 726. 
Revival of Italy, 725. 

Jamaica : Does It Contain a Lesson in Colonial Gov- 
ernment f 451. 

Japan and Korea, 82. 

Japan : Ito, Marquis, in Authority Again, 5S5. 

Japan^s Modem Navy, 840. 

Japan's Present Attitude Towards China, 808. 

Johnston, Charles. An Estimate of Max Mttller (1823- 
1900), 703. 

Jordan Kiver, Sources of the, 782. 

Jourmxl of Political Economy reviewed, 405. 

Journalist, Yellow, Gutenberg and the, 484. 

Kansas City Convention, 175. 
Kansas City, the Democratic Convention City, 84. 
Knauift, Ernest. Art in the Holiday Books, 749. 
Knaufft, Ernest. The New Appellate Court-House in 

New York City, 191. 
Korea, Japan and, 82. 

Ladies' Home Journal reviewed, 240, 864, 488, 623. 
Langhlin, J. Laurence. Trusts, in Case of Bryants 

Election, 443. 
Lawyer, A Great, and His Career (Lord Russell), 425. 
Leading Articles of the Month. 75, 209, 333, 465, 590, n7. 
Leonora Beck Ellis. Cotton-Mills in Cotton-Fields, 61. 
Libraries, Public, Provision for Children in, 48. 
Library, Public, and the Public School, 56. 
Liebknecht, Wilhelm, Death of, 281. 
Light, New Sources of, 229. 
Lion, Taming of a, 359. 

LippincoWs Magazine reviewed, 289, 864, 489, 622, 741. 
Literature ; Change in Current Fiction, 755. 
Literature, New Italian, Herald of a, 349. 
Lusk, Hugh H. The New Australian Constitution, 72. 

McClure'8 Magazine reviewed, 105, 288, 363, 487, 621, 740. 
MacCYacken, Henry MitcheU. The Hall of Fame, 563. 
McKinley, PreHident WUliam : The Record of His Ad- 
ministration, 33. 
McKinley, William : A Chronology, 673. 
Maine, State Election in, 272, 895. 
Maps and Diagrams : 

African Game-Preserve as Fixed by Treaty, 788. 

Australia, Commonwealth of, 24. 

Capitol Building at Washington, D. C, Plan of the 
Main Floor of the, 681. 

Center of Population in the United States, Diagram 
Showing Westward Movement of the, 652. 

China, Blastem, Scene of the Boxer Riots in, 16. 

China : Map Showing the Various Railway Conces- 
sions, 77. 

China : Route from Taku to Peking, 150. 

China : Route Taken by the Allies in Marching to 
Peking, 283. 

Election Results in the United States in 1896 and 1900, 
Diagrams Showing, 654. 

Hall of Fame, Ground Plan of the, 564. 

Hurricane of 1900, Man Showing Track of the, 617. 

Luzon, Island of. Northern Portion of, 218. 

Peking, British Legation at, 285. 

War, Rwous Devastated by, 1864-1900, 667. 
Michigan Town, Embellishment of a, 195. 
Microbe Infection, Basis of Immunity from, 488. 
Missionaries, Chinese Attitude Towards, 211. 
Mishionn in China, 802, 721. 
Moffett. Samuel E., 707. 
Mottke, Count von, 724. 
Monnett. Frank S. Mr. Bryan and the Trusts : An 

Anti-Trust View, 439. 
Monroe Doctrine : Should It Take in Asia ? 79. 
Monthly Review reviewed, 629, 746. 
MorKan, J. Pierpont, the Great Financier, 738. 
3lorrtsen, Julius. Does Jamaica Contain a Lesson in 

Colonial Government ? 451. 
" Mother Goose," Chinese, 723. 
Mailer, Max, An Estimate of, 708. 
Mtiller, Max, at Home, 93. 

Mttller. Max, Death of, 668. 

Municipal Architecture, Successful Experiment in, 19L 
Municipal Trading in England, Limits of, 728. 
Munsejf's Magazine reviewed, 106, 240, 864^ 028, 741. 
Muravieff, Count, Death of, 18. 

National Review reviewed. 111, 247, 871, 494* 629. 

Naval Strength of the Seven Sea Powers, 225. 

Negro, American, at the Paris Exposition, 575. 

Negroes. Disfranchisement of, 278-275. 

Neurasthenia in Statesmen, 787. 

New England Authors, Old Age of, 698. 

New England Magazine reviewed, 105, 865, 622. 

Newfoundland's Remarkable Contest, 532, 5^ 661. 

New Mexico : Should She Be Admitted as a State ? 662. 

Newspaper, Sunday, Man Who Invented the, 619. 

New York, State of, Political Aflfairs in the, 270, 271, 886. 

Nietzsche, Tolstoi and, 614. 

Nineteenth Century reviewed, 110, 244, 869, 628, 744. 

North American Review reviewed, 107, 242, 866, 489, 

625, 742. 
North Carolina, State Election in, 272-274. 
Northwest, Volcanic Scenery of the, 202. 
Norway, Election in, 406. 
Norway's Independent Course, 535. 
NovAyelle Reime reviewed, 114, 249, 876, 486, 681, 748. 
Nuova Antologla reviewed, 250. 

Obituary Notes, 21, 281. 686, 587, 668. 
Odell, Gk)vemor-elect, of New York, 687. 
Oklahoma, Living in, 344. 
OtUinq reviewed, 289, 365, 488, 623, 74L 
Oxford Undergraduate, 784. 

Paris Exposition : 

American Negro at Paris, 575. 

Art, World»8, as Mirrored at Paris, 855. 

Upshot of the Paris Exposition, 780. 
Pans Slums, A Year*^ Plunge into, 355. 
Park, Prof. Edwards A., Death of, 21. 
Parker. John H . Pressing Needs of the Philippines, 812. 
Partridge, William Ordway. A National Art Exhibi- 
tion, 198. 
Pensions for Italian Operatives, 726. 
Pension Systems, Old-Age. 95. 
Periodicals, Index to. 124, 25% 880, 508. 636, 780. 
Periodicals Reviewed, The, 108, 238, 862, 486, 620, 740. 
Philanthropy, A Profitable, 57. 
Philippines : 

Bryan's Proposed Solution of the Philippine Problem, 

Filipinos and Independence, 409. 

Gillmore, Lieut.-Com'd'r James C; His Elxperiences 
in Luzon, 216. 

McKinley on the Philippine Question, 388. 

Manila's School System, 857. 

Needs, Pres^sing, of the Philippines, 812. 

Philippine Problem, Practical Solution of the, 267, 268. 

Philippines, Practical Bryan Policy for the, 483. 

Progress in the Philippine 15. 
Poetry : Work of Richard Hovey, 785. 
Political Affairs in the United States : see also Congres- 
sional Affairs. 

Beveridge, Senator, on Cuba. 893. 

Boer Cause in American Politics, 145. 

Bryan, Mr., as the Paragon of Statesmanship, 523-524. 

Bryan, Mr., at Hom& 179. 

Bryan, Mr., Heavy Undertaking of, 657. 

Bryan, Mr., on the Issue in the Campaign, 83. 

Bryan Sujpporters, Some, 893. 

Bryan, \V lUiam Jennings : The Democratic Leader in 
1900, 41. 

" Bryanism " : Is It Socialistic f 466. 

Bryan's Financial Policy : A Democratic View, 449. 

Bryan's Financial Policy : A Republican View, 447. 

Bryan's Indianapoli.s Speech, Analysis of, 262-268. 

Bryan's Letter of Acceptance, 890, 891. 

Cabinet, President's, 659. 

Campaign. Progress of the, 145, 259-278, 887-397, 615- 

Congressional Elections, 658. 

Democratic Campaign, Management of the, 556. 

Democratic Claims. 396. 



Democratic Convention. Forecast of the, 11, 12. 

Democratic Mistake at Kansas City, 134-188. 

Democratic Party and Its Leaders, 139. 

Democratic Platform, Analysis of the, 141-148. 

Democratic Vice-Presidential Problem, 140. 

Democrats and Their Fighting Ground, 131. 

Election Result, Meaning of the, 655. 

Forecasts, Republican, for November, 895. 

Crovemors, New, 658. 

Hanna, Marcus A., Truth About, 500. 

Kansas City Convention, 175. 

McKinley, President : Record of His Administration, 

McKinley, President, Reflection of, 656. 

McKinley, President, Renomination of, and Its Mean- 
ing, 5, 6. 

McKinley. William : A Chronology, 673. 

McKinley^s Letter of Acceptance, Analysis of, 887-389. 

Money in the Campaign, 897. 

New York State Politics, 271, 270, 396. 

Odell, Governoivelect, of New York, 687. 

** Paramount Issues,*' As to, 181. 

Parties and Policies, 889. 

Philippines and the Campaign. 260, 262-268. 

Philippines, Practical Bryan Policy for the, 488. 

Populist Nomination, Bryan's acceptance of the, 391. 

Populist Vice-Presidential Candidate, 391. 

Populists, Non-Fusion, 892. 

Presidential Campaign of 1900, 788. 

Prohibition Party, ^iational2 and Its Candidates, 827. 

Republican National Committee, Work of the, 549. 

Republican National Convention at Philadelphia, 8-10. 

Republican Principles in 1900, 3. 

Roosevelt, Grovernor, in the Field, 392. 

Roosevelt, Theodore, Nomination of, for Vice-Presi- 
dent, 7-10. 

Roosevelt, Theodore, Sketch of, 181. 

Roosevelt^s View of the Vice-Presidential Office, 9. 

Roosevelt's Work as Crovernor, 187. 

Shepard, Edward M., Views and Criticisms of, 890. 
. Silver as an Abnormal Issue, 188. 

Silver Issue in the Campaign, 515-518. 

State Elections in North Carolina, Alabama, Ver^ 
mont, and Maine, 272, 395. 

States, Various, Election Results in, 657. 

Southern Sentiment Regarding Campaign Issues, 515, 
519, 520, 655. 

Stevenson, Adlai E., the Democratic Candidate for 
Vice-President, 420. 

Tammany Hall, Influence of, 521, 522. 

Tammany Turned the Scale at Kansas City, 188. 

"Third-Ticket Antis," 394. 

Towne Declines in Favor of Stevenson, 269. 

" Trusts " as a Fresh Issue, 523. 

Trusts, in Case of Bryan's Election, 443. 

Trusts, Mr. Bryan and the : An Anti-Trust View, 489. 

Wisconsin, Republican Campaign in, 278. 
Political Discussion : How It Should Be Conducted, 467. 
Political Science Quarterly reviewed, 494. 
Population, Distribution or Our, and Evenness of Our 

Growth, 652. 
Population of the United States, 275. 276, 650-652. 
Porto Rico, Political Beginnings in, 571; Election In, 661. 
Portraits : 

Abbot, Willis J., 557. 

Abruzzi, Duke of, 408. 

Adams, John, 569. 

Afghanistan, Amir of, 608. 

Alcott, A. Bronson, 701. 

Allison, William B., 8. 

Ashley, Clarence D., 565. 

Atkinson, Fred. W., 15. 

Audubon, John J., 570. 

Aycock, Charles B., 272. 

Bacheller, Irving, 763. 

Baker, Capt. L. D., 453. 

Balfour^Arthur J., 527. 

Balzac, Honors, 769. 

Barton, Edmund, 75. 

Beecher, Henry Ward, 570. 

Bellamy, Edward, 761. 

Binnie, Sir Alexander R., 409. 

Bliss, Aaron T., 656. 

Bliss, Cornelius N., 397. 

Bloch, .lean de. 475. 

Botha, Gen. Louis, 886. 

Boutwell, George S. 261. 

Bradbury, James W., 699. 

Bristow, J. L., 22. 

Brodrick. St. John, 649. 

Brooks, Christopher P., 67. 

Bryan, Grace Dexter, 180. 

Bryan, Ruth Baird, 180. 

Bryan, William Jennings, 41, 180, 179, 268, 514, 559. 

Bryan, Mrs. William Jennings, 179. 

Bryan, William Jennings, Jr., 180. 

Bttlow, Count von, 534. 

Campbell-Bannerman, Sir Henry, 527. 

Campos, G^n. Martinez, 586. 

Cartees. Baron de, 407. 

Cartwright, Sir R. J., 581. 

Chaffee, Maj.-Gen. Adna R., ISa 

Chamberlain, Joseph, 527. 

Channing, William E., 569. 

Chinese Empress, 258. 

Clay. Henry, 568. 

Clark, Francis E., 155. 

Clark, John Bates, 465. 

Coler, Bird S., 271. 

Conger, Edwin H., 16, 284. 

Conger, Mrs. Edwin H., 284. 

Connaught, Duke of, 281. 

Cooper, Peter, 569. 

Corbin, Henry C, 588. 

Craigie, Mai. P. G., 409. 

Crane, Stepnen, 93. 

Crane. W. Murray, 659. 

Crawford, F. Marion, 771. 

Croker, Richard, 189, 514. 

Custer, Gren. George A., 219. 

Daly, Marcus, 707. 

D'Annunzio, Grabriele, 849. 

Davies, Sir L. H., 581. 

Davisy Jefferson, 895. 

Depew, Chauncey M., 10. 

De Wet, Gen. Christian, 667. 

Dillingham, William P., 588. 

Dockery, A. M., 657. 

DoUiver, Jonathan P., 7, 588. 

Doyle, A. Conan, 598. 

Du Bois, W. E. Burghardt, 575. 

Durand, Sir F. M., 410. 

Durbin. Winfield T., 656. 

Edwards, Jonathan, 568. 

Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 568. 

Farragut, David G., 568. 

Fielding, William S., 531. 

Flanders, Prince and Princess of, 686. 

Foster, .Murphy J., 23. 

Franklin, Benjamin, 568. 

Frye, Alexis E., 14. 

Fulton, Robert, 570. 

Garland, Hamlin, 768. 

Gear, John H., 157. 

Gibbs, Frederick S., 897. 

Gideon, D. S., 458. 

Giers, M. de, 407. 

Gillmore, Lieut. -Com'd'r James C, 317. 

Gladstone, Mrs. William E., 858. 

Gordon, Gen. John B., 20. 

Goscben, George J., 528. 

Goss, Charles Frederic, 768. 

Grant, Ulysses S., 567. 

Gray, Asa, 569. 

Gray, George, 644. 

Greene, Gen. Francis V., 270. 

Greene, Sir W. Conynghame, 410. 

Hackley, Charles IL, 195. 

Haeckel. Ernst, 87. 

Hale, Edward Everett, 698. 

Hamilton. Rev. J. W., 25. 

Hanna, Marcus A.. 4, 154, 897, 549. 

Harris, Joel Chandler, 766. 

Hart, Sir Robert, 278. 

Hawthorne. Nathaniel, 569. 

Hays, Charles M., 666. 



Heant, William R., 8M, 514. 

Heath, Perry S., 550. 

H^ltoe. Queen, of Italy, 822. 

Hemming, Sir AugUBtos, 452. 

Higginson, Thomas Wentworth, 701. 

HiuTDavidB., 189. 

Hill, John F., 278. 

HolU, Frederick W., 644. 

Hopetoon, Lord, 846. 

Howe, Archibald M., 8»5. 

Howe, Julia Ward, 700. 

Humbert, King, of Italy, 818, 820. 

Hunn, John, 658. 

Huntington, Collis P., 828, 825. 

Irving, Wae^iugton, 568. 

Isaacs, Meyer S., 689. 

Ito, Marquis, 585. 

Jefferson, Thomas, 568. 

Jenninffs, W. 8., 658. 

Jones, James K., 12, 557. 

Jordan, Chester B., 660. 

Kang-Yu-Wei, 17. 

Kempff, Rear-Admiral Louis, 16. 

Kent, James, 570. 

Ketteler, Baron von, 407. 

KrOyer, Peter Sever in, 236. 

La Follette, Robert M., 273, 656. 

Lamsdorff, Count, 153. 

Lansdowne, Lord, 649. 

Larmor, Joseph. 409. 

Laurier, Sir Wilfrid, 581. 

Lee, Robert E., .569. 

U Hung Chang, 152, 404, 710. 

Lincoln, Abraham, 567. 

Liscum, Col. Emerson H., 151. 

Livermore, Mrs. Mary A., 608. 

Llorente, Sefior. 660. 

Uovd, John Url, 762. 

Locige, Henrv Cabot, 5, 154. 

Long, John D., 7. 

Longfellow, Henry Wadsworth, 568. 

Lopez, Sixto, 540. 

Lord, James Brown, 198. 

Loubet, President Emile, 642. 

MacCracken, Henry M., 565. 

Mftcdonald, Hugh J., 581. 

Macdonald, Sir Claude, 151. 

McEnery, Samuel D., 28. 

Macfarbind, Henry B. F., 685. 

Mackey, William F., 897. 

McKinley, President WiUiam, 2, 88, 154, 678. 

McLean, George P., 659. 

McMUlin, Benton, 657. 

McSweeney, M. B., 665. 

Manley. Joseph H., 897. 

Manu; Horace, 569. 

Blargherita, Queen, of Italy, 320. 

Markle, John, 540. 

Marshall, John, 568. 

Martin, Rev. W. A. P., 156. 

Metcalf, Henry B., 829. 

Middleton. R. W. E., 528. 

Mitchell, John, 400. 

Moltke, Count von, 724. 

Moore, Rev. D. H., 25. 

Morgan, J. Pierpont, 789. 

Morse, Samuel F. B., 568. 

Mailer. Max, 92, 703, 704. 

Muravieff, Count, 18. 

NeviilDering, Sir Henry, 410. 

NSetMche, Fnedrich W., 614. 

Norton, Charles Eliot, 702. 

Odell, Benjamin B., Jr., 10, 271, 687. 

Oldham, W. D., 135. 

Orman, J. B., 657. 

Park, Edwards A., 700. 

Parker. Gilbert, 767. 

Peabody, George, 569. 

Perkin, W. H., 409. 

Philip, Rear- Admiral John W., 157. 

Phipps, E. C, 410. 

Piatt, Thomas C, 5. 10. 

Plmiket, Sir Francis, 410. 

Pritchett, Henry S.» 541. 

Quay. Matthew S., 4. 

Kaggi, Marquis Salvago, 407. 

Ramde, Mile. De La, m. 

Rassieur, Leo, 408. 

Reid, R. G., 532. 

Reltz, F. A., 20. 

Remey, Rear- Admiral George C, 148. 

Rhees, Rush, 541. 

Rhys, John, 409. 

Richardson, James D., 188. 

Richthofen, Freiherr von, 668. 

Ridpath, John Clark, 281. 

Robertson, Sir G. S^ 409. 

Rockhlll, William W., 278. 

Rodriguez, G^n. Alejandro, 14. 

Rogers, John B., 657. 

Roosevelt, Theodore, 9, 10. 146, 181, 187. 

Roosevelt, Theodore, Sr., 186. 

Root. Elihu, 259, 588. 

Rosebery, Lord, 648. 

Russell. Lord, of Killowen, 281, 425, 427, 431. 

Ryan, Archbishop, 400. 

Sabsovich, H. L., 689. 

Salisbury, Lord, 526. 

Sanford, William J., 272. 

Satow. Sir Ernest. 585. 

Saxe-Coburg, Charles Edward of, 280. 

Saxe-Coburjg, Late Duke of, 281. 

Say re, Lewis A., 541. 

Scott, Nathan B., 897. 

Selborne, Earl of, 649. 

Seymour. Vice-Admiral Sir Edward H., 148. 

Shaw, Edward R., 565. 

Shepard, Edward M., 261. 

Sherman, John. 537. 

Sidgwick, Henry, 410. 

SoUas, W. J., 409. 

Stanchfleld, John B., 897. 

Stanley, W. E., 664. 

Stanton, Elizabeth Cady, 700. 

Stevenson, Adlai E., 130, 140, 420, 422, 423, 514. 

Stickney, W. W., 278. 

Stills, Alfred, 541. 

Storrs, Rev. Richard S., 21. 

Story. Joseph, 569. 

Strathoona, Lord, 581. 

Strong, William L, 666. 

Stuart, Gilbert, 569. 

Takahira, Kogoro, 288. 

Tarte, J. Israel, 581. 

Tetuan, Duke of, 645. 

Thomas, Charles S., 185. 

Thompson. Maurice, 761. 

Tillman, Benjamin R., 187. 

Tolstoi, Count Leo, 91. 

Toole, J. K., 658. 

Towne, Charles A., 140. 

Traquair. R. H., 409. 

Trowbridge, John Townsend, 701. 

Tupper, Sir Charles, 581. 

Tupper, Sir Charles H., 531. 

Turner, Sir William, 409. 

Van Sant, Samuel F., 656. 

Van Wyck, Robert A., 514. 

Victor Emmanuel IIL, King, 821. 823. 

Victoria. Queen, and her Great-Grandchildren, 589. 

Villuendas, Sefior, 660. 

Vines, Sydney H., 409. 

Waldersee, Count von, 277, 408. 

Waldersee, Countess von, 403. 

Wales, Prince of, 281. 

Ward. Mrs. Humphry, 759. 

Ward, Leslie D., 10. 

Wardwell, William T., 380. 

Warmaii, Cy, 767. 

Warner, Charles Dudley, 587. 

Washington, George, 566. 

Webster, Daniel, 667. 

Webster, Sir Richard, 645. 

Wellington, George L., 892. 

Wells, Heber M., 664. 

White, A. B., 665. 



White, Frank, 658. 

Whitney, Kli, 570. 

Wilcox, Robert W., 661. 

Wilbelmina, Queen, and her Proepectiye Ckmsort, 663. 

Wilson, William L.. 539. 

Wilmep, Rev. Richard Hooker, 2L 

Wolcott, Edward O., 146. 

Wolcott, R<^er, 282. 

Woolley, John G., 828. 

WooUey, Mrs. John G., 82a 

Woolley, Mary R, 541. 

Wu Ting Fang, 79. 

Wyndham, George, 649. 

Yate5s Richard, 656. 

Young, Lafayette, 11. 
Presidential Campaijni : see Political Affairs. 
Progress of the World, The. 8, 131, 259, 887. 515, 648. 
Prohibition Party, National, and Its Candidates, 827. 
Putnam, George Haven. Roosevelt as a Man of Let- 
ters, 377. 

Quarterly Review reviewed, 873. 

Radioculture. 89. 

Rassegna NazioTiale reviewed, 250. 

Reapportionment Problems, 27lS, 653-655. 

Record of Current Events, 22, 158, 282, 407, 588, 664. 

Referendum, Objections to the, 224. 

Relics and Their Cult, 856. 

Republican National Committee : How It Works for 

Votes, 549. 
Republicans : see Political Affairs. 
Revue de PnrU reviewed, 250, 874, 499, 680, 747. 
Revue des Deux Mondes reviewed, 114, 249, 497, 680, 747. 
Revue des Revues reviewed, 875, 500. 
Ridpath, John Clark. Death of, 281. 
Riis, Jacob A. Making a Way Out of the Slum, 680. 
Riis, Jacob A. Theodore Roosevelt, 181. 
Rivista Politica e Letteraria reviewed, 251. 
Rivista Popolare reviewed, 251. 

Roberts. George E. Bryants Financial Po^cy : A Re- 
publican view, 447. 
Roosevelt, Theodore, as a Man of Letters, 877. 
Roosevelt, Theodore : His Work as Governor, 187. 
Roosevelt, Theodore, Sketch of, 181. 
Rug-Making. 57. 

Russell, Lord, of Killowen, Death of, 281; Sketch of, 425. 
Russia : 

China and Russia, 61U. 

China, Russia's Stake in, 888. 

Co()peration in Russia^ 471. 

Manchuria, Russians in, 611. 

St. Locis Strikes. Politics in the, 18. 

Saxe-Coburg, Duke of, 280. 

Science : 
Development, Studies in. 850. 
Haeckel, Ernst, and the r^ew Zoology, 86. 
Thyroid Gland, 88. 

Scribbler's Magazine reviewed, 104, 288, 487, 621, 740. 

Sea Powers, Seven Great, 226. 

Serpents. Venom of : How It Is Collected, 280. 

Shaw, Albert. A Hundred Years of the District of Co- 
lumbia, 675. 

Shepard, Edward M. The Practical Bryan Policy for 
the Philippines, 488. 

Sherman, Joun, Death of, 537. 

Sicily as a Summer Resort, 350. 

Slum, Making a Way Out of the, 689. 

Smith, Katherine Louise. The Provision for Children 
in Public Libraries, 48. 

Socialist State. Value of Brains in the, 858. 

Sovereignty, New Exposition of, 223. 

Spahr, Charles B. Bi-yan's Financial Policy : A Demo- 
cratic View, 449. 

Spahr, Charles B. M r. Bryan, the Democratic Leader, 41. 

Spain, Separatism in, 102. 

Spanish-American Unity, 470. 

Spanish Capital— Madrid, 287. 

Sports of Women ; A Symposium, 231. 

Stead, W. T. A Great Lawyer and His Career, 425. 

Stead, W. T. British Czar : The General Elector, 585. 

Stevenson. Adlai E., the Democratic Candidate for 
Vice-President, 420. 

Stewart, Jane A. New Developments in Textile Schools, 

Storrs, Rev. Dr. Richard Salter, Death of, 21. 

Strahorn, Robert E. Volcanic Scenery of the North- 
west, 202. 

Strike, Coal-Miners', 890, 533, 534. 

Strong, William L, Death ot 663. 

Switzerland, Military Training in, 65a 

Telephony, Wireless,* 482. 

Textile Schools, New Developmento in, 67. 

Theater for the People, M. 

Thvroid Gland, 88. 

Tolstoi and Nietzsche, 614. 

Tolstoi, Count, The Quarterly on, 91. 

Town and Country Cluh, 713. 

Transvaal : see also Great Britain. 

American Politics, Boer Cause in, 145. 

Annexation of the Transvaal by Great Britain, 401. 

Boers, French Views of the, 220. 

Boers in Guerrilla Warfare, 144. 

Doyle, Dr. Conan : His Lessons from the Boer War, 508. 

Fate of the Boers, 527-529. 

KrtLger, President, Retreat ot 400. 

Milnerism in South Africa, 599. 

Pretoria, Capture of, 18. 

Settlement in South Africa, 600. 

South Africa, Reconstruction of, 219. 

War Against Women and Children, 507. 

War Operations in South Africa, 280. 
Travel, Out of the Way, Glimpeea of, 288. 
Tripoli, Modem, Notes on, 101. 

Bryan, Mr^ and the Truste : An Anti-Trust View, 439. 

England, Truste in, 578. 

Trust Problem, Latest Phase of the, 465. 

*• Trust Problem, The," Review of, 445. 

Trusts, in Case of Bryan's Election, 443. 

United States : see also Census, Congressional AfEairs, 
Cuba, Hawaii, Philippines, Political Affairs, Porto 

Administration, Preoccupied, 269. 

China, America and the Reconstruction of, 814. 

China, Americans in, 209. 

China, America's Duty in, 388. 

Chinese, Our Attitude Towards the, 80. 

German Trade Jealousy, 225. 

Nations, Our New Place Among the, 348. 

Population of the United States, 65(M(52. 

Vermont, State Election in, 272, 895. 
Villard. Henry, Death of, 663. 
Volcanic Scenery of the Northwest, 202. 
Voting by Mail, 468. 
Voting, Compulsory, 59L 

Waldebsee, Field-Marshi^ Count, 604. 

Warfare : Value of Mounted Infantry, 728. 

War, How Armies May Prevent, 645. 

War in South Africa : see Transvaal. 

Warner, Charles Dudley, Death of, 587. 

Wars as Marking Periods of Time, 648. 

Washington : Building of Our National Capital, TBI. 

Washington, D. C. : A Hundred Years of the District of 

Columbia. 675. 
Wellington. Duke of, and the Irate Painter, 485. 
Wellman, Walter, the Cuban Republic—Limited, 706. 
Wellman, Walter. The Kansas City Convention, 175. 
Westminster Review reviewed, 112, 248, 870, 496. 
Wheat Supply, World's : Can It Be Cornered t 226. 
Wheeler, Edward J. The National Prohibition Party 

and Its Candidates, 327. 
Wilhelmina, Queen, Engagement of, 535. 
Williams, Talcott. Can China Be Saved t 294. 
Williams, Talcott. The Change in Current Fiction, 765. 
Wilmer, Kt. Rev. Richard Hooker, Death of, 21. 
Wilson, William L., Death of, 536. 
Wisconsin, Republican Campaign in, 273. 
Women, Brains of, 237. 
Women's Sports : A Symposium, 231. 
World's Work reviewe<l, 620. 

ZoOlogy, New, Ernst Haeckel and the, 86. 

The American Monthly Review of Reviews, 

edited by albert shaw. 


President William McKinley Frontispiece 

The Proj^ress of the World— 

The Philadelphia Convention 8 

Republican Principles in 1900 3 

Hamnony Unprecedented 8 

Behold, How These Brethren Love One Another ! 4 

What Is the True Interpretation f 5 

The Question of a Second Term 5 

What Is Thought of the President 6 

Two Character Sketches 6 

The Second Place on the Ticket 6 

The Movement for Roosevelt 7 

How the Movement Was Revi ve<i 8 

How It Was Developed 8 

His Own View of the Office 9 

Governor Roosevelt's Future 10 

A One- Man Convention 11 

A Platform to Match the Caudi<Uile 11 

The Difficulties of Fusion 12 

Politics in the St. Louis Strikes 13 

Cuban Teachers in the United States 18 

Election Times in Cuba. 14 

Progress in the Philippines 15 

The Chinese Crisis 15 

The Course of the Powers 17 

The R61e of the United States 17 

The Death of Count Muravieff 18 

The Capture of Pretoria 18 

The Remnant of Boer Resistance 19 

The Confederate Reunion at Ix)ui8ville 20 

Obituary 21 

With portraits of Matthew 8. Quav, Senator Hanna, 
Senator Piatt, Senator L«>dKe, John D. Lons, J. P. 
Dolliver. Senator Allison, Theodore Roosevelt, La- 
fayette Young, Senator Jones, Alexis E. Frye, Gen. 
Alejandro RodriKUez. Fred. W. Atkinson, Edwin H. 
Conger, Rear-Admiral Kempff, Kang-Yu-Wei, the 
late Count Muravieff. Secretary ReiiZ. Gen. John B. 
Gt>rdon, the late Richard S. Storrs, and the late 
Bishop Wllmer, map showing scene of the Boxer 
riots In Eastern China, cartoons, and other Illus- 

Record of Current Events 22 

With portraits of J. L. Bristow, Douglass McEnery, 

Murphy J. Foster, Rev. J. W. Hamilton, and Rev. 

D. If. Moore, and a map of Australia showing the 

relative importance of each State. 

Political Cartoons of the Month 27 

The Republican Candidate 83 

With portrait of President William McKinley. 
Mr. Bryan, the Democratic Leader, in 1900. . . 41 

By Charles B. Spahr. 
With portrait of William Jennings Bryan. 

The Provision for Children in Public Libraries 48 

By Katherlne Louise Smith. 

Wit ti Illustrations. 

The Public Library and the Public School. 
A Profitable Philanthropy 


By Helen R. Albee. 
With illustrations. 

Cotton-Mills in Cotton-Fields 61 

By Leonora Beck Ellis. 
With Illustrations. 

New Developments in Textile Schools 67 

By Jane A. Stewart. 

With portrait of Christopher P. Brooks and other Illus- 

The New Australian Constitution 72 

By Hugh H. Lusk. 

Leading^ Articles of the Month— 

Australian Federation 75 

China Under the Dowager Empress 76 

^Building Railways in China 77 

Should the Monroe Doctrine Take in Asia ? 79 

Our Attitude Towards the Chinese 80 

Is the '* Open Door " Guaranteed ? 81 

The Problem of Central Asia. 82 

Japan and Korea 82 

Mr. Bryan on the Issue in the Campaign 83 

The Democratic Convention City 84 

Hunting in the Indian Ghauts 86 

Ernst Haeckel and the New Zoology 86 

The Thyroid Gland 88 

Hadioculture 8J» 

On the Laniy^ua^e of Birds 89 

Hypnotism m Education 90 

" The Quarterly " on Tolstoi 91 

Prof. Max MlUler at Home 92 

The Late Stephen Crane 93 

The Late Archibald Forbes 94 

. A Theater for the People 94 

Old- Age Pension Systems 95 

W^hy Europe Hates England 97 

The Dying Century 98 

Alsace and Lorraine 100 

Notes on Modem Tripoli 101 

Separatism in Spain 102 

With portraits of Edmund Barton, Wu Ting Fang, 
Ernst Haeckel, Leo Tolstoi, Max Mtlller, and the 
late Stephen Crane, a map of China ubowing the 
various railway concessions, and other illustrations. 

The Periodicals Reviewed 103 

The New Books 115 

Index to Periodicals 124 

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From a new photoifraph. Copyrighted by CUneduist, Waihin^tun. 

(Unaniinously Renominated by the Republican Convention, at Philadelphia, Thursday, June 21.) 

The American monthly 

Review of Reviews, 

Vol. XXII. NEW YORK, JULY, 1900. 

NO. 1. 



If Vice-President Hobart had not 
PMiadetpkia died in office, the National Republican 
CtmotHtiM. Convention at Philadelphia last montli 
would have been by far the most unanimous and 
most uneventful in the history of either great 
party since the Republicans nominated their first 
President at Philadelphia in 185G. The entire 
party had acquiesced in tlie opinion that the Mc- 
Kinley administration ought to be given another 
four years' lease of power. If Mr. Hobart had 
lived, his renomination for the Vice -Presidency 
would have Ijecn as unquestioned as Mr. McKin- 
ley*s for tlie first place on the ticket. As for the 
pktform. It was not really necessary to go through 
the form of adopting one. This we say, not be- 
cause the Republican party at the present time 
has no princii)les or policies, but rather because 
its recent record has made its principles unmis- 
takable, while its policies for the immediate 
future are of necessity fixed inexorably by exist- 
ing conditions and by its committal to the fur- 
therance of programmes already initiated. The 
platform, as mlopted, does not attempt to be 
brilliant, ringing, or incisive. It has ^o catch- 
phrases. It is rather a review and a statement 
that — somewhat informally, but nevertheless 
guardedly — expresses the claims and general in- 
tentions of a party sobered by the consciousness 
that it is likely to remain in power and to be held 
n»sj>oasible for all that it ventures to promise. 

Its real platform as to money, taxa- 
principU9 tion, public indebtedness, and those 
in 1900. kindred subjects which relate to the 
internal business welfare of the country, is best 
found in the record of its recent actions. It is 
now a gold-standard party. It is rather vaguely 
committed to a consideration of some plan for a 
more flexible currency ; and its indirect allusion 
to bimetallism by concurrence of other powers is 
a mere touch of politeness, and nothing else. 
Upon no new topic ha<l the Republican party any 
deliverance to make, in its grand quadrennial 

gathering, that involved either discussion or dif- 
ference of opinion. Not a voice was li f ted against 
the Philippine policy of the administration. No 
one had anything to say in advocacy of the doc- 
trine that the Constitution, of its own force, fol- 
lows the flag and covers all territorial acquisi- 
tions. If any one of the more than two thousand 
delegates, alternates, and other prominent Re- 
publicans who were in the assembly had by 
chance a passing word to say about the Porto 
Rico tariff, there was certainly not even the hint 
of two opinions on that subject. 

Four years ago, at St. Louis, there 
Unp"ecTAd. ^'^ ^^^^ ^^^"^^st intensity of feeling 

upon great public questions, as well 
as upon candidates. This year, at Philadelphia, 
there" was a pleasant air of harmony and confi- 
dence that was disturbed only by the gentlest 
ripples of excitement due to the question of a 
choice for the Vice-Presidential nomination. 
The placidity of the whole affair seemed to par- 
take of the characteristics of Philadelphia itself. 
The prosperous *< City of Brotherly Love," with 
its population of contented people who own their - 
own homes, its manufacturing industries, its 
shipbuilding and it« foreign and domestic com- 
merce, has always been the most Republican of 
the large American communities, and seems in 
many respects to embody very fairly those Re- 
publican ideals with which Mr. McKinley's name 
is especially identified. It was a typical gath- 
ering of able and well-behaved American citi- 
zens. The great audiences of some fifteen thou- 
sand people in the convention hall were worth 
going a long distance to see. The occasion, from 
beginning to end, was altogether a model of its 
kind. Since, however, men had not come there 
to contend about anything, neither to strive 
greatly for any principle that they thought to be 
in danger, nor yet to press with fierce zeal the 
claims of any idolized leader as against those 
of his rivals, it was not to be expected that the 


convention would show much excitement. We 
have never before had so calm a convention,, and 
the next quarter- century is not likely to see 
another. It was a repetition of the * ' Era of 
Good Feeling." Mr. McKinley's acceptability 
at Philadelphia reminded one of the historical 
accounts of the atmosphere in which James Mon- 
roe received his nomination in 1820. Of course, 
there were in those days no great popular con- 
ventions, and the comparison may only apply to 
the prevalent tone of the political community. 
What this unprecedented harmony within the 
Republican party may foreshadow, as to the com- 
ing contest between the two parties, we will not 
at this moment try to discuss. 

Behold, How Sometimes there has been found, in 

These Brethren t-» i t \ 

Loue Republican conventions, a more or less 
One Another I ^[^^^j^^^ cleavage between the higher 
and the lower forces of politics. But no such 
antagonism was in any manner evident this year. 
Mr. Quay, in spite of recent strifes in which he 
has been represented as the embodiment of the 
woi*st methods in politics, did not fall far short 

Copyright by Gutekiinst. Phlla. 


of being the most popular personage in the entire 
convention. Tliis, to be sure, might be attrib- 
uted largely to the immediate environment ; but 
his applause was by no means confined to the 
galleries tlie Pennsylvania delegation. Mr. 

Addicks, of Delaware, who triumphantly seated 
his contesting delegation, seemed to be in every 
way as acceptable and popular as such time- 
honored and distinguished members of the Re- 
publican party as Senator Allison, of Iowa, or Sen- 
ator Depew, of New York. Senator Hanna, as 
chairman of the national committee, opened the 


(Chairman of the Republican National Committee.) 

convention with a brief address which added dis- 
tinctly to the new reputation he is making as an 
effective public speaker ; and his immense pres- 
tige was as tangible a fact as the very bunting 
that draped the convention hall. Mr. Piatt, of 
New York, who has not infrequently found na- 
tional conventions to be places of bitter contro- 
versy, was treated by every one with marked 
consideration, as due to recognized authority, 
power, and senatorial dignity. Everybody com- 
plimented all the speeches that were made, and 
every one carefully avoided saying anything upon 
the floor or the platform of the convention that 
could possibly wound the feelings of any Repub- 
lican who was present. Senator Wolcott, of Col- 
orado, was temporary chairman, and Senator 
Lodge, of Massachusetts, was permanent chair- 
man. It is true that both these gentlemen, in 
their elaborate orations — these being the two 
principal oratorical efforts of the convention — 
were severe enough in their diatribes against 
"anti -imperialists." But as none of them 
seemed to be present, there was no evidence of 
any offended susceptibilities. It was reported, in 
the early stages of the convention, that Mr. Piatt 
and Mr. Hanna were not in entire accord as tc 


the selection of a Vice-Presidential candidate. But 
if any differences existed, they were held in a mild- 
ness and good-fellowship that would hardly have 
been found in the preliminary canvass for the vice- 
moderatorship of a Presbyterian General Assem- 
bly. The politeness of this convention would have 
done credit to the *' National Congress of Moth- 
ers. " It is not by way of idle or trivial comment 
that we allude in this way to tlie harmony that 
marked the entire proceedings at Philadelphia. It 
is the one important thing that stands out for men- 
tion and comment, as one looks back upon the con- 
vention. When one remembei-s the fierce strife 
of nearly all preceding conventions, whether Re- 
publican or Democratic, for half a century, the 
gcKxl- humor and the readiness to make every- 
thing unanimous that marked this Philadelphia 
gathering are in such notable contrast as to merit 
bold record in the history of American politics. 


/ fkm What was the meaning of all this 
Tnit appearance of acquiescence, con ten t- 
imttrprmtatiim ?j^^^^^ ^nd good - will ? Whatever 
might be said of delegations from individual 
States, it is certainly true that the convention as 
a whole was not brought into its mood of har- 
mony through any extraneous pressure. It was 
not boss- ridden; it was not cowed by the so-called 
•* money power" or the great corporate influ- 
ences ; nor was it in any sense under the pressure 
of the lash of President McKinley's administra- 
tion. The condition to which we refer was due, 
undoubtedly, in the main to a clear party con- 
science ; in other words, to a genuine convic- 


tion that the past four years had made history 
for the Republican party in a most creditable 
manner. The so-called Silver Republicans had 
either entirely left the party or else had acqui- 
esced in the achieved policy of the gold standard. 
The tariff issue had lived itself down, and had 
for the time being disappeared as a topic of politi- 
cal controversy. Our national credit had been 
vindicated in those vast refunding operations 
which had placed our public debt on a far lower 
interest basis than that of any other country, 
either now or at any past time. Business pros- 
perity had come upon the country in such vol- 
ume and with such wide diffusion as at no pre- 
vious time in our history. The enormous agri- 
cultural prosperity of the West had done away 
with the sectional feeling toward the East that 
was so marked and disturbing a factor only a 
few years ago, while the war with Spain had 
seemed to wipe away the last vestige of unpleas- 
ant feeling between the North and the South. 
Certainly there was a great deal in these circum- 
stances, and others that might be recited, to 
warrant the Republicans in self -congratulation at 

These facts lent the propriety of highly 
Question of a exceptional conditions to the claim 
Second Term. ^^^^ President McKinley should have 
a second term. There are many people, indeed, 
who believe in the principle that no President 
of the United States should have a second 
consecutive term. Their reasons have been set 
forth so ably and frequently that all intelligent 



citizens are familiar with them. Not a few of 
these opponents of a second term believe that 
their views should be enforced by an amendment 
of the Constitution. The matter is one, however, 
that the people themselves are able to meet in 
their own discretion from time to time. All 
Presidents, if we mistake not, since the early 
period of the Constitution, have desired and sought 
reelection ; President Hayes being, perhaps, the 
sole exception. It is a fact, however, that since 
the reelection of Andrew Jackson in 1832, the 
American people have not seen fit to give any 
man two consecutive terms, excepting only 
Lincoln and Grant. For various reasons, it is 
not easy, under ordinary circumstances, to re- 
elect a President. The incumbent who .runs for 
a second term too often finds arrayed against 
him not only the consolidated opposition forces 
that fly the banner of the rival party, but also 
the indifference or the veiled hostility of many 
people in his own party, including hordes of dis- 
appointed office-seekers. The men who control 
national conventions have learned liow to esti- 
mate all such considerations. It is, therefore, 
not only a testimony to their belief that the con- 
ditions are exceptional, but also a clear evidence 
of their personal confidence in Mr. McKinley, 
and their warm regard for him, that they should 
have agreed with such freedom from doubt or 
hesitation that it was both safe and wise to make 
him their candidate a second time. 

What I Whatever might have been known to 
Thought of the some individuals, it had certainly not 
President. ^^^^ apparent to the public that Mr. 
McKinley had either exerted himself to secure a 
renomination, on the one hand, or said or done 
anything, on the other liand, in pretense that lie 
did not wish it. So far as the public knew any- 
thing about it, Mr. McKinley had left the ques- 
tion wholly to the discretion of the party itself. 
His dignity in the matter had been absolutely 
unimpaired. It is not only since he came into 
the presidential office that he has exhibited tact 
and the ability to get along well with men. 
Through a long Congressional career, in which 
at many times he took extreme positions on pub- 
lic questions that were involved in the most rag- 
ing controversy, Mr. McKinley held the personal 
good-will and friendship, not only of his Repub- 
lican colleagues, but also of the Democratic 
members of the House. And this was not merely 
the politician's studied art of making friends and 
avoiding enmities, but rather the result of a gen- 
tleness and kindliness entirely compatible with 
strong convictions and firmness of purpose. 
Throughout his whole career, Mr. McKinley has 
been much more free than most successful pub- 

lic men from self - consciousness and vanity ; 
and his air and manner have always been of a 
kind to be characterized not so much by the word 
unselfishness as by the word self-forgetfulness. 

^^^ In short, there are many hundreds 
Character of men who know Mr. McKinley well, 
Sketches. Democrats and Republicans alike, who 
testify that he* is a courteous and manJy Christian 
gentleman, whom they sincerely esteem for his 
admirable personal qualities. His work as a 
statesman and administrator is, of course, a mat- 
ter about which opinions may differ widely. "We 
publish elsewhere an article which is in some 
sense a personal character sketch of him, but is 
more particularly devoted to a review of his pub- 
lic work as President during the more than three 
years tliat have elapsed since he entered the 
White House, on March 4, 1897. It is not 
an article that purports to be written from the 
impartial and critical attitude of an outside ob- 
server. On the contrary, it comes from the pen 
of one who is close to the President and very 
loyally and heartily devoted to him. It is none 
the less the honest and sincere expression of its 
writer. Incidentally, it may be said here that 
the article which we also publish this month re- 
garding Mr. Bryan, and which is from the pen 
of Dr. Charles B. Spahr, of New York, is also 
written in the spirit of full sympathy with its 
subject. And it also is a perfectly honest and 
sincere estimate set forth by a man of rare men- 
tal acumen and entire devotion to the truth as he 
sees it in all things, who knows Mr. Bryan inti- 
mately. We shall have occasion again, doubt- 
less, to refer to Dr. Spahr's article about the 
gentleman who will in a few days receive the 
Democratic nomination at Kansas City. Let all 
men, of whatever party, try hard to believe, this 
year, that as private individuals and fellow-citi- 
zens the gentlemen who will head the opposing 
tickets are far above the reach of any darts of 
malice. Let each side vigorously suppress its 
cheap slanderers and defamers, and let the cam- 
paign be free from offensive personalities as re- 
gards Mr. McKinley on the one hand and Mr. 
Bryan on the other. 

o ^jf^o, A. convention that was unanimous 

Second Place . i t^ . i • , <» 

on about the Presidential nomination and 
the Ticket, ^q^ally unanimous about the platform 
— while wholly free from differences as to its 
choice of temporary and permanent officers, its 
rules and order of business, and practically every- 
thing else — could not really be expected to re- 
solve itself into a scramble for the Vice-Presiden- 
tial nomination. It was manifest, from the be- 
ginning, that the convention wished to be unani- 


moiis about that matter also. Several excellent 
candidates were named outside of the convention 
hall, not one of whom was fomenting any eager 
propaganda on his own behalf. Many Massa- 
chusetts and other New England delegates were 
prepared to support the Hon, John D. Long, 
Secretary of the Navy. The Hon. J. P. Dolli- 


(Secretary of the Na\'y.) 

ver, of Iowa, had been brought forward by the 
delegation from his own State at the urgent 
request of a great number of his Republican col- 
leagues in the House of Representatives at 
Washington. The Minnesota delegation had been 
instructed to present the name of ex-Senator W. 
D. Washburn, if it should seem propitious to do 
so. A good many of the delegates from States 
still further northwest were favorable to the Hon. 
Bartlett Tripp, of South Dakota. The lieutenant- 
governor of the State of New York, the Hon. 
Timothy L. Woodruff, had a strong support 
among his own constituents, and the great dele- 
gation of the Empire State at length unanimous- 
ly agreed at Philadelphia to present him. The 
names of a good many other favorite sons were 
on the lips of the members of various State dele- 
gations. But there was no name found among 
all these candidates that seemed to meet the de- 
mands of a convention that proposed to do all 
things on the principle of perfect unanimity. 
With nothing else for delegates to discuss in the 
hotel corridors, the topic grew absorbing. 

Soon after the death of Vice-Presi- 
for dent Hobart, last November, it was 
fiooaeveit. reported that the Hon. Elihu Root, 
Secretary of War, would almost undoubtedly be 
the nominee this year for the Vice- Presidency. 
His name had been so generally agreed upon that 
it was admitted on all hands that no other name 
would be offered to the convention, unless Mr. 
Root should positively decline to accept a place 
on the ticket. The wisdom of the selection was 
heartily concurred in by Republicans in all parts 
of the country. Mr. Root, however, on reflec- 
tion, came to the conclusion that he did not wish 
and could not afford to take so inactive a posi- 
tion. He made this decision firmly ; his wishes 
were respected, and his name was no longer used 
in that connection. This declaration came, as we 
remember it, in January. Other names were 
then freely canvassed among Republicans, and 
among them that of Governor Roosevelt, of New 
York. The prospect was so little to Mr. Roose- 
velt's taste, and so out of the line of his aspira- 
tions and preferences, that he decided to go fur- 


ther than Mr. Root had gone, and not only to 
inform the party leaders in private of his deci- 
sion, but also to prepare a formal statement for 
the public and give it to the press. This he did 
on February 12. It was as follows : 

In view of the continued statements in the press that 
I may be urged as a candidate for Vice-President, and in 
view of the many letters that reach me advising for and 



against such a course, it is proper for me to state defi- 
nitely that under no circumstances could I, or would I, 
accept the nomination for the Vice-Presidency. It is 
needless to say how deeply I appreciate the honor con- 
ferred upon me by the mere desire to place me in so 
high and dignified a position. But it seems to me clear 
that at the present time my duty is here In the State 
whose people chose me to be governor. Great problems 
have been faced and are being partly solved in this 
State at this time ; and, if the people so desire, 1 hope 
that the work thus begun I may help to carry to a suc- 
cessful conclusion. 

The governor's position was appar- 
Movement ently understood and accepted by 
Was Reviued. everybody. Mr. Hanna, the Admin- 
istration leader, ceased to consider him among 
the possible candidates for the Vice- Presidency. 
A governor is to be elected this year in the State 
of New York, and 'the demand among Republi- 
cans that Colonel Roosevelt should be accorded 
a second term seemed general and urgent. It 
was felt that he was as admirably fitted for the 
arduous and difficult duties of the chief execu- 
tive of the great commonwealth of New York as 
he was, in every way, ill adapted to the passive 
and functionless rSle of the Vice-Presidency. 
Moreover, it was also felt that in no other way 
could the State be so certainly held by the Re- 
publicans this year as with Roosevelt renomi- 
nated for his present office. This was his own 
attitude, and it had received the indorsement of 
Senator Piatt and all the party leaders. But it 
so happened that the governor had supported 
and signed the so-called Ford franchise- tax bill, 
imder which street railway and other corpora- 
tions holding valuable and lucrative franchises 
are required to pay taxes on the value of such 
franchises. Such corporations, in New York as 
elsewhere in the United States, are in politics. 
And it is a leading part of their business to make 
it desirable for political managers to be deferen- 
tial to their wishes. Governor Roosevelt had 
not been deferential. They therefore decided 
that he ought to be put out of New York poli- 
tics ; and they are said to have made practical 
representations of their views. The Republican 
organization, headed by Mr. Piatt, was led to 
the conclusion that the governor would be a 
weak candidate for another term, and that it 
would be altogether desirable for him to take the 
Vice -Presidency. In fairness, it should be added 
that the governor's belief in very radical canal 
improvements was said to have alienated , the 
farmers in certain parts of the State, who are 
greatly opposed to this colossal enterprise. The 
Republican organization, in short, took the 
ground that Roosevelt would run brilliantly if 
named for Vice-President, and badly if named for 

The governor and many of his friends 

^Deoeil^S' ^^^^ ^^® ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^® ^®^y thing 
which might have made him unpopu- 
lar with certain corporations was sure to make 
him strong with the voters ; and that the threat 
to drive him out of New York politics would do 
as much as anything else to assure him a great 
popular victory. This revival of the talk of 
Governor Roosevelt as a Vice- Presidential candi- 
date came just before the opening of the conven- 
tion at Philadelphia. The governor adhered to 
his position, however, and reiterated his decision. 
Mr. Quay, Pennsylvania's unrivaled political 


manager, was called upon to aid in solving the 
Vice- Presidential problem, and in a few hours 
Pennsylvania's great group of delegates was 
added to that under Sir. Piatt's control from 
New York in active promotion of the plan to 
confer the nomination upon the unwilling gov- 
ernor. The programme was aided not a little by 
the fact that the administration itself, as repre- 
sented by Senator Hanna, had not selected a 
candidate, but had left the matter to take its 
chances in the convention. It is true that Sen- 
ator Allison, of Iowa, had been urgently requested 
to accept the position ; and, if he had been will- 
ing, it would have been his unanimously. But 
Mr. Allison did not want it, and had said so in a 
tone that was entirely conclusive . Meanwhile, 


Governor Roosevelt 3 un- 
bounded popularity in the 
Far West, and the devotion 
to hira of the young Re- 
publicans of the Middle 
West, began to crystallize 
about the nucleus that had 
hoeu provided in the definite 
action of the Pennsylvania 
men. The two movements 
taken together quickly 
reached the point where 
unanimous agreement upon 
any otlier name seemed im- 
possible ; and it was fated 
that all things in this con- 
vention should be done with- 
out a dissenting voice. A 
series of Western States, like 
Kansas and Colorado, where 
Populism and Bryan ism are 
especially strong, demanded 
that Roosevelt should ac- 
cept. All important ele- 
ments in the convention 
soon reached the same con- 
clusion. His terse and vig- 
orous speech seconding 
Senator Foraker, who had 
proposed President McKin- 
ley's name for renomina- 
tion, added the final touch. 
His name was presented by 
the Hon. Lafayette Young, 
secretary of the Iowa dele- 
gation, in a speech with- 
drawing Mr. Dolliver and 
eulogizing the man whom 
Mr. Young himself had ac- 
coropanied in the Santiago 
campaign. Governor Roose- 
velt received every vote in 
the convention — excepting, 
of coui-se, his own. 

It is of some per- 
^'ifflUnmJL'' tinence to recall 

the fact that four 
years ago, during the prog- 
ress of the Presidential campaign, the editor 
o( this Magazine asked Mr. Roosevelt, who was 
then president of the New York Police Board 
under Mayor Strong, to write an article on 
the oflBce of the Vice- Presidency, together with 
comments upon the three prominent Vice-Presi- 
<iential candidaies ; namely, Mr. Hobart, Mr. 
Sewall, and Mr. Watson, of Georgia. A very 
interesting article was forthwith produced, and 

Photo copy righteU by ko<.k»oud. N. Y. 


it will l)e found in the Review of Reviews for 
September, 1896. Among other things in that 
article well worthy of citation, Mr. Roosevelt 
made the following remarks : 

The Vice-PreHident should, so far as possible, repre- 
sent the same views and principles which have secured 
the nomination and election of the President, and he 
should l^eaman standing well in the councils of the 
party, trusted by his fellow party-lea<lers, and able, in 



on the other hand, 
had set a prece- 
dent, in his pub- 
lic and private 
recognition of 
Vice- President 
Hobart, that he 
will, be ready to 
maintain in bis 
relations with 
Vice. President 
Roosevelt -in case 
of the success of 
the ticket. 





(Senator Depew is on the extreme left, and the other three standing flRores are Gtovernor Roor evelt. 
Dr. Leslie D. Ward, and Hon. B. B. Odell. Jr. Senator Piatt's face is partly show^n in the lower 
right-hand corner. The illustration is from one of the remarkable convention photographs 
talLen by the New York Tribune^ by whose courtesy we use it.) 

the event of any accident to his chief, to take up the 
work of the latter just where it was left. . . . One sure 
way to secure this desired result would undoubtedly 
be to increase the power of the Vice-President. He 
should always be a man who would be consulted by the 
President on every great party question. It would be 
very well if he were given a seat in the cabinet. It 
might be well if, in addition to his vote in the Senate 
in the event of a tie» he should l^e given a vote on ordi- 
nary occasions, and perchance on occasions a voice in 
the debates. A man of the character of Mr. Hobart is 
sure to make his weight felt in an administration, but 
the power of thus exercising influence should be made 
official rather than personal. 

These suggestions touching the official status 
of the Vice-President were, of course, made in 
connection with a theoretical and historical dis- 
cussion ratlier than as a matter of immediate 
urgency. It is needless to add that Governor 
Roosevelt would not for a moment have permitted 
himself to be nominated if he had not felt that 
he could meet his own tests as to the necessity 
of harmonious relations between the Vice-Presi- 
dent and the Administration. Mr. McKinley, 

velt, be it said, 
has made no sac- 
rifice of princi- 
ple. Through all 
his public life he 
has shown him- 
self willing to do 
hard work stead- 
fastly in positions 
where no one 
could accuse him 
of seeking any- 
thing else except 
the service of his 
country through 
his party. It is 
exactly in that 
spirit that he yielded his own preferences at 
Philadelphia to what finally came to him as a 
unanimous party demand. We do not believe 
the sacrifice ought to have been demanded ; but 
doing what he believes to be his duty has be- 
come a fixed habit with Theodore Roosevelt. 
His friends will not for a moment attribute to 
him any reason for changing his decision at 
Philadelphia other than his belief that it was his 
duty. The party to which he now shows such loy- 
alty will have a strong sense of allegiance to him in 
return. He will be forty-six years old on October 
27, 1904. If one must indulge in predictions, it 
is far safer to prophesy that he has thirty- five or 
forty years of active and valuable public life yet 
before him than to assume that the Vice- Presi- 
dency would necessarily end his political career. 
Four years of constant observation and study of 
national affairs from the safe vantage-point of 
the chair of the presiding officer of the Senate, 
added to Governor Roosevelt's existing qualifica- 
tions as an executive officer, would make hira 
unquestionably the best- equipped man for the 


Teal work of the Presidency that the Republican 
party could bring forward four years hence. 
Let his admirers, therefore, take the view that 
tbey have now the opportunity to transfer him 
from the sphere of New York State politics, and 
from work of intense activity, to a place that 
affords the best conceivable chance for the delib- 
erate study of every question of national impor- 


Who presented Governor Roosevelt^s name to the 

tance, and of every phase of the life and work of 
the Federal Government. 

The convention about to meet at Kan- 

One-Hafi sas City will probably be dominated 

Conoention. ^^ ^j^^ ^^^^j^ ^jj, Bryau's campaign 

of 1896 was one which in a rare degree gained 
for liim the hearts of his supporters — the votes of 
many of them expressing their feeling for the 
candidate rather than a definite intellectual be- 
lief in his programme. When a candidate has 
thus gained the affection of his party, defeat only 
intensifies its devotion. Because of his defeat, 
Mr. Bryan has remained the idol of thousands of 
voters who would have become his critics in the 
event of his success. At no time since 1896 has 
lie lost his ascendency. In 1898 it was seriously 
threatened by the almost successful effort of Mr. 
Croker and Mr. Hill to elect Judge Van Wyck 
governor of New York upon a conservative Demo- 
cratic platform. This movement was defeated 
l»y the personal popularity of Colonel Roosevelt, 
which prevented Mr. Croker's becoming able to 

assert that New York might again turn a national 
election over to the Democrats if a conservative 
platform were adopted. Last year Tammany Hall 
again attempted to destroy Mr. Bryan's leadership 
by putting forward Judge Van Wyck as a candi- 
date for the Presidency upon an anti trust plat- 
form ; but the * * boom " it launched for Van 
Wyck at the ** ten-dollar" Jefferson dinner was 
counteracted even in New York by Mr. Bryan's 
defense of the Chicago platform at the *' one- 
dollar " Jefferson dinner held immediately there- 
after ; while, throughout the South and West, Mr. 
Bryan became all the stronger because of the enemy 
with whom he refused to make terms. The nation 
was forced to realize that west of the Alleghanies 
the mass of Democrats preferred defeat undei- Mr. 
Bryan to success obtained through concession to 
his Eastern Democratic opponents. This year 
even Tammany Hall was forced to accept Mr. 
Bryan as its candidate — the ice- trust revelations 
making the continued candidacy of Judge Van 
Wyck on his anti- trust platform too ridiculous 
for even Tammany's sense of humor to bear up 
under. The New York convention held last 
month instructed its delegates to Kansas City to 
vote for Mr. Bryan, and by its action assured his 
nomination by acclamation. Few Presidential 
candidates have entered a convention so absolutely 
under their control as that which Mr. Bryan will 
enter at Kansas City. 

A Platform '^^ Candidate being thus in complete 

to Match control of the convention, and stand - 

the Candidate, -^g ^ y^^ ^^^g f^^. ^ definite platform, 

the resolutions to be adopted at Kansas City are 
practically written in advance. No question can 
be raised as to the general indorsement of the 
platform of 1896. The leading plank in that 
platform, however, cannot be inserted bodily 
into the new creed of the party. Its opening 
statement, for example, is as obviously false now 
as it was obviously true four years ago. No plat- 
form adopted this year can begin with the asser- 
tion that ** the money question is paramount to 
all others at this time." The money question, 
even in the minds of those most devoted to the 
free coinage of silver, has become less pressing 
by reason of the great increase of our currency 
through the doubling of the output of the gold 
mines and the large gold imports into this coun- 
try. The Populists at Sioux Falls in May recog- 
nized this change in condition by recommending 
that the silver added to the currency shall be 
used to retire an equal amount of bank-notes, in 
order to maintain relative stability of prices ; 
and the Democratic platform is likely to urge 
free coinage rather as a means to prevent a fall 
in prices in the future than as essential to imme- 



diate conditions of trade. It is not unlikely that 
the second portion of the currency plank of 1896 
— the protest against the control of the currency 
by private corporations — may this year be given 
the greater emphasis. But the currency ques- 
tion, though it will remain first in position in the 
Democratic platform, is not likely to be treated 
as first in importance. The question of trusts, 
which in the platform of 1896 received but a few 
lines, will this year be given capital importance. 
It is not unlikely that the convention, in addi- 
tion to demanding the repeal of the tariff wher- 
ever it enables a combination to raise prices, will 
also demand Congressional action by which cor- 
porations combining to create monopolies shall 
be denied the privilege of interstate commerce. 
The question, however, which will probably be 
given preeminence is the policy to be pursued 
toward the Philippines. Mr. Bryan's programme 
respecting this issue is set forth in an article 
in the North American Review ^ from which we 
quote at length on page 83. Its three essen- 
tial points are stated in these words: ** First, 
establish a stable government ; second, give the 
Philippines their independence ; third, give them 
protection from outside interference while they 
work out their destiny.'* The convention seems 
certain to indorse this programme, and will un- 
doubtedly add to it a warm expression of sympa- 
thy with the struggles of the South African re- 
publics to maintain their independence. The 
fact that the Republican platform was cautious m 
its expression upon this issue is believed by many 
shrewd observers of public sentiment to afford 
the Democratic party greater hope of substantial 
gains than any other factor entering into the 
contest. The knowledge that it does not make 
the smallest material difference to the American 
people what the result in South Africa shall be 
— so these observers assert — in no sense lessens 
the political importance of the issue for the 
American people, who, far from being the most 
money-seeking people in the world, are the most 
certain to be influenced by moral sentiment. 

With its Presidential candidate se- 
of lected in advance and its platform 
Fuiion. practically written, the Kansas City 
convention has none the less a most diflBcult prac- 
tical problem to settle. There is no possibility 
of J)emocratic success without the support of the 
Populists and Silver Republicans who supported 
Mr. Bryan in 1896. The recent Congressional 
election in Oregon, where an Independent Demo- 
cratic candidate in one district and an Independ- 
ent Populist candidate in both districts polled 
together upwards of four thousand votes, shows 
that even in the West it is diflBcult to get parties 

once opposed to each other to add their votes to- 
gether for the securing of common ends. If this 
diflBculty is great in the West, it is much greater 
in the East, where the Democrats and Populists 
seek relatively few ends in common. Eastern 
Democratic leaders who are thoroughly in sym- 
pathy not only with the Chicago platform, but 
with the Populist platform adopted at Sioux 


(Chairman of the Democratic National Committee.) 

Falls, report that they find it almost impossible 
to get the active workers in their party to accept 
a Vice-Presidential candidate as well as a Presi- 
dential candidate first named at a Populist con- 
vention. Had the Sioux Falls convention, they 
tell us, left the selection of a common candidate 
to a committee representing the three parties, Mr. 
Towne would, with little doubt, have been selected 
as the most available man. But they question 
whether the Democratic convention will feel that 
it can afford to accept a ready-made ticket 
throughout. Mr. Bryan, however, can probably 
dictate who shall be his associate ; and his close 
friendship with Mr. Towne seems, at the time of 
our writing, to assure either the ultimate agree- 
ment of all parties upon a single candidate for 
Vice-President or the agreement of their State 
committees upon a single set of electors in each 
State, who shall divide their votes for Vice- 
President between Mr. Towne and the Demo- 
cratic nominee upon some definitely arranged 
basis. Among the leaders, the sentiment for 
fusion is so strong that fusion is likely to be 
effected ; but the diflBculty may be that many 
Democrats, many Silver Republicans, and many 
Populists, dissatisfied with the basis of agree- 
ment, will refuse to go to the polls to support it. 



p9iiti » in '^^® Strike of the employees of the 

tke 8t. Loutt sti*eet-car lines in St. Louis began 

strike: ^^ ^^^ g^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^^ 22 there was 

no promise of an early termination of the violence 
which the boycotting methods of the strikers 
had precipitated. St. Louis had assumed the 
appearance of a beleaguered town. A dozen 
people had been killed and many more wounded 
by the strikers or by the police and deputies. 
Cars and track had been blown up by dynamite ; 
and, worst of all, in their determination to wreak 
vengeance on any citizens daring to ride in the 
boycotted cars, the strikers had maltreated wom- 
en in a manner scarcely conceivable in a civil- 
ized community. Two thousand of the well-to- 
do citizens of St. Louis had been made deputy- 
sheriffs, and were constantly patroling the tracks. 
President Gompers, of the American Federation 
of Labor, made an earnest effort to put an end 
to the violence which was so discrediting the 
cause of union labor, and had almost effected a 
settlement between the workmen and their em- 
ployers. But a question arose as to the rapidity 
with which old employees were to be reinstated, 
the negotiations fell through, and it now looks as 
if the strikers would lose their cause. An ugly 
aspect has been given to the management of the 
affair by the open accusations on all sides of po- 
litical motives. The governor of Missouri is, as 
always, a Democrat ; the mayor of St. Louis is 
a Republican ; four of the five police commis- 
sioners are Democrats appointed by the gover- 


It does not always stop at where it is aimed. 
From the Fioneer-Pre^s (St. Paul). 

nor, and the fifth member is the mayor, who 
is of course powerless to control the police in 
case of a division of interests on political lines. 
Notwithstanding the shameful outrages which 
the less responsible strikers have been guilty of, 
Governor Stephens has refused to call out the 
militia — first, on the ground that the deputy- 
sheriffs appointed by the mayor could control 
the disturbances ; and, second, on the ground that 
these disturbances were not serious enough to 
justify him in spending the State's money at the 
rate of two thousand dollars per day for the 
maintenance of a military force. The Repub- 
licans assert that the Democratic members of the 
police board, as well as the governor, are really 
restrained from dealing with the lawlessness in 
an effective manner by a fear of alienating the 
labor vote at this critical point in the course 
of the political campaign. 

in the of vV ar Root, Governor- General Wood 
United statee,^^ q^^^^ President Eliot, and the au- 
thorities of Harvard University, and the genei*al 
public promise to make the pilgrimage to this 
country this summer of 1,450 Cuban teachers, 
led by Mr. Alexis E. Frye, Superintendent of 
Education in Cuba, a marked success. It has 
been criticized by some of the Cuban journals as 
a shrewd move on the part of the oflBcials of the 
United States to *< Americanize " the teachers, 
and thus Cuba ; and some of the Harvard stu- 
dents at first were not eager to give up their 
rooms in the dormitories to unknown Cubans. 
But, barring these incidents, the scheme has met 
with enthusiastic support. Five Government 
transports, sailing from different Cuban ports, 
will bring the teachers to Boston, where they will 
arrive about July 1. The teachers will represent 
urban and rural Cuba, and be selected by Cuban 
school oflBcials on the basis of merit. Five army 
physicians and a nitmber of Cuban women of 
distinction will accompany the party, the latter 
to serve as chaperones. Mrs. Alice Gordon 
Gulick, head of the noted American Board mis- 
sion school for girls, has been secured to act as 
dean of the women's department. For six and a 
half weeks the teachers will be the guests of Har- 
vard University, which will furnish not only in- 
struction, but board and lodging — the expense 
of which has been assumed by the University, re- 
lying on the hospitality and generosity of the 
people of New England to make good the ex- 
pense incurred, which it is estimated will be 
$70,000. Systematic instruction in English, 
physical geography, history (American and Span- 
ish-American), botany, and kindergarten methods 
will be given, chiefly in Spanish, by the regular 



teaching staff of Harvard, supplemented by thirty 
or forty extra teachers who use Spanish freely. 
Excursions to points of historic interest and to 
manufacturing establishments will contribute to 
the enlightenment of the visitors. After the teach- 


(Superintendent of Education in Cuba.) 

ers leave Cambridge, they are to visit Niagara 
Falls, Chicago, Washington, and New York, 
from which city they will sail home on the Gov 
ernment transports. Nothing that Harvard has 
done in her long career has been more creditable 
to her than the work she plans to do this summer 
for the men and women on whom the future of 
Cuba so nmch depends. The scheme originated 
with two Harvard alumni in Cuba, Messrs. Conant 
and Frye. " It met with the hearty approval of 
another Harvard alumnus, Governor Wood; and 
when it came to President Eliot, its audacity and 
romantic aspects, as much as its serious worth, 
instantly won his assent and cooperation. With 
Frye at work in Cuba laying the foundations of 
a school system, and another Harvard graduate, 
F. W. Atkinson, until recently head of the 
Springfield High School, en route to the Philip- 
pines charged with responsibility for the same 
serious task, Harvard may well feel that she is 
doing her full share in shaping the history of the 
Larger America. As most of these teachers will 
be Roman Catholics, the Catholics of Boston and 
Cambridge are planning to make the visitors 
welcome at various social functions. 

On June 16, the Cubans held their 
^'^fn^Cula!*^ elections for municipal oflBces — the 

first that the island has seen since the 
end of Spanish domination. The voting was 
done by the Australian system, and perfect order 
was maintained throughout the day, not a drunken 
man being seen on the streets of Havana. There 
are three political parties in Cuba : the National- 
ists, composed of the soldiers of the late wars and 
their followers ; the Republicans, who are the 
radicals most bitterly opposed to American influ- 
ence, and the Democratic-Unionists, who muster 
a handful of conservatives born of the old Autono- 
mist party, and upholding the interests of the 
wealthy. It has been arranged by General Wood, 
with the apparent consent of the Cubans, that the 
suffrage qualification shall be the ability to read 
and write, or tlie possession of property to the 
value of $250, or a record of service in the Cuban 
Army. About 140,000 Cubans can vote under 
these restrictions, and there would be about 30,000 
added to this number if all the Spaniards residing 
in Cuba elected to be Cuban citizens. With 60-, 
000 men in Havana possessing the right to vote, 
only 24,000 registered, and less than 20,000 voted. 
The Nationalist candidate for mayor. Gen. Ale.- 
jandro Rodriguez, was elected over his Republican 
opponent, Senor Estrada Mora, by a majority of 
two to one. showing tliat the influence of Gen- 
eral Gomez and his ambitions for the final inde- 
pendence of Cuba have continued their strong 


(Newly elected Mayor of Havana.) 

hold on the people. In Santiago, Senor Grinan 
was reelected mayor. Senor Grinan was the 
'* white" candidate, whose followers were op- 
posed to the negro vote. In Santiago, too, there 
was an apathy which goes to counteract the hope- 




fol impression of the quiet conduct of the cam- 
paign. Here scarcely 20 per cent, of the legal 
electors cast a vote. . 

Congress adjourned without providing 
^PhiUpp/Jtes!^ ^^y scheme of civil government for 
the Philippines. The commissioners 
arrived at Manila early in June, and announced 
that no attempt would be made at present to super- 
sede the mili- 
tary executive. 
General Mac- 
Arthur will 
continue to 
perform the 
duties of gov- 
ernor until the 
country is 
ready to re- 
ceive a system 
of civil admin- 
istration. That 
Luzon, at 
least, is not 
yet prepared 
for such a 
change is 
made clear by 
the daily re- 
ports of brigandage and armed resistance to 
authority in many parts of the island. As we 
stated last month, however, organized insur- 
rection is no longer a fact. Tlie archives of 
Aguinaldo's government were discovered and 
seized by General Funston in May. Last month 
a far more important capture was made in the 
person of Gen. Pio del Pilar, long regarded as 
the ablest military leader the Filipinos had. The 
work of our army in Luzon has been tersely de- 
scribed by General Schwan, who was General 
Otis' chief of staff, in a letter recently made 
public by the War Department. The garrisons 
of both the interior and the coast towns of Luzon 
are generally commanded, says General Schwan, 
by '* comparatively young and remarkably ener- 
getic majors, holding lesser rank in the regulars, 
who are leaving nothing undone to perform with 
thoroughness the specified task set them." That 
task includes, of course, the suppression of the 
guerrilla bands, but it does not end there. It is 
also the duty of these young majors to open 
schools and establish municipal government ; and 
these things are in couree of accomplishment. 
As General Schwan points out in his letter, the 
greatest obstacle in the way of pacification lies in 
the lack of confidence between the soldiers and 
the inhabitants ; but his belief is that *' this dis- 
trust is certain to pass away when each class be- 

comes acquainted with the customs, the aims, and 
the standards of the other." The Philippine 
Commission has chosen Prof. Fred. W. Atkinson, 
principal of the Springfield (Mass.) High School, 
as superintendent of instruction in the islands. 
There are 5,000 children in the city schools of Ma- 
nila, under the superintendency of Prof. George 
P. Andei-son, a Yale graduate. Of the teachers 
in these scliools 85 are natives, 40 Spanish, and 
22 Americans. The widow of Rizal, the Fili- 
pino patriot, is one of the teachers. 


For several months past, there have 
been occasional reports from the Ori- 
ent of the turbulence of the Chinese 
Boxers and their violent persecution of native 
Christians. Toward the middle of May the ex- 
tent and intensity of the rioting rapidly in- 
creased, and on the 19th the Christian village 
of Lai- Shun, seventy miles from Peking, was 
destroyed. Seventy -three native converts were 
massacred. A joint note was addressed by the 
great European powers to the Tsun-li-Yamen, 
the foreign office of the Chinese Government, 
and the reports of our own minister, Mr. Conger, 
of the operations of the Boxers within a few 
miles of * Peking led the State Department', at 
Washington to send R^ar Admiral Kempff with 
his flagship Newark to the harbor of Taku, where 
within a few days gathered the available war- 
ships of Great Britain, Russia, France, Germany, 
and Italy. Taku is at the mouth of the Peiho 

River, and is 
the harbor for 
Peking, being 
with the me- 
tropolis by a 
railroad run- 
ning by way of 
the treaty port 
of Tientsin. 
The Newark 
landed 100 
men under 
Captain Mc- 
C a 1 1 a , who 
proceeded to 
Tientsin, and 
in c o n s e - 
quence of the 
rapid spread 
of the Boxers 
over the coun- 
try immediately about Peking, on the last day of 
the month a small international force, including 
7 officers and 56 men of the American detach- 
ment, went by a special train from Tientsin to 


(U. S. Minister to China.) 




HONAN r.j-tr. 


Peking for the purpose of protecting the foreign 
legations in the capital, and tlie 400 or more 
Caucasians living there in commercial and mis- 
sionary occupations. These marine gi!(ards were 
admitted, and seem to have effected temporary 
quiet ; but on June 2 an English missionary, 
Mr. Norman, was murdered by the Boxers at 
Yung Ching, a few miles northwest of Peking, 
and the rioting broke out with renewed violence. 
The imperial decrees against the Boxers seemed 
to be half-hearted; and 
though the Chinese troops re- 
ported determined measures 
and heavy engagements with 
the Boxers, it is reasonably 
clear that a large number of 
the imperial troops are in 
sympathy with the rioters, 
or openly fighting with them. 
Nearly 50 miles of the Lu- 
han Railway was destroyed 
by the anti- foreign mob. to- 
gether with great quantities 
of the railroad supplies for 
the lines projected under the 
new concessions. Chapels 
were burned everywhere in 
the provinces of Shantung 
and Pechili, and hundreds 
of native Cliristians were 
massacred. Finally, the 
railroad from Peking to Tien- 
tsin was cut. The foreign 
powers immediately lodged 
large claims for the damage 

to European property, the Russian claim alone 
amounting to nearly $5,000,000 ; and, on June 
10, it was deemed expedient to send the British 
Admiral Seymour with nearly 2,000 troops of 
tlie international forces to repair the road be- 
tween Tientsin and Peking. This force found 
the railway so badly damaged that in two days 
it had advanced 
only 34 miles. 
Then came the 
startling news 
that its com- 
had been cut, 
and up to the 
time of our go- 
ing to press, on 
June 22, noth- 
i n g authentic 
has been heard 
of Admiral 
Seymour, and 
only wild ru- 
mors of the 
fate of the dip- 
l o m a t i c ser- 
vants and other 
Europeans i n 
Peking. The isolation of Tientsin and of 
Taku followed rapidly. On June 17 the Chi- 
nese forts at Taku opened fire on the allied 
squadron. The warships of Germany, Russia, 
Great Britain, France, and Japan promptly bom- 


Couftesy oiAinsttt's MttgaMine. 




barded the fortifications, which were finally cap- 
tured at the point of the bayonet by soldiers 
landed from the fleets at a point enabling thera 
to assault in the rear. It is reported that over 
100 Europeans were killed and wounded, and that 
the Chinese lost 700 men. The United States 
ordered from the Philippines to the mouth of the 
Peiho tlie battleship Oregon^ the gunboats York- 
town, Xashville, and Monocacy^ and Colonel Lis- 
cuni with the Ninth Regiment, mustering 1,400 
men, and held other forces in readiness. 

^ In the battle between the allied fleet 
of th9 and the Taku forts, the guns of the 
'**"^*''*' fortifications were fought by the 
trained artillerists of the Chinese regular army — 
a fact which would seem to mean, maugre any 
interpretations from Pekin, that the Chinese 
Empire is in a state of war with the European 
powers. The world is asking itself if the long- 
talked-of dismemljerment of China is at hand. 
Russia has at this writing landed 4,000 troops, 
Japan 3,000, and Great Britain, France, and 
Germany still other thousands ; while Great 
Britain has. in addition, draftetl several Indian 
regiments for service in China. The Chinese 
army contains nominally nearly 1,000,000 men, 
one-third of them in the *' Eight Banners 'of 
the Manchus, and two-thirds in the national 
array. The actual available force is said to be 
scarcely 300,000 men, and their equipment is 
largely obsolete. For a war emergency, doubt- 



Thh Boz(h)er movement is all right, if It is carried far 
€1ioqk1i. From the Jowmal (Minneapolis). 

less, more than 1,000,000 men could be mustered^ 
who might make a stiff defensive fight against 
invading hosts, though useless in offensive oper- 
ations. If the safety of Europeans and tlieir 
property can be guaranteed without a war of in- 
vasion, by stripping the Dowager Empress of the 
last vestige of pow- 
er, it will be un- 
doubtedly the wel- 
come course to the 
three great powers 
most interested in 
subsequent events in 
the Orient. Eng- 
land would find it 
a bad time to insist 
on achieving her 
ambition to own the 
Yangtse Kiang Val- 
ley. Russia, even 
with her 100,000 
Cossacks in Man- 
c h u r i a , would 
scarcely wish to 
bring upon her 
Eastern interests the 
fleets of England and Japan while there are still 
gaps in the great Trans-Siberian Railway. Yet, 
in a partition, Russia would ex|)ect at least 
the whole of North China right down to the 
gates of Peking. Japan would never give up the 
idea of owning Korea as an outlet for her teem- 
ing millions, but the very flower of her new fleet 
will be unfinished before 1901. Thus, in spite 
of the numberless rumors of Russia's secret 
machinations in fomenting the Bo.xer troubles, 
and in spite of her enormous preponderance of 
land forces (she has over 100,000 troops at 
Port Arthur, with 90,000 coolies working on the 
fortifications), and in spite of Japanese indigna- 
tion at the recent acquisition by Russia of the 
Korean harbor of Masampho, it seems likely that 
the powers will confine themselves to the task of 
setting things to order. 

_. ., The State Department at Washington 

The nole . . • i » i f. • 

of the lias shown Itself prompt and firm m 
United states, instructing its oflBcers in the East to 
do their part in the police duty of protecting for- 
eign residents in China. The increased serious- 
ness of the situation has led this country into a 
more concerted action w^th the Europc^an powers 
than was at first tliought to be necessary. All the 
influence of the United States will, of course, go 
to limiting tlie operations of the European forces 
in China to the rescue of the 12,000 Caucasians in 
the empire, the assurance of imienmities for the 
destruction of life and property, and tlie exaction 



of guarantees' against a recurrence of the riots. 
It is peculiarly the interest of this country that 
no present partition of the empire should be 
made giving North China to Russia. Almost all 
of our rapidly growing export trade is with 
North China. There is no guarantee whatever 
that witli the extension of Muscovite dominion 
south of Manchuria the door of trade could be 
kept open. In a thousand ways the exclusive 
dominion of Russia over this populous district 
would be hurtful to us. For instance, in this 
number of the Review of Reviews Mrs. Leonora 


(Rus8ian Minister of Foreign Affairs). 

Beck Ellis tells us that the future hope of the 
Southern cotton-manufacturing industry is largely 
dependent on the use of the coarser grades of 
cotton goods by the Chmese. When the rioters 
are put down and the question of the future is 
raised, the position of the United States will be 
exceptionally strong in the international discus- 
sion winch decides the fate of China, for we shall 
have contributed our men and ships to the task 
of stern police duty ; and, on the other liand, 
there will be no suspicion of our longing for a 
certain slice of tlie moribund empire. 

•. « .. ^ The sudden death of Count Muraviefl, 
The Death of , o i i • i u • i- 

Count on June 21, deprived Russia ot an ex- 

Muravieff. ceptioually energetic and able mem- 
ber of her diplomatic corps at a time when the 

critical situation in the Orient gives her need of 
all the strength and wisdom to be had. Count 
Muravieff has been the Russian Minister of For- 
eign Affairs since the death of Prince Lobanoff. 
in 1897. Immediately on his appointment to the 
office, liis weight was felt in the strengthening of 
the Franco- Russian entente^ and he has been 
credited with much of the diploraa<;y which has 
aided to keep France at peace in the past thi-ee 
years. Russia's great work in Eastern Asia, 
which might have been indefinitely postponed by 
a European vieUe^ made this a task well worth 
while. Count Muravieff was born in 1845, was 
educated at Heidelberg, and entered on a diplo- 
matic career at the age of 19, his first post being 
in Berlin. In 1874 he was appointed secretary 
of legation at The Hague. Thence he went to 
Paris, and in 1893 he was promoted to be minis- 
ter at Denmark. In Copenhagen he was a great 
favorite with the reigning house ; and doubtless 
tliis aided in procuring liim the special favor of 
the Empress Dowager of Russia, who was a Dan- 
ish princess," and who finally brought Count Mu- 
ravieff into his ministerial honors. 

Last month our record of events in 
If'pr^toffa. ^^® South African war closed with the 

relief of Maf eking and preliminary ex- 
cursions of scouting brigades of the English 
Army into Transvaal territory. On May 24, the 
advance-guard of Lord Roberts' main army 
crossed the Vaal River near Parys, the Boers be- 
ing outwitted by the strategic distribution of the 
British front. Scarcely any resistance was offered. 
Wliile the world was speculating whether Johan- 
nesburg would be destroyed or defended by the 
Boers, and how long Lord Roberts would be on 
the journey to the Golden City, that redoubtable 
little commander arrived, on May 28. His cavalry 
and mounted infantry under General French and 
Colonel Henry had outflanked the Boers in their 
chosen positions again and again, and their strong- 
holds were abandoned, one after another, before 
the mighty spread of the British advance. The 
magnitude of Lord Roberts' operations seems to 
have but little effect on the rapidity of his move- 
ments; the army marched twenty miles in one day 
on the way to Johannesburg. As soon as the 
British had peaceably occupied Johannesburg, on 
May 30, ' * Bobs '' began the culminating step in his 
South African mission — the capture of Pretoria, 
The Boers were by this time much impressed with 
the inevitability of the British commander's of- 
fensive movements, and they must have decided 
some time before that it was useless to stay in 
Pretoria simply to be gobbled up by General Rob- 
erts. At any rate, before any one could find out 
wliether the Boers wei-e to make a last desperate 



staiui at Pretoria, as hnd always boon antici- 
pated, or not. General Roberts was there, Presi- 
dent Kruger had fled, and the commandos of the 
republic had taken off all their artillery and most 
of the rolling-stock of the Netherlands Railway. 
On June 5, Lord Roberts took possession of Pre- 
toria, after a fight at Six Miles Spruit on the 


previous day. In the meantime. General Buller 
had been stubbornly battering his way tlirough 
the Drakensberg Mountains, in Natal. On June 
8 he forced Botha's Pass, and three days later 
gaineil possession of the historic ground about 
Laing's Nek and Majuba — a most significant 
advantacce, which fully assured his communica- 
tions with the main British army to the north- 
w?si. It was found that the Laing's Nek tun- 
nel could be repaired, contrary to the general 
n»|Mjrt, which had it that the Boers completely 
wrecked the tunnel by starting an engine at full 
sjieed at each end loaded with dynamite. The 
use of this road to the British is all-important, as 
enabling them to reach a point on the coast much 
nearer the Transvaal than any they have been 
able to utilize before. 

The burghers who insist on fighting 
ofHoer" to the end have betaken themselves 
BruMtanct, ^^ ^j^^ Lydonburg district, in the east 
of die Transvaal, a region of a few small fertile 
valleys amidst numberless mountain fastnesses 
and steep, rocky defiles. Here they have their 
Kuns, ammunition, and supplies saved from the 
British atU'ance, and thev have even established 

a cartridge factory. It is reported that they are 
still receiving new importations of French-made 
artillery, landed at some unknown point on 
the Portuguese coast. The indomitable Presi 
dent Kriiger is living in a parlor-car on the rail 
road where it comes nearest this Lydenburg dis 
trict, and he says fiercely that while five^hun 
dred burghers are left to bear arms the fight wil 
continue against British usurpation. As the moun 
tainous country of the northeast of the Transvaal 
is as large as Switzerland, and scarcely less easy 
of defense, there is no little trouble still before 
the British, if the Boera stick to this programme. 
Mr. Kriiger calls his car the Capital of the Trans- 
vaal, and governs his remnant of faithful burgh- 
ers with the same iron hand that held the 
helm in the council chamber at Pretoria. The 
most authentic accounts go to show that the 
body of Boers at present under arms can scarcely 
amount to more than 10,000 or 12,000 all 
told. Yet their daring sorties on the British, 
whenever a weak point is exposed in the distri- 
bution of Lord Roberts' force, promise to make 
a deal of trouble until they are finally annihi- 
lated. Two days after the British flag had been 
planted in Johannesburg, the Boers captured at 
Lindley, in the Orange River Colony, an entire 
battalion of Imperial Yeomanry. A still more 
signal evidence of the vitality of the fighting 
commandos was given in the incident at Roodeval 
on June 7, when the Boers attacked the British, 
killed 117 men, took possession of the railroad 
at that point, and actually cut off Lord Roberts' 
communications with the south for several days. 
There are bands of fighting Boers still operating, 
not only in the Transvaal and the Orange River 
Colony, but even in the mountains of Natal, in 
the fastnesses along the line of General Buller's re- 
cent advance. The hoj^es of the Republican ad- 
herents are clearly expressed in a letter published 
by Mr. Reitz, the Transvaal Secretary of State : 

The British Government promised the British nation 
that the cost of the war shall be defrayed by the Boers. 




But Hs the latter will not be in a position to pay, Great 
Britain must obtain the money from the gold-mines, 
which will thereby be mulcted of half the net profits, 
whereas the Transvaal never levied a special tax on gold. 
The instigators of the war— Rhodes, Werner, Beit, and 
others— will suffer most. In addition, the British will 


(The Transvaal Secretary of State.) 

have to maintain a garrison of 50,000 men, the cost of 
which the mines will also have to pay. As soon as the 
British troops are withdrawn, wars and rebellions will 
break out, not for years, but for centuries. For Eng- 
land, this means a constant source of trouble, annoy- 
ance, and blofxlshed. 

In Cape Colony, too, there is no abatement of 
British anxiety. Mr. Schreiner, the Premier, 
has resigned in consequence of finding himself 
entirely out of sympathy with his Afrikander 
colleagues, and a new ministry has been formed 
with Sir (iordon Sprigg at its nead. It is un- 
doubtedly an unfortunate incident in the task of 
pacifying South Africa that the British Govern- 
ment should lose the services of Mr. Schreiner — 
a man of ability, of strong sympathy with the 
Boer cause; and withal an open advocate of im- 
perial federal i(m. 

Ti. /» X w From May 30 to June 6, the hospita- 

The Confed- ... i t - '^^ • 

erate Reunion ble City of Louisville was given over 
at Louisville, i^^^jjj^^ ^^^ ^^le Confederate Reunion. 

In the week a hundred thousand visitors came to 
the city ; the spirited loyalty to its own leaders 
which is such an engaging characteristic of the 
Southern temperament was not dulled in the 
ceremonies of this second generation after the 

war, while on every appropriate occasion there 
were manly expressions of good -will for the 
Army of the Potomac. The United Confederate 
Veterans is the formal oi-ganization which held 
the reunion. It is an association formed in 1890 
to further literary, social, and benevolent aims 
among the survivors of the Confederate Army. 
There are still living about 40.000 Confederate 
veterans, but most of them were scarcely mon» 
than boys when they fbught. There is not a 
single general living of those that fought on the 
Southern side in the Civil War. Of the nineteen 
Confederate lieutenant • generals, six survive. 
The United Confederate Veterans is divided into 
1,300 different camps, distributed homogeneously 
over the South and Southwest. Gen. Jolin B. 
Gordon was reelected commander-in-chief at 
this reunion, for his tenth year of service in that 
capacity. In the course of the reunion it was 
announced that the sum of |5223,000 had been 
raised for the erection of a Confederate Memorial 
Building at Richmond, Va. The plans for this 
structure have already been executed and ac- 
cepted. They show a classic building of fine 
simplicity and ti-emendous mass — a great dome 
approached through heavy doric columns. In 
the edifice will be gatliered the archives and his- 
torical treasures of the South, with the portraits 
and statues of her famous soldiers. Mr. Charles 


(Reelected Commander-in-Chief of the United 
Confederate Veterans.) 




(To be erected at Richmond, Ya.) 

Broadway Rouss, who came from Virginia to 
build up a fortune in New York, gave $100,000 
to this purpose, on condition that a like sum 
should >>e added. The memorial will stand as a 
pleasant evidence of the success with which South- 
erners worked out of the res angusta of the post- 


bellum years, and of their readiness to devote the 
first fruits of their prosperity to the honor of 
their soldiers. 

In the necrology of the past six 
Obituary, weeks are the names of several very 

eminent American clergymen and 
theologians. The Rev. Dr. Richard Salter Storrs, 
who died in Brooklyn, N. Y., on June 5, had 
long been regarded as our greatest master of 
sacred rhetoric. For more than half a century 
he had been pastor of the Brooklyn Church of 
the Pilgrims, and his was the distinction of rep- 
resenting, down to our own day, the traditions 
and the influ- 
ence of the New 
England pulpit 
of generations 
past. His meth- 
ods were not 
the methods of 
to-day, and yet 
his labors for 
the advance- 
ment of religion 
in our time 
were effective 
and far-reach- 
ing. His ten 
years' service as 
president of the 
Board of Com- 
missioners for 
Foreign M i s • 
sions, in the 
most critical pe- 
riod of the board's history, will never be forgotten 
by the friends of Christian missions. Dr. Storrs* 
death was preceded by that of the Rev. Dr. A. J. F. 
Behrends, another distinguished Congregational- 
ist of Brooklyn. Dr. Behrends had thought and 
written much on current theological problems. 
That patriarch among American theologians', 
Prof. Edwards A. Park, of Andover, has also 
passed away, at the age of ninety-one. Pro- 
fessor Park had taught in Andover Theological 
Seminary from IS.'iB to 1881 ; and among his 
students were hun<lreds of men who rose to emi- 
nence as preachers, including Dr. Storrs himself. 
The Rt. Rev. Richard Hooker Wilmer, Episco- 
pal Bishop of Alabama, died on June 14, at the 
age of eighty- four. Bishop Wilmer was an 
orator of rare power and a religious leader of 
great influence in the South. 

Photo by Anderson. 


{From May 21 to June 21^ looo.) 


May 21.— The Senate passes the post-office appropria- 
tion bill, with the amendment of Mr. Lodge (Rep., 
Mass.) appropriating $225, 0(H) for the continuance of the 
existing pneumatic-tube service. A motion of Mr. 
Morgan (Dem., Ala.) to proceed to the consideration of 
the House Nicaragua Canal bill is defeated by a vote of 21 
to 28 The House passes bills providing for an eight- 
hour day on Government work, and prohibiting inter- 
state transportation of convict-made goods. 

May 22.— In the Senate, Mr. Spooner (Rep., Wis.) de- 
fends President McKinley's Philippine policy.... The 
House considers the Alaskan civil-code bill. 

May 23.— In the Senate, Mr. Piatt (Rep., Conn.) speaks 

on the Cuban postal frauds The House passes the 

Judiciary Committee's bill to amend the extradition 
laws, so as to cover cases like that of C. F. W. Neely. 

May 25.— The Senate begins consideration of the sun- 
dry civil appropriation bill. Mr. Morgan (Dem., Ala.) 
speaks in opposition to the Philippine resolution of Mr. 
Spooner (Rep., Wis.)... The House considers the Alas- 
kan civil code. 

May 26.— The Senate adopts the resolution of Mr. 
Bacon (Dem., Ga.) providing for an investigation into 
Cuban financial affairs The House adopts resolu- 
tions calling on the Postmaster-General for information 
as to Director Rathbone's reports, and on the Secretary 
of War for reports on expenditures iij Cuba and Porto 

May 28.— The Senate debates the sundry civil appro- 
priation bill The House passes the Alaskan civil-code 


May 29.— The Senate a<lopts an amendment to the 
sundry civil appropriation bill appropriating $5,(XX),(X)0 

for the exposition at St. Louis in 1903 The House 

adopts the conference reix)rt on the post-office appro- 
priation bill, including the provision of $225,000 for 
pneumatic-tul)e service. 

May 30.— The House passes 190 private pen.sion bills. 

May31.— Tlie Senate passes the sundry civil appro- 
priation bill The House l^egins consideration of the 

proposed ant i- trust constitutional amendment. 

June 1.— The Senate jmsses the Military Academy ap- 
propriation bill, with amendn^ents giving the senior 
major-general commanding the Army the rank, pay, 
and allowances of a lieutenant-general, and giving 
Adjutant-General Corbin the rank, pay, and allow- 
ances of a major-general in the Army The House de- 
feats the joint re.solntion providing for an anti-trust 
constitutional amendment by a vote of 154 to 131 (36 
votes short of the requisite two-thirds). 

June 2.— The Senate passes the general deficiency and 
the emergency river and harbor appropriation bills, and 
the bill to provide a method of extradition from the 
United States to Cuba of persons who have committed 

certain crimes in Cnl>a The House, by a vote of 273 

to 1, passes the anti-trust bill introduced by Mr. Little- 
field (Rep., Me.), amending the Sherman act. 

June 4.— Tiie Senate, in e.xecutive session, ratifies the 

new extradition treaty with Switzerland. Mr. Morgan 
(Dem., Ala.) favorably reports a resolution declaring 
the Clayton-Bulwer treaty abrogated. 

June 5.— The Senate, by a vote of 43 to 23, refers the 
House anti-trust bill to the Judiciary Committee. In 
executive ses.sion, the nominations of John R. Hazel to 
be United States Judge for the Western District of New 
York,. Gen. Elwell S. Otis to be a major-general, and 
Gen. Joseph Wheeler to be a brigadier-general in the 
Regular Army are confirmed, an<l the nomination of 
William D. Bynum to be General Appraiser at the Port 
of New York is rejected by a tie vote. 

.Tune 7. — After a bitter contest between the two 
branches over the coast-survey item in the naval ap- 
propriation bill, the House finally yields to the Senate, 

and all the remaining 
appropriation bills hav- 
ing been passed, the 
first session of the Fif- 
ty-sixth Congress is ad- 


May 21.— E. G. Rath- 
bone, director-general 
of posts in Cuba, is sus- 
pende<l from office by 
Postniaster -General 
Smith....The United 
Statics Supreme Court 
refusing to int-erfere in 
the Kentucky govern- 
orship contest, on the 
ground of lack of juris- 
diction, the office goes 
to Beckham (Dem.); 

W. S. Taylor, the Republican incumbent, dismisses the 

May 22. — Tlie T>ouisiana Legislature elects United 

States Senator McEnery (Dem.) to succee<l himself, ana 

ex-Gov. Murphy J. Foster (Dem.) to succeed Senator 

Caffery (Dem.). 
May 23.— Cuban Roman Catholics petition for a change 

in the marriage law, by which the religious ceremony 

may be legalized. 

May 24.— In the Virginia State election, the proposi- 
tion for a constitutional convention is carried ; the 
Democrats carry all the municipal elections. 

May 28.— Alaskan Demt>crats in convention at Juneau 
declare for Bryan for President, and denounce trusta, 
expansion, and favoritism to Canadian shipping and 
commercial interests. 

May 31.— New Jersey Democrats refuse to instruct 
for Bryan. 

.Tune 2. — President McKinley nominat-es Morris M. 
P^stee, of California, to l)e Unite«l St^te^s District Judge 
for Hawaii. 


(Fourth Assistant Postmaster 
General, now in Cuba investl 
gating Cuban postal frauds.) 



June 4.— In the Oregon elections, the RepublicanH 
carry both branches of the legislature and elect both 
members of Congress, together with State officers. 

June 5. — Maryland Democrats refuse to instruct for 
BrysD, but recognize his strength in their platform. 
Xew York Democrats instruct for Bryan, but re- 
fuse to reaffirm the Chicago platform of 1896 ; Richard 
Croker, David B. Hill. Edward Murphy, Jr., and Au- 
gustus Van Wyck are chosen delegates-at-large to 
Kansas City. 

June 6. — North Dakota and South Dakota Democrats 

instruct for Bryan Indiana Democrats instruct for 

Bryan, and nominate 
John W. Kern for gov- 
ernor Missouri Demo- 
crats nominate A. M. 
Dockery for governor, re- 
affirm the Chicago plat- 
form, and instruct for 

Bryan West Virgi u la 

Democrats pledge sup- 
port to Bryan, and nom- 
inate John H. Holt for 
governor Idaho Demo- 
crats indorse Bryan 

The Socialist Labor party 
of the United States nomi- 
nates Joseph F. Maloney, 
of Massachuserts, for 
President, and Valentine 
Remmel, of Pennsylva- 
nia, for Vice-President. 

June 7. — Con necticu t 
Democrats instruct their 

June 8. — Colorado Democrats instruct for Bryan. 

June 9. — Mayor Van Wyck, of New York, admits in 
court his ownership of 4,000 shares of stock in the 
American Ice Company. 

June 12. — Wisconsin Democrats instruct for Bryan, 

and reaffirm the Chicago platform The Rhode Island 

Legislature reelects United States Senator Wetmore. 

June 13. — Ohio Democnits instruct for Hryan, and 

Dominate a State ticket Governor Mount, of Indiana, 

refQ«<es to honor the requisition of (iovernor Beckham, 
of Kentucky, for the return to that State of ex-Gov. 
W. S. Taylor, under indictment for complicity in the 
alleged plot resulting in the assa.ssi nation of William 
E. Goeljel. 

June 14.— California and Kentucky Democrats in- 

Rlruct for Bryan Vermont Democrats nominate a 

State ticket, headed by John H. Senter for governor, 
end declare for Bryan. 

June 16. — Good order prevails in the Cul)an municipal 
elections ; Gen, Alejandro Ro<lriguez, Nationalist, is 
elected mayor of Havana, receiving 13,073 votes, against 
^^SK cast for Sefior Estrada Mora, the Inde{)endent can- 

Jane 18. — A bulletin of the Porto Rican census, issue<l 
by the War Department at Washington, gives the popu- 
lation of the island as 953. 5443.... Governor Roosevelt, 
of New York, issues a statement declining the Republi- 
can Domination for Vice-Presi<lent at Philadelphia. 

Jane 19.— The Republican National Convention meets 
at Philadelphia. 


(Reelected U. S. Senator from 

delegates to supiwrt Bryan. 

June 20. —The Republican National Convention adopts 

a platform Minnesota Democrats declare for the 

nomination of Charles A. Towne for Vice President on 

the Bryan ticket at Kansas City Florida Democrats 

declare for Bryan. 

June 21.— President McKinley is renominated by 
unanimous vote in the Republican National Conven- 
tion at Philadelphia, and Governor Roosevelt, of New 
York, is nominated for Vice-President. 


May 21.— The Australian federation bill passes its 
second reading in the British House of Commons. 

May 22.— The French Cham Iter of Deputies reassem- 
bles The Chinese authorities send troops to put down 

the "Boxer" movement. 

May 23.— The German Reichstag pa.sses the meat in- 
spection bill by a vote of 163 to 123. 

May 25.— The three men charged with an attempt to 
olow up the Welland Canal with dynamite, at Thorold, 
Out., are found guilty and sentenced to life imprison- 

May 28. By a vote of 293 to 24^ the French Chaml)er 
of Deputies declares confidence in the government. 

May 29.— The Marquis de Galliflfet resigns his post 
as French Minister of War, and is succeeded by General 

June 2.— By a vote of 283 to 34, the French Senate 
passes the Dreyfus case amnesty bill. 

June 3.— In the general elections for the Italian Par- 
liament, the Constitu- 
tionalists secure a ma- 
jority of the seats. 

June 6. — The resigna- 
tion of the Japanese Cab- 
inet is reported. 

June 7.— The German 
Reichstag passc*s the na- 
val bill on second read- 

.lune 8.— Emperor 
Francis Joseph orders 
the session of the Aus- 
trian Reich^rath closed. 

June 9.— The Chinese 
Government orders the 
withdrawal of the im- 
perial troops opposing 
the "Boxers." 

June 12.— The German 
Reichstag piisses the na- 
val bill Premier 

Schreiner, of Cape Col- 
ony, resigns office. 

June 10.— In view of the threatening Chinese situa- 
tion, the .Marquis Yamagata consents to retain the 
premiership of Japan. 

June 19.— A convention of Irish Nationalists oi)ens in 

June 20.— Lieutenant-Governor Mclnnes, of British 
Columbia, is dismissed from <»rhce by the I>oniinion 
€rovernnient. and Sir Henri Joly is ap|M>inted in his 


(Newly elected U. S. Senator 
from Louisiana.) 




May 21.— Secretary Hay informs the Boer delegates 
that the United States cannot interfere in the South 
African war. 

May 22.— The Queen Regent of Spain signs the postal 
convention with the United States. 

May 28.— The United States makes a more peremptory 
demand on Turkey for the prompt settlement of the 
missionary indemnity claims. 

May 24.— The European powers demand of the Chi- 
nese Government the immediate suppression of the 

May 25.— Secretary Hay instructs Minister Conger, at 
Pekin, to infi>rm the Chinese Government that the 
United States expects it to suppress the *' Boxer " soci- 
ety without delay, and to provide guarantees for the 
protection of the lives and property of Americans in 

May 30. -American, British, German, Italian, French, 
Russian, and Japanese troops are ordered to guard the 
legations at Pekin. 

June 11.— The Chinese Emperor appeals to the powers 
for the deposition of the Dowager Empress and the 
establishment of a protectorate. 

June 12.— President McKinley issues a proclamation 
of a reciprocal commercial agreement between the 
United States and Portugal under the Dingley tariff 

June 16.— An arrangement for the arbitration of 
claims of American sealers against Russia for illegal 
seizures off the Siberian coast is announced. 

June 17.— The Chinese forts at Taku, at the mouth of 
the Peibo River, fire on the foreign warships, which 
forthwith bombard the forta and compel their sur- 

June 18. — United States troops are ordered from 
Manila to China ; Admiral Kempff is directed to 
cooperate with the naval commanders of other powers 
in the protection of American interests in China. 

June 19.— It is announced the French Government 
will dispatch a cruiser and 4,200 troops to China. 


May 21.— A squadron of Colonel Bethune's Horse is 
surprised on its way to Newcastle, six miles southwes^ 
of Vryheid ; total casualties about 66. 

May 22. — General Hamilton reaches Heilbron, after a 
series of engagements with the Boers under Comman- 
dant Ue Wet. 

•»• £*M«Mi(|,, •»•«••; 

TASMANIA ^ A*^ r ad: - ^Ui 


(Showing the contribution of each State.) 

The PopuUiHon is shown by a man; Revenue by the obverse side of a sovereign; Expenditure by the reverse side; Raifway 
Mileage by a train ; Importn by a black ship; ErturrtH by a white ship (the figures within brackets denote the proportion 
of tlie imports and exports, which is purely intercolonial). 




CNewly elected bishops ot the M. E. Church. 

May 23. — General French reaches Prospect, about five 
mi\e« to the north of Rhenoster River ; the Boers leave 
their positions south of the Vaal and trek north. 

May 24. — General Hunter reaches Vryburg, and the 
railway is repaired to that town. 

.May 25.— The Boers reoccupy Heilbron ; General Ham- 
ilton occupies Vredeport ; Tuungs is garrisoned by the 

May 26. — Lord Roberts* advance foice crosses the Vaal 
nearParys, General Hamilton's column being at Bosch- 
bank ; General Bundle occupies Senekal without oppo- 
sition : Ficksburg is occupied by Brabant ; General 
French crosses the Vaal at Lindigue's Drift. 

May 27.— The main body under Lord Roberts crosses 
the Vaal at Vereeniging ; lx)rd Roberts announces the 
annexation of the Orange Free State : British positions 
at Ingogo shelled by the Boers. 

May 28.— Lord Roberts' force reaches the Klip River, 
eighteen miles from Johannesburg ; General French 
pushes northward toward Johannesburg ; the British 
occupy Zeerust (thirty-five miles northeast of Mafe 
king), and move in force on Lichtenburgh ; Orange 
Free State formally annexed ; in heavy fighting at 
Senekal, in the Orange River Colony (new name for the 
Free State), General Rundle loses 32 men killed and 150 

May 29. — Lord Roberts arrives at Elandsfontein Junc- 
tion, and announces the capture of some rolling-stock. 

May 30.— The British enter Johannesburg ; President 
Kriiger leaves Pretoria ; the burgomaster is authorized 
to receive the British. 

.May 31.— The British flag is raised over the public 
buildings at Johannesburg The Thirteenth Battal- 
ion (Irish) Imperial Yeomanry is compelled to surrender 
to a superior force of Boers near Lindley, Orange River 

Jane 4.— The Boers resist Ijord Roberts' advance on 
Pretoria at Six Miles Spruit, but are finally repuLsed. 

Tune .5.— Lonl Roberts enters Pretoria, the town being 
formally surrendered by the Boers. 

June 6. — Greneral Buller's troops capture a mountain 

west of Laing's Nek — The Boers cut 
General Roberts' communications 
north of Kroonstad. 

June 7.— At"Roodeval the British lose 
1 17 men killed and 60 wounded of the 
Derbyshire and Cape Pioneer Railway 
Regiments, the remaining force of the 
Derbyshires being made prisoners. 

June 8.— General Buller's troops suc- 
ceed in forcing Botha's Pass. 

June 11.— General Buller forces Al- 
mond's Nek, and the Boers retire from 
Laing's Nek and Majuba ; British cas- 
ualties about 100. 

June 12.— The Boers under Botha are 
defeated 15 miles east of Pretoria ; 
Grenerals Kitchener and Methuen de- 
feat the Boers under De Wet on the 
Rhenoster River; communication is 
restored between Pretoria and Bloem- 
'^**- June 15.— President Krtiger trans- 

fers the Transvaal seat of government 
to Alkmaar. 
June 18. — Gteneral Hunter occupies Krtigersdorp. 
June 19. — General Methuen defeats the Boers under 
De Wet at Heilbron, Orange River Colony. 

May 22.— The Methodist General Conference at Chi- 
cago elects the Rev. Drs. D. H. Moore and J. W. Hamil- 
ton bishops The Boer envoys to the United States are 

unofficlHlly received by President McKinley, and in- 
formed that this government cannot intervene in the 
South African war Two companies of Filipinos sur- 
render to the American troops at Tarlac. 

May 23.^The Methodist General Conference, by a vote 
of 433 to 238, abolishes the pastoral time limit, now fixed 

at five years The Presbyterian Greneral Assembly 

refers the question of creed revision to a committee of 

May 24.— Queen Victoria's birthday is celebrated with 

unusual enthusiasm throughout Great Britain The 

brokerage firm of Price, McCormick & Co., New York 
City, fails with liabilities estimated at $13,000,000. 

May 28.— The total eclipse of the sun is observed un- 
der extremely favorable conditions along the whole line 
of totality both in Europe and America. 

May 29.— Filipino insurgents rush the town of San 
Miguel de Mayamo, north of Manila, killing 5 of the 
American garri.son, wounding 7, and taking Capt. 
Charles D. Roberta prisoner. 

May 30.— The Confederate reunion is begun at Louis- 
ville President McKinley and Secretary Root speak 

at the unveiling of the monument on the battlefield of 
Antietam, Md. 

June 8.— Gen. Pio del Pilar, the Filipino leader, is 
captured at San Pedro Macati, near Manila. 

June 10.— In a St. Ix>uis street-car strike riot, 4 per- 
sons are killed, 1 fatally wounded, and several others 
severely injured. 

June 12.— General Grant reports the capture of a Fill 
pino insurgent stronghold in the mountains east of 
Samiguet, Luzon. 



June 15.— A parade and dinner in honor of (Jen 
Elwell S. Otis take place at Rocbenter, N. Y. 

June 21.— General MacArthur issues a proclamation 
of amnesty with unconditional pai*don for Filipino reb- 
els who renounce insurrection within ninety days. 


May. 21.— Col. Wickham Hoffmann, United SUtes 
Minister to Denmark in President Arthur's adminis- 
tration, 79. 

May 22.— Ex-United States Senator Nathaniel Peter 
Hill, of Colorado, 68. . . .Rev. A. J. V. Behrends, D.D., of 
Brooklyn, N. Y., 60.... Rev. Alexander Burns D.D.,. 
President of Wesleyan Ladie.s' College, Hamilton, 
Ont., 66. 

May 23.— Jonas Gil man Clark, founder of Clark Uni- 
veisity, Worcester, Mass., 85 Francis Bicknell Car- 
penter, the portrait painter, 70 Rev. John Scudder, 

D.I) , of the Reformed Church's Arcot Mission in In- 
dia, 64. 

May 24.— Dr. Fessenden Nott Oti.s surgeon and au- 
thor, 75. 

May 25.— Signor Giuseppe Puente, the famous operatic 
>>arytone, 60. 

May 28.— Sir George Grove, the famous English musi- 
cian, 80 I^wis W. Clark, late chief justice of the 

New Hampshire Supreme Courts 72 Ex-Judge John 

P. Rea, of Minneapolis, 60. 

May 39. — William Adams Cobb, a well-known jour- 
nalist of Lockport, N. Y., 58 David Ward, a leading 

Michigan capitalist, 78 Col. C. P. Atmore. general 

passenger agent of the Louisville & Na.sbville Rail- 
road, 66. 

June 2.— Clarence Cook, art critic and writer, 72. 

June 3.— Mrs. Alzina Parsons Stevens, an active par- 
ticipant in social reform movements, 51. 

June 4.— Prof. Edwards A. Park, the distinguished 
Andover theologian, 91. 

June 5.— Rev. Richard Salter Storrs, D.D., the emi- 
nent Brooklyn clergyman, 79 Stephen Crane, the 

novelist and newspaper correspondent, 80 Mif^s Mary 

H. Kingsley, the African explorer and writer Mrs. 

John Sherman, wife of ex-Secretary Sherman, of Ohio. 

June 8.— Henry Wellesley, third Duke of Wellington. 

June 10.— Rev. John Braden, D.D., president of the 
Central Tennessee College, 72. 

June 12.— Mme. Augusta Lehmann, once a singer of 

international reputation, 80 Lucretia Peabody Hale, 

a Boston writer, 80. 

June 13.— Nicholas Frederick Peter, Grand Duke of 
Oldenburg, 73 Dr. Edward .Maris, a well-known col- 
lector of coins and autographs, 69. 

June 14.— BLshop Richard Hooker Wilmer, of Ala- 
bama, 84 Mrs. Gladstone, widow of the late William 

E. Gladstone, the British statesman. 

June 16.— Prince de Joinville, son of King Louis 
Philippe, of France, 82. 

June 18.— Henry Walter Webb, for many years iden- 
tified with the New York Central' Railroml, 48. 

June 20.— Baron Loch (Henry Brougham Loch), for- 
merly governor of Cape Colony and British High Co!!i- 
missioner for South Africa, 73, 

June 21.— Count Muravieff, Russian Minister of For- 
eign Affairs, 55. 


THE following conventions have been announced for 
the coming month : The Democratic National 
Convention, at Kansas City, on July 4 ; t)ie National 
Silver Republican Convention, at Kansas City, on July 
4 ; the Cnited States Monetary Ijeague, at Kansas City, 
on July 4 ; The National I^eague of Republican Clubs, 
at St. Paul, on July 17 ; the American Political League, 
at Boston, on July 4 ; the National Educational Associ- 
ation, at CharlesUm, S. C, on July 7-13 ; the American 
Institut-e of Instruction, at Halifax, N. S., on July 7-11 ; 
the German Music Teachers' Association, at Phila- 
delphia, on July 5-9 ; the American Fisheries Society, 
at Woods HoU, Mass., on July 18-20 ; the American A.s- 
sociation for the Advancement of Osteopathy, at Chatta- 
nooga, Tenn., on July 5-7 ; the American Philological 
As.sociation, at Madison, W^is., on July 3-5; the Uniteti 
Society of Christian Endeavor, at London, on July 14- 
18; the Baptist's Young People's Union of America, at 
Cincinnati, on July 12-15 ; the United Society of Free 
Baptist Young People, at Lewiston, Me., on July 5-8 ; 
the Young People's Christian Union of the United Pres- 
byterian Church of North America, at Denver, on July 
25-30 ; the Young People's Christian Union of the Uni- 
versalist Church, at Atlanta, Ga., on July 11-18; the 
National Association of Officials of Bureaus of I^bor 
Statistics, at Milwaukee, on July 10-14 ; the Pan-Ameri- 
can Conference, at Westminster Town Hall, London, 
on July 22; the National Good-Roads Convention, 
at Port Huron, Mich., on July 2-5; the National 
Farmers' Convention, at Topeka, Kan., on July 2-3; 

the Commercial Law League of America, at Milwau 
kee, on July 28-28 ; the United States League of Local 
Building and Loan Associations, at Indianapolis, on 
July 25 : the Sons of Temperance, National Division, 
at Dalton, Ma.Hs., on July 10-14 ; the National Dental 
Association, at Old Point Comfort, Va., on July 10-13 ; 
the National Dental Examiners' Association, at Old 
Point Comfort, on July 10 ; the National Association 
of Photo-Engravers, at Cleveland, Ohio, on July 16-21 : 
the Photographers' Association of America, at Mil- 
waukee, on July 23 ; the National and Unit^nl Amateur 
Press Association, at Boston, on July 2-4 ; the National 
Bookkeepers' Association, at Put-in-Bay, Ohio, on July 
20-23; the National Brotherhood of Operative Putt^jrs, 
at Wheeling, W. Va,, on July 9; the National Theat- 
rical St^ge Employees' Alliance, at New York, on 
July 9 ; the American Association of General Baggage 
Agent**, at Boston, on July 18 ; the National Associa- 
tion of I.<ocal Freight Agents' Associations, at Boston, 
on July 12 ; the Railway Transportation Association, at 
Detroit, on July 18 ; the National Railway Agents' Asso- 
ciation, at Detroit^ on July 24-27 ; the National Union 
Senate, at Alexandria Bay, N. Y., on July 17 ; the In- 
ternational 'Ijongshoremen's Convention, at Duluth, 
Minn., on July 10 ; Roosevelt's Rough Riders' Reunion, 
at Oklahoma City, on July 1-4 ; the American Whist 
l^agu^, at Niagara Falls, on July 9 ; the League of 
American Wheelmen, at Milwaukee, on July 10-15; 
and the National Amateur Oarsmen's Association, at 
New York, on July 19-21. 



From the Tribwit (New York). 

iQ advance to the public has 
made the Vice-Presi<lency the 
important theme for editors, re- 
porters, and cartoonists on the 
Democratic side as well a>» on the 
Republican, so far as the jier- 
Bonal side of the present |M>liti- 
cal campaign is concerned. A 
marked change in the direction 
of mildness is seen on all sides in 
the treatment of Mr. Hryan, 
personally, by the carttjonists, 
though those wearing the Re- 
publican colors are as tierce as 
ever in their caricaturing of Bry- 
anism. Indeed, to judge from 
present appearances, the princi- 
pals in the campaign of HmM) will 
receive in the i>ersonal carica- 
tures of the struggle but little 
annoyance from really vulgar 
and bitter flings, a^ compared 
with the pictorial denunciations 
of Mr. Blaine and Mr. Cleveland, 
and of Mr. Bryan in l^ytJ. We 
may hope that this is due to a 
growth in good taste. a> well as 
to the fact that President Mc 
Kinley and Mr. Bryan are men 
who have not made |>er>onal ene- 

1 1 

*HE practice of using car- 
toons in the daily papers has 
increa.Hed enormously, even since 
the last Presidential campaign. 
There is now not a town of any 
size in the country that has not 
a paper utilizing the service of a 
cartoonist, whose best efforts are, 
of course, called forth by the op- 
portunities of a political cam- 
paign. While this has, of course. 
greatly augmented the number 
of forceful an<l striking cartoons, 
it has operated to do away with 
the striking prei^minence of any 
one cartoonist or group of car- 
toonists, such as was seen in the 
days of Keppler and Nast. In 
the pretient campaign, the very 
striking physical, mental, and 
moral characteristics of Mr. 
RooMevelt, together with the pic- 
turesque situation which the Re- 
poblicHD Vice-Presidential ques- 
tion created, has been a b<x>n to 
the political caHcaturi-sts, and 
they have made the most of the 
OGcaffion. Indeed, the fact that 
rbe Presidential nominees were, 
for all practical purposes, known 

*^ " 1 * " -^r ■* ~ " 

HOUNDED UP.- From the JtmrnoX (New York). 




(From sketches on the spot by the Philadelphia Inquirer cartoonist, Mr. McAnley.) 





Prom the ITorW (New York). 

7 V'' ' / ^ 

' NAT, NAY ! '—From the World (New York). 


From the Herald (New York). 


Prom the TrUmm (New York). 




From the Inquirer (Philadelphia). 


From the Chronicle (Chicago). 


A chilly ride to Kansas City.— From the Tribune (Minneapolis). 





The bell that will rins oat four more years of independ< 
ence for the American working-man. 

From Judge (New York). 


From the Pionur-Prt» (St. Paol). 


Bryan : ** Well, my Iwy, you might bring them along. We 
may need them."— From the Jowrnfl/ (Minneapolis). 


From the Times (Denver). 




WBBN DEMOORAT8 (7) DiBAaRKB, WRO BHALL DBOtOB ?— From the Bogle (Rrookljm). 


From theri»7Uirer (Philadelphia.) 


From the Herald (New York). 

." 3^— <^^-^^__ B088 CHOKER AS " DR. JEKYLL 

'^^-"^^" AND MR. HYDE." 

'* WB'KK OKI" . 

It looki" like a case for the Cruelty to Animals Society.- From the Tiibunt (New York ). From the Time9 (Denver). 




From the Journal (Minneapolis). 

Id their treatment of the Democratic coiiYention at 
Kansas City, and the personalities and *^ planks'* which 
will come to it, no theme has appealed to the cartoon- 
ists so forcibly as the exposure of the connection of 
Tammany with the ice trust. The sly digs at the friend 
of the people— the enemy of trust**— have been innu- 
merable throughout the country, in Democratic as well 


'* Well, well I Do you think there will b« a resurrection ? ' *" 
From the EagU ( Brooklyn). 

as Republican and Independent papers. We have the 
Tammany tiger dragging the incubus of an enormous 
cake of ice to Kansas City, Mr. Croker and his col- 
leagues driving an ice-wagon to the convention, etc 
Mr. Hill's fierce fight against Tammany in New York 
State to send uniustructed delegates to the convention 
furnishes another fertile subject ; thousands of cartoons 
have reflected the anomalous pa^ition of Mr. Towne as 
Vice-President under the Populist nomination, with the 
Democratic choice still undecided. 


Bkvan : •' You can put five men to a bed any placte else, 
but this bed is full."— From the JoiArnol (Minneapolis). 


One way to tell a good watchman is from the amount cf 
felons he captures.— From the TribMnt (Minneapolis). 



THE Republican National Convention at Phil- 
adelphia, last month, renominated for Pres- 
ident of the United States William McKinley, 
of Ohio. 

At such a time as this, when our people are 
approaching a political contest in which funda- 
mental issues, in- 
volving both do- 
mestic policy and 
our relations to 
foreign peoples, 
are at stoke, his 
record as Presi- 
dent, and bis po- 
sition witb re- 
gard to t b e 8 e 
jK)licies, are legit- 
imately before 
the people for 
discussion. For 
this reason, in 
this brief review, 
which is aimed 
to be partly a 
character sketch 
and partly a sum- 
mary of the more 
important of his 
acts as President, 
we will not dwell 
at length on his 
well-known life 
before entering 
tlie Presidency. 

The story of 
his boyhood and 
his young man- 
hood ; how, as a 
private soldier, 
at the age of 
eighteen, he en- 
listed in the ar- 
my ; how he re- 
ceived merited 
promotion and 
after a gallant military service in the Civil War 
^K»gan the practice of law at Canton ; how he en- 
*<*red Congress, and by dint of his ability and 
riudy became the leader of his party ; how he 
^rfKawne Governor of Ohio, — all this has been 
'ally tdd, not only in the pages of this Review, 
bat in all the American press, until it is familiar 

Copyright, 1900, Parker, Wathingtoo. 


(From a recent photograph.) 

to every one who keeps in touch with the cur- 
rent history of leading men and events. 

On the 4th of March, 1897, he assumed the 
duties of the exalted office of President of the 
United States. It was a time of marked indus- 
trial depression. Business and commerce were 

lagging, and 

large numbers of 
people through- 
out the country 
sought employ- 
ment. The plat- 
form upon whicb 
he had been 
elected declared 
for a change in 
our tariff laws 
which would rec- 
ognize more fully 
the protective 
principle, and for 
the enactment of 
a law which 
would firmly es- 
tablish gold as 
the monetary 
standard of the 
nation. The new 
President imme- 
diately assembled 
Congress in ex- 
traordinary ses- 
sion, and ad- 
dressed to it a 
message urging 
a revision of the 
existing tariff 
laws, under 
which business 
was suffering and 
deficient reve- 
nues were en- 
dangering the na> 
tion's credit and 
the stability of its 
currency. This prompt action in convening Con- 
gress, and the resultant passage of the Dingley 
law, unquestionably hastened the return of na- 
tional prosperity. 

Under that law revenues revived, and witb 
stable tariff conditions assured, the industries of 
the country slowly recovered from their depres- 



sion. The intimate relations existing under the 
old financial laws between adequate revenues and 
the credit of governmental currency soon led to 
a restoration of public confidence ; and even be- 
fore the passage of the gold-standard law, gold 
was freely offered at the Treasury in exchange 
for greenbacks. 


The deficiency in revenues under the Wilson 
law, and the commercial panic of 1893, with the 
ensuing business depression, had exposed the in- 
herent weakness of our currency system. This 
weakness resulted from a disproportion between 
the demand currency liabilities of the Govern- 
ment and the gold in the Treasury to redeem 
them, and the further fact that after these cur- 
rency liabilities had been redeemed in gold they 
could again be paid out for expenses, thus en- 
abling the public to again present them for re- 
demption, causing what was commonly known 
as the *» endless chain." 

After the success of the Republican party upon 
its platform of sound money in a campaign in 
which this weakness formed one of the chief sub- 
jects of discussion, several plans of currency and 
banking reform were presented to the public and 
discussed generally ini the press. It is highly 
creditable to the President's discernment and 
breadth of view that he avoided complicated rec- 
ommendations, confining himself to urging .the 
enactment of a provision which would remedy the 
weakness of our financial system wilhoul -involv- 
ing the busmess of the couhtry in the dangers 
incident to radical legislartve . eixperiments with 
currency laws. 

His recommendation, made in his first annual 
message and repeated in his second, went to the 
very gist of the trouble ; and it is the corner- 
stone of the financial law which Congress passed 
at its last session. 

In his first annual message to Congress, the 
President said : 

I earnestly recommend, as soon as the receipts of the 
Government are quite sufficient to pay nil the expenses 
of the Government, that when any of the United States 
notes are presented for redemption in gold and are re- 
deemed in gold, such notes shall be kept and set apart 
and only paid out in exchange for gold. 

In his second annual message to Congress, 
after renewing his recommendation of the year 
before, he said : 

In my judgment the condition of the Treasury amply 
justifies the immediate enactment of the legislation rec- 
ommended one year ago, under which a portion of the 
gold holdings shall be placed in a trust fund from 
which greenbacks should be redeemed upon presenta- 
tion, but when once redeemed should not thereafter be 
paid out except for gold. 

To the President's plain and simple presenta- 
tion of a fundamental remedy, and his avoidance 
of the recommendation of extensive and experi- 
mental plans, the people of the country largely 
owe the present stable and safe condition of our 
entire financial system. 


Almost as if foreseeing by intuition the neces- 
sity for the annexation of Hawaii, as later re- 
vealed by the tremendous events of the following 
years, the President early in his administration 
recommended to Congress the annexation of 
those islands. The importance of this step, both 
from the standpoint of the best interests of the 
islanders and of our own people, now seen so 
clearly by all, was not then so apparent ; and, but 
for the earnest and aggressive attitude of the 
President, annexation would have failed. Dur- 
ing the pendency of the Hawaiian question, 
speaking of the islands, he said to a visitor ; * * We 
need Hawaii just as much as, and a good deal 
more than, we did California. " Although greater 
questions of territory have since come to us as 
the inevitable incidents of unavoidable war, the 
annexation of these beautiful islands was the first 
step in the new and broader life upon which this 
republic has entered, and from which neither duty 
nor self-interest will allow it to turn back. 


The careful attention which, notwithstanding 
the absorbing nature of extraordinary questions 
arising during the present administration, has 
been given to less prominent duties of the kind 
, with which every President must deal, is a testi- 
monial to the thoroughness that has directed our 
national affairs for the last three years. The 
pressing questions of tariff and finance liave had 
the attention demanded by our business interests. 
The delicate problem of such a revision of the 
merit system of civil service as would remove 
therefrom the dangers to its permanence arising 
from too rigid application of theory was for 
many months a subject of the most serious con- 
sideration by the President and the members oi 
his cabinet, and the operation of the amendments 
finally adopted is daily proving their wisdom. 
Provisions for Alaska's growing needs have been 
arranged, and the necessary legislation has been 
enacted. The disposition of Porto Rican affairs 
and the formation of a government for that isl- 
and have had no less careful deliberation. 

The country sees the rise and disposition of 
questions of great moment to its welfare, but, from 
want of knowledge of details, gives little heed to 
the daily round of a President's labors, inclqding 
the constant direction of affairs of state, the con 



8i<ieration of appointments, the liandling of such 
matters as the Pacific Railroad's indebtedness, 
domestic difficulties requiring federal interven- 
tion, the approval of the countless minor acts of 
Congress, and a multitude of other duties. As 
evidence of President McKinley's tact may be 
cited his policy in regard to the vetoing of bills 
which come before him for action. The state- 
ment has frequently been made that he never 
vetoes bills, implying either that he gives them 
but slight examination or leaves it for others to 
do for him. Probably no incumbent of the ex- 
ecutive office has given more thorough examina- 
tion and careful thought to every document to 
which he appended his signature. But the ob- 
ject of the veto has been compassed in many 
instances by sending for the authors of the ob- 
jectionable bills and pointing out to them the 
evident inaccuracies or inconsistencies. The re- 
sult has usually been a request from Congress 
for the return of the bill. Where tlie case is 
meritorious, a new bill without the objections of 
the old one has been passed and approved by the 
President. This has in no way abridged the 
prerogative of the executive ; but it has expedited 
legislation, and tended to maintain cordial relations. 


The complete obliteration of sectional lines, of 
the spirit of exultation and intolerance on the 
one side, defiance and intolerance on the other, 
has at last been happily achieved : and William 
McKinley may well look back with satisfaction 
upon the part he has borne in the work of recon- 
ciliation. The influence of his example, the 
power of his position, and all the force of his 
ability have constantly been given to this end ; 
and his gratification at the fulfillment of so noble 
an inspiration found voice at Atlanta in words 
deserving of perpetuation — ** Reunited — one 
country again and one country forever ! Pro- 
claim it from the press and pulpit ; teach it in 
the schools ; write it across the skies ! The 
world sees and feels it ; it cheers every heart 
North and South, and brightens the life of every 
American home ! Let nothing ever strain it 
again ! At peace with all the world and with 
each other, what can stand in the pathway of 
our progress and prosperity ? " 

Upon the field of Antietam, the President re- 
cently spoke again upon this subject, and said : 
** Standing here to-day, one reflection only has 
crowded my mind — the difference between this 
acene and that of thirty-eight years ago. Then 
the men who wore the blue and the men who 
wore the gray greeted each other with shot and 
•hell, and visited death upon their respective 
rank«^ We meet, after all these intervening 

years, with but one sentiment — that of loyalty 
to the Government of the United States, love of 
our flag and our free institutions, and deter- 
mined, men of the North and men of the South, 
to make any sacrifice for the honor and perpetu- 
ity of the American nation." 


The Spanish- American War, in its causes and 
results, will go into history as one of the most re- 
markable and distinctive conflicts of modern 
times. Standing at its threshold, one saw in 
retrospect generations of oppression and cruelty, 
colonial systems that were either corrupt military 
despotisms or the barest shadows of representa- 
tive government ; and, permeating all, a self- 
effacing, soul-warping denial of rights dear to 
the great heart of mankind. Years of misrule 
had left an accumulated burden of bitterne^ and 
woe that found expression in solemn protest, in 
threatening outburst, and finally in open rebellion 
against the mother- country. 

In the distant Pacific the Philippine Islands 
were repeatedly the scene of such outbreaks, and 
from time to time warfare in the Island of Cuba, 
at our own doors, brought vividly home to us the 
trials of an oppressed people. While we consist- 
ently pursued for years the course which inter- 
national courtesy and comity then required, the 
situation in Cuba assumed more and more, as the 
years went by, an aspect dangerous to our peace 
and material welfare. 

Mr. Cleveland had realized, during his second 
administration, the gravity of the Cuban problem, 
but had been obliged to hand it over unsolved to 
his successor; and on March 4, 1897, William 
McKinley assumed it, with results now known to 
the world. 

The successive steps in the war have been told 
in many forms, and from various points of view. 
Every schoolboy and schoolgirl of the land knows 
the story of Manila Bay, of El Caney, and San 
Juan Hill, and Santiago ; of the sinking of the 
Merrimac ; of the conquest of Porto Rico' with 
little organized resistance ; of most of the princi- 
pal incidents from the rupture of friendly rela- 
tions in April, 1898, to the overtures for peace 
made to this country in July, and the signing of 
the Peace Protocol on August 12, of that year. 

The blockading, by our fleet, of the ports of 
Porto Rico and Cuba ; the heroism of our soldiers 
and sailors; the wonderful series of victories, with- 
out the loss of a man or a ship or a gun by cap- 
ture, — have been told again and again ; and the 
country, in grateful I'emembrance, has placed upon 
its roll of honor the names of heroes whoso achieve- 
ments for American arms have made their fame 
imperishable in our annals. 




But there is one story of tlie war that has not 
yet been written, and can even now be but im- 
perfectly outlined — that of the sagacious, far- 
seeing man who, though kindly and sympathetic 
in all the relations of life, was ever inflexible of 
purpose for the recognition of the righteous prin- 
ciples which should control our conduct through, 
out the struggle, and masterful in the vigor and 
celerity with which he organized and directed 
the land and naval forces of the United States. 
And when the defeated and humiliated king- 
dom, recognizing the hopelessness of the strife, 
sought peace, he was magnanimous and merciful. 

In the dark days preceding the opening of 
hostilities, amid • increasing excitement, the im- 
portunities of well-wishing friends and advisers, 
and the abuse of tlie sensational press, the Presi- 
dent of the "United States never swerved from 
the line of duty he had marked out for himself 
and the Republic he had sworn faithfully to 
serve. His long legislative experience, his knowl- 
edge of men and events, had taught him that 
often many of the people form hasty opinions, at 
variance with the greater knowledge and wider 
sources of information available to those in high 
executive authority. But the provocation was 
great. The feelings of our people were outraged 
by scenes enacted in the island near our shores, 
and by the continuance of the unhappy condi- 
tions which from time to time appeared there, 
culminating in merciless proclamations and de 
grading requirements that shocked the moral 
sense of this nation. From all sections came the 
imperious demand that k stop must be put to 
these things, and that no longer should there be 
tolerated upon the American Continent a condi- 
tion so menacing to our tranquillity and security. 


The President knew that to interfere meant 
war. He had faith in the people, and believed 
that with a fuller knowledge of the facts on their 
part, and with still greater endeavor upon the 
part of the United States, the authorities in 
Madrid would yet find a way to meet the re- 
quirements of civilization and evade the horrible 
alternative of hostilities. 

The war with Spain he sought by every honor- 
able means to avert, hewing steadfastly to his 
conception of the American ideal — peace with 
honor, war rather than dishonor ; justice to other 
nations, loyalty to his own. Foreseeing the con- 
flict, he foresaw its certain and many of its pos- 
sible evils. The one class could not be escaped ; 
to the avoidance of the other he gave his full 
energy and intelligence. That we entered upon 
the war so well prepared, so little hampered by 

mortgages on the future, and so generally united 
in purpose, was the result of long weeks of self- 
sacrificing, patriotic, devoted lalwr on the part of 
the dominant men among those intrusted at the 
time with our national fortunes — a labor in which 
the President led, and to which he^ve the best 
that was in him. 

During those trying days, when the war fever 
was constantly and rapidly increasing, there were 
frequent illustrations of the truth -of a statement 
made by one of his associates in public life that 
* ' McKinley was one of the greatest harmonizers 
America had ever known.'* Daily and nightly 
consultations were had at the White House be- 
tween the President and little groups of Senators 
and Representatives whom he invited to be pres- 
ent ; these meetings were utterly non-partisan in 
character, composed of Republican rivals and Re- 
publican followers, and of Silver as well as Gold 
Democrats. The requests to attend the confer- 
ences were invariably acceded to with respect 
and cordiality ; and the results which followed so 
broad-minded a course were of incalculable value 
in the preparation for and conduct of the war. 

Does any one believe that with a less concilia- 
tory policy, with less of the courteous consider- 
ateness that has characterized the intercourse of 
the President with Congress and prominent oflB- 
cials throughout the country, the marvelous re- 
sults would have been achieved as quickly and as 
completely as they were ? 

The destruction of the i/a inc. removed almost 
the last doubt of approaching conflict. There 
remained to avert it only the possibility of show- 
ing the awful tragedy to have been an accident, 
and, failing that, prompt and full reparation by 
Spain. The suspicion entertained by every Ameri- 
can was natural under the circumstances — our 
strained relations with Spain, the presence of our 
ship in one of her ports on a friendly errand, our 
faith in the high discipline of our navy, the eager- 
ness with which Spanish oflScials sought to charge 
the event to American inefficiency. Having this 
suspicion, based on such circumstances, what 
American could incline very strongly to the be- 
lief that reparation would be made ? And so the 
logic of the situation, added to the rage of the 
moment, almost involved us in what is now gen- 
erally conceded would have been a grave mistiCke 
— a war for revenge. 


In this time of great national excitement, a 
responsibility was suddenly imposed upon the 
President of an intensity unknown since the days 
of Lincoln. That he then realized that war was 
inevitable cannot be doubted, and under his di- 
rection the War and Navy Departments were 



Btraining every resource in preparation forjLhe 
coming conflict. 

The general feeling of indignation ran high , 
and the halls of Congress rang with th^ "Semands 
and denunciations of the impatient ones who 
ascribed to the man upon whose shoulders the 
terrible burden of decision rested unworthy 
and unpatriotic motives for his refusal to take 
thoughtless, hasty, and half- considered steps. 
It was at this time that the President, from a 
sense of duty, took his position against the recog- 
nition on the part of this Government of the so- 
called Cuban republic, g^ h<^ superior sources 
of knowledge of the actual couditions existing in 
the islands, and fully comprehending the fact that 
this recognition would have placed the oflBcers 
of our army who might enter Cuba under the 
command of Cuban generals, and that there 
existed no form of government among the in- 
surgents such as could be properly recognized 
under international law, he knew that such rec- 
ognition would be fraught with the gravest con- 
sequences. Under the conditions which existed 
in the island, a recognition of the so-called re- 
public meant helpless confusion and conflict, and 
humiliation in event of war. A false step then 
would have been irremediable. 

During the time the President was preparing 
his message to Congress, he was called upon per- 
sonally by the gi*eat majority of members of both 
houses, and the executive mansion was thronged 
each day with excited men protesting against any. 
thing short of complete recognition of the Cuban 
republic. He stated his reasons calmly and firm- 
ly to the people who called by hundreds to de- 
mand that his position be altered. 

His political leadership hung in the balance, 
and every argument of expediency which politi- 
cal ingenuity could devise was urged upon him. 
But he was adamant ; and, to the aid of that posi- 
tion which he knew to be right, he called every 
legitimate resource of his great power as chief 
executive, and every proper resource of his 
power as an individual. 


Our present calm retrospect makes the course 
of William McKinley at this juncture seem one 
of courageous patriotism. We recall the violent 
denunciation, the scathing contumely, heaped 
npon him for his refusal to take the precipitate 
action which was widely demanded ; the delib- 
erate manner in which be directed an investiga- 
tion of the "Maine explosion, awaited the report, 
and communicated its substance to the Spanish 
Government. With wisdom gained by the lapse 
of lime, we review the turbulent scenes in Con- 
gress, and remember the outcry then so much 

in accord with our own feelings. We see the 
President stubbornly battling against the hasty 
indignation of the moment, because he felt that 
the time was not ripe for war, yet quietly and 
skillfuUy preparing to meet the crisis when it 
should come ; and we see him not long after the 
recipient of a verdict of popular approval nearly 
as enthusiastic and quite as general as the de- 
nunciation of a few months before. 

When in his message to Congress of April 1 1 , 
1898, he uttered the words <*In the name of 
humanity, in the name of civilization, in behalf 
of endangered American interest, which give us 
the right and the duty to speak and to act^ the 
war in Cuba must stop," he realized the expec- 
tations of those who had followed his career 
through all its activities, and those who had 
prophesied for him a weak and un-American ad- 
ministration saw how erroneous had been their 
estimate of the man. 

Every effort put forth by the President and 
his cabinet having failed, and the gage of battle 
having been accepted in obedience to the dic- 
tates of humanity and civilization, and in accord- 
ance with the authority given the executive by 
Congress, the people learned that they had 
placed in the White House one who was Com- 
mander-in-Chief in fact as well as in name — a 
man of iron will in the prosecution of his coun- 
try's battles and in the exaction of honor and re- 
spect for its flag. 

The burdens of the executive oflBce during 
those weeks, and at the time when by message 
the Congress was made to share them, were more 
severe than have been placed upon any President 
since the Civil War. Out of the rancor and ex- 
citement the nation emerged prepared for con- 
flict ; partisan feeling was hushed in the presence 
of a great emergency, a vast sum was appropri- 
ated for national defense, and, with a unanimity 
not paralleled in our history, its expenditure in- 
trusted to the President of the United States. 
The discordant notes of sensationalism died away ; 
the tread of volunteere responding to the call to 
arms drowned the ill-natured comments of fault- 
finders, and carried messages of cheer and en- 
couragement to the White House. 

President McKinley rarely left his office until 
one or two o'clock at night ; frequently he was 
there until a much later hour. He personally 
supervised the details of preparation. He gath- 
ered from his cabinet advisers the latest infor- 
mation upon vital points of equipment. His 
orders for instant and thorough preparation and 
ceaseless vigilance reached the utmost limits of 
our national authority. The suggestions and 
criticisms that came to him from ^ parts of the 
country would fill volumes. The incessant stream 



of callers, always great, became larger, and every 
houi was filled with vast responsibilities. 

The war came on ; the President led in its 
prosecution. He was constantly in direct tele- 
graphic communication with the front, and the 
•* war room,'* adjoining his office in the execu- 
tive mansion, was his first resort in the morning 
and his last at night. Maps, elaborate in detail, 
covered the walls of the room ; and by means of 
tiny flags with pins for sticks the positions and 
changes of position of the ships and land forces 
of both sides were always before his eyes. 

Frequent cabinet meetings and less formal 
conferences with his immediate advisers, the for- 
mulation and consideration of plans, the organ- 
ization and movement of the army, the extension 
of the navy and its manipulation — these and many 
kindred duties engaged his time. 

And when the struggle was over, how prompt 
was his recognition of the loyalty, bravery, and 
self-sacrifice of our soldiers, our sailors, and our 
marines I And how ready he has been to accord 
all praise to the defenders of the national honor 
in the .Philippines, whose duty was nobly done, 
and who came to feel that their Commander-in- 
Chief Tit "Washington was never so busy as to 
overlook merit or so exacting as to ignore their 

With the cessation of hostilities came the prob- 
lems of peace. The Peace Conference at Paris 
felt the guiding hand and farseeing Americanism 
of the President at every stage of its proceedings. 
With no uncharitableness, he yet insisted upon 
those things which were the nation's right, and 
which the verdict of the future will establish as 
incalculable blessings, not only to our own peo- 
ple, but to the distant peoples who have come 
under our authority and within the beneficent 
influence of our free institutions. 


Among the opponents of the President's course 
in the Philippines, none has yet expressed a wish 
that the battle of Manila Bay had not been fought. 
In the President's view, the acquisition of the 
Philippines was the only result of that battle con- 
sistent with the American ideal of duty, and with 
characteristic sti'ength he has done his share in 
its accomplishment. Some of those who thought 
the battle could be fought without consequences 
have, while applauding the victory, decried the 
outcome ; but he has steadfastly pui-sued the pur- 
pose he believed to be right. 

It was a magnificent patience that withstood the 
pressure and temptations of the spring of 1898. 
The same patient mind dominated our soldiers at 
Manila in the early days of 1899, and restrained 
them from resenting the insults of ambitious 

Tagals, who had converted themselves into foes. 
The time was not yet ripe for retaliation ; for our 
legal title extended only to the confines of Ma- 
nila, and hostilities might require the invasion 
of territory which we were in honor bound to 
hold inviolable until the treaty of peace should 
give us the right to enter. Under orders from 
President McKinley to avoid a conflict with the 
Filipinos pending the ratification of the treaty, 
American honor was sustained ; and when mili- 
tary operations became necessary, they were car- 
ried on upon our own territory, and not upon that 
of a defeated foe with whom, under an armistice, 
we were treating for peace. 

The Filipino insurrection is at an end. The 
work of pacification that remains is only such 
as during our entire national existence has re- 
quired the presence of garrisons of soldiers on 
our frontiers and in other territory acquired in 
the past. Our title to tbe territory of the Phil- 
ippine Islands is undisputed. Shall we relin- 
quish them ? To whom ? This is a question for 
Congress ; and Congress, fully informed, on the 
subject, has calmly gone home, leaving to the 
President, for still many months, the duty of 
maintaining American sovereignty in the Philip- 
pines and providing for them a government. 
Tha> he will do both of these things unflinch- 
ingly, all Americans believe, though they do not 
all agree to the undertaking. 


The men who compose the cabinet are strong 
in their respective departments ; all of them 
strong in many branches of the public service. 
To the mature experience they brought into the 
cabinet have been added the trial and the test of 
great questions and new problems which have 
come before them for solution. To sustain with 
such a body of men relations of perfect confi- 
dence, so to guide debate, so to encourage the 
expression of personal opinion, so to invite vigor 
and individuality, as to make their discussions 
yield the largest results, is an acliievement for 
any man. But with all this, to dominate their 
deliberations tactfully, considerately, forcefully, 
is leadership of the highest order. This has 
been President McKin ley's relation to his cabi- 

No administration of recent years has dealt 
with such grave questions as have confronted the 
present one. The problems which have been 
crowded into any one of its three years would 
have made or unmade the fortunes of any admin- 
istration. But during these busy years the coun- 
try has taken note of things done, of promises 
fulfilled, of good faith and fair-dealing. In the 
excitement of debate, in the fancied necessitiee 



of political strategy t it is easy to state fallacies 
and natural to exaggerate evils. To the oppo- 
nent of tlie President and his administration, the 
conduct of the War with Spain appears open to 
severe criticism ; to the impartial student of his- 
tory, it is a record of marvelous preparation and 
execution. To tliose opposed to the results se- 
cured by the administration in the fields of finance, 
they presage an unstable currency and disaster to 
both capital and labor. To the practical, hard- 
1 leaded, far-sighted business man, who knows 
confidence to be the bulwark of the financial 
world, the strengthening of the gold standard, 
and the enactment into law of the platform prom- 
ises of the Republican party mean the perma- 
nence of public credit, the assurance of increased 
employment for labor, and the advancement of 
the country in its material interests. To many 
of the opponents of the administration, new pos- 
sessions mean a weakening of tradition and a de- 
parture from right principle. To its adherents, 
who believe they read aright the nation's destiny 
in the light of what has come from former expan- 
sion, they mean the quickening of national spirit, 
the extension of free institutions among peoples 
who have hitherto striven in darkness and doubt, 
the advancement of the Ref>ublic ever higher and 
higher in its mission of liberty and enlightenment. 

m'kinley a type. 

A great political leader is almost necessarily a 
type of the nation he leads — the embodiment of 
the characteristics of his time — the manifest prod- 
uct of the circumstances and conditions of the 
people he governs and directs. This is more 
especially true in the critical periods of a nation's 
history. W hen a people are profound ly absorbed 
in events — when it is necessary for them to come 
to conclusions upon vital matters — the man who 
most nearly represents them in character, rearing, 
and environment, as well as in thought, is most 
likely to reach a position of commanding power. 

Washington embodied, as did no other of the 
Revolutionary heroes, the virtues and the limita- 
tions of the colonial community to whom fell the 
task of maintaining for Americans their rights 
and of constructing a new nation. Lincoln was 
the type of the frontiersman — the American en- 
gaged in conquering the wilderness — of the de- 
mocracy which spread over the continent from 
East to West, carrying the idea of God and an 
eternal Justice, and which struggled too hard for 
its own life and happiness to be willing that any 
others should be denied them. 

William McKinley is just as much the inevi- 
table product of his time as these two great 
predecessors in the Presidency. His origin, his 
profession, his career, his manners, his niotiiods. 

his whole personality, and all his achievements, 
evidence this. 

The end of the Civil War marked a sharp 
change in American life. New national activi- 
ties, new currents of public thought, new condi 
tions, have been creating a new type of political 
leader. President McKinley's unquestioned lead' 
ership in economic and financial policies has been 
followed by as complete and successful leadership 
in international and diplomatic questions. Many 
of those who differ from him most widely do not 
question that he has dealt with the gravest inter- 
national matters — those involving the very future 
of the nation — masterfully, courageously, and con- 
sistently. Through the confused conflicts of our 
political life of the last twenty- five years, the jeal- 
ousies of eager competition in Congress, the hurly . 
burly of conventions, along a rough path full of 
pitfalls, over the obstacles of temporary failure, 
of inevitable misunderstandings of his purposes 
and underratings of his abilities, in spite of the 
alternations of party success, a fit man has sur- 
vived, and is the President of this nation at a 
time fraught with grave consequences for the 

The thirty years from 1830 to 1860 witnessed 
a conflict for domination between the then radi- 
cally differing civilizations and ideals of the South 
and North. The struggle for material well-being 
was severe, but did not absorb so much the ener- 
gies and attention of individuals as it has since. 

Since the Civil War, no issues with the moral 
importance of those of the ante-bellum period — 
slavery and the preservation of the Union — have 
until recently appeared. Public questions have 
become more and more of an economic nature. 
The energies and brains of the American people 
have been increasingly devoted to commercial and 
industrial development. 


For the past twenty- five years. President Mc- 
Kinley has been in public life, and has probably 
met more of his fellow -citizens in that time than 
any other living American. 

The impression of him which a casual caller 
at the White House receives is that of a sin- 
cere, patient, and kindly man of great natural 
dignity and tact. In his personal contact with 
others, he is geaerous of his time in the extreme, 
and listens to the stories of the unfortunate and 
complaining with a patience which surprises his 
associates, when he himself is bearing well-nigh 
crushing burdens of administrative responsibihty. 
He IS natii ^lly sympathetic, obliging, and self- 
sacrificing. i''^t all this reflects but one side 
of his character .^lthough it is the side which 
most impresses tlicce who meet him but casiirJly. 



His most predominant characteristics, which bind 
great bodies of men to him with rivets of steel ; 
which have lifted him from the position of a 
private soldier to that of Chief Magistrate of the 
nation, which have sustained him and carried 
him through the many great crises confronting 
him, and have given him the trust and confidence 
of the American people, — are his moral strength 
and his unflinching courage to do the right as he 
sees it, irrespective of temporary consequences. 
His natural gentleness and his tendency to ig. 
nore small and non-essential differences, his wil- 
lingness to oblige even his enemies, and his utter 
lack of vindictiveness, — all these, when the times 
of crisis have come and the eyes of the people 
have turned to him alone, have given him added 
strength to achieve great results in public affairs. 
At such times he has found that behind him is a 
multitude of men who believe in the sincerity 
of his purpose and his unselfishness, and are 
willing to trust his judgment. These character- 
istics of moral strength and courage are con- 
stantly apparent to those whose connection with 
the administration of national affairs gives them 
intimate knowledge of the ti'ue relation of the 
President to public questions. They have been 
manifest to the people of the United States when- 
ever great issues have placed responsibility upon 
him. In 1892, when the temporary reaction 
against the McKinley law brought defeat upon 
the Republican party, and the law was assailed 
both from without and within the ranks of the 
party. Major McKinley not only made no apology 
for his convictions, but took occasion, both be- 
fore and after the election of that year, espe- 
cially to emphasize his advocacy of the protective 
principles embodied in that law. 

His words uttered at Columbus, on February 
14, 1893, may well be repeated here. He said : 

The Republican party values its principles no less 
in defeat than in victory. It holds to them after a 
reverse, as before, because it believes in them ; and, be- 
lieving in them, is ready to battle for them. They are 
not espoused for mere policy, nor to serve in a single 
contest. They are set deep and strong in the hearts of 
the party, and are interwoven with its struggles, its 
life, and its history. Without discouragement, our 
great party reaffirms its allegiance to Republican doc- 
trine, and with unshaken confidence seeks again the 
public judgment through public discussion. The de- 
feat of 1892 has not made Republiean principles less 
true, nor our faith in their ultimate triumph less firm. 

President McKinley is a lawyer — a member of 

the profession which has the best primary equip- 
ment for participation in government, and which 
necessarily knows the fundamentals of state- 
craft. He is a lawyer from a small town, where 
the pecuniary rewards of legal practice are small 
and uncertain, and where it is unlikely that tal- 
ent will be early diverted to the service of corpo 
rations. He is from a community both agricul- 
tural and manufacturing, where the effect of 
financial policies upon industrial development 
has been well demonstrated. He is from a close 
and doubtful State, where the consequence of po- 
litical mistake is sudden defeat and leaders learn 
caution and wisdom in the hard school of immi- 
nent adversity. In a career open to all on an 
equal footing, among surroundings where arro- 
gance is as fatal as incompetence, he has risen 
inevitably to leadership by the force and attrac- 
tiveness of his character and personality. 


In a country whose social and political systems 
offer a wide range of opportunity to the indi- 
vidual, some of the greatest possibilities for de- 
velopment and for fame are open to him who has 
seemingly reached the end of American ambition 
by attaining to the Chief Magistracy of the na- 
tion. The fame of Presidents has been perpetu- 
ated or lost according as they have grasped or 
failed to grasp the American ideal of nationality. 
It seems hardly necessary now, after the many 
evidences of this embodied in our history, to as- 
sert that this ideal is not always contained in the 
popular agitation of the day — so often a delu- 
sion that by the morrow has vanished from the 
public mind. 

The clear vision to see through an effervescence 
of feeling to the enduring principle beneath it, 
and the strength and integrity to act in accord- 
ance with such a perception of the real aspira- 
tions of the people, make public men great. The 
absence of these traits accounts for the oblivion 
into which our prominent statesmen so often 
pass. Whether the fame of William McKinley 
shall remain a part of our national glory depends 
not altogether on the present popular estimate of 
his deeds, which even his contemporaries accord 
high rank. Another epoch, another generation, 
will pronounce the final verdict. But three years 
ago he was one of a number of popular leaders — 
an untried President. To-day his place is fixed 
by that severest of all tests, the faithful perform- 
ance of high public duties in a great crisis. 



1 FIRST met Mr. Bryan in the spring of 1894, 
and in a few hours I knew him well. It 
was an illustration of how quickly and strongly 
men are bound together by holding in common 
an unpopular belief. 

The year before, when writing an article for the 
Political Science Quarterly upon Giffen's -'Case 
Against Bimetallism," I had been slowly brought 
to the belief that 
the free comage 
of silver, instead 
of suddenly in- 
flating our cur- 
re n c y , would 
only provide for 
its gradual and 
steady expan- 
sion. Having 
reached this be- 
lief, I was natu- 
rally drawn into 
sympathy with 
the men in Con- 
gress w^ho advo- 
cated it. A few 
months later, the 
issue came to the 

In June, 1893, 
the English Gov- 
ernment closed 
the mints of In- 
dia to the coinage 
of silver; and 
when the pros- 
pective scarcity 
of currency occa- 
sioned by this 
Act caused prices 
all over the 
world to fall, 
President Cleve- 
land called Con- 
gress together to 
suspend the coinage of silver here, alleging that 
the fear of the depreciation of our currency 
had been the cause of the recent rise in its 
value — for the fall in prices meant nothing else. 
The speeches that were made when Congress 
assembled were, for a few days, disappoint- 
ing to my hopes. Soon, however, one speech 
was delivered the ability of which was recognized 

Copyright, 1899, by Barron Fredricks, N. Y. 


even by the hostile press, though the quotations 
made from it were almost entirely from the perora- 
tion — which, like most impassioned perorations, 
seemed eloquence to those who sympathized with 
it and gush to those who did not. This speech I 
carefully studied as soon as it appeared in the 
Congressional Record^ and I found that the elo- 
quent passages quoted in the press dispatches 

were almost the 
only passages in 
the speech that 
were not as calm- 
ly and closely 
reasoned as a 
court decision. 
It was not only 
the best Congres- 
sional speech I 
had read on the 
subject of bimet- 
allism, but it was 
a stronger argu- 
ment for bimet- 
allism than I had 
read in any of 
the scientific 
works upon the 
subject. From 
that time I re- 
garded Mr. Bry- 
an as the intel- 
lectual leader of 
the Silver forces; 
and no amount of 
abuse poured up- 
on him as a mere 
popular orator 
ever made me 
think of him as 
distinctively an 
orator, except in 
the sense in which 
he once defined 
an orator in a con- 
versation with me. ** An orator," he remarked, 
<*is a man who says what he thinks and feels 
what he says.'* In this sense, Mr. Bryan is an 
orator ; but if oratory is supposed to mean ring- 
ing declamation rather than earnest conversation, 
Mr. Bryan is not an orator one minute in ten. 

Holding this view of Mr. Bryan when I was 
called to Washington in the spring of 1894, I 



took pleasure in sending him my card at the 
door of the House of Representatives. It was 
the morning that the Coxey procession was 
about to enter the Capitol grounds, and Mr. 
Bryan and I stood togethelr on one of the ter- 
races of the Capitol to watch the event. That 
which surprised me then I have since found to 
be a fundamental characteristic of the man. I 
had expected him, as the representative of a 
Western district, where Populists were a major- 
ity among his constituents, to be in sympathy 
with the Coxey propaganda. But I found that 
he took no stock in it whatever. The people for 
whom he stood were the men who were trying 
to work at their homes, and not the adventurers 
called together for a theatrical procession ; and 
the method of increasing the currency for which 
he stood was one which was under the control of 
ihe Natioi^al Government, or which automatic- 
ally secured a constant expansion upon which 
business could safely be conducted. He be- 
lieved in bimetallism, because the indestructibil- 
ity of the precious metals made it impossible for 
changes in the production of any single year to 
greatly affect the amount or value of the accu- 
mulations of the past. The free coinage of sil- 
ver and gold together, he urged, never had in- 
flated the currency faster than the increase of 
business demanded, and he did not believe they 
ever would. He was more inclined to believe 
that the time would come when, in addition to 
gold and silver, paper money also must be used, 
in order to make the currency expand as fast as 
the volume of business, and thus preserve sub- 
stantial uniformity of prices. His whole posi- 
tion towards the currency was not that of a radi- 
cal who believed in the dogma, "the more 
money the more prosperity,*' but of a conserva- 
tive who agreed with the classic economists, that 
the quantity of the currency should be regulated 
so as to secure business stability as well as busi- 
ness activity. 


That evening, Mr. Bryan dined with me at my 
hotel, and after dinner we had a long talk to- 
gether. In the course of it he had occasion to 
tell me of the way in which he came to believe in 
bimetallism. When he was first elected to Con- 
gress, he said, he knew practically nothing about 
the question; but as his Republican opponent be- 
lieved in the free coinage of silver, and his own 
sympathies were with the farmers in their de- 
mand for this measure, the issue was never re- 
ferred to during the campaign. When he reached 
Washington, he said, he told his wife that he be- 
lieved the silver issue was going to grow in im. 
portance ; and they two, who had been in college 

at the same time, who both had studied law, the 
wife that she might be with her husband in his 
work, even though she took no part in it, 
devoted their leisure during the winter in 
Washington to studying the silver question to- 
gether. In speaking of the books which had 
most profoundly influenced them, he put first 
and foremost De Laveleye's ** Bimetallism." 
This book, I happened to know, had not been 
translated from the French, and the chance i-e- 
mark showed that his reading had not been con- 
fined to the English works. But the charm of his 
story had no relation to the thoroughness of the 
scholarship which it evinced. It lay entirely in 
the relation which it showed between himself and 
his wife. Heine once remarked that a German, 
even when married, continued to live ** a bache- 
lor life of the intellect. " Mr. Bryan seemed to me 
to illustrate that in America, more and more man 
and wife share together the same intellectual life 
GS well as the same social life. In speaking of 
one of his colleagues who died during that ses- 
sion of Congress, Mr. Bryan said that **he 
found his inspiration at his fireside." This 
seemed to me to be equally true of Mr. Bryan 
himself ; and the purity of the moral atmosphere 
about him, together with the strength of his re- 
ligious faith, both seemed to me counterparts of 
that love of wife and home which were the most 
strongly marked features of his private character. 
It is not, however, of Mr. Bryan's private 
character that I wish in this article to speak. 
That has been frequently enough eulogized ; and 
private character and private devotion to religion 
have too often been used to turn public attention 
from the public principles for which statesmen 
stand. My personal knowledge of the man, 
however, makes complete my conviction that 
his whole life was moored in what is best in the 
life of the American people, and that from in- 
stinct, more than from deliberation, he was likely 
to voice the conscience and the heart of the 



I next met Mr. Bryan in New York, after his 
party had been so overwhelmingly defeated in 
the Congressional elections of 1894. This defeat 
he bore with his customary good- nature. Dur- 
ing the campaign, he said, he had been in the 
habit of telling a story which was better than it 
was now. When the Republican speakers had 
claimed that thousands of discontented Demo- 
crats were going to vote the Republican ticket, 
he had said that they reminded him of the farmer 
who had asked the restaurant- keeper how much 
he paid for frog's legs, and when the restaurant- 
keeper had told him, had asked whether he 



would laice two caiioads at that rate. Wfa^i the 
restaurant* keeper assured him that he would take 
all that the farmer could bring, the farmer re- 
turned to his home, and a week later came into 
the restaurant with four frog*s legs. When the 
restaurant- keeper asked him where those two 
carloads were, he replied : * * When I heard them 
croaking, I thought they were two carloads, but 
when I came to catch them they were only two. " 
The story, said Mr. Bryan, had lost much of its 
point, since the returns had showed that over 
1,000,000 Democrats had failed to come to the 
polls to vote for their party. He was not, how- 
ever, at all discouraged as to the outlook for the 
cause which he represented. Tens of thousands 
of men who believe in the free coinage of silver, 
lie said, had voted the Republican ticket, and he 
believed that the Silver men in the Democratic 
party were strong enough to control its final atti- 
tude. This faith I then regarded as much too 
optimistic, but when I met him next his hopes 
had been fulfilled. It was at St. Louis, during the 
Republican convention of 1896. While we were 
dining together, I expressed my feeling that the 
all-important thing was to secure at Chicago the 
nomination of a candidate whom the Populists 
could indorse, and my belief that he was by all 
odds the most available man. It was the kind of 
a compliment to try a man's soul, and his stood 
the trial. Without self- depreciation or self- 
assertion, he discussed his prospects as if he had 
oeen a third person. He realized to the full 
that, in ordinary years, a man with his sympa- 
thies could not possibly secure the favor of the 
forces which dominate national conventions. But 
he also realized that this was an exceptional 
year ; that the common people were thoroughly 
stirred throughout the South and West ; and that 
men with bis sympathies were likely to control 
the approaching convention. Three weeks after- 
wards, the convention was held at Chicago, and 
Mr. Bryan received the nomination. 

The campaign which followed is national his- 
tory, and no word need be said here as to its char, 
icter. For those who live in the East, however, 
and for those also who live in the cities of the 
West, the extent of the change which the cam- 
paign of 1896 wrought in the Democratic party 
may demand a few words. 


In 1894, in the section west of the Allegha- 
nies and north of the Ohio, the Democratic party 
had been crushingly defeated. In many States 
itavote was less than that of the Populists. Even 
IB Ohio, the easternmost of these States, its vote 
iiad fallen from 404,000 cast for President Cleve- 
land m 1892 to 276,000 cast for the Democratic 

State ticket in 1894. In 1896 the vote for Mr. 
Bryan in Ohio rose to 477,000, or 70,000 more 
than the vote by which President Harrison had 
carried the State in 1892. Nor did this gain of 
200,000 votes mark the full extent of the change 
that had been wrought. Thousands of Demo- 
ci*at8 voted against Mr. Bryan in 1896 ; and tens 
of thousands of Republicans — Quaker Republi- 
cans, Abolition Republicans — men who had been 
with the Republican party since 1856 — voted for 
the first time in their lives for the Democratic 
candidate. Prior to 1896 the cities had been the 
stronghold of the Democratic party, and the rural 
districts the stronghold of the Republicans. In 
1896 the situation was reversed. Prior to 1896 
the immigrant voters had been, as a rule, on the 
jside of the Democrats, and the American -born 
voters on the side of the Repubhcans. In 1896 
this, too, was changed. It is safe to say that, of 
the 3,000,000 votes cast for Mr. Bryan in 1896 
west of the Alleghanies and north of the Ohio, 
much less than one- half had voted the Demo- 
cratic ticket in 1894. It was a new party, nu- 
merically stronger than the old, and infinitely 
surpassing it in the moral enthusiasm which came 
out of the contest. Eastern Democrats and city 
Democrats, who demand that the brilliant Silver 
Republican leader who has been nominated by 
the Populists for Vice-President ought to be ig- 
nored by the National Democratic Convention 
do not realize how new a party was brought into 
being by that conflict. The supreme auty of the 
present campaign is the union of all these forces, 
and the action of the Populists in nominating the 
Democratic leader for President and the anti- 
imperialist Silver Republican leader for Vice- 
President ought to be accepted as a sufficient 
offering for union on the part of the elementa 
which constitute so large a part of the new 
Democracy in the pivotal States of the West. 


In 1896 Mr. Bryan was represented in the 
cities, and even on the farms, in the East as the 
representative of destructive radicalism. Every 
plank in the platform was caricatured, and its 
defenders could get no hearing, because the daily 
press was almost a unit against them. The plank 
declaring for the free coinage of silver was repre- 
sented as a declaration in favor of a 50 -cent dol- 
lar, though the whole argument for free coinage 
was that the restoration of silver to the currency 
would certainly double the demand for silver 
bullion and almost certainly double its price. 
Coined silver had never fallen below the legal 
ratio. In 1890, when a single house of Congress 
passed a bill for the unlimited purchase of silver 
at a price not exceeding 16 to 1, the value of 



silver bullion rose all over the world to 17 lo I. 
Rightly or wrongly, the bimetallist forces be- 
lieved that free coinage would restore the mar- 
ket value of silver to the ratio which it held for 
two hundred years, during most of which time 
silver was relatively more abundant than now. 
"Whether this belief was correct or not, the in- 
justice of the outcry against a ** proposed 50-cent 
dollar " is none the less apparent, because most 
of the men who supported free coinage supported 
it only because they believed that it would in- 
crease the currency with dollars on a par with 
gold — which itself, however, would be less in 
demand. If free coinage at the old ratio failed 
to have the anticipated effect, the very men who 
voted for it would vote to change the ratio, or 
otherwise provide that a dollar's worth of silver 
bullion should be back of every dollar issued by 
the Government. The same thing holds true to- 
day. As Mr. B?yan himself has said, ** The res- 
toration of silver to the currency does not take 
away from Congress the power to enact subse- 
quent legislation." The free coinage of silver is 
not championed by Mr. Bryan or his supporters 
as a measure of reckless radicalism. They sup- 
port it because they know that for centuries past 
the coinage of ooth metals has hardly increased 
the currency fast enough to prevent falling prices 
and business stagnation ; and they believe that 
the acceptance of monometallism, carrying with 
it the inevitable retirement o^ all legal- tender 
silver, means decades of recurring depression, 
until the credit of the world is adjusted to one- 
half of its old foundation. The partial restric- 
tion of the coinage of silver since 1873 has not 
established the logical gold standard. To every 
clear-sighted monometallist, all the silver cur- 
rency of the world is unsound currency ; and only 
when it is replaced by promises to pay gold, and 
those promises are redeemed in gold, will the 
world's currency rest upon a sound gold basis. 
Those who contemplate cutting in two the basis 
upon which the credits of the world rest are the 
radicals, and not those who would keep in the 
world's currency the four billions of silver already 
there, and add to it year by year the new silver 
bullion not used in the arts. 

The other planks in the Chicago platform met 
with misrepresentation hardly more justifiable. 
The plank condemning government by injunction 
was not a condemnation of equity proceedings ; 
and the demand for an income tax was only a 
renewal of the demand made by the Republican 
party in its early days, and made to-day by every 
liberal party in Western Europe, that a part of 
the burdens of taxation should rest upon what 
men own rather than on what they need. Just 
after the campaign of 1896, the writer had the 

pleasure of meeting Mr. Leopold Maxse, the edi- 
tor of the National Review^ of London. Mr. 
Maxse, I soon found, was heartily in sympathy 
with the renewed coinage of silver. The action 
of our federal courts in issuing blanket injunc- 
tions against labor organizations, commanding 
them to refrain from acts legal and illegal, and 
punishing them without trial by jury for alleged 
disobedience, seemed to him inconsistent with the 
precedents of English jurisprudence. The demand 
of the Chicago platform, that the need of increased 
revenues of our national Government should be 
met by a light tax on the incomes of the rich, 
instead of a still heavier tax on the necessities of 
the poor, seemed to him one that all parties ought 
to support. Presently a chance remark of his 
seemed to indicate that the National Review was a 
Conservative magazine. I said to him, in some 
astonishment, <* Do you mean to say that you are 
a Conservative? " * * Yes, " he replied ; < * in Eng- 
land they call me a Tory; — but here, it seems, I 
am an anarchist.'' 

The fierce passions which marked the cam- 
paign of 1896 have now subsided. Men under- 
stand each other better ; and the raising of new 
issues, upon which people divide differently, has 
forced men in all parties to recognize the pa- 
triotism of those whom they fiercely condemned 
as anarchists on the one side or sycophants on 
the other during the campaign of 1896. The 
new issues that have been presented have lost 
Mr. Bryan the support of many voters in the 
West who supported the free coinage of silver, 
not as a measure of justice, but as a measure 
from which their section would receive pecuniary 
profit. The very same element, in fact, has been 
powerfully appealed to by the promise of com- 
mercial gain for the Pacific Slope held out by the 
Republicans as a result of the subjugation of 
the Philippines. Just how the possession of the 
Philippines is to effect this result, they do not 
explain ; for few of them can calmly deny the 
truth of Benjamin Franklin's statement, that 
* * the true and sure means of extending and secur- 
ing commerce are the goodness and cheapness of 
commodities." But however wrongly held, the 
belief that the Pacific Slope, at least, will get 
profit from the conquest of the Philippines, is 
common among the commercial classes in the far 
West. One intelligent business man assured the 
writer that Oriental expansion would restore 
*' dollar wheat," though the same man beheved 
that it would injure us to trade freely with 
Europe, because of its ill-paid labor. By rea- 
son of these commercial dreams, Mr. Bryan is 
likely to lose largely from his vote of 1896 in 
the Mining States, and also on the Slope. But 
what he loses there is likely to be offset, and 



offset several times over, by the gains which he 
has made in the East among the classes which 
sympathize with his devotion to the interests of 
the common people and the ideals of American 
democracy, but who differed from him intel- 
lectually respecting the results of bimetallism. 


The first and less important of the new ques- 
tions that have forced their way to the front dur- 
ing the past four years is that of the trusts. 
Upon this question Mr. Bryan's attitude is con- 
spicuously that of a conservative. Because it is 
80, he has lost the support of a few irreconcil- 
able radicals who voted for him in 1896. One 
of the best thinkers among these remarked to 
the writer : ** Why should I support Bryan ? He 
is at heart an individualist.*' This is preemi- 
nently true. Mr. Bryan is at heart an individu- 
alijit. He believes, it is true, in the municipal 
ownership of public franchises ; but that is be- 
cause these municipal franchises are inevitably 
monopolies, and he agrees with the principle of 
oar common law that a private monopoly is es- 
sentially hostile to the welfare of a community. 
The fact, too, that these municipal monopolies 
roust be managed under the oversight of the or- 
dinary voters intensifies his faith that this is a 
democratic measure. But his advocacy of mu- 
nicipal ownership of municipal monopolies does 
not give to him the slightest sympathy with the 
socialist and capitalist programme, that all sorts 
of manufacturing and other businesses must be 
allowed to pass into the hands of private monopo- 
lies. He does not believe, with the Socialists, 
that for the citizens to permit themselves to 
come nnder the control of private monopolies is 
a promising way for them to get the private 
monopolies under their control ; and he does not 
beheve, with the capitalists, that private monop- 
oly secures the welfare either of the public or 
the employees under its power. Even on the 
economic side, he knows the inertia which private 
monopoly has always produced, the restriction of 
production which monopoly prices have always 
brought to the industry controlled, and the slug- 
gishness in making improvements which lack of 
competition has always engendered. But even did 
be believe the absurd economic claims put forward 
in every age by the partisans of monopoly, it would 
ttill be hateful to him because of its depressing 
influence upon the independence, the self-reliance, 
tbe manhood of its employees. A nation of ir- 
xvsponsible workmen under the direction of pri- 
nto monopolies is as hateful to his sentiments as a 
nation of irresponsible subjects under the control 
of mlers. Indeed, it would be more hateful ; for 
be believes that our republican institutions are, in 

large measure, the result of the economic inde- 
pendence of the mass of our people. To de- 
stroy this independence and individual responsi- 
bility would be to destroy the best element in 
our national character. He is, as my Socialist 
friend said, at heart an individualist ; and he 
therefore would put an end to the protection of 
trusts by the tariff, and would use all the power 
of the Government to prevent the contracts by 
which combinations keep their patrons from buy- 
ing of competitors, and the secret rebates by 
which they secure cheaper access to markets. 


He has never, to my knowledge, declared him- 
self in favor of aggressive action regarding the 
ownership of railroads ; but not long ago he sent 
me, with evident indorsement, an address recent- 
ly made by Interstate Commerce Commissioner 
Prouty regarding the proposed amendment of 
the Interstate Commerce Act, so that the com- 
mission shall not only have its present power to de- 
clare certain rates unjust, but also have the power 
originally intended to specify what rates are 
reasonable. One of the passages in the Republi- 
can commissioner's address read as follows : 

It is urged by the railways that no oommission can 
deal with these rate situations. The idea seems to be that 
nobody not specially ordained can deal with a freight 
rate, and that the right of ordination consists in put- 
ting a party on the pay-roU of a railway company. . . . 
To-day the railway is the sole judge between itself and 
the public of the rate which it makes. Some tribunal 
should be devised to which the public can appeal, and 
from which the public can obtain relief. 

The CuUom bill, to give the Interstate Com- 
merce Commission the power to give the public 
relief, — subject, of course, to an appeal to the 
higher courts, — Mr. Bryan would undoubtedly 
support ; and with the support of the President, 
this bill, already demanded by many boards of 
trade as well as farm organizations, could be 
made law. With the Interstate Commerce Com- 
mission authorized to fix what rates are reason- 
able, the destruction of the small firms in the 
small towns by reason of the discriminations in 
favor of their competitors in the cities could in a 
large measure be stopped, and by requiring com- 
plete publicity for the transactions of railroads 
the secret concessions granted to powerful indi- 
viduals and to trusts could in a large measure be 
prevented. These are not the remedies of a radi- 
cal, but the remedies of a conservative, who 
would restore to the rural districts and to the 
industry of small manufacturers and merchants 
the rights which are naturally theirs. If the 
artificial advantages to the trusts were removed, 
and if the combinations of manufacturers in dif- 



ferent States to form a monopoly were as effect- 
ively prohibited as the combinations of national 
banks in different towns now are, the menace of 
the trusts would be largely removed. 


But the supreme issue in the approaching cam- 
paign will not be the trusts. It will not be an eco- 
nomic issue at all. Mr. Bryan typifies the Ameri- 
can people in the fact that to him moral issues are 
of supreme importance, and that the principles of 
liberty for which this country has always stood 
are the supreme expressions of the national con- 
science. He warmly supported the war for the 
emancipation of Cuba, because he believed that 
our duty as a neighbor, and our principle that all 
men have the right of self-government, demanded 
that we should put an end to the slaughter which 
was going on at our doors. But when the war 
for Cuban independence first threatened to turn 
into a war for the subjugation of the Philippines, 
Mr. Bryan sounded the note of warning. On 
June 14, 1898, when the first intimations were 
received that our government did not sympathize 
with the independence of the Philippines, but was 
negotiating for their annexation, Mr. Bryan spoke 
as follows at the trans- Mississippi Exposition at 
Omaha : 

History will vindicate the position taken by the 
United States in the war with Spain. In saying this I 
assume that the principles which were invoked in the 
inauguration of the war will be observed in its prose- 
cution and conclusion. If, however, a contest under- 
taken for the sake of humanity degenerates into a war 
of conquest, we shall find it difficult to meet the charge 
of having added hypocrisy to greed. ... If others turn 
to thoughts of aggrandizement and yield allegiance to 
those who clothe land-covetousness in the garb of na- 
tional destiny, the people of Nebraska will, if I mistake 
not their sentiments, plant themselves upon the dis- 
claimer entered by Congress, and insist that good faith 
shall characterize the making of peace, as it did the be- 
ginning of war. 

Four months later, immediately after the sign- 
ing of the treaty of peace with Spain, Mr. Bryan 
resigned his commission as colonel of his regi- 
ment. In an interview then published, he stated 
his reasons for resigning, as follows : * * Now 
that the Treaty of Peace has been concluded, I 
believe I can be more useful to my country as a 
civilian than as a soldier. I may be in error, 
but in my judgment our nation is in greater 
danger just now than Cuba. Our people de- 
fended Cuba against foreign arms ; now they 
must defend themselves and their country against 
a foreign idea — the colonial idea of European na- 
tions. Our nation must give up any idea of en- 
tering upon a colonial policy such as is now pur- 
sued by European powers, or it must abandon 

the doctrine that governments obtain their just 
powers from the consent of the governed. " From 
that time to the present, Mr. Bryan has been un- 
ceasing in his demand that the nation should re- 
main true to the principles which Jefferson for- 
mulated in the Declaration of Independence, and 
which Lincoln reformulated when he declared 
that * * no man is good enough to govern another 
without that other's consent." 

MR. Bryan's choice of position. 

At the time that he resigned from the army, 
Mr. Bryan took one position which has brouglit 
down upon him unceasing criticism from one 
New England an ti- imperialist who believed that 
the annexation of the Philippines should be pre- 
vented by the Senate's refusal to ratify the Treaty 
of Peace. Mr. Bryan's reason for following 
Lincoln's maxim, that '* friends can make laws . . . 
easier than aliens can make treaties," was at the 
time clearly stated by himself ; but his statement 
has not received the attention which it deserves. 
** It will be easier," he said, *' to end the war at 
once by ratifying the treaty, and then deal with 
the subject in our own way. The issue can be 
presented directly by a resolution of Congress de- 
claring the policy of the nation upon this sub- 
ject. The President, in his message, says that our 
only purpose in taking possession of Cuba is to 
establish a stable government, and then turn that 
government over to Cuba. Congress could re- 
affirm this purpose in regard to Cuba, and assert 
the same purpose in regard to the Philippines and 
Porto Rico. Such a resolution would make a 
clear-cut issue between the doctrine of self-gov- 
ernment and the doctrine of imperialism." Such 
a resolution was offered in the Senate, and was 
only defeated by the casting vote of the Vice- 
President. The defeat of this resolution laid 
upon the administration the responsibility of con- 
tinuing the war. 


The arguments which Mr. Bryan has been mak- 
ing in all parts of the country in favor of treating 
the Philippines as we are pledged to treat Cuba 
have been, in the main, arguments addressed to 
the nation's sense of honor and duty. He has, 
liowever, shown the baselessness of the claim that 
we should continue the war because of the com- 
mercial advantages to be secured. The Spanish 
islands, he has pointed out, are already more 
densely peopled than our own territory, and can- 
not, like our expansion toward the West, possibly 
furnish a field of opportunity for American labor. 
The plain people of America, who demanded the 
annexation of Louisiana when the aristocratic 
class opposed it, are being guided by the same 



true instinct when they oppose tlio annexation of 
the Philippines, which the capitalist class demands. 
American labor cannot be benefited by the con- 
quest of tropical islands more densely peopled than 
our own Eastern States. It cannot go there. The 
only opening that can be made is for American 
capital ; and even this opening can be better se- 
cu!*ed if we retain the friendship of the people, as 
we have that of the Mexicans and Japanese, by 
respecting their aspirations for independence. It 
is the height of absurdity, he points out, for the 
same administration to insist that we should 
'*have an English financial system in order to 
bring European capital into the States, and also 
an English colonial policy for the purpose of tak- 
ing American capital out.'^ Even if-' the war in 
the Orient did give additional profit to American 
capital taken from our own country, these profits 
would not come to the people who pay the taxes 
to support the war. To the plain people of the 
country, upon whom the mass of these taxes 
would fall, the policy of militarism means nothing 
but loss ; and Mr. Bryan appeals to all who would 
keep this nation free from militarism to resist 
the colonial policy, whose first fruits in legislation 
was the administration's ill-timed advocacy of the 
bill for the permanent quadrupling of the stand- 
ing army. 

America's mission. 

But Mr. Bryan's principal arguments have never 
l»t»en addressed to the nation's sense of its own 
i-conomic welfare — not even to its sense of the 
economic welfare of its poorer classes. The ques- 
tion to hira has been one of the nation's duty to 
remain true to those principles of liberty which 
have been the very life of our own democracy 
and of the century's struggles for democracy all 
over the globe. He believes, more profoundly 
than any of the imperialists, in the greatness of 
America's mission ; for he believes that that mis- 
sion has been of transcendent importance during 
the century that is past. In an address delivered 
upon Washington's Birthday, last year, when 
speaking of the love of human liberty which this 
nation has cherished, Mr. Bryan said: 

This seDtiment was well-nigh universal until a 
Tear ago. It wss to this sentiment that the Cuban 
insurgents appealed. It was this sentiment which im- 
pelled oar people to enter into the war with Spain. 

Have the people so changed in a few short months that 
they are now willing to apologize for the War of the 
Revolution, and force upon the Filipinos the same sys- 
tem of government against which the colonists pro- 
tested with fire and sword ? The hour of temptation 
has come, but temptations do not destroy : they merely 
test the strength of individuals and nations ; they are 
either stumbling-blocks or stepping-stones; they lead 
to infamy or fame, according to the use made of them. 
If I mistake not the sentiment of the American people, 
they will spurn the bribe of imperialism, and by resist- 
ing temptation, win such a victory as has not been won 
since the battle of Yorktown. For over ten decades our 
nation has been a world-power. During its brief exist- 
ence it has exerted upon the human race an influence 
more potent for good than all the other nations of the 
earth combined, and it has exerted that influence with- 
out the use of sword or Gatling gun. Mexico and the 
republics of South and Central America testify to the 
benign influence of our institutions, while Europe and 
Asia g^ve evidence of the working of the leaven of self- 
government. Standing upon the vantage-ground al- 
ready gained, the American people can aspire to a 
grander destiny than has opened before any other race. 
Anglo-Saxon civilization has taught the individual to 
protect his own rights. American civilization will 
teach him to respect the rights of others. Anglo-Saxon 
civilization has taught the individual to take care of 
himself ; American civilization, proclaiming the equal- 
ity of all before the law, will teach him that his own 
highest good requires the observance of the command- 
ment^ **Thou Shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." 

Such is the appeal made by the leader of the 
new democracy to the conscience and heart of 
the American people. He goes before the people 
appealing to their profoundest patriotic and re- 
ligious sentiments. He demands that we shall 
stop the war in the Philippines by treating those 
islands as we promised to treat Cuba, and as 
m the past we have treated all the nations of 
Spanish America. The fundamental principle of 
our democracy, he aflBrms, demands that we shall 
give to the people of the Philippines the govern- 
ment of their choice. The fundamental law of 
our religion demands that we shall treat them as 
we ourselves would be treated. In 1900 under 
Mr. Bryan, as in 1860 under Mr. Lincoln, the 
pai-ty which would lift up the manhood of the 
poor makes the foundations of the platform the 
Declaration of Independence and the Golden 
Rule. Dare men of conscience repudiate these 
principles ; dare they refuse to apply them to the 
supreme issue pressing for settlement ? 





A WELL- KNOWN sociologist has said that 
the greatest successes of social reform lie in 
the work for children. If the children of the 
present are taught aright, the coming generations 
will tend in the same direction, and, by uncon- 
scious evolution, good will be wrought. 

The children's library is gradually being rec- 
ognized as a great factor in sociological questions 
for the young, and the incompleteness of any 
educational system which does not provide this is 
being forced upon us. What more influences 
the character of a child than the ideal he strives 
to iollow ? Nothing creates ideals sooner than 
books, and if the public is to profit greatly by 
its library it must be trained from childhood 
into the use of proper reading. 

It is said that 50 per cent, of our children 
leave school before the age of twelve. How to 
reach these children with good ajid, at the same 
time, educational influences is a problem that is 
agitating the workers in cities. It is quite as 
serious as those which confront earnest thinkers 
in regard to the betterment of men and women. 

What to do with the children in the free public 
libraries has been one of the unsettled questions. 
For the comfort of the elder readers it is desir- 
able that the children should not come in large 
numbers into the main part of the library, and 
yet it is of vital importance that they should feel 
at home in some part of the building. 

The separation of children from the adult 

users of the library, by means of a room of their 
own, originated in the public library of Brook - 
line, Mass., which in 1890 set aside an unused 
room as a children's reading-room. In 1893 the 
Minneapolis Library fitted up a room for the 
young people which has the largest number of 
children's books provided by any public library 
in the country. The Denver Public Library also 
opened a circulating library for children, and by 
1896 Boston, Omaha, Seattle, San Francisco, 
Detroit, New Haven, Buffalo, Pratt Institute 
(Brooklyn), Pittsburg, and Kalamazoo had fol- 
lowed suit. The Chicago Library has no speci|il 
room for children, and they are expected to use 
the branch libraries. Out of 125 libraries, 31 
have some sort of children's reading-room. 

At present there are four principal kinds of 
children's libraries : 

1. That represented by the New York Free 
Circulating Library, in which children are served 
with adults. 

2. That of the Ulica Library, in which ju- 
venile literature is given a special set of shelves. 

3. That of the Pratt Institute Free Library, 
m which the children have a separate room open- 
ing out of the room for adults. 

4. That of the Minneapolis Public Library, in 
which the children have a room on the ground 
floor entirely separate from the part of the build- 
ing devoted to adults, and need not enter the 
main part of the building. 



One of the signs of improvement is the fact 
that libraries are not simply interested in chil- 
dren, but are devising ways to do more effectual 
work. The building and furniture of the chil- 
dren's department are important factors, and the 
children's librarian must have the l>est scholastic 
training. Most of all, she must be in sympathy 
with the little ones and be in every way their 
'* guide, philosopher, and friend." The librarian 
in this department in the Kalamazoo Library is 
a kindergartner of many years* experience. Be- 
sides the books and periodicals for use in this 
library, they have dissected maps, pictures, and 
drawing- cards ; also pictures that the children 
can cut up and paint. On cold and 'stormy Sat- 
urdays the room is crowded to its utmost capa- 
city, and the sight of two boys on one cliair is 
not an uncommon one. 

The demands of children are almost as various 
as the children themselves, and a sympathy with 
child nature is needful to understand their wants. 
As a rule, one attendant is kept in the room to 
give the children personal attention. Some li- 
braries have an age-limit for borrowers, and the 
a<lmis8ion of children under twelve to member- 
ship is of recent date. Cases of mischief- making 
are rare, though the temptation to carry off an 
interesting book is a strong one, and the number 
reported lost in a year is surprisingly small. 

The children's room is open daily and in some 
cases evenings. It has been thought desirable 
that chihlren be allowed to have access to the 
shelves and select their own books. The disad- 
vantage of the use of the general catalogue by 
children is illustrated by the boy who wanted to 
read something besides fiction, and walked off 
with Mrs. Oliphant's ** Annals of a Publishing 
House" under his arm. Happily, he was dis- 
oovereil in time ; but the only remedy is a room 
where the children can examine the books on 
the shelves. Other requisites for a children's 
room are plenty of sunshine, plenty of books, 
and plenty of assistants. 

One of the successful features of the work for 
children in the past six months in the Cleveland 
Public Library has been the display, in the open 
ffcck, from week to week, of books upon various 
subjects. Among the subjects thus displayed 
have been Arbor Day, artistic book -making, 
Christmas, hot- weather dishes, humor, Lenten 
reading, music, and war. Successful exhibits 
have also been given of original drawings for 
>K)ok illustration and book -cover design, the work 
o( the Cleveland Art Scliool. 

An experiment has been started in the organ- 

uation of the Children's Library League, which 

- originated in Cleveland. Children in the league 

are pledged to the loving care of the books 

and brought into relationship with the library. 
Badges are proudly worn by meml)ers. A short 
time ago a mass -meeting was held in the Music 
Hall of Cleveland, over 5,000 children being 
present. This league exists in Jamestown, N. Y. , 
Dayton, Ohio, Minneapolis, and other places. 
Everything possible is done to get children to 
join, and the following has been issued in the 
form of a book-mark by the Minneapolis Library : 



Llbraro League Book Mark 

Slo. u 

!>• j«a beloat to tiM Library Lcagoe? 

Wc want every boy and girl in the 
City to become a member. You know 
wc have one of the largest children's 
libraries in the United States, and it is 
a great deal of work to keep it in good 
condition. There are about 12,000 
books, all for your use and under your 
protection. In September wc are go- 
ing to ask you to sign the League 
pledge, if you have not already done 
so, and we want you to be thinking 
about it. Here it is: 

V WW www 
r We, tiM «ikler«lgned, aenWrs off the \ 
I MiaaeepolU Library Leotno* asreo to do 4 
^ all la oar power to help In keeplaf the Pub- j 
{ lie Ubrary books from theftondlQlnry. We J 
I will not oartelvee handle any library book 
\ ronghly • or mark It. or turn down Icnvee, 

00k i 
• or J 

r expose It to dttnagct ffrom rain or snow. Wo J 
» will do whet we can to Interest othera la 4 

\ tbo proper care of the library books; we 1 
an end to the j 

S will do what we can to pot 
I destrnctlon of library property, whet cr j 
> books,' periodicals or newspapers, by will* € 
L f nl tearing or catting. \ 

The League has now about 10,000 

Leagftie Mottot Qean lieartB» dean 
han^ dean books* 

A new nature book mark is in preparation by 
the Minneapolis Library which will contain a list 
of books suitable for nature work. 

V^arious other book marks have b<*en adopted. 



The one which has been in general use is the 
children's Maxson book- mark. This was written 
by the Rev. H. D. Maxson, of Menoinonee, Wis. , 
and is used in numerous libraries. Its unique 
wording attracts a child instantly, and he will 
mind the precepts where a stupid, moralizing 
leaflet would obtain no attention. It runs thus : 


''Once on a time" a Library Boole was 
overheard talking to a little boy who had 
just borrowed it. It said: 

''Please don't handle me with dirty hands. 
I should feel ashamed to be seen when the 
next little boy borrowed me* 

Or leave me out in the rain. Books can 
catch cold as well as children. 

Or make marks on me with your pen or 
pencil; it would spoil my looks. 

Or lean on me with your elbows when 
you are reading me. It hurts. 

Or open me and lay me face down upon 
the table. You wouldn't like to be treated so. 

Or put in between my leaves a piencll or 
anything thicker than a single sheet of thin 
paper. It would strain my back. 

Whenever you are through reading me, 
if you are afraid of losing your place, don't 
turn down the comer of one of my leaver 
but have a neat little Book Mark to put in 
where you stopped, and then close me and 
lay me down on my side so that 1 can have 
a good, comfortable rest. 

Remember that I want to visit a great many 
other little boys after .you are through with 
me.: Besides, I may meet you again some 
day, and you would be sorry to see me- look* 
ihg old and torn and soiled. Help me to 
keep fresh and clean, and 1 will help you to 
be happy." 

The Pratt Institute has a register pledge as 
follows : "By writing my name in this register 
I pledge myself to take good care of all the books 
I draw from the library and pay all fines and 
damages rightly charged against me." In new 
books is pasted: '*This is a new book. Take 
good care of it. If you keep it clean and fresh 
it will last a long time and many other boys and 
girls will be able to use it." This institute has 
frequent lectures for the chihlren, exhibits of 
flowers and birds, and the room is cheery and 

St. Louis takes great interest in its child ren*s 
room. The department is in charge of a fornior 

teacher, and free access is allowed to the shelves. 
Since Christmas they have had a collection of 
Madonnas, surmounted by a fine engraving of 
the Bodenhausen Madonna, a collection of pic- 
tures calling attention to some of the best story 
l)Ooks, and a unique card calling attention to se- 
lections from famous poems, with suitable illus- 

During the holidays some libraries have ad 
vertised children's week, and the number who 
accepted the invitation to visit the libraries has 
been astounding. The government of these li- 
braries requires tact and sympathy. No force 
is needed, and as a rule the little ones are well 
behaved. Indeed, a boy or a girl likes the re- 

children's department, kaijlmazoo library. 

sponsibility. Much can be done in the way of 
educating children by the use of illustrations, 
and pictures often appeal where books do not. 
Boston has a picture club, with folios of plioto- 
graplis for circulation among the children. 

The Milw^aukee Public Library has one of the 
finest children's rooms. A large,, cheerful room 
on the third floor is given over to the children. 
About 8,000 books are slielved here, among 
which the children are allowed to go and choose 
their own reading. Tliere are a few good pic- 
tures and casts in the room, and on the wall di- 
rectly opposite the entrance is painted tastefully 
the following : '*This room is under the protec- 
tion of the boys and girls of Milwaukee ; " and 
this is the spirit of the work. The children feel 
a proprietary interest in the room, and like to aid 
in keeping the shelves orderly and to report books 
that need repair. To encourage familiarity with 
authors their birthdays are celebrated by dis- 




playing tlieir portraits and pictures illustrative of 
their works with the books tliemselves. At 
Christmas time they had an exhibition of copies 
of the famous Madonnas. During the spring 
they had an exhibition of seventy-five pictures 
of birds, with books, stories, and poems about 
hirds j)laced in a conspicuous place near them. 
A talk about birds was also given. 

Cincinnati has seen the need of a children's 
room, and has just opened one capable of shelv- 
injf 5,000 volumes. They plan to make it a 
children's library and read- 
ing-room, witli competent 
attendants to guide their 

Children as a rule enter 
a lil)rary, and after receiv- 
ing a card are directed to 
the children's room. If 
they wish for any reason 
to go to the main room 
they are permitted, but 
most children are satisfied 
with the l)ooks in their own 
room. A f ter choosing the 
hook he desires, either with 
or without the librarian's 
assistance, the book with 
card is handed the libra- 
rian, the proper charge 
niade, and the child passes 
oat, unless he desires to re- 
ro^ to read. The young 
people, from little tots who 
oannot read to young men 
and women,' enjoy these 

Hawthorne, ** Tangle- 
wood Tales,*' and **The 
Jungle Stories " are not too 
diflBcult for children, and 
there is educational value 
in many of the stories of 
St, Nicholas and other so- 
called juvenile magazines. 
In many libraries large 
tables are loaded with maps 
and pictures, and many a 
book which otherwise 
might le dull is found in- 
teresting when prettily il- 

Detroit has been inter- 
ested in the work for chil- 
dren since 1887, when 
books were first sent to 
the high school . for help 
in class work. It now has 
a children's room on the ground floor. All of 
the best periodicals for children are kept on file, 
and errand boys, newsboys, bootblacks, and 
street boys come in the long winter evenings to 
enjoy them. 

Every effort is made in these libraries to at- 
tract children, and last summer the Toledo Pub- 
lic Library sent to the scholai-s in their city, just 
before the close of the term, lists of books for 
boys and girls of different ages, with an invita- 
tion to make free use of the children's room. 




The aim in this library, as in the others, is to 
mate the room a source of pleasure to the chil- 
dren and to counteract the evil influences of the 

Boston has had a separate department for chil- 
dren since May, 1895. The age limit is ten 
years for pupils' cards and twelve years for ordi- 
nary cards. Seventy- five hundred books are 
shelved, of which 500 are a reference library. 
The average circulation is about 300. There are 
four attendants for the room. This library, like 
others, does organized work with the schools. 
There is no library league. Solar prints repre- 
senting architecture and statuary are hung in 

the quality of reading, the children are encour- 
aged to ask questions. Underneath a picture of 
mother bird with nest full of eggs are Mr. 
Cheney's bird songs and a list of various kinds 
of birds. The children love their librarian, and 
come to her with all their joys and griefs, with 
demands for from * * something to cure a sore 
knee " to a ** good book for a widow woman to 

The children's department in the Buffalo Pub- 
lic Library consists of two rooms, a reading- 
room and a book- room. Every book is a recom- 
mended one. The collection started with 2,000 
volumes, to which over 5,000 have been added. 


— $ 

J J. -lA ■ i 

•^}' m^i 


^ ^'^^Hlfc^ !m^^/ 



V ■■* '^ 


the main room. Howard Pyle's illustrations of 
Woodrow Wilson's life of Washington are in the 
reference library. Exhibits which interest chil- 
dren are shown in the fine arts department. 
Pictures hang in the children's room, and copies 
of St. ' Nicholas^ Youth's Companioriy Golden 
DaySy Birds and All Nature, Young Catholic, 
Journal de la Jeunesse, Magasin JllustrSy and 
Deutsche Jugendbldtter are to be found on the 

Quite as attractive is the room furnished by 
the Minneaoolis T^lblic Library for the children. 
Exhibits are held from time to time, and last 
spring the evolution of the American flag was 
depicted in a series of colored drawings from its 
beginning to the present. As one of the chief 
developments of work in this room is to improve 

The average circulation for the past year has 
been 425 daily. The books are on open shelves, 
so that the cliildren make their own selections, 
but there is constant supervision and aid to those 
who desire it. Six regular assistants are in this 
department, and they receive aid from the main 
library at very busy times. The circulation has 
gone as high as 1,325 in a single day. 

During the past year they have had a number 
of special displays of pictures — notably the Cen- 
tury pictures of original drawings of war articles 
in the Century and Hobson's book. They have 
also exhibited tlie process of making a plate, 
showing six different stages : the artist's draw- 
ing ; the screen from which the picture is taken ; 
the negative ; the plate l>efore receiving the acid 
bath : the plate after going through the etching 




process ; the finishing proof. On the bulletin 
boards are constantly displayed pictures taken 
from magazines on special topics — anniversary 
days, great events, birthdays of famous men, 
also pictures bearing upon special studies given 
by the teachers in the public schools. The room 
is made attractive with flowers, growing plants, 
pictures, and books. A room is especially pro- 
vided for the tiiiiest children with games and 
scrap-books, and miniature chairs and tables 
seem adapted to the little ones. This same idea 
is being carried out in smaller new libraries, that 
of Providence in particular. 

The two old libraries of Denver have recently 
been consolidated, and they 
have been in their new 
t)uilding but a few months. 
The accompanying picture 
is of their new children's 
room. It has wall shelving 
for 4,000 volumes. Their 
aim is to come in contact 
with the children and to di- 
rect their reading without 
their knowing it, having al- 
ways in mind the adage of 
the twig. The average cir- 
nilation of the room is 300 
Iwoks a day. 

( )ne notable feature about 
all these libraries is the lib- 
erty given children and the 
free*iom from abuse of that 

A series of questions was 
sent to the boys and girls 
who frequented one library. 
They were pleased to be 

consulted, abd the answers 
were naive and respectful. 

Boys seemed to prefer 
history and books of travel, 
while girls grew enthusiastic 
over fairy stories and po- 
etry. Strange as it may 
seem, the tastes of the l>oys 
were more wholesome than 
those of the girls. * * The 
Swiss Family Robinson," 
*'John Halifax," ** Uncle 
Tom's Cabin," all seemed 

One of the most interest- 
ing children's rooms is in 
the Wylie Avenue Branch 
of the Carnegie Library of 
Pittsburg. It has a con- 
stituency which consists for 
the most part of colored children and children of 
foreign parentage. The chances for work with 
these children are almost unlimited. The chil- 
dren are of all ages, from babies who look at 
picture-books to boys and girls of fourteen to 
fifteen years of age. In the Carnegie Library 
they have introduced kindergarten principles into 
the home library work by appointing a supervis- 
ing visitor, a kindergartner who has had years of 
experience in the free kindergarten and summer 
playgrounds of Pittsburg. 

Nor is this laudable work for the little, ones 
entirely confined to the large libraries. All over 
the country work in this direction is Ijeing agi- 




tated. Michigan City, Ind. 
had recently an Indian Day 
at the public library. A 
screen in the children's 
room was covered with In- 
dian pictures in black and 
white. On the blackboaid 
was written in bright chalk 
a list of new Indian books, 
and in a case and on tables 
were placed the Indian 
books in the library for the 
inspection of tlie children. 

At Champaign, 111., the 
library is so fortunate as to 
have a series of story hours 
for the children, conducted 
every week by a member 
of the library school of that 

It is the opinion of the 
people of Evanston, 111., 
that much has been done 
by tlie establishment of a 
children's corner. Finding they could not devote 
a room, they set aside a corner of the general 
reading-room for the children, and the good re- 
sults outweigh any matter of inconvenience. So 
successful have they been that the attendants 
feel it is certainly worth while, even at the risk 
of crowding, to have a children's corner if a sep- 
arate room cannot be provided. 

Q fn.».n 




Cedar Rapids, Iowa, also has a children's cor- 
ner. An innovation is the children's club, di- 
vided into chapters, which the children join ac- 
cording to age. The Eugene Field Chapter is 
for the little ones from six to eight yeara of age, 
and the Lowell Chapter for those from fourteen 
to sixteen. 

A unique exhibition was given a short time 
ago at Bloomington, 111. 
They had a dog show in 
the city, in which the chil- 
dren were of course much 
interested. Desiring a sim- 
ilar attraction at the li- 
brary, they secured from 
the manager of the show 
some of his colored post- 
ers, and with a list of 
books attached tliey made 
a sensation among the 

Jamestown, N. Y. , Ev- 
erett, Mass., and Dayton, 
Ohio, each have children's 
libraries, and Circleville, 
Ohio, provides the Ohio 
pupils' reading course, 
which was introduced into 
their schools, as well as 
the best books in the ju- 
venile line. 

Cambridge. Mass. , has a 
room with an outside en- 
trance, so that the chil- 



dren do not disturb people in the other parts of 
the Hbrary. 

An interesting method of librarian's work 
among children originated with Mr. Charles W. 
Birtwell, secretary of the Boston Children's Aid 
Society. •' I had been connected with the Chil- 
dren's Aid Society but a short time," says Mr. 
Birtwell, **when many avenues of work opened 
up before me, and it was quite perplexing to see 
how to make my relations to the various children 
I became acquainted with real and vital. Among 
other thin^, the children ought to have the bene- 
fit of good reading and become lovers of good 
l)ooks. ... A little bookcase was designed. 
It was made of white wood, stained cherry, with 
a glass door and Yale lock. It contained a shelf 
for fifteen Iwoks, and above that another for 
juvenile periodicals. The whole thing, carefully 
designed and neatly made, was simple yet pleasing 
to the eye. I asked my little friends Rosa at the 
North End, Barbara over in South Boston, and 
Giovanni at the South End if they would like 
little libraries in their homes, of which they 
should be the librarians and from which their 
playmates or workmates might draw books, the 
supply to be replenished from time to time. 
They welcomed the idea heartily, and with me 
set about choosing the boys and girls of their 
respective neighborhoods who were to form the 
library group." 

Thus originated what is known as the home 
hbrary system. Twenty-five dollare purchases 

a small bookcase of white wood, stained cherry, 
with glass doors and a lock, and covers the price 
of seventeen books and a year's subscription to 
St. Nicholas, Youth's Companion^ and a child's 
newspaper. This scheme has been tested in some 
libraries, and it is to be regretted that it has not 
been universally adopted. The Carnegie Library 
has twenty of these small libraries in circulation, 
and Brooklyn and Chicago report good results 
along this line. 

In its work with schools the < * special library 
system " is sometimes used. In some towns it 
is the custom for whole classes to visit the library 
and in company with the teacher examine books 
which treat of the subjects being studied. This 
is often done in the children's room. 

A glance at the happy faces in the children's 
room is all that is needed to show that such a 
place is a step in the right direction. People 
are gradually beginning to realize this — and to 
provide a proper room for the young. The li- 
brarian must be a person of tact and with a love 
for children. The very fact that the child vol- 
untarily opens his heart demands sympathy and 
discrimination. It is a delicate position, and one 
requiring a ready knowledge of child nature. 

The library that does not recognize this work 
as one of the developments of the future will 
soon find itself behind the times. The Pratt In- 
stitute acknowledges this when it gives in the 
curriculum for a librarian's second year of study 
** visits to children's libraries." 




THE foregoing article describes the work now 
carried on in many American public libra- 
ries, with a view to encouraging and guiding the 
reading of children. The methods described by 
Miss Smith have been adopted, to a greater or 
less extent, by the public library administration 
of nearly every one of our larger cities, and of 
more than one of the smaller towns and villages. 
In most instances the initiative has been taken 
by the libraries; but the factor of active coopera- 
tion between the public library and the public 
school has been an important element in much of 
this work. For nearly twenty years, Mr. Samuel 
S. Green, librarian of the Free Public Library at 
Worcester, Mass., has been an untiring advocate 
of such cooperation; and in other cities, east and 
west, the intelligent effort of school superintend- 
ents, principals, and teachers to direct the read- 
ing of the children under their care has not been 
lacking. So important has this question become, 
in the discussions of educators, that a special 
committee to report on the relations of public 
libraries to public schools was appointe'd at the 
meeting of the National Educational Association 
held in Washington in 1898. The full report of 
this committee has recently been published,* and 
its suggestions are worthy of the closest attention 
from all oflBcers of schools and libraries, as well 
as from others concerned in any way with the 
administration of these important educational 

From that portion of the report which deals 
with the special function of the school in intro- 
ducing children to the proper use of books, pre- 
pared by Mr. Charles A. McMurry, we gather 
that a great advance has recently been made in 
the matter of intelligent discrimination as to 
suitable reading for young children. Mr. Mc- 
Murry says : 

To teach children how to read so that they could 
make use of books, newspapers, etc., was once looked 
upon as a chief object of school-work. We now go far 
Iwyond this, and ask that teachers lead the children 
into the fields of choice reading matter, and cultivate 
in them such a taste and appreciation for a considerable 
number of the best books ever written that all their 
lives will be enriched by what they read. This is one 
of the grand but simple ideals of the schocli*oom, and 

• Copies of this report, at 15 cents each, may be procured 
from the secretary of the association. Prof. Irwin Shcpard, 
Winona, Minn. 

lends great dignity to every teacher's work in the com- 
mon schools. The most solid and satisfactory reasons 
can be given why this should be done in every school- 
room. These substantial materials of culture belong 
to every child without exception. They are an indis- 
pensable part of that general cultivation which is the 
birthright of every boy and girl. The child that by the 
age of fourteen has not read " Robinson Crusoe," " Hia- 
watha,'^ *' Pilgrim's Progress," "The Stories of Greek 
Heroes," by Kingsley and Hawthorne, ** The Lays of 
Ancient Rome," **Paul Revere's Ride," "Gulliver's 
Travels," "The Arabian Nights," "Sleepy Hollow," 
"Rip Van Winkle," "The Tales of the White Hills," 
" The Courtship of Miles Standish," Scott's " Tales of a 
Grandfather, " Marmion," and " Lady of the Lake," the 
story of Ulysses and the Trojan War, of Siegfried, Wil- 
liam Tell, Alfred, and John Smith, of Columbus, Wasli- 
ington, and Lincoln — the boy or girl who has grown up 
to the age of fourteen without a chance to read and 
thoroughly enjoy these books has been robbed of a great 
fundamental right ; a right which can never be made 
good by any subsequent privileges or grants. It is not 
a question of learning how to read— all children who go 
to school learn that ; it is the vastly greater question of 
appreciating and enjoying the best things which are 
worth reading. 


An application of the traveling- library system, 
in connection with the public schools, has be<*n 
successfully operated in several cities. In Mil- 
waukee, for example, library- cards are issued to 
pupils of the public schools by the teachei-s, 
under the general supervision of the librarian 
and his assistants. Teachers go to the library 
and select enough books for their pupils, lists of 
books for young people and for special pur- 
poses having been published by the library. The 
books thus selected are placed in boxes and sent 
by the library to the school. They are changed 
after eight weeks. In the year 1897 twenty- 
three thousand books were thus issued nearly 
ninety thousand times. 

The Public Library of St. Louis has one hun- 
dred and twenty -five sets of books, carefully 
selected with a view to the needs of the first 
four grades of the public schools, each set con- 
sisting of thirty copies of an attractive book, so 
that all the children in the class may be reading 
tlie book at the same time ; thus adding to the 
interest of it, and enabling the teacher to con- 
duct class exercises. The librarian, Mr. Fred- 
erick M. Crunden, to whom we are indebted 



for these facts, states that this work would have 
been quintupled if the library had possessed 
the means. 

Thus far we have been unable to supply even the 
first four grades, while we have done very little work 
in the higher grades. This has reversed the usual 
order, but I believe that the sooner you begin in at- 
tempts to give children a love for reading the better. 
In the public schools it is all the more essential to 
reach the lowest grades first, because so many children 
leave without going beyond the fourth or fifth grade. 
Moreover, it is easier to inculcate a love for reading in 
young children than it is in older ones ; and the sup- 
plementary reading more directly aids the regular 
school-work in lower grades. Indeed, since the chief 
thing taught in the earlier grades is reading, the more 
practice they get the more rapid will be their progress. 
The way to learn to read is to read ; and if reading is 
made interesting, by giving children attractive books, 
the teacher will be relieved of all further care. In the 
school In this city where the greatest amount of this 
reading is done, the principal tells me that they do not 
have to give any thought to discipline ; that the school 

takes care of itself ; that the children are so interested 
in their work and their books that they are perfectly 
orderly. He tells me, also, that they let the children 
do all the reading of books in school that they may 
want to do. 

This striking success reported from the St. 
Louis schools has been essentially duplicated in 
two Philadelphia schools which have recently htfd 
the use of traveling libraries supplied by the 
efficient free -library system of that city. This 
lias led the Public Ledger, in its issue of April 5, 
to advocate the general adoption of the plan by 
the city -school system. 

Experience seems to have shown that the prac 
tical cooperation of the library and the school not 
only adds greatly to the direct value of the former 
as an educational agency, — the only function of 
the free library that justifies its maintenance by 
taxation, — but at the same time it actually in- 
creases the efficiency of the school itself. The 
librarian makes the teacher's task easier. 



IT seems rather strange, when one considers the 
broad scope of American philanthropy, — 
which includes the founding of libraries, mu- 
seums, and art galleries, the care of the poor, 
the sick, and the fallen, the endowment of insti- 
tutions to meet every conceivable need, the mil- 
lions spent annually on ineffectual attempts to 
save the souls of the heathen, — that it has almost 
wholly ignored a most promising field of opera- 
tion. It has failed to respond to the urgent 
needs of healthy, able-bodied youth in rural dis- 
tricts. It has overlooked the undeveloped and 
unused labor of young men and women who, for 
lack of steady and remunerative employment, 
leave their homes and add to the increasing 
throngs that seek the large citiesi, thereby ren- 
dering tlie problems of overpopulation and the 
unemployed more and more complicated. 

Without this increase the situation is difficult 
enough, for there ever arises the seemingly un- 
answerable question, Where shall those already 
Uving in cities find employment ? Where, for 
example, shall the trained art student, the de- 
sifnier, and the artist-artisan find a suitable and 
profitable market for their talents ? Few open- 
ings for them are to be found in the great cities, 
and fewer still in the smaller towns ; yet what is 

to be done with the energies of multitudes hav- 
ing talent, skill, -and training who are graduated 
yearly from the various schools of design ? 

An answer to this lies in the rural districts. 
Once emancipated from the idea that he is de- 
pendent upon the city manufacturer and uix)n 
satisfying the capricious taste of the general pub- 
lic as reflected through the manufacturer, the 
prospect of the art-worker is infinitely enlarged. 
He sees that he may become a manufacturer him- 
self, and may mold public taste and not ser- 
vilely follow it. The true art student represents 
a certain bent of original talent, and it is for hiln 
to ascertain what his gift is. Presuming that it 
lies in the direction of furniture, he may find in 
almost any country community in America men 
who, under careful supervision, could be trained 
to do fine cabinet- work, who could again pro- 
duce the beautiful handmade furniture of colo- 
nial and later periods. Such work is well-nigh 
impossible in cities, where living is high and 
work is crowded and slighted because of fierce 
competition ; but in country districts where the 
laborer owns his home and raises his fruit and 
vegetables on his own bit of land he can afford 
to put honest, painstaking handwork into a table, 
a chair, or a chest of drawers. For lack of in- 



telligent direction in this single craft an incal- 
culable amount of undeveloped skill has been 
wasted in Anieri'ica, and this waste has reacted 
more disastiously upon the general public than 
upon the uuhired worker. Tlie latter, for want 

Courtesy of the /'ra// jHstitute Monthly. - 


of regular employment even as a common car- 
penter, grows accustomed to a precarious living, 
and drifts into a careless indifference whether lie 
works or not. He lapses into the negligent im- 
providence so characteristic of the small American 
farmer when he is not urged to industry. 

But, on the other hand, 
the public has grown so 
used to machine-made 
goods that it has lost near- 
ly all sense of beauty and 
even of utility in furni- 
ture. The enormous quan- 
tity ground out and the 
cutting of prices which 
inachiiiery makes possible 
have resulted in cheapen- 
ing the product, which has 
degenerated into little else 
than veneer and varnish, 
in half seasoned wood and 
^lued joinings, in simu- 
lated carvings — in every- 
tiling which vitiates and 
debases public taste and 
lowers the standard of 
public integrity. The ris- 
ing generation has no 
standard of value save 
cheapness and show. It 
buys an article to-day with 
the confessed intention of 
throwing it away to-mor- 
row. This begets an ex- 

travagance and wastefulness that threaten to sap 
more than our purses. There is no article of 
household furnishing or supplies that is not in- 
vaded by the tawdriness, the sham and adultera- 
tion of unscrupulous but canny manufacturers 
who have striven to meet the demand for cheap 
and cheaper imitations of beauty and luxury. If 
any one questions the truth of this statement, let 
him study the bargain advertisements in the 
ilaily papers. 

This severe indictment cannot be universally 
applied, for there are multitudes of untainted 
Americans who value honest workmanship and 
are willing to pay a living wage for it, and it ia 
to this class the trained designer w^ith his rural 
workers could apj)eal with confidence of gaining 
patronage. In many country districts where se- 
lected wood can be obtained at a minimum cost, 
and in a scattered population of only a few liun- 
dred inhabitants, there are at least a dozen men 
of average intelligence eking out a niggardly 
living at semi- farming and odd jobs, who if 
trained would be capable of reproducing Chip- 
pendale, Sheraton, or Hepplewhite furniture. 
They would gladly work for the most moderate 
wages ; and this is but a pin's point on the in- 
dustrial field of America. 

Furniture is merely one department that in- 
vites the art worker. Miss Sibyl Carter has 
demonstrated that lace can be manufactured 

Courtesy of the Pratt Institute Mont, 


r* Double Bow-Knot" Pattern.) 



OF the three natural staples on which the 
United States relies for her chief wealth, 
cotton has been bringing its producers the small- 
est monetary returns in proportion to the ulti- 
mate value of the product. This has not been a 
normal situation, nor one in whicli any section 
of the country whose interests in every part are a 
unit could take unqualified satisfaction. Rather 
it has been among the industrial problems that 
have fretted large-minded statesmen North, East, 
and West, as well as South ; for, in every land, 
questions of State are daily becoming more en- 
tirely questions of economics. 

But the solution of the difficulty appears clear 
at last. Let the South do with her staple what 
France does with the product of her silkworms, 
or Ireland with her flax — that is, get the utmost 
possible value out of it before letting it go. 
The cotton growing belt seems to have waked 
up lo the fact that its only salvation lies in be- 
coming the cotton -manufacturing section as well. 

Before the war between the States, there were 
but few cotton-mills in the South — so few, in fact, 
ibat they were not taken into account when the 
markets of the world were weighed. Indeed, there 
were -Southern men foolish enough to look upon 
these manufacturing efforts as exotic in their na- 
ture — alien and out of place in a region whose 
vast plantations produced sufficient native wealth 
to need no supplementing. To them it seemed 
easy and natural to sell the fleecy staple at the 
best obtainable prices, which averaged very high 
at that period, and let others spin and weave it 
and trade in the output of the money-making 
but vulgar factories I This mental attitude, like 
the industrial situation itself, was brought about, 
it is plain to see, by the conditions accompany- 
ing slavery. The growth of a servile popula- 
tion, closely approximating in numbers that of 
tte white proprietors had, as in all countries 
similarly cursed, prevented the development of 
the sturdy middle classes, and fostered a type 
of intolerance and narrowness of view among the 
aristocratic landholders. 

Changes came, swiftly and overwhelmingly; 
and adjustment to the new conditions was, of 
necessity, slow. It required almost the space of 
a generation for us of tlie South Atlantic and 
.^ulf States to arouse and fully grasp the truth 
that unaided agriculture, with an all-cotton pol- 
icy, was leaving us poorer and poorer each year ; 

that, while the cost of raising the staple had 
been greatly advanced, under our altered and 
still unsettled system of labor, and with thou- 
sands of acres of exhausted land an incubus on 
our hands, yet the status of the world's markets 
was such that, by their manipulation, the cotton- 
grower could be forced to sell his crops at un- 
reasonably low figures, while on the other hand 
foreign manufacturers could compel him to pay 
fictitious prices for the fabrics made from his 
own raw material. 

An industry in the northeastern part of our 
country was thriving apace with its kindred in- 
dustry in England ; but that upon which the New 
England mills depended wholly, and the English 
ones largely, kept declining until ruin and starva- 
tion stood in the path of the Southern farmer. 
Yet still the blindness lasted a little longer, for 
light conies slowly through such darkness as 
ours. ** Overproduction of cotton" was the din 
in our ears, even when it was easy to see this 
disproved by the continued high prices of the 
manufactured goods. But ** overproduction ' 
became the watchword of many a Southern 
economist who bitterly accused his farming neigh- 
bor of stupidity, when he continued to plant in- 
creasing cotton crops from year to year — always 
deluded, it seemed, by the hope that the prices 
of the raw and the manufactured products were 
just about to be put in more equitable propor- 

The first clear light upon the situation came 
from the lesson of the few mills that were work- 
ing and prospering at our very doors. These 
had been put in operation, in the main, in ante- 
bellum days, by men so advanced as to be looked 
upon as something freakish among our conserva- 
tive and easy-going people. The Converse and 


(Erected In 1S46.) 



Graniteville mills of South Carolina, and the 
Eagle factory of Georgia, are representative of 
that pioneer movement. Had the forceful preach • 
ing and example of William Gregg in 1840-46, 
of Converse about the same time, and their few 
far-sighted compeei-s, been promptly heeded and 
followed, the South would not have missed its 
manifest destiny all that long, dark half a cen- 

Spartanburg, Augusta, Columbus, were looked 
to ; the lesson was drawn, and practical applica- 
tion of it made. Between 1880 and 1890 other 
mills sprang up in the Carolinas and Georgia — a 
surprising number, it appeared to the slow-wit 
ted, who were unprepared for any progress in 
this normal direction. Yet when the decade 
ended, we had only 1,500,000 spindles and 
something less than 39.000 looms — not 10 per 
cent. , in aggregate, of New England's handsome 
showing 1 Besides, we were manufacturing only 
heavy yarns and coarse goods, and were still 
without the textile institutions which alone can 
assure endurance and advancement in a move- 
ment like tliis. 

But once let such a tide set through a country 
inhabited by a hardy, intelligent, and progres- 
sive people, there are always vital forces to carry it 
onward. The few Soutliern factories of 1880 
have now grown to be many, and the many are 
fast being multiplied into a host, spreading from 
the tliree States that felt the original impulse, un- 
til all of the ten are reached and revivified by it. 

In the five years from 1890 to 189.5, — and that 
they were difficult years for the country at large, 
no one can have forgotten, — the Cotton Belt 
doubled its number of spindles and looms ; in 
the four years since that time, the maximum of 
1895 has been fairly doubled again. To realize 
this, take Charlotte, N. C, as your center and 
travel aliout a circle whose radius is only 100 
miles. Within this limited area you will find 
to-day over 300 mills, operating, in round num- 
bers, 2,500,000 spindles, and nearly twice as 
many looms as the entire South had when the 
last census was taken. The major portion of 

^ 1 



these mills have been running bolh day and 
night since last summer, thus doubling their es- 
timated capacity. This makes it easy to under- 
stand how the Old North State will be able to 
use every bale of her own cotton crop of 1899. 
Yet it is her sister, South Carolina, that holds 
the present supremacy in this manufacture in 
our section, and is pressing Rhode Island close 
for the next place to Massachusetts out of the 
entire Union. 



It should be remarked, also, that while cotton 
factories are springing up as if by magic in cot- 
ton-fields, there is no growth of the industry in . 
any part of the world remote from the fields — 
which may be taken to mean that, when so plain 
a law of fitness once begins to assert itself, it 
meets no challenge of right. Another point to 
be noted in this connection is that the section 
which makes about 75 per cent, of the universal 
cotton crop has at last claimed the prerogative of 
setting the price for Lancashire instead of fol- 
lowing the reverse but unnatural rule which has 
prevailed from our first harvest until the pres- 
ent one. 

The bare fact that Southern mill men paid 7^ 
cents for cotton early in the season, when Liver- 
pool and New York were offering 7, speaks very 
eloquently of a triumph that has the essential 
elements of an enduring gain. 

The situation to-day is full of promise for the 
future ; the long-established paradox has been 
overthrown ; the normal is asserting its sway. 
An evolution through processes so natural can 
but proceed to happy consummation. It is esti- 
mated that, with American labor and methods, 
something less than eight times the present num- 
ber of spindles in the South will be needed to 
convert our annual harvest into yarn. At the 
rate of progress now maintained, the next cen- 
tury will still be in its first quarter when it sees 
every pound of cotton grown in the United 
States transferred direct from the gins to mills 



close ai hand. This cannot fail to signify that 
the price paid the producers for the raw material 
and the cost imposed upon the consumers for the 
woven fabrics will be more equably based than 
under the preceding abnormal conditions. 

No obstacle stands in the way of this attain- 
ment. No one would stretch a liand to prevent 
the Cotton States from manufacturing all of 
their staple and selling only cotton cloths and 
garments to the outside world ; thus increasing 
the annual 8300,000,000, which the harvest 
from their fields has l>een bringing, to the 
♦ 1,000,000,000 it is capable of commanding. 
The sane man does not live who would dispute 
the right of any section to the richest possible 
results of its own productive industry. 

Casuists ask if we should not hesitate in our 
advance, because of the disasters we may bring 
upon manufacturers in distant parts. The ques- 
tion scarcely deserves to be taken seriously. A 
return to the natural in • 
volves no liurt that is 
difficult of cure. As 
far as our brethren of 
the Northeast are con- 
cerned, we have only 
to point to the inex- 
haustible ingenuity and 
adaptability of the 
American * for a satisfy- 
ing answer. He always 
makes the best of a bad 
situation ; and this he 
must now do with his 

New England cotton-mills, all out of place as 
they are. 

But practical men are asking us far other 
questions. When we assert that the natural 
conditions in the Cotton Belt cannot be met by 
the artificial ones elsewhere, they hasten to grant 
the point of advantage in the proximity of the 
mills to their source of supply, which eliminates 



the burdensome costs of transportation to dis- 
tant parts ; they are driven also to concede the 
superiority of our climate for this work, since, 
even with the use of direct water-power, the 
wheels can turn every day in the year. But 
they tell us that these items, together with those 
of cheap fuel, cheap building materials and 
ground - space, and a 20,000,000 horse -power 
lying practically idle, 
count little against the 
facts that our expensive 
machinery, constantly 
to be renewed, too, is 
shipped great distances 
to us ; that we have not 
the local capital which 
would assure perma- 
nence to this movement ; 
that we have not water 
of the peculiar quality 
required for bleacher- 
ies ; and, above all, that 
we are destitute of the skilled native labor needed 
for operatives, and the wide experience and lib- 
eral trainmg necessary to successful managers of 
great factories. 

We must, for the present, admit their first 
point, interposing only the fact that a few manu- 
factories of very fine machinery are beginning to 
operate amon^ us — as at Charlotte, N. C, and 





Atlanta, Ga. As to the absence of capital in 
the South, wJien did capital ever wait very long 
to meet favorable combinations of circumstances ? 
A concrete instance will best serve to overthrow 
this objection. The Pelzer mills, on the Saluda 
River, S. C, were begun in 1882, the company 
being organized in Charleston, with a paid-up 
capital of $400,000. Mill No. 1 was in opera- 
tion the following year, and out of its profits 
soon grew No. 2 ; by similar evolution came 
No. 3, No. 4, and No. 5. Nor is it only at 
Pelzer that three and four mills can be pointed 
out as offshoots from the parent stock, not a dol- 
lar beyond the original capital having been in- 
vested except the annual profits. On looking 
through the records in the Departments of State, 
both at Columbia and Raleigh, one will be 
amazed at the number of similar instances. 
The charge of lack 

of water of the proper 
quality for perfect 
bleaching has been dis- 
posed of by competent 
official analyses and re- 
ports recently pub- 
lished. For instance, 
it has been indisputably 
proved that at Hunts- 
ville, Ala., there is a 
practically inexhausti- 
ble supply of water a;s 
excellent for this pur- 
pose as the finest in 

The argument re- 
garding labor bears, on 
the face of it, a certain 
value — yet a value which vanishes on closer 
inspection. One who has a familiarity with 
sociological and miiustrial conditions in the 
South recognizes here the presence, in great 
abundance, of the cheapest labor in the world 
in comparison with the industry and skill of 
which it is capable. This labor is clieap be- 
cause living is cheap at the South, with fuel a 
small item, rents low, garden, dairy, and farm 
produce lavishly plentiful through the eight 


months of mild weather, and less expensive 
clothing required than in a cold climate. The 
laborers are industrious, because they come mainly 
from the poorer class of farmers — a class that 
have managed to subsist, during the hard years 
since 1865, only by dint 

MILL NO. 4, AT PEI^ER, 8. C. 


of indefatigable indus- 
try. They are suscep- 
tible of speedy training 
to the necessary degree 
of skill, because they 
are naturally intelligent 
and self-reliant ; free- 
born Americans, how- 
ever overwhelmed they 
may be by the poverty 
and illiteracy that has 
fallen upon this section. 
The managers of 
Southern mills uniform- 
ly attest the excellent 
quality of the native 
white labor, declaring 
that they desire no bet- 
ter. True, in the departments requiring imme- 
diate application of the highest mechanical skill, 
ability in design, and kindred accomplishments, 
those mills have thus far had to make importa- 
tions from. New England, Great Britain, and 
(lermany. But this phase will soon pass. Tech- 
nological schools are growing and being freshly 
endowed in every Southern State, and well- 
equipped textile institutions or textile depart- 
ments in other institutions may now be found 
training great numbers of our youth, where, but 
a dozen years back, not one such school was 
known south of Mas(m and Dixon's line. The 
textile schools at Clemson, S. C, and Atlanta, 
Ga. , are doinpc especially excellent work. Through 
the efforts of these and kindred influences, the 
"all coarse-goods" policy of Southern mills 
must shortly be a thing of the past. 

The managers of our factories are already 
found to he nearly invariably Southern- born 
men, often college- bred ; sometimes with only a. 



good business training, but always with the wide 
inteUigence and acumen that has led them first 
to study closely industrial phases in other parts 
of the world, and later to bring home and put 
to good use the results of such study. 

Allusion has been made, elsewhere in this ar- 
ticle, to the great profits accruing from the opera- 
tions of the newly established mills. If any one 
has good reason for requesting it, conclusive 
proof can be furnished him that scores of these 
factories earned from 50 per cent, to 90 percent, 
daring the past year. While many of the mill- 
ovners are reticent on the question of profits, 
Tel all admit that very few 
Sonthern mills have failed to 
make at least 45 per cent, on 
their capital in 1899. No 
"Be expects such remarkable 
earnings to prove a perma- 
nent feature of this industry ; 
bat even when dividends 
^ve sunk to their normal 
^♦^vel, these will still be large 
enough for the reasonable in- 

It may be asked, Where 
vill our markets be found 
when the spindles and looms 
have again b«*en multiplied 
f»y eipht ? The Soutli Caro- 
•ina mills publish the fact 
^Hat they are now engaged 
*^f*t exclusively in supply- 
ing the ports of China. Near- 
ly half of the North Carolina 
*od a ihinl of tlio Alabama 

and Georgia goods go to the 
same country ; but the Chi- 
nese market, with 400,000,- 
000 of people to be repre- 
sented by it, is scarcely 
touched yet. Let those ports 
remain open, and there can 
be no overproduction by 
American mills. The parti- 
tion of China by the coun- 
tries of ** closed doors" 
would undoubtedly be a blow 
to our promising industry ; 
but it would not mean ruin 
while Japan, Siam, Korea; 
the Eastern Archipelago, and 
the immense home expanse 
are to be supplied. Besides, 
there is more probability of 
constantly multiplying chan- 
nels of trade in China than 
of its partition ; and an in- 
teroceanic canal, cheapening transportation from 
the Cotton States to that great purchaser of cot- 
ton fabrics, appears no longer so vague a dream. 
American economists are not called upon to fret 
over the future adjustment of supply and de- 
mand ; — in this case it is an easy question. 

One who has found interest in this plain expo- 
sition of the present status of cotton -manufactur- 
ing in the Gulf and Lower Atlantic States would 
probably be interested also in the practical pro- 
cesses by which the complicated machinery shut 
in by brick walls is converting the fiber grown 
in the fields just outside into fabrics ready for 







clothing. If it is autumn when lie visits us, he 
will first walk or drive down a road stretching 
probably through a wide expanse of tlie tall hibis- 
cus-like plants, loaded with their snowy fleece. 
At the factory he secures his passport from the 
manager, or perhaps the manager's personal es- 
cort, and starts at the starting-point, the vital 
center. If it be a steam-power mill, this will be 
the boiler-room — the source of all the mighty 
power where the centuried sunshine stored in the 
coal is transformed into an active energy to be 
applied to water, which, in its most forceful 
form, passes on to pulsate the great engine Iieart. 
With a note of admiration for the marvelous ar- 

terial system, where belt, shaft, and pulley con- 
vey the tremendous force to the members l>e- 
yond, the visitor moves on to the carding-room, 
where the lint is torn to pieces by a series of 
combs and cleaned of all dust and other forei^'n 
matter. Next he follows the fiber to the spin- 
ning-room, where it is drawn out and twisted 
into a coarse, loose thread, and then, through suc- 
cessive stages of twisting and combing, into 
hnrder, closer, and stronger thread, until the 
*'yarn" is ready for the dye- vats. When duly 
seasoned into color, the hanks of J^arn are passe<l 
around heated drums until they are dried. The 
looms are then ready for them, and the visitor 
watches in dumb fascination the play of the life- 
like shuttle through the web, and the steady evo- 
lution of daintily patterned gingham or zephyr. 

From the weaving-room he still follows the 
cotton, now a fabric, and the finishing-room is 
the next department. Here the cloth is passed 
through vats of ** sizing," whicli is in brief a 
sort of starch. Drying again aroun<i drums 
succeeds the starching, and finally a -process of 
glazing or polishing, before it is automatically 
measured, and at the same time folded into 

Last stage of all, the warehouse or shipping- 
room, whence it will emerge, perhaps to be ma*ie 
into neat shirts and tidy dresses for the very 
farmer's lads and lasses who cultivated and 
gathered the cotton or wove it into cloth ; per- 
haps, on the other hand, to be fashioned into 
the uncouth garments of the far-away Celestial. 


















IT is recognized by American manufacturers 
that, if iliey are to meet the manifold de- 
mands made upon textile art in the creation of 
novel, beautiful, and attractive fabrics, it nmst 
be by brains educated for the special work. 
America has to go to the Old World for her dec- 
orative art. Apropos of this, President Theo- 
dore Search, of the Pennsylvania Museum and 
School of Industrial Art, says : *' With consum- 
mate energy and skill we have developed the 
commercial and trading side of our industries; 
but there remains a tremendous liiatus between 
tlie office and the loom, which has seldom been 
successfully bridged. We must have designers 
who not only know how to repeat a design made 
by somebody else, but who are able to originate 
designs that are artistic in the highest sense of 
the term." To which Principal E. W. France, 
of the same school, adds the weight of his valu- 
able testimony : ** It is not, after all, on the side 
of science that our industrial needs are most im- 
portant to-day ; it is upon the side of art. It is 
in matters of taste that we need training the 
most ; it is the artistic element tliat constitutes 
the charm of textile productions and enables the 
good goods to hold the market. No amount of 
cheapening of processes can compensate for the 
absence of this quality, and no amount of merely 
technical education or mechanical skill can supply 
this want. . . . The product of the foreign looms 
has found and is finding a market in our midst, 
not because it is cheaper, but because it is more 
beautiful ; and it is more beautiful, not l>ecause 
of the jemployment of better machinery or more 
economical methods of production, but because 
its chai-acter is determined by a finer taste." 

Systematic textile instruction, consequently, 
is now considered necessary to improve the 
manufacture and encourage the production of 
those goods on which there is the greatest margin 
of profit, because of the artistic skill ne(!essary 
for their manufacture. Furthermore, the textile 
school is now looked upon as essential to provide 
intelligent management for textile factories, and 
to apply systematic methods and precision to the 
textile industrial arts. 

Textile education is just at the initial stage in 
this country. Several institutions have l)een 
started, among them the textile schools at Phila- 
delphia and at Lowell, Mass. The latest is tfiat 
opened in Noveml>er lastat Xew Pedfoni, Mass. — 

a school which, in its plans and operations, maybe 
taken as typical of the American institution and 
as emlx)dying in its features the best results of 
European experience and the best development 
that the textile school has so far made in this 
country. This is due very largely to its man- 


(Managing Director New Bedford Textile School.) 

aging director, Christopher P. Brooks, a member 
of tlie Permanent Bureau of the International 
Congress on Technical Education, of which the 
headquarters are at Paris. Professor Brooks had 
previously planned and set in operation the textile 
school at Lowell. Later he inaugurated the 
American Corresjx>ndence School of Textiles, • 
which has students in every manufacturing State 
of the I'nion, in Canada, England, and India, 
and which he conducts conjointly with the man- 
agement of the Xew Bedford scliool. Professor 
Brooks' high professional capacity and ripe ex- 
perience in the superintendence and e(}ui[)ment 
of mills have constitutcMl )iim a forceful factor in 
the development of textile training in America. 
The textile world and the varn market reco^- 



nize New Bedford as the home of fine cotton 
yarns. With but one exception (Fall River), it 
is the largest cotton- manufacturing city m the 
country, its spindles numbering 1,282,332 and 
its looms 23,610. Both geographically and cli- 
matically the natural conditions favor the in- 
dustry by excelling in that degree of humidity 
which is essential to fine yarn spinning. Tiie 
foresight and wisdom of local manufacturers have 
given textile instruction a great impetus in tliis 
fine school. The Massachusetts statute of 1895 
provided for the establishment of textile schools 
under State patronage in any city of the common- 
wealth whose mayor would certify, before July 1 
of that year, that there were 450,000 spindles in 
operation within its boundaries. Among those 
who took an active part in securing this legisla- 
tion were leading New Bedford manufacturers. 
Immediately upon the pas- 
sage of the bill the neces- 
sary corporation of citizens 
was formed, including 
Mayor David L. Parker, 
Philip T. De Normandie, 
N. B. Kerr, Robert Bur- 
gess, William J. Kent, 
Isaac R. Tompkins, Wil- 
liam W. Crapo, George R. 
Stetson, Rufus A. Soule, 
Charles O. Brightraan, 
Samuel J. Smith, Jonathan 
Rowland, Jr. , Lemuel 
Holmes, Samuel Ross, 
George W. Hillman, John 
Wilkinson, and Oliver 
Prescott, Jr.. with George 
E. Briggs president. The 
school now stands as a mon- 
ument to the enterprise and 
energy of these men. Its 
highest claim at the present 
time upon the attention of 
the American people is that 
as the first building exclu- 
sively designed an<i erected 
for a textile school in 

America it stands as a model, and that as rep- 
resentative of an educational work of supreme 
value it is highly significant and suggestive. 

In a general way the New Bedford institution 
has been well characterized as a cotton -mill with 
a schoolhouse front. Of the old colonial style 
of architecture carried out in brick and stone, it 
is dignified, symmetrical, and substantial. Tiie 
front of the big building for thirty feet is, on all 
three floors, a school fully equii)ped. The rear 
is a cot ton -mill on a small but complete scah?. 
Appreciating the advantages of liaving tlie future 

mill men of New England familiar with their 
machinery, it was policy on the part of manu- 
facturers to donate and install samples of their 
machines. Consequently, everything that was 
required in the way of equipment was contrib- 
uted, bringing the cost of the fine structure, 
inclusive of land, well within 4;25,000, though 
representing a value of fully lj;75,000. As tlie 
corporation had an appropriation of $25,000 
from the State and an equal sum from the city, 
it still has working capital for future expansion. 
The textile school is an educational institution 
where instruction is given, either in the day or 
evening, in the spinning, weaving, dyeing, 
bleaching, and printing of textiles or textile 
fibers and in the designing of patterns. In its 
best form it combines theory and practice. The 
teaching of a thing is made to illustrate the prac- 


tice, and the teaching of the practice is directed 
to the acquisition of the theory. For such teach- 
ing a sufficient supply of apparatus is a first 
requisite ; but the machinery in the textile school, 
as may be apprehended, is used witli different 
objects and intention from that of the factory. 
Every machine of ecnsequence to the cotton - 
spinning industry is to be found here, so that 
the New Bedford institution stands as a sort of 
museum of appliances ])ertaining to textile art. 
The problem of e(juipment which Professor 
Brooks had to overcome is understood when it is 




known that in a space about one- twentieth of the 
area of a regular cotton-mill is given opportunity 
for practicing every process and studying every 
type of machine for cotton manufacturing that 
the student is apt to meet in after life. Every 
machine had to be made especially for this build- 
ing, that it might contain all the essential fea- 
tures, yet in smaller space than a mill. The 
completeness and compactness of the plant are 

The New Bedford institution carries on sys- 
tematic textile training in six courses. It offers 
two-year courses in cotton manufacturing, in de- 
signing, and in mill engineering. It also offers 
one-year courses for weaving- mill and yarn-mill 
superintendents and for dry-goods commission 
men. The only requirements besides good char- 
acter are the equivalent of 
a grammar or high school 
education, and that the can- 
didate be not less than four- 
teen years of age. It has 
lieen found necessary to ira- 
p^jse a fee on non-residents 
nf the State, which is ma- 
terially decreased for resi- 
dents, in the day classes. 
In order that the advan- 
tages of the school may be 
made available by local mill 
operatives, evening sessions, 
duplicating the day courses, 
and in sections, are held 
four evenings each week 
with nominal fees. The 
evening department also 
provides facilities for prac- 
t i c a 1 1 y frc^e education to 
those who cannot \m expect- 
ihI to defray the whole cost 
of their textile education. 

In the textile school the 
pupil, having qualified in 
the ordinary school branch- 
es, studies everything j)er- 
thining to the manufacture 
of woven fabrics. In his 
first year he devotes his 
attention to mechanism and 
machine drawing, warp 
preparation, plain and fancy 
weaving, and hand -loom 
work. The second year's 
study embraces cotton-pick- 
ing, carding, combing and 
spinning, and mill engineer- 
ing. In addition, for rea- 
sons already made clear, 
the two-year course is taken up largely with de- 
sign and its applications. 

A visit to the weaving- room holds most fasci- 
nation to the art lover and to him who believes 
that the true province of any technical school 
should never be subordinated to the teaching of a 
trade. Apropos of this, the director of one of 
the most famous textile schools abroad once said 
to visitors : **Pray do not call this a weaving- 
school ; it is a school of art applied to weaving." 
The element of beauty which is required for the 
finer products of the loom means training in art 
for the men and women workers in the textile 
industries of the future. 

At the New Bedford school, consequently, 
original designing is given every possible stimu- 
lus. The process of application follows, for the 




designs are then woven by their inventors at in- 
dividual looms. In the interesting work of 
producing tlie pattern in the woven fabric the 
freehand sketch is first redrawn on squared paper 
adjusted to tlie possibilities of weaving, each 
square representing a thread. A skillful work- 
man prepares cards according, to the design by 
punching in them definite sets of Iioles. These 
perforated cards afterward suppress or release 
the individual wires of the Jacquard.loom, very 
much as the perforated disk in a music box pro- 
duces the desired air. 

Most people have only a vague idea of the 
workings of the loom. One watches with fas- 
cination the movement of the •* harnesses" as 
they dexterously raise one 
set of threads and lower the 
alternate set, thus opening 
a V-shaped shed through 
which the shuttle shoots. 
The shuttle in its passage 
pays out the *• filling/' 
which with the threads at 
right angles to it form the 
warp and woof of the fabric. 
The harnesses govern the 
rise and fall of the warp 
threads, so that these ap- 
pear on the surface in the 
prearranged pattern. In 
the primitive loom the warp 
threads are controlled in 
gangs by their harnesses, 
in the Jacquard loom each 
thread is lowered or raised 
individually by a wire cor- 
responding in action to a 
harness, the possibilities of 
the loom being limited only 
by the skill of the weaver 
and the excellence of the design. About fif- 
teen types of looms, all different, but arranged 
for convenience in practice to use warps of 
the same width, are part of the installation of 
the New Bedford school. Among them are the 
Whitin, Mason, Crompton & Knowles, Kilburn 
& Lincoln, Draper, English, and Jacquard looms. 
They are hung up to weave sateens, dimities, 
lawns, plain sheetings, box welt, table-cloth, 
Bedford cord, satin stripes, ginghams, j)rint 
cloths, worsted dress goods, and toweling. 

The earlier processes of carding and spinning 
are taught the second year. The card- room 
has a section for spinning. More pro])erly tliis 
af)artuient might be ejille<l a yarn -mill ; lor in 
this one room, less than 70 fe(?t square, the cot- 
ton is brouglit from its raw state up to a finished 
yarn, ready for weaving. A knowledge of the 

delicate, intricate, and fascinating operation of 
cotton manufacturing is acquired in the carding 
and spinning processes, by which the cotton 
fibers, after being ''picked," are laid out all in 
one direction, absolutely parallel, into a thin 
film, and that film twisted into a tiiread ready 
to l>e woven — all done with such nicety by the 
varied machinery that in perfect yarn every yard 
of yarn, or roving, or thread will weigh exactly 
the same number of grains with every other 
yard in a given lot and number. The pupil here 
learns to manipulate three processes of picking, 
three types of cards (all English style, but of 
American manufacture), three kinds of drawing- 
frames, the ribbon lapper, the comber, the rail- 






•A , 1 

■ M 











1 f 



way head, four processes of fly frames, the spin- 
ning-mules, two tyj'KJs of ring spinning- frames, 
and the wet and dry twister. The instruction is 
directed largely to an elucidation of the principles 
of construction and operation characteristic of each 
machine. The second year's course also includes 
the science of mill construction and management, 
with every practical detail of textile statistics, 
cost, methods, markets, and varieties of goods, 
and advanced mechanism, or machine drawing, 
and designing, covering the art of color as applied 
to fabrics, the contrast and harmony of colors, 
and jacquard designing. Opportunity is afforded 
fur advanced academic studies concurrently with 
those in the textile school and for the study of 
chemistry and dyeing at a neighboring free in- 

The textile school is reju-esentative of the true 


republican ideal in that it affords the opportunity 
to the worthy untrained workman to make the 
must of himself. The operative in the mill may 
here have the privilege of acquiring any branch 
of the textile industry and studying any particu- 
lar machine in which he is interested or any 
8j)ecial process at nominal cost. 

Too much, however, must not be expected of 
the textile school. The school practice is not 
intended to give that complete mastery and ra- 
pidity of execution which can only l^e acquired 
in tlie factory. It piust be held in mind that the 
textile school is an institution for trade-teaching, 
where efficient workers of intelligent self- activity 
and high initiative may be produced — workers 
who can at once find employment and satisfac- 
torily fill responsible positions, owing to the skill 
and knowledge there acquired. The time may be 
anticipated when every important manufacturing 
center of America will have these supplementary 
technical schools for purposes of special culture 
in the manual professions. 

The New Bedford Textile School is the out- 
come largely of the development of the cotton- 
manufacturing interests in the South, as well as 
of European example and enterprise in textile 
eiiucation. The far-seeing manufacturers of New 
England foresee the time when the manufacture 
of the cheaper and coarser goods must from 
♦^conomic advantages be preempted by the South, 
an<i have seized the opportunity to take an ad- 
vance step. The whole trend of the textile in- 
'iustry in New England to-day is toward the pro- 
•iuction of finer and more artistic material, for 
which is required skillful and intelligent work- 
manship of the highest grade, such as special 
textile training in a well-equipped institution 
wiay be ex|>ectecl to provide. 

Though competition with the South in cotton - 
manufacturing is a comparatively new feature in 
the textile industry, it is not feared, but rather 
hailed, by the wise manufacturer for its bearing 
on national prosperity. The advance of the 
South in this direction involves a broadening of 
the whole industry, an expansion of foreign 
•*ommerce, and a growth in our exports of manu- 
factured goods. It is a fact that only one- third 
of the raw cotton now produced remains in this 
country ; the other two- thirds go to Great 
Britain and other European countries, to be man- 
'ifactared and by them exported in various di- 
r^^tions. With Southern mills for coarser prod- 
'icts and Northern mills for finer grades, the 
Tnited States may Ije expected to take its place 
f<e»idf the larger exporting countries of the world. 

Neither is there any serious apprehension 


among New England manufacturers over the 
prophecy that the South will soon be using all its 
raw-cotton product, and have none for Northern 
mills. This is on a par with the dread of coal 
exhaustion. When there is a demand for more 
cotton, more cotton will be grown. And there 
is no doubt in the North that the South could as 
well produce 20,000,000 bales of cotton where it 
now produces 10,000,000 bales. 

Atmospheric conditions are strong and gov- 
erning motives in the textile manufactures. In 
this regard New England will always have a 
peculiar and telling advantage over the South, 
where artificial apparatus for humidifying must 
be largely employed. New Bedford especially is 
exceedingly well located to receive the influence 
of the Gulf Stream. 

It is fully realized by New England manufac- 
turers and legislators that industrial progress 
must keep pace with the constantly growing call 
for products of higher excellence in design and 
finish. This involves a trained body of workers, 
and more especially educated superintendence. 
Native ingenuity is not sufficient. Hence the 
existence of the textile school, out of wliich is 
to come trained craftsmen and educated experts. 
Systematic instruction in school and shop, fur- 
nishing an inspiration for original and inventive 
ideas, is a necessity to the modern textile in- 



(Formerly a Member of the New Zealand Legislature.) 

THE constitution of the new commonwealth 
of Australia naturally claims attention and 
challenges criticism as the latest development in 
federal constitution • making among people of 
Anglo-Saxon race. Its authors had before them 
the experience of this country and of Canada ; 
and they have evidently used that experience 
freely, both in what they have imitated and in 
what they have rejected. Their task was not an 
easy one, in spite of this wealth of material — partly, 
it may be, from something of an embarrassment 
of riches, but even more because the circum- 
stances of Australia made agreement between its 
component parts unusually diflBcult. A people 
for the most part of strongly democratic instincts, 
they had freely exercised their untrammeled 
powers of self-government, and were generally 
reluctant to give up any part of the control of 
their own affairs which could be retained con- 
sistently with any scheme of federation whatever. 
When to this is added the fact that in the case 
of Australia there was not even the suspicion of 
any external pressure rendering union impera- 
tive, it is not difficult to understand why tKe 
process of Australian constitution making was 
the slowest on record. 


In approaching the examination of what has 
been done, it is therefore necessary not only to re- 
member the experiences of other countries wliich 
the authors of the Australian constitution had 
before them, but the circumstances of the island 
continent itself, which in some respects compli- 
cated the undertaking. It is necessary to re- 
member that the object was to consolidate into 
one six nearly sovereign states, varying in popu- 
lation from 150,000, to nearly 1,500,000, and 
occupying territories the area of which varied 
from 1,000,000 to 26,000 square miles; and, 
above all, that there was no very pressing reason 
to be alleged why they must federate at all. As 
a matter of fact, the constitution as it exists is 
very largely made of compromises. It repre 
sents, not the conceivable l)est, but only the best 
possible, under conditions which taxed to tlie 
utmost the mutual forbearance of the delegates 
to the federal convention. The result is that 
the constitution of the new commonwealth has 

many things in common with our own ; others 
that bear more resemblance to that of the Do- 
minion of Canada, and still a third class which 
very materially differs from both. For the sake 
of clearness, it may be well to consider it shortly 
under three heads : What the federal govern- 
ment is to deal with ; how its legislative powers 
are distributed ; and in what way the executive 
force of the commonwealth is to be exercised. 
It may be ^aid generally that, as to the first 
head, the new constitution most resembles that of 
the United States ; as to the second, that it de- 
parts largely from all existing precedents ; and 
as to the third, that, — as might have been expected 
from its position as a part of the British Em- 
pire, it resembles the constitution of Canada. 


The federal government of Australia will have 
large powers. In its hands will be vested ex- 
clusive control of customs taxation, together with 
power to impose all such other taxes as may be 
i-equired for the public service, with the sole lim- 
itation that they shall be so imposed as in no case 
to discriminate between states, or parts of states ; 
the sole control of all matters of defense ; the 
management and control of the postal, telegraph, 
and telephone services of the country ; questions 
of immigration, naturalization, and interstate 
trade and commerce ; the maintenance of light- 
houses, beacons, and buoys ; all external affairs, 
including the influx and extradition of criminals, 
and all questions of conciliation and arbitration 
extending beyond the limits of any single state. 
Banking and insurance, coinage and currency, 
weights and measures, laws relating to bills of 
exchange and promissory notes, bankruptcy, 
patents, copyrights, and companies, are also 
vested solely in the commonwealth. In addi- 
tion to these questions, which are, for the most 
part, familiar to Americans as subjects of federal 
legislation, there will vest in the federal parlia- 
ment the sole right to deal with the law of mar- 
riage, divorce, and matrimonial causes, and all 
qu3stions relating to parental rights and the cus- 
tody and guardianship of infants, and also all 
public provisions for old age and invalid pen- 
sions. To the commonwealth is reserved the 
right to make use of all tlie railroads belong- 



I ing to any state (in Australia practically all 
[ railroads do belong to the states) for defense 
^ purposes, and also, with the consent of any state, 
to take over and operate the state railroad or 
railroads on terms to be arranged ; and, with the 
like consent, to construct other railroads. The 
{>ower to control and regulate the navigation of 
rivers flowing through more than one state is 
also reserved to the federal parliament, but only 
so far as interstate interests are directly affected. 
These are the principal powers reserved to the 
commonwealth — so far, at least, as its internal 
affairs are concerne<l; and it will be observed that 
they embrace only such questions as are necessarily 
important to the commonwealth and its citizens 
as a whole. They include, therefore, all matters of 
commerce extending beyond the states ; matters 
of social order, such as the entire armed force of 
the country, with the legal control of the means 
of its removal and concentration ; of social morals, 
including the conservation of marriage and the 
protection of the young ; of social stability and 
equality, as affected by trade disputes, and by 
provisions for the aged and infirm. It will be 
seen at once that these provisions extend the 
powers of the federal government in several 
respects considerably beyond anything yet at- 
tempted by the Constitution of the United States, 
though it may be questioned whether they any 
where go beyond the limits which experience in 
ibis country has suggested as very desirable ex- 
tensions of the central authority. 


All powers of borrowing money on the secu. 
rity of the revenue of the commonwealth are, of 
course, reserved exclusively to the federal gov- 
ernment, as well as every question involving the 
external relations of the country, such as the 
laws affecting external trade, commerce, and navi- 
gation. On the other hand, the management of 
harbors, and of internal though navigable rivers 
and waterways, and the management and control 
of the lands of the country, at present by far the 
largest and most important asset of Australia, 
ire left to the states. The present state debts 
are to be taken over by the commonwealth, and 
the interest provided for out of the customs tax- 
ation, with the further proviso that for a fixed 
period of five years the balance of revenue thus 

» raised, after payment of the expenses of the federal 
establishment, shall be repaid to the states in pro. 
{»ortion to population. These latter provisions, it 
will be observed, confine the federal government 
'within narrower limits in some material respects 
than those of our own Constitution, and repre- 
sent compromises insisted on by the states as 
the sole conditions on which they would give up 

their present complete autonomy. The circum- 
stances of the country are accountable, as will 
readily be seen, for most of them. As a matter 
of fact, very few Australian rivers run through 
or between different states ; and the question of 
the land and mining laws already in force is that 
on which more diversity prevails than any other 
— a diversity which is held by the people to be 
essentially necessary, owing to widely different 

It is only necessary to allude to the essential 
difference in principle which pervades this con- 
stitution and that of the Canadian Dominion. 
In Australia, as in the United States, it is the 
contracting colonies that are the substantial basis 
of the scheme. It is they who give up certain 
definite rights and powers for the sake of union ; 
and only such as they give up can be assumed 
by the commonwealth. In the case of Canada 
it is the provinces that are limited to the exer- 
cise of such powers and rights as are specifically 
reserved ; and therefore, in the very nature of 
things, the march of events must tend more and 
more to the consolidation of all real power in the 
hands of the Dominion government, and the 
gradual degradation of the provinces to the level 
of municipal governments on a large scale. No 
such scheme of federation would ever have been 
listened to in Australia, where the widely sepa- 
rated state populations have always been strongly 
attached to the independent exercise of all the 
functions of government that most immediately 
affect themselves. 


The legislative powers of the Australian Com- 
monwealth will be exercised by a federal parlia- 
ment, consisting, like our own Congress and the 
Dominion Parliament of Canada, of two cham- 
bers. At this point, however, any close imita- 
tion of either existing constitution may be said to 
cease. In the case of Australia, it was at this 
point that the constitution ran its greatest risk of 
rejection. The less populous colonies insisted 
upon the security which a senate on the princi- 
ple of equal state representation, on the model 
of this countiy, would give ; the more populous 
states insisted upon such a preponderating influ- 
ence on behalf of ])opulation as should make it 
impossible for a conceivably small minority of the 
whole people to dictate legislation. The ultimate 
compromise arrived at was that of giving equal 
state representation in the Senate, and providing 
that the House of Representatives should never 
contain more than twice as many members as the 
Senate; but, on the other hand, providing that 
the Senate should not only have no initiative 
power in respect of money appropriations, hut 



should not be at liberty to amend a money bill 
at all. With respect to other laws, also, it is 
provided that, in case of a deadlock between the 
chambers continuing after a dissolution and re- 
election, held expressly to ascertam public opinion 
on the subject, both chambers shall sit together, 
and the vote of a simple majority shall prevail. 


These provisions bring into strong relief the 
conditions under which the new constitution was 
arrived at. The Senator — in the first instance 
six from each state — will be elected by the vote 
of the electors of each state, and not through 
the medium of state legislatures — differing, in 
this respect, both from the United States and 
from Canada. Every adult male will have the 
right to vote for Senators, as for Representatives ; 
and in states where the women already have 
votes, they also will have votes, and it is left to 
the state legislatures to determine whether the 
stat« shall be divided or vote as a single electo- 
i-ate. This arrangement represents the strong 
democratic feeling of the Australian people, 
which would consent neither to a senate of cabi- 
net nominees nor to one that might be made 
the subject of party bargains in state legisla- 
tures. The House of Representatives will con- 
sist of twice as many members as the Senate — the 
number being, from time to time, allotted to the 
various states in proportion to population. It 
will have supreme control of the finance of the 
federation, and the confidence and support of a 
majority of its members will be the essential con- 
dition of any cabinet remaining in power. The 
members of the representative chamber will be 
elected for three years ; those of the Senate for 
six, with the condition in both cases that their 
chamber may be dissolved by proclamation of 
the governor- general, on the advice of the cabi- 
net, at any earlier date. The divergence be- 
tween this provision and that of this country for 
keeping the Representatives in touch with public 
feeling need hardly be pointed out ; nor, of course, 
its still greater contrast with that of Canada in 
respect of the Senate. 


The executive of the Australian Common- 
wealth will, like that of Canada, vest nominally 
in a governor-general, appointed by the British 

Government, but really — except in a very few 
exceptional cases — in the hands of the federal 
cabinet, appointed, like that of Britain herself, 
from among the members of tbe Parliament, and 
possessing the confidence and support of a major- 
ity of its members, or at least of the members of 
the representative chamber. A certain vague- 
ness exists as to the precise powei-s of the gov- 
ernor-general, exactly as in the case of the Eng- 
lish sovereign ; but custom, now well established 
by usage in the Australian colonies, has decided 
that m practice the governor must act on tlie 
advice of his cabinet in every case, unless the 
measure which he is called upon to sanction is 
one which manifestly affects the interests of 
other parts of the empire, or may affect the treaty 
rights of foreign nations. In either of these 
cases, he may reserve an act passed by the legis- 
lature for the assent of the crown— which means, 
of course, of the imperial cabinet. The gov- 
ernor-general will enjoy a salary of #50,000, but 
will have absolutely no patronage in Australia. 


The only point in the new constitution that 
has met with opposition from the British cabinet 
is that which provides for the federal court, to 
which is assigned the position of a practically 
final court of appeal on all questions involving 
the interpretation of the constitution, and all 
questions arising between different states, or be- 
tween the commonwealth and a state, or between 
residents of different states. The provisions are 
such as to render so difficult as to be nearly im- 
possible tlie exercise of the long- established right 
of appeal to the Judicial Committee of the Priv^y 
Council, still preserved in Canada. After long 
negotiation, the representatives of the colonies in 
London have prevailed, in fact, by consenting to 
a change in the language of the act, which leaves it 
in the power of the federal legislature so to cur- 
tail the subjects of possible appeal to the crown 
as to make the High Federal Court's decisions 
really final. It is hai-dly likely that, for the pres- 
ent, full effect will l)e given to this provision ; but 
there can be little doubt that there will be an in- 
creasing tendency to render the autonomy of 
Australia absolutely complete by shutting out the 
idea of any reference to an external authority upon 
questions that are specially its own. 



(Federal Delegate from New South Wales.) 


IN the North American Review for June, the 
Australian statesman, Edmund Barton, writes 
on the newly established federation of the Austra- 
han colonies. In the course of his article, he 
hrings out some interesting points of comparison 
between the constitution of the new common- 
wealth and that of the United States. The ar- 
rangement provided for a federal capital, for 
example, is similar to that which located our 
national seat of government in the District of 


**The seat of government of the common- 
wealth is to be determined by the Parliament. 
It must be within territory granted to or acquired 
by the commonwealth, in which it is to be vest- 
ed. In short, it will be federal territory, and 
the federal Parliament will have the exclusive 
power to make laws for its government, and to 
determine the extent of its representation in 
either house of that 'Parliament. It is to be 
within the state of New South Wales ; and, in 

return for that concession, it is to be distant not 
less than one hundred miles from Sydney, the 
state capital. The area is not to be less than 
one hundred square miles. Any crown lands 
which it may contain — probably a considerable 
area — are to be granted by the state to the com- 
monwealth without payment. The Parliament 
is to sit at Melbourne, until it meets at the seat 
of government. It will be seen that the law as 
to the seat of government will follow that of 
the United States rather than that of Canada, 
inasmuch as the area containing the capital will 
be exclusively under the federation and not 
under the jurisdiction of any state. There can 
be very little doubt that the representatives of 
New South Wales in the federation will lose lit- 
tle time in urging the early choice of this terri- 
tory. As the legislatures of the several states 
sit generally in the winter, and as a member of 
a state legislature is not excluded from sitting in 
the federal Parliament, if elected, it is probable 
that convenience will be on the side of summer 
sessions. In that prospect, it is likely that the 
area chosen will be at a sufficient altitude to give 
the advantage of a good summer climate ; and, 
happily, several such areas are open for choice 
in New South Wales." 


The constitution may be altered much more 
easily than that of the United States. 

** A bill for the purpose must first, in ordinary 
cases, be passed by an absolute majority in each 
house. It is afterward to be submitted in each 
state to the electors qualified to vote for the elec- 
tion of members in the House of Representatives. 
This is to be done not less than two nor more than 
six months after the passage of the bill through 
both houses. If, however, an amendment passed 
by an absolute majority of one house fails to pass 
the other, or is passed with an amendment as to 
which the two houses differ, and if, after an in- 
terval of three months, a similar difference occurs, 
the amendment may be submitted to the popular 
vote, just as if it had secured an absolute major- 
ity in both houses. In order to become law, 
the amendment must, at the referendum, secure a 
majority of the electors, who vote, and it must 
also secure majorities in a majority of the states. 
The difficulty which will exist because in South 
Australia women as well as men have a vote is 
met by prescribing that, until there is a uniform 
suffrage throughout the commonwealth, only 
half the electors voting for and against the 
amendment may Ik? counted in any state in 



which adult suffrage prevails. If an amendment 
would lessen the proportionate representation of 
any state in either house, or would alter the 
limits of a state directly or indirectly, it is not 
to become law until it receives the approval of 
a majority of the electors voting in the state 


MR. R. S. GUNDRY contributes to the Fort- 
nightly Review for June a very interesting 
and elaborate account of **The Last Palace In- 
trigue at Peking," which culminated in the seiz- 
ure of power by the Dowager Empress and the 
virtual deposition of the Emperor. 


The struggle between the Chinese parties — the 
reactionary, or, more accurately speaking, the 
stagnation, and reform parties — was really a con- 
test between the capital and the provinces. The 
Empress was supported by the palace and the 
older government oflBcials, who saw their sine- 
cures in danger; the Emperor by thousands of 
the younger literati, mandarins, and merchants of 
the provinces. But as the struggle must be de- 
cided in Peking, the reactionaries held the field; 
and the actual deposition of the Emperor would 
have followed. 


But the intervention of public opinion, gen- 
erally believed not to exist in China, prevented 
the completion of the scheme. The anticipation 
evoked an outburst of loyalty to Kwang Su 
which surprised those who had doubted the ex- 
istence of any public opinion among the Chinese. 
Kin Lienshan, district manager of the imperial 
telegraphs — whose name seems destined to come 
into notoriety along with that of Kang Yuwei 
— promptly dispatched, on behalf of 1,231 liter- 
ati and gentry of Shanghai and the neighbor- 
hood, a telegram to the princes and ministers of 
the Tsungli-Yamen, imploring the Emperor not 
to abdicate. Chinese subjects abroad sent peti- 
tions to the same effect. The Empress Dowager 
was frightened, and instead of disposing her son, 
she set about celebrating his birthday, and ac- 
quiesced in the demand of the foreign ministers 
to pay him their compliments. Her rage, how- 
ever, turned with redoubled force against the 
reformers, who were executed or proscribed and 


The consequences of these acts are defined by 
Mr. (jundry as follows : 

'*The reactionary policy of the clique with 

which she is identified seems rather to have been 
accentuated, and the spirit of enmity towards all 
who were associated with the reform movement 
embittered. An evident consequence has been 
to widen the rift between the capital and the 
provinces that was caused by the Emperor's su- 
persession. The Empress thinks, evidently, that 
she can crush opposition ; but experience has 
shown that movements of the kind are like rivers 
— which may be guided, as Yii is declared, in 
Chinese legend, to have guided the great rivers 
of China, by removing obstacles and deepening 
their channels * till the waters flowed peacefully 
into the Eastern Sea,' but which are apt to burst 
through injudiciously constructed barriers and 
overwhelm everything in their course. The pres- 
sure to which the Imperial Government had been 
subjected from without is somewhat relaxed. 
Having ear- marked their respective spheres of 
interest, and obtained concessions of various priv- 
ileges, the great European powers chiefly inter- 
ested have been content to await developments 
and events. But the autonomy of the eighteen 
provinces appears to be in less danger from un- 
provoked aggression than from the ignorance, 
corruption, and incapacity of the Chinese Gov- 
ernment itself. The removal of the Emperor 
from power, the reversal of his decrees, and the 
envenomed persecution of his advisers liave 
caused widespread dissatisfaction, which is only 
restrained from dangerous expression by want of 
cohesion and leadership. There is unrest, from 
Shantung in the north to the great Kwang Vice- 
royalty in the south. The risk that some new 
freak of the reactionaries may consolidate this 
fluent matter is, at least, not negligible ; nor can 
the risk that certain foreign powers might be led 
to step in to maintain order, and gradually, i)er- 
haps, to assume administrative responsibility in 
certain districts^ in given contingencies, be ig- 


The Empress is not, however, hopelessly op- 
posed to reform. Her object is to strengthen 
the dynasty ; and ''if it could be brought home 
to her that tlie present reactionary policy consti- 
tutes a danger for the dynasty and the empire, 
she might be induced yet to change her course 
and support the Em])eror in a policy of reform. 
Her halt on the threshold of what was intended, 
clearly, to be a fresh amp (Vetat, two months ago, 
goes to prove that she is not impervious to 
manifestations of popular sentiment ; but many 
well qualified to form an opinion are pei'suaded 
that she is kept in ignorance of the real import 
and magnitude of the crisis by which the empire 
is assailed." 




IN the July McClure's, Mr. William Barclay 
Parsons, the chief engineer of the American 
Cliina Development Company, has an article* on 
*' Railway Development in China," in which he 
describes the readiness of the country for devel- 
opment, the lines of railway that are already 
built or in prospect, and the rivalry of the great 
powers. The empire proper of China alone is 
half as large as the United States, and the coun- 
try has to-day only 516 miles of railway all told. 
Japan, about as large as one Chinese province, 
began its railway building as late as 1871, and 
has now a well-built system ramifying all over 
the main island, aggregating 3,500 miles in 
length, and almost exclusively under the man- 
agement of native officials. 

In China the junk and the coolie are still 
the chief means of transport. The waterways 
are the great highways of traffic. In the inte- 
rior, there are almost no roads ; for people do 
not use horses where they can get men at five 
cenifi a day. The nearest approach to roads are 
paths on which the coolies can trudge, carrying a 
burden suspended in two packages from the ends 
of a bamboo stick that rests over either one or 
both shoulders. The 
higher classes go about 
in sedan-chairs* the low- 
er classes walk, and 
when their wives go with 
them, they wheel the 
women in wheelbarrows. 

In 1881 the first tram- 
way was begun in China 
to transport coal, and 
since that time has been 
built the 508.7 miles of 
railway in the north, and 
^ miles of railway in the 
south, for a country con- 
taining 380,000,000 of 


Recently important 
concessions have been 
granted to foreigners. 
The first is for a railway 
from Peking to Hankow 
to a Belgian syndicate, 
which will get a railway 
into the heart of the 
Vang-tze Valley. The 
next concession was for 
a continuation of this 
roa<l from Hankow to 
Canton. This was given 

to the American syndicate. Each of these 
concessions is for about 700 miles of road, 
and the 1,400 miles of the two will connect North 
and South China, and divide the country into 
approximately two parts, east and west. A third 
concession is for a line from Shanghai, by way of 
Suchau, to Ching-kiang, and so on to Nanking, 
with an extension crossing the river to Sin-yang. 
This is an English concession, and has a great 
value in that it controls the approaches to Shanghai. 
An Anglo-German syndicate ow^ns a concession 
for a line from Tientsin, through Shan-tung, 
along the line of the old Grand Canal to the Yang- 
tze River; so that a summary of the present rail- 
way situation in China shows, besides the 516 
miles built, 600 miles of the Belgian concession 
under construction, and five other lines either 
surveyed or under survey — the whole amountmg 
to about 3,000 miles. 

Besides these there are projects emanating 
from England for a line from Hongkong to Can- 
ton (120 miles), and for a branch from Hang- 
chau westward into Kiang-si (about 200 miles); 
while the Japanese are planning a line in the 
province of Fu-kien, opposite the Japanese island 
of Formosa. 

5i ^#j^«/ii /, 

Courtesy of AfcC/urt's Afttgaxine. 




In style of construction. Chinese railways are 
a compromise between European and American 
lines. The only double-track line is that be- 
tween Tientsin and Peking. The track is of I he 
American type ; the locomotives are partly 
American and partly English ; and the cars, 
both passenger and freight, are an adaptation of 
both American and English patterns. A China- 
man hates to be separated from his baggage, and 
so the second -class passengers are carried in open 
cars resembling an American coal car, with all 
the baggage of the passengers distributed around 
them. Mr. Pai*sons says that whatever opposi- 
tion has come to railway construction in China 
has been largely from the official class, who, fear- 
ing that the new order of things might reduce 
their own power, have either been apathetic or 
have prejudiced the ignorant people agamst inno- 
vations. Mr. Parsons thinks there is no doubt 
that when the Chinaman gets his railroads he will 
use them. He cites the statistics of travel be- 
tween Hongkong and Canton by steamer as 
nearly 1,000,000 passengers annually, besides 
the large travel by junk. He thinks there is no 
doubt that the (Jriental will patronize liberally 
the better mode of conveyance. 

America's Part In China's Railroad Develop- 

The building of the Chinese Eastern Railway 
is commonly regarded as a distinctively Rus- 


sian enterprise, but the important share which 
American and British engineers and manufac- 
turers have had in the work should not be over- 
looked. Mr. Alexander H. Ford, writing in the 
Engineering Magazine for June on ** Anglo Saxon 
Enterprise in Asia,'* describes the operations in 
Manchuria incident to Russia's acquisition of Port 
Arthur, and the announcement of her purpose to 
extend the Trans-Siberian Railway to that harbor. 


•'It did not take the news of the opening of 
this great territory long to reach America. Soon 
the finest business house in Vladivostok was 
erected by an American, the most spacious Chi- 
nese structure in Port Arthur was secured as an 
agency, and the introduction of American tools 
and American locomotives was begun. Ameri- 
can activity was abroad in the land, and while 
the Russian engineers at first laughed at the idea 
of American manufacturers competing with Eu- 
rope, they were induced to give a few orders. 
To their astonishment, the goods arrived in less 
than three months, and proved the most durable 
and efficient tools up to that time imported into 
Manchuria. The Russian officials suddenly real- 
ized that just across the Pacific pond, not five 
thousand miles away, they could supply all the 
needs of the new railway, and all hurry orders 
were promptly cabled to America, whose mar- 
kets were some fifteen thousand miles nearer 
Eastern Siberia than 
those of Europe. Ameri- 
can engineers who could 
speak tiie Russian lan- 
guage fluently enough to 
converse in technical rail- 
way terms with the Rus- 
sian officials of the rail- 
way found that a golden 
stream flowed through 
their hands to the man- 
ufacturers in America, 
Last summer the Chinese 
Eastern Railway went so 
far as to send over two 
of its engineers, as a 
committee, to visit and 
report on the outlook in 
the United States of pro- 
curing every kind of 
railway appliance. They 
reported that more than 
three- fourths of the ma- 
terial and equipment still 
needed for the comple- 
tion of the Trans-Sil)eri- 
an Railroad, as well as 




the steel bridges, could be procured in America, 
(»f a better quality and more cheaply than in any 
European country." 


"Since then Russia's railway projects in tlie 
far East have b(?en greatly augmented, and re- 
cently cablegrams were sent over for material for 
a brancli line on to Peking, so that now Russia 
is building with all speed from four Pacific Ocean 
ports (Tientsin [Peking], New Chwang, Port 
Arthur, and Vladivostok) toward her great 
Trans-Siberian system, and tons upon tons of 
machinery from the United States lie stacked 
upon the wharves of these cities, so adjacent to 
the western seaboard of the United States. Al- 
ready the railroads extend for many miles into 
the interior from these ports ; and in fact, before 
spring navigation is opened, it i:3 expected that 
tliey will all be connected with Harbin, on the 
Sungari River, which is the ctmtral point of 
meeting for the lines in Manchuria. 

'•This city is not yet a year old, but it con- 
tains many thousands of inhabitants, spacious 
office buildings, splendid machine-shops, as- 
phalted pavements laid down by American steam- 
rollers, and a Yankee electric- lighting plant. 
Harbin is also the winter-quartera and general 
terminus for the line of English steamers and 


A SUGGESTION that it may be time for the 
United States to extend tiie Monroe Doc- 
trine to Asia is offered by Wu Ting Fang, the 
Chinese minister at Washington, in an article on 
'America in the Orient," appearing in Ainslee's 
for June. The arguments for such a course, as 
they appeal to this astute diplomat, are set forth 
at the end of his article, as follows : 

*• There are those who say that this is too 
rapid. But is it not logical ? The possession of 
the Phihppines brings the United States within 
(ioo miles of Asia — nearer by far than some por- 
tiuus of South America to which the Monroe 
Doctrine is' now held to apply. It is a measure 
<»f self- protection, founded on justice ; and if the 
United States is to be an Asiatic power, 1 cannot 
see why logically it will not find itself in time 
curapelled to guard against the encroachments of 
European powers in that part of the world. It 
U true tliat the Monroe Doctrine was intended 
originally to apply to the American Continent 
alone, but the principle is the same wherever 
foreign encroachments might interfere with 
American interests. It will not be necessary to 
interfere with existing conditions. When Presi- 

dent Monroe issued his caveat, he intended it to 
apply to the future, not to that which already 
was. He did not go so far as to undertake to 
drive from the American Continent those Euro- 
pean nations which were already there. 


"To apply the same doctrine to Asia means 
simply that things are to be left as they are ; and 
this will be for the interest of the United States 
as well as for the whole Asiatic Continent. I 
may be a little ahead of time, but by and by the 
United States will come to this. The possession 
of the Philippines is a new thing ; but after a 
while, perhaps in ten years, it will be seen that, for 

Photo by Ciinedinst. 


(Chlnem Minister to the United States.) 

self- protection and for the maintenance of peace, 
it will be necessary to have all nations under- 
stand that no further encroachments on the 
Asiatic Continent will be allowed. When that 
time comes, there will be no more war. After 
the United States gets a firm hold on the Phil- 
ippines, and begins to establish American com- 
merce and- to branch out in every direction, they 
will become more and more impressed with the 
necessity of keeping things as they are. No man 
can tell how long the * open door ' can be main- 
tained in the East, unless further aggressions are 




IN the June Forum^ Mr. Ho Yow, the Cliinese 
consul general at San Francisco, discusses 
the attitude of the United States towards his 
countrymen, as shown in the Chinese exclusion 
laws passed by Congress. He says : 

** The laws of the United States prohibiting 
Chinese immigration are without parallel in the 
codes of the world, and cau only be compared to 
the regulations of the Chinese nation itself in a, 
period of its history to which we would under no 
consideration revert. 

»• Moreover, in addition to its inherent injus- 
tice, the statute is based on a misconception of 
conditions and a mistake in facts. It had its 
origin with the rabble. Its promoters were 
speakers from the tops of soap-boxes and the tail- 
skids of drays. It was caught up by politicians 
when the clamor had gathered strength with the 
mob, and when appearances indicated that the 
latter could poll votes enough to elect its ring- 
leader to office. Whenever a calm and dispas- 
sionate inquiry into the conditions was held, the 
vei-dict was sure to be in favor of the Chinese ; 
and it was on this account that the friends of jus- 
tice in Congress held out so long against the de- 
mands upon that body for measures of exclusion. 


* * Nevertheless, the situation here as regards 
the Chinese was remarkable, and, m the nature 
of things, could not occur again. The Chinese 
were brought here to grade and build the Central 
Pacific Railroad. A thousand miles of railroad 
had to be laid across deserts and over mountains 
■ — perhaps the most difficult feat of railway con- 
struction which, up to that time, had been at- 
tempted in the United States. The road was to 
be built, too, in a part of the continent that was 
practically without inhabitants, and therefore in 
advance of settlement. White workmen could 
not be had. Three thousand miles yawned be- 
tween the reservoirs of population, and the jour-* 
ney was tedious and slow ; so the building of the 
railroad had to l)e pushed at once. Ten thousand 
men were needed, and rake and scrape as the 
builders would, only 800 whites could l)e gathered 
to engage in the work. 

•' In this exigency the experiment with Chi- 
nese laborers was tried. At first it was thought 
that they would prove inefficient — that they were 
too light of body to stand the heavy work ; 
that they could not endure the fatigues of the 
(K'cupation. A few were put upon the lightest 
)>aris of the work ; and since these proved their 
ability to perform well all they were set to do, 
the experiment was extended, and before long 
Chinese were doing all the unskilled labor which 

the work required. They received but thirty- 
one dollars per month and boarded themselves, 
while the whites were paid forty-five dollars per 
month and found. Yet, according to the testi- 
mony of James Strobridge, superintendent of 
construction, and Charles Crocker, one of the 
five proprietors of the road, who had charge of 
the construction, the Chinese were more reliable 
and more efficient laborers than the whites. 
They could excel the whites in any branch of 
the work, whether light shoveling or the heavi- 
est rock-drilling ; and a body of Chinese even 
excelled in results an equal number of picked 
Cornish miners who were set to drill one end of 
a tunnel through a mountain. The Chinese 
were put upon the other end, and the two gangs 
started from a shaft at the center. 

* * In order to supply the thousands of Chinese 
required for this great work, the coolie-ships were 
kept running to and from China, bringing their 
loads of immigrants from Kwangtung Province. 
There was no trouble concerning the Chinese so 
long as the road was building. Hittell's * His- 
tory of California' recites how the white labor- 
ers and the < China Boys ' marched together in 
parade, and how the former made speeches to 
the latter, extending their hands in comradeship. 

*' Suddenly, however, the road was finished ; 
and this army of 15,000 laborers was idle and at 
large. In a strange land, among a strange peo- 
ple, with no capital but their ability and willing- 
ness to work, they flocked to San Francisco. 
Here they swarmed upon the streets, and, con- 
spicuous from their racial characteristics, gave 
the impression that there was an immensely 
larger number of them in the district. 


♦» But with all the harshness of the exclusion 
laws, they were never designed to affect any but 
the laboring classes. They were not intended to 
be used as an instrument to exclude educated men 
traveling in pursuit of knowledge, merchants 
coming from China to this country to buy goods 
or to start an industry here, or those going from 
this country to China and returning. Such are 
the men on whose shoulders trade rests, and it 
was never for an instant proposed that the stat- 
ute should act as a sword to sever the trade rela- 
tions of the countries. Yet w^e recognize that 
this very thing is now being done ; — though, 1 
l>elieve, unwittingly. 

*' Since the law denies to ('hinese laborers the 
right to enter the country, there should be, as an 
offset, a liljeral policy regarding the classes al- 
lowed to enter. Yet this is not thp case. The 
utmost rigor is exercised towards the merchants. 
and travelers coming to the United States ; and 



no mechanism which ingenuity can devise could 
more effectuall}' operate to keep these classes 
■ away. Scarcely two months have elapsed since 
sixty-three merchants from Southern China, 
coming to the United States for commercial pur- 
poses, were prevented from landing at San Fran- 
cisco, because their certificates disclosed that a 
word had not been translated from the Chinese 
onginal into the English — a lack which may 
have been as much the fault of the American 
representative in China who visid the papers as 
of the Chinese oflScial who issued them. The 
English version recited that they were merchants, 
but did not state what kind of merchants. 

**The Chinese official representatives in the 
United States tried hard to secure the landing of 
these people upon some kind of an arrangement 
whereby they would not be put to the loss and 
inconvenience of returning to China merely to 
have such such a small defect corrected. But 
the department was inexorable, ignoring all for- 
mer decisions and precedents. No regard was 
I>aid as to how much these intending purchasers 
in American markets lost by the delay, nor was 
there any doubt expressed as to whether or not 
they had come to this country to buy their goods. 
They were compelled to return to Chma, and the 
reports received from them state that they will 
make their purchases in England. 

** Nor is this harshness confined to the visitors 
from China. It is extended with even more 
severity to resident Chinese merchants who go 
to China intending to return to their business in 
this country. Many of the Chinese merchants of 
the United States are exporters to China, and 
find it necessary to go there once in a few years 
to lo*ik after their affairs. Under a recent rul- 
iog of the department this trade promises to be 
entirely broken up ; for it cannot be imagined 
that henceforth any merchant will attempt to go 
to China with any serious hopes of ever getting 
b«ck to his business in this country." 


T N the National Review for June, Mr. R. Yer- 
*^ burgh, M.P., has a paper entitled *' Count 
Muravieff*s Triumph," in which he quotes from 
the correspondence of our State Department with 
the European powers in the matter of the ** open 
door" in China, and seems to show that Russia 
has given no definite assurance as to equal treat- 
ment at all. The following is an extract from 
Count Muravieff's letter of December 18: 

*' In so far as the territory leased by China to 
Russia is concerned, the Imperial Government 
hag already demonstrated its firm intention to 
follow the policy of the * oj)en door ' by creating 

Dalny (Talienwan) a free port ; and if at some 
future time that port, although remaining free 
itself, should be separated by a customs limit 
from other portions of the territory in question, 
the customs duties would be levied, in the zone 
subject to the tariff, upon all foreign merchants 
without distinction as to nationality." 


Mr. Yerburgh interprets this to mean that 
Russia only guarantees that foreign merchants 
will obtain equal treatment, but that Russian 
merchants, not being foreign, may obtain pref- 
erential treatment. The exact proposals made 
by the United States were that each power should 
guarantee — 

** 1. That it will in nowise interfere with any 
treaty port or any vested interest within any so- 
called * sphere of interest ' or leased territory it 
may have in China. 

** 2. That the Chinese treaty tariff of the time 
being shall apply to all merchandise landed or 
shipped to all such ports as ar^ within such 
' sphere of interest ' (unless they be * free ports '), 
no matter to what nationality it may belong, and 
that duties so leviable shall be collected by the 
Chinese Government. 

*♦ 3. That it will levy no higher harbor dues 
on vessels of another nationality frequenting any 
port in such * sphere ' than shall be levied on 
vessels of its own nationality — and no higher 
railroad charges over lines built, controlled, or 
operated within its * sphere ' on merchandise be- 
longing to citizens or subjects of other nationali- 
ties transported through such * spheres ' than 
shall be levied on similar merchandise belonging 
to its own nationality transported over equal dis- 


All the powers, with the exception of Russia, 
agreed to make the declaration asked for on the 
condition that a similar declaration was made by 
the other powers concerned. But only Great 
Britam and Italy have expressly agreed to make 
it. Mr. White, the American charge d'affaires, 
sent Lord Salisbury copies of the replies received 
from the powers, adding that, as all the powers 
had complied with the United States' proposals, 
he would consider Lord Salisbury's consent final 
and definitive. Lord Salisbury consented to 
this ; and Mr. Yerburgh naturally wants to 
know how Lord Salisbury, with Russia's reply 
before him, could have admitted that the United 
States was justified in asserting that her proposals 
had been accepted. *' It is another triumph of 
the astute Muscovite over the confiding Anglo- 
Saxon," says Mr. Yerburgh, philosophically. 



IN the Fortnightly Review for June, Mr. De- 
metrius C. Boulger makes a plea for a defi- 
nite agreement on England's part with the 
Afghan Ameer as to the defense of his country, 
and at the same time for a definite declaration 
to Russia of England^s determination to uphold 
its integrity. The article is a very reasonable 
one, and is interesting just now as recalling the 
fact that the far East is not the only spot over 
which Great Britain may at any moment find 
herself in acute antagonism to Russia. 


• Practically there are only two policies which 
England can adopt with regard to Afghanistan. 
The first is the maintenance of its integrity, and 
the second the division of the country with Rus- 
sia. It is the former policy which Mr. Boulger 
advocates ; and the further purpose of his arti- 
cle IS to show how to make this policy definite 
and effective. England should, he says, first 
give a definite pledge to the Ameer to uphold 
his sovereignty under all circumstances. The 
present pledge is merely a qualified one. She 
should then make a definite statement that she 
should regard a Russian advance as a casus belli. 
She should pacify the Ameer by receiving a 
diplomatic agent in London. 


The advantage of this policy is that it would 
conciliate the Ameer and remove his doubts as 
to England's reliability ; thus drawing him prob- 
ably to England's side, and making him her ally. 
Russia could not resent this step, as she has often 
declared Afghanistan to be outside her sphere of 

For the alternative policy of dividing the 
country with Russia there is nothing to be said. 
The most diflBcult and intractable part of the 
population would fall to England's share. If the 
Russians were to seize Herat, the Afghans would 
not regard it as a serious blow to their independ- 
ence ; whereas if England, acquiescing in the 
Russian advance, were to seize Kabul and Kan- 
dahar as compensation, they would look on their 
independence as destroyed. Such a step would 
alienate the Afghans and assist the Russians. 
England's prudent course would be to keep 
within her present frontiers and allow Russia 
to advance, leaving it to the Ameer to decide 
when the Anglo-Indian army should advance to 
his support. Any other policy might result in 
throwing the Afghans into Russia's arms, and 
there would be no reason why they should not 
act as Russia's advance-guard of invasion, as they 
did for Asiatic invaders in the past. 


In return for a definite guarantee against in- 
vasion, England might ask the Ameer to allow 
the construction of telegraphs and the establish- 
ment of agents along the frontiers she had under- 
taken to defend, at the same time leaving the 
defense of the frontier primarily to the Afghans 


IN the United Service Magazine for June, Capt. 
R. J. Byford Mair, of the Royal Engineers, 
gives a brief exposition of the Korean question as 
it appears to the Japanese **man in the street." 
He says : 

*<The independence of the Korean kingdom 
has always been looked upon by Japan, before 
and since it entered the arena of the great na- 
tions, as essential to its welfare, if not to its very 
existence. The Japanese have fought to pre- 
serve it ; and in 1894, when they entered upon 
the war with China, they fully believed that they 
were about to settle the question one way or the 
other — if not forever, at least for many genera- 
tions to come. Unfortunately for them, as we 
now know, they were reckoning without all their 
hosts. At the conclusion of the war, three Eu- 
ropean powers, at the instigation of one of them, 
stepped in to deprive them of the fruits of vic- 
tory; and, as it turned out, a permanent solution 
of the question was farther off than ever, owing 
to the * come-to-stay ' appearance on the scene of 
a great power which claimed a voice in any set- 
tlement which might be proposed. Since the 
Treaty of Shimonoseki was ratified, there has 
been a perpetual struggle — checked for a time, 
perhaps, by the convention of April, 1898, but 
since renewed with redoubled vigor on both sides 
— between Russia and Japan to obtain a pre- 
dominating influence in Korea. The pendulum 
swings first to one side and then to the other ; 
at one moment Russia seems to have at length 
obtained the firm footing in the peninsula for 
which she is incessantly striving, but at the next 
it becomes evident that this is more apparent 
than real. The pendulum then swings in favor 
of Japan, who ousts her rival from the premier 
position only to be herself ousted in turn. This 
has happened so often, and the struggle is so 
persistent and continuous, that shrewd observers 
on the spot declare that there can be only one 
end to it all, and that hostilities alone can settle 
the question as to who is to permanently obtain 
a predominant influence. Japan, with her for- 
midable fleet and highly trained army, will not 
lightly consent to be overridden by Russia or 
anybody else on a question which she considers 



of vital importance to her future welfare ; and 
Russia has apparently made up her mind that she 
is destined to absorb Korea, as she has absorbed 
so much other territcwy. Some day, therefore, 
one side will have to give way to the other. 
Which will it be ? It will be then that the peo- 
ple of Japan, as Lord Salisbury has told us, will 
step in and decide whether they are prepared to 
again have recourse to the ultima ratio^ the 
strength of their own right arm, to decide the 
question at issue." 


MR. BRYAN'S article in the North American 
Review for June is a notable deliverance. 
Presidential candidates in this country have usu- 
ally preserved a discreet silence respecting cam- 
paign issues until their parties have made formal 
declarations of principles. Mr. Bryan has cho- 
sen not to wait for the Democratic platform of 
1900 to be adopted and promulgated, but has 
framed and announced his own platform through 
the medium of this North American article. No 
letter of acceptance of a nomination, the candi- 
date's time-honored and recognized channel of 
communication with the members of his party, 
could give a more explicit statement of views as 
to the questions of the hour in American poli- 
tics than is embodied in this article, published 
with no semblance of official party sanction. 

The very title of the paper is significant — 
'* 7%e Issue in the Presidential Campaign. " Mr. 
Bryan believes that the various questions now 
agitating the public mind in this country are but 
different aspects of the one dominant issue — 
'*the issue between plutocracy and democracy. 
All the questions under discussion will, in their 
last analysis, disclose the conflict between the 
dollar and the man — a conflict as old as the hu- 
man race, and one which will continue as long as 
the human race endures." 


Mr. Bryan leaves no doubt as to his position 
on the question of free silver versus the gold 
standard. After speaking of the demonetiza- 
tion of the silver dollar in 1873, he declares that 
for 23 years after that action the dominant party 
was conlroUed by the financiers and the gold 
standard maintained in spite of popular protest, 
although every party was pledged to restore the 
double standard. 

**In 1896 the Democrats refused to be any 
longer parties to the duplicity, and took an open 
and unequivocal position in favor of the imme- 
diate restoration of bimetallism by the independ- 
ent action of this country at the present legal 

ratio. This positive and definite platform was 
necessary because of the cunningly devised eva- 
sions and ambiguities which had been written 
into the platforms of the two leading parties. 
The Republican leaders, on the other hand, con- 
tinued their policy of deception, and held out to 
the Republican bimetallists of the West the de- 
lusive hope of an international agreement, while 
they openly promised the Eastern believers in 
monometallism that the gold standard would be 
maintained until an international agreement could 
be secured^ and secretly assured them that that 
meant forever. 

* * After the election, the administration adopted 
a double -standard method of dealing with the 
subject. A commission was sent to Europe to 
plead for international bimetallism, while a gold- 
standard Secretary of the Treasury was openly 
at work in this country defending monometallism. 
In 1896 the money question occupied by far the 
greater portion of public attention. Since 1896 
the same sordid doctrine that manifested itself 
in the gold standard has manifested itself in sev- 
eral new ways, and to-day three questions con- 
test for primacy — the money question, the trust 
question, and imperialism. There are several 
other questions of scarcely less importance, but 
the lines of division upon these run practically 
parallel with the lines which separate the people 
upon the three greater ones. If a man opposes 
the gold standard, trusts, and imperialism, — all 
three, — the chances are a hundred to one that he 
is in favor of arbitration, the income tax, and the 
election of United States Senators by a direct 
vote of the people, and is opposed to govern- 
ment by injunction and the blacklist. If a man 
favors the gold standard, the trusts, and imperial- 
ism, — all three, — the chances are equally great 
that he regards the demand for arbitration as an 
impertinence, defends government by injunction 
and the blacklist, views the income tax as a dis- 
couragement to thrift, and will oppose the elec- 
tion of Senators by the people as soon as he 
learns that it will lessen the influence of corpo- 
rations in the Senate. When a person is with 
the Democrats on one or two of these questions, 
but not on all, his position on the subordinate 
questions is not so easily calculated. The human 
mind is consistent, but time is required for the 
application of fundamental principles to all these 

In Mr. Bryan's opinion the contest between 
monometallism and bimetallism is a world-wide 
contest, and must go on until silver is once more 
a money metal equal with gold, or until the gold 
standard becomes universal. 

Admitting that we have largely increased our 
supply of gold in the last three years, the action 



of England in placing India upon the gold stan- 
dard is likely to cause a drain on that supply. 
The fall of prices will be temporarily retarded 
by the increased production of gold, but silver 
will still be required as a standard money in the 
long run. 

* * It is needless to discuss the ratio, since there 
is no division of sentiment among those who are 
actually trying to secure bimetallism. There is 
a positive, earnest, and active force behind the 
present legal ratio of sixteen to one ; there is no 
positive, earnest, or active force behind any 
other ratio. Neither is it any longer necessary 
to discuss international bimetallism. The con- 
test upon this question must be between those 
who believe in the gold standard on the one side 
and, on the other side, those who believe in a 
financial policy made by the American people for 


On the trust, as on the money question, says 
Mr. Bryan, the line is drawn between those who 
believe that money is the only thing to be con- 
sidered and those who believe that the people 
have rights that should be respected. 

Mr. Bryan demands legislation against private 
monopoly in every form. **The power to con- 
trol the price of anything which the people need 
cannot safely be trusted to any private individual 
or association of individuals, because selfishness 
is universal, and the temptation to use such a 
power for personal advantage is too great." 

<* While State legislatures can do much. Con- 
gressional action is necessary to complete the de- 
struction of the trusts. A State can prevent the 
creation of a monopoly within its borders, and 
can also exclude a foreign monopoly. But this 
remedy is not suflBcient ; for, if a monopoly 
really exists and is prevented from doing busi- 
ness in any State, the people of that State will 
be deprived of the use of that particular article 
until it can be produced within the State. In- 
stead of shutting a monopoly out of one State 
and leaving it forty- four States to do business in, 
we should shut it up in the State of its origin 
and take the other forty -four away from it. 
This can be done by an act of Congress making 
it necessary for a corporation, organized in any 
State, to take out a license from the Federal Gov- 
ernment before doing business outside of that 
State ; the license not to interfere, however, with 
regulations imposed by other States. Such a 
license, granted only upon evidence that there is 
no water in the stock of the corporation, and 
that it has not attempted and is not attempting 
to monopolize any branch of business or the 
production of any article of merchandise, would 

compel the dissolution of existing monopolies 
and prevent the creation of now ones." 


On the subject of our policy in the Philippines 
Mr. Bryan is distinctly and unequivocally * « agin 
the Government." The following paragraphs 
from his article embody some of his more strik- 
ing thoughts regarding the ** imperialism " of 
President McKinley's administration : 

* < The theory that our race is divinely appointed 
to seize by force or purchase at auction groups 
of * inferior people,' and govern them, with 
benevolent purposes avowed and with trade ad- 
vantages on the side, carries us back to the creed 
of kings and to the gospel of force." 

* * There are degrees of intelligence ; some peo- 
ple can and do govern themselves better than 
others, and it is possible that the people living 
near the equator will never, owing to climatic 
conditions, reach the governmental standards of 
the temperate zone. But it is absurd to say that 
God would create the Filipinos and then leave 
them for thousands of years helpless, until Spain 
found them and threw her protecting arms around 
them ; and it is equally absurd to say that Spain 
could sell to us the right to act as guardians of a 
people whom she governed by force." 

* * One of the great objections to imperialism is 
that it destroys our proud preeminence among 
the nations. When the doctrine of self-govern- 
ment is abandoned, the United States will cease 
to be a moral factor in the world's progress. We 
cannot preach the doctrine that goveniments 
come up from the people, and at the same time 
practice the doctrine that governments rest upon 
brute force. We cannot set a high and honor- 
able example for the emulation of mankind while 
we roam the world like beasts of prey seeking 
whom we may devour." 


IN the July Cosmopolitan, Mr. Charles S. Gleed 
gives an account of Kansas City, the town 
in which the Democratic National Convention is 
about to meet as this magazine appears. Mr. 
Gleed assures his readers that the theaters and 
hotels of Kansas City are in advance of those of 
any other city of like size in the country, and 
that there will be no danger of failure in the en- 
tertainment of the great company to assemble 
July 4th for the nomination of Democratic candi- 
dates for President and Vice-President of the 
United States. The great hall in which the 
Democratic National Convention will be held has 
just been reconstructed. It was originally built 
less than two years ago by popular subscription, 



Courtesy of the Cosmo^litan, 

and was destroyed by fire about three months ago. 
Before the fire liad been subdued, a new subscrip- 
tion had been started and the whole structure 
built anew. It will hold 22,500 people, and is 
said by critics to be the most perfect building of 
its kind in the United States — if not in the world. 
The new building has been made almost fireproof. 


Kansas City has, in Mr. Gleed's words, ** had 
to work for a living.'* She has come into her 
present vigor and prosperity 
by the sweat of her brow. 
She had her notable * * boom, 
beginning about 1875." For 
ten years or more, it was dif- 
ficult to make any real estate 
investment in the city that 
did not yield a profit — or 
offer to yield one. It is 
doubtful if any such carnival 
of city real-estate speculation 
ever occurred anywhere else 
in this country. The platted 
land about the city extended 
out and out until, if the lots 
had been well occupied, the 
city would have been almost 
as large as London. * < Prices 
went up and up. Every 
profit made the speculators bolder, and this 
boldness stiffened prices. Year after year this 
reciprocal stimulation of the real-estate mar- 
ket was kept up, and the ultimate victims mul- 
tiplied accordingly. The end came, and values 
fell with a crash. Scarcely a man escaped. 
Banks broke, and thousands who thought them- 
selves rich were proved to be bankrupt or per- 
manently crippled. . . . But the bad dream 
passed, and courage returned to those who sur- 
vived the wreck ; and at this time little remains 
to tell the tale of the great debauch, except an 
unusual proportion of vacant lots in the business 
part of the city. In the long run this may be a 
good thing, as it will likely influence the erec- 
tion of ampler buildings with larger ground - 
s))ace, and not so much invasion of the upper 


Kansas City is surrounded by an ocean of fat 
land studded with mines and garnished with for- 
ests — ^both of fabulous extent and value. From 
the wheat-loaded plains of the far north to the 
cotton-covered leagues of the south, there is 
scarcely an acre that is not fruitful beyond any 
like area elsewhere in the world. 

' * All the people of the earth could be fed from 

the land within a circle of a 1,000-mile radius 
around Kansas City. Not only could they be 
fed, but all their other necessities could be sup- 
plied. Iron, oil, lumber, gold, silver, coal, salt 
— everything which men must use, or may well 
use, comes out of this magic circle of which 
Kansas City is the center. Thus it is not strange 
that we see wonderful figures made by Kansas 
City's business institutions. Last year in her 
packing- houses 2,646,073 swine ran down a 
steep place into hot water. Nearly a million 


head of cattle rendered unto the packers the 
things that are the packers'. The stockyards 
handled over 6,000,000 head of live-stock, worth 
$121,706,632. Three hundred and fifty thou- 
sand barrels of flour were turned out of her 
mills. The horse and mule merchants handled 
31,677 horses and mules. She received bushels 
of grain as follows: wheat, 20,341,100; corn, 
8,682,750 ; oats, 2,388,000 ; rye, 183,300 ; bar- 
ley, 17,600. Kansas City sells more agricultural 
implements than any other town ; she has the 
largest horse and mule stables in the world, and 
the largest live- stock market in the Union ex- 
cept Chicago. She is second to Chicago only 
as a railroad center. Last year her bank- 
clearings were $648,270,711, and on Decem- 
ber 2 of last year her bank deposits were $49,- 
018,130. Her wholesale business amounted to 


In the early days, Kansas City was a town of 
unexampled roughness and disorder. ** The day 
of decoration in time arrived. Streets were well 
paved. Unsightly bluffs were dumped into hide- 
ous gulches. Palaces were built. Engineers and 
gardeners scattered gentle slopes and pleasing 
curves in liberal profusion. Trees and flowei*s 



<*Thu8 I, who am an early riser, begin work 
at five in summer and six in winter, after the 
customary light breakfast of coffee and rolls. I 
do not take a second breakfast at ten or eleven, 
as many Germans do, but work continuously 
until one o'clock, when 1 have dinner. " This 
with me, as with all Germans, is the hearty meal 
of the day. After dinner I take a half- hour's 
nap ; theft read the newspaper or chat with my 
family for an hour, and perhaps go for a long 
walk. At about four, like all Germans, I take 
my cup of coffee, but without cake or other food. 
Then at four, having had three full hours of 
brain rest and diversion, I am ready to go to 
work again, and can accomplish four hours more 
of work without undue fatigue. At eight I have 
my rather light supper, and after that I attempt 
no further work, giving the evening to reading, 
conversation, or other recreation. I do not re- 
tire till rather late, as I require only five or six 
hours' sleep." 

In consequence of these regular hours, and in 
spite of this enormous labor, Haeckel looks, at 
sixty-five, according to Dr. Williams, as if he 
were good for at least a score of years of further 


AMONG the recent important discoveries in 
medicine are the possibilities the doctors 
have found stored up in the thyroid gland. The 
Revue de Midccine for May 1 contains the fourth 
paper in a series on "Fonctions du corps thy- 
roide," in which Dr. Gabriel Gauthier reports 
the results of his experiments. 

This gland lies in the throat, in the neighbor- 
hood of the larynx. As a gland, it would natu- 
rally be expected to secrete something to be used 
in the system, yet it has no duct as an outlet for 
any secretion. Its raison d'etre, if it really had 
one, was a puzzle to physicians for a long time, and 
various unimportant functions were attributed to 
it. Within a few years a relation was found 
to exist between this gland and the disease known 
as goiter. Patients afflicted with the disease had 
abnormal thyroids, and this observation was fol- 
lowed by the unexpected discovery that they 
could be successfully treated by administering a 
preparation of the gland, preferably the thyroid 
of a young sheep. We are familiar with the 
much-advertised correcting of too prominent 
noses, the treatment of eyelids to secure any de- 
sired expression, and other triumphs of surgery 
in the cause of beauty ; but it was a surprise to 
learn, from sources beyond question of reliabil- 
ity, that thyroid was a cure for arrested develop- 
ment, and that persons who, from some cause, 
had not grown to their natural size had been 

successfully treated with this remedy, even when 
they had passed the period of growth and had 
reached the mature age of twenty or twenty- 
seven years. In contrast to this, victims of ol)e- 
sity might find surcease from their trouble by 
using the same remedy, which is the best one 
known, except for cases that require dieting. 
Gauthier is of the opinion that many cases of 
obesity are due to insufficient development of 
the thyroid, and abnormal thinness to a too 
great development of it. 

Further, the discovery gave a new ray of hope 
for feeble-minded children ; for since idiocy in 
many instances is due to the arrested growth of 
the brain, it follows that thyroid may often be 
used with good results for these pitiably afflicted 
members of our communities. Examination of 
a large number of imbecile and half-witted in- 
dividuals showed more or less degeneration of the 
gland. Thyroid administered to children suffer- 
ing from myxodemic idiocy produced growth in 
the whole bony system, including the cranium. 

A very striking case cited is that of a child 
showing symptoms of mental perversion, includ. 
ing kleptomania, upon whom excellent results 
were produced by stimulation of the thyroid. 
When we consider that all of our activities are 
controlled by the nervous system, this is not dif- 
ficult to understand. Thyroid is effective in 
many nervous troubles, and in general may be 
said to first influence the nervous system in its 
development, and later to affect its nutrition. 


The gland apparently plays a very important 
r/J/e in all nutritive processes, and is concerned 
in a number of diseases. Several skin diseases, 
diseases of the bone, unstable nerves, cardiac ex- 
citability, rachitis, and many other pathological 
conditions, as well as many natural develop- 
mental processes, are attended with changes in 
this gland. Cases of fracture that did not heal 
properly were quickly cured by the thyroid treat- 
ment. In fact, any pathological condition that 
results from an error in nutrition may be traced 
to a disturbance of the activity of this gland, and 
may be alleviated by treatment with it. 

The disease known as acromegaly, or giant- 
ism, in which the bones become abnormally en- 
larged and a giant is formed, is caused by disease 
in the pituitary body — a small body on the lower 
side of the brain, which has one lobe identical 
in structure with the thyroid. 

There is apparently a series of glands that 
preside over growth processes ; the thymus, 
which regulates pre -natal -growth and degener- 
ates early in life, the thyroid, the amygdalae 
and the pituitary body. 




THIS is the name which the astronomer, M. 
C'amille Flammarion, has given to the 
branch of physical researcli suggested by his ex- 
periments with plant-growing in colored light. 
Mr. G. C. Nuttall furnishes a most interesting ac- 
count of these experiments in Pearson's (London) 
for June. The astronomer erected four small 
greenhouses in the grounds of the Observatory 
of Juvisy — ^glazed-red, green, blue, white, respec- 
tively. In these he put seedlings of uniform age 
and development of the sensitive plant (mimosa), 
and left them to grow for three months, with 
these results : 

•♦The plants in the ordinary conservatory had 
grown in a normal manner, and had attained a 
height of nearly four inches. 


'•Those in the blue glasshouse had not made 
the slightest improvement ; they were precisely 
as they had been planted three months before ; 
in fact, they can best 1^ described as plants in a 
trance. They were alive and seemingly quite 
healthy, but absolutely undeveloped. As they 
liad been planted so they remained ; to all ap- 
pearance they might have fallen asleep on the 
day of their entry into blueness, and never have 
awakened to set about growing. 


" In the green glasshouse, the plants had shown 
a Urge amount of energy, and had pushed up to 
a height half as great again as that attained by 
ihoee in the ordinary conservatory. There was no 
tioubt that the atmosphere of green had stimu- 
lated their growth upwards, though, on the other 
liand, they were not so well developed or so bushy 
as the others. 


" Bat it was in the red glasshouse that the roost 
striking results were apparent. In this the seed- 
lings had simply leaped into stature ; they were 
four times as tall as their contemporaries of nor- 
mal growth, and they were actually more than 
fifteen times the size of the little plants which 
had slept in the blue light. Moreover, they alone 
*'f all the seedlings had flowered." 

Their sensitiveness ha<i under the red rays be- 
come hyper-sensitiveness, while under the blue 
rays it had passed into complete insensitiveness. 
These differences might, it was thought, be due 
^ the differences in luminosity and temperature: 
Ko all four houses were made identical in temper- 
ttare and intensity of light, and the results were 
practically the same. Similar experiments with 
other plants produced differences as remarkable. 


The writer naturally concludes that radiocul- 
ture has a future before it, and that we are only 
on the threshold of the transformations which it 
may effect. He proceeds : 

** As far as real practical use is concerned, it 
is early yet to predict; but it certainly seems as 
though red glasshouses might, with great advan- 
tage, become part of the stock-in-trade of the 
florist and gardener as an additional and. most 
useful adjunct to his present forcing arrange- 
ments. Such a remarkable stimulant to plant 
life as red light proves to be cannot be over- 
looked long." 


An even more tempting glimpse into further 
knowledge is offered by experiments with ani- 
mal organisms : 

** Silkworms were kept under variously col- 
ored glasses, and their development carefully 
watched. It was found that the quantity of silk 
produced, the number of eggs, even the actual 
proportion of the sexes, were largely affected by 
the color of the light in which they lived." 


IN the Revue des Revues, there is a curious arti- 
cle on **The Language of Birds." At the 
end of last century a distinguished political econ- 
omist, M. Dupont de Nemours, sallied forth into 
the fields to learn the languages of the crow and 
the nightingale. After two winters' shivering 
about the highways and hedges, he had made 
out twenty-five words of crow -language. It 
must not be supposed, however, that crow -lan- 
guage is poor because its words number but 
twenty- five. *<The crows have only to combine 
them by twos, by threes, by fours, or by fives, 
and they will get a number of combinations sur- 
passing the number of words contained by the 
richest language in the universe." M. Nemours 
does not think, however, that the crows do act- 
ually make so many, or even any, combinations 
of the words in their dictionary. Their twenty- 
five words are quite enough to express **here," 
** there," "hot," *»cold," ** take care," ** armed 
man," **a nest," and a score or more of expres- 
sions which crows might naturally be supposed 
to need. ** After which crows have not much 
left to say." M. Nemours* dictionary was not 
a crow- French or a French -crow dictionary ; 
rather, he translated his crow words into verse. 
M. Nemours made many other discoveries while 
with the birds. The goldfinch, linnet, and gar- 
den warbler he found sang of nothing but their 
loves ; but the chaflBnch sang also of its amour- 



projyre — conceited bird ; while the male lark 
pours out its soul in a hymn on the beauties of 
nature, and the vigor with which it soars aloft, 
rising higher and higher before the eyes of its 
admiring mate. The nightmgale was very com- 
municative ; it told the French naturalist threie 
of its songs. 


But German naturalists, always grundlich, have 
pursued their researches into comparative bird- 
philology even farther. One of their celebrated 
ornithologists tells us that the language of the 
sparrow may be used as a standard of comparison 
for that of several species : 

* ' * Dieb ' is the cry which they utter when on 
the wing, < schilp ' when perching ; and these 
are their two cries for attracting attention. When 
they are eating or at rest, they may be continually 
heard repeating * dieb, * * bilp, ' or * bioum. ' Their 
cries of tenderness are * durr and die, die ;' * terr, ' 
pronounced with force and rolling of the * r, * 
means the approach of danger ; — it is a signal of 
warning. Should the peril increase, or an enemy 
have suddenly appeared, they utter another cry, 
which may be distinguished : < tellerelltelltelltell.' 
If the sparrow is safe, the bird of prey or the 
cat having disappeared, he repeats gently, several 
times over, *durr.' When the male birds are 
disputing the possession of a female, * tell, tell, 
silp, den, dell, dieb, schilk,' etc., comes from 
every throat, producing the deafening noise 
heard especially in spring " — all simple words 
enough, except one, which will probably be 
found peculiar to sparrows of German origin. 

Mr. Barington, vice-president of the Royal 
Society of London, also an acute bird observer, 
is quoted as saying that hardly two birds of the 
same kind have a song exactly similar. Locality 
also influences their songs, the same bird singing 
differently in the mountains and in the plains. 
Tracing back the language of man to its most 
primitive beginnings, is it so very different in 
nature or in origin from the language of the 
crows and nightingales ? 


IN the July Harper s, Dr. John D. Quackenbos 
writes on *'The Educational Use of Hyp- 
notism," and claims some very important uses of 
the hypnotic power in quickening the mental grasp 
of various subjects of study. Dr. Quackenbos has 
applied hypnotism profitably in cases of backward 
and erratic children, voice- culture, development 
of musical talent, and the inspiration of writers 
and actresses, and he believes suggestion is a 
legitimate and thoroughly scientific tool in the 
hands of a careful and well- trained hypnotist. 


** A troubled mother writes to inquire whether 
a child of six years can be satisfactorily influ- 
enced by hypnotic suggestion — ' a sensitive, 
nervous, high-strung, exceedingly affectionate 
boy, but cursed with a painful lack of courage in 
his contact with other boys. This leads to a per- 
petual persecution by his companions, besides 
being in itself deplorable, inasmuch as it is a 
trait indicating lack of manliness. By nature he 
is exceptionally truthful, but at times I suspect 
this supreme timidity may lead to deception 
through fear of consequences. Do you think 
this defect can be successfully overcome by hyp- 
notic suggestion ? * 

* * My reply to such an inquiry is that the child 
as pictured is a perfect subject for hypnotic 
treatment, which will convert the cry-baby into 
a resolute, manly boy; the unhappy, cringing 
coward into a model of bravery and truth. 

* * There are children who are unnaturally stupid, 
of sluggish intellect, born without the ordinary 
ability to concentrate thought or rivet attention, 
with defective memories, easily confused, em- 
barrassingly self-conscious, so that the mind be- 
comes a blank under the pressure of a necessity 
for reflection ; or, if thoughts are there, the vo- 
cal mechanism refuses to express them. For 
these conditions, as well as for habitual indolence, 
disinclination to exertion and cowardice, hypno- 
tism is the philosophical treatment. Where 
medication, moral influences, institutional disci- 
pline, change of scene and companionships, are 
of no avail, carefully directed suggestion in the 
hypnotic state, if confidently persevered in, is. 
humanly speaking, sure to awaken intellectual 
perception, impart mental alertness, improve the 
memory conditions, and substitute self-reliance 
for diffidence and timidity.'* 


Dr. Quackenbos describes various instances of 
the pathological order, and then a class of cases 
which differ in kind from these — such as the use 
of hypnotism with intelligent people who under- 
stand the philosophy of suggestion, and apply 
for assistance in their musical work. 

» < Here the suggestions are framed to meet 
the special needs of each individual. The sub- 
ject is hypnotized, and told that the subliminal 
self is now in the ascendency ; that it has de- 
manded and secured an outlet of expression 
through the physical organism and the mortal 
mind ; that it will utter itself fearlessly, without 
diffidence, without thought of extraneous criti- 
cism, unerringly, feelingly, triumphantly ; that, 
in order to do this, it has indued the objective 
self with power to read music, to interpret the 



contents, and to render the thought or feeling 
through the medium of piano.tones evoked by 
dexterous fingers. An improvement is at once 
noticed, marked by facility in interpreting new 
and difficult music, by a sureness and delicacy of 
touch, and, above all, by the acquisition of per- 
fect confidence before an audience. Proficiency 
in piano- playing on the part of those who under- 
stand the technic is assured in a comparatively 
short time by suggestive instruction of this 


Dr. Quackenbos has had under his own treat- 
ment recently a number of persons who use this 
aid in studying music, and also several ladies 
who are making a profession of fiction. writing. 
To the latter were imparted, under hypnotic in. 
fluences — first, a knowledge of the canons of nar- 
ration ; secondly, of the laws of construction in 
the case of the novel, its functions and technic, 
and Its legitimate material. This philosophy is 
readily grasped, assimilated, and utilized in post- 
hypnotic creation ; and the mode of instruction 
puts out of countenance the conventional wrest- 
ling with the precepts of a text-book. In the 
light of instantaneous apprehension, barrenness 
pves place to richness of association, the earnest 
thought and honest toil of the old method to a 
surprising facility, disinclination to select details 
to zest in appropriating whatever is available. 
Opportunity and mood are thus made to coincide, 
and the subject spontaneously conforms to the 
eternal principles of style. Under the influence 
of such inspiration, rapid progress has been made 
in the chosen field of authorship. 


THE article in the Quarterly Review for April 
on Tolstoi's view of art is chiefly remark- 
able for two things — for the theory of art ad- 
vanced in opposition to Tolstoi, and for the 
writer's outspoken approval of Tolstoi's social 
criticism. He begins with a fairly comprehen- 
sive censure of the great Russian : 

** Destitute of all historic sense, impervious to 
any form of science, and accepting the Gospel 
only as the nominal text for a religion of his own 
making, he has become incapable of admitting 
more than one side to any question, more than 
one solution to any difficulty, more than one 
factor in any phenomenon. He has lost all sense 
of caase and effect, all acquiescence in necessity, 
and aU real trustfulness in the ways of the uni- 
verse. Most things are wrong — wholly, utterly 
WTt>ng ; their wrongness has never originated in 
any right, and never will be transforme<i into 

right until — well, until mankind be converted 
to Tolstoi's theory and practice. Economic and 
domestic arrangements, laws, politics, religion, 
all wrong ; and now art also." 


The reviewer meets Tolstoi's scornful exposure 
of the endless contradictions apparent in the his- 


tory of the philosophy of art with an apology for 
the backward state of esthetic science — depend- 
ent, as it is, on the as yet only partially devel- 
oped sciences of psychology, sociology, and an- 
thropology. But, he argues, the modern treat- 
ment of esthetics is * * beginning to put order and 
lucidity into the subject." His positive theory 
is put forward by the writer in these sentences : 
*■ ' The quality called beauty, recognized in the 
most various kinds and styles of art, marks the 
awakening of a specific sort of pleasure, at pres- 
ent neither analyzable nor explicable, but which, 
like all the other varieties of pleasure, can be in- 
stantly identified, though not described by any 
one who has experienced it. . . . It is this 
quality of beauty y this specific pleasurable emo- 
tion connected with the word beautiful,^ which 
practically decides the eventual acceptance or re- 
jection of a work of art. 


* < The instinct for beauty is not, in all proba- 
bility, one of the creative faculties of man. It 



does not set people working ; it does not drive 
them to construct, to imitate, or to express, any 
more than the moral instinct sets people wishing 
and acting, or the logical instinct sets them rea- 
soning. It is, even more typically than the 
moral and logical instincts, a categorical im- 
perative^ which imperiously decides whether 
given forms are to be tolerated, cherished, or 

**In thus recognizing that the instinct for 
beauty is not a creative, but a regulative impulse 
of mankind, modern psychology, so far from 
diminishing its importance, increases it enor- 
mously, and explains it. ... In a world of 
life the most complex, overflowing, and organic, 
not merely negative moral virtue, hut physical 
beauty, as mucli as intellectual lucidity, is re- 
quired, and, by the nature of things, will eter- 
nally be required and produced.'' 


But while emphatically at variance with Tol- 
stoi in asserting the independent authority of the 
artistic instincts, the reviewer is no less emphatic- 
ally at one with his author in admitting the 
present divorce of art from labor and life. The 
following paragraph is significant, appearing as 
it does, not in any wild socialistic print, but in 
the soberest and sedatest organ of British con- 
servatism : 

** Nowadays objects of utility, machine-made, 
and no longer expressive of any preferences, are 
either totally without esthetic quality, or em- 
body, in a perfunctory and imperfect manner, 
the superficial and changing esthetic fashions of 
a very small minority. Nor is this all. The 
extreme rapidity of scientific discovery and me- 
chanical invention, the growing desire for tech- 
nical education and hygienic advantage, the race 
for material comfort, and the struggles for intel- 
lectual and social equality — in fact, the whole 
immense movement of our times, both for good 
and for evil — have steadily tended to make art 
less and less a reality even in the lives of the 
leisured classes, and have resulted in virtually 
effacing all vestige of it from the lives of work- 
ing-men. Art, therefore, we may concede to 
Tolstoi, is in our days largely artificial, often un- 
wholesome, always difficult of appreciation, and, 
above all, a luxury. Violent and even fanatical 
as are Tolstoi's words on this subject, they 
hardly , exaggerate the present wrongness of 

What may be termed the social conviction of 
sin is certainly ripening when a Quarterly re- 
viewer contritely confesses that even Tolstoi 
** hardly exaggerates the present wrongness of 


IN the Temple Magazine for June, Mr. Hugh 
W. Strong gives us a little picture of Prof. 
Max Miiller in his workshop. He writes: 

'* Books everywhere! Not a square foot of 
wall space but is occupied with the varieties 
among the writings in every language, and out 
of every nation and people, which have gone to 
increase Prof. Max Mdller's mastery of that pro- 
foundly interesting subject, * The Religions of the 

* * Of Max Muller it is peculiarly true that the 
study reveals the student. This * German Work- 
shop,' from whence the 'Chips' were wont to 
come with a regularity and sustained interest which 

PROr. If AX mCixer. 

bespoke the concentration and enthusiasm of the 
worker, is distinguished in all its details by prac- 
ticality and purposefulness. Everything in its 
place and a place for everything. The arrange- 
ment of the works of reference with which the 
tall bookcases are packed and piled to the very 
ceiling is directly designed to facilitate methodi- 
cal writing." 

In reply to various questions, Professor Miiller 
told his interviewer : 

** My work is done. There is the * Rig- Veda' 
in six large volumes, and the * Sacred Books of 
the East' in fifty volumes of translations — my 
commission from the Oxford University. These 
really form my life's work. Beyond them are 
numerous other books and translations, my * His- 



tory of Sanskrit Literature,* my * Science of 
Language/ * Science of Religion,' * Science of 
Mythology,* * History of Indian Philosophy,* 
etc., while niost of ray shorter writings are col- 
lected in * Chips from a German Workshop. * 
Now I feel it high time that I drew in my sails. 

** I shall probably go on with my * Recollections * 
— * Auid Lang Syne,* you know. But I shall 
abstain from any great effort. I am asked to 
contribute to both English and American publi- 
cations, but can only occasionally comply. 

* * My methods of work are very simple. * Wlien 
I have nothing to do, I work. * Story ? I have 
none to tell you. I was always at work. Here 
were my pen and paper and books daily, hourly 
awaiting me. These and my thoughts were suf- 
ficient inspiration and incentive. I didn*t want 
recreations. As soon as I felt exhausted I gave 
up and rested.** 


In connection with the professor's recent ill- 
ness, the following communication from an old 
and learned Brahmin at Madras has a special in- 
terest. The Brahmin writes : 

** When I saw the professor was seriously ill, 
tears trickled down my cheeks unconsciously. 
When I told my friends who are spending the 
Ust days of their life with me, and read with me 
the ' Bhagavadgtta,* and similar religious books, 
tbey were all very much overpowered with grief. 
Last night, when we were all going to our tem- 
ple as usual, it was suggested to me that we 
should have some special service performed by 
the temple priest for his complete restoration. 
All my friends followed me to the temple ; but 
when we told the priest our wish, he raised va- 
rious objections. He could not, he said, offer 
prayers and chant hymns in the name of one who 
is not a Hindoo by birth ; and, if lie did so, he 
would be dismissed from the service and excom- 
municated by his caste. 

** We discussed the subject with him at length, 
and told him that Prof. Max Miiller, though a 
European by birth and in garb, was virtually more 
than a Hindoo. When some of my friends offered 
to pay him ample remuneration, he at last con- 
sented; and when, the next day, at 11 o'clock at 
night, we came to the temple with cocoanuts, 
flowers, betel-leaves, nuts, and camphor, which 
we banded to the priest, he began to chant the 
Mantras, and offer prayers to God for about an 
hour or so. After everything was done, the 
priest returned to us some of our gifts, and re- 
quested that we should send them to Professor 

To this Professor Miiller adds : 

** It is perfectly true that I was well after that 
prayer, and, what is more to be remarked, — you 
may say it is mere coincidence if you will, — after 
^VQ months of miserable nausea there was a com- 
plete change in my constitution within twenty- 
four hours, when the great German specialists 
had unanimously anticipated a fatal termination 
to my illness. I hear that these prayers are con- 
tinued even now, week after week. ** 


THE July Bookman has some notes on the 
life and work of Stephen Crane, who died 
last month at Baden, after a protracted illness. 
Mr. Crane was not quite thirty years of age, yet 


he had been famous as a writer in England and 
America for some yeai*s, and many discriminat- 
ing people thought that no one had a greater 
share of literary prominence among the writers 
of America. Crane was a New Jersey boy, born 
in Newark in 1870. He went to school at La- 
fayette College and Syracuse University, and 
had already in his undergraduate days developed 
a yearning for the atmosphere of printer's ink. 
In 1892 he came to New York and went 
through the routine discouragements of refusals 
from newspaper and book publishing sanctums. 
He had already written a book, ''Maggie: A 
Child of the Streets," but it could not be pub- 
lished except at the author's expense, and young 



Crane lived on bread and water to make the 
necessary money. Mr. Howells and others had, 
however, remarked a note of genius in the boy's 
writing. In 1893, at the age of twenty -three, 
Crane wrote **The Red Badge of Courage." It 
was published very modestly first in a Philadelphia 
paper, and was afterward issued in book form by 
the Appletons, and made the youth famous in 
England and America. The whole world was 
astonished that probably the best description of 
war written in this generation should come from 
a young man born five years after the termina- 
tion of the struggle that he described. The uni- 
versal popularity of Mr. Crane's books in Eng- 
land led him to take up a residence in that coun- 
try, and he was petted by the most exclusive 
London literary circles. In the last few years 
his most important work has been newspaper 
correspondence, notably in his reporting of the 
Greco-Turkish war in 1897, and the Cuban fili- 


MR. H. W. MASSINGHAM contributes a 
sketch of Archibald Forbes to the Leisure 
Hour for June. Thus dramatically he describes 
Forbes' entry upon London daily journalism : 

** 'Archibald Forbes from Metz.' In these 
words, scribbled on a bit of writing-paper, Archi- 
bald Forbes made his entry into the great world 
of war journalism. Fortunately, they were ad- 
dressed to an excellent judge of men. Sir John 
Robinson, the manager of the Daily NewSy was 
— in common with the rest of the world — deeply 
concerned to know what was happening in the 
great Prussian laager round the French strong- 
hold. So the traveler was promptly shown up 
to the managerial room. He came in with his 
dragoon's swagger, his big mustache, his rather 
fierce gray eyes alight with anger and impatience, 
a shabby, travel -stained figure. He had been 
to more than one great newspaper oflSce, and had 
been repulsed, notwithstanding the obvious value 
of his work. * Nice place, London — no one will 
see you ! ' he grumbled. Smoothing down the 
ruffled man. Sir John in a few minutes had his 
story in plain, abrupt phrases. It was a windfall 
indeed. Forbes had come straight from the 
Prussian lines. Though he did not speak Ger- 
man, and represented no paper of first-rate im- 
portance, he appeared to have the complete con- 
fidence of the authorities. He had passed right 
through their lines. But he was bothered about 
a little paper which he owned, — the London Scots- 
mauy — long since dead. * I'll take it over, ' cried 
Sir John, and he did. Forbes was fasting ; food 
and tobacco were found him, and he was set to 
work in an adjoining room. Sir John watching 

anxiously over his new-found treasure. Hour 
after hour, he wrote, a clear, masterly account of 
the entire military situation. When he finished, 
he proposed another task. The Germans were 
being wrongly accused of ill-treatment of the 
French, and, full of his subject, he wished to 
convince the English public of the truth. Sir 
John shook his head, and Forbes stared fiercely 
at the refusal. * You will not do that, ' continued 
Sir John ; * you will do something much better. 
You will go straight back to Metz as our corre- 
spondent.' Forbes asked for £100 in five- franc 
pieces. In the evening they were found for him. 
Of his own capacity, he made one modest remark : 
* I've one pull over the other fellows, — no com- 
pliments, please, — and that is that when the day's 
work is over I can walk forty miles without tir- 
ing ; and when your horse is requisitioned by 
the military, as it often is, that is always a help.' 
Thus began the c^ireer of the most brilliant of 
war correspondents. " 

Mr. Massingham thus estimates Forbes' gentus: 
** Brilliancy was indeed Forbes' special quality. 
His work had the fine flash and go, the power of 
instant observation, the gift of easy, adroit ex- 
pression, the spirit and feeling both of the battle 
and of the larger task of campaigning, which 
make the ideal correspondent. Politics troubled 
him little. He had the soldier's eye for the 
objective fact ; what lay behind it was less im- 


ONE of the most interesting articles in the 
Contemporary Review for June is that in 
which Miss Edith Sellers describes the Schiller 
People's Theater in Berlin, which was founded 
by Dr. Lowenfeld in 1893. The object of the 
founding of the theater was to remove the re- 
proach from the Berlinese that their lives were 
all work and no play, and to give them at the 
same time recreation and instruction at a price 
within the means of all. 


About nine years ago, Dr. Lowenfeld, then a 
young journalist and biographer of Tolstoi, 
started in Berlin a propaganda against too much 
work and too 4ittle amusement. At that time 
Berlin was occupied with a plethora of schemes 
for the education of the masses; and when the 
doctor organized on paper his scheme for a peo- 
ple's theater, he met at first with little sympa- 
thy. The diflSculties were considerable. The 
theater had to be self-supporting, and Dr. 
Lowenfeld had concluded that 12^ cents was as 
much as the average working-man could pay. 
But he succeeded in obtaining the assistance of 



some influential Berliners, and after making ap- 
plication to some thousands of people^ managed 
to get together a capital of $25,000. A com- 
pany was formed and the Schiller Theater 
rented, Sudermann, the dramatist^ being among 
the members of the committee. The theater, he 
found, could not be worked for less than 
is 1,000 a year, and to get such a revenue from 
low-priced seats seemed impossible. To get 
over the diflBculty, Dr. Lowenfeld started the 
Theater Union, every member of which pledged 
himself to go the Schiller Theater at least once a 
fortnight, or else to pay for tickets. 


With such resources, the liighest salary the 
theater could pay was $2,000 a year, and first- 
rate artists were out of the question. The first 
performance was given in 1894, all Berlin being 
interested in the experiment — which, however, 
it was believed must turn out a failure. The 
result was a complete triumph, and after a year's 
trial the Schiller Theater took a chief place 
among the Berlin theaters. It covered* its ex- 
penses from the first, and at the present time 
pays its shareholders 5 per cent., all further 
profits going toward improvements. Its finan- 
cial position is now so satisfactory that the di- 
rectors are able to give entirely free entertain- 
ments from time to time. 


The repertoire of the theater contains at the 
present time 136 plays, and it produces dramas 
of ail classes, from Sophocles and Shakespeare 
to the lightest modern comedies. Though the 
scenery is less elaborate and the actors less known 
than in the other theaters. Dr. Lowenfeld has 
succeeded in compensating himself by training 
his company in the best traditions. The cost of 
producing the plays has varied from $3,000, 
which was the costof ♦* Wallenstein," to $5,200, 
which was expended on bringing out ** Brand.'* 


People of all classes, from university professors 
to cab-drivers, are now found among the patrons 
of the People's Theater. Formerly the theater 
was open for 360 days of the year. It is now 
doeed in July and August; but, in spite of this, 
it continues to pay its way. The charge for 
tickets has also been altered since the first sue- 
<5e« of the experiment, and ranges from 8 cents 
io62^ cents. People who buy six tickets at a 
time receive them about a f jurtli cheaper. In 
view of the success of the Berlin venture, it would 
he interesting to see if a similar experiment 
would not succeed in London or New York. 


PROF. LUIGI RAVA, of the University of 
Bologna, Italy, makes, in Nuova Antologia 
for May 1, a summary of the present state of 
legislation for providing working people with an 
income in their old age. 

Mirabeau proposed, in the French National 
Assembly, the founding of a national savings- 
bank for receiving and investing the small sav- 
ings of working people. The project was ap- 
proved by the Assembly, and a national savings- 
bank was founded. But there was too little ex- 
perience for the right management of such an 
institution, and too much political meddling. The 
bank was not successful. Meanwhile, mutual- 
aid societies were founding in France and Italy, 
and trades-unions in England. As time went on, 
associations for mutual cooperation and help, un- 
der various names and with various modifica- 
tions, became numerous in Europe and America. 
Their history covers a wide range of success and 

For many years efforts have been made to pro- 
vide by national legislation for working people 
old-age pensions, which, though very small, shall 
be more certain than the allowances supplied by 
mutual-aid societies and similar associations. 


In 1850 there was founded, by the French 
Government, a national savings institution for 
providing pensions for aged operatives and others. 
One of the questions considered was whether the 
deposits should be free or obligatory. After long 
deliberation and debate, it was decided that de- 
posits should be free, not less than five francs 
each, and that the pensions should be liquidated 
on the basis of the laws of mortality, — different 
pensions to different ages, — and there was as- 
sured to depositors interest at the rate of 5 per 
cent, on deposits. A crop of disillusions fol- 
lowed. The bank was free for all. Deposits by 
people in comfortable circumstances, who wanted 
to get the 5 per cent, interest, poured in ; but 
the working people, for whom the bank was 
primarily instituted, did not avail themselves of 
Its advantages. A deficit grew from year to 
year, because authorized investments brought 
only 4^, 4, or 3i per cent, interest. The minis- 
ter of finance was obliged, in 1853, to reduce the 
interest allowed by the savings institution to 4^ 
per cent. In 1856 the government fixed the 
maximum pension at 750 francs, and in 1872 
raised the interest again to 5 per cent. Fourteen 
years later (1886), after various changes of rules, 
1,200 francs as the maximum pension was estab- 
lished by law, and a fixed rate of interest was 
abolished. Authority for determining the rate 



of interest year by year was vested in the presi- 
dent of the republic. Availing themselves of a 
favorable law, the French societies deposited 
their funds in the national institution. The ag- 
gregate of funds at the end of 1895 was 125,- 
000,000 francs — the larger part having been 
turned in by the societies. Thirty-one thousand 
pensioners at the age of 64 received, on the aver- 
age, less than 100 francs per annum. Since 1880 
the government's budget has contributed 1,000,- 
000 francs a year to the institution for the benefit 
of the societies that deposited in it their pension 

Belgium has kept close to France in efforts to 
establish savings institutions for supplying the 
aged poor with pensions. An institution of this 
kind was founded by law in 1850, but operatives 
did not use it. Since then a national savings- 
bank and an institution for pensions have been 
combined ; but this establishment also lacks the 
support of working people. 


The most notable feature of the German pro- 
ject organized under Prince Bismarck is that 
registration for pensions is obligatory. All who 
receive wages or stipends, aggregating for each 
less than 2,000 marks a year, are required by law 
to subscribe for pensions. Subsidies for disa- 
bility are available after paying the assessments 
during five years ; age pensions are available 
after 30 yeai-s of payments, if the beneficiary is 
70 years old. A pension consists of three ele- 
ments : 50 marks a year paid by the empire, 60 
marks a year paid by the bank of the district 
where the beneficiary's weekly assessments were 
deposited, and a percentage of the aggregate of 
the assessments that he has paid. The minimum 
pension, then, cannot be less than 110 marks a 
year. The maximum pension, which was a trifle 
above 230 marks, and the intermediate grades 
have been enlarged somewhat by the law of 1899, 
which introduced some changes of detail. If the 
severity of the regulations, especially in certain 
particulars, is considered, there will not be much 
surprise at the suspicion that one of the purposes 
of the German law for the relief of disabled and 
aged operatives was surveillance — that, in part, 
the law was a device for keeping track of opera- 
tives, and knowing what they were doing ; a 
very ingenious device, if the suspicion was well 


Denmark, in 1891, adopted a law for the pen- 
sioning of the old and destitute. ' ' Denmark has 
thought that a man who has labored for 25 or 30 
years, who has done his duty as a citizen, who 
has kept himself honest, . . . merits a tranquil 

repose. . . . When he has completed his sixtieth 
year he has the right to a pension of 240 francs 
if he cannot provide for himself and his own." 
It will be noted that the pension does not come 
from a fund of accumulated savings paid in by 
working people and guarded by the state, but is 
a public disbursement. The expense is borne by 
the parish or district where the pensioner lives. 
If a pensioner ceases from good conduct, he is 
taken to an asylum. **The system," says Pro- 
fessor Rava, * * is evidently a perfecting of other 
principles of traditional charity ; it is a new ten- 
dency that introduces a subsidy without a resort 
to asylums, and juridically destroys the character 
of the subsidy, because it is founded on a public 
right. And the new right is based o\\ the neces- 
sity of the social coexistence, and recognizes, in 
the worker who has kept himself honest during 
long years of labor, a title to repose." 


On January 1, 1900, a pension system like 
that in Denmark, somewhat modified, went into 
effect in New Zealand. The pension age is fixed 
at sixty five, and the pension is £18. The pen- 
sioner must be a citizen, have resided 25 years 
in New Zealand, and by good conduct have 
'* shown himself worthy of it." If the pen- 
sioner has some income of his own, the pension 
is reduced proportionately. Before the passage 
of the present law, it was proposed, in the New 
Zealand Parliament, that all citizens who reached 
the age of 65 years should be entitled to a pen- 
sion. The law now in operation was published 
in the Annuaire de la legislation du travail publiSj 
par V Office du travail de BelgiquCy Binixelles, 

A similar law is under consideration in Vic- 

In England, as far back as 1864, Gladstone 
gave attention to the assurance of pensions by 
state aid, and under his administration an insti- 
tution for pensions was founded. It still exists, 
but operatives have not been drawn to its use. 
Pensions for working people have lately become 
again a subject for consideration and discussion. 

Italy's system. 

The Italian law of July 18, 1898, went into 
effect in 1900. The principle adopted is the 
union of government aid with the savings of the 
beneficiaries. Registry is not compulsory. Aid 
is available for disability at any time apparently 
after registration, and for an age pension at ^0 
and 65 years. It is supposed that the aid sup- 
plied by the state, as compared with the pay- 
ments by the beneficiaries, will he in the ratio of 
about 8 to 6 or 7. The management of the in- 



stitution through which the law operates is in- 
tended to be ** apart from the state and parties," 
and in the hands of skilled financiers. Summing 
up the anticipated results, Professor Rava says : 
**In general, calculating the [yearly] contribu- 
tion of the institution at only 8 lire [francs], and 
calculating the interest at only 3.75 per cent., 
an operative enrolled at 25 years of age will 
have [at 60 years of age a yearly] pension of 62 
lire for half a lira a month paid in, and will have 
73 hre for the quota contributed by the institu- 
tion. [Total yearly pension, 135 lire.] 

"In order to assure a pension of 360 lire at 
65 years of age, there must be the following 
[monthly] contributions [by the beneficiary] in 
the mutual register : At 20 years, 60 centesimi 
[11^ cents] per month ; at 25 years, one lira 
[one franc per month] ; at 30 years, 1.55 lire ; 
at 35 years, 2.30 lire ; at 40 years, 3 lire. To 
assure [the same pension] at 60, the contributions 
are greater. . . . The institution does not guar- 
antee a priori the amount of the pensions." 

If the future proves that the natural incre- 
ment of its funds has not been overrated, the 
National Institution of Assurance may become 
an instrument of wide beneficence. Its pensions 
are not to be measured by the needs of Ameri- 
can living and American expenses. In frugal 
Italy, an Italian with a franc a day can keep the 
wolf from the door and enjoy himself. 


THE editor of the Quarterly Review admits, 
in his April issue, ** that our neighbors on 
the Continent see us at present in an extremely 
disagreeable light. In no previous epoch of our 
history, it may probably be said, has there oc- 
curred so general an outburet of animosity against 
this country." In order to supply some explana- 
tion of this unpleasant fact, he has adopted the 
wise course of securing two papers by eminent 
foreign publicists. 

••Violent Irritation" In Germany. 

The first is by Herr Julius Rodenberg, editor 
of the Deutsche Rundschau. He cannot, he says, 
conceal • * the fact that the German people, as a 
whole, is in a condition of violent irritation 
against England." With this feeling he con- 
trasts the ** Belle Alliance" between the English 
and Prussian peoples signalized at Waterloo, and 
the admiration for England which in subsequent 
'Wades pervaded German professors and people. 

Britain's unfriendly acts. 

Yet, in the days before the Crimean War, Eng- 
land showed the coolest ignorance of Germany 

judging the nation by the specimens resident in 
Leicester Square. And * * no sooner did we take 
the first step toward realizing our political aspi- 
rations than we encountered the jealous opposition 
of Great Britain." The first unfriendly act spe- 
cified by the writer was the humiliation experi- 
enced by Germany, and ** largely due to the 
attitude of England," when. Denmark seized 
Schleswig-Holstein in 1848. The movement 
toward Italian unity won enthusiastic plaudits 
from England, which yet showed little liking for 
German unification. »' The war of 1866 was the 
outcome and conclusion of the war of 1864 ; it 
laid the foundation of the new German empire. 
But what reproaches, what abuse, had we to bear, 
especially from England, during those critical 
years ! . . . Again, it was England whose veiled 
opposition we encountered, a year later, in the 
Luxemburg question." So early as 1866, **Mr. 
Gladstone had used all his influence to hurl Bis- 
marck, * the peace -destroyer,' from his place." 
When the Franco-German War broke out, <* the 
same statesman did not scruple to declare the 
war to be the most abominable of the century." 
The British Government refused to prohibit, dur- 
ing that war, the export of coal, arms, and am- 
munition to France, and thus enabled France to 
prolong the war at the expense of Germany. 
Public opinion, with few exceptions, was hostile 
to Prussia. After 1871, when German and Eng- 
lish commercial interests came into collision, 
British contempt was transformed into dislike, 
jealousy, and hatred. 


On this soreness came the resentment roused 
by the present war : 

* * The movement in Germany against the policy 
which England has followed in South Africa 
arises almost exclusively from ethical grounds, 
from indignation at the proceedings of a great 
power against a handful of men fighting for their 
freedom and independence, and from the suspi- 
cions which the mixture of financial with political 
questions has aroused. But in the leading circles 
of Germany, even during the period of English 
defeats, there was not a moment when it was 
thought possible that the general position of Eng- 
land could be endangered by the struggle. The 
heart of the German people — of this there can be 
no kind of doubt — was, and is, with the Boers. 
But even in the time of our greatest irritation 
... in our own interest we could not desire the 
downfall of England.'* 

The Antipathy of French-Speaklnff Europe. 

M. Brunetiere declares that without doubt pub- 
lic opinion in France, as in Swit^erlfind and as 



nearly all ; but with religious practices there 
were joined without diflBculty scandals and pub- 
lic moral disorders of every kind, and the moral 
sense had descended so low that no account at 
all was taken of the manifest contradiction of 
professing a religion which condemned so strongly 
their own conduct. Religion, too often, was a 
species of formality, ... a decoration which 
a man ornamented himself with on certain occa- 
sions, and laid aside when he felt like it." 

The clergy, too, Monsignore di Cremona de- 
clares, are better than they used to be, — more 
instructed, more active, more exemplary, more 
attentive to their duties,^ — and recognized as be- 
ing so even by their adveraaries. 

Looking into the future where the present 
signs point, Monsignore finds reasons for antici- 
pating a continuation of the progress already 
madQ, and with more rapid advancement. To 
some it may seem strange ; but of all the signs 
of the future, the one which the Bishop of Cre- 
mona regards as disclosing the most hopeful 
promise for humanity is the growth of liberty 
and its correlative — toleration. 


IT is growing more and more likely that France 
will become reconciled, before long, to the 
loss of Alsace and Lorraine as something irre- 
versible. One of the most noteworthy evidences 
is that a number of writers of late have dis- 
cussed in the French press the separation of 
Alsace and Lorraine from France in a very tem- 
perate and reasonable spirit, as if secure of an 
audience that would give attention to the discus- 
sion in a like state of mind. 

M. Maurice Wolff is one of these writers. In 
moderation of view and temperance of expression, 
his article on *'The Alsace-Lorraine Question," 
in the PVench Revue des Revues for May 1, is 
admirable. But one may doubt whether it does 
not mark the last stage in the gradual relinquish- 
ment of the lost provinces. M. Wolff wrote in 
the Revue des Revues for October 15, 1899, on 
the same subject as viewed in Germany. 

In the present paper, M. Wolff, while disclaim- 
ing emphatically *'the pretension of resolving 
the Alsace-Lorraine question by a stroke of the 
pen," sets forth what he believes will be the out- 
come of the situation. All tlie evidences, he 
tliinks, point toward autonomy. But here he uses 
** autonomy" in a peculiar sense — a sense that 
would be misleading, did he not carefully advise 
the reader in a footnote. M. Wolff has in mind, 
not *'a political autonomy and the recognition 
of an Alsatian state; to which public sentiment 
in Germany (we have proved it last year) would 

not be disposed to consent, but the autonomy, 
properly so called — autonomy of sentiments, of 
thoughts, of domestic life, both literary and so- 
cial." Various things suggest this view to M. 
Wolff. There are tendencies drawing Alsace 
away from France and nearer to Germany, especi- 
ally the economic advantages which, it is admit- 
ted, the Alsatians have found under the German 
Government — as in the stimulation of trade and 
production by the lowering of railroad rates and 
the shutting out of competition by protective 
tariffs. But these material advantages, while 
clearly recognized by the Alsatians, will not, M. 
Wolff thinks, alienate their affections from 
France. Their interests draw them one way, 
their affections another ; so they will find, and 
are finding, M. Wolff's autonomy of thought and 


Without sharing fully M. Wolff's anticipa- 
tions, one may admit that his reasons point in 
the direction of his views. One of the strongest 
is that a noticeable tendency is showing itself 
among the well to-do Alsatians toward making 
the Alsatian dialect, lieretofore despised as bar- 
baric, a literary language for the drama, romance, 
and poetry. Certainly there is no more emphatic 
way of asserting social and domestic separatism 
than by persistently using a dialect that is un- 
familiar to one's neighbors. M. Wolff does not 
attribute such a tendency on the part of the Al- 
satians to suUenness, but to love of the native 
soil. The emigration from Alsace to France, at 
first so large, has fallen off year by year, so th«U. 
it is doubtful now if it equals the return cur- 
rent. Many Alsatians return to pass the rem- 
nant of their lives near the ancestral home, so as 
not to die "in a land quite foreign." Rather 
oddly, but i^rhaps correctly, M. Wolff refers to 
this return current as showing an Alsatian char- 
acteristic which seems ** to contradict the famous 
ethnic argument so often invoked by the Ger- 
mans," because this characteristic "differentiates 
essentially the Alsatian from the German, always 
ready, on the contrary, to go to seek his fortune 
far from his country, without even the desire to 
return there some day to end his life." 


The Alsatians, then, in M. Wolff's opinion, 
are drawing closer together. They have passed 
the stage where they wanted to emigrate to 
France, and, on the other hand, are not disposed 
to regard themselves as Germans. While not 
daring to hope for political independence, they 
aspire to thoughts, sentiments, and a language 
of their own. Almost all M. Wolff's paper re- 



lates to Alsace. It says but little about Lor- 
raine, except that it must be distinguished clearly 
from Alsace. What the state of feeling is in 
Lorraine is not set forth. 


M. Wolff's discussion of the Alsace-Lorraine 
question, as we have said before, is excellent in its 
temper ; and excellent it is, too, in its reasoning, 
so far as the reasoning goes. But nevertheless, 
one element of the situation, and the most im- 
portant one of all, is ignored or forgotten. If a 
conquered province finds that it is not worse off 
than before the conquest as regards its material 
condition and the freedom of its sentiments, it 
easily becomes reconciled to absorption by a 
great power. Small states, when they have 
become used to the change, find a reason for 
pride and happiness in being part of such a 
power. That was the secret of the Roman Em- 
pire ; that was the secret of the greatness of 
France, and of the attachment of Alsace itself 
to France ; that is the secret of the United States 
of America ; and, if Germany continues to be a 
greater power than France, the attachment of 
Alsace and Lorraine to France will dissolve* away 
in a stronger attachment to Germany. 


A CURSORY glance at Deputy Guicciardini's 
** Impressions of Tripolitania," in Nuova 
Antologia for April 1, might suggest the idea 
that the impressions are merely the hasty jottings 
of a vacation run in that country. So far as the 
article is a description of scenes and places, this 
is probably the case ; but in its main stuff and 
body, it is not a recital of a flying tourist's im- 
pressions : it has a much more serious purpose. 
The deputy's contribution to Nuova Antologia 
i» another of the many evidences showing how 
industriously Italian oflBcials are stimulating 
Itidian commerce and colonization. 

In September, 1899, Deputy Guicciardini 
Bailed from Valletta, the capital of Malta, in the 
steamship Africa for Tripoli. The Africa was 
making the initial voyage of a subsidized line of 
Italian steamships about to ply between Malta 
and the Barbary coast. The details of the jour, 
ney may be passed without comment, but some 
of Guicciardini's statements about Tripolitania 
and its inhabitants are noteworthy. The deputy 
says that vast, treeless regions there, which look 
hke desert and are so called, are not infertile ; 
that they are uncultivated because of the scant 
population of the country. For proofs of this 
itatement he cites a report made by Captain 

Camperio, published in the Esploratore, of Milan, 
in 1880 and 1881. He himself saw a plantation 
of the Franciscan Mission in * < land neither irri- 
gated nor irrigable there in the desert," which 
now is ** a magnificent fruit-farm, full of vigor- 
ous and fruitful vines, of magnificent olives, of 
palms, and other fruits, cultivated by the estab- 
lishment for making wine and oil." 


Quite as noteworthy is Deputy Guicciardini's 
assertion that the Arabs and other Mohammedan 
inhabitants of the country, except the Turks, ex- 
pect, and will welcome when it comes, the estab- 
lishment of a government by some Christian 
European power. **The Arabs," Guicciardini 
tells us, *'have a very lively sense of justice; 
and nothing offends them so much as acts op- 
posed to that sentiment. Now the Turkish do- 
minion, which is manifested almost exclusively 
as a dominion of exaction of imposts levied in 
every arbitrary way, and destined not for the 
benefit of the country, but for the exclusive 
benefit of its masters — the Turkish dominion is 
for them the personification of despotism, a con- 
tinual offense to that sense of justice which in 
them is not less lively than the religious sense. 

* < Moreover^ the Arabs of Tripolitania are not 
ignorant of the benefits which the French have 
brought to their brethren of Tunis, and those, 
even more obvious, brought by the English to 
the indigenes of Egypt ; and knowing that a civil 
government, while it does not offend customs and 
religion at all, Assures justice as to person and 
property, they have come almost unconsciously 
into a state of mind which regards the cessation 
of the Turkish government and the substitution 
of a Christian government as something not so 
much for resignation as desire." 

Italy's commercial advantage. 

Almost all the spun and woven fabrics used in 
Tripolitania are brought from England, its flour 
mostly comes from France ; but Deputy Guicciar- 
dini thinks that these trade relations need not 
always remain. Two things especially give Italy 
an advantage — (1) nearness; (2) the commerce 
with Europe is almost wholly in the hands of 
Israelites. Why the latter circumstance is an 
advantage for Italy is explained by the fact that 
most of the Jews in Tripolitania are either sub- 
jects of. or protected by, the Italian Government , 
furthermore, the Jews there avail themselves of 
the Italian schools maintained in the country, 
because the schools are not confessional. He 
attaches great importance to the influence of 
Italian foreign schools, and thinks they ought to 
be carefully nurtured. 




THE separatist movement in Spain has at- 
tracted the attention of other countries. In 
Spain, what will be its outcome is the problem of 
the hour. As yet separatism masquerades under 
an advocacy of autonomy, and there may be some 
sincerity in the pretense ; for those who engage 
in a revolutionary political movement seldom 
foresee where they will be carried by it. But in 
the present disaffection in Spain, the masses, 
*<the plain people," in the disaffected provinces 
are separatists ; it is their leaders, or a part of 
them, who profess to aim merely at autonomy. 
The thinness of the demarcation between auton- 
omy and separation is shown plainly in an article 
in Revista Contempordnea (Madrid, April 15) by 
the Sr. Juan Ortega Rubio, lecturer in the Cen- 
tral University. The article is called <* Changes 
and Revolutions in Catalonia." Catalonia is the 
very important department of which the pro- 
gressive city of Barcelona is the capital. Three 
insurrectionary wars waged by the Catalans, or a 
part of them, are described by the writer. These 
recitals, however, are merely preliminary. Evi- 
dently they were set down as admonition. 
They have no bearing on the present situation, 
except in showing that the Catalans have had 
for centuries a separatist tendency, and that 
for things which they regard as important they 
are ready to fight obstinately. After dispos- 
ing of these three insurrectionary wars, two of 
which turned out favorably for the Catalans, 
the writer comes to the real matter in hand, 
and says : 

<* We have come to' the most important point 
of this article; that is, to the movement in Cata- 
lonia going on now. In the year 1898, there 
was published in Paris, in the French language, 
by the * Catalan Nationalist Committee,' a pam- 
phlefcalled * The Catalan Question.* Contrast- 
ing a son of Catalonia and of Castile, it says : 
* The one, positivist and realist — the other, ca- 
pricious and a charlatan ; the one, full of pre- 
vision — the other, faithful type of improvidence ; 
the one, drawn along by the industrial current 
of modern people — the other, nourished by the 
prejudices of the hidalgo, staggering under debt, 
and full of pride * And farther on : < The uni- 
versities do not teach, the government does not 
govern, the officials do not administer, our squad- 
rons go to the bottom of their own accord before 
our adversaries ; and our armies serve, not to 
conquer our outer enemies, but to impose des- 
potism within. Such is the Spanish state.' " 

Other quotations from the pamphlet cited in 
Revista Contempordnea assert that the outcome of 

the present situation must be either a reorganiza- 
tion of the state * * on the basis of the federation 
and autonomy of the different regions which 
possess a well-defined personality," or it will de- 
pend on France to make predominate the annex- 
ation party or that of independence. In 1892 
the Catalan General Assembly adopted a resolu- 
tion recommending autonomy and federation. 
But no doubt the feeling which such resolutions 
voiced at the time has become much more in- 
tense since the war with the United States, and 
it is reasonable to believe that now separation 
would be better liked by the Catalans than fed- 
eration. To the great majority of the people of 
the United States, disruption seems a poor rem- 
edy for national faults and disagreements. Com- 
promise and government by the majority sum up 
the American idea of national politics. But in 
Spain the prevalent feeling has always been far 
different. Local independence suppressed by a 
national army is the Spanish idea of national 
unity. In Spain, separation has been fostered 
in all periods by the permanence of dialects. 
There is no Spanish language in the sense that 
there is an English language, or a French lan- 
guage, or even an Italian language. In Spain 
there is hardly a pretense of such a language. 
One speaks there Castellano, Andaluz, Catal^, 
Gallego, etc. , as the case may be. Spanish is a 
figment of the imagination. The discourse of 
the president of the Catalan League, September, 
1898, cited by the Sr. Rubio in the present ar- 
ticle, was < Sprinted in CataUn, Castilian, and 
French." Two other pamphlets mentioned by 
him were printed in Catalan, and we have seen 
that the propagandist pamphlet previously quoted, 
issued by the *^ Catalan Nationalist Committee," 
was printed in French. Communities divided 
by impassable barriers of language are kept in 
cooperation only by external pressure. 

The sympathies of the writer of the article in 
Revista Contempordnea are plainly with the Cata- 
lans ; but the writer does not confess that he is 
a separatist. To those who say that the separa- 
tists are few, he replies : * * But the people of 
Barcelona do not cease chanting revolutionary 
hymns." His nearest approach to defining his 
own position is in a declaration of faith in the 
profound knowledge of politics and of life that 
has been evinced by the President of the Council 
of Ministers, the Sr. Silvela. * * I believe it is 
difficult, but not impossible, to unite in one idea, 
in one sentiment, and in one aspiration Vasco- 
Navarros and Castilians ; I believe it is difficult, 
but not impossible, to unite in the same manner 
these and the Catalans." 



IN the Century for July, Prof. William M. Sloane 
draws a fine picture of Miss Sarah Porter and her 
unique educational work in her private school at Farm- 
ington, Conn. Miss Porter had the most remarkable 
strength and charm of character, a physical constitution 
scarcely less remarkable than Gladstone's, and a capa- 
city for concentration on the business in hand which, to- 
gether with promptness of decision and execution, made 
her wonderfully successful. Yet she never allowed her 
school to grow very large. For a long time not more 
than ttfty pupils were received, and the numbers were 
never allowed much to exceed a hundred. Professor 
Sloane lays stress on Miss Porter's deep distrust of 
mechanism and fixed organization in educational mat- 
ters, and her conviction that these things tend to be 
regarded as in some sort a substitute for the essential. 


Id Mr. Barr Ferree's discussion of the' '* Elements of a 
Successful Parade," he takes the ground that a proces- 
sion is, properly bpeaking, a work of art, to be arranged 
with as much beauty in itself and in its surroundings 
as can be commanded. The effect may be one of gran- 
deur, as in the ceremonial triumphs of previous times ; 
or solemnity, as in the great ecclesiastical function; of 
gayety, or of mass. Mr. Ferree thinks that we have 
somewhat lost the true conception of a public proces- 
sion : that they were better understood in earlier days. 
He sajrs the Renaissance period seems to have offered 
the world the last of the great artistic parades. Now, 
however, he thinks the tide has turned, and that the 
modem spectator is beginning to demand real art in his 
public festival and parade, just as he is beginning to 
demand art in his public and private life. He cites the 
great popular interest in the peace festivals in Phila- 
delphia and Washington, the Dewey receptions in New 
York and Boston, and the Chicago festival of 1899 as 
proofs that the public is becoming educated in this 


In the July number of the Century^ a very promising 
aeries of papers begin in ^* Memories of a Musical Life," 
by William Mason. Dr. Mason has lived through prac- 
tically the entire development of organized musical cul- 
ture in America, and no man has a larger acquaintance 
with the famous members of his profession throughout 
the world, which gives him a very entertaining and 
valuable fund of significant anecdote. 


In an essay on *• Artistic Paris," by Richard Whiteing, 
he says that the infiuence of the Academy has brought 
a solicitude for form pure and simple so far that some 
who live by its laws have hardly a word to bless them- 
selves with. They are like those masters of fence who 
ue afflicted with a sort of paralysis of the power to at- 
tack. ** With the everla-sting refinement of style, the 
writing of Academic French has become the labor of a 
lifetime. You had better say nothing than say anything 
leas than perfectly well ;— hence a misunderstanding 
between the Academy and the world thbt is very much 
like tb« misanderstanding between the Church and the 


WE quote, in another department, from two articles 
in the July number of Harper's Magazine : Dr. 
Henry Smith Williams' on " Prof. Ernst Haeckel and 
the New Zoology,'' and Dr. John D. Qnackenbos' on 
"The Educational Use of Hypnotism.." 


Mr. E. E. Easton's third contribution under the title, 
" Inside the Boer Lines," gives an exceptionally clear In- 
sight into the methods of the Boer soldiers. Mr. Easton 
says the older Boers, the so-called " Doppers," although 
relatively very ignorant of the resources of Great Britain 
and the general conditions of modem warfare, retain 
their ascendency over the younger member»— their col- 
lege-bred or office-trained sons. Notwithstanding the 
fuller knowledge of the younger generation of Boers, it 
was they who were most hopeful of final success and of 
establishing a United States of South Africa, independ- 
ent of any foreign controL 


Mr. Frederick A. McKenzie writes on " English War 
Correspondenta in South Africa." He says the corre- 
spondent in England like Mr. Melton Prior has two 
outfits always ready at home, which he calls his "hot" 
and his " cold " outfits. If his editor asks him to take the 
afternoon boat express to St. Petersburg and go from 
there to Nova Zembla, he has only to wire for his 
"cold" bag, while if Timbuctoo is his destination he 
simply substitutes "hot" for "cold." Concerning the 
salaries paid to the more noted war correspondents, Mr. 
McKenzie says one of the beat-known of the specials re- 
ceives £1,000 a year in times of peace, and £2,000 during 
war. In addition to this, of course, enormous expenses 
have to be paid for the active correspondent. Mr. Mc- 
Kenzie says one newspaper's bills for telegrams alone, 
during a quiet month of the present South African 
campaign, came to £3,000. Mr. McKenzie has a great 
deal of complaint of the censors— not for carrying out 
their orders so much as for their lack of order, and 
their passing of messages without respect to time or 
precedence. Many messages are suppressed altogether ; 
and, of those that were passed, he gives this as a sample : 

The correspondent writes : " Heavy Boer attack. 
Guns rain shell-fire on position. Severe losses, both 
yesterday and to-day." 

The message reaches the foreign editor in London 
thus : "Heavy rain yesterday and to-day." 


Under the title of " At the Court of the King of 
Kings," Capt. M. S. Wellby describes a visit to King 
Menelek, of Abyssinia, Id his court. Captain Wellby put 
on evening clothes, and then rode a mule at 7 o'clock 
in the morning through the business portions of the 
city, through an outer stockade of the palace, across an 
untidy, rough, stony court. He was received by the 
King in a squatting position, which made him look like 
a very small man, although he is five feet ten inches 
high. He says that, in spite of Menelek's faults, he has 
achieved wonders for the well-being of his country. 
He is far in advance of any previous Abyssinian mon- 
arch, and under his peaceful reign the population and 
prosperity of the Abyaiiniana have greatly increased. 




IN the July Scrihner^B, Mr. Richard Harding Davis 
maintains his reputation as a capital descriptive 
writer in his pen-picture of "The Relief of Ladysmith." 
Mr. Davis thinks that the wonder was not only that 
Ladysmith was ever relieved, but that it was ever de- 
fended. He describes the strategic position of the gar- 
rison at Ladysmith as not unlike that of a bear in a 
bear-pit, at whfch the Boers around the top of the pit 
were throwing shells instead of buns. 


Mr. Thomas F. Millard, writing from Pretoria, March 
34, describes "The Boer as a Soldier," and says some 
very striking things concerning the military weaknesses 
of the Republican armies. A special weakness which 
we have not seen emphasized to such an extent any- 
where else is the failure to obey the generals. If Mr. 
Millard is entirely accurate, it would seem exceedingly 
astonishing that the Boers should have won any battles. 
He says that in all the terrible fighting around Lady- 
smith and the Tugela, not more than one-third of the 
burghers were ever at any time engaged, and that in 
none of the assaults was the whole Boer force actively 
employed, simply because when the Boer private sol- 
diers thought that the position which they were ordered 
to capture was too dangerous, they simply said so and 
sat still. Mr. Millard says: "I have seen General 
Botha tear his hear and curse the day when he ever un- 
dertook to defend fifteen miles of treacherous riverfront 
against an enemy ten times his strength, with another 
powerful foe in his rear, with a couple of thousand 
burghers, who could not be induced to obey orders." 
He says plainly that the Boer must be wheedled into 
fighting, and he shows the absurdity of the theory that 
it has been the foreign officers who were responsible for 
the Boer successes by the fact that none but native offi- 
cers can persuade their soldiers to fight. Yet notable 
Boer commandants have attained a great ascendency 
over their men— Kriiger, Joubert, Cronje, and more re- 
cently Gen. Louis Botha. 


Mr. Daniel G. Mason, writing on " The Tendency to 
Health," lays great stress on the command of the atten- 
tion in attaining health. He thinks that a vast deal 
might be done in aiding nature's trend to health by con- 
fining attention to more pleasant themes than one's 
unpleasant symptoms, by dwelling on the inevitable 
tendency of nature to become normal, and by making 
capital of one's pleasures. 


The opening article in the number is a finely illus- 
trated account by John R. Spears of *'The Slave-Trade 
in America," from the first American descent on the 
coast of Guinea by a Boston ship in 1645. Previous to 
1750, Mr. Spears says, the harvesting of slaves on the 
coast of Africa was conducted with about as great a re- 
gard for honesty as was any other trade with uncivilized 
peoples. The old slaver embarked a cargo of rum, and 
headed for the African coast. After two or three months 
he arrived at some West African port, and invited the 
chiefs on board to get drunk free of charge and receive 
presents. Then the slave-ship swung at anchor, waiting 
for the natives to grow thirsty and bring slaves to ex- 
change for more rum. With the growing price of slaves, 
however, the methods gradually became more brutal. 


IN his article entitled "Is Russia to Control All of 
Asia?" in the July Cosmopolitan^ Mr. Alexander 
Hume Ford seems to show an affirmative answer. He 
gives a bird's-eye view of the military dispositions and 
diplomatic advantages which seem to favor Russians 
control of the entire continent. North of India Russia 
has now in camp, within forty miles of Herat, the key 
to India, a force of the best soldiers larger than our 
entire army of invasion of Cuba and Porto Rico, while 
800 miles back there is a fighting force outnumbering 
our entire standing army at home and abroad, which 
can be mobilized within a few hours. An advance- 
guard of Cossacks is within hailing distance of the 
gates of Peking, and within short call behind them is 
an army even greater than that on the borders of Af- 
ghanistan. Mr. Ford gives credit to the report that on 
the British frontier are now stationed more than 100,- 
000 Cossacks, while in Eastern Siberia and Manchuria 
there are stationed over 120,000 troops. Altogether, 
along the line of her Asiatic frontier Russia has 
stretched an army of over 500,000, with fully 10,000,000 
horses and enamels to mount them and supply pack- 
trains for carrying provisions and forage across the 
desert. Mr. Ford thinks that even if plucky little 
Japan should beg^in war on Russia with the aid of Eng- 
land's fieet and an invading army of 169,000, which she 
is ready to mobilize within a week, there would be lit- 
tle hope of her securing permanent possession of the 
soil of a country whose army on a war footing amount^i 
to 8,000,000 men. Mr. Ford thinks the following is the 
significant keynote of the present situation : ** The 
* open-door * policy is far more welcome to Russia now 
than the * sphere of influence,' which would mean her 
exclusion from parts of Asia. Once Russia has brought 
the people of China under her sway, she will have a 
standing army greater than all the other combined 
forces of the world, and with but one vast cohesive 
country, without a single detached colony to defend.'* 


President David Starr Jordan, of Leland Stanford 
University, writing on "Modern College Education,'* 
thinks that the keynote to the education of the future 
must be "instructive individualism," by which he 
means that the teachers must come close to the students 
and find out with them what knowledge each of them 
most needs. 


Under the title "Organized Thrift," Mr. Vance 
Thompson gives an account of the interesting experi- 
ment of a Frenchman, M. Godin, a manufacturer of 
stoves and cooking utensils, in profit-sharing. In 1880 
M. Godin turned over his entire large plant, of the 
value of about $1,000,000, to a company, reserving for 
himself 5 per cent, per year, as " the wage of the capi- 
tal," the second charge being the cost of running the 
shop, the wages of employees, the expenses of the com- 
munal school, and care of the sick and young, after 
these expenditures all profits being distributed p^ro rata 
between the wage-earners and the capital. In place, 
however, of distributing the surplus each year to the 
workers, the sum due each man was given him in 
shares, so that little by little he became a proprietor. 
To^iay, after twenty years, the entire capital has been 
repaid to M. Godin's heirs, with the exception of a few 



thousand francs, and the working-men are the proprie- 
tors of the shops and the '* Family House/' are their 
own masterH, and choose by election their chiefs and 


IX the July McClurc's^ we have quoted at length In 
another department from Mr. William Barclay 
Parsons' account of '* Railway Development in China." 


Mr. A. Maurice Low, the American correspondent of 
the London Chronicle^ in his ** Unwritten Chapter in 
American Diplomacy," says that, contrary to the gen- 
eral opinion of the people of the United States, the pres- 
ent Anglo-American entente was not bom in the stress 
of the Spanish War. He says it came into being three 
years earlier, in the travail of the Venezuelan aflfair. Mr. 
Low says that when Mr. Cleveland and Mr. Olney were 
sending the famous message which made such a critical 
moment in the Anglo-American situation the Cleveland 
Adminii^tration, owing to the humble attitude of Secre- 
Ury Gresham and of Minister Bayard, made John Hay 
an unofficial ambassador of the United States to the 
Conrt of St. James. Mr. Hay had an immensely deli- 
cate mission in this position, but he succeeded in urg- 
ing on Lord Salisbury's Government that it was neces- 
nry to close the dispute. The success of the diplomacy 
in the Venezuela incident, therefore, Mr. Low thinks, 
sboald go largely to the credit of John Hay, and he 
calls this Incident the germ of the entente which was 
continued in England's attitude during the negotiations 
which led to the Spanish War. 


The number opens with an article by Mr. Ray Stan- 
naid Baker, **The Sea-Builders," in which he gives typi- 
cal instances of the boldness, skill, and endurance of the 
men who erect danger-signals on rocks and shoals. He 
tells us that the United States Government maintains 
more than 1,100 lighthouses and lighted beacons; 88 
light-vessels and lantern-buoys ; nearly 1,800 post-lights, 
moKt of which mark the shores of navigable rivers ; 854 
siren-signals, besides other hundreds operated in con- 
nection with the regular lighthouse service, blow a deep 
Us8 warning at the rising of a fog. Whistling-buoys, 
btU-buoys, and shoal-buoys, to the number of nearly 
5,000, are distributed along the channels of a hundred 
harbors. In the daytime dangerous bits of coast or river 
are indicated by 484 day-beacons, and 41 vessels and 
more than 4,200 men are required to attend, repair, and 
sQpply these aids to navigation, the cost to the people 
of the country being between $3,000,000 and $4,000,000 a 

In this number of McClurc^s comes the first story 
from Mr. Kipling inspired by the Boer War. ** The Out- 
sider " is a story of the South African battlefield, written 
from the field. 


IX the July Munsey^s^ Mr. Cy Warman, under the 
heading •* Soldiers of the Rail,** tells of the person- 
nel of the crews who run the great Western freighters, 
where they come from, and what kind of folk they are. 
Mr. Warman, as an ex-soldier of the rail himself, and 
also as a capital writer, naturally makes an authentic 
and readable story of the cult of brabemen and other 
trainmen. He says that the time was when a brake- 

man was a reckless rough, who followed his occupation 
as a pleasure, profoundly disrespectable — ^*a cross be- 
tween a highwayman and a Hooligan.** To-day he is a 
good citizen, who pays taxes directly instead of through 
a saloon, as formerly. 


Miss Mary C. Francis, writing on *' Society in Cuba,** 
says that up to the time of the Ten Years* War there 
had been no definite social gulf between the Cuban and 
the Spaniard. All of the latter were wealthy, and many 
of the former had amassed estates which enabled them 
to rival their political masters in luxurious living ; but 
when this war was over, the Cubans were beggared, and 
after that an impassable gulf yawned between Spaniard 
and Cuban. Miss Francis says that this gulf was so 
deep and wide that, when once a high-born Cuban wom- 
an dared to marry a Spanish captain-general, she was 
immediately cut off from her family and ostracised 
from her own society. While hitherto Cuba has known 
but two social grades, the aristocracy and the low class, 
Biiss Francis thinks that now there will be the growth 
of a great middle class, untrammeled by rigid etiquette. 
The English language is making its way fast, and 
American newspapers and magazines are finding their 
way into Cuban homes. 


In a sketch of '' The Man of Mafeking,** Mr. Franklin 
Chester tells of the eminence that General Baden- 
Powell has attained in the scientific art of scouting — 
the best authority of Europe, he calls him, on this 
branch of the art military. He says that General 
Baden-Powell thinks our Buffalo Bill the greatest scout 
that ever lived. "B.-P." himself is frequently referred 
to as the Sherlock Holmes of the British Army. 


IN the July number of the New England Magazine, 
Mr. E^dmund J. Carpenter contributes a very 
well-written and excellently illustrated description of 
Provincetown, Mass., the sea-city at the tip of the long, 
curling whiplash of land, Cape Cod, where, on Novem- 
ber 11, 1620, the Mayflower dropped anchor. Mr. C. N. 
Hall pleasantly de^ribes ** Some Features of Old Con- 
necticut Farming.'* He tells of the days when there 
was no widespread degeneration in New England agri- 
culture—the days of sixty years ago, when the hired 
laborers were all of native birth and parentage ; when 
work was done by hand, shoes were home- made, and 
clothes were almost entirely home-made; and when even 
the lawyer, the doctor, and the minister were inevitably 
at the same time farmers. In Mr. Arthur L. Golder*s 
article on '* The Rangeley Lakes,** he tells why Maine is 
fast becoming the most popular region for recreation 
east of the Mis-^issippi. The State has more lakes and 
forest than all the rest of New England combined, and 
she has as well a sea-coast of unsurpassed magnificence 
from the standpoint of the tourist. Of all the resort 
regions, the Moosehead and Rangeley Lake districts are 
chief. Moosehead is the largest lake in the State, and 
is of comparatively recent popularity. The Rangeleys 
have given recreation to thousands for over fifty years. 
They are six in numl)er, extending over a length of fifty 
miles in Western Maine and terminating in Flastem 
New Hampshire. 




IN the July Atlantic is printed the final lectare of 
ex-President Grover Cleveland on ** The Independ- 
ence of the Executive," an address delivered before the 
students of Princeton University two months ago. 

Mr. James W. Alexander attempts to correct " Some 
Prejudices About Life Assurance." He talks in a very 
clear-headed way concerning the factors which should 
base one^s choice of an insurance company, and he lays 
great stress on a mistake people are apt to make of se- 
lecting a company which offers the greatest induce- 
ments. He thinks this is often the worst company, as 
it will probably be sacrificing essential principles of 
safety in order to make the attractive showing which 
captures the new client. He thinks most of the ambi- 
tion to do the best instead of the largest business. Mr. 
Alexander says it would be more sensible for a man to 
select a company charging the highest premiums, if 
that was the only basis on which he was going to make 
a choice, the one granting the least privileges outside 
of the death indemnity. **It is better for a mutual 
company, and therefore for its members, who constitute 
the company, that they should pay too high rather than 
too low premiums. Too low premiums will certainly 
cramp the management, lessen the profit, and may even 
result in failure, while too high premiums facilitat'e 
business and increase profit, and the excess ultimately 
returns with interest to the policy-holders." 


Mr. J. D. Whelpley, writing on ** Cuba of To^ay and 
To-morrow," frankly confesses that the Cubans do not 
like the Americans. He says the intelligent Cubans 
think of the Americans as withholding from them their 
birthright. Mr.' Whelpley thinks that a continuation 
of the present conditions in Cuba will, however, be pos- 
sible for some time without serious trouble. *' The ex- 
periment of a free Cuba may even be tried in time, this 
depending largely upon public sentiment and the dom- 
inant power in politics in the United States. It will 
inevitably result in another intervention which will 
need no apologies, and will continue so long as the 
United States shall remain a nation." 


Mr. Arthur Reed Kimball writes on *' The Invasion of 
Journalism," not only its inroads in the magazines, but 
the increasing number of reportorial or journalistic 
books. He thinks this growing tendency towards jour- 
nalism involves much more than a matter of colloquial- 
ism and style ; he thinks it concerns point of view and 
method of treatment as well, and that this is seen con- 
spicuously in the changed relations of the popular mag- 
azine and newspaper. '* Once it was the ambition of a 
newspaper to be rated as high as the magazine ; now it 
often seems to be the ambition of the magazine to be 
ranked as a monthly newspaper." 


ELSEWHERE we have quoted from Consul-Gen- 
eral Ho Yow's paper in the June Forum on 
''The Attitude of the United States Towards the 

Mr. J. B. Redmond, M.P., describes the present po- 
sition of the Irish question. As a restilt of the ap- 

proaching general election in Great Britain, Mr. Red- 
mond believes that the reunited Irish members of Par- 
liament will be masters of the situation (thanks to the 
Boer War). He regards as well within their grasp the 
further reform of the land question, the redress of 
financial injustice, educational reform, and home rule 

Former Minister Charles Denby attempts an answer 
to the question, "Do We Owe Independence to the 
Filipinos ?" Mr. Denby replies to the well- worn argu- 
ment that the Filipinos were our allies against Spain, 
and that therefore honor requires us to acknowledge 
their independence. He cites abuhdant testimony in 
contradiction of these statements from official docu- 


Mr. Jacob Schoenhof contributes an "Unwritten 
Chapter in Recent Tariff History," giving tariff esti- 
mates made in 1897, while the Dingley bill was under 
consideration, and reviewing in detail the changes 
made in the tariff on wool and woolens. Mr. Scboeo* 
hof declares that materials manufactured in our coun- 
try at the present time to take the place of woolen goods 
are a discredit to a civilized country. " The wage-earn- 
ing classes are asked to wear soKsalled woolen goods, 
made of about 25 per cent, of wool, the balance cotton 
and shoddy, and pay higher prices for these compounds 
in 1900 than they paid for first-class all-wool articles un- 
der the Wilson tariff." Although our wool stocks are 
not increased by importations, they still satisfy the de- 
mand. *^ The average for the four years ending with 
1900 even shows a decided step backward, and brings 
our status to the one occupied by Germany in 1885. In 
this manner the trade, with unerring scent, chronicles 
the protest of the people against the rise of prices de- 
creed by the Dingley tariff." 


Pi*of. Edward E. Hill contributes a rather pessimistic 
article on ** Teaching in High Schools as a Life Occupsr 
tion for Men." He shows that while the work in its 
nature is worthy of the highest ambitions and best 
efforts of able men, it is hardly probable that men with 
such qualifications as promise success in other profes- 
sions or in business will care to undertake it as a life 
vocation under present conditions. The compensation 
is much less than they would be able to command in 
other occupations, and they sacrifice that'public esteem 
which attaches to many callings, and often subject 
themselves to harassing and belittling restrictions. 


Sir Charles W. Dilke contributes a paper entitled 
»'U. K., U. S., and the Ship Canal." This writer dis- 
avows the extreme British view regarding the fortifica- 
tion of the canal; and while he regards it as idle to sug- 
gest that a British fleet could use an unfortified canal 
in the event of war, he still thinks that the taking of 
security against the possibility of such a state of affairs 
is prudent, ^' provided that it may be made clear to tbe 
whole world that it is not intended by reasonable Ameri- 
cans, or likely to be intended by an American majority, 
to subvert in the canal the principle of the * open door* 
which the United States demands in China, and by 
which, throughout the world, in the future, she will 
hare much to gain." 




In a study of organized labor in France, Dr. Walter 
R Scaife describes the reunion of the two opposing 
wiDgB of the French Socialist and Labor parties at the 
Socialist congress in December last. 

The Hon. John Charlton, a member of the Anglo- 
American Joint High Commission, writes on ** Ameri- 
can and Canadian Trade RelatlonA.*' The concluding 
paragraph of his article contains the suggestion of a 
threat He intimates that the fiscal policy of the 
United States may be imitated by the Canadian Gov- 
ernment to the extent of raising the Canadian standard 
of 26 per cent, on dutiable imports to the American 
standard of 49 per cent., with perhaps an increase of the 
differential in favor of Great Britain. 

Pres. G. Stanley Hall, of Clark University, writes on 
*' College Philosophy;'' Rev. H. A. Stimson on *'The 
Preeminent Profession :" Mr. C. A. P. Rohrbach offers 
**A Contribution to the Armenian Question;" Mr. 
William O. Partridge defines **The American School 
of Sculpture," and Mr. Benjamin W. Wells reviews 
"Southern Literature of the Year." 


WE have selected Mr. Bryan's article on ** The Is- 
sue in the Presidental Campaign," in the June 
number of the North American Review, for extended 
quotation In another department. 

Mr. Edmund Barton, a well-known Australian states- 
man, writes on the subject of *' Australian Federation 
and Its Basis," giving a summary of the provisions of 
the new Federal constitution, and pointing out the fea- 
tores in which it differs from the Constitution of the 
United States and that of Canada. The main difference 
between the American and Australian constitutions 
nems to lie in the insistence in the latter to the princi- 
ple of continuous responsibility. The House of Repre- 
sentatives is made the real custodian of the purse, and 
it is provided that after the first general election no 
member of the ministry is to hold office for a longer pe- 
riod than three months, unless he has become a member 
of one or the other of the hou8e& 


"Will Education Solve the Race Problem?" is the 
subject of a paper by Prof. J. R. Straton. Mr. Straton 
does not undertake to state what the final solution of 
the problem will be, although in his opinion Mr. Wash- 
ington's plans appear to be the best tentative policy, 
and are worthy of all support. Mr. Straton questions 
whether even industrial education goes back far enough, 
and whether the dangers and temptations which sur- 
ronnd the negro here will not prevail over his weakness 
before his judgment to choose and his strength to over- 
come have developed. On the question of colonization, 
Mr. Straton admits that no plan for the wholesale de- 
portation of the race from the country is practicable, 
fie thinks, however, that something might be done by 
ettabliahing elsewhere conditions which would invite 
the negro there, and then assisting him to go. He 
points out that as many foreigners as there are mem- 
hers in the colored race have come to this country 
within the past few decades on account of the inviting 
eondltioiis here. He thinks, therefore, that if condi- 
tions dsewhMe inyited them the negroes might go for 


Baron Pierre de Coubertin writes on *^The Meeting 
of the Olympian Games,** describing the arrangements 
made for the athletic festivals at Paris during the pres- 
ent summer. It will be remembered that nearly ten 
years ago Baron de Coubertin conceived the plan of 
reviving the Olympian games in a modem form. The 
International Congress, which met in Paris in June, 
1894, decided at his request that each of the new Olym- 
piads should be celebrated in a different city of the 
world, and Athens was chosen as the seat of the first 
Olympian meeting, and Paris that of the second, four 
years later. It is Baron de Coubertin*s personal desire 
that the third Olympian games of the series, those of 
1904, shall take place at New York. The distinctly cos- 
mopolitan character of the enterprise would thus be 
clearly shown. 


The question, "How England Should Treat the Van- 
quished Boers,'* is discussed by Sir Sidney Shippard. 
This has been the topic of innumerable articles in the 
English reviews ; in fact, the subject of dealing with 
the vanquished Boers was soberly and ponderously dis- 
cussed by English review writers long before the Boers 
were in any sense "vanquished.** The North Ameri- 
can writer recognizes EIngland's duty of dealing justly 
both by the loyal colonists of Cape Colony and Natal, 
and also by the Boers themselves, and also the ne- 
cessity of rendering impossible any repetition of at- 
tempts at a Boer conquest of South Africa with foreign 
aid, and the desirability of conciliating England's 
Dutch fellow-subjects by all fair means and gradually 
reconciling them to their lot as British citizens. With 
regard to territorial limits, he is of opinion that the 
best plan would be to establish in Southeastern Africa 
one great colony comprising Swaziland, the Transvaal, 
and the Orange territory. He believes that no effort 
should be made to force on a federation of the South 
African colonies. Such a federation, if it comes at all, 
must be spontaneous. For a capital of this new terri- 
tory, he recommends the founding of a new city, in a 
high and healthy situation, as near the western side of 
the Drakensberg as possible. Of existing sites, he prefers 


The Rev. Dr. Greorge Wolfe Shinn attempts an answer 
to the pressing question, "What Has Become of Hell ?** 
He concludes that hell has not been obliterated. " Ret- 
ribution exists as an awful fact back of all figurative 
language. Men in our day have overlooked retribution 
in seeking to get rid of materialistic notions concerning 
hell. The time has come to recall the awful fact of ret- 
ribution. But it must be done discreetly, and always 
with those exceptions in mind which so greatly modify 
it.** In considering the working out of retribution as 
it pertains to the. future, there are allowances to be 
made. For example, we cannot include children in its 
penalty, inasmuch as not inherited sin, but willful sin, is 
punished, and children are irresponsible. Dr. Shinn 
would also except the multitude of heathen who have 
never had the opportunity to hear the Grospel. 


Comptroller Coler, of New York City, writes on "Char- 
ter Needs of a Great City.** He re^aurds brevity and 



simplicity as the two chief essentials of good city char- 
ters. Interference with purely local affairs by the State 
legislatures must be prohibited. A charter should not 
admit the possibility of a private or corporate interest 
going beyond the local authorities for special privileges 
or exemptions. 


In this number there are three articles on the rival 
imperial interests of Great Britain and Russia. "A 
Diplomat,^ who is said to be attached in an official 
capacity to one of the legations in the capital of one of 
the great powers, writes on *' British and Russian Diplo- 
macy/* greatly exalting the latter. He regards the 
Russian diplomatic service as "one of the most formi- 
dable machines in existence, comparable in many re- 
spects to the Jesuit organization.** Demetrius C. Boul- 
ger writes on " Antagonism of England and Russia.** 
He calls on England to " end the insolent pretensions 
and aggressions of Russia,** and believes that the pres- 
ent is a favorable time, from every point of view, to 
establish British security in the East. The Rt. Hon. 
Sir Richard Temple writes on " Great Britain in Asia.** 
He, also, cannot refrain from the boast of British power, 
and permits it to be inferred from his paper that Gre4)t 
Britain is now ready to try conclusions with any com- 
bination of European powers that may be formed in the 
far East. 

Prof. E. Denison Ross writes on "Modern Persian 
Literature,** and Princess Radziwell on "Cecil Rhodes* 


THE opening article in the Arena for June is a dis- 
cussion of imperialism as "The Giant Issue of 
1900,** by Prof. Frank Parsons. Prof. Parsons holds 
that this question overshadows even those of the trusts 
and the currency. " It is vastly important to know 
whether our governments and industries are to be 
managed in the interest of a few or in the interest of 
all ; but it is still more important to know whether the 
people approve the policy of abandoning the Declara- 
tion of Independence, turning the Republic into an 
empire, and transforming a peaceful democracy into 
an imperial conqueror.'* In Professor Parsons* view, 
this country can no longer claim to be a "bona-fide, 
whole-souled republic. We are an empire— a sort of 
republic at home and a despotism abroad ; a benevolent 
despotism, perhaps (though that remains to be seen), 
but none the less a despotism." 

On the subject of "Christianity and Imperialism," 
Mr. Freeman Stewart remarks that such isolation as 
has been due to the republican institutions of the United 
States has been an advantage both to ourselves and to the 
world at large. The United States has been the great- 
est " world power " that the earth has ever known, if by 
that term is meant power to exert a beneficent influence 
upon the world. " History may Ihj searched in vain for 
another nation that has done so 'much to inspire man- 
kind with hope and energy, and to improve the condi- 
tion of the human race." Mr. Stewart's contention is 
that we should continue in the same good work rather 
than yield to the forces of " militarism and despotism." 


Mr. Edward G. Johns sets forth the advantages of 
modern centralization in financial affairs. The present 
tendency to centralize power and to prevent a needless 

sacrifice of capital in competitive undertakings can 
only result, in Mr. Johns* opinion, in great stabilty of 
values and consequent safety for investors. The poor 
man reaps benefits from this centralizing tendency as 
well as the rich man. His savings are better safe- 
guarded, while the cost of production of necessary arti- 
cles has been reduced, and credit is less disturbed. 


Prof. Edward A. Ross, of Stanford University, writes 
on "England as an Ally." Professor Ross holds that 
while the identity of the English with the American 
people in language, literature, law, religion, and per- 
sonal ideas forms a firm basis for a national friendship, 
the economic contrast between insular England and 
continental America forbids an alliance. The friend- 
ship, therefore, should be cherished without compro- 
mising ourselves in an alliance. " The great desideratum 
is, therefore, an Anglo-American good understanding. 
We should uproot the old-time hostility inspired by 
school histories. We should meet the English half-way 
in all friendly sentiment. We should beware of stand- 
ing with a great illiberal despotism like Russia at a 
time when the conflict between the principle of author- 
ity and the principle of freedom is entering upon an 
acute phase. We should even act in concert with Eng- 
land, Japan, and Germany to protect stranded China 
from Russian aggression until, like Japan or Siam, she 
can get into the current of progress." 


Another article which emphasizes certain important 
differences between this country and England is con- 
tributed by Mr. Ewing Cockrell on the subject of ** Con- 
gress or Parliament?" Mr. Cockrell has made a close 
study of our congressional system with a view to meet- 
ing diverse criticisms based on comparison with Great 
Britain*s parliamentary methods. Mr. Cockrell makes 
it clear that our Congress is confronted with an amount 
of business far in excess of that presented to the British 
Parliament. The question then arises: Shall Con- 
£n*ess devote as much time to deliberation and discus- 
sion as is customary in Parliament, thereby leaving 
undone nine-tenths of its business ; or shall it endeavor 
to enact the legislation needed by the country in the 
most efficient and practical way possible? As Mr. 
Cockrell views the matter, the great fault of our Con- 
gress is that it attempts too much. The amount of 
business that must come up before it is too great to 
allow our legislation to attain the most perfect charac- 
ter. This fault, however, he believes can be corrected. 
Our methods, as they are, enable Congress to handle 
this great amount of business admirably and efficiently. 
Mr. Cockrell does not find serious faults in the separa- 
tion of the executive and the legislature, the lack of 
some one legislative leader, or the lack of much deliber- 
ation and discussion. Those who criticise these fea- 
tures of our system base their objections on incomplete 
theories of our government, and not on facts. 

In this number of the Arenay several of the questions 
before the session of Congress which closed last month 
are discussed. Among these are the ship-subsidy ques- 
tion, the trust question, and Porto Rican legislation. 


The Hon. Hugh H. Lusk contributes an interesting 
study of the old-age system adopted in New Zealand. 
Mr. Lusk states that the number of applications for 
pensions in the first year of the operation of the New 



ZeiUftnd law will not reach 0,000. This number he re- 
gards as a small one out of a total population of 800,000 
whites and 50,000 natives, as the provisions of the act 
apply equally to both races. That is to say, it amounts 
to less than three-quarters of one per cent, of the popu- 
Jatioo; and this percentage, under existing conditions, 
may be expected to diminish rather than increase. In 
N>w Zealand the cost of old-age pensions this year will, 
it is calculated, amount to about $500,000. 


There are articles on " Jesuit Educators and Modem 
Colleges,*' by Ruth Everett; "America as a Field for 
Fiction," by Annie Steger Winston; "Education and 
Marriage," by A. L. Mearkle, and "Woman in Journal- 
ism," by Marian Ainsworth-White. 


IN OuniorCs Magazine for June, Mr. William EHeroy 
Curtis writes on the coming Pan-American Con- 
fcress to be held in Mexico. The most important topics 
for discussion in this congress will be a plan of arbitra* 
tion for the settlement of differences between the 
American nations, and a permanent method of deter* 
miniog claims for damages brought by the citizens of 
ooe country against another. It has been suggested, 
al^ that uniform quarantine regulations be discussed 
by this conference of 1901, and perhaps the recognition 
of universal diplomas by other governments than those 
in which they are located may also be a topic of discus- 

In an unsigned article, the editor appeals to the Re- 
publican party to broaden public policy so as to bring 
about national action on questions of the health, educa- 
tion, and social welfare of the laboring classes. 

In a paper on " Working- Women*8 Clubs," Mrs. Char- 
lotte Coffyn Wilkinson states that these organizations 
have from the first been self-governing, all the members 
being on an equal footing ; no single voice has been 
anthoritative, and no one vote has carried undue weight. 
The dubs have been conducted, not from without, by a 
" board of lady managers," but by the members for the 

Dr. Edwin Maxey writes on "The Egyptian Ques- 
tion," and Mr. Moulton Emery on the question, " Are 
We Gothic or a Mixed Race ?" An editorial article dis- 
niflaeM the proposition of the American Federation of 
Labor to establish an institution for the education of 
the members of labor unions, and outlines some of the 
ponibilitie« of such an institution. 


CONCLUDING a rather elaborate paper on " Rela- 
tion Between Early Religion and Morality " in the 
Imemaiional Monthly for June, Dr. Edmund Buckley, 
of the University of Chicago, gives it as his opinion that 
wbile morality and religion have each wrought mischief 
on the other, their mutual help has far exceeded this 
mLichief. *' While an independent growth of each is 
conceivable, it certainly never happened, and if it had 
done so, muht have been with a loss to both sides. Fi- 
nally, the narrowness of our thesis needs complementa- 
tion from other sides of human culture. If religion has 
promoted morality, it has also promoted industry, 
knowledge, and art — the knowledge, alasl with even 
more offsetting hinderances than in the case of mo- 


In a paper on ** Political Parties and City Govern- 
ment," Prof. Frank J. Goodnow, of Columbia Univer- 
sity, remarks on the great progress that has been made 
in city government in this country. " Fifty years ago, 
efficient police protection was almost unknown. Few, 
if any, of our cities had ample supplies of potable water. 
No effective provision was made for cleaning the streets 
or for taking away the cUhris occasioned by the exigen- 
cies of urban life. The pavements of our streets were 
generally wretched in character, and the means of trans* 
portation offered to the urban population was alto- 
gether inadequate. Much of the improvement that has 
been made in these respects within the last half-cen- 
tury has been due, of course, to the development of 
scientific methods ; but the improvement which has 
actually taken place would not have been possible had 
our city governments been as bad as they have some- 
times been represented." Professor Goodnow's remedy 
for the interference of political parties with municipal 
government is to subject municipalities, when acting 
as agents of the State government, to an effective State 
control. "If the State government has such a control 
over the city government in the interest of the enforce- 
ment of general State laws, the desire of the political 
party to secure the enforcement of the law will not of 
necessity lead it to endeavor to get control of the city 
government. The party may secure the enforcement of 
State law through its control of State government." 


In a paper on " High Explosives : Uses in Peace and 
War," Capt. E. L. Zalinski, U. S. A., retired, argues 
that present conditions do not indicate the advisability 
of using high explosives, either shell or shrapnel, for 
military operations in the field. New developments 
must be made before it is likely that they will be used 
extensively. They are, however, sure to be used in har^ 
bor defenses and in atrial torpedoes projected by torpedo 

Dr. Reynold W. Wilcox, of New York, summarizes 
recent advances in medical science, and M. Th. Ribot 
writes on " The Nature of the Creative Imagination." 


THE Contemporary Review for June is an average 
number, and the best articles it contains are 
hardly of a nature to admit of adequate summary. We 
have dealt in the "Leading Articles" with Edith 
Sellers' description of "The People's Theater in Berlin.'* 


Mr. Poultney Bigelow contributes a rather desultory 
article entitled "Germany, England, and America," in 
which he gives his impressions of the German view 
of England and things English. The newspapers in 
Berlin, New York, and London, he says, are guilty of 
most of the misunderstandings which exist between the 
three countries, and at the present time a feeling prevails 
towards England which would make a war lietween 
England and Germany possible at any moment. On 
the subject of the Boer war, Mr. Bigelow says : 

" It is a pet idea with most Germans that in some eth- 
nological manner the Transvaal may become the nucleus 
of a Teutonic state, which in time may be absorbed by a 
combination of German East and West Africa. The 



Noel, in which the training of seamen in masted ships 
was advocated. He says : 

^* Masted ships are not war-machines ; every one ad- 
mits they are obsolete as snch, and I submit that the 
special art of working them is also obsolete as one of 
the arts of naval warfare; and that it has not been 
proved that a mere smattering— almost a caricature — of 
the sailor's art, such as can be picked up in a few months 
in a rigged steamer, is necessary to fit officers and men 
to work successfully our modem war-machines." 

The modern ship is nothing but a mass of mechanism, 
and the first duty of a sailor is to make himself a good 
shot and a good mechanic. 


Mr. Arnold White has an article entitled " Britannia 
and the Colonist," in which he protests against the cur- 
rent habit of looking at the colonist as something out- 
side and inferior, which is universal in government 
circles. He says : 

** Colonists on a visit to England find that we are not 
only defective in directing ability as applied to war and 
diplomacy, but that there is a general slackness apparent 
throughout the whole structure of our social and official 
administrative life. In two directions is this .alleged 
deterioration specially perceptible to colonial visitors — 
i.e., the enormous masses of ill-clad and half-fed people 
in the great cities, and the sinister growth of alien and 
financial influences over society and government. To 
the clear vision of men fresh from the realities of life it 
seems as though official England before the war was in 
an unhealthy dream, and that the bureaucrats' inability 
to recognize unpleasing facts suggested paralysis rather 
than fortitude. Businesslike himself, and accustomed 
to smart business methods, the colonist finds the circum- 
locution and fertility of obstructive resources character- 
istic of English bureaucracy most depressing." 

Mr. White suggests the word * Britannian' as a name 
which could be applied to all the subjects of the empire 
without giving offense to any. He publishes a number 
of letters from colonial representatives in London on 
the subject, but most of them do not seem to agree with 
his opinion that the term " colonist " is offensive. 


Admiral Maxse gives us his impressions of South 
Africa, dealing with both political and military prob- 
lems. He has been at Kimberley, and thinks that the 
town might easily have been captured by the Boers if 
they had made a general attack upon it. The defense 
was a game of bluff, and the garrison of only 4,000 men 
had to protect a circumference of twelve miles. Ad- 
miral Maxse recommends that the khaki uniform 
should now be worn in time of peace as well as during 
war. The moral of the war, he says, is that " with 
modern weapons, courage alone is insufficient to win 
battles." The constant repetition of this sapient re- 
mark by writers, military and otherwise, makes it very 
pertinent to know at what periml of history "courage 
alone was sufficient to win battles." 


Mr. Arthur Shadwell replies to Mr. Massingham*s 
article on "The Ethics of Editing." He says : 

"As to the outcry about the liberty of the press and 
freedom of speech, which has recently been raised in 
connection with the commercial proprietor and his in- 
terference with editorial discretion, it is raised in anger 

r and confusion of mind. Freedom of speech and the 
' liberty of the press mean the right to speak and publish 
without suppression by the police or other executive. 
They do not mean the right to be listened to. What is 
really demanded of the newspaper proprietor by the 
malcontents is not merely a pulpit or a platform, but 
an audience. But the poor man cannot give it them, 
nor any one else. The press is free enough. Speeches 
arid resolutions in favor of the enemy are reported ; let- 
ters in their defense by Mr. Massingham and others 
appear from day to day. If this is not sufficient, it is 
open to any one to start a newspaper specially devoted 
to their cause. If it would pay, it would be done, even, 
and on that very account by the unprincipled and 
greedy capitalist, whose only guide is that which pays. 
And it would pay if it had sufficient readers. What is 
lacking is not liberty, but a sympathetic audience." 


Mr. Arthur Galton continues his explanation why he 
left the Roman Catholic Church. His confessions are 
rather natvCy and he seems to have been the victim of a 
rather strange self-deception. The Catholic Church, he 
says, is not even the Latin Church, and much less the 
Roman ; and the Papacy, as we understand the term, 
so far from being apostolic or primitive, is later than 
Gregory the First. Mr. Galton came to distrust Cathol- 
icism politically as well as theologically, and felt that 
every convert to Rome was a loss to England as well as 
to Christianity. 


The Rev. H. Hensley Henson writes on "The Mivart 
Episode ; " the Rev. C. H. Beeching has a paper on 
" Passion and Imagination in Poetry." 


THE Westminster Review for June opens with a 
very appreciative sketch of the character of the 
late Mr. Jacob Bright. The article is anonymous, and 
the writer pays a high tribute to Mr. Bright's sincerity 
and disinterestedness. He never thought of aggran- 
dizement or sought any personal honors, and Lord Rose- 
beryls proposal to make him a privy councilor came to 
him as a complete surprise. 


Mr. F. A. A. Rowland writes on this subject. The 
danger of England^s great imperial schemes lies not in 
themselves, but in the entire neglect of domestic reform 
which they are the cause of. Parliament is now an im- 
perial machine ; domestic legislation is regarded as 
humdrum and treated with indifference, and while 
England is extending her dominion all over the globe 
she is taking no precaution to make her people at home 
fit to control it. In countries like Switzerland, where 
foreign politics do not vitiate the lagislative taste, do- 
mestic legislation keeps step with the needs of the peo- 
ple. The only remedy is, therefore, decentralization. 
Let Parliament remain the imperial machine, and let 
domestic reforms be the work of local parliaments. 
Mr. Rowland says that if the American empire should 
ever rival the British the system of State government 
would prove invaluable. Something of the kind seems 
to be wanted in England, for a parliament which was 
fit to govern fifteen million people is not fit to control 
an empire twenty times as populous, 




Mr. H. H. L. Bellot continues his series of articles on 
^ "The Problem in South Africa." He deals this month 
f at some length with the question of the raid, and says 
that the evidence that Mr. Chamberlain was cognizant 
of the Jameson plan is incontrovertible. Referring to 
Dr. Harris' "confidential" talk with Mr. Chamber- 
lain, be says : 

"The evidence cuts both ways. It is evidence that 
Mr. Chamberlain was innocent of complicity in the 
raid, but it also proves that he had cognizance of the 
plan. Assuming Mr. Chamberlain to be particeps 
criminis in the Jameson plan, how far is his conduct 
justified ? From the point of view of international law, 
of course, a constitutional minister is not warranted in 
conniving at a revolutionary conspiracy, even where his 
own countrymen are concerned. If, in addition to this, 
he was also the author of the British-flag policy, then 
he committed not only a constitutional but a political 
blunder of the gravest character. So far as the Jame- 
son plan is concerned, I agree with Mr. Stead that his 
conduct does not call for any severe censure from the 
moralist. Had Mr. Chamberlain frankly confessed his 
share in the Jameson plan and invited investigation, he 
would have lost little in public estimation. Instead, 
every obstacle to prevent the elucidation of the truth 
was raised. Cablegrams which were vital to the in- 
quiry were allowed to be destroyed, the production of 
others still in existence was refused, witnesses who 
came prepared with important evidence were dismissed 
unquestioned, or stopped whenever they approached 
the real points — in fact, the whole inquiry was a farce, 
and intended to be a farce. The South African Com- 
mittee was appointed, not to elicit the truth, but to 
conceal it. One or two questions in cross-examination 
of Mr. Chamberlain would quickly have revealed how 
far he was committed. Nothing of this kind took place. 
On the contrary, Mr. Rhodes was made the scapegoat; 
and Mr. Chamberlain squared accounts by presenting 
that gentleman with a certificate of honor in the House 
of Commons, after having previously signed the report 
accusing Mr. Rhodes of lying and of acting with bad 
faith, not only to the Imperial Government, but to his 
colleagues and subordinates, by inducing the latter to 
believe that the Colonial Office was a consenting jwirty 
to the cotisplracy." 


Mr. Jenkin Jenkins has a short paper on the Boers. 
Hia verdict, which is written from personal experience, 
i» that the Boers are a mixture of good and bad ; and, 
therefore, in no way diflferent from other races. No- 
where has he met with such kind-hearted hospitality 
as among them. 

"Good and bad occur in all races; and if a certain 
coarse type la apt to occur more frequently in Africa 
than elsewhere, we may safely attribute it to the rough, 
half-dvilixed condition of the country, and its lack of 
reiining influences. In our big towns, where there is 
far lees excuse for it, we find a type of brutality infi- 
nitely worse than anything Africa can bring forth, and 
a man might walk from Btduwayo to Cape Town with 

far less chance of molestation from his fellow-man than 
would be the case if he went by night through the 
paved and lighted streets of civilized London. The one 
part of Africa which is more dangerous than an Eng- 
lish slum, and which our traveler would do well to 
avoid, would, strange to say, be that triumph of civil- 
ization, Johannesburg. Whether he falls into the hands 
of an Uitlander robber or a Transvaal zarp, he is to be 
pitied by all lovers of law and order. Far better for 
him to avoid the towns and trust himself to the tender 
mercies of the rough men of the veldt, who, in nine 
cases out of ten, open their doors to the dusty wayfarer 
as readily as they will shoot him who comes with armed 
force against them.'* 


Elizabeth S. Diack describes the position of *^ Women 
in the Ancient World." Mr. James Sykes reviews Mr. 
Kinlock Cooke's story of the life of the late Duchess of 
Teck, which he describes as a *' MtUtum in Parvo biog- 
raphy." There is an article on Liberal policy by 
J. M. K., and a short article contending against con- 
scription on the principle that, as England has done 
nothing for her children, she cannot expect them to do 
anything for her. 


THE finest paper in the eminently readable June 
number of Comhtll is Mr. Thomas Seccombe's 
appreciation of M. Anatole France, under the heading, 
**A Literary Nihilist." "As a skeptic," he says, "M. 
France doubts everything, and in all things discovers 
the secret defect. . . . But, starting from the pessimis- 
tic conviction of the incurable badness and weakness of 
humanity, he is finally touched by the wretchedness and 
instability of human destiny." M. France exalts, as 
the two good counselors of human life. Irony and Pity 
—the smile of the one making life agreeable to us, the 
tears of the other making it sacred. The reviewer con- 
siders that "as a corrective to the monotony of those 
rhapsodies upon our noble selves, with which every 
paper and platform in the land is for ever resounding, 
the value of an English satirist of the caliber of M. 
Anatole France could hardly be overrated." 

"The Warders of the West," of whom Mr. E. B. Os- 
born writes most entertainingly, and from personal 
experience, are the Canadian Northwest Mounted Po- 
lice. The force is mostly composed of English-bom 
men, and nine times out of ten the man is " the scion of 
adecent family." The English gentleman predominates. 

Karl Blind's story of his life in " Years of Storm and 
Stress" becomes quite thrilling as he tells of his trial in 
Freiburg in 1848, which ended in a sentence for him of 
five years' solitary confinement, and then of his sudden 
release owing to a revolution in the army. 

"Georgian Grossips" is the title of a paper by Miss 
A. M. Wilson, in which she reports the conversation of 
certain aged parishioners at the Queen's Jubilee in 
1887 ; among the rest of a parish clerk, over ninety, who 
"minded right well" the celebrations which greeted 
the opening century in 1800, when he dined with bis 
grandmother, who was born in 1706. 





MBENOIST, continuing his interesting papers on 
. the Iron Chancellor, in the Revue des Deux 
Mondea for May, deals with Bismarck the man. Bis- 
marck*8 piety was Lutheran and Prussian — the piety of 
a loyalist and a royalist ; a soldier and an official, un- 
tainted by any conscious hypocrisy. He rigorously 
divided in his mind the functions of the statesman from 
the functions of Grod. The safety of the state was the 
work of the statesman ; the salvation of man was the 
work of man himself and of Grod. Thus he was very 
intolerant in the affairs of the state, but in religious 
matters he was quite the reverse. 


M. de La Sizeranne writes an interesting and thought- 
ful paper on the employment of iron in the Paris Ex- 
hibition. He thinks that the use of iron in architecture 
in the construction of those wonderfully various build- 
ings of the Exhibition — which must have considerably 
astonished the migratory birds on the lookout for good 
nesting-places— will remain the distinguishing feature 
of this year's show ; and he pleads for the rise of a really 
characteristic order of architecture out of the benevo- 
lent neutrality with which every conceivable style has 
been regarded. It is necessary, he thinks, to realize 
that iron is come to stay ; and the first step is to clear 
away from Iron buildings everything that is useless, so 
that they be reduced to the minimum necessary for 
fulfilling the object for which they are built. If this is 
done the buildings cease to be ugly, but are not yet 
beautiful ; and it is with this necessary addition of 
beauty that the architecture of the future must concern 


M. Le Groffic writes a long and important paper on 
what he calls the Pan-Celtic movement. He sees in the 
Celtic fringes all the germs of a strong agitation, which 
may have important political consequences in the 
immediate future. At present the Pan-Celtic elements 
in Ireland, Wales and Scotland, and even in Brittany, 
are isolated, and have no (iommon programme ; never- 
theless, there have been tentative movements toward 
a union of forces. The powerful Welsh organization 
called " Grorsedd Beird ynys Prydian " was represented 
in 1897 by a bard at the Dublin celebration of the *'Feis^ 
Ceoil." Not long afterwards Ireland was represented 
at the Eisteddfod ; and, later on, both Irish and Welsh 
delegates were present at the "Mx)d"of Gaelic Scot- 
land. At the Eisteddfod in 1899 at Cardiff official rep- 
resentatives of Brittany, as well as of Scotland and Ire- 
land, were present, together with delegates represent- 
ing the various Celtic groups in America, Canada, Aus- 
tralia, New Zealand, and India. Moreover, Cornwall 
and the Isle of Man, which both have a Celtic origin, de- 
cided to join also. The outcome of a Celtic Congress in 
Dublin which followed was the creation of the Pan- 
Celtic League, the object of which is to preserve the 
Celtic nationality. M. Le Gofflc looks forward to a 
time when Europe may have to reckon with Pan- 
Celticism, just as she has to reckon now with Pan- 
Slavism and Pan-Germanism. 


Among other articles may be mentioned the begin- 
ning of a series on the pacification of Madagascar, by 

M. Lebon, the ex-French colonial minister, who be- 
came notorious in connection with his treatment of 
Dreyfus ; M. £mile Ollivier begins a series of papers on 
the inauguration of the Third Empire. 


THE Nouvelle Revue for May fully maintains its 
reputation for articles of importance and interest. 
In the second May number. Captain Gilbert con- 
tinues his series of papers on the operations in South 
Africa. He deals this time with the mobilization and 
the concentration of the British forces, which he ar- 
ranges in a series of tables, exhibiting very clearly and 
intelligently their distribution at the various stages of 
the campaign. It is interesting to note that he is far 
from joining in the chorus of denunciation of the War 
Office. Captain Gilbert is not less interesting on the 
subject of the Boer strategy. He says that it must be 
recognized that the position at the opening of the war 
had been foreseen and prepared for by the Boers, who 
also had the advantage of the diplomatic initiative. 
Their object in taking the offensive against Natal was 
to create a diversion for the benefit of the Orange Free 
State. Grenerally speaking, Captain Gilbert declares 
that the Boer plan of operations defies criticism, having 
regard to the character of their forces and to the geog- 
raphy of the war. The only objection that he has to urge 
against them is that they did not know how to change 
their plan in time. 

In her letters on foreign politics, Madame Adam 
naturally comments on the war. She notes the recent 
action of the German Emperor, notably his journey to 
Altona to greet the Prince of Wales, and his message to 
the English people contained in the first number of Mr. 
Pearson's Daily Express— an. action which contrasts so 
forcibly with his Imperial Majesty's famous telegram 
to Mr. Krliger. She looks forward to a new series of 
contradictions emanating from the mobile mind of the 
German Emperor. Madame Adam pointa out that the 
refusal of Russia to interfere in the war has rendered 
her diplomatic victories in China, Persia, Korea, and 
Turkey more decisive than ever ; while she emphasizes 
the extreme bitterness of the feeling in Crermany 
against England. Madame Adam roundly declares 
that Mr. Rhodes has shielded Lord Methuen, and has 
also secured benevolent treatment for that officer from 
Lord Roberts; she draws an analogy between Mr. 
Rhodes and Lord Kitchener, and accuses the latter of 
ordering the assassination of prisoners, and even of 
abandoning his own sick and wounded. 


M. Reynaud describes, in a pleasant little article, the 
impressions which New York produced upon him. He 
was troubled, as are most Europeans, by the frightful 
noise, which contrasted so unfavorably with the calm, 
restful existence one leads on board the liner. He goes 
over the somewhat familiar ground of the growth of 
American cities, the skyscrapers, the elevated railroads, 
the general absorption in business, the Chinese colony, 
and the great servant qnestion. It is interesting to note 
that M. Reynaud relies upon the taste of the American 
woman to transform New York into one of the most 
beautiful cities of the world. 



A History of the People of the United States. By John 

Bach McMaster. 7 vols. Vol. V.; 8vo, pp. 577. 

New York : D. Appleton & Co. $2.60. 

The fifth Yolame of Professor McMaster^s aniqae history 
covers the period hetween 1821 and 1880 in virtually the 
same manner in which the earlier periods of our national 
history have been treated by this author. The distinction 
of Professor McMaster^s work as a whole lies in the nature 
of the materials ont of which it has been evolved. As is 
well known, great use has been made by Professor McMas- 
ter of newspaper files and contemporary accounts of events 
and conditions. In this particular volume special attention 
has been paid to socialistic and labor movements, industrial 
development, and educational progress, as well as to the 
political history of the times, to which other authors have 
contributed to a greater or less extent. Such matters as 
the Introduction of iias and anthracite coal, the opening of 
the Erie CanaU and the beginnings of railroad traffic are 
described with great fullness and attention to detail. For 
purposes of reference on these and kindred topics, no his- 
Cory of this period thus far published approaches McMas- 
ter*s in completeness. 

Cup PresidentH, and How We Make Them. By A. K. 

McClure. 8vo, pp. 4ia New York: Harper & 

Brothers. $3. 

One book which is sure of a kindly reception, in this 
campaign year, is Col. A. K. McClure^s *" Our Presidents, and 
How We Make Them.** Colonel McClure is not the first 
writer to tell the story of American Presidential elections, 
but no predecessor has treated the subject with so full a 
knowledge of the ground covered. In not less than fonrteen 
of the twenty-nine Presidential campaigns through which 
osr country has passed. Colonel McClure has been an active 
pwtlcipant: and with most of the candidates of the last 
hslf^sentury he has been personally acquainted. The special 
Tihie of his book, therefore, lies in the entertaining and in- 
•tractive comments which he has been able to add to the 
record. Colonel McClure*s account of the *' Inside move- 
ments** in such important political contests as the national 
Republican conventions of 1860, 1870, and 1880 throw new 
ligfat on many of the phases of those gatherings. The title 
of Colonel McClure*s book is exactly descriptive of the sub- 
ject-matter, which has to do, not with the bare facts of 
Presidential elections as they appear in ordinary histories, 
but with the actual making of Presidents, including the 
various forces at work in the nominating conventions, as 
well as in the formal campaigns. 

The United States Naval Academy. By Park Benja- 
min. 8vo, pp. 486. New York : G. P. Putnam's 
Sons. $3.50. 

Mr. Park Benjamin, of th^ class of *67 of the United 
States Naval Academy has honored his alma mater by an 
sdmirable history of cadet life at that institution. The 
qoaint sub-title chosen by Mr. Benjamin describes the book 
•o well, and is so flavored with the interest of the narrative, 
that we quote it in full: '*The Yarn of the American Mid- 
ihipman (Naval Cadet) showing his Life in the old Frigates 
and Ships-of-the-Line, and then at the Naval School at An- 
napolis : and how that Institution became a famous Naval 
College, meanwhile making him into the most accomplished 
end Tersatile young Seaman in the Wori<l ; together with 
some Reference to the Boys best suited for the Navy, and 
what they must do and know to get into the Naval Acad- 
emy, and what they have to expect while there : and also 

nuiny Pictures, all properly stopped to the Yam as It is 
handsomely iiaid out.** In Mr. Benjamin*s entertaining 
pages are recorded the doings of Cadets Dewey, Sampson, 
and Schley, not to mention other names which in recent 
years have become distinguished in the annals of the Ameri- 
can Navy. An appendix to the work contains a complete 
roll of the graduates of the academy. The volume Is pro- 
fusely illustrated. 

The Diplomatic Relations of the United States and 
Spanish America. By John H. Latan^. 12mo> pp. 
204. Baltimore : The Johns Hopkins Press. $1.50. 
This volume contains the Albert Shaw lectures on dip- 
lomatic history at the Johns Hopkins University in 1890, by 
John H. Latan6, Ph.D. In the introductory chapter the 
writer makes a concise presentation of the facts of the revo- 
lutions of Spanish-American colonies in the first two dec- 
ades of the nineteenth century. Then follows a discussion 
of the part played by the United States and England in the 
foundation of the Spanish-American republics. The suc- 
ceeding chapters deal with '* The Diplomacy of the United 
States in Regard to Cuba**; ''The Proposed Central Ameri- 
can Canal.** and** The Present Status of the Monroe Doc- 
trine.** It is needless to say that a clear understanding of 
the late war with Spain and its causes would be impossible 
without taking into account the whole history of our Cuban 
diplomacy. This has been very fully and satisfactorily 
treated by Dr. Latan6. 

The Mississippi Valley in the Civil War. By John 
Fiske. 12mo, pp. 868. Boston : Houghton, Mifflin 
&Co. $2. 

In his latest volume, Mr. John Fiske adopts the rdle of 
military historian. The work. Indeed, forms no part of the 
general plan to which Mr. Fiske*s former writings on the 
history of the United States conform. The reader is asked 
to dismiss from his mind the contemporary incidents of gen- 
eral history, and to consider only the military operations of 
which the Mississippi Valley formed the theater. While 
Mr. Fiske frankly admits that his sympathies have always 
been intensely Northern, ** as befits a Connecticut Yankee,** 
he still cherishes a sincere admiration for the character of 
Qen, Robert E. Lee, whose devotion to the Confederate 
cause he likens to the loyalty of Falkland to the prerogative 
of Charles the First. Mr. Fiske has sympathised with so 
many rebellions from those very ancient times down to the 
uprising of the Cubans in 1806 that the term ** rebel** seems 
to him anything but a term of reproach. He does not hesi- 
tate to use it in his book as giving expression to the mere 
fact that the South was trying to cast off an established 
government. Mr. Fiske*s narrative is illustrated with mape 
made from sketches by the author. 

On the Trail of a Spanish Pioneer: the Diary and 

Itinerary of Francisco 6arc4s (Missionary Priest). 

Translated and edited by Elliott Cones. 2 vols. 

8vo, pp. xxx-312 ; 296. New York ; Francis P. 

Harper. $6. 

The last work of the late Dr. Coues was the editing of 
the diary and itinerary of Francisco Oarers, a Spanish priest 
and Franciscan friar, who traveled extensively in Sonora, 
Arizona, and California in the years 1776-76 as a missionary 
to various Indian tribes. Dr. Clones ha<l a 8p<»cial interest in 
the subject-matter of this tliary, as he himself had livotl in 
Arizona at three widely separated intervals,- 1H54 ft5, IHHl^HI, 
and 1882.— and had traveled over nearly all of the route** 
taken by the missionary priest both in Ariaona and Califor- 



nia. Believing as he did that Arizona, though the longest- 
known comer of the United States, was the least generally 
known of all. Dr. Ck>nes thought that there could not be a 
better introduction to the history of our great Southwest 
than such a knowledge of the topography of the country as 
that afforded by the diary of Garo^s. The work as translated 
and edited by Dr. Coues is in two volumes, with maps, views, 
and facsimiles. 

English Common Law in the Early American Colonies. 
By Panl Samuel Reinsch. (Economics, Political 
Science, and History Series.) 8vo, pp. 64. Madi- 
son, Wis.: University of Wisconsin. Paper, 50 

In this thesis. Dr. Reinsch presents the attitude of the 
colonists during the seventeenth century, and in some cases 
during the eighteenth, toward the common law of England. 
In the colonies of New England the departure from the com- 
mon law is most clearly marked, while some of the Middle 
and Southern colonies adhere more closely to the Old World 

The Colonial Executive Prior to the Restoration. By 
Percy Lewis Kaye. (Johns Hopkins University 
Studies in Historical and Political Science.) 8vo, 
pp. 84. Baltimore : The Johns Hopkins Press. 
Paper, 50 cents. 

In his study of the colonial executive prior to IMO, Dr. 
Kaye has approached the subject from three points of view. 
He has considered in the first place the various documents, 
such as charter commissions and letters of instruction to 
the governors, in order to determine the scope and character 
of the power conferred on the executive officers in the sev- 
eral colonies: the means by which they were limited in the 
use of the executive prerogative, and the instruments at 
hand with which to enforce their command. He has fur- 
ther examined the connection between the colonies and the 
mother-country, by what means the English administration 
was carried out, and, finally, he discusses the executive in 
its relations to popular assemblies and legislatures. 

McLoughlin and Old Oregon. By Eva Emery Dye. 

12mo, pp. 881. Chicago: A. C. McClurg & Co. 


This is a graphic and entertaining sketch of pioneer 
days in Oregon. It deals with the important part played by 
Dr. McLoughlin as agent of the Hudson Bay Company dur- 
ing the struggle between Great Britain and the United 
States for this valuable territory. The story of the Whit- 
man massacre and of the famous winter's Journey which 
saved Oregon to the United States are related In this vol- 
ume, with other interesting episodes. 

The Klondike Stampede. By Tappan Adney. 8vo, 
pp. 471. New York : Harper & Brothers. 13. 
Mr. Tappan Adney has put on record the remarkable 
story of the rush to the Klondike in the years 1807-98. It Is 
well that this record has been made by one who had a part 
in the events described, and who describes so graphically 
the pioneers in that strange emigration. Mr. Adney served 
as special correspondent of Harper^a Weekly In the Klon- 
dike for several years, and his letters to that journal were 
among the most widely read of the earlier accounts of the 
development of the Yukon region. The work is profusely 

Congressional Grants of Land in Aid of Railways. By 
John Bell Sanlwrn. (Economics, Political Science, 
and History Series of the University of Wisconsin.) 
8vo, pp. 180. Madison, Wis.: University of Wis- 
consin. Paper, 50 cents. 

The subject of Dr. Sanborn's Ptudy has been strangely 
neglected by nn>st historians. Dr. Sanborn has enileuv^retl 
to trace the history of railroad land-grants from their incep- 
tlon to the present time. He gives an account of the various 

land-grant bills, the arguments for and against them, and 
the forces which caused their success or failure ; connecting 
this bare legislative history with the other features of our 
public-land policy. He has also considered the influence of 
land-grant legislation on the other issues of the time. 

London to Ladysmith, via Pretoria. By Winston Spen- 
cer Churchill. 12mo, pp. 496. New York : Long- 
mans, Green & Co. $1.50. 

The most interesting portion of Mr. Churchiirs narra- 
tive is the account of his imprisonment at Pretoria and his 
successful escape. Portions of this story have already ap> 
peared in the press. As an apology for the brevity of this 
part of his story, Mr. Churchill remarks : " The fact that a 
man*s life depends upon my discretion compels me to omit 
an essential part of the story of my escape from the Boers ; 
but if the book and its author survive the war, and when the 
British flag is firmly planted at Bloemfontein and Pretoria, 
I shall hasten to fill the gap in the narrative.*' Among the 
illustrations in the volume is a plan of the States Model 
Schools of Pretoria, where the British officers were confined. 

Towards Pretoria. By Julian Ralph. 12mo, pp. 328, 
Xew York : Frederick A. Stokes Company. $1.50. 
The story of the Boer war, down to the relief of Kimber- 
ley, is told in a few graphic chapters by Mr. Julian Ralph, 
special war correspondent of the London DaUy MaU. Mr. 
Ralph's abilities as a war correspondent, which were already 
well known in America, have been highly commended by 
the English press— London lAUralure ev*fn going so far as 
to place him at the top of the list. Mr. Ralph accompanied 
Lord Methuen's troops, and his account of the operations 
of that division of the British army has been regarded as 
among the most satisfactor}' published. 

Besieged by the Boers : A Diary of Life and Events in 

Kimberley During the Siege. By E. Oliver Ashe. 

12mo, pp. 175. New York : Doubleday, Page & Co. 


This is the story of the hospital surgeon at Kimberley 
during the siege. Because it was not intended for publica- 
tion, it is the more interesting as an account of siege life. 
Mr. Julian Ralph says of it: ''The public will get, as it got 
from Pepys* diary, the full charm of a free and easy, human, 
wholly frank and artless story of an active and manly man's 
experience at a great crisis. I know that it will stand alone 
and will last as long as men care to read of life under queer, 
untoward, and extraordinary conditions. It is frank, human, 
gossipy, fair, fearless, and true. It will be sure to have a 
good sale, for It is free and fearless as the air on the veldt.** 

The Story of the Nineteenth Century of the Christian 
Era. By Elbridge S. Brooks. 8vo, pp.409. Boston: 
Lothrop Publishing Co. $1.50. 

In this volume, Mr. Brooks makes an interesting sum- 
mary of modern progress in ten periods, beginning with 
the age of Napoleon and concluding with the age of Edition. 

An Outline of Political Growth in the Nineteenth Cen- 
tury. By Edmund Hamilton Sears. 12mo, pp. 616- 
New York : The Macmillan Company. $3. 
In this work the author has endeavored to cover the 
entire political field, and give a succinct account of every ^>^ 
nation existing under popular government. Ho has traced, ^^ 
in detail, the course of political events throughout the world y^ 
during the past century. At the end of the volume there is ^^ 
an extensive bibliography. ^ 

A History of Scotland from the Roman Occupation. ^ 
By Andrew Lang. 2 vols. Vol. I. 8vo, pp. xxvi- 
509. New York : Dodd, Mead & Co. $3.50. 
In the first volume of his '* History of Scotland," Mr. 

Andrew I^ang l)eginswith the Roman occupation, and brings 

his narrative down to the death of Cardinal Beaton, in 154H. 

In this volume, Mr. Lang has made large use of his knowl* 



edge of the personal peculiarities of many historical charac- 
ters drjiwn from contemporary records. He has also In- 
rlmU-*! Hketi'hes of social life and manners fnira a very early 
period. Mr. Laui$ devotes considerable attention to the so- 
called miracles of the seventh and eighth centuries, on the 
ground that belief in such occurrences occupied the human 
intellitcence in those times as much as science does among us. 

Modem Italy, 1748-1898. ("Story of the Nations" Se- 
ries.) By Pietro Orsi. Translated by Mary Alice 
Vialls. 12mo, pp. 404. New York : G. P. Putnam^s 
Sons. $1.50. 

An optimistic work on " Modern Italy, 1748-1898,'' by Pie- 
tro Orsi, has been translated for the *' Story of the Nations'* 
aeries by Mary Alice Vialls. While admitting that, for the 
time being, ^* Italy may be the victim of a crisis in the area 
of politics that is produced by weariness," this writer holds 
that it is not an exhaustion that affects her inmost vital- 
ity, and predicts that when once the crisis is surmounted 
Italy will honorably fill the place to which, among Euro- 
pean powers, she aspires. 

France Since 1814. By Baron Pierre de Ck)ubertin. 
12mo, pp. 281. New York : The Macmillan Com- 
pany. $1.50. 

Very timely, for more reasons than one, is the publica- 
tion of the Baron Pierre de Coubertin's ^* France Since 
1814 "—a Frenchman's patriotic effort to help foreigners to a 
better opinion of his fatherland. Baron de Coubertin has 
endeavored to emphasize the continuity of modern French 
history as opposed to the prevalent error of historians in re- 
garding it as split into several distinct periods. One lesson 
that this Frenchman draws from the history of contempo- 
rary Prance is the wholesome one that revolutions and sud- 
den changes are, as a rule, fruitless. France has learned 
from bitter experience that, " even where they seemed des- 
tined to bring about improvements and confer advantages, 
the far-off counter-blow Is ominous." 

The Story of France from the Earliest Times to the 

Ck>nsalate of Napoleon Bonaparte. By Thomas E. 

Watson. 2 vols. Vol. 11. 8vo,pp. 1076. New York: 

Macmillan Company. $2.50. 

Notwithstanding all the ponderous volumes that have 
been written and published concerning the rise and fall of 
French absolutism, it is a matter of congratulation to Ameri- 
cans of the present day that one of their number has seen 
fit to retell the story in his own inimitable way, and from the 
modem American point of view. On the appearance of the 
!lr«t volume of Mr. Thomas E. Watson's '* Story of France," 
that writer's journalistic qualities of style attracted perhaps 
more attention than any other feature of his work. The 
power to picture events vividly, to make the historical nar- 
rative move rapidly, is the distinguishing trait of Mr. Wat- 
son as an historian ; and in his second volume, covering the 
period from the end of the reign of Louis XV . to the consulate 
of Napoleon, this trait is even more strikingly exemplified 
than in the earlier volume. The 1,800 pages of Mr. Watson's 
two volumes represent a literary labor such as few A merican 
writers of this generation have been ready to undertake. 

The Memoirs of the Baroness Cecile de Courtot. By 
Moritz von Kaisenberg. Translated from the Ger- 
man by Jessie Haynes. 8vo, pp. 296. New York : 
Henry Holt & Co. $2. 

The Baroness Cecile de Courtot was a lady-ln-waltlng to 
the French Court at the time of the Revolution, a witness of 
the Reign of Terror, and, finally, an interested observer of 
Bonaparte's Reign as First Consul. Her " Memoirs," com- 
piled from letters and the diary of a friend by her great- 
grandson, Moritz von Kaisenberg, have been translated from 
the German by Jessie Haynes. These " Memoirs " contain 
many personal reminiscences of the scenes through which 
their author passed. The only wonder is that their publica- 
tkm has been so long delayed. 

Historical Memoirs of the Emperor Alexander I. and 
the Court of Russia. By Mdnie la Comtesse de 
Choi.seul-Gouffier. Translated from the original 
French by Mary Berenice Patterson. 12mo, pp. xx- 
321. Chicago : A. C. McClurg & Co. $1.50. 
These memoirs, of which an English translation is now 
presented for the first time, contain details concerning the 
assassination of Paul I.; the conduct of Alexander during 
and after the conspiracy which gave him the empire; what 
took place in the campaign of 1812; the attitude of the Con- 
gress of Vienna, when it learned that in the month of 
March, 1815, Napoleon had escaped from the island of Elba 
and returned to France, and facts connected with the last 
illness and death of Alexander. 

The Story of Moscow. By Wirt GJerrare. 16mo, pp. 

815. New York : The Macmillan Company. $1.50. 

To most of us, who think of Russia itself as a modem 
nation, it will at first seem strange to include Moscow 
among medieval towns. Yet the writer of this little hook 
has succeeded in constructing a very interesting account of 
the town and its vicissitudes during the five centuries end* 
ing at the reign of Peter the Oreat, the time from which 
most historians date the real growth of the Russian empire. 
The illustrations, by Helen M. James, are dainty pieces of 

Japan : Coimtry, Courts and People. By J. C. Calhoan 
Newton. 12mo, pp. 432. Nashville: Barbee & 
Smith. $1. 

The writer of this work, long a missionary in Japan, has 
attempted to give a comprehensive view of the Japanese 
country, court, and people. While not intended to supplant 
the more elaborate works dealing with the same subjects, 
this book is designed to bring information on these topics, 
in a comparatively small compass, within reach of all who 
take interest in the future of the race and the advancement 
of Christianity. Dr. Newton has endeavored to develop the 
story of the Japanese people, including political move- 
ments, wars, religious customs, and arts, along the line of 
consecutive historical narrative. He shows how the remark- 
able feudal system of government and civilisation, which ex- 
isted for more than eight hundred years, grew out of the 
tribal and patriarchal forms. This will suggest to the 
reader many parallels and contrasts to the feudalisms of 
Europe. A distinctive feature of Dr. Newton's book is his 
discussion of Japanese art. The honorable part played by 
the United States in opening the country in 1854-68, through 
Commodore Perry and the Hon. Townsend Harris, is fully 
described. The author believes that the ever-increasing in- 
tercourse and trade between the United States and Japan, 
likely to be brought about through the Nicaragua Canal and 
other developments in the near future, will tend to make 
Japan a Christian nation, though not narrowly sectarian. 

The End of Villainage in England. By Thomas Walker 
Page. (Publications of the American Ek!onomic' 
Association.) 8vo, pp. 99. New York : The Mac- 
millan Company. Paper, $1. 

This paper discusses the gradual extension of the rights 
of the "villains," or serfs, in the eastern, midland, and 
southern counties of England, and the abolition of their dis- 
abilities until they were on an equality with freemen. This 
is a subject on which there is certainly no lack of literature, 
but perhaps it is the more necessary that the various author- 
ities and sources of information should be analyzed and re- 
viewed in a brief and scholarly monograph of this nature. 

A Short History of Monks and Monasteries. By Alfred 
Wesley Wishart. 8vo, pp. 454. Trenton, N. J.: 
Albert Brandt. $8.60. 

This beautifully printed work, by Alfred Wesley Wish- 
art, sometime Fellow in Church History in the University 
of Chicago, comes to us bearing an imprint heretofore un- 
known in the publishing world. Beginning with the rise of 



monastlcism in the East, Mr. Wishart traces its spread 
westward, and reviews the origin and development of each 
ot the great orders, the Benedictines, the Jesuits, and the 
Mendicant Friars. The author seems to have made a sin- 
cere effort to provide a fair and judicial account of matters 
concerning which much has heen written hy partisana. For 
the general reader, desirous of obtaining an impartial view 
of a most important phase of church history, Mr. Wishart's 
book is admirably adapted. 

The Drama of Yesterday and To-day. By Clement 
Scott. 2 vols. 8vo, pp. 607-681. New York : The 
Macmillan Company. $8. 

Mr. Clement Scott*s two-volume work will be read less 
for the dramatic criticism that it contains than for the his- 
torical and reminiscent element. For, while Judgments will 
continue to differ regarding Mr. ScotVs authority as a dra- 
matic critic, there can be no question as to his intimate 
knowledge of many of the most interesting personalities of 
the English and American stage for the past half-century. 
His volumes are well stored with anecdote and with ac- 
counts of memorable performances, from the time when the 
old Haynoarket Theater was still lighted with oil and can- 
dles down to the most recent histrionic triumphs of our day. 
Many portraits of actors and managers accompany Mr. 
Scot t*s text. 

The Life of Dwight L. Moody. By William R. Moody. 
8vo, pp. 590. New York : Fleming H. Kevell Com- 
pany. $2.50. 

•* The Life of Dwight L. Moody '* has been written by 
his son, in accordance with the request made by his father, 
several years before his death. Although Mr. William R. 
Moody was without extensive literary experience, he under- 
took the preparation of this biography with the purpose of 
correcting such inaccuracies and misstatementsas may have 
been circulated regarding the facts of his father's life. He 
has succeeded in telling the story of the great evangelist's 
career in a straightforward, honest way, which leaves noth- 
ing to be desired. Mr. Moody himself was the last man to 
seek laudation in any form ; and the plain story of his life, 
which his son has written, is doubtless all that he would 
have desired to have published concerning him. A great 
deal of unpublished material relative to Mr. Moody's early 
life has been incorporated in this work, while the aims and 
purposes of the institutions which he built up in later years 
are well set forth. On the whole, the friends of Mr. Moody 
will find in this volume a satisfactory record of his noble life 

Dwight L. Moody : Impressions and Facts. By Henry 
Drummond. With an Introduction by George 
Adam Smith. 12mo, pp. 125. New York: Mc- 
Clare, Phillips & Co. $1. 

A few years ago. Professor Drummond was induced to 
write an account of his intimate association with Mr. Moody 
for more than twenty years. At the time of its publication, 
this study of Moody by his associate and friend was re- 
garded as the best exposition of the secret of Moody's power 
that had ever been written. This was shortly after Profes- 
sor Drummond's last visit to the United States. The ''Im- 
pressions and Facts " given by Professor Drummond have 
been reprinted in this little volume, together with a personal 
tribute by Prof. Qeorge Adam Smith, who knew both Mr. 
Moody and Professor Drummond intimately. 

Oliver Cromwell and the Rule of the Puritans in Eng- 
land. ( * * Heroes of the Nations " Series. ) By Charles 
Firth. 12mo, pp. 496. New York : G. P. Putnam's 
Sons. $1.50. 

Anticipating the completion of the lives of Cromwell 
by Mr. John Morley and Governor Roosevelt, a volume on 
"Oliver Cromwell and the Rule of the Puritans in Eng- 
land," from the pen of Charles Firth, M.A., of Balliol Col- 
lege, Oxford, has been published by the Putnams. In this 
volume the author has included the results of researches 

since the publication of his article on Cromwell In the 
*' Dictionary of National Biography" in 1888. Readers in- 
terested in the military details of Cromwell's life will find 
that the battle plans drawn for this volume differ in several 
particulars from those generally accepted as correct. 

Chopin : The Man and His Music. By James Hnneker. 

12mo, pp. 415. New York : Charles Scribner's 

Sons. $2. 

An entertaining sketch of the rather tumultuous life of 
the Polish composer Chopin has been written by Mr. James 
Huneker. Mr. Hunekor has divided his book into two parts, 
the first treating of Chopin the man, the second treating of 
his music. Two classes of readers will be attracted by Mr. 
Huneker'sbook— those to whom Chopin is little more than a 
name, and who wish to get what light they may on his some- 
what elusive personality, and those music-lovers whose in- 
terest in Chopin's compositions may have been renewed by 
listening to some of Paderewski's programmes, or through 
other manifestations of his musical genius. We are sure that 
both classes of readers will find Mr. Huneker's admirable 
biography the most satisfactory exposition of Chopin's place 
among composers that has appeared in the English language. 


A Woman's Paris. 16mo, pp. 219. Boston : Small, May- 

nard & Co. $1.25. 

This attractive little volume is designed to meet the 
wants of '' the American lady coming to Paris for a longer or 
shorter period for reasons not literary nor Bohemian, nor 
demanding wild haste." It is styled *' A Handbook of Every- 
day Living in the French Capital." In other words, it is 
meant for the use of those who '* take their delight in Just 
living in Paris and letting sights and pleasures come." This 
American woman is supposed to be not too poor to enjoy 
herself in a varied and even in a moderately luxurious way 
in Paris, although not a millionaire. The work includes a 
chapter on the Exposition of 1900, with the customary advice 
to strangers. It contains some useful hints, and is appropri- 
ately illustrated from photographs. 

The Anglo-American Guide to the Paris Exhibition of 
1900. 12mo,pp.432. New York: Frederick A. Stokes 
Company. Paper, 50 cents. 

Among the many Paris Exposition guides of the season, 
this is probably one of the most useful, since a special effort 
has been made to include full information as to all the places 
of Interest in Paris, thus meeting the needs of visitors who 
go to Paris to see the city as well as to view the Exposition 

Two Gentlemen in Touraine. By Richard Sudbury. 

8vo, pp. 842. New York : H. S. Stone & Co. $3.50. 

This is a charming travel sketch, embodsring oiuch valu- 
able material on the architecture of Touraine. The illus- 
trations of the chateaux in Touraine are truly impressive. ^ 
The unique decorative borders in green which accompany 
the text throughout the book well carry out the character 
of the times and the locality described. 

Highways and Byways in Normandy. By Percy Dear- 
mer. 12mo, pp. 863. New York : The Macmillan 
Company. $2. 

Normandy is the subject of the latest volume in the 
"Highways and Bywasrs" series. On some accounts it is 
unfortunate that this book was not published in America 
earlier in the year, as it is full of suggestions to travelers, 
and especially to cyclists, many of whom will visit the Paris 
Exposition during the summer, and might easily accomplish 
a portion, at least, of the tour described so delightfully by , 
Mr. Dearmer. The roads of Normandy are famous, making * 
a departure from the main railway li^es easy for all cyclists. > 
As the author truly remarks, " Every one knows Normandy, 
and therefore Normandy is hardly known at all. " It suffers 
from being too readily accessible, and is remembered gener- 
ally for its fashionable watering-places, or for one or two of 



Its historic towns. Yet It it) a fact that a month^s study in 
any of the villages of Normandy will hardly exhanst the 
oamber of excnrsionH possible to a cyclist. Mr. Dearmer's 
descrfptions make charming reading, and the drawings by 
Joseph Pennell amply illustrate the text. 

Travels in England. By Richard Le Gallienne. ISino, 
pp. 291. New York : John Lane. $1.50. 
Mr. Le Oallienne has written a book with literary 
qoality, as might have been expected from the author of 
** Prose Fancies/* and at the same time has exhibited a de- 
scriptive talent not so evident in his earlier writings. 
Among the most interesting papers included in this volume 
are those on"8elbome,'* '* Stratford-on-Avon,** "Books as 
Traveling Companions/* and ** Winchester to Salisbury.** 


The Distribution of Wealth : A Theory of Wages, In- 
terest, and Profits. By John Bates Clark. Svo, 
pp. xxviii-445. New York : The Macmillan Com- 
pany. $3. \ 

Professor Clark*s studies of more than twenty years in 
the theory of wages, interest, and profits are embodied in 
the present exhaustive and well-rounded treatise. The work 
is avowedly theoretical, and intended for the student rather 
than the man of affairs. It represents the extreme advance 
of American scholarship in its field. 

Proceedings and Papers of the Twelfth Annual Meet- 
ing of the American Economic Association, in 
December, 1809. 8vo, pp. 288. New York: The 
Macmillan Company. $1. 

A list of members of the American Economic Associa- 
tion printed in this volume shows that all the universities 
sod most of the prominent colleges of the country are repre- 
sented in the association by their teachers of political econ- 
omy and related subjects. A large number of members, 
alto, are business men, journalists, lawyers, or politicians. 
Ia future, the publications of the asbociation will be issued 
quarterly with monographic supplements. 

Railway Control by Commissions. By Frank Hendrick. 

12mo, pp. 161. New York ; G. P. Putnam's Sons. $1. 

Mr. Hendrick describes existing systems of railway 
regulation in France, Italy, Austria, Belgium, Germany, - 
England, and the United States. The concluding chapter is 
devoted to ** Switzerland and the State Purchase of Rail- 
vayt.** The author suggests the railway regulation of the 
Massachusetts Commission as a guide to American railway 

History and Functions of Central Labor Unions. By 
William Maxwell Burke. (Columbia University 
Studies in History, Economics, and Public Law.) 
8vo, pp. 125. New York : The Macmillan Company. 

This investigation of central labor unions was suggested 
and begun under the direction of Dr. Thomas N. Carver, of 
Oberlin College, and was completed at Columbia University, 
where original sources of information are more accessible. 
The work seems to have been done with great thoroughness 
and fairness. 

A Country Without Strikes. By Henry Demarest 
Lloyd. 12mo, pp. xiv-188. New York : Double- 
day, Page & Co. $1. 

Last year, Mr. Henry D. Lloyd visited New Zealand, and 
oiade a careful investigation of the workings of the compul- 
sory arbitration law in that colony. In this small volume 
Mr. Lloyd presents the results of his investigation. The 
facts which he discovered seem to fully justify the title 
chosen for his book, for New 2«ealand is now indeed ''a 
country without strikes.** Labor disputes there are still in 
plenty, but they are settled without stoppage of work and 
vtthoot Tlolence or loss of any kind to either employers or 

employees. Indeed, a remarkable development of the New 
Zealand situation has been the general satisfaction ex- 
pressed by employers with the results of the experiment 
thus far. Mr. Lloyd also finds, in tlie success of this method 
of industrial arbitration, a hint as to how international arbi- 
tration may be inaugurated. 

America's Working People. By Charles B. Spahr. 

12mo, pp. 261. New York : Longmans, Green & Co. 


In this account of conditions among American working 
people as seen by the people themselves. Dr. Spahr has de- 
voted more attention to farm and village conditions than is 
customary in books about American life. He is justified in 
this course by the fact that our farms and villages contain 
three-fifths of our whole people and three-quarters of our 
people o f American parentage. As Dr. Spahr truly remarks, 
it is in our rural communities that immigrants are most 
thoroughly assimilated and social institutions most com- 
pletely dominated by the American spirit. It is quite im- 
possible to read one of Dr. Spahr*s chapters without being 
impressed with the writer*s eminent fairness and desire to 
get at the facts. In more than one of his studies he has run 
counter to some of our preconceived opinions, and we can- 
not readily accept all his conclusions; nevertheless, his sin- 
cerity is so evident that we feel at once convinced that he Is 
describing things as he saw them and giving argumeuVs as 
they were presented to him. The book as a whole estab- 
lishes no thesis; it merely affords material which may form 
the basis of independent judgment. 

Rural Wealth and Welfare. By Greorge T. Fairchild. 
12mo, pp. 881. New York : The Macmillan Com- 
pany. $1.25. 

Professor Fairchild*s thirty years' experience in teach- 
ing economics in leading agricultural colleges has well quali- 
fied him for the task of preparing such a work as this— an 
attempt to show how economic principles are illustrated 
and applied in farm life. From Professor Fairchild*s point 
of view, economic literature has usually dealt exclusively 
with the phenomena of manufactures and commerce, and 
on that account has partially failed to gain the sympathy of 
rural people. He has endeavored to avoid this error, and 
has written a work in which our farming population can 
hardly fail to be interested. His account in the concluding 
chapter, of the development of a typical American farmer*s 
home and family, is especially opportune and interesting. 

The Conquest of Arid America. By William E. Smythe. 

12mo, pp. 826. New York: Harper & Brothers. 


If any man in this country is entitled to be considered 
an authority on irrigation, it certainly is Mr. Smythe, the 
author of this work. Mr. Smythe*s work as editor of the 
Irrigation Age and an officer of the National Irrigation Con- 
gress took him repeatedly to all the States and Territories 
of the arid region, and nearly every valley or settlement of 
special interest. Mr. Smythe*s knowledge of the facts 
is, therefore, at first hand. His familiarity with all the sec- 
tions of our land and the people who live in them qualifies 
him to write wisely and convincingly concerning the possi- 
bilities of bringing the landless man to the region of *^ man- 
less land,** as he expresses it. Mr. Smythe is himself fully 
convinced that the true opportunity of the American people 
lies not in the tropical islands of the Pacific and the Carib- 
bean, but in the vast unsettled regions of their own coun- 
try, where they are yet to work out the highest forms of civ- 
ilization for their own race and nationality. 

Our New Prosperity. By Ray Stannard Baker. 12mo, 
pp. 272. New York : Doubleday & McClure Com- 
. pany. $1.25. 

Mr. Baker*s book makes exceedingly pleasant reading 
for the optimistic American. He takes up in detail the 
various industries affected by the recent wave of national 
prosperity, including transportation, the iron and steel In- 



doBtry* the cattle trade, wheat-raising, stocks and bonds, and 
various exports. Graphic illostrations accompany much of 
the statistical matter. 

Ck)in, Currency, and Commerce. By Philip A. Robin- 
son. 12mo, pp. 278. Washington : The Neale Com- 
pany. $1.25. 

Mr. Robinson has aimed in this volume to make a sug- 
gestive outline study of the general subject of money. Stu- 
dents interested in the subject may safely take this book as a 
primer, using it as an introduction to more elaborate discus- 
sions of financial topics. In liis arrangement of the work, 
the author has kept in view the importance of clearness 
rather than of amplification of detail. 

Let There Be Light. By David Lubin. 12mo, pp. 526. 

New York : G. P. Putnam's Sons. $1.60. 

Under this title, Mr. David Lubin relates the story of a 
working-men*s club— its search for the causes of poverty and 
social inequality, its discussions, and its plan for the amelio- 
ration of existing evils. The inquirers who make up the 
membership of this club, finding the causes of inequality in 
the defects of religious systems, formulate plans for a new 
church and outline a new social order. The ideal proposed is 
original and bold. 

Politics and Administration : A Study in Government. 

By Frank J. Goodnow. 12mo, pp. 270. New York : 

The Macmillan Company. $1.50. 

In this volume, Professor Goodnow tries to show not 
what our formal and legal governmental system is, but what 
the actual system is, and what changes in the formal system 
must be made in order to make the actual system conform 
more closely than it does at present to the political ideas 
upon which the formal system is based. In pursuance of his 
theme, Professor Goodnow has approached such difficult and 
disagreeable topics as ** Party Organisation in Our Great 
Cities,'* !' The Boss in Politics,'* and '' The General System 
Under Which the Boss Thrives "—topics quite foreign, in- 
deed, to most of the learned treatises on government that 
have heretofore held sway in the colleges and universities, 
but nevertheless matters which cannot be ignored by any 
thoroughgoing student of American government. Professor 
Goodnow's conclusions are that centralization of adminis- 
tration and legal recognition of party are both necessary to 
a popular government and an efficient administration. 

World Politics at the End of the Nineteenth Century, 
as Influenced by the Oriental Situation. By Paul 
S. Reinsch. 12mo, pp. 366. New York : The Mac- 
millan Company. $1.25. 

The first part of this work is an introduction, which gives 
a general view of the forces at work covering the various 
elements of intellectual and economic life that infiuence 
modem politics. The second part treats of what the author 
considers the true center of interest in present international 
politics— viE., the Chinese question; the third part treats 
of the consequences of the Chinese situation on European 
politics; the fourth part, devoted to German imperial poli- 
tics, attempts to present in its completeness the well-consid- 
ered policy of the German Empire, while in the fifth part 
are presented considerations upon the position of the United 
States as a world power. The Chinese problem is regarded 
by the author as the crux of the international situation. 
This work appears in the *' Citizen*s Library of Economics, 
PoUtics, and Sociology,** edited by Prof. Richard T. Ely. 

Problems of Expansion. By Whitelaw Reid. 12mo, 
pp. 294. New York : The Century Company. $1.50. 
The scattered papers and addresses of the Hon. White- 
law Reid relating to the various problems of American ex- 
pansion have been brought together in this volume, with ap - 
pendices including resolutions of Congress as to Cuba, the 
Washington Protocol, and the text of the Treaty of Paris. 
"The Territory with Which We Are Threatened'* is the 
subject of the first of these papers, which appeared in the 

Century for September, 1896, and was Mr. Reid*s first explicit 
declaration of his expansionist views. Among the topics 
discussed by Mr. Reid in this volume are ''The Duties of 
Peace,** *' The Open Door,** **Our New Duties," ''AContl- 
nental Union,** and "Our New Interests.*' It is probable 
that Republican writers and speakers in the coming Presi- 
dential campaign will make large use of this volume for 
facts and arguments on the question of territorial expansion. 

Colonial Civil Service. By A. Lawrence Lowell. 12mo, 
pp. 346. New York : The Macmillan Company. 

Mr. Lowell has made a serious attempt to outline a 
scheme for the selection and training of our colonial offi- 
cials, based on the methods already adopted in England. 
Holland, and France. This study was originally made at 
the request of the American Historical Association. As Mr. 
Loweirs conclusion is that the only practical plan for the 
United States is to establish a college for the training of 
colonial administrators, it is especially pertinent to his dis- 
cussion to include an account of the famous East India Col- 
lege at Haileybury, furnished by Prof. H. Morse Stephens, 
now of Cornell University. 

Imperialism and Liberty. By Morrison I. Switt. 12mo, 
pp. 491. Los Angeles : The Ronbroke Press. $1.50. 
This essay is chiefiy a vigorous denunciation of the 
administration at Washington for its course in the Philip- 
pines, and its general conduct of affairs since the conclusion 
of the Spanish-American war. 

Proceedings of the Columbus Conference for Good City 
Government and the Fifth Annual Meeting of the 
National Municipal League, held in November. 
1809. 8vo,pp.280. Edited by Clinton Rogers Wood- 
ruff. Philadelphia: National Municipal League. 

This volume contains several of the papers published In 
the '^municipal programme** of the National Municipal 
League noticed in our May number, together with several 
papers read at the Columbus conference, but not included 
in the *' programme ** volume. 


Flame, Electricity, and the Camera. By George lies. 

8vo, pp. 898. New York: Doubleday & McClure 

Company. $2. 

In an extremely interesting book entitled ^* Flame, Elec- 
tricity, and the Camera,** Mr. George lies traces *' man's prog- 
ress from the first kindling of fire to the wireless telegraph 
and the photography of color.** The author attempts an 
answer to the question. Why has science accomplished more 
in the nineteenth century than in all preceding time ; for he 
marshals a wonderful array of facts to explain the advance- 
ment of our race from the cave-man to the twentieth-century 
scientist. All the specific improvements and inventions that 
have had part in this remarkable progress are described in 
detail, and the place of each in the general development b 
accurately assigned. The book is fully illustrated. 

Electricity and Its Applications. By Dr. Foveau de 
Courmeiles. 16mo, pp. 185. Paris, 15 Rue des Saints 
Pferes : Schleicher Fr^res. Paper, 1 franc. 
In the excellent little encyclopeedia published at Paris, 
under the title of ''The Gk>lden Books of Science,** there is a 
volume on " Electricity and Its Applications,** by Dr. Foveau 
de Courmeiles. This little book gives all the most recent 
developments in the field of electricity, including the X-ra)*^ 
the kinetoscope, the cinematograph, and the wireless tele- 

The Electric Automobile : Its Construction, Care, and 
Operation. By C. E. Woods. 12mo, pp. 177. New 
York : H. S. Stone & Co. $1.26. 
A timely little work has been prei>ared by Mr. C. E. 

Woods, on ''The Electric Automobile: Its Construction, 



Care, and Operation.*' The book has been written with a 
special view to the needs of people who are neither engineers 
nor mechanics, but are interested in the purcliase and use 
of automobiles. Tlie language iH, therefore, as free as pos- 
sible from technical nomenclature. 

Steam- Engine Theory and Practice. By William Rip- 
per. 8vo, pp. 398. New York : Longmans, Green 
&Co. #2.50. 

An elaborate work by an English engineer, Mr. William 
Ripper, on •* Steam-Engine Theory and Practice" has re- 
cently been published by Messrs. Longnmns, Green & Co. 
This book is a sequel to the author's elementary work on 
** Steam." The illustrations are clear and grapliic. 


Nature's Calendar : A Guide and Record for Outdoor 
Observations in Natural History. By Ernest In- 
geraoU. 12mo. pp. 270. New York: Harper & 
Brothers. $1.50. 

Mr. IngersoU has provided in this volume both a log- 
book and a guide for the study of outdoor nature. The am- 
ple margins give facilities for the recording of facts ob- 
served from day to day through every season of the year. 
Mr. IngersoU's own comments on the changing phases of 
nature from January to December are most Instructive. 
His long experience in this kind of study has made him our 
second Thoreau. While the dates given in this book refer 
to an ordinary season in the region about New York,— since 
it was necessary to take some one district for the sake of 
relative uniformity,— the limit has not been strictly drawn, 
and the book will be found useful throughout the eastern 
half of the United States and Canada. The student will 
soon find how to mal^e local allowances for his own circum- 
stances of latitude and climate. 

A Guide to the Trees. By Alice I^unsberry. 12mo, pp. 
xx-313. New York: Frederick A. Stokes Com- 
pany. $3.50. 

Nearly two hundred trees and some shrubs have been in- 
cluded in this excellent nmnual. All the species prominent 
in Northeastern America and a few distinctive and rare 
species from the South and the West are described. The 
trees are clabsifled primarily according to the soil in which 
they prefer to grow. The trees that prefer to grow near water 
are placed in the first pection ; then follow those of moist soil, 
those of rich soil, those of sandy and rocky soil, and those of 
dry »oil, respectively. Within these five sections the order 
in which they have been arranged has been with regard to 
the peculiarities of their leaves. The simplest forms— those 
with entire edges, which grow alternately on the branches- 
are placed first; and through their variations such leaves 
continue to follow until those with lobed edges are reached. 
Simple, opposite leaves are arranged in the same order, relat- 
ing to the character of their margins. These are followed 
by compound, alternate leaves, and finally compound op- 
posite leaves. Among the illustrations are many colored 
plates. Dr. N. L. Britton, director of the New York Botani- 
cal Garden, supplies an introduction to the volume. 

Our Native Trees, and How to Identify Them. By 
Harriet L. Keeler. 12mo, pp. 533. New York: 
Charles Scribner's Sons. $2. 

Miss Keeler describes in this volume trees that are in- 
digenous to the region extending from the Atlantic Ocean to 
the Rocky Mountains and from Canada to the northern 
boundaries of the Southern States ; together with a few well- 
known and naturalized foreign trees, such as the horse- 
chestnut. Lombardy poplar, ailanthus, and sycamore maple. 
The author addresses her work to amateur b«)tani8ta who de- 
sire a more extended and accurate description of trees than 
is given by the ordinary botanical text-books, to such of the 
grneral public as love rural life, and to all those who feel 
tliat their enjoyment of outdoor life would be increased if 
they were able to determine the names of the trees. Special 

care has been taken in preparing the illustrations for this 
volume, which have been made from photographs and 

How to Know the Wild Flowers. By Mrs. W ilUam Starr 
Dana. 12mo, pp. xxxix-;^46. New York : Charles 
Scribner^s Sons. $2. 

This new edition of " How to Know the Wild Flowers" 
contains colored reproductions from the sketches in water- 
color of Miss Elsie Louise Shaw. Some new drawings by 
Miss Marion Satterlee have also been added, and several of 
these black and white plates are of fiowers not before figured 
in the book. Mrs. Dana describes quite a large number of 
flowers not found in previous editions, and advantage has 
been taken of the opportunity which the^ntire resetting of 
the book afforded for a careful revision of the text. This 
work has already met with a generous recognition at the 
hands of the public. 

Cyclopedia of American Horticulture. In four vol- 
umes. By L. H. Bailey. Vol. A-D, 4to, pp. xxii- 
509. New York : The Macmillan Company. Sold 
by subscription. 

It is intended to include in this clycopedia descriptions 
of all the species of fruits, fiowers, and garden vegetables 
which are known to be in the horticultural trade ; to out- 
line the horticultural possibilities of the various States and 
Territories; to present biographies of those persons not liv- 
ing who have contributed most to the horticultural progress 
of North America, and to indicate the leading monographic 
works relating to the various subjects— in short, to make a 
complete record of the status of North American horticul- 
ture as it exists at the close of the nineteenth century. 
Professor Bailey has long made a practice of collecting 
notes, books, plants, and information for the furtherance of 
this work; and before the active preparation of the manu- 
script was begun a year was expended in making indexes 
and references to plants and literature. For this purpose 
every plant and seed catalogue published in the United 
States of any prominence has been indexed, and the horti- 
cultural periodicals have been searched, while artists have 
been employed in various places to draw plants as they 
grow. Each of the important articles is signed by the con- 
tributor. In this work plants are considered as domesti- 
cated and cultivated subjects. As Professor Bailey states 
in the preface, '' The point of view is the garden, not the 
herbarium." The illustrations, which are numerous and 
excellent, have been made under the personal supervision 
of the editor expressly for this work. 

Bird Studies with a Camera. By Frank M. Chapman. 

12mo, pp. 218. New York: D. Appleton & Co. 


The art of bird photography in this country is new. 
Mr. Chapman does not pretend to have treated it exhaust- 
ively in this little book, but the suggestions that he offers 
should prove extremely helpful to all amateurs interested In 
this form of field study. The results of Mr. C.^hapman^s ex- 
I)eriments with the camera are of importance in themselves 
as contributions to natural history. All of the illustra- 
tions, which are photographs from nature by the autlior, 
are interesting and suggestive. 

Bird Homes : The Nests, Eggs, and Breeding Habits of 
the Land Birds Breeding in the Eastern United 
States ; with Hints on the Rearing and Photograph- 
ing of Young Birds. By A. Radclyffe Dugmore. 
4to, pp. 183. New York: Doubleday & McClure 
Company. $2. 

The object of this book is to stimulate the love of birds. 
Descriptions of nests and eggs are given, as well as instruc- 
tions for egg-collecting; but the author insists that it is 
generally neither necessary nor advisable that collections of 
eggs be made. Much more knowledge may be gained by ob- 
serving the birds themselves than by taking tho eggs. H* 



recommends that egg-collecting be left to those who are able 
through scientific study to make use of such collections. 
Considerable use has been made of the color process in re> 
producing photographs made from nature by the author. 


Makers of Literature. By George ICdward Woodberry. 

12mo, pp. 440. New York : Macmillan Company. 


The essays of Prof. George Edward Woodberry, of Co- 
lumbia University, on Shelley, Landor, Browning, Byron, 
Arnold, Coleridge, Lowell, Whlttler, and others have been 
brought together in a single volume under the title of 
''Makers of Literature." Professor Woodberry's literary 
estimates have generally been regarded as singularly sane 
and Just. Dealing with a great variety of themes and per- 
sonalities, he has been remarkably felicitous In saying the 
right thing in a new and pleasing way. 

Shakespeare : The Man. By Goldwin Smith. 16mo, 
pp. 60. New York : Doubleday & McClure Com- 
pany. 75 cents. 

Prof. Goldwin Smith, in a little work entitled '* Shake- 
speare : The Man," has made an attempt to find traces of 
the dramatist's character in his dramas. 

Notes on the Bacon-Shakespeare Question. By Charles 
Allen. 12mo, pp. 806. Boston : Houghton, Mifflin 
&Co. 11.50. 

Mr. Charles Allen, in a volume which he has modestly 
entitled "Notes on the Baron-Shakespeare Question," de- 
duces evidence from the plays to show that the legal knowl- 
edge which the Baconians have always asserted must have 
been possessed by the poet was really of slight importance, 
and such as many others besides Bacon might have pos- 

Shaksper, Not Shakespeare. By William H. Edwards. 
12mo, pp. 507. Cincinnati : The Robert Clarke Com- 
pany. $2. 

Mr. Edwards, who is a scholarly resident of West Vir- 
ginia, has challenged the Shakespearean critics to prove that 
William Shaksper was the author of the dramas issued un- 
der the name of Shakespeare and credited to a native of 
Stratford-on-Avon. Mr. Edwards himself brings forward 
many facts and arguments to show that the author of the 
dramas could not have been William Shaksper of Stratford— 
his own theory being, not that Bacon wrote the plays, but that 
several associates wrote under the assumed name of William 
Shakespeare. In Mr. Edwards' opinion the labors of the 
Shakespearean scholars of the Ualll well-Phi Hips school 
all go to show that William Shaksper accumulated money 
during his lifetime, and did little else. At any rate, he is 
convinced from careful study of his car^r that he did not 
write the plays. He thinks that in time the real authors 
may be discovered. Whatever maybe our preconceptions 
in the matter,— and of course they are almost all against the 
thesisof Mr. Edwards,— we must admit that his accumulation 
of evidence Is so strong as to require more than mere asser- 
tion or ridicule to overthrow It. 

Browning Study Programmes. By Charlotte Porter 
and Helen A. Clarke. 12mo, pp» xxxiv— 631. New 
York : T. Y. Crowell & Co. $1.50. 

Those two enthusiastic Browning students. Miss Char- 
lotte Porter and Miss Helen A. Clarke, have written a series 
of " Browning Study Programmes," dealing with such topics 
as poems of adventure and heroism, folk-poems, phases of 
romantic love, a group of love-lyrics, portraits of husbands 
and wives, art and the artist, music and musicians, the poet, 
evolution of religion, the prelate« single-poem studies, por- 
trayals of national life, autobiographical poems, and Brown- 
lng*s philosophy. Th» authors have woven Into their plans 
nearly all of Browning's poems, and on the gradual unfold- 
ing of matter the poems contain the *' Programmes " are 

A History of Russian Literature. By K. Waliszewski. 

12mo, pp. 451. New Y'ork : D. Appleton & Co. 


In the series of ** Short Histories of the Literatures of 
the World," edited by Edmund Gosse, Mr. K. Wallszewskl 
has contributed " A History of Russian Literature." As he 
himself expresses It, this writer serves as an Interpreter be- 
tween two worlds, and while admitting that he Is himself 
In each of these worlds half a stranger, Mr. Wallszewskl 
claims as his qualifications for the task assigned him a 
freshness of Impression and an Independence of Judgment 
which go far to justify his selection by the editor of the 


The International Year-Book : A Compendium of the 
World's Progress During the Year 1899. Edited by 
Frank Moore Colby and Harry Thurston Peck. 
8vo, pp. 887. New York : Dodd, Mead & Co. $8. 

The editors of the ** International Year-Book" for 18W 
could not complain of a lack of material on which to work. 
During this year a great number of important international 
and foreign topics came to the front. Besides the South 
African War, the Hague Conference, the Alaskan boundary 
question, the Fashoda affair, the Dreyfus case, the new in- 
ternational status of Japan, the Anglo-Russian agreement 
respecting China, and our work In the Philippines, the Year- 
Book also deals with the Important discoveries In the depart- 
ments of archiBology, medicine, anthropology, experimental 
psychology, engineering, geology, chemistry, botany, and 
physics. There are several important biographies, including 
such nam^es as Roberts, BuUer, Rhodes, and KrQger. This 
work Is deigned to supplement or continue the various cy- 
clopa9d{as, and at the same time to serve Independently as an 
annual work of reference. The single alphabetical arrange- 
ment has been adopted, and th«* topics have generally been 
placed under their own heads, instead of under groups the 
titles of which could be ascertained only by reference to the 
table of contents. 

The Bookman. Volume X. September, 1899-February, 
1900. 8vo, pp. 604. New York : Dodd, Mead & Co. 

Tlie tenth complete volume of The Bookman contains the 
usual record of six months* literary progress, including much 
'* Chronicle and Comment," with portraits of prominent 
writers; important book reviews under the head of "The 
Bookman*8 Table;" "Novel Notes," "Poetry," critical es- 
says on various literary topics, and the concluding chapters 
of Paul Leicester Ford's "Janice Meredith." The monthly 
numbers of The Bookman are always bright and timely, and 
when assembled In a bound volume they form a most inter- 
esting and valuable book of reference. 


Addresses on Foreign Missions. By Richard S. Storrs. 
8vo, pp. 187. Boston : American Board of Commis- 
sioners for Foreign Missions. $1. 

With one exception these addresses were delivered by 
the late Dr. Storrs In his capacity as president of the Ameri- 
can Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions at suc- 
cessive annual meetings of the board from 1887 to 1897. The 
last address was delivered by him at the concluding session 
of the International Congregational Council at Boston, In 
September, 1899. None of the addresses had been written 
before delivery, and they were preserved only by means of 
stenography. They were recognized, by those who heard 
them, as among the finest specimens of recent sacred ora- 
tory, and repeated requests for their publication have led 
to the preparation of this volume. Dr. Storrs' great gifts 
of oratory have thus been made to contribute In a twofold 
way to the presentation of the great themes of the duty and 
privilege of foreign missionary work. 



The Redemption of Africa : A Story of Civilization. 

By Frederick Perry Noble. 2 vols. 12mo, pp. xxv- 

474, 383. New York : Fleming H. Revell Company. 


Mr. Nobl« has written an encyclopedic account of for- 
eign missions, treating of all the agencies, Protestant and 
Roman Catholic, which have aided in spreading civilization 
over the Dark Continent. His two volumes, indeed, contain 
the whole history of nineteenth-centary Africa. The maps, 
statistical tables, and bibliographies with which they are 
equipped, are most helpful aids to an understanding of pres- 
ent-day African conditions. In view of the international 
importance of this theme at the present critical moment, 
Mr. Noble*s work is most timely. 

Self-Supporting Churches, and How to Plant Them. 

By W. H. Wheeler. 12rao, pp. 898. Grinnell, Iowa : 

Better- Way Publishing Company. $1. (75 cents to 


In this little volume, the author has attempted more 
than a mere biography of his eminent father. Dr. Wheeler, 
of Harpoot, although that in itself would have been a dis- 
tinct service to the cause of missions. He has analyzed the 
policy of missionary activity, which his father so ably rep- 
resented for forty years. The chapters on self-supporting 
chorchee form a distinctive feature of the volume; and in 
the opinion of Dr. Barton, of the American Board, they pre- 
sent many unanswerable arguments for the application of 
the principle to all mission-work at home and abroad. 
There are also chapters on the founding of colleges and on 
female education. The author presents a formidable array 
of (acts gathered from missionary experience. 

Tonng People's Societies. By Leonard Woolsey Bacon 
and Charles Addison Northrop. 16mo, pp. 265. 
New York : Lentilhon & Co. 50 cents. 

This is a complete handbook of the young people^s organ- 
listions connected with the different churches. Pi*obably 
nowhere else, in so convenient a form, can be found facts 
relating to the growth and formation of these various socie- 
ties. Only a part of the work, however, is historical. Most 
of the chapters are distinctly practical in purpose, embracing 
mch matters as constitutions, covenants, forms of devotion, 
methods of conducting meetings and conventions, and so 
The Religion of To-morrow. By Frank Crane. 12mo, 

pp. 867. New York : H. S. Stone & Co. $1.50. 

This volume contains a restatement and a new interpre- 
tation of preeen t-day religious thought. The author declares 
himself a loyal member of the Church, and asserts that his 
rlews as such c»n be held by a member of any of the princi- 
pal evangelical denominations. He does not attempt to tell 
aen something they do not know, but seeks '* to give voice 
to what the common people d already think and believe." 

The Divine Pedigree of Man ; or, The Testimony of Evo- 
lution and Psychology to the Fatherhood of God. 
By Thomson Jay Hudson. 12mo, pp. xxviii-879. Chi- 
cago : A. C. McClurg & Co. $1.50. 
In this volume. Dr. Hudson has undertaken to outline a 
•cientiilc basis of Christian theism. He gives special atten- 
tion to the science of psychology, not only with reference to 
its bearing on Christiim theism, but also with reference to 
the general subject of organic evolution. 

Bian and His Divine Father. By John C. C. Clarke. 

12mo, pp. 364. Chicago : A. C. McClurg Company. 


In this work, the subject of divinity is treated from the 
point of view of the conservative theologian. The discus- 
don Includea the philosophy of mind and spirit, the rights 
of man, and human hopes. Much light on New Testament 
thought and times Is shed by the chapters entitled, ** Philo, 
the Alexandrian Jew,** and '* Syria at the Christian Era.** 

The Life of Jesus of Nazareth : A Study. By Rush 
Khees. 12mo, pp. 820. New York : Charles Scril> 
ner's Sons. $1.25. 

This volume Is avowedly a study rather than a story, 
and as a companion to the reading of the Uotipels it neekn 
to answer some of the questions which are raised by a sym- 
pathetic consideration of those narratives. 

The Carpenter. By Charles A. S. Dwlght. 12mo, pp. 

122. New York : E. B. Treat & Co. 50 cents. 

This little book contains brief studies of the life and 
character of Jesus. Among the chapter headings are: 
*'The Early Nazareth Years;** "Tlie Wonder for Naza- 
reth ; '* "The Wonder for the World ; ** " What the Carpenter 
Said;** **What the Carpenter Did;** **The Carpent<»r in 
Art;** **The Rejection of the Nazarene;** "The Brother- 
hood of the Carpenter;** **The Carpenter's Cross;'* "The 
Call of the Carpenter; ** "The Triumph of the Nazarene.** 

IsraePs Messianic Hope to the Time of Jesus. By 
(jreorge Stephen Goodspeed. 12mo, pp. 815. New 
York : The Macmillan Company. $1.50. 
Professor Goodspeed, of the University of Chicago, has 
attempted through this book to help the intelligent reader 
of the English Bible to a better understanding of " the fore- 
shado wings of the Christ In the Old Testament and beyond.** 
Minute discussions of technical questions in criticism and 
exegesis, as well as the use of Hebrew and Oreek words, 
have been avoided. For the benefit of the more advanced 
student, topics for further study, with bibliographical ma- 
terial, are provided. 

A History of the Jewish People. By .Tames Stevenson 
Riggs. 12mo, pp. 820. New York : Charles Scrib- 
ner*sSon*8. $1.25. 

This work is not only a history of the Jewish people for 
240 years during the Maccabean and Roman periods, includ- 
ing the New Testament times, but it is also a contribution 
toward the interpretation of the Gospels, " In so far as a 
knowledge of the faiths, conditions, and aims of Judaism 
can be interpretative of the form and method of the activity 
of Jesus.** This is the fourth volume in what is known us 
the " Historical Series for Bible Students,'* edited by Pro- 
fessors Charles F. Kent and Frank K. Sanders. 

About My Father's Business. By Austin Miles. 12mo, 
pp.265. New York: The Mershon Company. $1.50. 
The author*s purpose in this volume is to show the 
actual condition of the Christian Church at the present day. 
He describes incidents and conditions which have come 
within his own observation in the course of his extended 
travels during the past ten years. He shows the abuses 
made possible by the power and influences of some of the 
rich members of the Church who are able to advance their 
own selfish ambitions and designs at the expense of the true 
ends of religion. 

Faith and Sight. By William Pierson Merrill. 12mo, 
pp. 175. New York : Charles Scribner's Sons. $1. 
This is a volume of essays on " The Relation of Agnos- 
ticism to Theology.'* The writer makes a plea for a better 
mutual understanding between the opposing types of theol- 
ogy which he terms the objective and subjective. He recog- 
nizes and states with fairness the elements of truth in the 
agnostic philosophy, while his own point of view is distinctly 

The Messages of Paul. By George Barker Stevens. 

16mo, pp. 268. New York : Charles Scribner*8 Sons. 


This volume comprises a paraphrase of the first ten 
epistles of Paul, arranged in their probable chronological or- 
der, with brief introductions and analyses. Explanations 
are given of the time, place, and occasion of each letter, and 
indications respecting the contents and movement of thought 
in each. 


Unless otherwise specilied, all reference}* are to the June numbers of periodicals. 
For table of abbreviations see last page. 

AbydoB, Recent Excavations at, £. Am^Uneau, RDM. June 1. 

Abyssinian Capital, Journey to the, M. S. Wellby, Harp. 

Adriatic Equilibrium, C. Loiseau, RPar, June 1. 

Africa: South Africa, Trade Possibilities in, E. Mels, CasM. 

Africa : South Africa, War in : see Transvaal. 

Alamo, Fall of the, Nettie Lewis, Chaut. 

Allen. James Lane, Worlts of, Ellen B. Sherman, BB. 

American History, Most Dramatic Incident in, Chaut. 

Ape, Sinsring Gibbon, A. E. Brown, O. 

Archangel, Summer Holiday in, Isabel D. Harris, WWM. 

Architecture. American, New Movement in, E. Grey, BP. 

Architecture and Sanitation^aval, J. R. Tryon, CasM. 

Armenian Question, C. A. P. Rohrbach, Forum. 

Armenians, Religious Customs Among the, P. Terzian,Cath. 

Arnold, Benedict, Treason of, Dora M. Townsend, Chaut. 


Art Anpreciation in France and the United States, Geor- 
gia F. Arkell, AI. 

Arts and Crafts Movement at Home and Abroad. BP. 

Besnard*s Decorative Art, C. Mauclair, Nou, May 15. 

Cups, Some Old, H. A. Heaton, LeisH. 

De Morgan, Mrs. William, W. S. Sparrow, IntS. 

Doulton Pavilion at the Paris Exposition, Art. 

Education, Rational Art, J. W. Stimson. CAge. 

France, Art Salons in, A. Goffln, RGen, May. 

Glasgow School of Art, W. R. Watson, IntS. 

Gurschner, Gustav, Art. 

Hamilton, John McLure, Paintings of, H. S. Morris, 

Hare, St. George, A. L. Baldry, MA. 

Illustration, American, New Leaders in— V., Regina Arm- 
strong, Bkman. _ , 

Illustrators, American Women, Regina Armstrong, Crit. 

Jouett's Kentucky Children, C. H. Hart, Harp. 

Laing, Frank: His Etchings of Edinburgh, D. S. Meldrum, 

Liebermann, Max, and His Art, S. C. de Soissons, Art. 

Medals Awarded to Artists, W. Roberts, MA. 

Morin, Louis, A French Caricaturist, II. Boucher, IntS. 

Mosaic Fire Fronts, J. W. Pattison, AI. 

Munkacsy— Greatest of Hungarian Painters, AI. 

Painting Racial Types, C. de Kay, Cent. 

Paris Exposition, Art at the— II., R. dela feizeranne, RDM, 
Jnne 1. , _ . , ^. . 

Paris Exposition, Mural Decorations at the, Crit. 

Partridge, William Ordway, Sculptor, W. C. Langdon, 

Porcelain, Oriental, Walters Collection of, C. Monkhouse, 

Porcelain-Painting, Keramic Colors for. Art. 

Portraits of Women, N. H. Busey, AI. 

Residence of W. D. Sloane, Ada Crisp, AI. 

Royal Academy, 19U0, F. Rinder, AJ; H. H. Statham, 
Fort; Royal Academy— I., MA. 

Scenic Art, Development of, W. W. Burridge, CAge. 

Sculpture, American School of, W. O. Partri.lge, 1? orum. 

Smith, Pamela Colman, Work of, G. Teall, BP. 

Tanner, Henry O., Helen Cole, BP. 

Textiles, Ornamentation of, O. Maus, IntS. 

Victoria, Queen, as an Etcher, C. Brlnton, Crit. 
Asia : see also China, and Russia. 

Afghan Crisis, Coming, D. C. Boulger, Fort. 

America in the Orient, W. T. Fang, Ains. 

Anglo-Saxon Enterprise in, A. H. Ford, Eng. 

Asiatic Shadows, M. von Brandt, Deut. 

Eastern Question, History of the— IV. and V., \\ . Mauren- 
brecher, Deut. ^ ^^ ^ ^ 

Great Britain in Asia, R. Temple, NAR. 

Russia in Asia, F. Emory, Annals, May. 
Astronomy in the Year 1900, C. Flammarion, Cos.^ 
Australian Federation and Its Basis, E. Barton, NAR. 
Automobiles for the Average Man, C. Moffett, AMKR. 
Automobiles: " The Modern Chariot," J. G. Speed, Cos. 
Balloon, Night in a, Dorothea Klumpke, Cent. 
Balloons in War, A. W. Greely, Harp. 
Banking, Currency, H.W.Yates, BankNY. 
Banking in Great BriUin and Ireland During 1899- V., 

Banks, Savings, in England, Reforming the, BankL. 
Belgium, Electoral Question in, E. Mahaim Annals, May. 
Belgium, Labor Colonies in, L. Banneux, RGen, May. 

Bentley, Richard, H. W. Hay ley, MRNY. 

Boscawen, Sir Edward, P. C. Standing, l^SM. 

Bible, Modern Reading of the, C. D. Wilson, SelfC. 

Bible, Poetical Books of the, I. M. Price, Re<'ord. 

Bible, Practical Use of the, P. S. Moxom, Bib. 

Biblical Criticism, Developments in, W. J. Beecher, Horn. 

Bird Language, M. d'Aubusson, RRP, May 15. 

Birds, Passing of the, E. S. Rolfe, NEng. 

Bird Studies with the Camera, E. IngersoU, Out. 

Blackmore, Mr., and **The Maid of Sker," E. J. Newell, Mat, 

Blake, William, Poetry of, H. J. Smith, Cent. 

Bolivia, Road to, W. E. (Curtis, NatGM. 

Botanical Garden, New York, D. T. Macdougal, Pops. 

Bright, Right Hon. Jacob, West. 

Bunker Hill, Battle of. S. Crane, Llpp. 

Bushnell, Dr. Horace, in the Woo<l8, J. H. Twichell, Out. 

Cape Nome Gold-Fields, W. J. Lamnton, Mi-rl. 

Camps, Summer, for Boys, L. Rouillion, AMRR. 

Canada : Fimctions of a Governor-General, Can. 

Canada, Robert Barr and Literature in, W. J. Brown, Can. 

Canada : Warders of the West, E. B. Osborn, Corn. 

Canadian Fisheries, W. S. Harwood, PMM. 

Canadian Trade Relations, American and, J .Charl toi}, Forum. 

Cart, Country, of To-day, C. Whitney, O. 

Catholicism of France, T. J. Shahan, Cons. 

Catholic Thought, Liberty and, R. Mazzei, RasN, May 16. 

Catherine of Siena, Caterlna P. Beri, NA, May 1. 

Cemetery, Most Remarkable, H. B. Vogel, Pear. 

Census: Counting the Nation by Electricity, C. S. Wilbur, 

Census of 1900, F. H. Wines, Mun. . 
Cervantes and His Times, R. L. Mainez, EM, May. 
Challenges and Duels, Historical. J. P. de Guzman, EM, May. 
Charity, Central Bureau of, in Paris, RPI*, May. 
Charity Legislation of 1899-1900, Char. 

Chautauqua Assembly Programme. G. E. Vincent, Chaut. 
Chemistry in the Service ot Man, B. Ahrens, Deut, 
Children, Royal, of Europe, YW. 
China : see also Asia. 

Chlno-Japanese War, Causes of the, A. Halot, RGen, May. 

Drama in China, M. Courant. RPar, May 15. 

Emperor, Chinese, Story of the, R. van Bergen, Home. 

Intellectual Awakening of China, R. K. Douglas, NineC. 

Mouravieflf, Count, Triumph of, R. Yerburgh, NatR. 

Peking, Last Palace Intrigue at, R. S. Gundry, Fort. 

Travels in China, A. Pratesi, NA, May 16. 

United States, Attitude of the. Towards the Chinese, H. 
Yow, Forum. 

Water-Life in China, R. Bache, Pear. 
Chivalry, The Old and New, E. G. Jones, YM. 
Christian Ideal. C. A. Allen, NW. 
Christianity in the Occident and Orient, G. F. Pentecost. 

Church of England: Prospects of Anglicanism, Dr. Cobb, 

Church of England, Ritualistic Controversy in the, K. C. 

Anderson, NW. 
Cinematograph, Future of the, Mrs. J. E. Whitby, Cham. 
Circassia, Coast of, USM. 

Circus, On the Road with the, C. T. Murray, Cos. 
Circus, What the Public Does Not See at a, A. T. Ringling, 

City Growth, Political Consequences of, L. S. Rowe, Yale. 
City, Prussian, (Government of a, E. J. JamcH. Annals. May. 
Clark, Champ, the Man and His District, T. Dreiser, Ains. 
Columbia River, Sight-Seeing on the, A. P. Silver, WWM. 
Comedians, War of the, M. Albert, RPar, June 1. 
Consular Service, Business Man and the, H. A. Garfield, 

Coleridge, Religious Element in the Poetry of, W. B. Car- 
penter, Sun. 
Colonies and the Mother Country, J. Collier, PopS. 
Colonization, American, AMouM. 
Concept, Tlie, E. Mach, OC. 

Congress Fifty Years Ago, In, J. M. Rogers, SelfC. 
Congress or Parliament? E. CockrelL Arena. 
Cooper's '* Last of the Mohicans," F. L. Pattee, Chaut. 
Cotton : Great Round Bale Movement, F. C. Barber, Home, 

Courts, Three, Comparison of, S. D. Thompson, ALR. 
Cricket Captains, English, H. Gordon. Una. 
Cricket Field, Heroes of the, A. Porritt, M. 
Cricket, Old, New Light on, J. Phillips, Black. 
C'rime, Scottish, Calendar of, GBag. 



Criminality, Influence of Education and Heredity on, P. 
Escard- RefS, May 10. 

tViticism, Prolegomena of— II.» L. A. Sherman, MRNY. 

Cromwell, Oliver— VI., Personal Rule, T. Roosevelt, Scrlb. 

Cromwell, Oliver— VIII., The Death of the King, The Com- 
monwealth, Cromwell in Ireland, J. Morley, Cent. 

Cuttles, Mimicry and Other Habits of, M. Dunn, Contem. 

Dana, James Dwight, Inner Life of, D. C. Oilman, Chaut. 

Dante's Measage, C. A. Dinsmore, Atlant. 

Daoghters of tne American Revolution, National Society of 
tne: Annual Reports of State Regents Presented at the 
Ninth Continental Congress, AMonM, May. 

Daoghters of the American Revolution, National Society of : 
Proceedings of the Ninth Continental Congress, AMonM, 

Delhi, Past and Present, G. W. Forrest, PMM. 

Democracy and Peace, 8. M. Mac vane, Yale, May. 

Dewey Day in Chicago, L. M. Scott, Int. 

Diplomats^ Our Literarj- : From the Period of the Revolu- 
tion to the " Era of Good Feeling," 177*^-1830, L. Swift, 

Dorchester, England, S. J. Barrows, NEng. 

Donkhoborsti, Russian, L. Bernard, SelfC. 

DowHon, Ernest, A. Symons, Fort. 

Dmgon-Fly, The, A. Ruckj Str. 

Dramatic Art, E. Lerou, Nou, May 1. 

Dufte, Eleanora, Helen Zimmern, Fort. 

Dyeing of Cloth, W. von Sicherer, Deut. 

Ei-onomic Tendencies, Recent, C. A. Conant, Atlant. 

Edmonton, the City on the Saskatchewan, H. Cameron, Can. 

Edncation : 

^Administration, Better City School, T. A. DeWeese, EdR. 
Alcohol Physiology and Superintendence, \V. O. Atwater, 

^ CaUfomia State Text-Book System, R. D. Faulkner, EdR. 
College Philosophy, (t. S. Hall, Forum. 

• Collt^es, Problems Which Confront Our, VV. J. Tucker, 

A. T. Hadley, C. F. Thwing, F. Carter, and J. H. Bar- 
rows, Ed. 
» Elective System of Studies, J. A. Burns, Cath. 
English Education, New Authorities in, H. W. Withers, 

Ethics of Getting Teachers and of Getting Positions, A. S. 

Draper, Ed H. 
< Girl, When the College Is Hurtful to a, S.W.Mitchell, 

Greek, Substitute for, W. C. Lawtou. Atlant. 
Jesuit Educators and Modern Colleges, Ruth Everett, 

Milton on Education, L. W. Spring. Ed. 
Mflnsterberg, Professor, on School Reform, W. S. Jagk- 


* Nature-Study. Concerning, Caroline G. Soule, Ed. 
Normal Schools, Original Investigation in J. E. Bolton, Ed. 
Normal Schools, Report on, J. M. Green, EdR. 
Offenders, Youthful, and Parental Responsibility, T. 

Holmes, Contem. 
Principle In Instruction, Place of, F. P. Bachman, Ed. 
Quincy Movement, N. M. Butler, EdR. 

School-Room Decoration, W. G. Page, C Age. 

Teaching in High Schools as a Life Occupation for Men, 
E.E Hill, Forum. 

Theory and Practice, Dial, June 1. 

Truancy: Causes and Remexlies, E. R. Downing, Char. 
Egyptian Question, E. Maxey, Gunt. 

Electrical Equipment of Office Buildings, R. P. Bolton, Eng. 
Elephants: How They are Captured and Trained in Bur- 

mah, C. J. 8. Makin, NIM. 
Elocution, Study of, in the South, W^ern. 
Kmmett, Danlef D., Crit. 

Energy, Human, Problem of Increasing, N. Tesla, Cent. 
Engineering Graduates from Universities, G. W. Dickie, 
, CasM. 

England: see Great Britain. 
England, Summer In, for Two Hundred Dollars, R. L. Hartt, 

Epidemics, Suppression of, W. Wyman, San. 
Europe for Light Pocket-Books, Dora M. Morrell, SelfC. 
Eorope, Unit«d States of, A. Leroy-Bcaulieu, RRP, June 1. 
Expansion of the American Peoplc^XXXllI.-XXXVI., 
„ E. E. Sparks, Chaut. 

Exptosives, High, In Peace and War, E. L. Zalinski, IntM. 
Exporters, American, Follies of, Eng. 
Expositiuns, Coming American, W. Fawcett. SelfC. 
Expositions. Conventions, and Meetings, Out. 

Fiction, America as a Field for, Annie S. Winston, Arena. 

Fiction, Modem- VI., E. Ridley, AngA. 

Fiction, Un realism of, H. I. Stern. SelfC. 

Financial Affairs, American, E. G. Johns, Arena. 

FWi, Undersized, Trawlers and, G. Shaw-Lefevre, Fort. 

Hjliif, Experiments^ in, O. Chanut«, McCl. 

Forb«; Archibald, H. W. Mnssingham, L» isH. 

forert Preserves, N. C. Murphy, lA. 

Affairs in France, A. F. Sanborn, Atlant. 
Army, French, D. Hannay, Mac. 

Army Under the Bourbons, F. H. Tyrrell, U8M. ^ 

Associations, Law Affecting, J. de Crisenoy, RefB, May 1. 

Brittany, Around, I. Prime-Stevenson, Chaut. 

Catholicism of Fmnce, T. J. Shahan, Cons. 

Colonial Expansion of France, J. C. Braco, NatGM. 

Empire- Liberal, E. Ollivier, RDM, May 15. 

Municipal Elections of May 6, 1900, M. Fournier, RPP, May. 

Privateering and Naval Defense, RPar, May 15. 

Secondary Education In France, E. Bourgeois, RPP, May ; 
F. Dol^ac, RSoc, May. 

South African War, lessons for France from the, L. Che- 
vallier, RRP, June L ' 

Sports in Mediffival France, J. J. Jusserand, RPar, May 16 
and June 1. 
France, Anatole— A Literary Nihilist, T. Seccombe, Com. 
Fruiting of the Blue Flag, J. G. Needham, ANat, May. 
Gambetta, Letters to, E. Spuller, RPar. June 1. 
Games, The Greek, W. McK. Bryant, NW. 
Garden-Book, Vogue of the, Mrs. S. Batson. NineC. 
Garibaldi, Personal Recollections of, O. Baratierl, Deut. 
Gas and Gas Meters, H. S. Wynkoop, PopS. 
Genealogy : Family Trees, R. Wilberforce, AMonM. 
Geography, Physical, of the Lands. W. M. Davis, PopS. 
Germany, England, and America, P. Bigelow, Contem. 
Germany: So<5ial Party and the Elections of 1898, E. Mil- 
hand, RSoc, May, 
Gettysburg, Repulse of Pickett's Charge at, E. D. Warfleld, 

Goethe, Youth of, J. A. Harrison, Cons. 
Gold-Mining in Dutch Guiana, J. E. Florance, Eng. 
Golf ('ourse. Laying Out and Care of a, W. Tucker, O. 
Golf, Moral Side o^ S. D. McConnell, Out. 
Golf Rules, Why and Wherefore of, C. B. Macdonald. O. 
Gospel Parallels from P&U Texts— 111., OC. 
Gothic or a Mixed Race ? Are We, M. Emery, Gunt. 
Gould, George, Lakewood Home of, Katherine Hoffman. 

Government. Forms of, and Their Social Utility, A. des Cll- 

leuis, RerS, May 1. 
Great Britain: see also Transvaal. 

Administration, A Topheavy, H. Paul, Contem. 

Asia, Great Britain in, R. Temple, NAR. 

Austria-Hungary and, R. Blennerhassett. England, NatR. 

Boers. Vanouished, How England Should Treat the, S. Ship- 
Britain : Why Is She Hated ? T. E. S. Scholes, West. 

Britannia and the Colonist, A. White, NatR. 

British and Russian Diplomacy, NAR. 

Cavalry, British, Black. 

Election^ext General, Issues for the, W. T. Stead, RRL. 

Empire, Danger of, F. A. A. Rowland. West. 

Engineers, Corps of Royal, Reorganization of the, USM. 

Enigmas of Empire, S. Low. NineC. 

Factory Bill of 1900, Gertrude M. Tuckwell, Fort. 

Germany, England, and America, P. Bigelow, Contem. 

Irish Guards, F. Manners, NineC. 

Liberalism, Decline of, H. W. Massineham, NatR. 

Liberal Policy: the Land Question, West. 

Naval Training. S. E. Wilmot, USM. 

Navy, Royal, Training of Seamen in the, C. C. P. Fitz- 
gerald, NatR. 

Navy : What It Is Doing. D. T. Timins. Cass. 

Party Government, Price of, W. S. Lilly, Fort. 

Premium-Tax? Whv Not a, J. D. Holms, West. 

Rosebery, Lord, ana a National Cabinet, Fort. 

Russia, Antagonism of England and, D. C. Boulger, NAR, 

Sohlier-Maklng at Sandhurst. A. F. M. Ferryman. Bad. 

War Office and the War, PMM. 
Greek Games, W. McK. Bryant, NW. 
Green, Mrs. Hetty, L. M. Hodges, LH J. 
Green, William Henry, J. D. Davis, Bib. 
Gun-Carriages, Disappearing, G. H. Powell. Eng. 
Haas, Fried rich-Joseph, M. Reader, BU. 
Hague Conference, Work of the, C. Dupuis and A. DesJar- 

dins, RefS, May 1«. 
Hailstorms, Prevention of, by the Use of Cannon, NatGM. 
Hairdressing, Magic of, Florence Burnley and Kathleen 

Schlesinger, Str. 
Hamilton's Estimate of Burr, Cent. 
Handel, Genius of, H. H. Stathnm, NineC. 
Hawke, Lord, at Home, M. R. Roberts, Cass. 
. Hawthorne, Nathaniel, F. B. Erabree, Int. 
Hebrew Philosophers— II., N. Schmidt. ('Age. 
HellV What Has Become of. G. W. Shinn, NAR. 
Herbert, Lord, of Cherbury, L. Stephen, NatR. 
Mill, James J., Mary H. Severance, AMRR. 
Holy Spirit, Devotion to the, J. McSorley, Cath. 
Homeric Poems, Unity in the, E. Farquhar, Cons. 
Hospital, Fear of the, J Brandt, Deut. 
House-Boat in America, W. Gillette, Out. 
Hunter, Sir William. J. A. R. Marriott. Fort. 
Hunt ing-G rounds. Northwestern, Dial, May IB. 
Hunting-Trinin the RcK-ky Mountains. F. C. Selous, Bad. 
larochenko, Nicolas, A. Ouspensky. RRP, June 1. 
Ibsen, Kenrik, Winifred L. Wendell, SelfC. 
Imagination, Creative, Nature of the, T, Ribot, IntM. 



Irnmltcritntii at ttu^ Bure^ OfDrp^ J^ Hontiif^ii^, Home, Ma^. 

lTlITM^^iftHrtm^ Ohrifitiitnity jukU ^^ Hf.ewi*rt, Areuji^ 

1 1 irk'p*' II ( k' n s-i\ I ItH ' 1 u ru ti un i.i U T* J **ii k s. t '1 iiiu !., 

Inrilrt, Fnmiru- In. B. Kftriigeortjiivltclu tiRl\ Muy VK 

lni\\ivn^\ Hm|>1 Simkc-OnEi^^^e. U. VV, JMrnHis. t\ 

ludlimti: Ti-iU-Wa-Hiit-The Uwls AtwrigiiifiK II. K. Bur- 

Kff!>B^ An^A, 
Infant, Hi'iKmiiliJcal Sketch ^f ftn* C iJarvt'Iti, pojkS. 
Iiir*cnliU!"Pi, Prf^Vt'iitive, W. M. Haffkinf^, Po|)S. 
luM>itsi \\i^\\ TUey Rt^ooi^ni?;^ TtMr FHend** anf] Warn 

Thrlr Eiu-Jiik'J*^A. S. PH*^kar*i, diam. 
IniMUvftfu^y^ Tfu-H Funil^ in ('um'k of^ t.\ A. DLcknon, AI^H. 
luU^rniitloniil Outlook. W. Mi i.. H^^iiip, SelfC. 
1 11 ven t i ij tf . Prm-' 1 1 lu,! , W , H . Sm ) t h . ( ' n -i M . 
I n vo r f* brateft, K ortli- Am (^ ricH 1 1 IX . . N . IIj* si k h. A N ti t, May. 
In^lnnU: Tory Inland. 1). A. tiibtn-ti^, lUv^. Muy. 
Jriph Qtieatkiii, Tusitlrm of rh*% .1. t;. lii.*<imoiifi, F*irum* 
Iron, Pig. Tbrr-o Systt^mft uf Si llirttr. *i^. H, Hull, i'p^M. 
Iron Work** BrltlHli, Sijfy V* iir-. in^ (J. Beartl, ChmM. 
IiriKrtte, How to, J. U. Kyli;, lA. 
Irfi*ffrtkiri : HI virion aiirl CotUroi of Wiit^r, G, L. Hwundsen, 

Istorla, F. W. Fitzpatrick, SelfC. 

Italian Workmen Abroad, Help for, G. Prato, RasN, May 16. 
Hygiene, Public, in Italy, G. Rizzozero, NA, May 1 and 16. 
Italy, North and South, A. Morizili, KPL, May. 
Italy, Parliamentary* L. Jadot, Nou. May 15. 
Liberal-Conservative Party, New Duties of the, I. Bonzi, 

RasN, May 1. 
Newspapers, Italian, F. T. Cooper, Bkman. 
Tourists. Foreign, in Italy, M. Ferraris, NA, May 16. 
Japan, Bank of. Report of, for the Year 1899, BankNY. 
Japanese-Chinese War : A Cadet at the Battle of the Yalu, 

A. Kinnosuk6, McCl. 
Japan^s Quarrel with Russia, R. van Beraren, A ins. 
Jesus^ Conception of Nature, W. De war. Bib. 
Jesus' Teaching Concerning the Rich, F. G. Peabody, NW. 
Johnston, Col. Richard Msucolm, Autobiography of. Cons. 
Judaism, Decay of, MisR. 
Keats, John, Poetry of, T. W. Hunt. MRNY. 
Kindergarten Child After the Kindergarten, Phyllis War- 
die, KindR. 
Kindergarten Idea in the National Life, H. W. Mabie, 

Kindergartens, Free, Problems in, Edith A. Anning, KindR. 
Koran, Rhyme and Rhythm in the, D. J. Rankin, OC. 
ivorean Question, R. J. B. Mair, U8M. 
Kropotkin. Prince, M. A. Morrison, LeisH. 
Krilger African us : The President at Home, L. Welnthal, 

Krttger, Paul. F. E. Garrett, McCl. 
Labor, Organized, in France, W. B. Scaife, Forum. 
Labor, Tropical, Experience of the Dutch with— II., C. Day, 

Labor-Union College, Gunt. 

Lantern-Slide Making for Beginners -VIII., PhoT. 
Lavroff, Pierre. C. Rappoport, RSoc, May. 
Law, Private International, in England, R. C. Henderson, 

Legislatures, State, Representation in, G. H. Haynes, An- 
nals, May. 
Leipzig, Retreat from, X. de Ricard, Nou, May 1. 
Libraries of Rhode Island, H. R. Palmer, NEug. 
Life After Death, J. H. Hyslop, Harp. 

LlHcoln, Abraham, Springfield Home of, P. E. Temple, SelfC. 
Lincoln, President, Assassination of, L. B. Fletcher, Chaut. 
Lincoln Rail, OriKin of the, J. McCan Davis, Cent. 
Literary Clans, Some Famous— I., The Rossettis, Anna B. 

McOill, BB. 
Literature, Southern, of the Year, B. W. Wells. Forum. 
Literature: What Is Historic Atmosphere? C. Major, Scrib. 
Livingston, Edward. C. H. Peck, Cons. 
Locomotives, American, Increasing Size of, W. Forsyth, 

Lowell, James Russell, and His Spanish Friends, D. E. G. de 

Riaflo, Cent. 
Machine Shop, Commercial Organization of the, H. Diemer, 

Machine Shop, Piece- Work in the, J. O'Connell. Eng. 
Madagascar, Pacification of, 1896-98, X. Lebon, RD>I, May 16. 
Mafia, The, G. C. Sneranza, GBag. 
Magic, The Old and the New, P. Carus, OC. 
Magic, Thibet the Land of, H. Llddeli, Home. 
Mammoth (,'avo of Kentucky, R. SherMtou, WWM. 
Marine Biology at Beaufort, H. V. Wilson, A Nat, May. 
Marine, Our: Should It Be SubMidized V J. C. Watson and 

R. Runke, Arena. 
Marni, Jeanne, F. Loliee. Bknian. 
Martinique, (i. Cagniard, RRP. June I. 
Master, LI ft* of the VI.. Jesus' Sympathy with the Outcasts, 

A Typical Day in His Earthlv Life, J. Walson, xMrCl. 
Matterlmrn, Ascent of the, C. \V . Hodell, O. 
Maybrick, Mrs., Case of, AngA. 
Maupassant, Guy de, R. d Ulmfes, RRP, June 1. 
Medical Science, Recent Advance in, R. W. Wilcox, IntM. 

Methodist Church, Up-to-date Constitution for the, C. 

Methodist Schools, German, Reasons for, V. Wilker, MRNY. 
Mexico, Old, Mine Hunt in, D. Furness, Int. 
Mexico, Trip to. Laura M. Boulton. Can. 
Microbes and Microbe Farming, W. G. Bowdoin, Home. 
Military Law^. A. TavastsJerna, EM, May. 
Minister and His Vacation, J. Watson, LHJ 
Ministry: The Preeminent Profeaaion, H. A. Stlmson, 

Mirage, The, J. Wells, Sun. 
Missions : 

Aintob, Central Turkey College at, J. Smith, MisH. 

Asia's Great Need, Mrs. I. B. Bishop, MlsR. 

Bataks of Sumatra, Work Among the, A. Schreiber, MlsH. 

China, Present Situation in^. H. Smith, MisR. 

Ecumenical Conference on Foreign Missions in New York 
City, E. M. Camp, Chaut; MisH: A. T. Pierson, MisR. 

Greeks, Awakening, G. E. White, MisR. 

Japanese View of Japanese Christianity, T. Mlyagawa^ 

Lepers, Mission Work Among, W. C. Bailey, MlsR. 

Medical Missions. Value of, G. E. Post, MisR. 

Mission Comity, Some Aspects of, A. Sutherland, MisR. 

New Hebrides, J. G. Pa ton, Horn. 

Self -Support, Object Lesson in, H. G. Underwood, MisR. 

West Africa, Unique Aspects of Missions to, R. H. Nas- 
sau, MisR. 
Mivart, Dr., Last Utterance of, G. M. Searle, Cath. 
Money, Token, of the Bank of England -I I., M. Phillips, 

Monroe Doctrine, Tlieory of the, T. de Laguna, SelfC. 
Montalembert, and His Visit to O'Connell, J. G. Daley^ 

Mnrm"tis, Truth About i\n\ V. V. ti+Midwiii, Muij.. 
Mi^v.iri Kii-'MJtr, H- H. Hi.'iison, NatR. 
Mijh'> iiriil MnIu-HrttMllnji;. 1. Malcolm. Bud. 
Muiiii iEi;i! Viitrrrt' Lt'.agUf of Chlr»ffO, K. B.i^^inUh, AtUiit. 
Mn-ii M iHtory, Studj" of- IL, K. DlcklniJon. Mua. 
Mij-ii . I i niisMHrkJtjg sJyftteTii in, T. C \Vliitmer»Mii«- 
Mv^ivru-, Hi-torit-vl,. A. Upward. Poar. 
m\ -?rrv. K volution iif, M. MiM?ttirlkjrk, Fart. 
:Nh^M- iMiL. TlH* Nuw, E. Khj-H, Fort. 
Ni Lirr,, Kiiuin? of the. Ill tho Sotitbern 8tat*», N, S. Shaler, 

Ni^jo, Wt'at I ml tail, of Tiwlay, H. G. Da Lesser, C«B, 

N, M',]iniPHr. EtikHhIi, F. KlolnHchmidt, SolfC 

N . ^^ ^ pj . I M ^ rs, \V . Rciil , N I iieC . 

Ni \^r-P!i[i<rfl, Itallaij, F. T. Cooper, Bkman. 

N 1 ' ^\ -J ) : 1 1 M^ rs ' I*roijr I e to r* an d Edi tors, A . iSliad well, Na.tll. 

Ni'w Yi^k. Day hi. C lUnnaud, N<m, Muy I. 

Nt IV York. GrecLtt^r, Chnrter Needs of, H. 8. Ooler, NAH. 

Nioiriijiuii Canal: U. K., l-. S., titid ttu- Shiji rjinal. C. W. 

Dilke, Forum. 
North Polar Region, Commercial Possibilities of the, T. F. 

Vfln Woifrnon, Con^. 
Nursing ki VVobt Afrkit. Mary H, KkyisU^y. Chntu. 
UluTiiiiimerynu, PiL-^iiitt.trj Ptn.y iit, AMliH x Dora M. Jooes, 

Tjiss.: kill R Hoxiw, LHJ ■ Sophia Bcitle, Sun. 
( ^iH-i^ii Klyi^r^ (Trowth of tlio, R. karl, A Ins. 
( ilvi[M>kin fJanu*i(, Meeting of the. P. iJe Coubertln, NAR. 
(IrLLltkoloj^joal Hoi^ulU of the Polar EEpedltion Und«r Dr. 

NHus*jn, H. W. i^hxifeldt, A Nat, May. 
Piiiuittia ('unaK H. H- Lc^wis, Mnn. 
PfiLi-Ann p [■ jai * 'oil^resi?, W, E. Curtis, Gqnt, 
PjipEo ^ ■! .^ 1 u. U*attb penalty, P, von Uoeiisbft>ech, DeUt. 
Paris Exposition : 
American Art at the Exposition, BP. 
Art at the Exposition— 11., R. de laSizeranne, RDM, June 1. 
Boulevards, Life of the, R. Whiteing, Cent. 
Mechanical Achievement, Exposition as a, E. Mitchell, 

Mural Decorations, Crit. 
Olympian Games, P. de Coubertin, NAR. 
Paris and the Exposition of 1900. A. Shaw, AMRR. 
Paris Exposition— II., H. de Varigny, BU ; M. de Nansouty, 

Nou, May 1. 
Party Policies for 1900, Gunt. 
" Passionate Pilgrim " Affair, A. Morgan, Cons. 
Passion Play, Swiss, Christine T. Herrick, Lipp. 
Patterson, Elizabeth, Virginia T. Peacock, Lipp. 
Pausanias, W. B. Wallace JLJSM. 

Penn's (William) Woods, Early Days in, Elizabeth T. Ar- 
nold, AMonM. 
Penny, English, and Its Story, W. M. Webb, NIM. 
Pensions, Old Age, H. H. Lusk, Arena. 
Pensions, Old Age, and Foreign Lbgislatlon, L. Rava, NA, 

May I. 
Penycuik Experiments, Professor Ewart^s, PopS. 
Persian Literature, Modern, E. D. Ross, NAR. 
Persia, Russia in, RPar, May 15. 

Philippines: Are They Worth Having? G. F. Becker, Scrib. 
PhiUppines: Duty of the United StAtes, G. A. Grow, Home, 

Philippines: Independence to the Filipinos? Do We Owe, 
C. Den by. Forum. 



Photoin^phF : 

Blue Platfnotypes, WPM. 

Carbon, Elementary WPM. 

Developers, Old and New. C. H. Bothamlev, WPM. 

Enlargements from Small Negatives, WPM. 

Ferro-Prussiate Linen, H. P. Dawson, PhoT. 

Frames, Picture, WPM. 

Groups, Photographing, WPM. 

Hiatory, Early, of Photography, PhoT. 

Interiors, Phot<MHrraphing, E. C. Middleton, WPM. 

Lantern-Slides, Intensiflcation and Redaction of, E. Clif- 
ton, WPM. 

Lenses for Studio Work, C. W. Hewitt, WPM. 

Natural History Photography, R. Kearton, Pear. 

Phosphate of Silver Paper, J. Meyer, PhoT. 

Photographic Clubs : Their Formation and Management, 
P. Lund, PhoT. 

Portraiture, Artistic Photography in, Maud Burnside, BP. 

Shells, Scientific Photography of. R. W. Shufeldt, PhoT. 
Play-Bill, Growth and Evolution of the, P. Fitzgerald, Gent. 
PluUrch and His Age, R. M. Wenley, l^W. 
Poetry of a Machine Age, G. 8. Lee, Atlant. 
Poetry, Passion and Imagination in, H. C. Beeching, NatR. 
Polar Seas, Duke of Abruzzi in the, A. Rossi, RaaN, May 1. 
Political Affairs: 

National Party Conventions, G. M. Burnham, NatM. 

Political Parties and City Government, F. J. Goodnow, 

Populist Movement, Rise of the, F. E. Hartigan, Int. 

President, Electing a, A. M. Low, Scrib. 

President, Forgotten Candidates for, F. N. Thorpe, Chaut. 

Presidential Campaign, The, W. J. Bryan, NAR. 

Presidential Campaign, Engineering a, L. A. Coolidge, 

Presidents, Nomination of, J. M. Thurston, Cos. 
Political Economy and Social Sciences, E. Fournifere, RRP, 

June 1. 
Political Science, Crisis in, M. Deslandres, RDP, April. 
Polo Pony, Educating the, O. Wister, O. 
Poor, Private Relief of the. E. T. Devine, Char. 
Population, Our Foreign, J. G. Speed, Ains. 
Popes, Pastor's History of the, N. Guarise, RasN, May 16. 
Porto Ric^ns and the Constitution, G. H. Smith, Arena. 
Poultry, Prlae, as a Hobby, A. H. Blair, Cham. 
Powers and Functions, Separation of, E. Artur, RDP, April. 
Preaching, On, W. Kirkus, NW. 
Press, Liberty of the, H. B. Brown, ALR. 
Publishing, Star System in. Dial, May 10. 
" Punch," Queen in, 1841-99, J. H. Schooling, Str. 
Qoaritch, Bernard. D. Sage, Atlant. 
Rsce Problem? Will Education Solve the, S. R. Straton. 

Race Question of To^ay, W. A. MacCorkle, NatM. 
Racing: Tales of the Turf, W. P. Pond, Home. 
Railway Discipline, G. H. Paine, Mun. 
Railway Progress and Agricultural Development, H. T. 

Newcomb, Yale, May. 
Raleigh, Sir Walter, Lost Colony of, Mary L. Stringfleld, 

Reformers, Latitude and Longitude Among, T. Roosevelt, 

C«nt. - 

Refunding Law in Operation, C. A. Conant, ifMRR. 
Reid. Capt. Samuel Chester, and the " General Armstrong,'* 

C.T. Brady. McCl. 
Religion and Morality, Early, Relation Between, E. Buck- 
ley, IntM. 
Religion and the Larger Universe, J. T. Bixby, NW. 
ReUgious Life in the City, Problem of, P. H. .Swift, MRNY. 
Revolution. American, as a Crisis in the Individual Free- 
dom of Man, W. P. Tunstall, AMonM. 
Rhodes, C^ecil, Future of, Catherine Radziwill, NAR. 
Rifle Clubs, Swiss, J. H. Rivett-Camac, NineC. 
Ritual Murder J^oncerning, G. Marcottl, RPL, April 15. 
Road-Driving, Early, and Its Patrons, N. A. Cole, O. 
Rockies, In the Heart of the. E. Hpragge, SolfC. 
Roman Catholic Church, Convert s Experience of the, Con- 

Roman Catholic Church, Why I Lelt the, A. Galton, NatR. 
Roman Catholic Church : The Mivart Episode, H. H. Uen- 

non, NatR. 
Roman Catholic Defense of (vambling, R. F. Horton, YM. 
Roman Catholic Missions in Texas, T*0'Hagan, Cath. 
Rome. Squalor of, Cham. 

Ronsard^s Life, Episode in, F. Brunetlfere, RDM, May 15. 
Roosevelt, Governor— As an Experiment, J. L. Steffens, 

Rothenburg and Its Historic Pageant, C F. Dewey, NIM. 
Roumanla, Position and Importance of, H. Kicfer, Deut. 
Boos. CapUin John, F. A. Roe, AMonM. 
Royalty la Disguise, 6. A. Wade, MM. 
Boakin. John. B. O. Flower, CAge. 

RuBsfan H&llroad Oonqn^t of Gsmtral Aflla, T. F, Pulhird, 

JSt. Pauh Conversion of, U. Elliott, MRNY. 
Sareey. Dramatic Criticism of, R. Doumic, RDM, May IJi. 
Savonarola and Alexander VL, HnaN, May 1. 
Schiimatin's Struifgle for Clara Wleck. R. AldHch, Mus, 
Selence and Ecllgkin, G» DonAld^^on^ An^A. 
Solentlflc Difl*^overie» of ih^ Nlnoteiintb Conturv, Practleat 

R eau I U o f . fJ . F. W rlKh t. Horn . 
Senttl** flod th^ Nome Rush. A. G. Kingsbury, NatM. 
,S*>iiftttira, Eloction of United States, E. Mikxey. 6elfC* 
,'^rTra^e LJlspoaa], tmprovsd Methods of. San. 
.Shak*'sj>«ar«i, William -VL, A rpronUcoship, 11. W. MAhl«. 


ShipbciUdlngon the Clyde, F. Dolmnn. PMM. 

SltiE«ra. Soma Old. J. Tod hunter, Ti*mp. 

S^fKlaUaiu. An aad. J. JaQr^«. H-Soc, May. 

Socinl <Jiii^BtionH in Literature. P. and V* Marrtierttte, 

RRP., May 16. 
Hlouth. Moantiiin Otitbiwa of tho, J. McGo^orn, Int. 
8pantsh Arthes In MeilcOn Bariy.'A. B'utt, Cent. 
SpoliB System. Theory and Practloo of thfit H. T. Kewc^mb, 

StasfP, Fordgn, In New ITork, H. Hapgood, Bkman, 
SfAffw, Utatstto* Uenllam cm thi?, H^ lfar)i|i>ud, Atlant. 
StUlmrtn, W. J , AutobUigraphy c*f vH. Atlant, 
S forma of the Rockieje^. T. G. Knowlea. Ains. 
S t r ft w I Hsrry T h o K 1 oe n f B« rri en, Le no ra N . H obbo. S«lf C. 
Stdngpr, Arthur J., If. A. Bruce, Can. 
HubtnnHno Boat, Sucr^^^e Of tbp, P. Hlchbom, Eng. 
Sumter, rort^ Ft ring Upon, J. A. B. S<^©rer, Ghaut. 
j^un'B DtfltiCBtlon* it. Jji-eoby, PopS, 
SymigofjueB of the Dispersion, W. M, Tippy, MRN y. 
THrltt liutory, Unwritten tlh&plcrin Recent, J. ^choenhoft 

Tflxntloti of Traniporlation GompAiiieAt R. C. McCt«», An- 

T«4^k, Lftte Uueheaa of, *l. syfct 

Tt?lo^rsphy .Up- to- Date, J. M. Bcw^on, L<^iflB. 

eheaa of, J. St tea, We«t* 

British and Russian Diplomacy, NAR. 
England and Knssia, Antagonism of, D. C. Bonlger, NAR. 
Japan's Qoarrel with Russia, R. yan Bergen, Ains. 
PWiia, RnsslA in, RPar, May 15. 

Tftntfmehu'i louse. Gom mission. New York* J. A. Riis, AMRR, 
ToDnyson's Relation to Oommoti Life, L. E. GaI^j^, Orlt, 
Tbsatr*?, People's, in Bavaria, J, G. Prod*homme, RRP, 

Jutio L. 
TheAtro, people's, in Berlin. Edith SelWs, Contem. 
Tbi-flloey : Flaal Scat of Authnrlty, C. P. Gasquolne, West. 
ThoTupfton, Flic bard W,, C. G. Howtrs., 3 Hug. 
Tolstoy, Lntor Work fif, A. Mniirle, Hkmim. 
TramjTfl, WJifttTbey Read, J, Flynt, CHt. 
Trarisraal; ni^^ %\no (ireAt Britain, 

BeglrLnlrigs of ths Bonth African Republics. J, Lecl^rt^, 
RDM. .J tine I. 

Boer Lines, Inalde tlio~lI,. E. E. Easton. Harp, 

Bo*r Mt^tboda of Attack and 1 lefvns?, T. F. Millard, Fcrll). 

Hot^rs and Chrl^tliinUy in South Africa, MisR. 

Boer. Tht\ J, J*nkina, West. 

Bo*?r Trek, f Treat. S, Uran*. Cos. 

Mritl?^h'BiH*r Rf^latlons in Sotith Afrlra., J. H. Lane, AngA. 

HrilJsti M Arc 1 1 to Jiicobf*dHJiI, J, liftrnes. Out. 

Hatler'H Col u mo. Witli, k. IL Davis, ScrJb, 

England I : ll^iw Slie 8hoQld Treat the Vaniioltboil Bores, 
aShipikurd. XAK. 

liitemiidoQal Law, War from the i'tdnt of, T. P. Ion, Coti8. 

Klinb^rlcy, Caralry Hush to, and Id PurstiU of Croaje, 
C. LtoyK NineC. 

Klmb^rli-y Uuring the Siege, In. Cbatn. 

Kriiirer AfrkanuS; The President at Home, L. Wetnihal. 

KrUger, Paul, P. E. Garrett, Fort; McCL 

Ladysmith Relief Column, USM. 

Natal, Future of, F. 8. Tatum, NineO. 

Native Races, Future of ttie, J. 8. Moffat, Nine€. 

Observations on South Africa, L. Phillips, Contem. 

Peace, Honorable, Plea for an, R. Balmforth, West. 

Peace Prospects, E. Tallichet, BU. 

Problem in South Africa— IV., H. H. L. Bellot, West. 

Psvchology of the French Boerophiles and Anglophobee, 
Y. Guyot, Contem. 

Reconstruction of South Africa, G. F. HolUs. NatM. 

Rhodes, Cecil, Future of, Catherine Radziwill, NAR. 

Social Life in Boer-Land. Ethel West, Home. May. 

South Africa. Glimpse of, F. A. Maxse, NatB. 

Surprises in War, F. 8. Russell, Black. 

Trek from the Transvaal, F. von Elf t. Com. 

War in South Africa and the American Civil War, 8. 
Wilkinson, Bkman ; Contem. 

War Operations in South Africa, Black : USM. 
Treaty, Evolution of a, in Anglo-American Diplomacy, C. C. 

Hyde, ALR. 
Trout and Artlflcial Fly, Evolution of the, H, Gove, O. 
Tuberculosis : 

Climate : Is a Change a Necessity for Successful Treat- 
ment? C. Denison. San. 

Colored Rays of Light, Use of. J. M. Bleyer. San. 

Communicability and the Restriction of Tuberculoois, 
H. H. Baker, San. 

Fat Food as a Preventive of, A. N. Bell, San. 



Problem of TnberculoBis, F. Padala, RPL, April. 
TubercnloBis, Modem Treatment of, M. J. Brooks, San. 
Trusts, Evils of, and Foolish Remedies, J. D. Miller, 

Truata t Ire Truat Outrage. Gnat. 

Turk or. United Stat»' fUmtlons wtth^ AtigA, 

United States: 

AmerJiiAii and Canadian Trade Relations, J. CharUon, 

Chinese* Attitnde Tawards tbe, H. Yow, Forum. 

Congi^flaloniil GoTrernment of TerrUtiriea, J. P. Btt^ter, 

Engiand aa nu Ally, E A. Roaa» Arena. 

EjtecBtlifo, Indep^odent^e o! tbo, G* ClevelamU AlUnt, 

ExpanjBlon of the American P^^ople— XXXII L-X^XVL* 
E. E. HparkB. Chaut. 

Gerninny, Ka^lfind, and Aint^rlca, P. Blgelow, Contem- 

Preaorvftt[on of tha RtptiblLc, F. Parsons, Arena, 

Tnrkt*r- R«lat1on» with, Ad^A. 

U. K.At. S., and the Shii> PHnitL C, W, Dilkt?, Fornm* 
VenetUn Induitrk-s, Old. P. Molmenti, RaaN* May 1, 
VIbfa, Tomb cff, E, MnAS, DC. 
ViGtorifi. Qiieen i What Kiud of a Sovereign Is Shu ? W, T, 


Balloons In War, A, W. Grcelr, Harp, 

i ^aviilry, HoU.-^ on the Evolution of, F. M. Maude, USM> 

Horse in W^irCarP* V. D'O. Noble, P#^ar, 

Mounialri Warfart^ In the Tyrol in imkT. B.8aundera,USM, 

Roe n tee 11 Ray a in Waff a re, H. C Fyfc^ Str, 

STirpdSRfi in War, F. S. Raflsell, Black. 
Waahtncton, r>ear!g<.\ at Mot] mouth, H, RobertAon, AMonM. 
WdftJiiniftnti, ytntc of, Cham, 
Wiit^r Sprlnk'8, i*^. Duclanst, RPar, Mav l& 
Webster, Daniel, In tiie Haunt? of ^ M, L. Osborne, N&tM. 
WeddhiK D<M';omtloii*H Flm-aU L. O. Stewart, Mnn* 
West Virfflnia, Supreme Court of— 111., J. W. Vanderroft, 

WlUanl. Prances, Olara C. HofTman, CA^e, 
WlBC'on«*in, New England in, E B. Usher, NEng, 
Woman in Ji>tirtiii!i*m, Marian Ainsworth-WhUe, Arena. 
Woman in the Aneient VVr*rlfl, Elizabeth S. Dlack* West. 
Women : Eiiih'atton and Marrlaffe. A. L, Mearkle, Arena, 
Wrimeu Wnrkore in EntfU^h SocTuty, Casa. 
Working- Wcimeti'h CIuuh, Charlotte C Wi]kinsi>it, Gnnt. 
Ytilu. A Cadet at the Battle of the^A- Kinnosuke. McCl, 
Yelinwsione National Piipli, E. E. TrefTrjr, SeltC. 
Zurbrlggen, MattLaa, Exploits of -II,, A. Gl&rdon, BU, 

Abbreviations of Magazine Titles used in the Index 
[All the articles in the leading reviews are indexed, but only the more important articles in the other magazines.] 

A ins. Ainslee's Magazine. N. Y. 

ACQR. American Catliolic Quarterly 
Review, Phila. 

AHR. American Historical Review, 

AJS. American Journal of Soci- 
ology, Chicago. 

AJT. American Journal of The- 
ology, Chicago. 

ALR. American Law Review, St. 

AMonM.American Monthly Magazine, 
Washington, D. C. 

AMRR. American Monthly Review of 
Reviews, N. Y. 

AXat. American Naturalist, Boston. 

AngA. Anglo-American Magazine, 

Annals. Annals of the American Acad- 
emy of Pol. and Soc. Science, 

APB. Anthony's Photographic Bul- 
letin, N. Y. 

Arch. Architectural Record. N. Y. 

Arena. Arena, N. Y. 

A A. Art Amateur, N. Y. 

AE. Art Education, N. Y. 

A I. Art Interchange, N. Y. 

AJ. Art Journal. London. 

Art. Artist, London. 

Atlant. Atlantic Monthly, Boston. 

Bad. Badminton, London. 

BankL. Bankers' Magazine, London. 

BankNYBankers' Magazine. N. Y. 






Biblical World, Chicago. 

Blbliotlieca Sacra, Obcrlin, O. 

Bibliothfeque Univeraelle, Lau- 

Blackwood's Magazine, Edin- 

Book Buyer, N. Y. 

Bkman. Br)okman, N. Y. 

BP. Brush and Pencil. Chicago. 

Can. Canadian Magazine, Toronto. 

Cass. Caswell's Magazine, Lon(\on. 

CiisM. Cftssier's Magazine, N. Y. 

Cath. Catliolic World, N. Y. 

Cent. Century Magazine, X. Y. 

Cham. ChamlMjrs's Journal, Edin- 

Char. Charities Review, N. Y. 

Chaut. Chuutauquan, Cleveland, O. 

CAge. ( -oming Age, Boston. 

(>ons. Conservative Review, Wash- 

Contem. Contemporary Review, lin- 

Corn. ('ornhill, London. 

Cos. CosmoiKilitan, N. V. 

Crit. Critic, NY. 

Dent. Deutselie Revue, Stuttgarr. 

Dial. Dial, Cliicago. 

Dub. Dublin Review, Dublin. 

Edin. Edinburgh Review, Loudon. 






































Education, Boston. 

Educational Review, N. Y. 

Engineering Magazine, N. Y. 

Espafia Modema, Madrid. 

Fortnightly Review, London. 

Forum, N. Y. 

Frank Leslie's Monthly, N. Y. 

Gentleman's Magazine, Lon- 

Green Bag, Boston. 

Guntx)n'8 Magazine, N. Y. 

Harper's Magazine, N. Y. 

Hartford Seminary Record, 
Hartford, Conn. 

Home Magazine, N. Y. 

Homiletic Review, N. Y. 

Humanity Nouvelle, Paris. 

International, Chicago. 

International Journal of 
Ethics, Phila. 

International Monthly, N. Y. 

International Studio, N. Y. 

Irrigation Age, Cliicago. 

Journal of the Military Serv- 
ice Institution, Governor's 
Island, N. Y. H. 

Journal of Political Economy, 

Kindergarten Magazine, Chi- 

Kindergart^n- Review, Spring- 
field. Mass. 

Ladies' Home .Journal, Phila. 

Leisure Hour, London. 

Lipplncott's Magazine, Phila. 

London Quarterly Review, 

Longman's Magazine, London. 

Lutheran Quarterly, Gettys- 
burg, Pa. 

McClure's Magazine, N. Y. 

Macmillan's Magazine, Lon- 

Magazine of Art, London. 

Methodist Review, Nashville. 

Methodist Review, N. Y. 

Mind, N. Y. 

Missionary Herald, Boston. 

Missionary Review, N. Y. 

Monist, C^hicago. 

Municipal Affairs, N. Y. 

Munsey's Magazine, N. Y. 

Musi<', ('hicago. 

National (Geographic Maga- 
zine, Wiusldngton, D. C. 

National Magazine. Boston. 

National Review, London. 

New-Church Review, Boston. 

New England Magazine, Bos- 

New Illustrated Magazine, 

New World, Boston. 

Nineteenth Century, London- 

NAR. North American Review, N.Y. 
Nou. Nouvelle Revue, Paris. 
NA. Nuova Antologia, Rome. 

OC. Open Court, Chicago. 

O. Outing, N. Y. 

Out. Outlook, N. Y. 
Over. Overland Monthly, San Fran- 
P>rM. Pall Mall Magazine, London. 
Pear. Pearson's Magazine, N. Y. 
Phil. Philosophical Review, N. Y. 
PhoT. Photographic Time*, N. Y. 
PL. Poet-l7ore, Boston. 

PSQ. Political Science Quarterly, 

PopA. Popular Astronomy, North- 

lleld, Minn. 
PopS. Popular Science Monthly, 

PRR. Presbyterian and Reformed 
Review, Phila. 

PQ. Presbyterian Quarterly, Char- 

lot te,N.C. 

QJEcon. Quarterly Journal of Econom- 
ics, Boston. 

OR. Quarterly Review, London. 

RasN. Rassegna Nazionale, Florence. 

Record. Record of C'hristian Work, 
East North field, Mass. 

RefS. R^ forme Sociale, Paris. 

RRL. Review of Reviews, London. 

RRM. Review of Reviews, Mel- 

RDM. Re vuedes Deux Mondes, Paris. 

RDP. Revue du Droit Public, Paris. 

IKien. Revue G6n6rale, Brussels. 

RPar. Revue de Paris, Pari«. 

RPP. Revue Politique et Parlemen- 
taire, Paris. 

RRP. Revue des Revues, Paris. 

RSoc. Revue Socialiste, Paris. 

RPL. Rivista Politica e Letteraria, 

Ros. Rosary, Somerset, Ohio. 

San. Sanitarian, N. Y. 

School. School Review, Chicago. 

Scrib. Scribner's Magazine, N. Y. 

SelfC. Self Culture, Akron, Ohio. 

SR. Sewanee Review, Sewanee-, 


Sir. Strand Magazine, London. 

Stin. Sun«lay Magazine. London 

Temp. Temple Bar, I^ndon. 

l^S^l. Unitetl Service Magazine, 

West. Westminster Review,London. 

Wern. Werner's Magazine, N. Y. 

WWM. Wiiie World Magazine, Lon- 

WPM. Wilson's Photographic Magiir 
zine, N. Y. 

Yale. Yale Review, New Haven. 

YM. Young Man, Loudon. 

YW. Young Woman, London. 

The American Monthly Review of Reviews. 

edited by albert shaw. 


The Democratic Nominees FroDtispiece 

The Progress of the World— 

The DemocraU and Their Fighting-Ground 131 

Ah to '* Paramount Issues " 131 

The Natural ** Pro** and **Ck)n '' of the Situation 132 

Silver as an Abnormal Issue 138 

The Mistake at Kansas City 134 

War Questions Had the Right of Way 135 

But the Democrats Have Chosen to Stake All 

on Silver 135 

What Might Have Been 136 

As to Statesmanship, Consistency, and i<\ision.. 137 

What Could Bryan Do if Elected? 187 

The Panic Argument 187 

How Tammany Turned the Scale at Kansas 

City 138 

The Party and Its leaders 139 

As to the Vice-Presidency 140 

The Double Candidacy Problem 140 

The Platform in General 141 

The Cuban Question 141 

The Philippine Question 141 

The News from Manila 142 

The " Anti-Trust" Planks 142 

The Trusts and the Public Mind 143 

From the Political Standpoint 143 

The Boers in Guerrilla Warfare 144 

Some Points in the African News 144 

The Boer Cause in American Politics 145 

Various Campaign Notes 145 

The Situation in China 147 ^ 

As to the Missionaries. 147 • 

The American Attitude 147 

Some General Remarks 148 

China 8 Future and the " Yellow Peril." 148 

Armies Heading for the Elast 150 

Tientsin Captured by the Allies 151 

Wholesale Slaughter in Peking 151 

With portraits of J. D.' Richardson. C. S. Thomas, W. D. 
OWham, B. R. Tlllraan, David B. HIH, Richard 
Croker, Adlai E. Stevenson, Charles A. Towne, 
Theodore Roosevelt, E. O. Wolcott, Sir Edward H. 
Seymour and staff. George C. Remey, Adna R. 
Chaffee, Sir Claude Macdonald. t4ie late Emerson 
H. Li^um, and Li Hung Chang, map showing the 
route from Taku to Peking, cartoons, and other Il- 

Record of Current Events 153 

With portraits of Count Lamsdorff, President McKlnley 
and members of the Notification Committee, Fran- 
cis E. Clark. W. A. P. Martin, the late Admiral 
Philip, and the late John H. Gear, and other illiis- 

Current History in Caricature 158 

With reproductions from American and foreign Jour- 

The Chinese Revolution 166 

By Stephen Bonsai. 

The Kansas City Convention 175 

By Walter Wellman. 

Mr. Bryan at Home 179 

with portraits of William Jennings Bryan, Mrs. Wil- 
liam Jennings Bryan, William Jennings Bryan, Jr., 
Rutli Baird Bryan, and Grace Dexter Bryan. 

Theodore Roosevelt 181 

By Jacob A. Rlis. 
With portraits of Theodore Roosevelt, and Theodore 
Roosevelt, Sr., and other illustrations. 

Roosevelt's Work as Governor 187 

With portraits of Theodore Roosevelt, William J. 
Youngs, and John C. Davies, and otlier illustrations. 

The New Appellate Court-house in New 

York City 191 

By Ernest KnaufFt. 

With portrait of James Brown Lord, and other Illus- 

The Embellishment of a Michigan Town 195 

By Archibald Hadden. 
With portrait of Charles H. Hackley, r.nd other illus- 

A National Art Exhibition 198 

By William Ordway Partridge. 

Volcanic Scenery of the Northwest 202 

By Robert E. 8trahom. 
With illustrations. 

Leading Articles of the Month— 

Americans In China 209 

The Chinese Revolutionary Junta in America. . 2l(» 

The Chinese Attitude Towards Missionaries 211 

Chinese Civilization 212 

The Crisis in China 213 

The Chinese Minister's Plea for Justice 215 

Germany's Foothold in China 215 

Lieutenant Glllmore's Experiences in Luzon. . . 216 

An Indian Account of Custer's Last Fight 218 

How Shall South Africa be Reconstructed * 219 

French Views of the Boers 220 

To Train Civil Servants 222 

Our Governmental Methods 222 

A New Exposition of Sovereignty 223 

Objections to the Referendum 224 

The Seven Great Sea Powers 225 

German Trade Jealousy 225 

Can the World's W^heat Supply be Cornered ?. . 226 

A Century of Irish Immigration 227 

The Hull-Ottawa Fire 228 

New Sources of Light 229 

How the Venom of Serpents Is Collecteti 230 

Women's Sports : A Symposium 231 

English Town and Country Ideals 233 

Glimpses of Out of the Way Travel 233 

The Spanish Capital 237 

The Brains of Women 237 

With portraits of J. ('. Glllraore, George A. Custer, and 
Peter Severln KrOyer, man of the northern portion 
of the Island of Luzon, ana other Illustrations. 

The Periodicals Reviewed 23b 

Index to Periodicals 2.">2 

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(From a photograph taken at Lincoln, Neb., on July 10, especially for the New York Herald, 
and here reproduced by that paper's courtesy). 


Review of Reviews, 

Vol. XXII. 


No. 2. 


Tk€ Demoeratt During Julv. bar silver was quoted 
HgiJung ^^ London at about 28 pence per 
eround! ounce. Mexican silver dollars, whicli 
contain a little more silver than our standard 
American dollar, were worth in New York about 
48 cents apiece. The Democratic party, meet- 
ing m national convention at Kansas City early 
last month, gave its real and thorough attention 
to only one question — namely, the attitude the 
party should assume in the present electoral 
campaign on the question of the monetary status 
of silver. It was not by any accident or in- 
trigue, but with eyes wide open and with delib- 
eration far beyond that wliich conventions 
usually give to any part of their declarations of 
belief and intention, that the Democratic party 
at Kansas City explicitly demanded "■ the imme- 
diate restoration of the free and unlimited coin- 
age of silver and gold at the present legal ratio 
of 16 to 1, without waiting for the aid and con- 
sent of any other nation." The Kansas City 
platform is, as a whole, an exceedingly spirited 


(Bvned on Ainril 4, and rebuilt, practically flre-proof, in time for the Convention 

which met Jaly 4.) 

and well- written document. Considered merely 
as an exercise in rhetoric, it is far superior to 
the Republican platform — so much so, indeed, 
that no one could well fail to note the contrast. 
But the country is not engaged in a mere de- 
bating contest ; and for that reason oratory and 
rhetoric, which, in point of fact, never play the 
principal part in our political struggles, will 
have even less to do this year than usual with 
the conduct and the result of the campaign. An- 
other part of this interesting Kansas City plat- 
form discusses what it calls *<the burning issue 
of imperialism growing out of the Spanish War." 
To its indictment of imperialism there was finally 
added, by the platform committee, the following 
sentence: **We regard it [imperialism] as the 
paramount issue of the campaign." 

^^ ^^ The Social Democrats of Germany, 
"Paramount who are growing steadily in party 
htues. strength, hold certain views of an in- 
teresting and thoughtful nature regarding com- 
pulsory military service, pro- 
tective tariffs, colonial poli- 
cies, naval expenditure, and 
numerous other subjects. It 
is understood, however, that 
their most distinctive tenet 
relates to the subject of pri- 
vate property — pointing to a 
policy that would amount to 
something like the confisca- 
tion of all capital. If, tliere- 
fore, the Social Democrats 
of Germany were entering 
upon a campaign which 
promised to bring them into 
full authority, let us suppose 
that in their platform of 
principles they should de- 
clare that they were (){)posed 
to the present colonial and 
imperial policy of the Ger- 
man Emperor, and reganle<^ 



^ - *?^ 'J «i^ . l^W ■'■■■ ■': .^ 

4 • r * 



From a drawing by E. Frederick. 

Richard Croker. John P. Altgeld. C. A. Towne. 


Courtesy of the New York y<mrital. 
Gov. C. S. Thomas. 

it as the paramount issue. It is clear enough to us, 
looking on from tlie outside, that their designating 
such an issue as paramount would not necessarily 
make it so in the actual contest. Their oj)po- 
nents, with one accord, would say that the pros- 
pect of a confiscation party getting into power 
was the real issue ; and all other parties would be 
called upon to forget their differences of opinion 
about militarism, naval expansion, and land- 
grabbing in Asia and Africa, in the face of the 
menace of revolutionary socialism. Let us sup- 
pose, again, that in England the Liberal party, in 
anticipation of the general elections that are to be 
held in the near future, should declare itself in 
favor of tlie immediate abolition of the House of 
Lords, tlie immediate disestablishment of the 
Church of England, and the wiping out of all 
vestiges of tlie old system of caste and privilege 
that still dominates English life and society — 
together with the abolition of the monarchy, to 
take effect upon the death of Queen Victoria. 
We can imagine that such a statement of Liberal 
principles might include various other items ; and 
that someljody wlio thought thereby to take the 
edge off the iconoclasm of the rest of the plat- 
form siiould succeed in getting the convention to 
agree that tlie Ijibei'al o})position to tlie policy of 
Lord Salisbury and Mr. Chamberlain in South 
Africa should be designated as ''the paramount 
issue" in the campaign. But everybo<ly in Eng- 
land who, for any reason, desiivd to pnn'ent 
the overthrow of the Established Church, or who 

favored the maintenance of the landed aristocracy 
with its hereditary privileges, or wlio could not 
endure the thought of an England without a royal 
family, would scoff at the idea that the conduct 
of the South African War was the paramount 
issue. From their point of view there could be 
only one issue ; namely, whether or not the Radi- 
cals should be allowed to get control of the gov- 

^'^p/^^^^and ^^ J^uch for analogies. We shall 
"Con" of ask our readers to follow with some 
the Situation, patience our analysis of the party 
situation, because it has to do, in our opinion, 
with the fundamental bearings of a campaign 
that this country must have on its hands for 
more than three months. When a party is in full 
power, like the Republican party in the United 
States, — that is to say, when it liolds the Presi- 
dency and both houses of Congress, the party 
being as it is to-day in marvelous harmony and 
concord, its measures meeting with no obstruc- 
tion at the liantls of the federal judiciary, and 
most of the leading Static governments being also 
in tlie hands of the same party, — it is almost in- 
evitai>le that it shouhl come before the country 
on its record rather than upon promises or 
pledges. The Republicans at Philadelphia saw 
this clearly enough, and realized the fact that in 
renominating President McKinley they were 
doing that which made it almost superfluous to 
go through the form of adoj>ting a platfonn. 



Their resolutions necessarily took the form of 
a somewhat eulogistic recital and memorandum. 
The natural issue before the country would seem 
to have been made at Philadelphia ; and it could 
have been summed up in the query whether or 
not the country wanted four years more of 
McKinley Republicanism with all that is involved 
in that phrase. Under normal conditions it 
would have seemed the natural task of an oppo- 
sition party to condemn the administration on its 
record, and to unite by all possible means the 
people who, for whatever reason, desired to vote 
against it. Normally, the Democratic party is 
an opposition body, pure and simple. This year 
its natural policy would have been to take the 
view expressed in the cartoon from the New Or- 
leans Times- Detitoci'at^ which we reproduce here- 
with, and which appeared a few days after the 
nomination of McKinley and Roosevelt at Phila- 


From the New Orleans TitMS-Democrat of June 23. 

Q./«-. "^^^ Populist movement, on the other 

oiioer as an . *■ . . 

Abnormal nancl, represents positive action in 
Issue. radical directions. In 1896 the spirit 
of Populism wholly captured the Democratic 
organization, and the Republican camp became the 
rallying- place for conservative opposition. The 
campaign of 189B was fought, not upon what the 
Republicans proposed to do if they should come 


(Permanent Chairman of the Democratic National 

into power, but rather upor what the Democrats 
proposed to do if they should win. The Demo- 
crats had determined to do something that was, to 
put it mildly, a highly experimental thing of a 
kind not paralleled in the recent history of any 
country. It was a proposal which, the great ma- 
jority of the experts declared, would profoundly 
disturb business conditions. Under these cir- 
cumstances, the contest was not one of a normal 
party or political character. The greater part of 
the leaders of the Democratic party whose repu- 
tations were national declined to support the 
Chicago platform and ticket, and either directly 
or indirectly helped to elect McKinley as the 
only means by which to defeat Bryan. 8o long 
as a great party seriously proposed to open the 
mints of the United States to the free coinage 
of silver, the business interests of the country 
regarded it as necessary to make every possible 
endeavor, regardless of ordinary party divisions, 
to ke^p that party out of power. The free-sil- 
ver movement had begun as a non- political agi- 
tation on the part of silver- mine owners and 
the communities and regions interested in silver 
production. It had been taken up by the Popu- 
listic element in certain Western farming States, 
because that element had always favored cheap 
money and high prices. Ingenious arguments 
had been made to spread widely through the 



West and South tlie conviction that gold had 
greatly appreciated relatively, and that this in- 
volved both hardship and injustice to agricul- 
tural producers and debtoi-s — an injustice that 
would be evened up by opening the mints to 
the free coinage of silver. There is no inten- 
tion, on our part, to intimate that this conviction 
was not held honestly and in good faith. If it 
had not been so entertained, there would have 
been no reason to take it seriously. It is ridicu- 
lous to suppose that there is not just as much 
decency and common honesty in one great party 
as in another. The danger did not lie in the 
bad intentions of a large fraction of the American 
people ; for their intentions were above reproach. 
The danger lay rather in the attempt to make a 
political and a sentimental question out of a diffi- 
cult and technical subject that on its theoretical 
side belongs to monetary science, and on its 
practical side to experts in public and private 
finance and business. The silver question, in 
point of fact, has had just as profound and 
anxious study during the three past decades in 
various other countries as in the United States ; 
but ours, as it happens, is the only country that 
has been so unfortunate as to have the subject 
forced upon it as one of j)opular party contro- 
versy. Many other subjects were mentioned in 
the platforms of 189G, and some incidental atten- 
tion was paid to the personality of candidates and 
other matters of detail ; but the contest, as a 
whole, was waged purely upon the one piecise 
proposition of the Democrats — viz., to open tlie 
mints to the free coinage of silver dollars at the 
ratio of 16 to 1. That proposition the country 
rejected ; and business interests, which above 
all things seek stability of conditions, felt that 
they were justly entitled to the fruits of their 

- It was hoped that the Democratic 

Mistake at party would see the matter in that 

Kansas City, j^^^,^^ -^ ^^jOQ. It was, of course, 

well understood that the Populists would reit- 
erate their belief in free silver, although this 
arbitrary coinage dogma has nothing whatever 
to do with the essential principles of Topulism. 
It was also well known that the Silver Republi- 
cans would refuse to admit that their cause was 
lost ; but it was hoped in many quarters that the 
Democratic party would not this year allow Popu- 
lists and Silver Republicans to write its platform 
and determine its position — rather that it would 
resume its old-time normal place asa true opposi- 
tion party. Hut it did not turn out in that way. 
Mr. liryan's renomination carried with it, against 
the real preferences and best judgment of more 
tlian half of the convention, the platform that 

he insisted upon having if lie was to be the 
candidate. In politics, times and seasons need 
to be consulted ; and some order of exercises 
must be agreed upon if a party means to achieve 
results. The silver question divides American 
public opinion along one line of cleavage, and 
the so-called question of imperialism divides it 
along a wholly different line. Neither Mr. Bry- 
an nor any other political leader can successfully 
unite those two wholly unrelated issues. If, in- 
deed, the administration's policy of expansion, 
militarism, and treatment of territories as outside 
the pale of the Constitution properly constitute a 
paramount issue before the country this year, that 
fact of itself should furnish sufficient reason and 
excuse for frankly postponing the silver question. 
If, as is probable, the English Liberals will de- 
cide, a few weeks or a few months hence, to go 
before the country with a general attack upon 
the South African policy of the Salisbury admin- 
istration, they will not attempt in the same cam- 
paign to contend for the immediate disestablish- 
ment of the Church or the abrogation of the 
House of Lords. Those questions are of such 
magnitude that in due season they must be faced 
squarely and fought out all by themselves. But 
it may be twenty or thirty years before the Lib- 
eral party can get around to the joining of issues 
on either the one or tlie other of these subjects. 
In like manner, if the Democrats were intending 
this year to make a successful assault upon the 
general policies of the McKinley administration 
and the Republican Congress as regards Porto 
Rico, Cuba, Hawaii, the Philippines, the Isth- 
mian Canal question, and the undoubtedly close 

^ih^/^ -l^^~^^^ 

" DANCE. OLi> LADY, DANrE."-Froni the Tl'm'/d (New York). 



understanding that exists between our State De- 
partment and the English Foreign Office, it was 
a fatal mistake to mix that assault up with the 
demand for an immediate return to the free coin- 
age of silver at the ratio of IG to 1. Most of 
the influential men of tlie United States who are 
really opposed to the military and colonial poli- 
cies of the Republican party are even more 
strongly opposed to the silver plank of the 

^ ^ .. Tlie problems of money, banking, and 

War Questiofis « ' , /,* ,? 

Had the finance are always with us. But at 
Right of Way. g^^^|^ ^ ^^^^^^ ^^ ^j^^ present, when no 

financial crisis exists, and general business is 
going on 
smoothly, it is 
perfectly feasi- 
ble to postpone 
these problems 
in order to deal 
with the excep- 
tional issues 
demanding im- 
mediate atten- 
tion that have 
grown out of a 
foreign war. 
We had not had 
a foreign war 
for more than 
fifty years when 
w e t o o k up 
arms against 
Spai n ; and 
nothing could 
be more natu- 
ral and proper 
than that the Presidential campaign immediately 
following such a war should be devoted to the 
questions of profound scope and importance that 
have grown in various unexpected ways out of 
the conduct and results of the armed conflict. 
At the last Presidential election there were not 
many people in the United States who knew 
where the Philippine Islands are. The campaign 
this year finds us trying to govern those islands 
in ihe^distant tropics, with about 60,000 of our 
young American soldiers undergoing hardship*^ 
there, and with no prospect of their early recall. " 
Our new status involves vastly increased taxation ? 
and public expenditure. Surely ail this extraor- 
dinary cliange in the conditions and the work 
of our federal government affords appropriate 
issues for discussion in the Presidential year. 
There ought to be only one question before the 
American people ; namely, whether or not enough 
confidence is felt in Mr. McKinley and his ad- 


(Temporary Chairman of the Demo- 
cratic National Convention.) 


(Who made the speech nominating Bryan.) 

visers, and in the Republican majorities that 
cooperate with him in both houses of Congress, 
to justify giving Mr. McKinley another four 
years in the White House, and keeping the 
Republicans in the majority in Congress. 

Butthe DemO' This 

crata Have , , 

Chosen to Stake themselves 

indeed, is what the Democrats 
say in their platform. 
AiionSiiuer. ^^^^i^ having Said it, they take all the 
force out of the statement by informing the coun- 
try that if they are put in power to deal in a dif- 
ferent way with those questions of militarism and 
territorial expansion, they will not confine them- 
selves to that work, but will immediately set 
about trying to put the private business of the 
people of the United States upon the basis of the 

Farmer Bryan : ** Here's a little formality to be attended 
to first, gentlemen."— From the Broithlyn Eaulc (New Yorlc). 



silver dollar. This must, of necessity, change 
the fighting-ground altogether.. The country 
decided, four years ago, that it would be ex- 
tremely inconvenient to try the experiment of 
free- silver coinage; and the business history of the 
years that have elapsed since 1896 has obviously 
rendered it still more inconvenient to have such 


Those in the Background: "It's sixteen to one he 
doesn't pull througli aUve this time.*' 

From itie Journal (Minneapolis). 

an experiment put into immediate operation. To 
revert to our analogy : If the Liberals in Eng- 
land should declare in the approaching campaign 
that, while they regard the South African ques- 
tion as the paramount issue, they will, if put 
in power, proceed immediately to disestablish 
the Church and to abolish the House of Lords, 
it is as plain as the noonday sun that the election 
would not turn upon the South African question 
at all. In like manner, as matters now stand, 
there is no reason in logic, common sense, or 
practical conditions why the Presidential election 
in the United States this year should not turn 
upon what the people of the country must con- 
sider to be the really vital question that has been 
brought into the arena. Mr. Bryan himself 
thought the immediate free coinage of silver to 
be so important that he distinctly insisted that he 
would refuse the nomination if that subject were 
postponed. The convention decided in accord- 
ance with Mr. Bryan's views. 

^ What would have happened if the 

Might Have Kansas (Mty convention had acted 
^^'"' otherwise ? One man's opinion on 
that question is, perhaps, as good as another's. 
Our own view is that it would have strengthened 
the Democratic party enormously if it had 
adopted at Kansas City a resolution reading 
somewhat as follow^ : 

We do not in any way abandon or disregard our 
former views and convictions on the important ques- 
tions of the coinage and the currency. But we believe 
that patriotis^n as well as political expediency requires 
that we should sul)ordinate these questions at the 
present time, in onler that the country may have the 
opportunity to give its verdict squarely for or against 
the Republican jjolicies that have grown out of the 
results of the war with Spain. We pledge ourselves, if 
put in power by the votes of the people, not to disturb 
the stattis quo as respects the monetary standard until 
we shall have had another opportunity to submit the 
silver question directly to the popular verdict — either 
in the Congressional elections of two years hence or in 
the Presidential campaign of 1904, as may hereafter 
seem advisable. 

If Mr. Bryan personally had been willing to 
take this view of the situation, and had asked 
the Kansas City convention to adopt such a reso- 
lution, it would, in our opinion, have been adopted 
not only with absolute unanimity and with great 
enthusiasm, but it would have carried with it 
an air of responsible statesmanship that would 
strongly have impressed the country. It would 
have reassured Eastern Democrats, and would 
have brought them to the support of the ticket and 
platform with immense animation. It would 
have given entire consistency to the plan of 
nominating an Eastern Democrat for the Vice- 
Presidency. Nor would it, in our opinion, have 
alienated from the Democratic ticket anv con- 


From the Journal (Detroit). 




(Who presented the platform to the convention.) 

siderable percentage of the pro silver voters of 
the West. The Republicans are now definitely 
and permanently committed to the single gold 
standard. The Democrats would merely have 
put themselves in the justifiable position of deal- 
ing with one great issue at a time. Such a post- 
ponement, far from being a dodging of the silver 
question, might have been strongly defended as 
containing the only possible hope for the ultimate 
• success of the silver cause. 

A» to states' If this is the year for defeating im- 

manakip. Con- ... „ ^ • i • ^ ^\ 

Bistency, and perialism, It Certainly is not the year 
Fusion. £qj, (jef eating the gold standard. To 
try defeating both at once can only mean failure. 
Issues of such magnitude cannot be bunched. 
The element of time cannot be disregarded. 
Those who believe implicitly in the fundamental 
and permanent truth of the 16-to-l doctrine should 
liave shown some breadth of view, some capacity 
for patience and foresight, and some talent in the 
direction of the larger sort of political strategy. 
The postponement of the silver question in this 
spirit, at Mr. Bryan's direct proposal, would 
have shaken nobody's faith in the sincerity and 
firmness of his views on the money question ; 
but would, on the contrary, have added im- 
mensely to the belief of the country that Mr. 
Bryan is a practical statesman. Statesmanship 
calls for the ability to meet large situations as 
they arise. The war created e.xceptional condi- 

tions, which had the right of way. And if a 
campaign is to be fought on war issues, it cannot 
be fought on the tariff question, or the silver ques- 
tion, or the trust question, or the income-tax ques- 
tion, or the negro question. It is said that Mr. 
Bryan held a certain theory as to what was required 
by his own personal consistency, and also that he 
saw no way to maintain the fusion of the Silver 
Republican group and the majority wing of the 
Populists in support of his candidacy except 
upon the pledge of immediate free -silver coin- 
age. But his consistency would not have 
suffered much if he had recognized the fact 
that a war changes everything, and that it may 
well have compelled the postponement of various 
questions. The Populists and Silver Republi- 
cans, on the other hand, would probably have 
come to the sane and reasonable conclusion that 
after all the only way by which they could make 
their votes effective would be to support Mr. 
Bryan, and hold him in due time to the pledge 
that the silver question should have its inning. 

What Could ^^ ^^ ^®®^ rather feebly suggested , 
Bryan do in Certain quarters, that Mr. Bryan's 

/ Elected ? insistence upon the silver plank was 
merely for the sake of holding the votes of his 
pro-silver friends in the West and South, and to 
relieve him of embarrassment as the formal pro- 
silver candidate of two other parties besides the 
Democratic. According to this theory, his real 
intention is not to crowd the silver question to 
the front if elected. Those who have put for- 
ward this view go farther and try to show that a 
fr6e -silver President, with a free-silver secretary 
of the treasury and a free-silver majority in the 
House of Representives, could not do anything 
to change the practical monetary policy of the 
country, unless there were also a clear free -silver 
majority in the Senate. All this is skating upon 
very thin ice. It is impertinent in the highest 
degree to assume that Mr. Bryan, if elected, 
would not immediately do everything in his 
power by practical treasury methods to break 
down the present policy of treating legal-tender 
silver dollars as mere token -money redeemable 
in gold. It is only reasonable to believe that 
Mr. Bryan would have not only the purpose, but 
the power, if elected, to change very materially 
the existing methods, and to throw very great 
doubt in the minds of the commercial world at 
large upon the continuance of a gold standard in 
the United States. 

It is undoubtedly the general opinion 
A^gfment. ' ^^ Eastern business men and finan- 
ciers, as it is also the opinion of a 
great many Western business men, that Mr. 



Bryan's election would frighten the business 
world into the most violent panic ever known in 
the history of our country. Panics are usually 
due to fear and distrust. We do not assert that 
Mr. Bryan's election ought to be followed by a 
wild and riotous stampede in Wall Street and a 
series of commercial collapses throughout the 
country. We have merely to record the fact 
that Eastern business men themselves confess 
that Mr. Bryan's election would make them 
either active participants or helpless victims in a 
tremendous panic. If the silver question were 
to >)e definitely postponed, and tlie campaign 
fought on the question of indorsing or condemn- 
ing the McKinley administration, the question of 
private business prosperity would not be serious- 
ly involved one way or the other. It happens 
that we have had several years of good crops, 
high agricultural prices, and extraordinary in- 
dustrial activity. A reaction is bound to come 
sooner or later ; but it is the general belief of 
the commercial world that fairly good times may 
continue perhaps two or three years longer, if 
nothing is done to disturb the general conditions 
unrlerlyiug business transactions. And so there 
are a great many people who are disposed to 
agree with Mr. Bryan in his views of what they 
choose to call imperialism, but who do not want 
to run the risk of an immediate change of our 
monetary standards. To put it bluntly, they 
prefer all the evils of the McKinley regime of 
imperialism to the sacrifice of the gold standard. 
They favor the abandonment of the Philippines 
and the other island acquisitions, but not at the 
expense of free-silver coinage or a financial panic 
and a collapse of '* prosperity." 

How Tammany On the face of things, Mr. Bryan's 
Scale at Kan- Position wouUl seem stronger than 
aaa City, tliat of almost any other man in the 
history of American politics. The Populists 
had taken him as tlieir candidate in anticipa- 
tion of the convention of his own party. The 
Silver Republicans held their convention at Kan- 
sas City in the same week with the Demo- 
crats, and unanimously indorsed him as the 
nominee. To all outward seeming, the Demo- 
cratic party was completely under the spell of 
Mr. Bryan's influence. Yet it was evident 
enough that if the convention had acted upon its 
own real sentiments, it would have dropped the 
silver question. There was a protracted contest 
in the C'ommittee on Resolutions, and the States 
whose committeemen opposed the free • silver 
plank had a majority of the members of the con- 
vention. As on many a previous occasion in 
political controversies, the great State of New 
York held a pivotal place. If the delegation 
from New York had stood firmly against silver, 
under the leadership of ex -Senator David B. 
Hill, it could have turned the scale and carried 
the convention — at least to the extent of omitting 
a specific free - silver plank. But Mr. Richard 
Croker, rather than ex -Senator Hill, controlled 
the majority of the New York delegation, and 
refused to allow Mr. Hill to serve on the resolu- 
tions committee, while making it plain that the 
Tammany influence was for Mr. Bryan's free- 
silver plank. Mr. Croker's recent utterances 
have shown that he is absolutely without any 
opinions or convictions whatever on the silver 
question, the expansion question, or any other 
national issue. Tammany is not a political or- 


From a drawiip^ l.y F.. Fredericks. 

Courtesy of the New York y^mrnml. 

Hon. William Sulxer. 

Hon. Daxid B. Hill. Richard Croker. 




ganization in the true sense, but a business asso- 
ciation whose object is to profit through the 
influence that conies from exercising municipal 
aiuliority in New York City. There is no rea- 
son to suppose that Tammany cares much to see 
Mr. Bryan elected. There is a good deal of rea- 
son to think, on the contrary, that Tammany 
tliis year, as in previous Presidential years, will 
take a strictly local and practical view of the 

The South, for peculiar reasons unre- 
Mdlta^ lated to the questions discussed in the 
Leaders, party platfomis, will this yoar, as 
usual, support the Democratic ticket. There is 
no conclusive reason, however, for supposing 
that Southern Democrats care very much about 
the issue of 'imperialism," or that they are 
clamorous for free silver. The instinctive feel- 
ing of the South, like that of the Pacific Slope, is 


toward commercial expansion and the finding of 
foreign markets. The present make-up of the 
Democratic party is thus exceedingly difficult to 
•'stimate and understand. The old leaders have 
nearly all disappeared from the stage. Senator 
Jones, of Arkansas, wlio continues at the head of 
the National Committee, occupies the leading 
place, and almost as conspicuous is ex- Governor 
Stone, of Missouri. It is impossible to forecast 
intelligently the sort of cabinet that Mr. Bryan 
would appoint if he should be elected. As Mr. 
Walter Wellman sets forth in an interesting arti- 
cle contributed to this number of tl:e Revif.w, 
descriptive of the Kansas City convention, tlie 

Photo hy Prince. 


(Whose influence prevented the rejection of the 
free-silver planlc.) 

very men most strongly identified with the sup- 
port of Mr. Bryan's candidacy were anxious to 
have the silver question relegated to the back- 
groimd ; and it was they who succeeded in 
having the convention declare ** imperialism *' 
to be the paramount issue. But Mr. Bryan has 
made it unmistakable that for him the silver 
question now, as four years ago, is the vital one. 
And so all other questions will take minor rank 
in comparison with the supreme question whether 
or not the country is willing to take the chances 
of Mr. Bryan in the White House. This focuses 
attention upon the Democratic candidate, and 
leaves McKinley, Roosevelt, imperialism, mili- 
tarism, the English alliance, and all kindred 
issues rather in the shadow. If the silver 
question were postponed, McKinleyism would be 
^ under scrutiny, and the Republicans would have 
to take the defensive. But Mr. Bryan deliljer- 
ately chose to take a position that wholly shifts 
the fighting-ground, and makes Bryanism the 
paramount issue. It may have been magnificent 
from the personal standpoint : but it was not 
normal politics, and it seemed to foreshadow 
inevitable defeat. No one can, at least, question 
the will-power of tlie Democratic candidate. To 
many minds, his inflexibility is his cliief fault. 



Mr. Bryan's personal preference in 
Vice- the matter of a candidate for the 
Presidency. Vice- Presidency was well known. 
The Populists had nominated for that office Mr. 
Towne, of Minnesota, a Silver Republican who 
had supported Bryan in 1896, and whose only 
reason at that time for not enrolling himself as a 


(Democratic nominee for the Vice-Presidency.) 

Democrat was found in the advice of the Demo- 
cratic leaders that he could help the Bryan cause 
more effectively by working as a Silver Republi- 
can. Mr. Bryan believed that several advantages 
would be gained by the nomination of Mr. Towne 
at Kansas City. He chose, however, not to in- 
sist ; and the convention evidently considered 
tliat since in the platform, as well as in the selec- 
tion of the head of the ticket, everything had 
been yielded to the radical element, it would be 
well to give the second place on the ticket to the 
other wing. Ex- Senator Hill, of New York, 
who was the most striking figure in the conven- 
tion on the side of those who represented old- 
fashioned Democracy, would have been nomi- 
nated for the Vice- Presidency by an overwhelm- 
ing majority if he had not refused to take the 
place. Mr. Stev^enson, of Illinois, who was 
elected Vice-President in 1892 on the ticket with 
Mr. Cleveland, was finally selected as a compro- 
mise candidate. He is not, however, a strict 
conservative. For a number of years, indeed, he 

has been regarded as in sympathy with the views 
that are sumnied up in the word *' Bryanism.'' 
It was as a pro-silver Democrat that he was ap- 
pointed by President McKinley in 1897 as a mem- 
ber of the commission of whicli Senator Wolcott, 
of Colorado, was chairman to visit Europe in tlie 
interests of bimetallism. Of Mr. Stevenson's per- 
sonality and career, we shall present a more ex- 
tended account next month. 

The Double 

Meanwliile, Mr. Bryan finds himself 
now, as four years ago, in association 
with two candidates for the Vice- 
Presidency. Our readers must remember that 
the situation is complicated by the fact that citi- 
zens do not vote directly for Presidential and 
Vice-Presidential nominees, but for groups of 
electors. In order to make their votes count for 
the common end of promoting the election of 
Bryan, Democrats and Populists must in each 
State unite on a common electoral ticket. Tliis 


(Populist nominee for the Vice-Presidency.) 

makes it difficult in the extreme to have two can- 
didates for the Vice • Presidency. Mr. Bryan's 
programme sliould have V)een accepted as a logi- 
cal whole at Kansas City, or else the convention 
should have acted on its own initiative from be- 
ginning to end. If the convention had shown 
the courage of its real convictions, it would have 



carried the fight on the silver plank from the 
resolutions conunittee to the floor of the conven- 
tion hall, and voted to postpone the coinage ques- 
tion for four years. Since, however, the con- 
vention accepted Mr. Bryan's silver plank, it 
ought, in consistency and good policy, to have 
made Mr. Towne the Vice Presidential nominee. 
The outcome has encouraged the so-called Mid 
die of the Road Populists, whose nominees are 
Mr. Wharton Barker, of Philadelphia, and Mr. 
Ignatius Donnelly, of Minnesota. This organi- 
zation is now exerting itself to the utmost to 
draw away Populistic votes from the support of 
Bryan and Stevenson. There are two or three 
other less important Presidential tickets in the 
field ; and of these we shall make more extended 
note in a subsequent number of the Review. 

The silver question, to resume our 
^w QenVraT ^liscussion, is SO intensely practical 

that the many other issues set forth 
in the Democi-atic platform become, in compari- 
son, merely academic and incidental. The con- 
vention was enthusiastic and its philippics were 
fierce. Xevertheless, the natural feeling of the 
country is that the opinions of a free-silver party 
on any other subject than the currency are ir- 
relevant. If, indeed, the Democrats believe that 
" the very existence of the republic and the de- 
struction of our free institutions'' are involved 
in •^the burning issue of imperialism growing 
out of the Spanish War,' why should they have 
chosen this occasion to thrust the silver issue 
u[)on the country ? They will not find it easier, 
as the campaign progresses, to answer this simple 
query. Ti;e platform antagonizes, in the most 
dii*ect way, the Republican doctrine that the Con- 
stitution does not of its own force and vigor ex- 
tend to the territories. Presi<ient McKinley and 
the Republicans in general emphatically deny the 
principle that '* the Constitution follows the flag." 
The issue involved in this question alone is great 
enough, in view of our existing situation, to hold 
the central place in a national campaign. 

The platform demands the prompt 
Cuban and honest fulfillment of our pledge 
Question. ^^ ^^^^ Cuban people, and arraigns 
the Republican administration for maintaining 
** carpet-bag officials '' in that island, and holding 
on to an occupation that is no longer necessary. 
This plank is thoroughly unfair. It is not true 
that we have been holding on in Cuba for a long 
time after the restoration of order. We have 
been preparing, at a marvelously rapid rate, for 
evacuation. By the terms of the peace treaty, 
the Spaniards in Cuba were accorded a year in 
which to make final choice of allegiance. That 

year ended only about three months ago. Mean- 
while, we had taken a census and prepared for a 
voting- roll. Already almost all the officials in 
the island are Cubans. We have been doing 
everything humanly possible to create home rule 
in municipal and local government, and to pre- 
pare the way ♦for Cuban home rule on the larger 
plane. Governor- General Wood and those as- 
sociated witli him are carrying on their work 
with remarkable skill and in a strictly non- 
partisan way. Should we be able to withdraw 
from Cuba at the end of another year, we shall 
have completed our work of restoration and 
guardianship there in a shorter time than any 
reasonable person acquainted with the situation 
could ever have supposed to be possible. The 
Democratic convention was guilty of a ridiculous 
and disgraceful aspersion upon the good faith of 
the people of the United States when it put the 
following statement into its platform : 

The war ended nearly two years ago, profound peace 
reigns over all the island, and still the administration 
keeps the government of the island from its people, 
while Republican carpet-bag officials plunder its reve- 
nues and exploit the colonial theory to the disgrace of 
the American people. 

The only real danger is that the reluctance of 
the administration to endure such taunts and 
unjust criticisms will lead to our premature re- 
tirement from an island which, in its present 
state, needs exactly, the kind of steady assistance 
that its institutional life is now receiving. What 
our people are doing, for example, to create a 
common -school system in Cuba is of priceless 
value to the people of the island ; and it would 
be disastrous to have it stopped at just the pres- 
ent stage. We have been unfortunate in a few of 
the men we have sent there ; but the adminis- 
tration has shown no disposition to shield rascals. 
The Cuban postal scandal is the exception that 
proves the rule. The fifteen hundred Cuban 
school teachers at Cambridge, Mass. , last month ; 
the marvelously improved sanitary condition of 
Havana, and a dozen other items of similar 
importance that are to the credit of our Cuban 
administrators, sufficiently answer the charges 
that were preferred at Kansas City last month. 

The Philippine question is brilliantly 

Philippine and strongly stated in the Democratic 

Question, platform. The following paragraphs 

contain by far the ablest and most convincing 

statement that has l)een made, so far as we are 

aware, in opposilicm to our present policy : 

We condemn and denounce the Philippine policy of 
the present administration. It has embroiled the re- 
public in an unnecessary war. sacriflceil the lives of 
many of its noblest sons, and placed the United States, 



previously known and applauded throughout the world 
as the champion of freedom, in the false and un-Ameri- 
can position of crushing with milit-ary force the eflPorts 
of our former allies to achieve liberty and self-govern- 
ment. The Filipinos cannot be citizens without en- 
dangering our civilization ; they cannot be subjects 
without imperiling our form of government, and as we 
are not willing to surrender our civilization or to con- 
vert the republic into an empire, we favor an imme- 
diate declaration of the nation's purpose to give to the 
Filipinos : first, a stable form of government ; second, 
independence ; and, third, protection from outside in- 
terference, such as has been given for nearly a century 
to the republics of Central and South America. 

The greedy commercialism which dictated the Philip- 
pine policy of the Republican administration attempts 
to justify it with the plea that it will pay ; but even 
this sordid and unworthy plea fails when brought to 
the test of facts. The war of "criminal aggression" 
against the Filipino!^ entailing an annual expense of 
many millions, has already cost more than any possible 
profit that could accrue from the entire Philippine trade 
for years to come. Furthermore, when trade is ex- 
tended at the expense of libertj^, the price is always 
too high. 

We are not opposed to territorial expansion when it 
takes in desirable territory which can be erected into 
States in the Union, and whose people are willing and 
fit to become American citizens. We favor trade ex- 
pansion by every peaceful and legitimate means. But 
we are unalterably opposed to the seizing or purchas- 
ing of distant islands to be governed outside the Con- 
stitution and whose people can never become citizens. 

The platform might fairly have gone 
/ ^**/i?*"// f^i't^i^r ^^ pointing out the great force 

of young Americans now in the distant 
Philippines, and in exploiting the opinion of our 
generals that we will hove to keep at least 40,000 
men there for several years to come. The Re- 
publican reply to all this, of course, must be that 
the country has attempted step by step to meet 
its responsibilities ; and that wliile it does not 
enjoy warfare and bloodshed in the Philippines 
or anywhere else, there could be nothing but dis- 
honor and disgrace in the withdrawal from a task 
which has already been carried tii rough its worst 
stages. The news from the Philippines is not 
altogether disheartening. There is a good deal 
of evidence to show that the country is quieting 
down and reverting to normal conditions. On 
that point we have direct private advices received 
late in July which lead us to believe that with a 
reasonable amount of wisdom the problem of 
complete pacification in the Philii^pines ought not 
henceforth to be one involving extraordinary dif- 
ficulty. On June LM, General MacArthur pro- 
mulgated an amnesty proclamation at Manila, un- 
der which a good many Filipino lea<lers have 
accepted the authority of the United States. 
Gen. Pio del Pilar, tor example, is now working 
harmoniously witli tlie American authorities, and 
has been traveling through outlying provinces 

persuading the armed insurgents to accept the 
amnesty terms. It is declared at Washington 
that documents have been captured which show 
conclusively that Aguinaldo's plan was to keep 
the insurgent movement alive during the pend- 
ing Presidential campaign, with the idea that a 
Democratic victory would mean the full triumph 
of the Filipino cause. The insurgent movement 
has disintegrated ; and if American administra- 
tors show as much good judgment as English - 

. ^"^S 



Columbia: ** Come, let's be friends." 
From the Times (Minneapolis). 

men, for example, would be likely to show under 
the same circumstances, another three yeare ought 
to see the Philippine Islands in a condition of 
contentment and prosperity unknown in the pre- 
vious history of the archipelago. 

In their platform adopted at Phila- 
" >liif/- rrM*< " delphia, the Republicans, after admit- 
Planks, ^^^^ ,,^|^^ propriety of the honest 
cooperation of capital to meet new business con- 
ditions," proceeded as follows : 

But we condemn all conspiracies and combinations 
intended to restrict busineSvS, to create monopolies, to 
limit production, or to control prices, and favor such 
legislation as will effectively restrain and prevent all 
such abuses, protect and promote competition, and se- 
cure the rights of producers, laborers, and all who are 
engaged in industrj' and commerce. 

The Democrats at Kansas City were far more 
explicit and detailed in their condemnation of 
monopolies and trusts ; but they also took pains 
to say that ** corporations should be protected in 



all their rights, and tlieir legitimate interests 
should be respected." A considerable part of 
this Democratic plank is devoted to assertions 
that the Republican administration protects trusts 
"in return for campaign subscriptions and po- 
litical support." It also attacks the Dingley 
tariff law as a ** trust-breeding measure." But 
its principal claim to attention lies in its demand 
that the laws should provide for ♦* publicity as to 
the affairs of corporations engaged in interstate 
commerce," and should require 

all corporations to show before doing business outside 
of the State of their origin that they have no water in 
their stock, and that they have not attempted, and are 
not attempting, to monopolize any branch of business 
or the production of any articles of merchandise, and 
the whole constitutional power of Cong^ress over inter- 
state commerce, the mails, and ail modes of interstate 
communication shall be exercised by the enactment of 
comprehensive laws upon the subject of trusts. 

Apart from the more explicit remedies pointed 
out by the Democrats, the two platforms show 
very much the same attitude toward the trusts. 
The question will have some part, doubtless, in 
the campaign, and it will be generally thought 
that the Democratic hostility to trusts is more 
genuine and deep-rooted than that of the Re- 
publicans. Nevertheless, the subject is not tak- 
ing on decided shape as a party issue, and does 
not promise to become very conspicuous in the 
camp>aign, unless it shall appear that the trusts 
are themselves taking too much part in politics 
on one side or the other. 

TruMt Fortunately, the discussion of the 
and the trusts is taking a somewhat cooler 
Pubtic Mind, ^qj^q People are beginning to ex- 
press judgments instead of fears ; and, as is usual, 
the knowledge which is the basis of judgment is 
dispelling fear. It is not that knowledge of the 
trusts shows them to be harmless ; — quite the con- 
trary. But it shows how to check the evil. 
Twelve or fifteen years ago, investigations by 
Congress and sev^eral of the State legislatures 
disclosed the criminal relations between the rail- 
roads and some of the great trusts, which at that 
time were technically trusts in legal, or, as it 
proved, illegal form. The interstate commerce 
act, and a plentiful crop of statutes aimed at 
*• trusts," whose real nature the legislators did not 
understand, followed as a first result of the peo- 
ple's fear. The trusts, under the pressure of 
statutes and courts, changed tlieir form ; but their 
methods and effects remained unchanged. The 
financial crisis of 1893, followed by the period of 
depression of the three or four years following, 
naturally led business men to seek in every way 
possible to save expense. It was soon learned 

that much could be saved by combination. 
The flush times beginning three or four years 
ago, with the large stock of capital lying idle for 
investment, naturally gave a great impulse to the 
movement toward consolidation. Speculation, 
which always is one product of prosperous days, 
stimulated the movement still more. The pro- 
moter saw his opportunity, the private bankei-s 
saw theirs. These influences acting together 
gave us the great crop of combinations of a year 
ago, with their reckless and pernicious stock- 
watering. People noted that companies were 
formed with capital stock amounting to 18550,000, - 
000, $100,000,000, $200,000,000, the total run- 
ning high into the billions. They did not reflect 
that a large part of this capitalization was merely 
existing capitalization in changed form ; that the 
birth of a new << trust " meant, usually, the death 
of one or of several other corporations. Their 
ignorance, in consequence, greatly magnified the 
facts. But the facts were bad enough. The 
banks soon learned them ; they refused to float 
♦'industrials," unless real capital was back of 
them; and before the •» scare" had reached its 
worst, a partial remedy for the real evil had 
begun to work. 

From the ^^^ * Campaign was approaching. A 
Political scare could be used to advantage. 
Standpoint. Moreover, there was a real foundation 
for effort to correct genuine evil — great good 
fortune fcM* the politician. The result has been, 
first, another large crop of statutes, sprung like 
the earlier ones from ignorance and fear, and a 
real evil that needed correction. Meanwhile, 
there was accumulating true information to serve 
as a basis for judgment. The evils had attracted 
the attention of scholars, here and abroad ; for 
like phenomena appeared all over the civilized 
world. Several careful studies had been made 
pointing out causes, savings, the real sources of 
evil. The United States Industrial Commission 
began its hearings at Washington, which showed 
that many of the evils were imaginary, but 
showed where many of tlie serious evils lay. In 
January, Governor Roosevelt, in his annual mes- 
sage, pointed out briefly just what the evils are, 
so far as they have yet appeared ; just how much 
of the fear was groundless, and indicated when* 
the remedy was to be found. Of course, all 
these things had been touched here and there be- 
fore. But this message was the first state paper 
to analyze the subject intelligently, and to ex- 
plain just what the remedy of publicity meant 
and what it would do. Governor Roosevelt 
indicated also the limits of the service that can 
be rendered by present laws, and suggested what 
may yet be done by taxation or other means. 



The report of the Industrial Commission, based 
on even a more thorough study, was to the same 
effect, but went more into detail in some lines, 
and especially called up again the evils of rail- 
road discriminations. The people are beginning 
to understand the situation better. Few people 
now want to injure legitimate corporations, or 
capital honestly invested and managed. All 
really puV)lic- spirited men, Republicans and Demo- 
crats alike, wish to stop the many real, evils 
of the corporations. Indeed, the essential prin- 
ciples of Governor Roosevelt's message and Mr. 
Bryan's Chicago address run much along the 
same lines, widely variant as are the specific reme- 
dies suggested. The people, too, will learn much 
this summer. There is ground for hope that, 
after the election fever is over, we shall get some 
sensible legislation next winter. The chief ob- 
stacles in the way will be — (1) the corporations 
whose secret powers need a real check which will 
not be welcome to such as are not run on the 
soundest business principles; and (2) those people 
wdio will still, in their ignorance, not be content 
with destroying evils, but who will try to curb 
corporations in some foolish way, with the result 
that, if they were to succeed, no honest, law-abid- 
ing citizen could well become a director of a 

Th B r In '^^^^ demands of the Chinese situa- 
Guerriiia War- tion have not allowed England to abate 
"^'"'*' a single particle of the effort and 
energy still needed in the South African War. 
The Boers are using with fearful effect the tac- 
tics so skillfully employed by General Gomez in 
C'uba. The two situations now present some- 
wiiat curious parallels. The Spaniards had about 
200,000 troops in Cuba, and Lord Roberts com- 
mands a similar number in South Africa. The 
Cubans fought no pitched battles, but used guer- 
rilla methods almost entirely, operating from the 
hills and liolding no towns of importance. The 
Boers no longer hold the towns ; they fight 
no regular battles, but show amazing daring 
and mobility as guerrillas. Following the ex- 
ample of Gomez, they also are allowing the 
climate to play havoc with their adversaries. 
The recent reports of sickness and deaths from 
fevers among the British troops are horrible. 
The scandals in tiie medical and hospital service 
are even worse, if possible, than those in our 
own army which so shocked the American people 
two years ago. The statistics of death and dis- 
ease in the South African army, as reported by 
the war office at London, are confusmg ; but 
there seems at least nothing ambiguous in the 
statement of Mr. AVyndham, untler secretary of 
war, to the House of Commons, on July 19, that 

30,758 officers and men had been invalided home 
from South Africa since the beginning of the 
war. The number of deaths from all causes, 
since hostilities began last October, is not de- 
ducible by us from the war office statistics. 

The Boers, in spite of English opinion 

In the that the war is practically ended, are 

African News g^j^ ^^ i^^^^ ^^^^^ artillery now than 

at the beginning of the contest, their captures of 
guns having been more numerous than their 
losses. It is estimated by experts that the Boers 
can hold out for from one to two years longer, 
and that in doing so they can subject the British 
not only to a continuance of the present heavy 
war expenditures, but also to a further fearful 
loss of life. About the middle of July, the Boers 
manifested remarkable activity within a few miles 
of Pretoria. Among other achievements they 
surprised the British garrison at Nitrals Nek, on 
the 11th, and captured two guns and about 200 
troops. General Botha's movements were inces- 
sant, and his series of small successes gave fresh 
hope to his followers. Meanwhile, General De 
Wet had continued to draw attention to his opera- 
tions in the mountainous region in the northeast- 
ern part of the Orange Free State — or perhaps 
we must now say the Orange River Colony, that 
being the new name the British have given 
to this annexed republic. The chief object of 
General Roberts last month was the capture of 
General De AVet's force ; and, in pursuance of 
this end, converging columns were sent from dif- 
ferent points. At the beginning of July, 35,000 
British troops were arranged in a series of neigh- 
boring camps in that region. On the 3d of 
July, the Boers were driven out of Vrede, from 
which Steyn's government officials had previously 
removed to Bethlehem. 





Four days later Bethlehem was captured by the 
British, who attacked tlie place in two columns, 
General Paget being in command of the Munster 
Fusiliers and the Yorkshire Regiment, and Gen- 
eral Clements of the Royal Irish Regiment. The 
possession of Bethlehem is of much importance 
to the British, inasmuch as it gives them control 
of the head of the railway to Ladysmith through 
the Van Reenan Pass. Before the capture of 
the town, President Steyn had fled to Fouries- 
burg, fifteen miles northeast of Ficksburg. Not- 
withstanding the efforts to hem in the Boers, 
1,500 of them, with five guns, broke through 
the cordon between Bethlehem and Ficksburg 
on July 17, and struck out in the direction of 
Lindley. Whether or not General De Wet 
would again return to a point of safety, or would 
meet his Paardeberg, remained to be seen. In 
Cape Colony, where Sir Gordon Sprigg is now 
at the head of a new cabinet which has replaced 
the Dutch ministry of Mr. Schreiner, they are 
beginning to get ready in a grim fashion to try 
some hundreds of thousands of burghers for the 
crime of treason. There are several valid and 
practical reasons why it would l^e judicious to 
postpone, so far as possible, these treason trials 
until the Boers have been more completely sub- 
jugated. It is more important to consider the 
future harmony of races in South Africa than 
to look with too severe scrutiny into the past 
loyalty of the Cape Colony burghers. 

The Boer The Boer delegates, who had spent 
/« American some weeks in the United States, re- 

/»o//t/w. turned to Europe early in July. They 
expressed themselves as well satisfied with their 
reception in this country. In our opinion, they 
had been remarkably successful in the efforts 
they made to secure the recognition of their 
cause in the platforms of the two great parties. 
Il way known in advance that the Democrats 
would express, as they actually did, their " sym- 
pathies to the heroic burgiiers in their unequal 
struggle to maintain their liberty and independ- 

ence." While viewing "with indignation the 
purpose of England to overwhelm with force the 
South African republics," the Democrats did not 
intimate that there was anything that we could 
do about it. The Republican party at Philadel- 
phia really went a great deal farther. It indorsed 
the action that had been taken * * when President 
McKinley tendered his friendly offices in the in- 
terests of peace between Great Britain and the 
South African republics." Further than that, it 
declared thai * ' the American people earnestly 
liope that a way may soon be found, honorable 
alike to both contending parties, to terminate the 
strife between them." The significance of this 
lies in the fact that, although this plank had been 
inspected by high official authority at Washing- 
ton, it pointedly refers to the conflict as one be- 
tween sovereign nations, declines to recognize 
the British annexation of the Orange Free State, 
and declares American sentiment to demand a 
solution radically opposite to that which Lord 
Salisbury had already announced as the only one 
that England would consider. If the language 
of party platforms means anything, Englishmen 
must now understand that American public opin- 
ion in both great political parties alike explicitly 
disapproves of England's proposition to deprive 
the two Boer republics of their status as separate 
and independent nations. 


The formal notification of the Demo- 
Campailin cratic Candidates will not take place 
f^otea. ^^ their respective homes, but at 
Indianapolis, on August 8, where Mr. Bryan and 
Mr. Stevenson will meet the notification commit- 
tee, and where their campaign will have its 
formal opening. The Republican campaign may 
he said to have had its initiation with the vigor- 
ous and aggressive speech of Governor Roose- 
velt at tlie meeting of the National League 
of Republican Clubs, at St. Paul, Minn., on 
July 17. Mr. Roosevelt is evidently going to be 
the chief platform figure of the Republican party 
this year, even as Mr. Bryan iiimself will be the 



Copyriifhi. 1900. l>y Charlci Culver Johnson. 


principal speaker on the Democratic side. It is 
cliaracteristic of Roosevelt that he develops ex- 
traordinary talent for any kind of work upon 
which he concentrates his efforts. We venture to 
say that the secret of it lies not so much in his 
versatility as in his unimpaired vigor and his ac- 
quired power of complete devotion to the thing 
in hand. A few years ago it was thought that 
he could not speak at all. Now the Republicans 
are seriously proposing to match liim as a plat- 
form orator against Sir. Bryan. We publish 
elsewhere an article about Mr. Roosevelt's work 

as governor, written from 
full knowledge, and another 
article (by Mr. Jacob A. 
Riis) throwing much inter- 
esting and attractive light 
upon Roosevelt's character- 
istics as a man and a pub- 
lic servant. President Mc- 
Kinley and Mr. Roosevelt 
had received the customary 
formal notification of their 
nominations on July 12 at 
Canton, Ohio, and Oyster 
Bay, New York, respec- 
tively. Mr. McKinley's 
speech on that occasion 
was, in our opinion, a de- 
c i d e d 1 y better and more 
symmetncal statement of 
•the actual Republican posi- 
tion than had been pre- 
pared by the platform- 
makers at Philadelphia. 
Few men in public life are 
able to express things so 
pereuasively as William 
M c K i n 1 e y . He availed 
himself of the opportunity 
given by the Democratic 
platform to bring the 1 6-to- 
1 issue into its due promi- 
nence. While most of the 
leaders of the Gold Democ- 
racy that promoted the Pal- 
mer-Buckner ticket in 1896 
are going to support Mc- 
Kinley and Roosevelt this 
year, there remain some 
former Democrats who can 
countenance neither Mr. Mc- 
Kinley's *' imperialism" 
nor Mr. Bryan's money 
plank. There has been 
called for August 15, to 
meet at Indianapolis, the 
so-called Lil>erty Congress, 
and on that occasion an attempt will be made to 
put a third ticket in the field. It will be time 
next month for us to make some note of the as- 
pects of the various State campaigns. Suffice it 
to say that it now seems probable that Mr. B .B. 
Odell, chairman of the Republican State Commit- 
tee, will be nominated by the Republicans to suc- 
ceed Roosevelt as governor of New York. Mr. 
Perry S. Heath has resigned his position 'as first 
assistant post master -general to take a very active 
part in the Republican campaign as secretary of 
the National Committee. 



_ Our immediate concern, as Ameri- 

Situation cans, with the situation in Cliina has 
/« China, ^j^iy ^Q Jq ^-j^j^ ^Yie relief of such of 

our fellow-citizens as it may be possible to 
rescue. It is no part of our business to help 
conquer the Chinese ; and much less is it likely 
to devolve upon us to help govern their country, 
or any part of it, in the future. The peril of 
Europeans in China has been brought about in 
great part by the outrageous encroachments of 
European governments. It was almost inevitable 
that, sooner or later, there must be a revolution- 
ary reaction in Cliina against foreigners and their 
innovations. Nothing could well be more worthy 
of stinging rebuke than the recent insolence of 
unscrupulous politicians — Lord Salisbury him- 
self inchided — towards missionaries and their 
work in (Jriental-countries. There are two classes 
of people who criticise missionaries — the one class 
being made up of people who know nothing about 
missionary work, an«l the other of those who are 
seeking scapegoats for their own misdeeds. It 
was inevitable that China, like Japan, should 
imbibe modern ideas. The Chinese, though pos- 
sesseil of an ancient and elaborate civilization, 
were unprogressive. They were destined, by 
contact with the energetic and inventive men of 
otlier nations, to experience an awakening. Of 
all forerunners of Western ideas as to the mean- 
ing and value of life, the true principles of edu- 
cation, and the nature of individual and racial 
progress, the missionaries have been incompara- 
bly the best. 

So far as American missionaries are 
HissionarUt. Concerned, it is not in the least true 

to say that they have been merely 
trying to make Anglo-Saxon Presbyterians or 
Methodists out of men of Mongolian blood and 
instinct. There are some essentials of the high- 
est civilization that we understand better than 

do the Orientals ; and among these are the 
proper care of the health of children, the honor 
and respect due in the family to women, the so- 
cial value of truth an<l honesty. And there are 
other principles at the root of our civilization, 
quite apart from dogmatic theologies on the one 
hand, or steam-power and industrial organization 
on the other, that make us to some extent supe- 
rior. It was not English missionaries who brought 
England's infamous opium war upon China ; nor 
was it German missionaries who persuaded the 
Emperor William and his government to seize a 
Chinese seaport, and assume control of a great 
province on the pretext of compensation for the 
death of one or two missionaries at the hands of a 
mob. The United States has, for more than. half 
a century, been honorably represented in China by 
men engaged in the missionary service — men 
whose admirable methods and rare tact have 
done more than anything else to promote good 
relations between this country and the great 
Chinese empire. If henceforth, however, in 
view of their deeply aroused bitterness against 
all foreigners, the Chinese will not tolerate mis- 
sionary work from any outside source, it will not 
be the business of the United States Govern- 
ment to propagate Christianity at the point of the 

The ' ^^® ^^*^® ^®^ ^P arbitrary though 
American needful rules to prevent the Chinese 
Attitude, flocking to this country, and we must 
not be too greatly surprised at the temporary 
dominance of the anti - foreign movement in 
China. Our government has in most respects 
shown a sense of fairness and consideration 
toward China that has distinguished us above all 
other great nations. We must, however, suffer in 
common with others for an uprising which we 
have done nothing to provoke. Unquestionably, 
our government will do what it can to rescue 





Americans who are in peril. In doing this it 
will not stand upon technicalities of international 
law that do not apply to the situation. It would 
be senseless to endeavor to inflict punishment, in 
a spirit of revenge, upon people who are in no 
way guilty. A majority of the Chinese provinces 
have had no concern in the revolution ; and the 
indiscriminate slaughter of Chinamen by way of 
reprisals can have no encouragement either from 
our government or from the public opinion of 
our country. It is extremely unfortunate that 
European jealousies should have stood in the way 
of a prompt release of the foreigners in Peking. 
The Japanese, but for Russia's reluctance to con- 
sent, might readily have sent a sufficient army to 
Peking to protect the diplomatic representatives 
of the different foreign nations. 

We publish elsewhere an excellent 
Qenerai review of the Chinese crisis from the 
Remarks, ^^ ^f ^[^ Stephen Bonsai, who rep- 
resented us some years ago as first secretary of 
legation and charge d'affaires at Peking, and 
who has exceptionally good knowledge of the 
problems of the far East. The international 
situation, as we go to press, is too complicated as 
well as too uncertain to justify the drawing of 
conclusions this month. Happenings on the bor- 
der-line between Siberia and China's northern 
Province of Manchuria are shrouded in obscurity 
as yet, and newspaper rumors must be discounted. 


England's position, like that of the United States, 
up to the present time has been that of a nation 
by no means disposed to enter upon formal war- 
fare against China, but merely anxious to render 
a due and proportionate share of cooperation in 
the work of 
rel ie ving 
and aiding 
to restore or- 
der at Pe- 
king. J a - 
pan, by 
reason of 
and other 
obvious nat- 
ural advan- 
tages, agrees 
to furnish 
the greater 
part of the 
Our own 
will embroil 
itself just as 
little as pos- 
sible in this 

grave and difficult business; but, on the other hand, 
it will dare to do its duty. Men who think more 
highly of their country than of petty politics will 
be careful not to criticise what our government is 
doing in China — that is, from a party standpoint, 
for the purposes of the pending campaign. The 
situation in China has scarcely anything to do 
with our being in the Philippin€*s. Incidentally, 
it may be said that our possession of Manila 
gives us a base of our own from which we c^m, 
more conveniently than would otherwise have 
been the case, manage to provide our quota of 
warships and soldiery for the international police 
work in China that to a certain extent faJls to 
our lot. It is to be noted, furthermore, that our 
position in the Philippines must add something, 
in the minds of European statesmen, to the forct^ 
of the American disapproval of the plan of par- 
celing out China among the European powers. 

China's Future ^^^ ^^^ present, at least, it will con- 
tnd the '\y el- iinne to be the prevailing opinion 
low Ps^rii. ^1 Americans that the Chinese ought 
to have an independent political future^ of their 
own, and that they ought to be so treated by 
other nations as to make it unlikely that their 
awakening and progress shall be a menace V> 
the nations of Euro^ie. We hear and read a 


(In command of our naval forces in Chi- 
nese waters.) 



great deal about the so- 
called ** yellow peril ;" but 
400,000/000 Chinamen are 
altogether too numerous to 
hi^ killed off. And noth- 
ing would so surely make 
soldiers of them all, and 
make them a deadly danger 
to Europe, as the policy of 
carrying fire and sword into 
their country. Theslaugh- 
ttM* of a million Chinamen 
would not perceptibly di- 
minish the population ; but 
it would quite suffice to 
aruuse in China a spirit of 
militarism which might 
mean, within ten or fifteen 
years, a force of 40,000,000 
< 'hinamen armed with re- 
jH-ating- rifles, machine-guns 
and rifled cannon, and able 
to shoot with accuracy. The opinion tliat the Chi- 
nese are poor stuff out of w^hich to make soldiers 
has always been denied by the best experts, and 
it has been abandoned by everybody within the 
])ast month, which has brought them face to 
face with the seasoned soldiers of Europe and 
America, well equipped with modern weapons. 
The best way, m short, to prevent the Chi- 
nese from becoming a terrible menace to Eu- 
r<»{>e is to interfere with them just as little as 
possible, and to allow them to adopt Western 
-customs and inventions, more slo^dy or more 
rapidly, as they may choose. Their best men- 
tors will probably be the progressive Japanese. 
The nucleus of progress, meanwliile, in China 
must be the great and growing element of the 
Chinese themselves known as the reform party. 


(Bombarded and captured by the allies.) * 

The idea of checking the military development 
of China by an international agreement not to 
sell modern firearms to tlie Chinsse is purely 
visionary. The only way to stop the sale of fire- 
arms to the Chinese will be for all countries to 
make a strictly governmental monopoly of the 
business of manufacturing and selling imple- 
ments of warfare. So long as rifles are articles 
of private manufacture and of ordinary com- 
merce, there is no way by which their ultimate 
destination can be controlled. Moreover, the 
Chinese are highly skilled workmen, who, if 
necessary, would soon learn to make all kinds of 
improved firearms in adequate quantities for 
themselves. In fact, they already have govern- 
mental gun factories that can do first-rate work. 
The best way for Europe to avert the * * yellow 


(Tientsin is the port for Peking.) 




peril " is to treat the Cliinaman as a man and a 
brother. As "to the immediate crisis, further- 
more, it is well to withhold judgment until 
authentic news can be had. 

Armies ^^ ^^ fortuuate for the sensibilities of 
Heading/or the civilized world that the actual 
the East, qqi^y^q q( events in China can only be 
guessed from the bewildering succession of con- 
tradictory reports that have been served up from 
Shanghai daily since the Review of Reviews 
went to press last month. At that time Admiral 
Seymour's force of English, Russian, German, 
American, French, and Japanese troops sent out 
to the relief of the legations was evidently in 
trouble somewhere between Tientsin and Pe- 
king. On June 26, the expedition returned to 
Tientsin. It had failed to come within twenty- 
five miles of Peking, had lost nearly 300 men in 
battle with comparatively enormous masses of 
Chinese insurgents and soldiers, and thought 
itself lucky to escape annihilation. Seymour's 
failure brought to the world the first realization 
of the overwhelming nature of the trouble. 
Gen. A. R. Chaffee was at once ordered to go 
from Manila to China to take command of the 
American troops tliere ; 0,300 troops destined 
for the Philippines were ordered to proceed to 
China instead, in addition to the Ninth Regi- 
ment, sent from Manila ; and preparations are 
being made by Secretary Root to make the 
United States force in China number 15,000 as 
soon as the remainder can be recruited and 

equipped. Great Britain contributed 10,000 
troops from India, Germany prepared to send 
15,000, Japan and Prance provided for heavy 
reinforcements, and Italy dispatched three war- 
ships and 3,200 men to the East. On the 
28th came the bad news that our famous bat 
tleship, the Orefjon, en route for China, had 
run ashore on an island in the Gulf of Pechili ; 
but a week later she was saved with no damages 
that could not be hastily repaired in the Japanese 
dry dock at Kure. Notwithstanding the rapidity 
of the conflagration, by the middle of July the 



fUihufs 1 

Courtesy (.f the Timt%. New York. 







r ' 'it 



(British Ambassador at Peking.) 

powers had assembled at Taku and Tientsin a 
force of about 30,000 troops, of which 5,500 
were Russians, 20,000 Japanese, 2,600 British, 
1,400 Americans, 1,000 Germans, and the re- 
mainder Austrians and Italians, while more than 
twice this number of European soldiers were pre- 
paring for Chinese service. 

In the meantime, Chinese troops, 
\tirJti by consisting of soldiers in the regular 
tktAiitms, army as well as Boxers, attacked the 
allies in Tientsin. On July 2, the women and 
children were sent away, and for the following 
ten days the Chinese bombarded the foreign set- 
tlement. On July 9, 11, and 13, there were 
heavy engagements. On the last date, Colonel 
Liscum, of the Ninth U. S. Regiment, was killed 
in an unsuccessful attempt of the allied forces to 
storm the native city of Tientsin. Next day the 
native forts were finally captured by the allies, 
with a total loss of about 875 men, of whom 215 
were Americans. Doubtless the successful oppo- 
sition to Admiral Seymour's relief force and the 
heavy loss inflicted on the allies at Tientsin oper- 
ated to encourage the further spread of the anti- 
foreign movement. The insurrection appeared in 
Southern Manchuria, and the Catholic missions 
in Shantung were destroyed, with wholesale mas- 
sacres of foreigrners and native converts. Even 
more ominous were reports of the killing of mis- 

sionaries in the populous Yangtse Valley, far to 
the south. To the north, even Korea was infected 
with the Boxer craze ; and finally there came 
word, on July 15, that a Chinese force had in- 
vaded Russian territory and bombarded Blago- 
ventschensk, the capital of the Russian Province 
of Amur. Two days later Russia declared thar 
a state of war existed in certain districts of this 
province, where the rioters had destroyed the 
railroads and murdered Russian officials and 


(Killed in the assault on Tient»in.) 
^^ , , As late as July 21 there Was no really 

Wholesale , ,. "^ - i. ^ , "^ 

Slaughter authentic ucws of any of the happen- 
in Peking. |^^g ^^ ^^le past month in Peking; 
— not even of the fate of the legations and 
their guards. The world's capacity for horror 
will scarcely suffice to do justice to a final con- 
firmation of the numberless rumors of the tor- 
ture and massacre — after they had shot their 
women and children — of all the Europeans in 
the capital. The United States Consul-General 
at Shanghai reported, on July 3, that two lega- 
tions were still standing in Peking; but he added 
that the Emperor and Em press- Dowager were 
prisoners in the palace, and that Prince Tuan 
and his Boxer soldiers were in control of every- 
thing. Prince Tuan, the father of the heir- 
a{)parent to the Chinese throne, is consistently 
descril>ed in all the reports from China as the 
relentless and savage enemy of the foreigners, 
who have, according to the same report, found a 
friend in Prince Ching. Accord in tjf to the reports 



from Shanghai, on July 6 the Boxers, includ- 
ing their members among the Imperial troops, 
opened fire with artillery on the British Lega- 
tion, to which the foreign residents of Peking 
and the legation guards had betaken themselves. 
The Shanghai story says that on the following 
day Prince Tuan's forces, aided by the Chinese 
(General Tung Fuh Siang, overcame the defense 
of Prince Ching and his followers, battered down 
the legation walls with cannon, and put every 
foreigner to the sword in a debauch of unspeak- 
able atrocities. At this writing there exists little 
ground for hope that this, or something like it, 
has not occurred. As early as June 24, Sir 
Robert Hart, the veteran conmiissioner of mari- 
time customs, a man of iron nerve, possessing 
an unparalled influence with the Chinese, sent 
out a note by a trusted runner, saying that the 
situation was desperate, and begging for imme- 
diate aid. On July 11 an Impei-ial decree pur- 
porting to come from Peking was given to the 
world by the Chinese foreign ministers. It 
admitted the earlier assassination of Baron von 
Ketteler, the German minister. This Peking 
decree, the only official statement of the Chinese 
(xovernment's position that has been made, ac- 
cuses the allied fleets of beginning the fight that 
ended with the capture of Taku, and promises to 
make every effort to protect the lives and prop- 
erty of foreigners from the so-called insurgents. 
The United States and France gave the Chinese 
ministers in Washington and Paris, respectively, 
cipher messages to be transmitted to their en- 
voys in Peking ; and on July 20, a week after 


(It was in this structure that aU the'forelKners in Peking took refuge from Prince 

Tuan*s forces.) 


(From his latest photograph.) 

these inquiries were sent, a cipher message was 
received by Secretary Hay from Minister Conger, 
as follows : ** In British Legation. Under con- 
tinued shot and shell from Chinese troops. Quick 
relief only can prevent general massacre." Un- 
fortunately, this message was itself undated; and 
though in the firet flush of relief at an evidently 
genuine communication from Mr. Conger, there 
was a general acceptance of 
the theory that it was an an- 
swer to Secretary Hay's in- 
quiry, all the evidence made 
public at the time of our go- 
ing to press went to show that 
the cablegram was a long- 
delayed message, which was 
probably sent in the last 
days of June. Whoever was 
in power at Peking sum- 
moned Viceroy Li H ung 
Chang to the capital, and the 
old earl proceeded thence 
from Canton by way of Hong- 
kong — in all probability for 
the purpose of giving his 
astute mind to the task of 
devising means for lighten- 
ing the retribution to fall on 
Peking. The English pai<l 
him official honor at Hong- 
kong, and gave him a naval 
escort on his way northward. 


{From June SI to July :o, 1900.) 


June 22. — Porto Rico is created a customs-collection 
district by the Treasury Department. 

June 25. — The Navy Department decides to put super- 
posed turrets on three of the new battleships. 

June 26.— Illinois Democrats nominate Samuel Al- 
schuler for governor — Arkansas Democrats nominate 
Jefferson Davis for governor. 

June 27.— Maine Republicans nominate Dr. John F. 

Hill for governor Vermont Republicans nominate 

"W. W. Stickney for governor. 

June 28. — The Prohibitionists, in national convention 
at Chicago, nominate John G. Woolley, of Illinois, for 
President, ami Henry B. Met<^lf, of Rhode Island, for 

Vice-President Michigan Republicans nominate Col. 

A. T. Bliss for governor Minnesota Republicans 

nominate Capt. S. R. Van Sant for governor. 

June 30. — The United States Treasury ends the fiscal 
year with a surplus of receipts above expenditures of 

July 4. — The Democratic National Convention assem- 
bles at Kansas City. 

July 5. — The Democratic National Convention adopts 
a platform and unanimously nominates William J. 

Bryan, of Nebraska, for President Gen. Francis V. 

Greene is elected president of the New York County 
Republican Committee. 

July 6. — The Democratic National Convention nomi- 
nates Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois, for Vice-President 
— The Silver Republican convention at Kansas City 
nonunat«s William J. Bryan for President. 

July 7. — The Silver Republicans nominate Adlai E. 
Stevenson for Vice-President. 

July 11.— West Virginia Republicans nominate Albert 

B.White for governor Maine Democrats nominate 

Samuel L. Lord for governor. 

July 12. — President McKinley and Governor 
velt are formally notified of their nominations for Presi- 
dent and Vice-President, respectively, by committees of 

the Republican National Convention Nebraska Fu- 

»ionists renominate Governor Poynter. 

July 13. — Chairman Hanna announces the names of 
the members of the Republican executive campaign 

July 17.— Governor Roosevelt speaks at St. Paul on 
the issues of the campaign, under the auspices of the 

League of Republican Clubs Kentucky Republicans 

nominate John W. Yerkes for governor. 

July 19.— Kentucky Democrats nominate J. C. W. 
Beckham for governor Florida Republicans nomi- 
nate J. N. Coombs for governor. 

July 20.— Nebraska Middle of the Road Populists 
name a State ticket. 


Jane 22. —The German Bundesrath passes the meat^ 
inspection bill. 

June 24. — New Italian and Portugfuese ministries are 

June 26.— The British forces for the relief of Coomas- 

sie suffers a reverse at the hands of the rebellious Ash- 

June 28. — After a delmte in the French Chamber on 

army discipline, 
the Nationalists 
are defeated on a 
resolution by M. 
Sembat by a vote 
of 828 to 129.... 
Signor Villa is 
elected president 
of the Italian 

July 3. — The 
British House of 
Lords passes the 
Australian Com- 
monwealth bill. 

An imperial 

ukase is pub- 
lished in Russia 
providing for the 
partial abolition 
of the Siberian 
exile system. 

July 4. — Gen- 
eral Jamont, in- 
spector - general 
of the French 
army, resigns 

from the general staff, owing to differences with the 

new minister of war. 

July 6.— In the British House of Ix>rds, a motion to 
appoint a commission to consider the claims of Irish 
landlords is defeated. 

July 9. — General Porfirio Diaz is reelected President 
of Mexico. 

July 10.— The French Parliament is prorogued. 

July 13. — Queen Victoria approves the selection of 
the Earl of Hoj>etoun as Governor General of the Aus- 
tralian Commonwealth. 

July 17.— The Roumanian ministry resigns office. 

July 18. — The Canadian Parliament is prorogued. 

July 20.— The Cape Colony Parliament is opened. 


June 24. — The United States Government makes an- 
other demand on the Porte for the indemnity due for 
losses to American subjects during the Armenian mas- 

June 26.— Reports are received of the increase of im- 
port duties from 15 to 20 per cent, by the republic of 


(Mentione4 as the probable successor 
to Count Muravieff as Russian foreign 


Courtesy of the New York Tribune. 


President McKinley will be readily recognized in the picture. At his left is Senator Lodge, of Massachusetts. Imme- 
diately behind the President is Frank Witherbee, of New York ; 4, Senator Fairbanks, of Indiana : 5, Colonel Dick. of Ohio; 
6, Senator Hanna; 7, George B. Cortelyou. tlie President's Secretary; 8, Charles G. Dawes, Comptroller of the Currency: 
9, R. C. Kerens, of Missouri; 10, W. B. Heyburn, of Idaho; 11, Charles Emory Smith; 12, Cornelius N. Bliss, of New 
York ; 13, Colonel Parker, of Hawaii ; U,Dr. Leslie B. Ward, of New Jersey : 16, L. B. Plimpton, of Connecticut. 

June 29.— A convention is signed between France and 
Spain fixing the limits of their respective possessions 
in northwest Africa. 

July 10. — A reciprocity agreement between the United 
States and Germany is concluded. 

July 12.— The Italian Chamber of Deputies ratifies 
the commercial treaty with the United States. 

July 14.— President McKinley issues a proclamation 
putting the new reciprocity arrangement with Germany 
into effect. 

July 18.— The reciprocity agreement between the 
United States and Italy is signed at Washington. 


May 21.— The members of the diplomatic corps in 
Peking make a formal demand upon the Chinese Gov- 
ernment to suppress the Boxer movement. 

May 29.— In response to a request for aid from the 
United States Comsul at Tientsin, Admiral Kempff 
sends 100 American marines and sailors from Taku, 
these being the first Caucasian troops to arrive at Tien- 

June 10.— Vice-Admiral Sir Edward Seymour, com- 
mander-in-chief on the British China Station, starts 
from Tientsin for Peking with a relief force, num- 
bering 2,000, comfjosed of detachments from the allied 

June 12.— Telegraphic communication between Pe- 
king and the coast suspended. 

June 13.— It is reported that the American Methodist 
mission at Tientsin has lx4?n burned, and that about 
160 persons have been killed. 

June 16.— The murder of Haron von Ketteler, the Ger- 

man minister at Peking, is report^ Telegraphic 

communication with Tientsin is cut off. 

June 17.— The Boxers begin a siege of Tientsin 

The Chinese forts at Taku fire on the foreign warships, 
which l)ombard and capture the fortifications. 

June 18. — The British Government orders two regi- 
ments to proceed from India to Hongkong, Brig.-Gen. 
Sir Alfreci Ga-selee being appointed commander. 

June 19.— The first attack upon the British Legation 

in Peking occurs The foreign ministers in Peking 

are ^ven twenty-four hours in which to leave the city, 
but they refuse to go. 

June 20.— The naval officers of the allied powers in 
China issue a proclamation, stating that they intend to 
use armed force -only against the Boxers and those peo- 
ple who oppose them in the march to Peking for the 
rescue of their fellow countrymen. 

June 21.— The destruction of the American Consulate 
and much of the foreign concessions at Tientsin is 

June 23. — The foreigners in Tientsin are relieved by 
the allied force from Taku with small losses. 

June 24. — Hear- Admiral George C. Remej-, com- 
mander-in-chief of the Asiatic Station of the United 
States Navy, is ordered to go with the Brooklyn from 
Manila to Taku, and to assume command of the Ameri- 
can squadron there, Rear-Admiral KempfT remaining 

at Taku as second in command Admiral Seymour 

is surrounded ten miles from Tientsin, and a force is 

sent from Tient.sin U) relieve him Sir Robert HarU 

the Imperial commi.ssioner of maritime customs, sends 
message from Peking saying, *' Situation desperate; 
make haste.'' 

June 25.— The Czar orders that the Russian troops in 
the Siberian Amur district be raised to a war footing. 




(Head of the Christian Endeavor move- 
ment. From a recent photograph taken 
in China.) 

June 26.— The 
Peking relief 
expedi tion, 
commanded by 
Admiral Sey- 
mour, returns 
to Tientsin, 
having encoun- 
tered such 
strong and con- 
tinued opposi- 
tion that it is 
impossible to 
reach Peking 
by rail; the 
losses incurred 
in the expedi- 
tion are stated 
as 62 killed and 
230 wounded. 

Brig. - Gen. 

Adna R. Chaf- 
fee is ordered 
from the Unit- 
ed States to 
China to take 
command of 
the American 
troops there. 

June 27.— The 
Chinese arsenal 
northeast of 
Tientsin is tak- 
en by the allies. 

June 28. — The United States battleship Oregon runs 
ashore on an island in the Gulf of Pechili, 35 miles north- 
east of Chefoo It is reported that the Presbyterian 

mission at Wei Hein, the largest one in China, has 
been burned. 

June 80.— The British and Russian admirals at Taku 
decide that it is impossible to relieve Peking without 
a much larger force. 

July 2.— Admiral Kempff reports the burning of the 
American, Italian, and Dutch legations at Peking. 

July 3.— The foreign settlements at Tientsin are 
bombarded, and heavy shelling continues for the next 
ten days At the departure of a German naval de- 
tachment lor China, Emperor William declares that the 
powers do not desire the partition of China, but that 
the murder of the Grerman minister must he avenged. 
It is decided to send 15,000 German troops to China. . . . 
The BritLsh Parliamentary Secretary of State for For- 
eign Affairs announces that Great Britain has ordered 

10.000 men from India to China The French Minister 

of Foreign Affairs declares that France does not wish 
the disintegration of China, and does not desire war. 

July 4. — The Chinese, numbering 10,000, under com- 
mand of General Ma, and witli much artillery, reoccupy 

the Tientsin arsenal The French Minister of Marine 

orders two more cruisers to proceed to China. 

July 5.— The Oregon is successfully floated off the 

rocks, and starts for the Japanese dry-dock at Kure 

The Italian Ministry decides to order three more war- 
ships to China, and sanctions an appropriation of 
3,000,000 lire for the expedition. 

July 6.— The Boxers, under the leadership of Prince 

Tuan, open Are with artillery upon the British Lega- 
tion in Peking, where the allies are concentrated 

Emperor William, of Germany, promises to pay 1,000 
taels (about I?i0) to any one accomplishing the deliver- 
ance of any foreigner of any nationality who is still 
shut up in Peking. 

July 7.— After an all-night bombardment, the Boxers 
force an entrance into the British Legation at Peking, 
and, according to report, all the foreigners are massa- 
cred. Prince Tuan is aided by rebels commanded by 
Gen. Tung Fuh Siaug, and they are opposed by Impe- 
rial troops under Prince Ching and Gen. Wang Weng 
Shao Italy decides to send 3,200 soldiers to China. 

July 8.— The United States decides to send directly to 
China, instead of the Philippines, 6,200 troops which 
had been under orders for the East. 

July 9.— A force of the allies, led by Colonel Dorward, 
commander of the British troops at Tientsin, attack 
the Chinese troops, capture four guns, and inflict a loss 
of 350 killed The Ninth United States Infantry Regi- 
ment arrives at Taku from Manila. The American 
warship Brooklyn also arrives at Taku, and lands 350 

marines It is reported that the German Catholic and 

American mission stations in Shantung, and in Mukden, 
Manchuria, have been destroyed. The massacre of 40 
foreigners and 100 native converts at Tai-Yuen-Fu, capi- 
tal of the Province of Shansi, is reported The Japa- 
nese Government decides to increase its force in China 
to 23,000 men and 5,000 horses. 


(Reported killed at Peking on July 12.) 

July 10.— The allies at Taku and Tientsin on this 
date are as follows : Russians, 8,349 ; Japanese, 5,224 ; 
British. 2,575 ; Americans, 1,400 ; Germans, 1,036, and 
small detachments of Austrians and Italians, bringing 
the total up to 21,304. ...The United States Govern- 
ment makes public a statement of its position regard- 
ing China, which declares that no partition of China is 



desired, and that the purpose of 
the United States is to res*cue 
Americans in peril, protect 
American interests, and bring 
about permanent peace in 

July 11.— The Chinese troops 
make an attack on the railway 
station at Tientsin, but are 
n^pulsed with a loss of 500 

killed An Imperial edict, 

dated June 29, and giving a 
statement of the Chinese Gov- 
ernment's position, is made pul)- 

li«^ It is announced that Dr. 

Mumm von Sch warzenstein will 
be appointe<l German minister 
to China to succeed Baron von 

July 13.— The allies storm the 
native city of Tientsin in two 
columns, but the attacks are 
repulsed with heavy losses. 

Among the Americans killed are Col. Emerson H. 
Liscum, of the Ninth Infantry, and Capt. Austin R. 
Davis, of the Marine Corps — It is reported that mis- 
sionaries are killed and m*is.sion .stations are destroyed 
at Honan and Hong-Chow in the Yangtse district. 

July 14.— The allies resume the attack on the native 
city of Tientsin, and succeed in making a breach in 
the walls and capturing all the forts, including 62 guns. 
The Americans lost about 215 in killed and wounded, 
and the rest of the allies about 560 The Boxers be- 
come active in Korea and destroy a Catholic mission. 

July 15. — A Chinese force invades Russian territory, 
and bomlmrds Blagovestchensk, the capital of Amur 

July 17.— Certain parts of the Amur territory are de- 
clared by Russia as in a state of war from July 17 Li 

Hung Chang, having been appointed Viceroy of the 
Province of Chili, in which Peking is situated, leaves 

Canton for Hongkong, on his way to the capital A 

statement is issued by the United States War Depart- 
ment, showing that the number of American troops in 
China, or on the way, or available, is 11,114. 

July 18. — It is announced that the French Govern- 


(One of the three vessels wrecked by Are at the 
Hoboken piers on June 30.) 


ment has sent a circular to the powers, proposing that 

the shipment of arms to China be prohibited The 

appointment of William W. Rockhill as special envoy 
of the United States to China is announced. 

July 19. — The Chinese are defeated at Blagovestchensk, 
and Ru.ssian troops are isolated at Harbin, in Man- 

July 20.— A measage purporting to have been sent 
from Peking by United States Minister Conger about 
July 18 is received at Washington The French Gov- 
ernment receives a telegram from the Emperor of 
China, asking France to mediate between China and 
the powers. 


June 24.— Thirty-flve persons are killed in a train- 
wreck caused by a washout on the Southern Railway in 

Georgia As the result of a collision on the Chicago 

& Xorthwestern Railway near Depere, Wis., six per- 
sons are killed. 

June 25.— The International Miners' Congress begins 
its sessions in Paris— 73 delegates, representing 1,13a,- 
500 European miners being present. 

June 26.— Twenty- five new cases of bubonic plague 
are reporte<l in Rio de Janeiro. 

June 28.— The Yale- Harvard 'varsity boat-race at New 
London, Conn., is won by Yale, Harvard winning the 
four-oar and freshman contests. 

June 29.— A non-sectarian college of primary and sec- 
ondary education is formally opened at Manila, with an 
enrollment of 500 pupils. 

June 30.— The intercollegiate boat-race at Poughkeep- 
sie, X. Y., is won by the University of Pennsylvania, 
Wisconsin beiuK second, Cornell third, and Columbia 

fourth A fire at H()lx>ken, X. J., destroys the piers uf 

the North German Lloy<l Steamship Company, and 
wrecks the steamships Snnlc. Bremen, and Main, 
causing the loss of alx>ut 175 lives and property amount- 
ing to ^T. 000, 000. 

July 2.— The water-works reservoir at Grand Rapids, 
Mich., bursts, flooding a portion of the city and destroy- 
ing about 100 houses. 



July 3.— Governor Roosevelt is enthusiastically re- 
ceived at the Rough Riders' reunion at Oklahoma City 
— A statue of Washington, the gift of American wom- 
en is unveiled in Paris. 

July 4.— A statue of Lafayette, the gift of American 
school children, is presented to the Republic of France 

A trolley-car accident in Tacoma, Wash., results iu 

the death of 35 persons and serious injuries to 60 others. 

July 5,— Fire caused by lightning results in the loss 
of property of the Standard Oil Company at Bayonne, 
N. J., to the amount of 1:2,500,000. 

July 16.— In the international athletic games at Paris, 
Americans win 16 out of the 21 contests during three 
days. ...Christian Endeavor meetings are held in Lon- 

July 17. — Mount Azuma, in Japan, is in eruption ; 
20O persons are killed or injure<l. 

July 19.— Tjord Roberts cables the occupation of Heck- 
poort by General Methuen. 


June 22.— Judge L. H. Thompson, of the Vermont 
Supreme Court, 52 Jasper F. Cropsey, the artist, 77. 

June 23. — Carl Sontag, the German comedian, 72. 

June 24.— Martin J. RusselK editor of the Chicago 
Chronicle, 55. 


(Presented to France by American school children. 
Unveiled July 4, 1900.) 

June 25.— Ex-Judge Mellen Chamberlain, of Chelsea, 
Mafes.. 79. 

June 26.— Admiral Frederick A. Maxse, of the British 
Xavy, 67. 

June 30.- Rear-Admirdl John W. Philip, U.S.X., 60. 

July 4. — Sir Thomas Farrell, the sculptor, president 
of the Koyal Hibernian Academy, 72. 

July 5.— Justice Job H. Lippincott, of the New Jersey 

Supreme Court, 58 Dr. Henry Barnard, formerly a 

well-known writer on education, 90. 

July 7.— Dr. John Ashhurst, Jr., a well-known au- 
thority in surgery, 61. 

July 8.— Dr. Frederick 
Humphreys, an eminent 
homeopathic physician, S'>. 
July 9.— John I,. Pen- 
nington, governor of Da- 
kota Territory from 1874 
to 1878, 75. 

July 10.— Rear-Admiral 
GeorgeCochran, U.S. X.,61 . 
July 12.— Col. James Al- 
fred Dennison, an Ameri- 
can who le<l two invasions 
into Aby.sslnia for the 
Khedive of Egypt, 54. 

July 14.— I'nitetl States 
Senator John Henry (iear, 

of Iowa, 75 Col. Henry 

McCormick, a prominent Pennsylvania iron manu- 
facturer, 69. 

July 15. — George Chance, a well-known labor leader, 

July 20.— Col. William Mason Grosvenor, a well- 
known financial writer of New York City, 65. 



(Senator Gear had been prominent in Iowa public life for 
more than thirty-five years. He had served as a mem»>er 
of the State Legislature, as Governor. aH Reprefw^uUitive 
in Congress, and. Anally, as United States Senator. HIh 
sterling qualities had ma<le him a power in the rounclls of 
State and nation.) 



Bryan : "'If you take me, youUl have to take my platform.' 
From the Herald (New York). 

Uncle Sam : *' Say, boys, why don't you ride an up-to-datt 
wheel?"— From the Herald (New York). 






The .stars of Old Ulory will fade and give place to a single 
imperial »tar, if McKinley*8 views prevail. 

From the Timoi'Dtmoeml (New Orleans). 

163,000 I 

&UTY *N 

Uncle Sam : **^ A man after my own heart! Equal rights 
for all, special privileges to none.*^ 

From the TimohDemocrat (New Orleans). 

TOO LATE.— From the CVinmide (Chicago). 

Uncle Sam : ** The candidates are my plHtfutm ' 
From the Pio»€^r.Pr«w (St. Paul). 




Mark Hanna. 
From the Chronicle (Chicago). 




Mr. McKiDley*8 friends enjoy a pleasant event on the Canton veranda. 
From the Journal (New York). 



y-^^:x^^ ^'J^^-^i- 'vTrJ^'^^i"^^ 


RIDER."- From the Times (Denver). 


From the Times- Detnocr at (New Orleans). 




^^•^i ^. . TION. (Shakespeare as he would write it in 1900.) 
From the BrixMy/n EagU (New York). 

Bbtan : ^^ Two tails are better than one/ 
From the Journal (Minneapolis). 

Mr. Bryan's Vice-Presidential partnerships are afford- 
ing the cartoonists the same kind of amusement this 
year as in 1896, when the gentleman from Nebraska was 
associated with Mr. Sewall, of Maine, on one ticket, 
and with Mr. Watson, of Georgia, on another. This 
year, it is Mr. Stevenson, of Illinois, and Mr. Towne, of 
Minnesota. Possibly before this issue of the Review 
appears it will have been decided to have Mr. Towne 
retire. Mr. Stevenson is represented by some of the 
cartoonists as in the process of transformation from an 
old-fashioned Democrat to one of the modern Populistic 
sort. Mr. Hill, who escaped the Vice-Presidential nomi- 
nation, is represented in the ,last drawing on this page, 
AS sitting in an astrologer's anteroom, with Governor 
Roosevelt, eager to ask questions about 1904. 

" I roriTD. nt trb course of poiiiricAL events, it bb- 


BBTAW.-From the Trihuw (Minneapolis). 


From the BrwMuu Eo/fjiU (New York). 



THE BARDE8T ONE YET.— From the Journol (Minneapolis). 

The American, as well as the European cartoonists, 
have found ample scope for all their ingenuity in the 
contradictory but alarming news that has come from 
China. The cartoonists have, for the most part, dealt 
more effectively with the situation than the editorial 
writers. There is a fateful chapter of history summed 
up in the little cartoon from the Brooklyn Eagle on 
this page, showing Japan fettered, while the jealous 
powers were wrangling and China was in conflagration. 

FACE TO FACE.— From the Warld (New York). 


SHAMEFUL !— From the BrooMyn EagU (New York). 


The Powers : " If a lonif-winded proc-lamation can reach 
TIB from Pekiiii?, why not information about the safety of the 
foreigners?"— From Ibe Timeit (Minneapolis). 

China : " It was real kind of you, gentlemen, to show me 
bow to use thebe things.''— From the PUmecr-Prcw (St. Paol). 


4fi . ^ 


EtTROPA (to the Chinese): ''I am afraid I shall have to 
teach you manners,— even as I taught the Sultan,— anless 
you behave yourself/'— From Moorwhint (London). 


Cborus of THV Powers : '' How disgraceful I when we 
attack him, he defends himself! '* 

From La SOhouetU (Paris). 


From Jtigerul (Munich). 

SAD FOB THE DRAGON !— From News of the WffTlfl (London). 

I/>OK OUT, IT 18 FALL! NO 1 

While the ixjwers are support! nd; the lower part, the upper 
stories seem likely to fall upon them. 

From the Kladdcradabich (Berlin). 



THREE years ago, one of the few men wlio 
can claim to know something about China 
stood with me on the Anting gate of Peking — 
the gate from which Admiral Seymour has re- 
cently been driven back with his relief column. 
We were discussing the situation created for 
China by the results, or rather by the conse- 
quences, of the war with Japan. Incidentally, 
we were amusing ourselves by watching the an- 
tics of the Manchu Bannermen, who, as. is their 
custom, were going through a monthly drill on 
the plain outside. As these tatterdemalions 
charged toward the gate, the battalions of the 
* ' infuriated tigers " and the < • enraged elephants '* 
in advance, my companion said : 

' * What a hollow humbug of a nut the Chinese 
question is ! We handle it very gingerly, and 
with right. No one can tell what will come out 
of it, but some day the brittle nut will be shat- 
tered by a sharp, decisive blow. It will fall into 
a thousand pieces, and there will be much dust, 
as there should be ; for, with China falls the 
oldest kingdom in the world." 

The blow has been delivered, and the prophecy 
of my friend brilliantly verified ; yet I can take 
but little satisfaction in his successful exercise of 
a rare gift, because he is one of the devoted 
band of Europeans and Americans who are, at 
the present writing, still besieged in the Lega- 
tion Quarter at Peking — once the imperial city 
of the great Khan, but to-day at the mercy of 
an ignorant mob. 

So swift has been the march of events, so 
headlong the advance on the capital of the revo- 
lutionists, that only two or three days elapsed 
between the first announcement that a band of 
Boxers had burned a village twenty miles from 
Peking and the news that the Peking Govern- 
ment had gone over to the insurgents, and that 
the imperial troops as well as the revolutionists 
were besieging the foreign legations. When the 
curtain lifts, wo can only hope that it will disclose 
to view a gallant band of survivors who have 
triumphed over the numbers of their lawless as- 
sailants ; though at the present writing, July 1 6, it 
must be confessed, there is little news upon which 
to base this comforting hope. As the miserable 
incompetency of the Emperor and his advisers 
becomes apparent, as I read again the Emperor's 
pitiful edict of abdication, wliich I shall repro- 
duce on another page, 1 cannot but tliink that 

if one hair of ^e head of a single foreign am- 
bassador, or of a member of his family, of the 
many who are besieged to-day in Legation Street, 
is hurt, Kwang Su will never have a Manchu 
successor, and that perhaps the immemorial 
words with which, since the time of Solomon, 
the Emperor of China has been proclaimed the 
Son of Heaven in the coronation -hall have been 
heard for the last time in the mysterious precincts 
of the Purple Forbidden City. 

From June 24 to this writing, we have received 
no news of undisputed authenticity from Peking. 
The situation was then considered desperate by 
those besieged in the legations. Their only 
hope was in an immediate rescue by the relief 
column from Tientsin. Since then Admiral Sey- 
mour has been compelled to retreat, and the 
stories of the final massacre of the besieged re- 
ceived in Shanghai and Canton are becoming 
more circumstantial. The consuls in the treaty 
port seem to have given up all hope, and agree 
that we shall never know more than we do at 
present of the last moments of Mr. Conger, Sir 
Robert Hart, Sir Claude Macdonald, and all the 
foreign ministers, their official families, the 
guards, and other refugees who when least heard 
of were fighting their hopeless fight against over- 
whelming odds in the British Legation. If this 
news should in the main prove true, the Chi- 
nese Government, by the connivance of its oflB- 
cials in the acts of the Imperial troops and the 
Boxers, has placed itself beyond the pale of civil- 
ization. In the annals of history throughout the 
darkest ages, there is no record comparable to 
this as an outrage upon humanity and interna- 
tional usage. In modern times the tragedy of 
Cawnpore was, after all, the uprising of a half-sub- 
dued race against hated masters. The murder of 
Sir Louis Cavagnari, the British ag^nt in Kabul, 
was the act of the savage Afghans, who merely 
acted as they had been taught to act — to strike 
when tiiey had the power. But, so far as 
we know at present, there is nothing to be 
offered in extenuation of the tragedy at Peking. 
The murder of Baron von Ketteler in front of the 
foreign office and on the public street may have 
been an accidental explosion of anti-foreign feel- 
ing on the part of an assassin, which perhaps 
could not have been foreseen and prevented by 
tlie government to which he was accredited, but 
tlie subsequent tragedy at the British Legation is 



lacking in all the elements of a deed done in hot 
blood. It was coolly and deliberately planned 
and persisted in with diabolical steadfastness of 
purpose for many days. Owing to the heroic re- 
sistance of our people, the invaders of the extra- 
territorial soil — as much a part of England as 
Westminster — were repeatedly driven back, and 
there was much time for wiser counsels, if any 
were offered, to be heeded. The delay, how- 
ever, was utilized in a different manner, and the 
? destruction of the legation and the massacre of 
its gallant defenders was only nnally accom- 
plished by utilizing the resources of the Peking 
arsenal. The walls of the legation were battered 
down by the Imperial siege trains, manned by 
Imperial uniformed troops. 

It should ever be present in our minds that 
this massacre was not the act of Redskins or 
Congo savages. It was accomplished under the 
leaderehip of some of the highest officials of the 
Chinese Government. And the act is approved 
by a people who for four thousand years have 
observed in some measure the usages of public 
law, the sacred ness of the person of the ambas- 
sador, and the inviolability of the precincts of 
a legation. The people who stormed the lega- 
tions in Peking and put their occupants to death 
knew that they were not engaged in simple man- 
slaughter; and, when the time comes, their pun- 
ishment should be measured out to them ac- 


Before endeavoring to trace the course of 
recent events in China with the purpose of 
throwing some light on the present situation, I 
must point out what, to my mind, is the most 
dangerous feature of the revolution with which 
we are now brought face to face. Two years ago, 
any naval or army oflBcer would have staked his 
life and reputation upon getting into Peking 
from Tientsin with but five hundred Europeans 
or Americans behind him, all the military forces 
of the Chinese Empire notwithstanding. To-day 
we l^ow that Admiral Seymour, a gallant and 
resolute oflBcer, has, with a column of nearly 
three thousand picked men, not only failed to 
reach the capital, but been driven back with con- 
siderable loss to his base, after having been cut 
off from all communication with it for nearly ten 
days. The relief column was composed of the 
best material ; and in Captain McCalla, of our 
Navy, Admiral Seymour had a lieutenant second 
to none. These gallant sailors and marines car- 
ried with them a number of field-guns and Gat- 
Ungs, and they were spurred on to the most 
determined effort by the news of the desperate 
straits to which the occupants of th3 legations in 

Peking had been reduced by the besieging revo- 
lutionists ; and yet, after narrowly escaping a 
dlsasttM*. the relief column retivatod upon Tien- 
tsin. The conclusion is forced upon us that they 
failed because they met Chinese soldiery of very 
different caliber from what they had expected, 
with every reason, to meet ; and it is this fea- 
ture of the situation which I must dwell upon 
as being, in my opinion, more alarming than the 
actual news from Peking, unpleasant to read as 
that is. Travelers from the West generally dis- 
agree upon every Chinese question save one. 
They have been unanimous in pronouncing the 
Chinese Army, as worthless, and holding its or- 
ganization up to contempt. It is true that some 
of the foreign officers who, from time to time, of 
recent years, have been intrusted with the edu- 
cation of Chinese recruits, have in some measure 
dissented from this sweeping opinion. In the 
fall of 1896, I met in Nanking half a dozen Ger- 
man officers who had, at the close of the war 
with Japan, been lent to the Viceroy of Nanking 
for the purpose of drilling his troops. I was 
surprised to find how enthusiastic they were, and 
with what sincere admiration they spoke of their 
pupils. The ranking officer of this military mis- 
sion said to me : * * The Viceroy seems to prefer 
to send us rickety old men or half -grown boys ; 
but when we do succeed in getting recruits such 
as should only be called to the colors, — namely, 
the physical ilite of men between the ages of 20 
and 35, — it is surprising what excellent material 
they are.** 

However, as all * China hands" will admit, 
this is an exceptional view of Chinese military 
efficiency ; and, after all, it does not go very 
far. All Europeans and Americans who have 
been in China recently will be more inclined to 
indorse the following opinion of her defensive 
conditions and the efficiency of her soldiers, 
which has lately appeared in the Wissenschaft- 
Uche Mtttheilungen^ of Germany, from the pen of 
Baron von Reitzingen, a major on the German 
General Staff, who has studied the military con- 
ditions of China very exhaustively. 

** In some Provinces," he says, ** the soldiers 
are armed with ancient halberds, or antiquated 
lances and pikes. In some with Martini rifles, 
which, owing to neglect, in a very few months 
are little more effective than the pikes. One 
year Krupp guns are ordered, tlie next Arm- 
strongs, and the year after Norden felts. The 
guns are brought out, remain lying alx)ut some- 
where, and in a short while it is quite impossible 
to use them. . . . Judged by our conceptions, 
the Chinese troops are, to all intents and pur- 
poses, quite untrained, badly armed, and conse- 
quently uttfi'ly useless.'^ 



These conclusions refer to the Manchu troops 
as well as to the ** Green Banners ^ — Chinese 
troops recruited and supported by the Provincial 
viceroys. A month ago I should have agreed 
with Baron von Reitzingen, as has every other 
traveler in China who has put the results of his 
observations on paper, and with Lord Charles 
Beresford, whose witty if somewhat inopportune 
stories as to the efiBciency of the Chinese soldier 
are just getting into circulation. No one, how- 
ever, can read Admiral Seymour's soldierly ac- 
count of his defeat, which so nearly ended in dis- 
aster, without understanding that his column was 
not confronted by the miserable Bannermen, but 
by soldiers who fought well and intelligently. 
Indeed, I am of the opinion that one can b^t 
obtain an idea of the extent and strength of the 
Boxer Revolution, and see how fraught it is with 
danger to Western interests in the Eistst, by com- 
paring Baron von Reitzingen's academic conclu- 
sions of three months ago with Admiral Sey- 
mour's account of actual experiences. 


In the midst of the confused avalanche of ru- 
mors that come to the Western papers from 
Hongkong and Shanghai, there are several which 
have been substantiated by ofiBcial dispatches, 
and which show, even could we completely dis- 
card all the others as being without foundation, 
how serious is the problem which the chaotic 
state of China presents to the civilized world. 
If it should be true (and at the present writing 
there is little reason to doubt the report) that 
Baron von Ketteler, the German Ambassador, 
has been murdered in the streets of Peking by 
Imperial troops, while on his way to the foreign 
office on official business, it is certain that the 
satisfaction to be demanded by the Berlin Gov- 
ernment for this outrage will not stop short of 
the overthrow and expulsion of the Manchu 
dynasty and the dismissal of the authorities 
through whose connivance or weakness this at- 
tack upon the sacred person of a public minister 
has been made possible. The action which Ger- 
many will have to take brings the whole question 
of the settlement of China on the carpet. Op- 
timists have held, for some time past, that such 
a settlement could be effected by the exercise of 
great caution and deliberation without provoking 
a conflict between the powers interested ; but 
under the present circumstances, and in view of 
the drastic measures which Germany will now be 
forced to take, there is little or no hope of such 
a peaceful issue. Today, China has in fact, if 
not at law, declared war upon the civilized 
world. The capital has fallen into the hands of 
the insurgents, and the leading dignitaries of the 

empire are making common cause with the Box- 
ers. Many of our legations have been burned, 
and the lives of some, if not all, of the representa- 
tives of the Western powers have been taken. 
When Peking is relieved by the allied forces, 
even if, — the whole truth being known, — there 
shall be found to be no further additions to the 
chapter of crime, the radically antagonistic views 
of the powers as to the way in which the ex- 
traordinary situation should be dealt with will 
become glaringly apparent. After the govern- 
ment which is so thoroughly discredited both in 
China and abroad has been removed, what then ? 
It would be a daring prophet, indeed, who would 
venture to answer that query. One thing only 
is certain. The Imperial Government of Peking, 
if it is still there, stands convicted of bad faith 
and of an almost incredible weakness ; and the 
situation must be faced without placing the least 
reliance upon its promises and protestations. 

At this juncture, it seems to me advisable to 
look back over the last few years in China to see 
whether some light may not be cast upon the 
present situation by an examination of the events 
which have led up to it. 

The history of China, for the past thirty or 
forty years, is but the story of the eventful life 
of the Empress Dowager, Tze-Hsi-Tuan-Yu. It 
cannot but strike the observer as curious that in 
the far East of Asia, where the social position of 
women is one of such distinct inferiority, that 
many strong characters who have at times dom- 
inated the situation should have been members 
of the slighted if not despised sex. The high- 
class Chinese, who would never think of refer- 
ring in the most indirect way to his wife ; who 
would lose caste should he wear mourning for 
her, or appear at her funeral, or allow her taking 
off in any way to disturb the even tenor of his way, 
— would seem hardly more successful than his 
more courteous Western brother in escaping a pet- 
ticoat government. I refer, of course, particularly 
to the Empress Dowager and the late Queen of 
Korea, who, in the eyes of at least one admiring 
Western statesman, are the only two men that the 
far East of Asia has produced in our generation. 
In 1861 the Senior Dowager Empress, as she 
was then and is now (which would go to show 
that her almost undisturbed supremacy in Chi 
nese affairs is not due to charms of person), made 
her first state-stroke, and gave the Peking court 
a taste of her mettle. With the assistance of 
Prince Kung and the other Dowager Empress, 
Tze-An, she seized upon the reins of state after 
the death of her husband, the Emperor Hien 
Fung. The Empress Dowagere ruled very hap- 
pily and to their own satisfaction — at least, until 
1873, when Tung Che, the son of Hien Fung, 



came of age. He died in 1875, and there were 
those in Peking who said that the Empress Dow- 
agers assisted him '*to ascend upon a dragon 
and become a guest on high." Tung Che left no 
heirs ; but shortly after his death, his widow, 
Ah-Lu-Te, announced that she had hopes of 
presenting her spouse with a posthumous child. 
Soon after this the Em press, widow disappeared. 
It was announced that she had committed sui- 
cide, and so the posthumous heir never came 
into the world. The choice of Emperor then 
falling to the family council, the present Em- 
peror, Kwang Su, was selected. As he was only 
three years old at the time, his choice assured to 
the Empress Dowagers another long lease of un- 
restricted power under the form of a regency. 
It is a very difiBcult task to explain the Chinese 
ideas of succession ; but it will suffice to state 
here, that the designation of Kwang Su, which 
fitted in so admirably with the views of the Em- 
press Dowagers in regard to a perpetual regency, 
was not a popular one. It ran counter to the 
dynastic traditions and pious prejudices of the 
Chinese ; and many of the court astrologers, 
when consulted as to the promise of the new 
reign, are reported to have shaken their heads 
dubiously — though, like wise men, they held 
their peiice, it being known that the Empress 
liad very practical views on the duty of sooth - 
sayere. The objection seems to have been that 
Kwang Su, being of the same generation as his 
ill-starred predecessor, Tung Che, the * ' blessed 
continuity'* of the dynasty was interrupted; it 
was held by many that the father of Prince 
Tuan, the leader of the revolutionists of to-day, 
should have been raised to the throne, and in this 
disappointraent may be found the inspiration of 
Prince Tuan*s pi<3sent attitude and some expla- 
nation of the present dynastic situation. In the 
eyes of many Chinese, then. Prince Tuan is 
noC only popular because the enemy of the 
*' foreign devils," but because he is thought 
to have a more divine right to the throne than 
any other member of the Imperial Clan ; but 
the Empress bad the situation well in hand, and 
the matter ended with ominous whisperings. 
Her gentle colleague, Tze-An, died in 1881, and 
the Empress Dowager Tze-Hsi ruled the empire 
alone until 1889, when Kwang Su came of age. 
Tlie Emperor soon showed himself mentally and 
physically a weakling. Most of his edicts were 
written by the Dowager, and no important meas- 
ure was promulgated without the announcement 
being publicly made by the young Emperor that 
he had consulted the Princess- Parent, and that 
his decree was her will ; and it soon became 
apparent that, while Kwang Su occupied the 
throne, the Empress Dowager ruled as before. 


The Empress Tze-Hsi is admitted to be, even 
by her most bitter enemies, an able woman. 
The court of the Emperor was deserted, while 
the palace quarters of the Empress Dowager were 
crowded. It was recognized by every one that 
the nomination of her gatekeeper, or the good 
offices of her band of eunuchs, was the only path 
to appointment and official promotion. The out- 
break of the Japanese War found the Empress 
Dowager at the zenith of her power, and the 
Emperor in the greatest obscurity. It was said, 
indeed, that the sum of money allotted Kwang 
Su by this female usurper was so small that at 
times he experienced the greatest difficulty in 
meeting the expenses of his shabby court. At 
this time, perhaps merely out of avarice, which 
is said to be her besetting sin, the Empress cele- 
brated a jubilee of some kind ; that is, an oppor- 
tunity was given the officers of the empire to 
send her presents, something additional and over 
and above the regular percentages they were 
paying on the perquisites of their offices. The 
Japanese War rather interfered with the bril- 
liancy of the jubilee pageant ; but the Empress 
was not to be diverted from enjoying to the 
full the solid business advantages of the occa- 
sion. While many of the fetes were dispensed 
with, in view of the invasion *of the »* despised 
dwarfs," it was noticed that such viceroys and 
other high officials who were so careless as not to 
send handsome presents to Peking very shortly 
afterwards lost their places. The war was pre- 
cipitated by the Dowager Empress herself, who 
sent more troops to Korea when her representa- 
tive there and the Grand Secretary Li had given 
the most solemn assurances to Japan that no 
more should be sent. It is well known by what 
energetic measures the Japanese met this breach 
of faith — how the transport Kowshing was sunk, 
and war declared. 

By many travelers in China it has been main- 
tained that the humiliating disasters of the war 
with the Rising Sun Empire passed almost un- 
noticed in Peking, and were never heard of at 
all in the more remote Provincial capitals. Such 
is not my opinion ; and the best proof that such 
was not the case is shown by the fever of re- 
form and of new methods which, immediately after 
the conclusion of hostilities, overspread China. 
For a time the throne was bombarded with re- 
scripts and prayers from the Provincial officials, 
calling upon the Peking authorities to modernize 
their methods and place the empire in a better 
state of defense. Even that champion ot con- 
servatism, Chan-Chih-Tung, the Viceroy of Nan- 
king, respectfully addressed the throne, asking 



that gun-foundries be built and powder-mills 
en'ctod and railways constructed between the 
various Provinces. *' Unless these reforms are 
carried out with great dispatch," admonished the 
Viceroy, ** we shall be undone '* Other power- 
ful agencies were at work on the regeneration of 
China, the least potent of which was probably 
the friendly advice of those of the powers who 
wished for the maintenance of the status quo rath- 
er than a partition of the vast empire. Up to 
this time almost the only source of information 
in regard to current events open to the Chinese was 
the Peking Gazette, the oldest newspaper in the 
world by several centuries. Unfortunately for 
China, the Peking Gazette has never deigned to 
publish a *' foreign" page, and very rarely any 
reference ; and this, always couched in the most 
contemptuous terms, is made in its columns to 
the ** despised outsiders.*' After the war with 
Japan, however, newspapers printed in Chinese 
were smuggled into the country from Hongkong 
and Shanghai, and they soon obtained a very 
large circulation. Despite the very severe edicts 
issued by the Empress Dowager, and the fact 
that many coolies caught circulating the papers 
were put to death, the innovation could not be 
checked. Further, modern books and scientific 
treatises were translated from the French, Eng- 
lish, and German into literary Chinese, and were 
eagerly bought hf the literati and. the '« budding 
students" whose mental pabulum had hitherto 
consisted in the ** Analects" and the *<Book of 
Kings." A translation was made, by a clever 
Hongkong Chinaman, of the views expressed by 
prominent Western writers on the situation in 
China ; and 300,000 copies of this volume were 
sold in three months. News of the proposed 
partition of China was, in this way, widely dif- 
fused. The strenuous efforts made by the Im- 
perial Government to suppress this, as well as all 
other publications of an enlightening nature, 
met with no success. Many of the quaint wood- 
en presses of the kind upon which the Peking 
Gazette has been printed for centuries were 
burned, it is true ; but new types were quickly 
secured, and there being no law of copyright, 
every printer who secured a copy of a salable 
book did not hesitate to print another edition 
of it. 


It was not long before tliese changes and the 
spirit of unrest that was abroad in the Provinces 
found an echo even in Peking. OflBcials, at first 
of but petty rank, but gradually of greater 
prominence, made it known that tiiey were not 
averse to a change of methods in all branches of 
administration ; and, U)V a wonder, these hardy 

reformers, who were encouraged by many of the 
missionaries and supplied with funds by Chinese 
who had found wealth, and security, and knowl- 
edge, Ijeyond the seas — in. Hongkong, the Malay 
Peninsula, Java, and the Straits — were not sum- 
marily dealt with. In the popular unrest and 
dissatisfaction, the Emperor saw an opportunitv 
of emancipating himself from the petticoat gov- 
ernment of the Empress Dowager, under which 
he had suffered in silence so long ; and accord- 
ingly, he allowed it to be known that he was not 
at all unfriendly to the new ideas or the Western 
learning. In response to this invitation, efforts 
— under the circumstances, very daring efforts — 
' were made by the leading reformers to get into 
communication with the nominal Emperor, but 
with little success ; for it is said that, on the few 
occasions when the desired audience was obtained, 
the reformers could see upon the audience-curtain 
the shadow of the Empress Dowager, who was there 
to listen, and consequently few or none were bold 
enough to unburden themselves of the matters 
so near their hearts. OflBcial China soon fell into 
two camps. The reactionary Empress Dowager 
was supported by nearly all the office-holders, 
who saw their sinecures threatened and the ri- 
ginie under which they had prospered in danger 
of being swept away. Those who wanted office, 
and quite a number of the younger mandarins 
and literati, who were far-sighted enough to see 
that China was fast approaching anarchy or a 
partition by the powers, rallied round the Em- 
peror. When the moment was ripe for action, 
the Dowager Empress set about her task with 
characteristic energy. For some years past, she 
had not concealed her growing opinion that the 
Emperor was unworthy to rule. His health left 
much to be desired, and no heirs were bom to 
him. This latter misfortune so weighed upon 
the mind of his real mother that in 1896, when 
she suddenly died, it was pretty generally l)e- 
lieved in Peking that the unfortunate woman had 
committed suicide to avoid the contemplation of 
the neglected tombs (for who, in default of chil- 
dren, would burn incense or prayer- papers l>e- 
fore her ancestral tablets ?), and to escape the 
bitter reproaches of tlie Empress Dowager. 


Tze Hsi was probably honestly disapp>ointed at 
the non- appearance of an heir ; for it is said 
that her preferred plan for regaining complete 
and uncontested control of affairs was to ad- 
minister poiscn to the Emperor as soon as a 
child was born to him, and then take his heir 
under her wing ; in other words, to enter upon 
another regency, the third in her lifetime. The 
Emperor*s failure to have issue, and his leaning 



of France on the south, and of Germany in 
Shantung, liave so weakened and discredited 
the Peking Government that to-day its easy over- 
throw by the Boxers should cause little surprise. 
Several of the foreign ministers — notably, it 
is said, Sir Claude Macdonald — represented to 
the ministers of the Yamun for foreign affairs 
the unhappy effect the agitation, if not sup- 
pressed, would exert on the relations of China 
with other countries ; b\it their words of warn- 
ing were without effect. Such representations 
were listened to with studied courtesy, and that 
was all. It is evident now that many of the 
most influential leaders of the Peking court have 
taken means to ingratiate themselves with the 
leaders of the Boxer movement. Among those 
who have cast anchors to windward, first and 
foremost are undoubtedly the Empress Dowager, 
Prince Tuan (the father of the heir-apparent), 
and possibly even Prince Ching. But with the 
exception of Prince Tuan, there is no reason to 
believe that any prominent oflBcial in Peking in- 
stigated the rebellion. The Dowager Empress 
naturally tried to keep on good terms with such 
a formidable body of her subjects. At the same 
time it is probable that she tried to keep the 
agitation within legal bounds, and protect the 
foreigners from their ferocity until by doing so 
she endangered her own position. 


A few days ago, I received a letter from Pe- 
king that was mailed before the outbreak — upon 
which, however, it sheds some light. It was 
written by a member of one of the foreign lega- 
tions, and consequently echoes the opinion of the 
best-informed diplomatic circles in Peking ; but, 
as my correspondent was aware that I am ac- 
quainted with the tortuous, undignified, and most 
unreliable channels through which the foreign 
legations receive the greater part of their infor- 
mation of what is occurring in the Purple For- 
bidden City of the Palace, he adds : <* Of course, 
it may be a yarn ; and yet, there is much con- 
firmation of the story to be found, if you exam- 
ine closely the events of the last three months." 
The yarn that has wandered into Legation Street 
is to the effect that the Dowager Empress has 
joined the Boxers. Certain it is she has re- 
cently received many members of the organiza- 
tion with every appearance of marked favor. 
When a high official, a censor from the Prov- 
ince of Chili, was enjoying an audience lately, 
^he is reported to have inquired: 

"What is your opinion of the Hoxers? Do 
you think they would join my troops to expel 
the foreign devils ? " 

<*I am certain of it," replied the censor. 
*' Our high purpose is set forth in the tenets of 
the society : ' Protect, to the death, the members 
of the Heavenly dynasty ; and torture for the 
intruding foreign devils.' We are organizing 
and arming ; we will be prepared." 

* * I am afraid you will get us into serious 
trouble before the country is ripe for an upris. 
ing. You Boxers of Shantung and Chili need 
conservative leaders," she added. 

But the Empress was none the less pleased ; 
for the next day she promoted the censor to be 
Governor of Peking. 

After the burning of Tung Chow (the Peiho 
River port, about eight miles from Peking), and 
the sacking of the large town of Paoting-Fu, 
with which the revolution began, the Empress 
Dowager is reported to have still praised the 
Boxers, and to have condemned the Chinese 
troops who had opposed them. In deference to 
the unanimous representations made by the mem- 
bers of the diplomatic corps in Peking, the Em- 
press ** edited" her edict. She described the 
Boxers as honest, well-meaning men, but re- 
gretted that they had been * * misguided. " Then 
the wires were broken ; the Russian wire over 
Manchuria, curiously enough, being kept intact 
many days after all communication between Pe- 
king and the Yellow Sea ports had been inter- 
rupted. Admiral Seymour, in his attempt to res- 
cue the legations and the foreign residents of 
Peking, was driven back ; and, up to the present 
writing, we have only the wildest and most un- 
reliable rumors as to what has happened in Pe- 
king since the outbreak. To my mind, the facts 
of the situation are sufficiently alarming without 
allowing one's self to be depressed by the rumors. 
Peking is in the hands of the insurgents.' Per- 
haps even now the representatives of the West, 
as were their predecessors — Sir Harry Parkes 
and Captain Loch — in 1859, are being exposed 
to the mockery of the Peking populace from the 
places of torture in the old bell- tower. There is 
no one who, knowing the cool and unemotion- 
able fiber of Sir Robert Hart's courage, and read- 
ing the dispatch with his countersign containing 
the last reliable news that reached the naval com- 
manders in Tientsin on July 2, nine days in 
transmission from Peking : ** Situation here des- 
perate. Hasten ! " would not in his heart be 
gla<i if the first news we learn from the be- 
leaguered inhabitants of Legation Street is that 
they have suffered no woi-se fate than an ig- 
nominious imprisonment. In the meantime, the 
world will await with impatience the assembling 
of the troops that are coming together from the 
four corners of the globe, without which it would 
be folly to attempt to reach Peking. 




We shall hear more alx)iit tlie Boxers. At 
the present writing, we could not possibly know 
less. Until a few months ago, when^ these wild 
sectaries swept down upon the capital over the 
bleak plains of Northern China, not a word had 
been printed in the empire in regard to a move- 
ment which was spreading over the Provinces 
like wildfire. It is, perhaps, not an exaggera- 
tion to say that witliin a month as many as 
4,000,000 active members were enrolled. Right 
here it should be remembered that the Chinese 
have the specialty of secret societies. To con- 
spire in secret comes as naturally to them as to 
ventilate his grievances in a town -meeting to the 
Anglo-Saxon. The Triad Society, which was 
founded many hundred years ago to bring about 
the overthrow of the Manchu invaders and re- 
store the Mings, still exists, and is probably 
more widespread through China than even the 
Boxers as yet ; and there are hundreds and 
thousands of other societies, more or less secret, 
which have millions and millions of membei's, 
who do not seem to lose interest in the propa- 
ganda which they are engaged upon even when, 
as in the case of the Triad, nothing active is at- 
tempted in hundreds of years. Every China- 
man belongs to a number of these societies, some 
of which are criminal, like the High-Binders, of 
whom the San Francisco police know something ; 
but generally they are benevolent, and exist for 
the purpose of mutual assistance in sickness and 
in death. In a society honeycombed in this wise, 
it is not difficult to understand the rapidity with 
which the Boxer movement has spread. Lodges 
of the old societies often joined the new one as 
a unit, and adherents were recruited by tens 
of thousands in a day. 


While the powers, as yet, are very far from 
being in a position to impose terms upon the 
Chinese, speculation is rife as to the basis upon 
which the settlement will be made. There can 
be but two solutions of the question — the parti- 
tion of China among the powers, or the main- 
tenance of the integrity of the empire with some 
up to the present uncompromised member of the 
Imperial Clan upon the throne. 


Up to the present it is impossible to define 
even the probable action of the powers. They 
seem to ])e acting in harmony, as yet, thou^li 
with great slowness. It setMus to be I'^i^norally 
recoijnized that the question of the punishment 
for the Peking massacres should be treated 

independently of the question as to how the far 
Eastern nuisance is once for all to be abolished, 
and a stable government capable of keeping 
treaty obligations and maintaining law and order 

It would be childish to deny that the position 
of the powers who are desirous of maintaining 
the integrity of China has not been greatly weak- 
ened by the events of the last two months. 
Many members of the Imperial Clan undoubtedly, 
when the truth is known, will be found to share 
with Prince Tuan the responsibility of the mas- 
sacre. By whom, then, can the powers who wish 
to maintain the status quo replace the present 
Emperor, who is admitted to be physically and 
mentally unfit to rule ? If it be true that Prince 
Ching, a member of the Imperial house, and a 
^ minister of the Tsungli-Yamen, was wounded in 
an attempt to relieve the legations, here is a 
brave man who could be placed on the throne. 
I met him several times when in China. He is 
about sixty years of age, and was regarded as an 
amiable and conservative official, with whom 
the relations of the foreign ministers were in- 
variably satisfactory. But in the existing reign 
of anarchy at Peking, it is more than likely that 
for these very qualities his life will be taken. 

While awaiting further news of the fate of 
Minister Conger, it is interesting to watch the 
preparations of the German Government for 
armed intervention in China. The Berlin au- 
thorities, it should be remembered, were in re- 
ceipt of a circumstantial account of Baron von 
Ketteler's death three weeks ago. When the 
first detachment of marines left Wilhelmshafen, 
the Emperor, addressing his men, said : *< Yon 
must place the German flag upon the walls of 
Peking. There we will dictate peace.*' When 
the East Asian squadron sailed from Kiel on 
July 9, he said : *' You are sent to avenge the 
German blood which has been spilt. 1 shall not 
rest until I have forced China upon her knees, 
until her power is subdued." If these words 
mean anything at all, they mean that Germany 
has i-enounced the policy of the statits quo, and 
that for the future she will avowedly work for 
the partition of China as secretly and unofficially 
as she always has done. 

We must, in this question of the future 
of China, not lose sight of the fact that im- 
portant commercial and political interests of the 
United States demand the maintenance of the 
empire. Russian (^hina, French China, German 
( 'hina, spell so many markets closed to us. The 
attempt which has recently been made by the 
State Department to secure assurances frora the 
powers that, in case they should take over, each 
its sphere of influence, — Russia Manchuria, Ger 



many Shantung, and France Yunnan and the 
South, — the present rate of import duties upon 
our trade shall not be increased, is laudable but 
not at all practical. No great power is likely to 
enter upon the government of any part of China 
by abdicating in advance the most important 
attribute of sovereignty ; and even if such an 
assurance were given, it would not be regarded as 
having binding force. When France assumed 
a protectorate over Algiers, and later Tunis, she 
entered into all manner of promises as to the 
maximum of duties to be levied, and made the 
most solemn protestations that foreign shipping 
should not be discriminated against ; but to-day, 
these promises and protestations are in the waste- 
paper basket. Not a foreign ship can trade in 
Algiers or in Tunis ; and to-morrow, even were 
the answers to Mr. Hay's circular letter as pre- 
cise as they are vague, such would be our expe- 
rience with a Russian. China, a French China, 
and a German China. 

Even if we had the antecedents of a country 
which always consulted the best interests of 
its neighbors in formulating a tariff — which we 
have not — how long would Germany let our 
goods into Shantung at 5 per cent, ad valorem^ 
when, across the Yellow Sea at Manila, German 
products might be paying 40 per cent. We have 
no more right to demand that Germany, France, 
and Russia should, when they enter upon actual 

possession of their Chinese spheres of influence, 
not raise the custom duties than they would have 
to say that we have not the right to abrogate 
whatever treaty rights they may have enjoyed in 
Porto Rico or in the Philippines under the Span- 
ish regime. 

If Great Britain, Japan, and the United States 
unite in maintaining the integrity of China, the 
scheme of partition will not succeed. It is true 
that Japan would like, for many reasons, such a 
lodgment on the mainland as a slice from the 
corpus of her traditional enemy would give her. 
But what Japan most wants is to block the game 
of Russia, France, and Germany, the unholy 
alliance, as it is called in Tokio, which robbed 
her of the fruits of her successful war. The es- 
pecial grievance of Germany, the murder of her 
ambassador by, it is still said, Chinese troops, 
complicates the situation a great deal. As it re- 
quired quite a chunk of Shantung to satisfy 
Germany for the murder of a missionary by rob- 
bers, it may be thought in Berlin that all China 
is not large enough to repay for the outrage com- 
mitted upon the sacred person of her representa- 
tive. The situation is certainly grave ; but there 
is no reason to doubt that, if England, Japan, 
and the United States only stand together, they 
can preserve China from the avowedly predatory 
powers, and keep open to trade, under civilized 
conditions, the last great market of the world. 



TPHE two great national political conventions 
^ of 1900 afforded interesting contrasts, 
coincidences, and studies. At Philadelphia, the 
Republican convention was businesslike. One 
did not need personal acquaintance with many 
of the delegates to become convinced that, it was 
to a great, perhaps an unusual, extent an as- 
semblage of business men. Most of them ap- 
peared to be successful men — practical men ; 
men not much given to emotionalism, and not at 
*11 to that form of demonstration known as con- 
vention hysterics. The result was that at Phila- 
delphia the Republicans did not make much of a 
display of what we press writers call onthnsiasm 
— not nearly so much as was made at Kansas 
<-'ity. In truth, the Republican gatherinfc was 
rather col<i an<i not easily roused, liy obviously 
organized effort, something akin to an old -time 
demongtration was made over the mention of 

President McKinley's name ; but there was not 
much heart in it. It was a mattei of form as 
much as anything else, and men cheered and 
paraded, and lifted on high the standards of the 
States, because that is quite the proper thing to 
do at a national convention, and most people 
feel that they have not gotten their money's 
worth without it. On the whole, the Philadel- 
phia convention passed off in quite a businesslike 
fashion. There were not many speeches — only 
such as the managers wished to have made. 
Everything was in good running order. The 
discipline was well-nigh perfect. With the ex- 
ception of a little hitch over the platform, every 
one appeared to be thoroughly satisfied with the 

At Kansjks City, \vt* saw quite a different sort 
uf affair. That convention was not Ui'arly so 
well in hand. It was an assemblage of earnest 



and enthusiastic m^n, prone to much speech 
making, and not so much addicted to running 
with the political machine and submitting to the 
dictation of leaders as are their rivals of the 
other party. Excepting the great delegations 
from New York, Illinois, and perhaps one or two 
other States, where the Democrats imitate the 
Republican style of politics, much individualism 
was apparent. It struck me that there were at 
■Kansas City many more lawyers than at Phila- 
delphia — young country lawyers, who love to 
make speeches and dabble in the game of politics. 
At Kansas City, the lawyer appeared to take the 
place which the successful business man had oc- 
cupied at Philadelphia. On the whole, thejper- 
sonnel of the Democratic convention was seem- 
ingly of a slightly higher grade than that of the 
Republican assemblage. The advantage was on 
the other side as to the Northern States ; but the 
Southern representation at Philadelphia was, as 
usual, more or less of the rotten -borough order. 

At Washington we have an axiom, trite but 
true, that responsibility always exerts a sobering 
effect upon men chosen to public station. The 
sense of responsibility may have sobered the con- 
vention representatives of the party in power. 
As a rule, a party that is out and trying to get 
in displays more enthusiasm than the one that is 
in and trying to stay there ; and this principle ex- 
tends in a most important sense to the elections, 
and sometimes dictates the result. But beyond 
this I am satisfied, from close observation, that 
the Democrats have within them more genuine 
feeling and a greater tendency to display it in 
effective fashion. This is a temperamental fact. 
It is due largely to the greater amount of indi- 
vidualism within the Democratic ranks. It is 
due, in part, to the fact that the Democratic 
party is essentially a party of protest, of dissent, 
of close adherence to the old principles, the max- 
ims and axioms of the fathers and of the Consti- 
tution ; and this implies more sentimentality, 
more emotionalism, freer utterance. Add to this 
that fighting or unyielding quality of the Ameri- 
can character which nerves men after a defeat, 
and makes them desperate, defiant, and shoutful, 
and we can readily understand why the delegates 
at Kansas City expressed themselves in a way 
which by comparison caused their rivals at Phila- 
delphia to appear like a stage army. 

Nor must we forget the audience. At Pliila- 
«ielphia most of the spectators were from the 
staid City of Brotherly Love. Beyond a few 
hundred of Mr. Quay's personal and political fol- 
lowers, most of the people in the acres of seats 
appeared to be society folk. What could you ex- 
pect in the way of enthusiasm from such a source, 
contrasted with the lusty-lunged farmers from 

about Kansas City, the sun -browned men of the 
wind-swept prairies ? All these things combined 
to make the anti- imperialism demonstration at 
Kansas City notable and memorable in the his- 
tory of such scenes in American conventions. I 
have never seen a more magnificent spectacle 
than that presented when 20,000 spectators joined 
2,000 delegates and alternates in synchronously 
swinging more than a score thousands. of little 
starry flags, and in singing, after the swelling 
strains of the horns, * * My Country, 'Tis of Thee." 

Politically, it seemed most significant that it 
was in aid of this demonstration over * * the para- 
mount issue of the campaign " that the mana- 
gers of the convention let loose all their wealth 
of spectacular effect, such as the 20,000 lit- 
tle flags and the great-lettered banner which 
hung from the roof directly over the heads of the 
distinguished people upon the platform, and 
which was unfurled like a giant curtain at the 
critical moment. According to programme, all 
this was to have come at the nomination of Mr. 
Bryan ; but the men who had the convention in 
hand, though Bryan men fairly and honestly 
enough, were not in favor of Bryan's silver 
plank, and naturally improved this opportunity 
to emphasize their hope for the passing of silver 
to the rear in the coming campaign. 

Psychologically, the two conventions were in 
striking contrast, and their spiritual attitudes 
were wholly typical of the temperament and tra- 
ditions of the parties behind them. The Repub- 
licans were content with what is, and deterrnined 
to hold fast to well enough. The Democrats were 
seeking something to deplore. At Philadelphia 
the keynote was business prosperity. There was 
nothing selfish or sordid in the spirit shown. No 
one appeared to be glad simply because he had 
thrived during the last few years. On the con- 
trary, there was what might well be termed a 
combination of political self-assurance and gen- 
eral altruism — an easy assumption that all this 
prosperity had been brought about by Republican 
rule and Republican legislation, and a joyful 
celebration of the good times that had come to 
the masses of their countrymen. Business is cer- 
tainly the dominant note in America this day, 
and, far from being ashamed, these Republicans 
gloried in it. Their President they looked upon 
as the incarnation of commercial growth and 
prosperity, and their greatest enthusiasm was 
shown at mention of the gigantic figures which 
sumniarizetl the beneficence of his reign. The 
proV)lem of the future of the Philippines they 
looked at like business men. That was a re- 
sponsibility which they had not sought, but which 
circumstances had thrust upon them. Now that 
they were m the trouble, they proposed to see it 



through — to do their full duty by their new 
wards, and at the same time, if possible, make a 
good thing of it for themselves. At Philadel- 
phia, too, there was a calm note of confidence 
in American character, in American institutions, 
and American executive ability — the optimism 
of success. 

It was wholly different at Kansas City. Thei-e 
ap{>eared a distinct reaction against the commer- 
cialism of the age. Tlie man who managed and 
voted in that convention represented, consciously 
or unconsciously, the underdog elements of soci- 
ety — the elements which are in a state of dis- 
content. Democracy is distinctively tlie party of 
protest, and it was easy to see that it must have 
something to protest against. Of course, it could 
not protest against general prosperity. It dare 
not protest against commercial expansion, which 
is one of prosperity's agencies. But as the rep- 
resentative of elements whose strongest instincts 
are not commercial, whose usual spiritual state 
is one of discontent because some part of the 
people are too prosperous and growing rich too 
rapidly, it must protest against something. It 
must sound some sort of an alarm. It must 
strike some keynote that should serve to hold 
the men and women who, as one of the most 
conspicuous friends of Mr. Bryan said to me, 
" are the people who turn from the commercial- 
ism of the day and make popular the romantic 
or historical novel — the people who are weary of 
the everlasting jingle of the dollar and the pride 
of power, and who instinctively take noble deeds 
and lofty sentiments for their ideals." Hence 
the sweeping denunciation of commercialism and 
its twin agencies, militarism and imperialism ; 
and hence the wave of enthusiasm, amounting 
almost to frenzy, which swept through the con- 
vention hall when the plat form -makers harked 
l^ack to that good old phrase, ** consent of the 
governed," and ^e little flags and the great ban- 
ner and the band were turned loose to fill space 
with flying things, and produce the extraordinary 
spectacle of a score of thousand of people all 
thinking the same thing at the same instant, and 
each in his way trying to outdo his neighbor in 
giving frantic vent to his emotions. 

Three distinct and powerful factors were at 
work underneath the surface in the Democratic 
convention. One was this reaction against the 
commercial and materialistic spirit of the age, 
and a desire to return to the simple faith of the 
fathers. Another was a recoil of the old-time 
Democracy from the wild excess which it entered 
upon at Chicago four years before. In 1896 
Democracy had left its ancient moorings and 
jomed hands with the Populistic, paper- money, 
inflation, free-silver, semi -socialistic third party. 

It had staked upon that and lost. It appeared 
at Kansas City eager to retrace its steps. It 
wanted no more Populite alliance. It wanted no 
more free silver, except in the mild way of a 
reaffirmation of the old platform for consist- 
ency's sake. Anti-imperialism, anti -militarism, 
anti-commercialism, and anti-materialism gener- 
ally were all joyfully welcomed. I'hey fitted its 
mood. They restored the party to its natural 
and most effective posture, with its right hand 
resting upon the sacred book and with its left 
wildly gesticulating its opposition to the dreadful 
tendencies of the foe. 

But the third factor in the situation would not 
let these two reactions run together and wholly 
have their way. Mr. Bryan was that third fac- 
tor, and he proved stubborn and powerful. 
When the convention assembled, more than 
three-fourths of its delegates were found in favor 
of dropping silver by means of a simple reaffir- 
mation. Among those who took this stand were 
Mr. Bryan's convention managers. Chairman 
Jones and former Governor Stone, of Mis- 
souri. Mr. Bryan commanded these men to 
turn about face and put silver in ; he made com- 
pliance with his will a test of loyalty. They 
obeyed. Through them others were worked 
upon with the same pressure. Mr. Bryan threat- 
ened to refuse to be the candidate unless his 
wishes were complied with. He threatened, 
moreover, that if the managers failed to obey, 
he would proceed to Kansas City by special 
train and appear before the convention in person, 
and appeal from leaders to delegates with his 
eloquent voice. Mr. Bryan won the remarkable 
victory of forcing a great convention to do his 
bidding — even though, in the opinion of a ma- 
jority of the delegates, hope of success in Novem- 
ber was sacrificed to obedience to Mr. Bryan in 

1 have talked with Mr. Bryan since the con- 
vention, and I know he is well content with his 
work. He not only believes that he did the 
right thing, but that he is entitled to the incre- 
ment of a good action, and will get it. Not the 
least part of his motive was a desire to place 
himself in vivid contrast with a conception which 
many people have formed of his rival for the 
Presidency. To all who look upon Mr. McKinley 
as deficient in moral backbone, Mr. Bryan tried 
to say, by his heroic mastery of the elements of 
reaction and silver conservatism at Kansas City : 
* * Behold me ! I am strong enough to keep the 
faith ;* I am not an opportunist ; I stand by my 
principles at any cost." Mr. Bryan thinks he 
has gained immeasurably in public esteem by 
this attitude. He believes he has made a moral 
hero of himself. 



Mr. Bryan is in earnest. If his party thinks 
it has sidetracked silver, and if successful at the 
polls will be able to bury it in some dusty legis- 
lative pigeon-hole, it is reckoning without Mr. 
Bryan ; for he tells his friends that, after he is 
inaugurated, he will insist that Congress repeal 
the gold -standard law and enact a free-coinage 
16-to-l statute. Unless his friends induce hira 
to desist, he will say so in his speech of accept- 
ance ; and at the same time he will renew his 
allegiance to the income-tax proposal, which was 
omitted from the platform, greatly to his regret 
and surprise. 

Putting in silver again was Mr. Byran's only 
triumph at Kansas City. There were several 
other things he wanted which he did not get, and 
to secure what he did he was compelled to show 
his hand in a manner which even Mr. McKinley 
would not have dared to do at Philadelphia. 
Bryan coerced his managers and his followers as 
to 16 to 1, but he failed to receive the nomina- 
tioii on the Fourth of July, as be had hoped ; he 
failed to receive an expected and desired invita- 
tion from the convention to appear before it, and 
he failed to bring about the nomination of his 
favorite candidate for the Vice -Presidency, Mr. 
Towne, the former Republican. 

It is a remarkable coincidence that in neither 
convention of this year did the unanimously 
named nominee for President secure the running 
mate of his choice. Mr. Bryan had agreed to 
go to Kansas City and speak to the convention, 
if a resolution of invitation were passed by the 
delegates. He was warmly favorable to the ' 
nomination of Mr. Towne, his personal friend ; 
and it was believed that Mr. Bryan's presence 
in Kansas City previous to the nomination of 
the second -place candidate would result in the 
selection of Towne. The night Bryan was nom- 
inated, the friends of Towne had ready a reso- 
lution invitmg Mr. Bryan to speak to the con- 
vention the next day^ This resolution was 
intrusted to ex -Governor Stoiue, who quietly 
kept it in his pocket. Another Towne delegate 
attempted to offer a similar resolution, but 
Messrs. Jones and Stone instructed the chair- 
man not to recognize him, and to declare the 
convention adjourned. All this time Mr .Bryan, 
at Lincoln, was prepared to take special train for 
Kansas City, and was much chagrined when he 
learned the convention had adjourned over with- 
out inviting him to appear before it. 

Next day, Mr. Stevenson was named for Vice- 
President. He had from the first had the sup- 
port of Mr. Bryan's own managers — Messrs. 
Jones, Stone, Johnson, and others. In this we 
see evidence of the strong individualism and 
sturdy independence which prevailed among the 

Democrats. These managers could not defeat 
Bryan's silver plank without disloyalty to their 
chief ; but, sharing in the reaction of their party 
against ultraism and Populism, they did feel free 
to defeat Towne, the nominee of the third party. 
They felt at liberty, also, after whipping Mr. 
Bryan's silver plank through the committee on 
resolutions by two votes out of more than fifty — 
these two furnished by such outlying bailiwicks 
as Hawaii and Alaska — to bury that plank in the 
body of the platform ; to declare imperialism the 
paramount issue, And to set in motion all the 
stage effects at their command to give empha- 
sis to the declaration. Mr. Bryan, as a candidate 
for the Presidency who hopes to win, has much 
to thank his managers for. 

It is another interesting coincidence that in 
neither of the great conventions of 1900 did the 
nominee for President secure adoption of the 
platform which had previously received his ap- 
proval. It is well known that a member of 
President McKinley's cabinet, Postmaster-Gen- 
eral Smith, drew after much consultation a plat- 
form which was submitted to the President, 
revised and approved by him, and carried to 
Philadelphia and placed before the committee 
on resolutions. It is also known that the plat 
form which was reported to and adopted by the 
convention was quite another document in text, 
and that important and significant omissions ha^J 
been made from the declarations contained in the 
approved original — notably an expression con- 
cerning the constitutional question raised by the 
Porto Rico legislation, an omission which Presi- 
dent McKinley bravely supplied in his speech of 

The original text of the Democratic platform 
was written by another journalist — Col. Charles 
H. Jones, of St. Louis. He sent his draft to 
Chairman Jones, who in turn sent it on to Mr. 
Bryan two months or more b#fore the conven- 
tion. Mr. Bryan made some changes and sev- 
eral important additions. He reiterated those 
planks of the Chicago platform dealing with sil- 
ver, with the income tax, and with government 
by injunction. Only the silver plank was left in 
by the committee. 

This year's national conventions have been 
singularly unfruitful of men. At Kansas City 
the reaction toward old-line Democracy which 
modified the platform and nominated Stevenson 
gave David Bennett Hill a temporary conspicuity 
far beyond his relative importance. There was 
admiration for him because of his well-remem- 
bered slogan, **I am a Democrat,'' and because 
also he was ready to make a square and manly 
fight for averting the silver mistake which Bryan 
insisted upon. 


THERE is one feature of tlie present Presi- 
dential campaign which is matter for uni- 
versal gratification. No member of any party 
needs to suppress his conscience in order to de- 
fend the private life of his candidates. All the 
candidates on the Presidential tickets are men 
whose private lives realize the high ideals of 
the great mass of the American people. Mr. 
McKinley's devotion to his invalid wife has won 
for hnn the warm affection of political opponents ; 
and Mr. Bryan's devotion to his liome has en- 
deared him to his Republican neighbors. 

Mr. Bryan was married in 1884, three years 
after his graduation from college, and one year 
after his admission to the bar. His wife, Mary 
Baird Bryan, is one year younger than himself, 
and attended the Presbyterian Seminary in Jack, 
eonville. III., durmg the same years that her 
husband was attending the Illinois College in the 
same city. Mrs. Bryan was the daughter of a 
merchant in the village of Perry, 111. — her 
family, like that of Mr. Bryan, belonging dis- 


(The portndte in this article are from new photographs 
by To«ni««nd, Lincoln, Neb., and are reproduced through 
the coartmy ot Mrs. Bryan, who furnished them at the 
ivqncst of the Reyibw or Reviews.) 


tinctively to what are called the middle classes, 
no member thereof having attained great wealth, 
and none having been reduced to abject poverty. 
Even since their marriage they have continued 
their student life together — Mrs. Bryan, during 
the years immediately following, studying law 
with her husband as instructor, pursuing the 
course prescribed in the Union College of Law, 
Chicago, and being admitted to practise before 
the Supreme Court of Nebraska in 1888. She 
did not, however, study with any idea of prac- 
tising law, but merely to keep in touch with her 
husband's work. 

Three children have been lx)rn to Mr. and 
Mrs. Bryan, all of whom are still living. The 
oldest, Ruth Baird, is now nearly fifteen ; the 
second, William Jennings, Jr., is eleven ; and 
the youngest, Grace Dexter, is nine. ' ' The 
older girl," Mi*s. Bryan has justly observed, ^*is 
very much like her mother ; the younger strongly 
resembles her father, and the son seems to be a 



William Jennings Bryan, Jr. 

Rath Baird Bryan. 


Grace Dexter Bryan. 

composite photograph of both parents." Mrs. 
Bryan is one of many thousand refutations of 
the old fear that the higher education of women 
would lessen their interest in the affairs of home. 
She illustrates the truth that the stronger a 
woman's interest in the sgrious things of life, the 
greater will be her devotion to the supreme interest 
of every serious woman. 
Mrs. Bryan has been to her 
children their constant com- 
panion, and her unity of 
interest with them has 
been as marked as her 
unity of interest with her 

The Bryan home at Lin- 
coln was built by Mr. Bry- 
an soon after he entered the 
practice of law at that place. 
It is a comfortable dwel- 
ling, but not in any way 
a pretentious one The 
large library in' winch Mr. 
Bryan spends most of his 
time has, as its most not- 
able feature, three large 
portraits of Washington, 
Jefferson, and Lincoln — 
Jef ferson, significantly 
enough, occupying the cen- 

tral place. The books that fill the shelves are, 
in the main, devoted to political economy and 
American history, though some of the standard 
novelists are also represented. It is, however, 
distinctively the library of a serious man, with 
whom the political life of his own country is the 
absorbing passion. 

f - ^ 








"T- ' - 



r%' ■ 

' , ■ Vi."'- • 



^ r " ^ r '-^ 

- iV»^ ^- 





< 1 




I AM asked to tell what I know of TheoJore 
Roosevelt, being his frieml, and why he 
should be elected to the high office his country- 
men have thrust upon him. But before I do 
that, let nie, as a citizen of his State, record my 
protest against his being taken from us before he 
was half done with his work as governor of New 
York* and get my mind freed on the subject. 
We cannot spare liim at all. Whatever we 
shall do with the factory law. which was just from 
a dead-letter becoming an active force ; with the 
tenement- house problem, which means life, liber- 
ty, and the pursuit of happiness to a million wage- 
earners ; with the franchises and the trusts, whom 
he gave the cold shivers by proposing to deal 
ju.^tly by them — whatever the bosses will do with 
us when he is gone who dealt justly by them 
also, I don't know. I know what happened in 
the police department when he was gone. May 
it help us to understand that the Roosevelts and 
the Warings of our day are sent to set the rest 
of us to work, and that for us to stand by and see 
thf^m do it, merely applauding and calling them 


(At hla desk at police headquarters. New York City.) 

good fellows, is not the meaning of it and not 
sense. Only when we grasp that^ is their real 
work done, and we need have no further fear of. 
the bosses. There ! I have said it ; and, hav- 
ing said it, shall do what it is the business of 
every good New Yorker and every good citizen 
anywhere to do : take off my coat and help put 
Theodore Roosevelt where the mass of his coun- 
trymen want him, even though I have to give 
him up. As I understand it, that is the Ameri- 
can plan. 

I remember well when we first ran across 
each other. Seen him I had before, heading an 
investigation committee that came down from 
Albany with true instinct to poke up the police 
department. I had followed his trail in the 
legislature, always exposing jobbery, fighting 
boss rule, much to the amazement of the poli- 
ticians who beheld this silk-stocking youngster, 
barely out of college, rattling dry bones they had 
thought safely buried out of the reach of even 
old hands at that business. They comforted 
themselves with the belief that it was a fad and 
would blow over. It did 
not blow over. They lived 
to rue the day, some of 
tliem, when they ** picked 
him up " as a handy man in 
a faction fight. They got 
rather more fight out of him 
than they bargained for. 
But they might have spared 
themselves their s e 1 f - r e - 
proaches. They were not to 
blame. Having come of 
age, he went to the primary 
to do his duty as a citizen, 
and "got in" through tiie 
first door that offered. 
They could not have kept 
him out had they tried. He 
would have battered down 
the door. They know that 

But alx)ut that meeting. 
It was soon after I had pub- 
lished ** How the Other Half 
Lives." I had been reading 
some magazine articles of 
his that kept growing upon 
me the of tener I turned 



them over, wlien be came to the Evening Sun 
office one day looking for rae. I was out, but he 
left his card with the simple message that he had 
read my book, and **had come to help." That 
was the introduction. It' seems only a little 
while ago, and measured by years it is not long ; 
but what has he not helped with in New York 
since? We needed to have the police made 
decent, and he pulled it out of the slough of 
blackmail it was in. It did not stay out, but 
that was not his fault. He showed that it could 
be done with honest purpose. While he was 
there it was decent ; and, by the way, let me 
say right here that there is a much larger per- 
centage of policemen than many imagine who 
look back to that time as the golden age of the 
department, wlien every man had a show on his 
merits, and whose votes are quietly cast on elec- 
tion day for the things ** Teddy" stands for. I 
doubt if there is a man with a clean record in 
the whole eight thousand who would not welcome 
him back. The crooks are to be excused for 
hating him. They have cause. 

We had been trying for forty years to achieve 
a system of dealing decently with our homeless 
poor. Twoscore years before the surgeons of the 
police department had pointed out that herding 
them in the cellars or over the prisons of police 
stations in festering heaps, and turning them oui; 
hungry at daybreak to beg their way from door 
to door, was indecent and inhuman. Since then 
grand juries, academJes of medicine, committees 
of philanthropic citizens, had attacked the foul 
disgrace, but to no purpose. Pestilence ravaged 
the prison lodgings, but still they stayed. I 
know what that fight meant ; for I was one of 
a committee that waged it year after year, and 
suffered defeat every time, until Theodore Roose- 
velt came and destroyed the nuisance in a night. 
J remember the caricatures of tramps shivering 
in the cold with which the yellow newspapers 
pursued him at the time, labeling him the *' poor 
man's foe." And I remember being just a little 
uneasy lest they wound him, and perhaps make 
him think he had been hasty. But not he. Lt 
was only those who did not know him who 
charged him with being hasty. He thought a 
thing out quickly — yes, that is his way ; but he 
thought it out, and having thought it out, suited 
action to his judgment. Of the consequences he 
didn't think at all. He made sure he was right, 
and then went ahead with perfect confidence 
that things would come out right. 

The poor man's foe ! Why, the poor man 
never had a better friend than Theodore Roose- 
velt. We had gone tlirough a season of excite- 
ment over our tenement- houses. The awful ex- 
hibits of the Gilder Committee had crowded 

remedial laws through the legislature — laws that 
permitted the destruction of tenement-house prop- 
erty on the showing that it was bad. Bad meant 
murderous. The death records showed that the 
worst rear tenements killed one in five of the l»a- 
bies born in them. The Tenement- House Com- 
mittee called them ** infant slaughter-houses.*' 
They stood condemned, but still they stood. A 
whole year was the law a dead-letter, until, as 
president of the police board, Roosevelt became 
also a member of the health board that was 
charged with the enforcement of the statute. 
Then they went, and quickly. A hundred of 
them were seized, and most of them destroyed. 
In the June number of the Review of Reviews 
I gave the result in the case of a single row, the 
Barracks in Mott Street, which Mr. Roosevelt 
and I personally inspected and marked for seiz- 
ure.* The death-rate came down from 39.56 in 
the thousand of the living to 16.28 — less than 
the general death-rate of the whole city ! 

That work stopped too. Thejj are seizing no 
more rear tenements since Tammany came back. 
It has been too busy putting up the price of ice, 
that means life m these hot summer months to 
the poor man's babies, whether in front or rear 
tenement. 1 should have liked to see Theodore 
Roosevelt run on his record in our State this fall 
against the ice- trust conspiracy — the man who 
saved the poor man's babies against the villains 
who would see them perish with indifference, so 
long as it paid them a profit. It would have 
been instructive — mightily I 

I had watched police administration in Mulberry 
Street for nearly twenty years, and I had seen 
many sparring matches between working men and 
the police board. Generally, there was bad faith 
on one side ; not infrequently on both. It was 
human that some of the labor men should misin- 
terpret Mr. Roosevelt's motives when, as presi- 
dent of the board, he sent word that he wanted 
to meet them and talk strike troubles over with 
them. They got it into their heads, I suppose, 
that he had come to crawl ; but they were speed- 
ily undeceived. I can see his face now, as he 
checked the first one who hinted at trouble. I 
fancy that man can see it, too — in his dreams. 

*' Gentlemen," said Mr. Roosevelt, *♦ I have 
come to get your point of view, and see if we 
can't agree to help each other out. But we want 
to make it clear to ourselves at the start that the 
greatest damage any working man can do to his 
cause is to counsel violence. Order must be 
maintained ; and, make no mistake, I will main- 
tain it." 

* I was. at tljc time, executive officer of the Good-GoT- 
ernment Clubs. 




I tingled with pride when tliey cheered him to 
the echo. They had come to meet a politician. 
They met a man, and they knew him at sight. 

It was after midnight when we plodded home 
from that meeting through snow two feet deep. 
Mr. Roosevelt was pleased and proud — proud of 
his fellow -citizens. **They are all right," he 
said. » * We understand each other, and we 
shall get along." And they did get along, with 
perfect confidence on both sides. The scoundrels 
in and out of the newspaper business who sat 
in the chimney-corner that night took it out in 
declaring that Roosevelt had gone to a dive — a 
**Seeley dinner show." It happened that there 
was a music hall on the ground floor of the 
building in which the labor men met. Roosevelt 
never took any notice of their attacks. He had 
other things — real things, to do ; and for the 
man who didn't fight fair, he had only contempt. 
He never struck a foul blow in his life, no mat- 
ter how hot the fight. 

I read a story when I was a boy about a man 
who, pursued by a relentless enemy, dwelt in se- 
curity because of his belief that his plotting could 
not hurt an honest man. Mr. Roosevelt con- 
stantly made me think of him. He spoke of it 
only once, but 1 saw him act out that belief a 
hundred times. Mulberry Street could never 
have been made to take any stock in it. When 
It failed to awe Roosevelt, it tried to catch him. 
Jobs innumerable were put up to discredit the 
president of the board and inveigle him into 
awkward positions. Probably he never knew 
of one -tenth of them. I often made them 

out long after they were 
scattered to the winds. 
Mr. Roosevelt walked 
through them with perfect 
unconcern, kicking aside 
the snares that were set 
so elaborately to catch him. 
The politicians who saw 
him walk apparently blind- 
ly into a trap and beheld 
him emerge with damage 
to the trap only could not 
understand it. They con- 
cluded it was his luck It 
was not. It was his sense. 
He told me once after such 
a time that it was a mat- 
ter of conviction with him 
that no frank and honest 
man could be in the long 
run entangled by the 
snares of plotters, what- 
ever appearances might 
for the moment indicate. 
So he walked unharmed in it all. Bismarck 
confounded the councils of Europe at times by 
practising Roosevelt's plan as a trick. He spoke 
the truth bluntly when the plotters expected him 
to lie, and rounded them up easily. 

One charge his enemies made against him in 
which there was truth. It summed itself all up 
in that with a heat that was virtual acknowledg- 
ment of its being the whole arraignment : that 
there was always a fight where he was. • * Always 
trouble," said the peace -at- any -price men, who 
counseled surrender when Roosevelt was fighting 
for a decent Sunday through the enforcement of 
the law compelling the saloons to close. * ' Never 
any rest." No ! There was never any rest for 
the lawbreakers when he was around, nor for 





those who would avoid ** trouble'' by weakly 
surrendering to them. Roosevelt gauged New 
York exactly right when he set alx)ut his turbu- 
lent programme of enforcement of law. The 
scandal was not that we were being robbed 
by political cutthroats, but that we submitted 
tamely. The formula we heard so often from 
his lips in the years that followed — honesty, 
manhood, courage — was the exact prescription 
we needed. We in the metropolis are abun- 
dantly able to run the robbers out of town and 
keep them out by just following the road he 
made for us when he ran them out of the polico 
department. But he made it, fighting. It was 
true that there was never any rest while he was 
at it, night or day. When he had battled all 
day in Mulberry Street, he would sometimes get 
up at two o'clock in the morning and go out on 
patrol to find out the policemen who were steal- 
ing the city's time. 1 loved to go out with him 
on these trips, not merely because I loved to be 
with him wherever he was, but because of the 
keen enjoyment he took in his work and in every 
faithful policeman he found on his post. Some 
well-fed citizens who hated to have their rest 
disturbed sneered at these nocturnal excui*sions ; 
but they slept more securely in their beds be- 
cause of them. It became suddenly possible to 
find a policeman anywhere at any hour of the 
night in New York. Within a year after the 
old Tammany regime had come back, an epidemic 
of night fires that cost many lives brought from 
the firemen the loud protest that policemen were 
not awake, and the chief found it necessary to 
transfer half the force of a [)recinct for sleeping 
on post. 

No ; — there was never any rest when Roose- 
velt was around. There was none in C>ongress 
during the six years he was a civil-service com- 
missioner under Harrison and Cleveland ; and as 
a result, where there had been 14,000 places 
under the merit and capacity rules of the com- 
mission when he came in, there were 40,000 
when he went out. To that extent spoils politics 
had been robbed of its sting. There was even 
less repose in the navy department when he went 
there as assistant secretary, fresh from the fight 
in Mulberry Street, to sharpen the tools of war. 
It had a familiar sound to us in New York, 
when we heard the cry go up that Roosevelt 
wanted a row, and didn't care what it cost. lie 
was asking, if I remember rightly, for some- 
thing less than $1,000,000 for target practice on 
the big ships. The only notice he took of it 
was to demand another S?500,000 about the time 
he got Dewey sent to the East. I was in Wash- 
ington at the time, and I rememl)er asking him 
about that. Commodore Dewey was sometimes 

spoken of in those days as if he were a kind of 
fashion plate. And I remember his answer, as 
we were walking up Connecticut Avenue : 

''Dewey is all right," he said. **He has a 
lion heart. He is the man for that place/' 

Not many of us will quarrel with him about 
that now, or alx)ut the wisdom of shooting away 
that million in target practice. It made » * the maii 
behind the gun," of whom we are all so proud. 
The fact is that Roosevelt, so far from being a 
hasty man given to snap judgments, is one of 
the most far-sighted statesmen of any day. He 
has shown it in everything he has taken hold of. 
It was in Washington as it was in New York. 
The thing that beclouds the judgment of his 
critics is the man's amazing capacity for work. 
He can weigh the pros and cons of a case and get 
at the meat of it in less time than it takes most of 
us to state the mere proposition. And he is sur- 
prisingly thorough. Nothing escapes him. His 
judgment comes sometimes as a shock to the 
man of slower ways. He does not stop at con- 
ventionalities. If a thing is right, it is to be 
done — and right away. It was notably so with 
the round- robin in Cuba asking the Government 
to recall the perishing army when it had won the 
fight. ■ People shook their heads, and talked of 
precedents. Precedents ! It has been Roose^ 
velt's business to make them most of his time. 
But is there any one to-day who thinks he set 
that one wrong ? (^ertainly no one who with me 
saw the army come home. It did not come a 
day too soon. 

Roosevelt is no more infallfble than the rest of 
us. Over and over again I have seen him pause 
when he had decided upon his line of action, and 
review it to see where there was a chance for 
mistake. Finding none, he would issue his or- 
der with the sober comment : " There, we have 
done the best we could. If there is any mistake 
we will make it right. The fear of it shall not 
deter us from doing our duty. The only man 
who never makes a mistake is the man who never 
does anything." 

When he had done his work for the ships and 
resigned his oflSce to take the field, the croakers 
shouted that at last he had made the mistake of 
his life ; — all to get into a scrap. His men <lidn't 
think so when he lay with them in the trenches 
before Santiago, sharing his last biscuit with 
them. They got to know him there, and to love 
him. I know what it cost him to leave his sick 
wife and his babies. I wanted to keep him at 
home, but I saw him go with pride, because I 
knew he went at the call of duty. He thought 
the war just and right. He had done what he 
could to bring it on as the only means of stopping 
the murder in C'uba, and he went to do his share 




iA the fighting as a matter of right and of example 
to the young men to whom he was a type of tlie 
citizen and the patriot. As that type, when he 
came home, we made him our governor in New 
York State. We ran him on the pledge of liis 
record — the pledge of honesty, manhood, and 
coui*age ; and he kept the pledge. 1 shall let 
some one else tell the story of that. Just let me 
recall the last trip we took together,* because it 
was so much like the old days in Mulberry 
^itreet. There had arisen a contention as to 
wliether the factory inspector did his duty by the 
sweat-shops or not, and from the testimony he 
was unable to decide. So he came down from 
Albany to see for himself. It was a sweltering 
hot day when we made a tour of the stewing tene- 
ments on the down-town east side. 1 doubt if 
any other governor that ever was would attempt it. 
1 know that none ever did. But he never shirked 
one of the twenty houses we had marked out for 
exploration. He examined the evidence in each, 
while the tenants wondered who the stranger was 
wlio to<jk so much interest in their affairs ; and 
as the result he was able to mark out a course for 
the factory inspector that ought to double and 
treble the efficiency of his office and bring untold 
relief to a hundred thousand tenement-house 
workers — if it is followed when Roosevelt is no 
longer in Albany. That will l)e our end of it : to 
see to it that he did not labor in vain. 

That is Roosevelt as I saw him daily during 
those good years when things we had hoped for 
were done. There stands upon my shelves a 
row of books, more than a dozen in number, 
beginning with the ** Naval War of 1812," written 

when he was scarcely out of college, and yet 
ranking as an authority, both here and abroad, 
including the four stout volumes of ''The Win- 
ning of the West." .nnd ending with his " Rough- 
riders," the picturesque account of that pictur- 
esque regiment in the last war, which testify to 
his untiring energy as a recorder as well as a 
maker of history. The secret of that is the story 
of the police force and the sweat-shops over again: 
his enjoyment of the work. If I were to sum 
the man and his achievements up in a sentence, I 
think I should put it that way. But that would 
not mean an accident of the Dutch and Hugue- 
not and Irish blood that go to make up his 
heredity. It would mean of itself an achieve- 
ment. Theodore Roosevelt was born a puny 
child. He could not keep up with the play of 
other children, or learn so easily as they. He 
had to make himself what he is, and with the 
indomitable will that characterized the boy as it 
does the man, he set about it. He became at 
once an athlete and a student. When he joins 
the two, he is at his best. His accounts of life on 
the Western plains, of hunting in the Bad Lands 
of Dakota, where he built his ranch on the banks 
of the Little Missouri, are written out of the man's 

Mr. Roosevelt's recent protest against the im- 
pertinent intrusion of the camera tiend upon the 
seclusion of his home life at Oyster Bay was per- 
fectly characteristic of him, and of his way of 
saying the right thing at the right time. The 
whole country applauded it. In his home Mr. 
Roosevelt ceases to be governor of the Empire 
State, and becomes husban<l and father, the com- 




panion of his children, who treat him like their 
big, overgrown brother. His love for children, 
especially for those who have not so good a time 
as some others, is as instinctive as his champion- 
sliip of all that needs a lift. I doubt if he is 
aware of it himself. He does not recognize as 
real sympathy what he feels rather as a sense of 
duty. Yet 1 have seen him, when school chil- 
dren crowded around the rear platform of the 


(Father of Governor Roosevelt.) 

train from which he had been making campaign 
speeches, to shake hands, catch the eye. of a poor 
little crippled girl in a patched frock, who was 
making frantic but hopeless efforts to reach him 
in the outskirts of the crowd, and, pushing aside 
all the rest, make a way for her to the great 
amazement of the curled darlings in the front 
row. And on the trip home, on the last night 
of the canvass of 18i)8, when we were at dinner 
in his private car, busy reckoning up majorities, 
I saw him get up to greet the engineer of the 
train, who came in his overalls and blouse to 
shake hands, with such pleasure as 1 had not 
seen him show in the biggest meeting we had 
liad. It was a coincidence and an omen that the 
name of the ei^gineer of that victorious trip was 

That bent of his is easily enough explained. 
There hangs in his study at Oyster Bay. apart 
from the many trophies of the chase, the picture 
of a man with a strong, bearded face. 

"That is my father," said Mr. Roosevelt. 

" He was the finest man I ever knew. He was 
a merchant, well-to-do, drove liis four-in-hand 
through the park, and enjoyed life immensely. 
He had such a good time, and with cause, for he 
was a good man. I remember seeing him going 
down Broadway, staid and respectable business 
man that he was, with a poor little sick kitten in his 
coat-pocket, which he had })icked up in the street.'* 

The elder Theodore Roosevelt was a man with 
the same sane and practical interest in his fel- 
low-man that his son has shown. He was the 
backer of Charles Loring Brace in his work of 
gathering the forgotten waifs from the city's 
streets, and of every other sensible charity in 
his day. Dr. Henry Field told me once that he 
always, occupied as he was w^ith the management 
of a successful business, on principle gave one 
day of the six to visiting the poor in their home^. 
Apparently the analogy between father and son 
might be carried farther, to include even the 
famous round-robin ; for, upon the same author- 
ity, it was the elder Theodore Roosevelt who 
went to Washington after the first Bull Run and 
warned President Lincoln that he must get rid 
of Simon Cameron as secretary of war, with tlie 
result that Mr. Stanton, the '* Organizer <»f 
Victory,'' took his place. When the war was 
fairly under way, it was Theodore Roosevelt who 
organized the allotment plan, which saved to the 
families of 80,000 soldiers of New York Stale 
more than $5,000,000 of their pay ; and when 
the war was* over he protected the soldiers against 
the sharks that lay in wait for them, and saw to 
it that they got employment. 

That was the father. 1 have told you what the 
son is like. A man with red blood in his veins ; a 
healthy patriot, with no clap-trap jingoism about 
him, but a rugged belief in America and its mis- 
sion ; an intense lover of country and flag ; a vig- 
orous optimist, a believer in men, who looks for 
the good in them and finds it. Practical in parti- 
sanship ; loyal, trusting, and gentle as a frien<l ; 
unselfish, modest as a woman, clean-handed and 
clean -hearted, and honest to the core. In the 
splendid vigor of his young manhood he is the 
knightliest figure in American politics to-day, 
the fittest exponent of his country's idea, and the 
model for its young sons who are coming to take 
up the task he set them. For their sake I am 
willing to give him up and set him where they 
can all see and strive to be like him. So we 
shall have little need of bothering about boss rule 
and misrule hereafter. We shall farm out the 
job of running the machine no longer ; we shall 
be able to run it ourselves. 

When it comes to that, the Vice- Presidency is 
not going to kill Theodore Roosevelt. It will 
take a good deal more than that to do it. 


Copsrrisht. 1898. by Rockwood. 


A WRITER in a recent number of McClure's 
speaks of Governor Roosevelt as a practi- 
cal exp>erinient in politics. It seems almost ab- 
surd to one who has watched the governor's ca- 
reer, wlio lias seen liim figlit tlie political battle 
for practical irood government from the time that 
he was a meml)er of the Assembly up to the time 
that he took the gubernatorial chair, — to speak of 
him as an experiment. There was no doubt as 
to the attitude that the governor would take 
on all important measures which were brouglit to 
his attention. His whole life was an earnest 
that he would be not only honest and efficient, 
but that he would be creative. He would not be 
content merely to approve or disapprove such 
measures as were brought before him, but would 
have policies and ideas of his own. It was known 
that he would consult with the regular organiza- 
tion, for he himself had said so. For the same 
reason it was known that he would consult with 
independents, good - government clubs, mug 
wumps, and Democrats. In fact, it was well 
known that, from whomsoever the governor 
thoogbt that he could derive intelligent informa- 
tion, be would unhesitatingly avail himself, no 
matter what the political affiliation of the indi- 

vidual might heretofore have been. His advent 
into the gubernatorial chair with his positive 
character, with his broad intellectuality, and, 
when he gets down to business, his entirely self- 
con tainedness, was no experiment either in prac- 
tical politics or, in what is still more important, 
practical statesmanship. We are accustomed to 
speak of the periods of time occupied by the 
executive as ** Ihe years of his administration ;" 
and it is the administrative work which in the 
long run tells. This may not be seen at first ; 
but as the years go by it is more plainly discerni- 
ble, and the good or bad administration will 
show its fruition long after the individual has 
ceased to occupy the executive chair. The ad- 
ministrative work of Governor Roosevelt and his 
colleagues in the several departments will bear 
the closest criticism, and when they shall have 
been judged by their works will be found to have 
measured up to a very high standard of honest 
and efficient government. In no other adminis- 
tration has the work of the attorney-general s 
department been so magnified and brought into 
public notice. The board of claims, of which 
the public has little knowledge, has been over- 
burdened with thousands of claim-cases ; and yet, 
notwithstanding the work that department has 
been called upon to do, it is due to the efficiency 
of the attorney -general's department to be able 
to say that less than one -tenth of the claims 
which have been adjudicated have been found 
against the State. The attorney -general has been 
called upon to act as special counsel in numerous 
instances — in the Gardiner investigation ; in the 
matter of the grand jury of New York City ; in 
the matter of the Syracuse investigation, and 
other similar investigations which have been 
necessitated during the past two years, and which 
have been carefully supervised. And not one 
dollar's worth of money has been expended for 
which vouchers have not been received and hon- 
est money paid. The comptroller's office has 
most carefully safeguarded all the State's finan- 
cial interests, and has performed the maximum 
result with the minimum of expenditure. 

In the department of the secretary of state, 
the work of indexing old patents and papers of 
the State, which for a hundred years have lain 
in the archives of that department unindexed, is 
being accomplished, and when completed will be 
the most valuable historical work that the State 
affords. This work has been done under the 
direct supervision of the secretary of state. The 



receipts of this office have l)oen largely in excess 
of the amount in any previous administration, 
and have been more than suflBcient to pay all tlie 
salaries and expenses of the department. This 
could not have been done had it not been for the 
very careful and conscientious manner in which 
Mr. McDonough has carried on the work. 

The State engineer and surveyor has entirely 
ignored politics in his choice and selection of 
subordinates, and has completely overturned es- 
tablished methods and reformed his department 
in a manner of which any State might well be 

The faithful, eflBcient, and honest administra- 
^tion of the canals has been a matter of public 
comment. The most competent authorities, 
without regard to party, have united to commend 
the department as by far the most conservatively 
and efficiently managed of any for many years. 

The same can be said, to a smaller degree, of 
the department of public buildings. 

Early in his administration. Governor Roose- 
velt adopted the holding of cabinet meetings 
once a week, at which all the heads of depart- 
ments were present. The governor was thus 
brought into contact with those officers elected 
with him, and was able to keep in touch with 
those who were responsible for tlie various State 

In the matter of im{i<essing his ideas upon 
legislation, there are some peculiar instances — 
matters of public importance, which were little 
noticed at the time in the public prints. One of 
the first of these was the 
bill for the prevention of the 
desecration of the Ameri- 
can flag. In this the gov- 
ernor took a peculiar inter- 

Although not a profes- 
sional agriculturist, either 
in a political or actual sense, 
the governor has recognized 
the a 1 1 - i m p o r t a n t part 
w h 1 c h the agriculturists 
play in State polity, and 
whenever occasion has oc- 
curred he has espoused the 
cause of the farmer and the 
market gardener. Amend- 
ments to the agricultural 
law are frequently seen in 
the session laws of 1899 
and 1900. The governor 
hiis been particularly inter- 
ested in the beet -sugar cul- 
ture and the products of 
the dairy, while in season 

and out of season he pressed laws prevent- 
ing tlie adulteration of food products, the 
danger of fertilizers which were below standard, 
improper feeding • stuffs, and other fraudulent 
products, whereby farmers and market gardeners 
in the past have suffered at the hands of unscni- 
pulous and designing men. The betterment, by 
proper and legitimate means, of the life conditions 
of the wage- workers who reside in tenement dis- 
tricts has been his peculiar care. 

The amendments to the labor law, which the 
governor initiated and urged to a successful ter- 
mination, will be of the greatest benefit, and 
will right, and are now righting, grave wrongs. 
He makes it his business to see that these laws 
are properly enforced, and is holding the factory 
inspector to strict accountability for the same. 
More recently, he secured the passage and signed 
the Tenement - House Commission bill, which 
commission is now thoroughly investigating that 
subject ; and when its labors are completed there, 
the tenement population of New York and other 
cities will find themselves in a much better f)osi- 
tion than they have ever l>een before. Particu- 
larly have the beneficent results of this legislation 
been found in the sweat-shops of Xew York 
City ; and hundreds and thousands who have 
been suffering in those polluted holes are reaping 
the benefit of the governor's wise foresight and 
sturdy action. 

The enactment of the code of game-laws is 
very largely the result of the governor's own 
work ; not the least item of which was the pas- 





sage of the law that prevents the taking of 
game out of the State, tliereby preventing evil- 
disposed persons from shooting and taking game 
out of season, and taking it out of the State to 
avoid detection. "When these game-laws sliall 
have been understood by the people, tliey will 
realize the immense amount of labor which has 
been expended upon them, and which must result 
in l)etter care of all kinds of fish and game, some 
varieties of which were being very rapidly de- 
pleted. Those who are unacquainted with the vast 
area of the tract of land known in New York ^tate 
as the forest- preserve can little dream of the 
hours of patient toil which the governor has 
spent wrestling with this subject. Thousands of 
acres of land are now being cared for, and cared 
for in reality — not by implication only, but ac- 
tually cared for as the result of the forestry laws 
which he has placed upon the statute-books, 
with the cooperation of those who have the pres- 
ervation of the forests at heart. 

When entering his office, the governor found, 
on making an examination of the various appro- 
priation bills which had previously been passed, 
that lump sums were given to the heads of de- 
partments, thereby permitting careless expendi- 
ture of money unless very carefully safeguarded. 
The appropriation bills of 1899 and 1900 show 
in this respect a very marked improvement, inas- 
much as the items in the appropriations for the 
various departments show upon their face the in- 
dividual expenditure — a record which is open to 
inspection and the light of day. 

Another very important bill which will work 
much benefit to the various State departments is 
the bill relating to the classification of expenses 
and salaries in the various departments. When 

this bill shall be put into active opera- 
tion, a much more methodical system 
of exi^enditures and salaries will be 
adopted, and there will be far less 
friction than formerly in the several 

Another very important financial 
bill, which has not been spoken of l»y 
the press, but which is of far-reach- 
ing importance to the people, is the 
itemized monthly account of public 
officers — a law that has resulted in 
a very large saving to the State. 

In no special department has the 
governor shown a more active in- 
terest than in the volunteer fire de- 
partments. The several laws passed 
in 1899 and 1900 show conclusively 
that he has had a high regard for 
those guardians of the lives of the 
people and their property. 
The franchise- tax law, by which j;200,000,000 
was added to the taxable property of the State, 
has been so frequently commented on that it 
would seem needless to say anything about it ; it 
is the most important law that has been put upon 
the statute-books for years. 

The civil -service law, by which a consistent 
and practical form of civil service has at last 


been enacted, commends itself to all thinking 
people of both parties. 

For New York City, the governor has had a 
special care. It was the city of his birth, and it 
would be unnatural if he did not watch, with 
jealous interest, anything that affected it. When 
the Ramapo Water Company undertook — by 
means which were, to say the least, doubtful — a 
discreditable business, a message was sent to the 
legislature providing that a bill should be passed 




to prevent any such outrage to be foisted upon 
the public ; and it was the governor's individual- 
ity and strength of character that passed the 
Ramapo bill through both branches of the legis- 
lature. The comptroller of New York City com- 
plained that large sums were taken from the city 
treasury by confessions of judgment which he 
was powerless to prevent, and the strong hand of 
the governor stretched itself forth, and what was 
known as the "Confessions of Judgment" bill 
was passed by both branches of the legislature 
and became a law. 

The complaint of stenches which arose from 
Barren Island, sickening and discomforting thou- 
sands of people m the boroughs of Brooklyn and 
Queens, and even permeating the borough of 
Manhattan, received his most careful attention, 
and through his instrumentality a law was passed 
to abate those obnoxious gases and stenches. 
^ For a long time it has been the policy of the 
land board to make grants of land under water 
to riparian owners in fee. It was found that 
very large tracts were thus being ceded by the 
State from which neither the State nor its people 
received very much benefit. Under Governor 
Roosevelt's active operation, all this has been 
changed ; and such grants are now made to the 
holders thereof as leases, which are to revert to 
the State after a certain number of years. It can 
readily be seen the very great benefit which this 
will be to the State at large. 

Applications for pardons, executive clemency, 
and requisitions for extraditions have taken hours 
and hours of his time and attention. He holds 
the employees of his department to strict ac 
countability, but allows them wide latitude of 
judgment. When directing anything to be 
done, he* simply tells the official to do it, leav- 
ing him to his own resources as to the most 
methodical and practical means of accomplish- 

These are but a few of the meritorious meas- 
ures that the governor has aided and abetted ; 
but if he has done much for the people in the 

laws that have been enacted, he has also done 
much to prevent unjust bills from becoming 
laws. There is no person or municipality, how- 
ever small, that has not felt his protecting care ; 
and there is no corporation, however large, 
which he has not treated with fairness, with 
courtesy, and with consideration, and from which 
he does not exact the same treatment in return. 
It is apparent, therefore, that all the governor 
asks is to be met half way. Equity and justice 
to him are synonymous terms. He has seen to it 
that all persons and all aggregations of individ- 
uals receive courteous treatment and strict equity 
and justice in their ordinary pursuits : and this 
he has not done negatively or underhandedly, but 
positively, openly, and uprightly. Pages might 
be written of the untiring hours of labor that 
he has spent in the executive department — in 
many instances long after other State officials 
have gone to their nomes, planning and tliinking 
as to methods to be performed, policies to be 
enacted, and lines of conduct to be followed out. 
The matter of appointments to the various boards 
and to various official positions he has given his 
most earnest and intelligent care. He lias coun- 
seled alike with political Jew and political Gen- 
tile, and those who had no political religion at 
all. He has done nothing hastily ; to all matters 
he has given the most patient thought and care- 
ful examination. He has examined into every 
detail of the executive department ; nothing has 
been too small for his personal attention. 

Always courteous to those about him, he 
brooks no unnecessary delay in the transaction of 
the public business ; but, grasping a situation 
quickly, he disposes of the matter in hand, and 
quickly changes the conversation to other topics. 
He demands of all his subordinates full value of 
labor for money received, but is ever ready to 
recompense the laborer for the full value of his 
work. He has not striven to make the public ser- 
vice perfect, but he has striven to make it better ; 
and he will leave the gubernatorial cliair having 
raised to a great degree the tone of official life. 



C..plff>- Print, Copyright, 1899. 1»y Curtis & Cameron. 


Copyright, 1899, by Kenyoa Cox. 




New York, bids 
fair to become a marked 
art center, for across from 
the Dewey Arch, — whicli, 
it 18 to be hoped, may be 
made permanent, — and a 
stone's throw from St. 
Gaudens' *'Farragiit,"and 
under the shadow of his 
«' Diana," is the just com- 
pleted Appellate Court- 
house, one of tlie most at- 
tractive buildings in the 
city of New York. 

It was built under con- 
ditions more favorable 
than usual for public 
buildings. There was no 
competition. Tlie archi- 
tect, James Brown Lord, 
was chosen by the judges 
because of his previous 
work ; an appropriation of 
^700.000 was put through the legislature after 
Mr. Lord's plan had been approved by the judges. 
Even in the contracts, the city was not obliged 
to accept the lowest bid, but was free to decide 
upon the competency of the bidders. 

Mr. Lord chose some twenty -five artists and 
sculptors whom he thought best fitted to execute 
given portions of the work, and to their sympa- 
thetic cooperation with him is due the harmoni- 

Copyrlfht. 1900, by A. Bofrart. 


ou8 ensemble. In the courtroom one sees what 
is apparently the work of one man ; we never 
dream that the work of six painters compose tlie 
decorations. So, t6o, in every part of the build- 
ing all is unity ; there are no hiatuses of monoto- 
nous blank spaces. 

The architectural embellishments are, like the 
sculptures on the Dewey Arch, connected with 
recognized basal architectural forms. The major 
effect of Mr. Charles R. Lamb's design lay in 
his taking the Arch of Titus as a model for his 
framework, and seeing to 
it that our best sculptors 
adorned it; and Mr. Lord's 
success is due to his se- 
lection of a standard Co- 
rinthian model and choice 
of appropriate ornament. 
The facade of the building 
is of New England marble. 

When we stand below 
and look aloft at the stat- 
ues, the sky seems by 
contrast to be equal to the 
intense lazuli of the Italian 
sky ; and we picture to our- 
selves how delectable our 
city might be made if her 
sky lines were improved 
by the buildings shedding 
their pressed metal cop- 
ings and replacing them ^^olo^axon lawgiver 

P.^ i I ., —* ALFRED THE GREAT.*' 

With figures like these. by j. s. hartley. 



by Edwin H. Blashfield. 
It shows saliently Ids love 
of tlie Renaissance detail, 
and no familiar modernity 
of type disturbs its ideal 

On tlie left, E. II. Sim- 
mons' ** Justice" stands 
with her arms round the 
shoulders of ' ' Peace "and 
"Plenty." '^Plenty " 
holds fruit, and to her 
right are a laborer and his 
wife with a baby in her 
arms, and at her feet a 
child is playing w^itii a 
rabbit, with its pink eyes 
particularly well painted, 
and a fox. In the brocade 
draperies of *' Peace" and "Plenty" Mr. Smi- 
mons has done his best pamting ; the color is of 
a russet tint, in perfect harmony with the marble 
of the walls. In Mr. Walker's central panel, 


"Justice" stands 
in the middle, as in 
the others ; but in 
place of the float- 
ing figures above 
is the inscription, 
"Doth Wisdom not 
cry and Under- 
standing put forth 
her voice ? By me 
princes rule, and 
nobles, even all the 
judges of the 

The judges' dais 
is of dark carved 
oak. The ceilings 
of both courtroom 
and the entrance- 
hall are embossed gold, in perfect keeping with the 
dark saifron Siena marble, of which all the walls 
are constructed. Though the sumptuousness of 
the gold decoration perhaps pleases the average 


I'liutuby H. H. Sicli 




visitor most, it is a less intellectual kind of orna- 
ment than tlie paintings. Now our painters have 
only arrived at success in giving intellectual 
pleasure through their study Of nature. Had 
theV been content to mechanically repeat stock 
forms of their predecessors, no matter how beau- 
tiful their color, their work would be tame in 
comparison with the present result. And it is to 
he hoped that subsequent American architects 
may approach an American form of architecture 
— retaining, perhaps, the proportions of the clas- 
sical, Init adding American motives in detail and 
ornament — and enrich tr.e interiors, not with the 
classical egg and dart and acanthus, but with apple 
and pine and oak motives modeled by American 
artist-artisans from nature, so that every detail 
may bear the earmarks of a ** temperament." 

It has been remarked that Mr. Lord is not, like 
most of his contemporaries, a Parisian -trained 
architect. A Princeton graduate, he received his 
architectural training in New York ; but it must 

be recorded that he has made use of foreign 
travel — going, when the Court-house was under 
consideration, to inspect French municipal build- 
ings, and reconsidering his design in consequence. 

In the details of the interior, Mr. Lord has 
with great acuteness given us a full measure of 
ornament, without letting the ornamentation en- 
croach upon utility. The elevator does not seem 
like a packing-box in a parlor, but harmonizes 
with the rectilineal features of the hall that are 
accented by the use of pilastered piers. . 

In the list of examples of imposing archi- 
tecture that have been erected in New York in 
recent years, the Columbia College Library, by 
McKim, Mead, and White ; St. Luke's Hospi- 
tal, by Ernest Flagg ; Manhattan Hotel, by J. 
H. Harden berg, and the new wing of the Metro- 
politan Museum, by Richard M. and R. H. 
Hunt, belongs the Appellate Court-house, by 
this young architect, who promises to become 
the American Palladio. 





WHERE, fifty years ago, in the dense pine 
forests of western Michigan, there was a 
pioneer village of a few hundred people ; where, 
twenty years ago, was a bustling lumbering 
town, with forty-five sawmills, a population of 
11,000, and, for a few brief years, the fame of 
cutting 700,000,000 feet of lumber annually, 
making it the largest primary lumber market in 
the world, — standc to-day, on a bay at the mouth 
of the Muskegon River, the city of Muskegon, 
with a fine harbor and a population of 25,000. 
In most respects, it differs little from many other 
lake and lumber towns. 

Since the decadence of the lumber industry, it 
has been built up by general manufacturing and 
trade. During the earlier days many fortunes 
were made here, and taken away by their pos- 
sessors to other and larger cities to be invested 
and enjoVed. A few, however, of the older 
generation have remained and help make the 
new Muskegon. Foremost of these is Charles 
H. Hackley, whose gifts to the city give Musile- 
gon its unique chai'acter. 

Mr. Hackley came to this place in 185G, at 
the age of 19 yeare, and began to work in a saw- 
mill as a day-laborer. His energy, integrity. 





tact, shrewdness, and tlie wise use of great op- 
p<^rt unities have enahled him to reach a liigh 
place as a man of business and capitalist. Hut 
it is not in his accuinulations, but in his distribu- 
tions, that Mr. Hackley is notable. Within the 
past twelve years, outside of Ids private charities, 
he has used over |?500,000 in promoting the 
higher life of tlie city — by beautifying it, add- 
ing to its intellectual and educational facilities, 
and stimulating the patriotism of the people by 
great works of art. 

His first gift to the city, made in 1888, was n 
free ])ublic library, in which are now over 30,000 
volumes and 10,000 pamphlets, costing |5 125, 000. 
In 18:S9 he bought up a block in the center of 
the city and transformed it into a park, with a 
soldier's monument in the center. Two y?ai-s 
ago, he authorized a committee to erect bronze 
statues of Lincoln, Grant, Farragut, and Sher- 
man in this park. These figures — the Lincoln 
and Farragut, by Charles Niehaus ; the Grant and 
Sherman, by J. Massey Hhind, both eminent 







sculptors of New York — are now in place, and 
were both unveiled with appropriate ceremonies 
on May 30, ex -Senator Jolm Patton, of Michi- 
jyran, delivering the oration. As works of art 
these compare favorably with anything in tliis 
country. The park is endowed, and the total 
expenditure upon it has been $110,000. 

In 1891 he presented the board of education 
of the city with $75,000, to be used as an en- 
dowment fund for the library. This fund was 
used by the board to erect two handsome school 
buildings, one of whicli bears Mr. Hackley's 

In 1895 he announced his intention to erect a 
manual-training school, ♦* wherein the boys and 
girls of the city of Muskegon may receive, free 
of charge, such instruction and training as is 

afforded in manual. training schools of the best 
class in this country." 

This building, completely equipped, cost $70,- 
000, and $30,000 more will be spent in enlarg- 
ing it in the immediate future. Mr. Ilackley 
has paid the entire cost of maintaining this 
school, and has provided an ample endowment. 

In the library, the schools, and the park, with 
their endowments, considerably over $500,000 
has been expended. 

Only the first-fruits of this wise and generous 
outlay have been seen as yet, but these are pro- 
plietic of a great return in future years. Mean- 
while, in the gratitude and esteem of his fellow- 
citizens, and tlie satisfaction of seeing his money 
do its l)eneficent work, Mr. Hackley is enjoying 
his later years as few miUionaires do. 



SOME time ago, as a delegate from the Sculp- 
ture Society to the Architectural League, 
and as a guest at the dinner, it was my privilege 
and pleasure to speak briefly upon the advisabil- 
ity of instituting an annual national exhibition 
on much tlie same lines as the Paris Salon or the 
English Royal Academy, but comprehending and 
exploiting allied branches of art. By the courtesy 
of the editor of this magazine, I am now en- 
abled to set forth more fully the call for such an 
exhibition, the advantages that must accrue to 
our land through its institution, and the folly of 
remaining dependent on the Old World in art 

Before going on to discuss the point which is 
the raison d'^crt're of this paper, let us look at the 
different art societies that are now existent in 
New York and the objects for which they stand. 
We have, roughly speaking, in the Empire City 
about sixteen societies devoted to the advance- 
ment of art in its various forms. Not all hold 
exhibitions, but many of them are constantly 
turning out graduates, a certain percentage of 
whom earn their livelihood m some field of pure 
or applied art. The chief of these societies are 
the National Academy or Academy of Design, 
the Art Students' League, the Society of Ameri- 
can Artists, two societies of water colorists, one 
of mural painters, the National Sculpture Soci- 
ety, and three or four architectural societies. 

The two first named are concerned mostly with 
teaching ; and they are ably seconded by the 
Artist Artisan Institute, the Cooper Union, the 
Chase Schools, and the school carried on by 
teachers who formerly belonged to the Metropoli- 
tan Museum of Art. The others are societies 
manned and officered by artists, and appeal for 
encouragement through their exhibitions to the 
art-loving public. Clubs like the Salmagundi 
and Kit-Kat, which are composed largely of 
artists, also hold mixed exhibitions, and the Na- 
tional Arts Club devotes itself especially to the 
needs of industrial and applied art. 

The National Academy of Design is the oldest 
of our art societies, and held its first exhibition 
in a small room in 1826. Afte«* a checkered ca- 
reer, it is now on the eve of securing a perma- 
nent and worthy habitation for its treasures and 
its schools. It has recently thrown open its gal- 
leries to the public on Sunday afternoons, and 
the wisdom of this step has been evidenced by 
the numbers who throng to the doors. It holds 

annual exhibitions in the spring, and awards vari- 
ous valuable prizes to the productions of Ameri- 
can artists. Valuable features governing the 
awarding of these prizes are, that no competitor 
may take the same prize twice or more than one 
prize in the same year, and the exclusion of 
academicians from competition. 

The Society of American Artists is compara- 
tively young, having but recently passed its 
majority. It has a vigorous memljership of 
about one hundred and twenty, and its whole 
energy is thrown into its yearly exhibitions in 
the spring. At this exhibition; or just prior 
to its opening, two valuable prizes are awarded — 
one for pure landscape and one for con) position 
containing one or more figures, both to \je the 
work of an American artist, and an age-limit of 
forty is placed on the landscape award. 

The Architectural League of New York was 
organized, in 1881, for the purpose of promoting 
architecture and the allied fine arts. It insists that 
sculpture and mural painting shall be represented 
by its two vice-presidents, and it holds monthly 
meetings for the discussion of subjects connected 
with the public art of New York City. It holds 
annual exhibitions, generally in the latter part 
of winter, and the wide range of its interest is 
exemplified by the numerous branches of pure 
and applied art represented, embracing even 
wall-paper and studies in burned wood. The 
league awards two medals and two prizes every 
year, the subjects for competition being annually 

In 1893 the National Sculpture Society was 
formed to promote the art which its name indicates, 
but in a sense that may truly be termed national, 
since it seeks lay as well as professional mera- 
bei*3. It depends chiefly on its annual exhibi- 
tions to create a wider interest in the art of pure 
form, and in arranging its exhibits has carried 
the skill of the landscape gardener into play, 
thus giving to sculpture its true artistic setting. 
While it awards no prizes as yet. it has brought 
within reach of the art-lover many delightful 
examples of art- work, and its advice is always 
at the service of committees in search of suitable 
liesigns for statuary, monuments, or.street dec- 

The National Society of Mural Painters is of 
comparatively late origin. Its object is **to 
promote the delineation of the human figure in 
its relation to architecture, whether rendered in 



pigment, stained glass, mosaic, tapestry, or other 
metliums." There are three grades of member- 
ship, — professional, lay, and lionorary, — but the 
society aims to be more strictly professional than 
its brotlier organizations. It does not hold an 
annual exhibition, but it awards a valuable 
scholarship, which enables the successful com- 
petitor to study abroad for three years. It aims 
at the rational decoratior of public buildings, and 
stands for the beautifying of the architectural 
works of the country at large. 

Let no one say that, in literature and com- 
merce, we have any reason to hang our heads 
wheji contrasted with other nations. Emerson, 
Longfellow, Poe, Whittier, Lowell, are but a 
few stars from the galaxy of American writ- 
ers, and Edison, Whitney, Fulton, Beil, Morse, 
Agassiz, need fear no comparison with the com- 
mercial and scientific benefactors of other races. 
In the grapliic and plastic arts I could cite many 
names that have won international eminence, 
but have never yet been able to point to honors 
won in tlieir own land — the land that should be 
the first to honor them. We are not acknowl- 
edged to l>e great in art, because we have not 
dareti to assert our greatness. 

In seeking to crystallize the art and art feel- 
ing of our land into permanency of form and 
cr>lor, we naturally look npon the process from 
three pK>ints of view — the ideal, the practical or 
commercial, and the educational. It would be 
possible to write a })ook upon the ideal aspect of 
a nationalized art. Here we can only briefly 
touch upon the vital points. We can never and 
sliall never have a national art until our painters 
and sculptors realize that ail national art is 
racial, and that it is born of the soil and environ- 
ment. This is not to say that our artists must 
paint notliing but American subjects, altiiough 
there is a superabundance of material in our 
lan*l. It is to say that, before we can have a 
national school, we must have a racial view of 
things ; in other words, we must have an Ameri- 
can method of viewing and treating the things 
we depict, whether in stone or in color — be the 
subject a Venus or a Zeus, a Venetian scene or 
an English landscape, a Dutch interior or a 
French idealism. And before our artists can 
acquire a racial way of treating their themes, 
lief ore they can establish a national viewpoint or 
ftchcol. they must live and learn in their own 
land, and instead of imbibing the spirit of the 
French or .Italian school, must be imbued with 
the American genius loci and be governed by it. 
Not till then shall we have a school that can prop- 
erly be termed American. The faith that brought 
our Puritan ancestors to these shores and gave 
them strength to endure climatic rigor and native 

hostility ; the purity of aim and life that char- 
acterized the beginning of this Republic ; the 
broad sympathy and keen intellect that have 
been the distinguishing traits of Americans, — all 
these things will manifest themselves in our art 
methods, and should result in a spirit at once 
pure, severe, and idealistic. 

The men who say that this land of ours is ex- 
hausted in subjects simply reflect their own spirit- 
nal exhaustion. There never was, and never can 
be, a land richer in material for painter and 
sculptor. From the Aztec down through the North 
American Indian to the present time the accumu- 
lated matter has grown and swelled till the efforts 
of a century would but discover the abundance. 
Yet. as we have said, it is not necessary, to the 
founding of a national school, that our artists 
shall depict only American subjects, though it 
is absolutely certain that with the founding of 
that school will come the apocalypse of America 
in art. We need an American point of view ; 
and until American artists are encouraged to 
study and live in their own land by the certainty 
of being able to exhibit and sell their work, we 
shall never attain that raciality which is tlie first 

So much for the ideal aspect. Now as to 
the commercial. It^ is a conservative estimate 
when we reckon the average floating number of 
American art students in France, Italy, and Ger- 
many at 5,000. Five thousand American men 
and women spending their time and money abroad 
to the imbibing of French, Italian, or Dutch 
ideals ; many thousands of dollars lost to our 
land commercially and no compensating national 
artistic gain I It can be said, without fear of con- 
futation, that part of Paris lives off the American 
art colony. And the same in degree is true of 
Milan, Florence, Munich, Rome, and the Midi. 
To a great degree this is unnecessary. We have 
in this land artists who are fully competent to 
teach the artistic youth of America those funda- 
mental principles of drawing and coloring, of 
line and of form, which animate all art worthy 
of the name. The Paris Salon, the London 
Academy, are the channels through which small 
fortunes flow into the coffers of French and Eng- 
lish tratlesmen. A yearly American salon, held 
in New York, would mean hundreds of thousands 
of dollars to the business men of America ; it 
would enable the latter through the accretion of 
wealth to indulge more largely in the purchase 
of works of art, which in its turn would stimu- 
late painters and sculptors to larger and more 
abundant work, since the demand was increasing 
— in fact, the inevitable law of commerce would 
act and react on the commercial side of art as it 
do(*s on everything which is bought and sold. 

m>i*^r lAirtt&H hvl rAO>MAi. 

'.orxAxrc scenery of the northwest. 

BY ROB^':<r E. <VK\Hi^t^S. 

^ V ''.''' *^»i .mvliiiiir ^' '».--■,» ^i ^ "i^-uic'i -'lisreri ^^rt^jrt^n an«i Wasl 
V V j,>a ,* iaiuf* -ir.t'fi'iiiTiL: .r"u '•'** '.' i ^^n v*'^-* n !«iu.i«' .rro s*Mi^hem British < 

». '.f •^'^^ ,','. .ill- 1 .':" M'. ".:♦* ' • •'■-^: . .i.x »^ '* " ^ 

If.. I •.•^f n'_r '' .♦*"'* 'V- -. '!.:"^' •ii\<"- : u:'^ . '«'< 

.>;n-* I ^ .*r wr :T^eL:' '«- 'iiikn- vvu it :;5 < ^" ♦.* 
v.rh^^ma" r«^^'ir.. :*/ m >!•;.•':: .i •- r:'::i»-a al i — ao* 
V .»i,.i •.'• • fi. !'• le;i'-»» III r .::it; a..v«* ^"■•V"fM ' '«» 
M»>\'.<'^M <r..:' an.; *..»* ^r. L-i'T:vn»v. W •• *. ^«* 
:.;*v»> iia.j <* - .«• >*^^:« m :' ;;.-' -'u-ii visr •• \\ :.i;;-n 
'.'■n^ : 3n<s. *. •:.'•' i. '.•» :.• '•• '-i- - ^^ ' < :i • : 
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. ',1 ^ .<. M ' 'a' a r. '..^ --.i.-r a*. 'I ' •' • a^ra :e 
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••• .'.-"^'.a*. .^ '• ar ! a j^ar.-i '.a." v**.:-i-.«\ 
*V">' / ''•• , Y".."V'',\e F'a •.< -i* r 'Vr^<% :•',) 

• .* '•./ . v.--%-"r. \\ • • '•■ j: a*. I r-a.-'r--:: I la/. \ 
r.',.-* ♦'-:. N" -a-,!, a:. . ' ai.:..rr..a : i.^^-u n'^r v 

ifcsreri ^^rt^jrt^n and Washington and 


\\ ": t' -"^--^ _:'>»a:er mountain ran^r^. with 
>.;•!• 'ii M ' »Mi \v "'i iiv an«l snow, proved ei- 
• • lal 'ar'*'»*'*s '»> 'he sweep of flame, their 
■ /• a ■••.ar»>*'i an«i ^ha^'kene^i slopes plainly tell 
' ♦• <ur\ .-: va' H< ..f tire wliich n.>Ued literally 
!ih .in'a.ri 'iic'i. F"i['»win:r tiiese shores of the 
.Mi»-v .n »-rM«'. r ;s easv ti' see Low the molten 
M.a>s ^^•: in <*'eiv-nir a ".Hvel flowed in and out, 
I., hix '••»? ''av-i a:i«i ;»r"niontories of the moun- 
•a •! M»'; »*. as a ^tty .•: water w«.n;Id have done. 
' i •"lar*^ v'lfr-t* 'i't^ risn oi lava eddied or re- 
ovt" i.vvri 'iH <>.ie ranyons. as the water flows 
'•-••a-. . :r -s '"iin-i ci:ni::n:r in large masses to the 
. .. -..r ". r-M'a: -ti <.>t tire «'anynn wails. With its 
^••••a-'^i ..,;'»-rt.p an-l finest plieuomena found 
• - •;>4'i\' <*'ar:"r>.'d aloriij: the course of Snake 
r. '"- •'• 1 '»"•» i!>;.^s. it is p«>t>ularly known as 
: '•' ^'-a-v'' iv'»T Lava F.a'n. 

{• a> ■ »'«-"i •:»•'•:« -n^rrared that there were a 

' • t' »••••:• r:.ri.< at intervals of centuries. 

V .i -^ ^ AM 'a-'i'-'iar'y r.y I'ossil forests sand- 
W'- .'i I- vt*'.". V H layers :n s*>me of the can- 
\ --i — n« ra y ai-r'^: Mie Yellowstone, where 
' .• •> ar»' -i-a: :":i :*. -e^'s of tiiese petrified trees, 
i^'>^ •" '« y ••: a::< r. ♦.p. and riie lowest a mile 
«it'* I tT :. aii tli'^se near :Le surface. Thus, finally, 



came these lava - beds of a thickness of from 
1,000 to 4,000 feet as they now exist. In places 
they are so little eroded as to suggest very recent 
origin. Yet there has been time for Snake River 
to cut them to a depth of 1,000 feet, and much 
of this lava-rock is as hard as flint .• Miners have 
demonstrated the occupation of the region prior 
to these eruptions by finding skeletons, stone im- 
plements, and other evidences of a people who 
were probably overwhelmed by this series of ap- 
palhng holocausts. What volumes of history may 
be revealed here, where ancient rivers, lakes, 
and valleys alike are scaled up beneath sheets of 
solid stone ! Certain it is, tliat these more re- 
cent lava-flows are affording clews for the read- 
ing of those famous ancient beds between the 
mountains of Donegal and the Outer Hebrides, 
where the original surface has been buried 3,000 
feet under volcanic ejections. For an idea of 
the appalling roughness of some of these lava 
plains, imagine a furiously lashed sea, frozen at 
the instant old Neptune's orgies were at their 
wildest. It was among such practically impene- 
trahle fastnesses that the Noz Perce Indians, ir^ 
a recent war, so long defied our military. The 
color is usually black, the texture flinty, and no 
material of Mother Earth more effectually resists 
all efforts at road-building or fashioning for any 
purpose. At places we find yawning fissures ap- 




parently bottomless ; at others smaller crevices, 
from which we are fanned by cold currents from 
the rush of underground rivers. One of these 
streams breaks in a magnificent cataract from 
the face of a great black lava palisade in Snake 
River Canyon. 

'* A wide waste of gray and black desolation '* 
would best describe these lava-beds as seen from 
the crests of any one of the myriad waves, hum- 
mocks, or ridges which everywhere project in 
the wildest confusion. Here the formation will 
take the texture of slag or volcanic glass ; there 
it will be wrinkled, ropy, in folds, and rolls or 
giant coils. Its prevailing black is often varied 
by grayish, yellowish, or greenish tints. Its 
consistency can be anything from the pocket of 
ashes or cinders that look as though the fire had 
burned itself out but yesterday to the rough, 
jagged clinkers, cubes, and masses hard as flint. 
In cases, notably in some of the Snake River 
canyons, the walls are very regular, conical, and 
cubelike. Along the Columbia, and in full view 
of the Great Northern Railway in eastern Wash- 
ington, we find the Giant's Causeway quite faith- 
fully reproduced. Elsewhere many of the crests 
of ridges have cracked open, and the fissures 
present along their walls quite symmetrical col- 
umns. Their cavernous depths not infrequently 
reveal formations unique and fantastic, well worth 
hours of study. 

Scientists tell us these eruptions must have 
come from a depth of from 20 to 22 miles. As 
they boiled and crackled over these thousands of 
square miles of surface, the temperature of the 
mass was about 2,000° F., 90 per cent, of the 
ejecta consisting of water in tlie shape of steam. 
Think of the commotion when lakes, as large as 
Superior, which formerly existed in this region, 
were probably in a day replaced by these burn- 
ing, roaring lava floods ! If accompanied by 
the emissions of flame usual to our puny modern 
volcanoes, the glow would be visible at a dis- 



tance as great as from Hudson's Bay to New 
Orleans. The human mind can hardly conceive 
the grandeur and terror of such catastroplies as 
incidentally reared to heights of two to three 
miles tliat magnificent chain of furnaces — Las- 
sen's Peak and Mount Shasta, in northern (Cali- 
fornia ; the Three wSisters, — Mount Pitt, Mount 
Jefferson, and Mount Hood, — in Oregon, and 
Mount Adains, St. Helena, Rainier, and Baker, 
in Washington. We know that when, a few 
years ago, Krakatoa's craters rose out of the 
Straits of Sunda, and built in a night a moun- 
tain two miles high and 25 miles in circumfer- 
ence, smoke and steam rose neaily 20 miles into 
the skies, and tlie terrific explosions were mis- 
taken at a distance of 1 ,500 miles for a great bat- 
tle at sea. But our imagination is invoked to 
appreciate in our lava- beds something infinitely 
more stupendous in the way of volcanic action 
than any so-called volcano of ancient or modern 
times. With all the gigantic volcanic phenomena 
suggested by the magnificent chain of craters 
(above named) along the western edge of our 
lava plain, such noted authorities as Richthofen 
record them as merely *• parasitic excrescences 
on the subteri-anean lava reservoirs, whoso grand 
fundamental character of volcanism is represented 
by the real massive eruptions of our lava plains.'' 
They say these great volcanic peaks compare in 
importance with the lava plains about as minor 
cinder-cones on the peaks compare with the peaks 
themselves. Thus, while a few geologists in- 
<;line to attribute our vast lava-flows to the above 

crater-peaks on the west or the Giant Tlin^e Te- 
tons on the east, the weight of scientific opinion 
is very positive in attributing them to subaerial 
eruptions through many great fissures scatterwl 
over the present area of lava- beds. They insist 
that no cones^or craters exist of sufficient magni- 
'tude to have ejected this enormous flood. They 
instance, among the largest known flows from 
individual volcanoes streams of lava, only 40 to 



50 miles in length — mere rivulets, when com- 
pared with the once burning seas of the Snake 
River Plain. 

Nevertheless, the glory of all our mountain 
ranges are these kings of volcanic giants which 
dwell up and down the Pacific Coast. Lassen's 
Peak, Mount Hood, Mount Rainier, and others 
are not wholly dead but sleeping, as is sbown by 
their hot springs and the sulphurous gases and 
steam emitted from their 
craters. Around the former 
are many little volcanoes 
which often throw forth 
showers of mud, and give 
warnings of something pos- 
sibly more dangerous in their 
rumblmg sounds. Mount 
Shasta, with its 14,442 feet 
of height, has a crater one- 
third as broad and 1,000 feet 
deep, with a rim so siiarp as 
to hardly afford room for a 
night's bivouac. On its slopes 
are remains of hundreds of 
smaller cones and craters. 

Less massive, but far more 
chaste and beautiful, than 
Shasta, Mount Hood is the 
very embodiment of sublim- 
ity and grace — if such a 
word can apply to a sky- 
piercing cone of almost per- 
fect proportions from bas^' 
to summit. The view of 




(At base of Mount Rainier.) 

Mount Hood, from Portland and various points 
along the Columbia, is well wortli a journey 
across tlie continent. It is not easy to recon- 
cile this wondrous shaft ; more brilliantly re- 
splendent, in its glittering garb of snow, than if 
fashioned out of the wliitest marble, with a tower 
of phitonian energy belching forth lire and smoke 
and unclean lava. How- 
ever, those who ascend it 
find almndant evidences of 
smoldering fires in the 
scaMing steam which es- 
cajjes from numerous fis- 

The constantly increas- 
ing grandeur of this vol- 
canic region culminates in 
Mount Rainier, the crowned 
monarch of all our peaks. 
Its upjwr half, clad with 
snow and living glaciers, 
and with its, isolated 
bulk planted on the very 
shores of Puget Sound. 
Mount Rainier impresses 
the beholder far more than 
mountains of almost equal 
lieight in the interior, be- 
cause the general elevation 

usually makes up more than half the height 
of the latter. Rainier is 14,525 feet high — 
the highest mountain in the United States. 
Some seventeen glaciers run down its sides to 
within about 5,000 feet of sea- level. Noted 
travelers agree that no more superb spectacle is 
presented in the world than the views of Mount 
Rainier from Seattle, Tacoma, and other points 
' along Puget Sound ; and a German scientist de- 
clares that it carries more snow and ice than ex- 
ists in all the Swiss Alps combined. Here, with- 
in a few hours of modern hotels, can be studied 
•some of the most interesting volcanic and glacial 
phenomena to be found anywhere. One of the 
glaciers is at places 500 feet thick, and half a 
dozen large rivers are formed by the steady melt- 
ing of them combined. Here and there cascades 
leap thousands of feet down precipitous walls. 
Snoqualmie Falls, at its base, ranks among the 
most beautiful in the world. At its summit the 
crater is found to be nearly half a mile in diam- 
eter, and the heat and steam emitted from great 
fissures su.i^gest a bursting of glacial barriers at 
any time. The ascent from the south side is not 
especially difficult, and the lower half of tlie way 
lies through beautiful meadows, alternating witli 
some of tlie grandest forests on earth. 

Mount Baker, the last of this chain in Wash- 
ington, is more difficult of access than any of 
the others. In fact, it would be hard to imagine 
scenery more wild and savage than surrounds 
this once burning mountain on every side. Its 
summit, as will l)e noted by the accompanying 
illustration, which is made from a photo taken in 
August, gives little sign of the gigantic eruptions 
which reared its cone to an elevation of over two 




miles above the sea, and filled the region for 
miles around with eruptive debris. A magnifi- 
cent view of Mount Baker, and a singularly 
beautiful view of the Cascade Range, is had from 
the vicinity of Fairhaven, where parties who 
make the ascent usually rendezvous. 

One of the most marvelous and unique legacies 
of volcanic action in this region is Crater Lake, 
in southern Oregon. It is perched up among 
the peaks of the Cascade Range, about 20 miles 
from Fort Klamath, at an elevation of 6,351 
feet above sea-level. Long believed to be fathom- 
less, it was finally found, by the measurements 
of the geological survey, to be about 4,000 feet 
deep. It is the crater of what was one of the 
largest of our American 
volcanoes, being seven 
miles long and six miles 
wide. 1 believe only Lake 
Baif^al, Siberia, is deeper 
— only 80 feet deeper ; but 
tliat is a sea in compari- 
son, Ijeing about 55 by 400 
miles in extent. From the 
abysmal depths are thrust 
several almost precipitous 
shafts of lava to the enor- 
mous height of 2,000 to 
2, 100 feet above the water. 
Its rim walls, blackened 
and burned by floods of fire 
and lava, rise almost per- 
pendicularly to the same 
dizzy altitude. The view 
over the brink into the 

apparently coal-black waters, so far below in the 
very bowels of the mountain, is terrifically awe- 
inspiring and peculiar unto itself. It cannot be 
du[)licated anywhere. Geologists say that the 
mountain once rose 10,000 to 20,000 feet higher, 
and was gradually eroded by the violence of 
many eruptions. Vast quantities of lava, scoria, 
cinders, and pumice-stone cover the region round 
about ; but tlie vent of the final eruption is be- 
lieved to be one of the islands — a conical moun- 
tain of cinder, with a cup-shaped top, which is 
usually filled with snow. The lake is the central 
attraction of the Oregon National Park, w^hich 
the Government lias created to include the many 
interesting features in the vicinity. It is easy of 
acctjsa by wagon -road, and one may now get 
down to the water and enjoy the sensations of a 
sail over the scenes of once fearful convulsions 
and belching floods of lava and flame beside 
which the volcanoes of our day are mere bonfires. 
Among the theories of causes of volcanic 

,on is one quite strenuously adhered to — that 
,ys exists along or comparatively near the 

ocean or great bodies of water — until it has be- 
come an axiom, ** without water, no eruption." 
This is on the further theory that steam is, after 
all, at the bottom of the disturbance ; that the 
action of the water on salts and other chemicals 
produces the steam. Scattered all through tliis 
region in question, from the active geysers of 
the Yellowstone to the ordinary soda and sul- 
•phur springs, are traces of volcanic activity, sug- 
gesting another opinion, sometimes advanced, 
that the chief fissures or vents of emission may 
still be found beneath the lava that escaped from 
them. Geologists say these may become erup- 
tive again. Near soda springs in eastern Idaho 
we find fissures from which are expelled fumes 

f ifitoo n IS 


of ammonia so strong as to quickly stifle any one 
who will breathe them. Near by are the medici- 
nal springs whose gases are so strong as to kill 
birds and small animals which attempt to drink 
from them. But a few miles away are large 
beds of almost chemically pure sulphur, and in 
the same region salt springs, whose wat^re are 
one-fifth salt. All these deposits are of com- 
mercial value. In tliis line might be mentioned 
a recent discovery of a mountain of sulphur near 
Mount Rainier ; opals of real gem value near 
Caldwell, Idaho ; rare onyx in caves in northern 
Idaho, and probably the greatest gold mine in 
the world, stretching along Snake River for 
1,000 miles. This gold is found everywhere in 
the gravel -T)ars and river-bed in flakes so thin 
and light that it flows easily with the curre-nt, 
and ordinary i)lacer- mining methods fail to catch 
it. Its origin th^is far baflfles all human knowl- 
edge. But its existence in vast quantities is 
demonstrated by hundreds of miners scattered 
along the most easily worked bai-s, whose proil- 
uct, in spite of the drawbacks above referred 



to, runs into the thousands of ounces annually. 
The usual theory of placer gold originating in 
quartz and flowing down the streams will hardly 
answer here. Grains and nuggets of placer gold 
are always more or less rounded and polished, 
according to the distance they have traveled. 
This peculiar ** flour gold" of the lava-beds is 
in scales as flne and sharp as the smallest atom 
of mica. New processes for saving it are con- 
stantly tried with more or less success, and 
doubtless within a few years we shall see an 
activity in gold-mining along Snake River that 
will reach the proportions of the early California 
or South African developments. 

While touching the more practical side of this 
subject, I must remove the impression which 
might be gained that this region is all rough and 
uninhabitable. The centuries' wear and tear of 
the elements, glacial action, or other causes, has 
disintegrated and ground into the finest soils 
wide areas of what were formerly forbidding 



beds of lava. Fertile valleys and plateaux are 
scattered all about, whose soil is mainly volcanic 
ash and practically inexhaustible — the soil upon 
which the Sicilians have been growing wheat for 
2,000 years. Nowhere in our country is there 
a region so extensive possessing so many admir- 
able qualities of climate as this vast volcanic 
zone. Even as far north as the British line, in 
the lower valleys, it ripens the peach, the almond, 
the tig, cotton, tobacco, and an unusual diversity 
of cereals, fruits, and vegetables. The uplands 
of eastern Washington and northern Idaho con- 
stitute one of the largest and most reliable wheat- 
fields of the continent. Wherever an ounce of 
soil has resulted from the slow process of disin- 
tegration of the lava-reefs, you will find a luxu- 
riant growth of bunch-grass. Thus, the rough- 
est sections of the lava- beds afford superb grazing 
and splendid shelter for cattle and horses. 

And yet it is a region of strange contradic- 
tions in climate. In the course of a summer's 
outing, I have in a few hours exchanged the 
shady camp, the deliciously cool atmosphere and 
the icy trout-brook of the uplands for a very 
Sahara in clime and appearance down in the bot- 
toms of the Columbia. Fancy cannot picture a 
scene so arid on the very banks of a great river. 
Here the curiously eroded bluffs of black or red- 
dish brown had a charred, ashy, inhospitable 
look, and the stunted sage, cactus, and shriveled 
vegetation were added emblems of sterility. The 
blistering palisades were giant radiators, whose 
intense midday heat rendered the occasional 
willow copse a grateful retreat, and languorous 
siestas in the hammock soon displaced the morn- 
ing's buoyancy with rod and gun. A more ex- 
tended observation, however, disclosed hei-e and 
there real oases, whose opulent coloring of lus- 
cious peaches, cherries, apples, and other fruits 
bore testimony to the wonderful fertility of vol- 
canic soil, the mildness of the climate, and the 
virtues of irrigation. At one place a few hours 
from snowbanks, and on the latitude of Quebec, 
I was regaled with peaches measuring ten inches 



around, potatoes weighing three pounds, and 
saw peanuts, tobacco, cotton, and sweet potatoes 
growing on the same ranch. 

This region has not only suffered its oft- 
repeated deluge of fire, but was in ancient times 
congealed by vast glaciers. One of these swept 
90 miles down the valley now occupied by Lake 
C'helan, damming the Columbia River, wiiich 
finally escaped through tliat giant causeway, the 
Grand Coulee. Tiiis Lake Chelan glacier left a 
sheet of water wliose prototype probably exists 
nowhere else. With its foot embowered among 
the peach and apple blossoms of the lowlands of 
the Columbia, only a few hundred feet above 
sea-level, Lake Chelan stretches away up 70 
miles into the very heart ot the Cascade Moun- 
tains, abruptly ending in a glacier-crowned 
moraine among the loftiest peaks of tiiat rugged 
range. It occupies a fissure not yet fathomed 
in its deepest parts, but known to e.\tend 1,000 
feet or more below sea- level. Its waters are 
pure and cold, as are all of these mountain 
sheets, and they are alive with several varieties 
of trout. The scenery about the upper part 
ranks with the finest features of Yosemite, while 
possessing the added charms of vast snowfields 
and living glaciers always in sight. Foamy cas- 
cades, hundreds of feet high, pour down from 
near-by summits, and there is one magnificent 
fall of 1,()00 feet. It is a unique and wonderful 
region, with a crisp, invigorating air, and un- 
usual attractions for sportsmen who are after 
large game. Many rich silver and gold mines 
are being opened up in the mountains surround- 
ing Lake Chelan. A line of steamers connecting 
with those on the Columbia — whicii in turn con- 
nect with the Great Northern Railway at Wenat- 
chee, 50 miles below — affords easy access. 

I have only alluded to a few of the leading 
feature's of this intensely interesting region. As 
suggested, there is literally no end to them ; and 
they are so easy of access to the transcontinental 
tourist, that he should at least devote a few days 
to them en route. If he goes to the Northwest 
over the Union Pacific he will find a stop of a 
couple of days at Shoshone, Idaho (whence he 
can easily reach all the volcanic wonders grouped 
about Shoshone Falls), the ex{)erience of a life- 
time. Then debarking at The Dalles of the Co- 
lumbia, and descending to Portland by steamer 

instead of rail, he will find in one entrancing day 
such glories revealed as no palace-car tourist ever 
dreamed of. If his trip is by more northerly 
routes, and he will keep his eyes open while 
passing through the city of Spokane, and where 
the upper Columbia River is crossed by the (ireat 
Northern, he can study many of the best exam- 
ples of lava eruptions from his car- windows. 
The road just mentioned has blasted a tunnel 
through one of the blackest of black lava-cliffs, 
and passes in close review along the Columbia 


some of the finest palisades, which are referred to 
in this article as so much resembling the forma- 
tion of the Giant's Causeway. 

I have only outlined this fiehi as one ap|>ealing 
particularly to the lover of all that is strangely 
unique and inspiring in nature. It certainly 
possesses far more interest for the scientist. I 
cannot imagine a more fascinating field for a 
summer's study for the iDteiligent student. 

^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 



PROP. MARK B. BUNNELL'S article on 
** Our Rights in China," in the August 
Atlantic Monthly, has a tragic timeliness. He 
explains how the rights of all American citizens 
in China are entirely different from those en- 
joyed in most foreign countries, being derived 
entirely from traditions. The American citizen 
in China can be prosecuted only in the United 
States Consular Court of the district ; if he 
wishes to prosecute an Englishman, he must in- 
stitute proceedings in the English court. China- 
men within the foreign settlements are prosecuted 
by foreigners in a mixed court, presided over by 
a mandarin, who has a foreign associate as an 

* ' At most of the important treaty ports the 
foreigners reside in what is termed a foreign set- 
tlement. At Shanghai, for example, a tract of 
a few square miles just outside the walls of the 
native city is set apart for the residence and con- 
trol of the foreigners of all nationalities. Within 
this tract the foreigner may lease land from the 
native owners ; build his residences, oflBces, 
warehouses, factories, and wharves ; establish 
roads, parks, and recreation-grounds ; do busi- 
ness with the native merchants, and live free of 
any control by the Chinese Government. Con- 
trary to the original design, the natives have 
come into the settlement, until now there are 
over 200,000 of them who have voluntarily sub- 
mitted themselves to the jurisdiction of the 
municipal government. The foreign city of 
Shanghai is divided into the French^ English, 
and American settlements, or concessions. Tlie 
French maintain a separate municipal organiza- 
tion, which is not very successful. Most French- 
men at Shanghai live and do business in the 
English settlement. The English and American 
settlements are under one municipal organiza- 
tion. The American settlement, or concession, 
is so called simply because the first settlers in 
that part of the foreign city happened to be 
Americans. It has no separate legal existence, 
and onr government has never claimed any 
special jurisdiction over it. The American Con- 
sulate is in the English settlement, which, in a 
legal sense, is no more English than American. 
The government of the settlement is vested in the 
consular representatives of the foreign powers, in 
a municipal council elected by the land- renters, 
and in the land- renters assembled in town- 


Professor Bunnell explains the details of the 
open-door policy and the negotiations which led 
to Secretary Hay's famous diplomatic triumph, 
and then goes on to discuss the general subject 
of foreign influence in China from a point of 
view, of course, antecedent to the frightful 
tragedies of July. He assumes that any promise 
of administrative reform made by the govern- 
ment at Peking will be nullified by the obstruc- 
tion of the local officials, from whom there is 
no practical appeal for the foreigner. * ' The 
requisite security for foreign life and enterprise 
in China can be attained only by means of drastic 
administrative reforms initiated from without. 
The government at Peking does not desire re- 
forms, and its tenure is so insecure that it could 
not introduce them if it desired. The mandarins 
cannot be expected to destroy a system upon 
which they thrive; and the people at large are 
ignorant, indifferent, unpatriotic, and without 
any inherited capacity for concerted political 
action. The extreme decentralization of the po- 
litical system has destroyed all national feeling. 

*' The attitude of our government in any con- 
ference that may be called is foreshadowed by 
the open-door correspondence. The general 
policy of the administration was admirably ex- 
pressed in the note of Ambassador Choate to 
Lord Salisbury : 

'< ' It is the sincere desire of my government 
that the interests of its citizens may not be preju- 
diced through exclusive treatment by any of the 
controlling powers within their respective spheres 
of interest in China, and it hopes to retain there 
an open market for all the world's commerce, re- 
move dangerous sources of international irrita- 
tion, and thereby hasten united action of the 
powers at Peking to promote administrative re- 
forms, so greatly needed for strengthening the 
Imperial Government and maintaining the integ- 
rity of China, in which it believes the whole 
Western world is alike concerned.' 


'* Here is the key to the whole situation. The 
fundamental need of China is administrative re- 
form, and this can be accomplished only under 
foreign compulsion and supervision. Without it 
the political integrity of China cannot be main- 
tained, nor can foreign trade largely increase. 
The difficulty lies in determining the extent and 
mode of such foreign control. For many years 



the customs service has been managed by foreign- 
ers with the cordial approval of the Chinese Gov 
ernment. Recently the postal service was vol- 
untarily placed under the same management. 
Here is a precedent which might well be followed 
by the powers in compelling China to place her 
military and internal revenue systems under the 
general management of foreigners. The army 
must be reorganized so that it may be an effect- 
ive police force for the protection of foreign life 
and property. The internal- revenue system must 
be reorganized in order to free foreign trade 
from unlawful exactions. The powers will be 
inclined to demand these reforms unconditionally. 
To the mind of the present writer, it would be 
far wiser to secure the consent of the Chinese 
Government by offering adequate compensation 
in the form of an international guarantee, for a 
term of years, of the neutrality of Chinese terri- 
tory. This would save the face of the Chinese 
Government, and secure its consent and co6pera- 
tion. It would do far more. It would preserve 
the balance of power in the far East, avert war, 
and open up China to the vivifying influences of 
Western civilization without violating the integ- 
rity of her territory or destroying the ancient 
fabric of her civilization. 

' * The United States is admirably qualified to 
take the lead in such a movement. We are 
on friendly terms with all the powers concerned, 
and the disinterestedness of our motives would 
be universally conceded. The present adminis- 
tration has won the approval of the American 
people, the gratitude of the Chinese Govern- 
ment, and the respect of the European powers, 
by its bold championship of equal commercial 
rights in China. We have assumed a leader- 
ship in the solution of the Chinese problem 
which it is fitting we should not willingly resign 
without a final success. The note of Ambassa- 
dor Choate quoted above shows that our govern- 
ment is already committed to the policy of joint 
action. It would be exceedingly gratifying if 
such action should be agreed upon in a congress 
of the powers sitting at Washington.'' 


A WRITER in Ainslee's for July describes the 
rise and growth of the Chinese reform or- 
ganization headed by Kang Yu Wei, the deposed 
a<lviser of the Emperor. This society is espe- 
cially active and vigorous in those cities of the 
United States where C-hinamen have established 
themselves in business. According to the ar- 
ticle in Ainslee's, the society lias a large mem- 
bership in this country. 

'*The growth of the revolutionary junta in 
the United States and Canada dates from the 
time of Kang Yu Wei's mysterious journey to 
London, after Kwang Hsu was deposed. What 
its membership is cannot be ascertained, but it is 
estimated to be more than one- third of the entire 
Chinese population of the two countries. In San 
Francisco alone, where there are supposed to be 
between 30,000 and 40,000 Chinese residents, 
the adherents of the junta are said to number 
20,000. Five hundred out of the 600 in Seattle 
claim allegiance to Kwang Hsu as against the 
Empress Dowager, and even a larger proportion 
is claimed in Vancouver. Small juntas are re- 
ported in Salt Lake City, Denver, Omaha, 
Chicago, St. Louis, and other large cities. Also 
still smaller bodies are listed in such Western 
towns as Walla Walla, Butte, Helena, Billings, 
Bozeman, Livingston, and other places where 
the Chinese laundryman hangs out his shingle, 
or the Chinese cook or laborer works in the 
mines or on the railroads. 

** New impulses are constantly being added to 
the American branches by the arrival and de- 
parture of important members of the junta from 
its Oriental headquartere. These members ap- 
pear and disappear upon missions the nature of 
which is not made known, but which take them 
to foreign countries and bring them back with a 
confidence extremely suggestive of important po- 
litical negotiations. One of the reasons for be- 
lieving, although the facts cannot be entirely 
substantiated, that the reformers are not without 
assurances of support from some of the greater 
world powers is the fact that Kang Yu Wei, the 
founder of the party, was carried from Peking 
by a British warship at the time of the Emperor's 
deposition, and almost immediately afterward he 
made his mysterious journey to London. Upon 
his return the rumor was broadly published, and 
has not since been strenuously contradicted, that 
he was backed by important political influences 
in Great Britain. Prior to the assumption of 
power by the Empress Dowager, Japan was doing 
all that a friendly nation could do to aid the 
Celestial Empire into such an army, navy, and 
social reform as would strengthen it against 
foreign aggressions. When the Empress Dow- 
ager went to the throne, these efforts were almost 
entirely checked. It is presumed, therefore, that 
Japan's sympathy at least lies with the reformers. " 


The members of the junta contribute gener- 
ously to its support. Rich and poor alike give 
according to their respective incomes. Early m 
April of this year, a meeting at Vancouver re- 
sulted in subscriptions of $10,000. One of the 



wealthy San Francisco members gave 115,000 in 
gold, agreed to pay |10 a month in dues, and 
gave the use of his theater as a meeting-place. 

**0f course, the promoters of the junta are 
shrewd enough to realize the necessity of money 
when actions of such great scope as the deposi- 
tion of an empress and the substitution of a new 
dynasty is proposed. But extravagance above 
all things is to be avoided. Nothing in the re- 
forms inaugurated by Kang Yu Wei during his 
brief incumbency in office was so determined as 
his financial economies. He swept away hun- 
dreds of useless emoluments that had been allowed 
to the Manchu families, and by this, more than 
by any otlier single line of action, stirred up the 
hostility which led to his downfall. Now, when 
he is at the head of a reform movement, he joins 
with his associates in determining to devote the 
funds of their order to the most strictly patriotic 
uses. It is even said that when the government 
is formed the receipts are to be exchangeable for 
government bonds. This, of course, is not gen- 
erally credited, and the donors do not give with 
this in view. Not one Chinaman in a hundred 
ever expects to see his money again. They give 
out of pure love for the aims of the association. 
There are said to be throe treasuries to which 
this money is sent. These are the Chinese news- 
papers Chee Siin Po, at Hongkong, Ching Yee 
Po, at Yokohama, and Tim Nam Po, at Singa- 
pore. The main purpose for which the subscrip- 
tions are taken is to save the empire from dis- 
memberment, and, in the event of invasion, to 
build and • buy ships and pay the expenses of an 
army for protection. If Kwang Hsu should die, 
— a happening said to be one of the signals for 
revolt against the Empress Dowager and the 
Manchus, — the money will be devoted to foster- 
ing the aims of the progressivists. After the 
war is over, such funds as remain will be applied 
to the commercial enlargement of the country.'* 


IX the North American Review for July, Mr. 
Pouitney Bigelow writes on '< Missions and 
Missionaries in China.*' In the course of his 
article, Mr. Bigelow sets forth very clearly tlie 
f'lemenis of conflict between the official classes 
and the Christian missionaries in ('hina which 
hare at last resulted in the recent horrible mas- 
nem. He says : 

«* Chineso officialdom is at war with the white 
man*s civilization, and it tights with the weap- 
ons it deems most effective, (lun boats and bat- 
talions are not to its taste. So it makes a treaty, 
every paragraph of which it proceeds to nullify 

the moment the ink is dry. It instigates mur- 
der, and then explains officially that it was the 
mob that was responsible.** 

Mr. Bigelow cites the Treaty of Tientsin, 
signed in 1858, the eighth article of which reads 
as follows : 

The Christian religion, as professed by Protestants 
or Roman Catholics, inculcates the practice of virtue, 
and teaches man to do as he would be done by. Persons 
teaching it, or professing it, therefore, shall alike be 
entitled to the protection of the Chinese authorities; 
nor shall any such, peaceably pursuing their calling, 
and not offending against the laws, be persecuted or in- 
terfered with. 

Notwithstanding the treaty concessions of 
which the above is a sample, Mr. Bigelow shows 
that the government has continually permitted 
the incitement of the mob against the mission- 
aries. In 1754 foreign residents made com- 
plaint that <* injurious posters were annually put 
up by the government, accusing foreigners of 
horrible crimes, and intended to expose them to 
the contempt of the populace." 


< < Even then, the accusations were made that 
missionaries gouged out the eyes of foundlings 
and mutilated women in a vile manner — charges 
which have been persisted in to our day. When 
vigorously addressed by a combination of foreign 
powers, tlie Peking Government has always offi- 
cially repudiated the authors of these posters ; but 
at the same time it has given private intimation 
that this propaganda was pleasing to the Em- 
peror. Indeed, those who publish the filthy 
posters invoke official sanction by printing, as 
preface, the ** Sacred Edict" — a sort of paternal 
address from the throne promulgated by the joint 
efforts of two canonized emperors some two 
centuries ago. Dr. Williams, in his ** Middle 
Kingdom," says that this document is regarded 
as a most sacred command, which is proclaimed 
throughout the empire by the local officers on 
the first and fifteenth days of every month. 

** As a pendant of the Tientsin Treaty, it is 
worth preserving. It reads thus : 

With respect to heterodox books not in accordance 
with the teachings of the sages, and those tending to 
excite and disturb the people, to give rise to differences 
and irregularities, and to undermine the foundations of 
all things— all such teach corrupt and dangerous doc- 
trines, which must be suppressed and exterminated. 
. . . From ancient times, the three religions have been 
propagated together. Besides Confucianism, which 
holds the preeminence, we have Buddhism and Taoinm. 
. . . There is, however, a class of vagalwnd adveu- 
turfi-s (Christian) who under the pretext of teacniiiK 
these systems (Buddhism, etc.) bring them into the 
greatest disrepute, making false parade of what is 
propitious and unpropitious, and of future rewards 



and panishments, for the purpose of giving currency to 
their foolish and unfoundcKl stories. Their object in the 
beginning is to make a living. By degrees they collect 
men and women into promiscuous gatherings for the 
purpose of burning incense. . . . The worst of all is 
that there lurk within these assemblies treacherous, 
depraved, and designing persons, who form dangerous 
combinations and pledge themselves to each other by 
oaths. They meet in darkness and disperse at dawn. 
They imperil their lives, sin against righteousness, and 
deceive and entrap the people. . . . Such is the 
religion of the West, which reveres the Lord of 
Heaven. It also is not to be regarded as orthodox. 
Because its teachers (the early Jesuits) were well versed 
in mathematics, our government made use of them. 
Of this you must not be ignorant. As to unauthorized 
doctrines which deceive the people, our laws cannot 
tolerate them. For false and corrupt teachers our 
government has fixed punishments. 

** Thus with one hand the Chinese Govern- 
ment promises the white man legal protection, 
and with the other pledges its favor to the mob 
when it guts the missionary compound and mur- 
ders the unorthodox inmates.*^ 

Mr. Bigelow states that the public misrepre- 
sentations of the spirit and aims of the Christian 
religion and of the objects animating Christian 
missionaries in their work are almost incredible. 
Indecent posters containing attacks on the 
Christians are distributed *<with official conniv- 
ance" throughout China. In more than one 
instance mobs have been incited to viplence by 
such posters. 


IN the Forum for July, Dr. D. Z. Sheffield, 
late president of the North China College, 
and a resident of the country for thirty years, 
writes on ^ ' Chinese Civilization : The Ideal and 
the Actual." 

The surprise sometimes expressed by Western 
students of Chinese life and letters at the lofty 
ideals of government, of the family, and of soci- 
ety set forth in the ancient classical literature is 
only equaled by their surprise that these ideals 
have been realized so imperfectly in the life of 
the people. 

<* Ancient Chinese literature is a witness to 
the nobility of human nature in its best thoughts 
and aspirations. The sages taught that man is 
made for virtue : To be benevolent is to be a 
man. They taught that vii'tue distinguishes 
men from animals, and that when men fail to be 
virtuous they cease to be men. The heart of 
man tends toward goodness as water tends to 
flow downward. Water may be forced upward, 
but that is not its tendency ; in like manner men 
may be driven to evil, but it is not according to 
their nature. The mountain clothes itself with 
forests and verdure, but axmen come from the 

neighboring city and cut down the trees ; freeh 
shoots spring up from the living roots, but the 
cattle browse them down until the mountain is 
bald and desolate, and men say it is the nature 
of the mountain to be bald and desolate. Not 
so ; its condition is the result of violence to its 
nature. Thus man's nature seeks to clothe itself 
with virtue, but it is assailed by external evils, 
till finally the recuperative powers of the heart 
become paralyzed, and we look upon the evil 
man and say it is his nature to be evil. Not so ; 
his true nature has been overcome by the evil 
that is alien to it. The end of learning is to 
recover the lost heart, which is the child-heart, 
that all men have in common. 

** Confucius tersely describes the ideal condi- 
tion in human relations as realized when the 
prince acquits himself as prince, the minister as 
minister, the father as father, and the son as 
son ; that is, when men in every rank in society 
discharge faithfully the duties belonging to their 
place. The law of Heaven is the law of right. 
the law of duty ; and wisdom consists in cor- 
rectly appl)dng this law in the relations of life. 
Confucius taught that the end of learning was to 
develop, and make manifest the innate virtue, to 
renovate the people, and to rest in the highest 


** Chinese history has not been without examples 
of upright rulers and faithful citizens, of com 
passionate fathers and filial sons: but the ideal 
state, the ideal family, have been, for the most 
part, themes to be talked about, to be written of 
in elegant essays, but not to be striven after, or 
experienced. The Son of Heaven has usually 
proved to be a son of earth in his bondage to its 
passions and allurements. Ministers have been 
eyes and ears and hands, not for the service of 
their princes, but for the service of their own 
ignoble appetites and ambitions. Society has 
not been ruled by the law of benevolence, but 
by the law of selfishness. The operation of this 
law is also seen in family life. Parents regard 
children as given to them to command; children 
in turn have few rights in the presence of their 
parents. There is a popular saying that parents 
are the family gods, and too often they rule in 
their households with the authority of gods. 
The disciple of Confucius learned through ob- 
serving the relations between the sage and his 
son that the superior man is not intimate with^ 
his children. In general, the hard and selfish 
rule of parents begets a formal and selfish service 
in children. Falsehood and duplicity take the 
place of truthfulness and candor, and unloving 
authority is met by unloving obedience." 



Dr. ShefiQeld sums up China's case as follows: 
• * China was secluded from the outside world ; 
the sages were the oracles of Heaven ; their 
teachings were the final statement of truth. 
Confucian learning perpetuated and strengthened' 
this system of thought ; and ancestor- worship 
added its power to fasten the system upon the 
religious convictions of men, until their capacity 
for progress was weakened, and the very thought 
of progress was well-nigh lost. 

"The hope of China is not jn itself. The 
realization of its best thought must come from 
without. Christian civilization will bring to 
China a truer conception of the nature of man, a 
better understanding of his relations and duties, 
of his dignity and destiny. It will turn the 
faces of the people from the past toward the 
future, and will enrich their lives with a quality 
of love and fellowship and hope that Confucian 
civilization has been powerless to bestow." 


THE first article in the Nineteenth Century for 
July is by Mr. Henry Norman, and is en- 
titled **Our Vacillation in China and Its Conse- 
quences." The consequences, Mr. Norman points 
out, have been a long string of humiliations. 
Owing to the vacillation of her government, Eng- 
land has failed in China wherever she has taken 
a band, and has got nothing from all her schem- 
ing except Wei Hai Wei, which is entirely use- 
less, and which, indeed, she has never attempted 
to turn to any use. 

Mr. Norman lays down four axioms which 
should govern England's future relations with 
China. The first is that there is no such thing 
as China as a distinct entity : 

< < It is because there is no such thing as China 
that the military caste of the Manchne, compara- 
tively infinitesimal in numbers, have been able 
to impose their rule upon the enormous masses 
of Chinese. Thus it is unwise to predicate any- 
thing of China as a whole, or to believe that 
what suits one part will necessarily suit another. 
To this extent the partition of China would rest 
upon a scientific and practical basis." 

The second axiom is that China will never 
reform itself : 

** There is not the slightest possibility of the 
establishment by Chinese authority of a national 
army, or navy, or civil service. And the cor- 
ruption which is the fatal curse of China is di- 
rectly due to the fact that th€u*e is not and can- 
not be any central authority to exercise control 
over local officials ; or, m the absence of this, to 
pay them. The Chinese people, in the language 
of physics, is a mechanical mixture and not a 

chemical compound ; and therefore, it is irre- 
sponsive to the action of any single reagent, and 
incapable of exhibiting any common property." 

Thirdly, Mr. Norman postulates that ** Rus- 
sian ambition has no limits " : 

*' Russia will take all she can possibly get, 
and, like the rest of us, what she cannot get she 
will do without. Instead of abusing her, it 
would be wiser to emulate her qualities, and so 
seek to put a barrier in her way at the points 
where the interests of our own country become 
imperative. It is easy for a strong nation to 
come to a durable understanding with her (wit- 
ness Germany and Austria). But we shall never 
do it by writing sarcastic dispatches and making 
rude speeches, and then meekly accepting her fact 
accomplished to our injury. That is the policy 
of the boy who puts his finger to his nose and 
runs away — and it has been ours for too long." 

And the fourth is that ** Japan is face to face 
with a life and death issue in the far East." If 
Japan fights, it must be not later than six months 

Mr. Norman recommends that the Empress 
should be deported, and the Emperor replaced 
under the control of representatives of the 
powers. The open-door policy being dead, each 
power should keep order in its sphere. 

** Every power would enter into a formal en- 
gagement with all the others that no duties 
beyond those agreed upon by all should be levied ; 
that no preferential or differential railway rates 
should be imposed in its sphere ; that no force 
should be raised beyond that necessary to keep 
order ; and that all matters of intercommuni- 
cation should be decided by the council of for- 
eign representatives." 

An advisory committee of Chinese experts 
should be formed in London, and Mr. Norman 
suggests Professor Douglas as a member. 

What " DIplomatlcus " Thinks. 

In the Fortnightly^ ** Diplomaticus " finds grave 
fault with the apathy and inattention of the pow- 
ers while the present storm was brewing. They 
have been surprised, he says ; but there is abso- 
lutely no excuse for their surprise. The coup 
cPitat of the Empress, the decrees she issued, the 
growth of the Boxer movement, had been the 
chief topic of discussion in the far Eastern press, 
and their gravity proclaimed on the housetops of 
the treaty ports. And yet the powers took no 
notice and no precautions. **The reforming 
efforts of the Emperor should have had all our 
sympathy, and, as far as possible, our active sup- 
port." For the future, the writer urges that 
England should cultivate the friendship of Japan 
rather than that of Russia. He proceeds : 



* ^ Our wisest policy is to keep our hands abso- 
lutely free, and to be prepared to defend our in- 
terests and the status quo ante with adequate 
strength, both in the north and the west of 
China, should the occasion arise. We should 
hold the balance fairly between all the powers. 
For the moment there is no necessity to take 
sides, as in the work of pacification all the powers 
are equally interested. Japan is not a whit less 
interested than Russia ; and I can see no reason 
why she should not participate in the restoration 
of order on an equality with her great rival. 
When the pacification is accomplished, our policy 
is clear. We have to take our stand by the integ- 
rity of China and the open door, and we have to 
insist on the restoration of the legitimate Em- 
peror, with a guarantee of his absolute independ- 

A "Scramble for China." 

Mr. Demetrius Boulger puts no faith in the 
policy of the open door as a means of holding 
China together. In an article in the Contempo- 
rary Review^ he denounces the open door as a 
sham, and prophesies that we are about to wit- 
ness a scramble for China. Russia, he asserts, 
is at the back of the Dowager- Empress ; and Rus- 
sia will not consent to her punishment or re- 

* * As I have several times pointed out in these 
pages, our diplomacy has no chance of success in 
a game of fence with Russia at Peking, because 
the trumps are in her hand. Her base of opera- 
tion is near the scene, and drawing closer and 
closer ; the high oflScials in the capital are under 
the spell of her power, and in many cases have 
been suborned from their allegiance by the effect 
of her money. At the utmost we can only avert 
the inevitable for a few years, unless the country 
can be brought to face what would be a colossal 
struggle with Russia. There is no middle course 
between opposing Russia tooth and nail on be- 
half of a worthless and condemned administra- 
tion and leaving her undisturbed to realize her 
objects at Peking so far as she can, and in accord- 
ance with general requirements.'* 


China is to be divided into spheres, and what 
Great Britain must do is ' * to acquire a base for 
operations in the Yangtse Valley similar to that 
Russia possesses in the north with regard to 
Peking. There cannot be two opinions as to what 
that base is. The island of Chusan, with its un- 
equaled har'oor of Tinghai, represents exactly the 
position of which we have need. We occupied 
it during both of our China wars, and by the 

Davis Convention we retain the right to prevent 
any other power occupying it.'* 

Using Chusan as a base, England could raise 
any number of local troops ; and * * in a few 
years we should have created the best force for 
controlling our sphere by the successive occupa- 
tion of Chinkiang-fu, Nanking, Ganking, and 
Hankow. Our occupation would be given a 
Chinese color, and without direct annexation we 
could organize dependent governments ; or, bet- 
ter still, revive in Central China a kingdom of 

The Real Origin of " Boxers.'* 

Another article in the Contemporary on China 
is that of Mr. Arthur Sowerby, a twenty years' 
resident in China. Mr. Sowerby has nothing 
very new to say, but he believes in the capacity 
of the Chinese people. In the Emperor, how- 
ever, there is no hope. He is not an able man, 
and his health is bad. The following is Mr. 
Sowerby's explanation of the origin of the 
Boxers : 

**The Boxer movement is the work of Yu 
Hsien, ex-governor of Shantung. He took ad- 
vantage of a spirit of discontent that had arisen 
from two or three causes in Chili and Shantung. 
The occupation of Kiaochau by the Germans, 
the scarcity of rain last autumn, — for which the 
Buddhist priests blamed the Christians, — and 
some differences between the Catholics and their 
neighbors in Chili, were the chief sources of the 
trouble. No serious difficulty would have arisen 
had not Yu Hsien given the malcontents his 
protection, and assisted them to organize them- 
selves into the Great Sword Sect. The move- 
ment increased under this patronage; and the win- 
ter days, when the villagers and canal population 
can afford to be idle, were spent by them in 
drilling, combined with a good deal of rodo- 
montade. Yii Hsien, through the pressure of 
the German Government, was removed from 
Shantung ; but he was received at Peking with 
great favor and high rewards, and has been 
appointed governor of Shansi. He should be 
marked for severe and condign punishment 
The Boxers assumed the name I Ho Chiian, 
which means Righteousness conjoined with 
Protection, and by a pun it becomes 1 Ho Ch'u- 
an. Righteousness and the Fist * hence the nick- 
name * Boxers.' " 

The ranks of the Boxers are composed of the 
scum population on the banks of the Grand 
Canal and the peasant farmers in Chili and 
Shantung. They could be easily subdued by a 
few disciplined troops. Mr. Sowerby recom- 
mends the removal of the Empress and the 
extinction of the Manchu dynasty. 




the Chinese minister to the United States, 
writes in the North American Review for July on 
** Mutual Helpfulness Between China and the 
United States." His article was prepared before 
the recent Boxer outbreak had become serious, 
and is mainly devoted to a consideration of the 
natural economic relations between the two coun- 
tries, presupposing the continuance of peaceful 

After dwelling on the economic interdepend- 
ence of China and the United States, the minister 
proceeds to analyze the policy of the * * open door. " 
He says : 

* * China long ago adopted that policy in her 
foreign intercourse. She has treaty relations 
with all the European powers, together with the 
United States, Brazil, Peru, Mexico, Japan, and 
Korea. All these are equally * favored nations ' 
in every sense of the term. The Swede and the 
Dane enjoy the same rights, privileges, immu- 
nities, and exemptions with respect to commerce, 
navigation, travel, and residence throughout the 
length and breadth of the empire as are accorded 
to the Russian or the Englishman. Any favor 
that may be granted to Japan, for instance, at 
once inures to the benefit of the United States. 
Indeed, China in her treatment of strangers 
within her gates has in a great many respects 
gone even beyond what is required by interna- 
tional usage. According to the usual practice of 
nations, no country is expected to accord to for- 
eigners rights which are not enjoyed by its own 
subjects or citizens. But China has been so long 
accustomed to indemnify foreigners who have 
fallen victims to mob violence that she is looked 
up>on in a sense as an insurer of the lives and 
property of all foreigners residing within her 
borders. To such an extent is this idea current 
among foreigners in China that some years ago 
an American missionary in the Province of Shan- 
tung, who happened to have some articles stolen 
from his house in the night, estimated his loss at 
$60, and actually sent the bill through the 
American minister at Peking to the foreign office 
for payment. The Chinese tariff also favors 
foreigners resident in China much more than it 
does the Chinese themselves. Most articles im- 
ported for the use of foreigners are on the free 
list. Such is the treatment which Americans, in 
common with the subjects and citizens of other 
foreign powers, receive in China. 


*♦ Justice would seem to demand equal consid- 
eration for the Chinese on the part of the United 
States. China does not ask for special favors. 

All she wants is enjoyment of the same privileges 
accorded other nationalities. Instead, she is 
singled out for discrimination and made the sub- 
ject of hostile legislation. Her door is wide open 
to the people of the United States, but their door 
is slammed in the face of her people. I am not 
so biased as to advocate any policy that might be 
detrimental to the best interests of the people of 
the United States. If they think it desirable to 
keep out the objectionable class of Chinese, by 
all means let them do so. Let them make their 
immigration laws as strict as possible, but let 
them be applicable to all foreigners. Would it 
not be fairer to exclude the illiterate and degen- 
erate classes of all nations rather than to make 
an arbitrary ruling against the Chinese alone ? 
Would it not be wiser to set up some specific test 
of fitness, such as ability to read intelligently the 
American Constitution ? That would give the 
Chinese a chance along with the rest of the 
world, and yet effectually restrict their immigra- 
tion. Such a law would be practically prohibitory, 
as far as all except the best-educated Chinese are 
concerned, for the reason that the written lan- 
guage of the Chinese is so entirely different 
from the spoken tongue that few of the immi- 
grants would be able to read with intelligence 
such a work as the American Constitution. 
Nevertheless, a law of that kind would be just 
in spirit, and could not rouse resentment in the 
Chinese breast." 


IN the Forum for July, Mr. Charles Den by, Jr., 
describes * * Kiaochou : A German Colonial 
Experiment." The seizure of Chinese territory 
by Germany, which is a matter of quite recent 
history, is thus narrated by Mr. Den by : 

*<The immediate prelude to Germany's colo- 
nial career in Asia was the murder, by a Chinese 
mob, of two German missionaries, at the village 
of Yen Chou-fu, in southern Shantung, on No- 
vember, 1897. The murder was a cowardly 
deed, worthy of the severest punishment ; and 
the promptness with which the avenging Kaiser 
struck gained the approval of the foreign com- 
munities in China and of the press abroad. The 
German minister demanded from the Peking 
Government an apology for the attack, indemnity 
for the families of the victims, compensation for 
the expense his government had incurred, and 
the lease of a naval station upon the coast of 

** The Chinese agreed readily to the first three 
demands, and Germany did not wait for their 
formal consent to the fourth — which, in fact, 
seems to have little connection with the others ; 
but, on November 14 of the same year, she 



landed a force at Tsingtau, in Kiaochou Bay, in 
Shantung, and took possession of the forts and 
adjacent territory. This occupation was sup- 
posed to be temporary only ; but two years have 
passed since then, and the Grerman flag still flies 
over Tsingtau, which is now as much German 
territory as are the Provinces of Alsace and 

"The seizure of Chinese territory was de- 
liberately planned. It was foreshadowed in the 
speech of Baron Marshal von Biebei*stein in the 
Reichstag, in November, 1896. He stated on 
that occasion that the interests of Russia and 
Germany would give them an opportunity of 
acting in harmony in the far East. In the 
Kiaochou incident this opportunity came ; and 
Russia's acquiescence in Germany's aggression, 
in spite of her promise in the Cassini Convention 
to protect China, indicates a prior understanding 
between the two powers. The German legation 
was probably instructed to seize on the first op- 
portunity to make demands for territory ; and 
the German minister at Peking is reported as 
having said that the attack by the Chinese upon 
some German oflBcers in the boat of the Cormoran^ 
at Wuchang, — an incident which shortly fol- 
lowed the murder of the missionaries, — would 
have served his purpose quite as well." 


Mr. Denby shows that both physical and politi- 
cal considerations were involved in the selection 
of this particular region as Germany's base of 
operations in China. 

'* Except Shantung, there was scarcely a prov- 
ince in which she could have planted herself 
without encroaching on the alleged rights of 
others. It is a sad commentary on the decadence 
of China that there is scarcely any desirable ter- 
ritory along the coast which does not fall within 
some foreign government's sphere of influence. 
To have gone north of Shantung would have been 
to enter a field where the White Czar is self- pre- 
destined master. South of Shantung, in the Prov- 
inces of Kiangsu and Chekiang, we come upon 
the Yangtse Valley, which has been staked out 
by England In a shadowy agreement with China 
that no part thereof shall be alienated to any 
other power. The coast of Fukien, further 
south, has been preempted by Japan, by virtue 
of her annexation of Formosa — a preemption 
which has been recognized by the Chinese Gov- 
ernment in an agreement, made in April, 1898, 
that no part of this province shall be alienated to 
any nation but Japan. In the next two prov- 
inces, Kuangtung and Kuansi, any German 
establishment would have been regarded with 
more than disfavor by England and France. 

*' Shantung, therefore, was almost the only 
place left, and in Shantung the only available 
place was Kiaochou Bay. This bay is a great 
sheet of water 20 miles in width, with an out- 
let to the Yellow Sea only one mile and three- 
quarters wide. This outlet is commanded by 
headlands, about 600 feet in altitude, admirably 
suited for fortifications. There are 11 or 12 
fathoms of water in the entrance, and in the bay 
itself the depth varies from 12 to 30 fathoms. 
The wide area of the bay makes it unsuitable for 
riding at anchor ; the sea becoming very rough 
in storms, and sometimes positively dangerous 
for small boats. Accordingly, ships at present 
anchor under shelter of the promontory, near the 
little island of Tsingtau (Green Island), which 
has given its name to the young German city on 
the adjoining mainland. The island itself has 
been renamed Arcona, in reference to Germany's 
naval victory over the Danes. Further inside 
the bay, just behind the peninsula which forms 
the northern shore of the entrance, a great break- 
water is under construction, which will afford 
the finest harbor on the coast from Hongkong to 
Port Arthur. Hongkong is British, Port Arthur 
is Russian, Kiaochou is German, and China has 
not a single deep-water harbor for herself except 
that of Amoy." 


IN the August i/cC/wre'*, Lieutenant-Command- 
er James C. Gillmore, U. S. N. , gives a very 
graphic story of his famous boat battle with the 
Filipinos on the east coast of Luzon, of his capture, 
and narrow escape from execution ; his extraordi- 
nary experiences during eight months' captivity ; 
his journeys for hundreds of miles through the 
interior of Luzon ; and in a succeeding number 
will be described his rescue by American troops, 
after he and his six comrades had been aban- 
doned by their guards in the mountains to the 
mercy of the savage tribes. Lieutenant Gillmore 
was on a rescuing expedition on the Yorktown to 
free a band of fifty Spanish oflficers and men who 
were besieged by Filipinos in a church at a coast 
town called Baler. Lieutenant Gillmore and a 
boat's crew were sent from the Yorktown to make 
a reconnaissance early in the morning ; there 
were seventeen men in all. The party saw that 
the Filipino sentry had discovered them when 
they pulled into the river which was to see their 
capture ; but as a Colt repeating -gun was in the 
bow of their boat, and most of the crew, were 
armed with rifles, they did not fear a brush. 
But the trouble came quicker and heavier than 
they had expected. In a short time the boat was 
a shambles. The man who held up a white flag 



among the soldiers. One company was chased 
along the ridge to the south, out of which a man 
got away. A mighty yell went up from the 
Indians as he cleared the attacking forces, as if 
they were glad that he succeeded. Away he 
went toward Reno*s position. The rest of the 
company were now falling fast, and the ridge was 
covered with the slain. 


** *Hay-ay ! hay-ay ! Woo I woo I The sol- 
dier who escaped is coming back ! ' The man 
now appeared again upon the ridge where he had 
just escaped death, closely pursued by fifteen 
warriors. He was more than half-way down to 
Reno's stand when the party set upon him. 
They were coming up from the other battle. 
Some say that this soldier took his own life when 
he was driven back to the main body of the 

» * The soldiers found near the spot where the 
big monument now stands fought best and long- 
est. The Indians used many arrows and war- 
clube when the two forces came closer together. 
There was one officer and his attendant who 
foaght their way almost through, but they were 
killed at last. They fell farthermost toward the 
east, at the head of the ravine. It is said that 
the private stood over the wounded officer, and 
when two warriors attacked him he killed one of 
them, but the other lassoed him and dragged 
him away. 

* * Thus ended the last battle and the career of 
a daring American officer. It was a surprise to 
the Sioux that he held his men together so well." 



' * The battle of the Little Big Horn was a 
Waterloo for (leneral Custer, and the last effect- 
ive defense of the Black Hills by the Sioux. It 
was a fair fight. Custer offered battle and was 
defeated. He was clearly outgeneraled at his 
own stratagem. Had he gone down just half a 
mile farther and crossed the stream where Crazy 
Horse did a few minutes later, he might have 
carried out his plan of surprising the Indian vil- 
lage and taking the Indian warriors at a disad- 
vantage in the midst of their women and children. 

< ' Was it a massacre ? Were Custer and his 
men sitting by their camp-fires when attacked by 
the Sioux ? Was he disarmed and then fired 
upon? No. Custer had followed the trail of 
these Indians for two days, and finally overtook 
them. He found and met just the Indians he 
was looking for. He had a fair chance to defeat 
the Sioux, had his support materialized and 
brought their entire force to bear upon the enemy 
in the first instance. 

**I reiterate that there were not 12,000 to 
15,000 Indians at that camp, as has been repre- 
sented ; nor were there over 1,000 warriors in 
the fight. It is not necessary to exaggerate the 
number of the Indians engaged in this notable 
battle. The simple truth is that Custer met the 
combined forces of the hostiles, which were 
greater than his own, and that he had not so 
much underestimated their numbers as their 


MR. EDWARD DICEY, writing in the Fort- 
nightly on the <* Policy of Peace," recog- 
nizes that British supremacy in a self -governed 
South Africa can best be secured by an increase 
in the British resident population. Government 
irrigation works might make it worth while for 
younger sons of good family, now serving under 
Lord Roberts, to settle on the land. But his 
chief hope is that the staffing of the railroads, 
the building and mine-sinking which will follow 
the war, will retain a large number of skilled ar- 
tisans among the reservists, militia, and yeoman- 
ry. He especially urges the development of the 
mining industry, and pays this tribute to its 
present chiefs : 

** I know of no mining community where the 
capitalists have done so much to provide for the 
comfort and convenience of the workers in their 
service, have lavished money so freely on all 
works of public utility, or have so identified 
themselves with the interests of the industry by 
which they have made their fortunes. " 



He also insists : 

* * The tune has come to put aside the preju- 
dices caused by the raid, and to avail ourselves 
freely of the services of the British party — of 
which, in fact, if not in name, Mr. Cecil Rhodes 
still remains the leader. We have a hafd task 
before us, and we need the help of all South 
African statesmen who, whatever errors they 
may be deemed to have committed, have always 
been loyal in their allegiance to the mother 

Settle Soldiers as Farmers? 

Col. J. G. B. Stopford has an article in the 
Nineteenth Century dealing with the proposals for 
settling time-expired soldiers in South Africa. 
The bulk of his article is devoted to recapitula- 
tion of the diflBculties which settlers would meet 
with, but he does not think the project by any 
means impossible. He says : 

<* If the force which it is necessary to main- 
tain in Africa be composed of men chosen be- 
cause of their wish to settle permanently in the 
country, they might be divided into regiments 
of 1,000 or 500, or a less number of men, as the 
facilities for accumulating water might render 
advisable, and be settled in communities, whose 
houses might extend for some miles along a 
course, the center part of which would be sup- 
plied with water from a dam made by blocking 
a valley or depression in the ground. 

<* For a year, or two years, or as long as it 
was necessary to complete the works, these men 
might receive pay and be under military disci- 
pline, and would work under the direction of offi- 
cers. During this time they would construct a 
dam, and build themselves houses and fences 
and prepare the land for sowing. 

* * As the force, after their recent experiences, 
would not require much military training, the 
whole of their time would be available to make 
the farm, and when they were released from ser- 
vice they should be able to continue in their 
houses and on their holdings at such terms as 
might be arranged." 

••The Unmakers of England.'* 

Karl Blind, writing in the July Fortnightly on 
France, Russia, and the peace of the world, con- 
cludes that * ' there are great perils ahead for 
England." He says : 

* * For the calm observer there can be no doubt 
that the conscience of the civilized world has, in 
this South African war, been as much shocked 
as if some Continental power were to destroy by 
force of arms the independence and the republi- 
can institutions of Switzerland, or the independ- 
ence and the somewhat conservative institutions 

of the Netherlands. An outcry of indignation 
at such a deed would ring all over the world. 
Such an outcry has rung, in the present instance, 
from Europe to America, and it is being taken 
up even by cultured Indians of the most loyal 
character. The friends of England abroad are 
angered and sad at heart. Her enemies are reck- 
oning upon what may befall her some day, when 
she will be assailed by a variety of complications. 
More than one storm cloud is already in course 
of formation. The time may not be too far when 
those answerable for what is done now will ap- 
pear before history, not as the makers of new 
imperial glories, but as the thoughtless onmak 
ers of England." 


IN the first June number of the Revue des Deux 
Mondes, M. Leclercq writes an interesting 
paper on < * The Origins of the South African 
Republics." Of these he says that, while it 
is well known how England seized the Cape 
Colony in 1806, where the Dutch had been 
established towards the middle of the seven- 
teenth century, it is not so well known how the 
descendants of those same Dutchmen, unable to 
bear the foreign yoke, expatriated themselves in 
that famous exodus which the Boers call the 
Great Trek. James Anthony Froude describes 
it in *< Oceana." The desire to change one's 
abode is, with the Boers, a kind of sixth sense. 
They are, unlike other peasants, fond of leading 
a sedentary life at certain times, and at other 
times they are nomads. That is why every Boer 
possesses, or desires to possess, several farms 
separated by considerable distances. If his pas- 
toral occupations are not successful at one farm, 
the Boer will trek with his live-stock and his 
family to another, perhaps more favorably situ- 
ated.^ M. Leclercq compares the Boers with the 
Irish', who were, he says, similarly expatriated 
at the same time, and also with the Israelites, 
who had a similar absolute confidence in Qod. 
He assures us that the Voortrekkers always led 
a pure life, free from drunkenness, luxury, and 
quarrels, although they had no law courts and 
no police ; and he says that the fact that the 
people could remain for so many years outside 
all contact with civilization without falling into 
gross barbarism would be inexplicable if the 
cause were sought for elsewhere than in the fear 
of God and the principles of the Decalogue, with 
which the Boers were inspired. 


The moving spirit of the Great Trek was 
Prinsloo — the Protector of the People, as the 
Boers called him. The colonial government at- 



tempted to repress the rebellion with ruthless 
severity ; and there is a story of the execution 
of five rebels, who had to be hanged twice, 
because the first time they broke the rope with 
their weight, which is still remembered in South 
Africa. The language question caused great 
bitterness, for Dutch was not taught in the 
schools ; all legal proceedings were conducted in 
finglish, and no one could serve on a jury unless 
he understood English. All this wounded the 
pride of the Boers. On the other side, the 
worst accusations were launched against the 
Boers by the natives, which, being credited by 
the English, caused the name of Boer to become 
an object of execration throughout Europe. The 
Boers were accused of assassinating the natives 
with the most horrible refinements of cruelty ; 
and M. Leclercq tells us that, under the pretext 
of philanthropy and religious propaganda, these 
calumnies were spread by the English mission- 
ariee. The accusations were so precise that the 
government instituted an inquiry which lasted 
for several months, and ended, according to M. 
Leclercq, in no single one of the horrible accusa- 
tions being proved. 


M. Leclercq also defends the Boers from the 
charge of subjecting the natives to degrading 
slavery. Their condition he represents rather 
as that of the manservants and maidservants 
who formed the household of the old Biblical 
patriarchs. Moreover, the Boers as a whole 
desired to abolish the titular institution of 
slavery. In a meeting which was held at Graaf 
Reinet, in 1826, it was expressly declared that 
* * all the members of the assembly wished for the 
complete suppression of slavery, provided that 
this desire could be realized on reasonable condi- 
tions. The only diflBculty was the mode of 
carrying it out.*' The objection which the Boers 
entertained to the freeing of the slaves appears,, 
therefore, to have been not one of principle, but 
directed to the suddenness of the measure. 
Emancipation was decreed in 1834, and the 
British Parliament voted the sum of £20,000,000 
sterling as compensation for securing the liberty 
of the slaves in all the British colonies. At the 
Cape there were 39,000 slaves, who were valued 
at over £3,000,000 sterling; nevertheless, the 
share which South Africa obtained of the com- 
pensation was reduced to £1,200,000. This 
aroused absolute consternation in the colony, for 
many of the Boers had pledged their slaves as 
«<?curity for loans ; and, moreover, the compen- 
««ation was only payable in Ijondon, so that the 
slaveowners were obliged to employ agents, who 
took care to secure an enormous profit. The 

result was widespread misery at the Cape, and 
many hundreds of families who had been well-to- 
do were reduced to poverty. 

Another cause had previously contributed to 
the ruin of the Boers ; namely, the action of the 
London Government in the year 1824 in with- 
drawing certain small bank-notes which had 
been issued at 4s. , and were withdrawn at a re- 
duction of more than 50 per cent. But the 
principal cause of the Great Trek was the Kaflfir 
question. The Boers, M. Leclercq explains, 
had bitter experience of the falseness, * * slim- 
ness," and rapacity of the KaflBrs, who were 
always pillaging and robbing them ; whereas the 
English viewed the KaflBrs through the rosy 
spectacles of the Protestant missionaries. It is 
needless to follow M. Leclercq through the rest 
of his extremely interesting article, in which he 
shows how mu6h the Boers had to contend with, 
and what astonishing blunders were made by 
the English. 

Social Psycholosry of the Boers. 

To the second June number of the Revue de 
Paris^ M. Mille contributes a study of the Boers 
from the point of view of social psychology. M. 
Mille notes with astonishment that the English 
have practically not studied at all the nature of 
the Boers themselves. The books written about 
South Africa — at any rate, before the war broke 
out — dealt with gold min^ or big-game shoot- 
ing, and M. Mille could only find two exceptions : 
those of Livingston and Mr. Bryce. The in- 
quirer who sought to understand the Boer nature 
was obliged to have recourse to Dutch or German 
books, or to the notes made by the French Prot- 
estant missionaries in Basutoland. M. Mille re- 
lates various stories which go to show the igno- 
rance of the Boer of everything outside South 
Africa, and even of some things that are inside. 
He brings out clearly the patriarchal cohesion of 
the Boer families, and he goes on to explain the 
efforts which the Pretoria Government made in 
the cause of education. In 1886 there were 159 
rural schools and 20 urban schools, and these 
had risen in 1896 to 330 and to 34, respectively ; 
while the total number of pupils had risen from 
4,016 to 7,738. Secondary education, too, had 
received a great impetus ; but M. Mille does not 
disguise the fact that this interest in education is 
comparatively modern, and came from Europe : 
indeed, the majority of the teaching staff was 
composed of Hollanders and Germans. Never- 
theless, the Boer is a great reader, and not of the 
Bible alone, but also of newspapc^rs ; in fact, as 
one shrewd observer has said of him, he is a 
politician to the marrow of his bones. 

M. Mille then goes on to show that the theory 



diligently propagated in England — ^that the 
Dutch element in South Africa had formed an 
old and long -elaborated plot for the destruction 
of British supremacy is not in accordance with 
the facts, but is rather contrary to them. As to 
the future, M. Mille declares that the gulf be- 
tween the Afrikanders and the English is now 
perhaps impassable. He prophesies that Eng- 
land will attempt to submerge the Boers beneath 
a flood of emigrants from Scotland, Australia, 
and Canada, which he thinks will be a pity, be- 
cause Australia and Canada are richer countries 
than South Africa, where the mines alone will 
continue to excite men's covetousness. M. Mille 
does not go so far as to say that reconciliation is 
impossible ; the future is made up of so many 
elements that they cannot all be distinguished. 
But it is, he thinks, permissible to declare that 
no such difficult task has ever been imposed upon 
a conqueror. The economic antagonism between 
the two races will not disappear because the 
Pretoria forts are razed. The language, the 
family, the religious and social conceptions of 
the Boers will survive, and he thinks it will 
take many years to kill them. 


MR. P. LYTTELTON GELL'S article on 
** Administrative Reform in the Public 
Service " comes appropriately in the same num- 
ber of the Nineteenth Century as Mr. Knowles' 
** Business Method Association." Mr. Gell's is 
a very interesting article, but his criticism is 
mainly devoted to the higher grades of the 
British civil service. There has not been suffi- 
cient expansion in the service to meet Imperial 
development, and the first step must therefore 
be to enlarge the number of well-paid and re- 
sponsible posts. The second is no less impor- 
tant ; for it is to < * break up the system of water- 
tight compartments and stereotyped positions in 
the public service. I would urge that the whole 
higher division should be regarded as a single 
service. It should not be merely permissible and 
exceptional, but an absolute rule, that men, 
especially young men, should be shifted from 
office to office in order to widen their experience, to 
freshen their views, and to elicit their abilities by 
contact with new questions and new conditions." 

Mr. Gell points out that a large number of the 
most successful officials have had experience of a 
variety of services, civil and military. What is 
required to effect these and other reforms is a 
small hut strong board of administrative control : 

"This board would l>e as independent of all 
departments (the treasury not excepted) as the 
Audit office is in regard to accounts ; and, like 

the audit office, it would present an independent 
report to Parliament ; or, where expedient, a 
confidential report to a Parliamentary committee. 
It might consist of three paid commissioners, of 
whom not more than one should be a civil ser- 
vant, two being men of experience in the indus- 
trial or commercial world. To these may be 
added four or six unpaid commissioners, who 
would be members of the upper or lower house, 
chosen for their business reputation — great ship- 
owners, railroad managers, or provincial manu- 
facturers. It would be essential that there should 
be no ez- officio members, except perhaps the first 
civil -service commissioner. Above all, its pohti- 
cal independence must be absolute.*' 


contributes, to the Political Science Quar- 
terly for June, a timely paper on * * The Com- 
plexity of American Governmental Methods." 
Mr. Woodruff directs our attention especially to 
the rigidity of our written constitutions, with 
their elaborate systems of checks and balanoee, 
and to the difficulties of our electoral machinery. 
He says : 

**The American, in ordinary matters, hkes 
directness. In business, industrial, and social 
affairs he comes straight to the point ; and so he 
does, for that matter, in political affairs, except 
in his written constitutions. In these he still 
worships at the shrine of complexity and indi- 
rection. He has found a way out of the maze of 
his own theories, however, and through the me- 
dium of political parties carries out his intent 
and purposes with little loss of personal energy. 
Yet to secure his immediate ends quickly he 
pays a great price, which is exacted to the last 
farthing. Practically he surrenders govern- 
mental functions to the political party organiza- 
tion, in exchange for direct action on a few sub- 
jects of commanding importance. This practice 
has been so persisted in, that party success and 
supremacy have come to be considered as the 
ends rather than as the means to an end. 

**We rail against bosses, and we denounce 
party organization, as if that would avail ; while 
we overlook the direct cause of the whole trouble 
— the complexity of our methods. How is a 
voter who is called upon to vote for candidates 
for twenty -two offices at a single election to 
exercise that care and caution which a conscien- 
tious citizen should exercise ? ' 


Mr. Woodruff shows that the party boss is the 
logical outgrowth of these conditions : 



* ' ODce agree, however, to surrender your 
judgment to the party, and you make the boss 
poGsible ; for, by a further refinement of com- 
plexities, he possesses himself of the party or- 
ganization, and then he is in a position to dic- 
tate his own terms and defy successful competi- 
tion for years, if he does not overreach himself. 
Should he become too arrogant or ostentatious in 
the exercise of his power, which is likely to hap- 
pen in time, he will in all likelihood bow his 
head to the storm and allow it to pass over. 
Then he, or another like him, is ready to pur- 
sue his old practices of giving to the politically 
lazy and negligent an opportunity to secure what 
they feel at the time they need the most, while 
he takes all the rest — and that is no small 

**We still maintain, however, that we must 
afford no opportunity for the creation of a dic- 
tator ; that there must be frequent change in of- 
fice and a multiplicity of oflBces, to prevent the 
formation of an aristocracy of oflBce-holders ; and 
that we must surround our legislatures with 
abundant safeguards, lest our liberties be filched 
away. Consequently, we play directly into the 
hands of the worst sort of a dictator — an unof- 
ficial one. Let us, if necessary, officialize our 
dictator. Let us recognize that concentration is 
the order of the day and essential to efficiency. 
Let us recognize that direct action is better than 
indirection, and then change our laws and con- 
stitutions accordingly." 


Mr. Woodruff cites the case of England to 
show that the checks and balances of our written 
constitutions are by no means essential to the 
preservation or extension of political liberty. 

** The case of England also proves that, where 
directness of action is substituted for indirect- 
ness and simplicity for complexity, the party ma- 
chine and the party boss in the American sense 
have no chance for growth or development. The 
legitimate political leader has ample field for 
activity ; but the party boss has little or none, 
because there is little or nothing concerning the 
government and its general conduct which the 
voter, with the exercise of average intelligence 
and ordinary prudence, cannot himself deter- 
mine. The English voter expresses his views on 
national questions when he votes for a member 
of Parliament, and on local matters when he 
votes for aldermen. He is not called upon to 
exercise his judgment in the selection of clerks 
of the court and secretaries of internal affairs 
and recorders of deeds." In fact, tlie English 
voter never lx>thers his head about clerical posi- 
ions under the government. 


PROF. JOHN R. COMMONS contributes, to 
the American Journal of Sociology for July, 
the seventh and concluding article of a series 
on •* A Sociological View of Sovereignty." The 
general argument running through the series is 
that each social institution — family, church, the 
state, industry, political party — begins as private 
property and develops toward monopoly. The 
family begins as private property in women and 
children ; the church as private property in 
relics, sacred places, and sacrifices ; industry as 
private property in men, land, and capital ; the 
political party as private property in the ballot. 
Private property applies only to those requisites 
of survival in the struggle for existence which 
are scarce, and therefore valuable. Scarcity is 
relative.- Women, children, and men are scarce 
in early times, and therefore private property 
develops into polygamy and slavery as a means 
of direct dommation. In later times land is 
scarce and men are superfluous, and private 
property develops into corporations, trusts, and 
political parties — a means of indirect domination 
through control of the means of subsistence. 
Survival of the fittest is the survival of the fittest 
institution, — i.e., of the strongest form of dom- 
ination, — and depends upon size, unity, and gen- 
eralship. This ends in centralization and mo- 
nopoly of private property, and we have patriarch, 
pope, emperor, trust, and boss. 

When this monopoly stage is reached, there 
are two alternative lines of further movement — 
the Asiatic and the Anglo- European. In the 
Asiatic line the monopoly is handed down to 
successors, and becomes hereditary despotism. 
In the Anglo- European line the subordinate 
classes are admitted as partners in the ownership 
of the institution, and they secure what are called 
*< rights." Here is where the state emerges 
as the institution which extracts coercion, — 
i.e., private property from each of the other 
institutions, — and constitutes itself the frame- 
work of each, in order to regulate the rights of 
subordinates. The wife secures the right to 
refuse marriage and to obtain divorce, enforced 
in court; the state takes children away from 
parents who treat them as mere animal property; 
the state confiscated the property of the church 
and legalized heresy — the right to be one's own 
high - priest ; the American state is taking the 
ballot and the party primary out of the hands of 
the party managers and giving the rank and file 
the right to elect the boss; the state itself has 
led th(i way by giving to subordinate classes a 
veto on the king in the form of parliament, or 
even by electing the king. If the trust follows 
the Anglo -European precedents, it will end in 



the right of employees and the public to elect 
the trustees. 

The state having been differentiated as the 
coercive institution of society on the basis of self- 
government, the other institutions are left to 
stand each on its own peculiarly persuasive basis : 
the family on sexual and parental love, and the 
patriarch becomes the husband ; the church on 
faith, and the priest becomes the minister ; the 
party on its principles, and the boss becomes the 
statesman ; the trust on love of work, and the 
corporation becomes the cooperation. 


SOME objections to the proposed adoption of 
the Swiss plan of an optional referendum 
in the United States are stated in the July Arena^ 
by Dr. Edwin Maxey, who nevertheless declares 
himself in favor of a trial of the experiment. 
The objections to the plan, as they present them- 
selves to Dr. Maxey, are as follows: 

** In the first place, it is cumbersome, requir- 
ing machinery of the State to be brought into 
action for purposes for which it is not well 
adapted. It is also expensive. Nor is this a 
trifling matter, when we consider the necessary 
outlay for printing in the various newspapers and 
ii. holding the elections, which includes costs of 
ballots, rent of polling- rooms, pay of judges, 
inspectors, and clerks, and a reasonable estimate 
for time spent by voters. It would necessitate 
either that a great number of elections be held, 
which in itself would lead to turmoil and confu- 
sion, or that a number of bills be voted upon at 
the same election — in which case the voter could 
know very little of the merits of the bills upon 
which he was voting; hence, his judgment could 
have but little value. 

<* The impossibility of the voter familiarizing 
himself with the bills upon which he is to pass 
will appear immediately from an inspection of 
the records of legislatures in such States as New 
York, Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, Ohio, and 
Illinois ; for, as a matter of fact, diligent legis- 
lators (for there are some diligent legislators), 
whose entire time and energy are spent in study- 
ing bills, are unfamiliar with many bills that are 
passed by their State legislatures. 

* * It is hardly fair to legislation ; for when 
submission of a bill is secured by petition it is 
prima-facie evidence that it is objectionable, and 
to overcome this presumption would require a 
careful study of tlu* bill, which the average voter 
has not the time to give. The above theory has 
proved to be the fact in Switzerland, where we 
find that nearly every bill submitted to the elec- 
torate is killed because of prejudged notions ; and 

a large portion of bills thus rejected are found by 
careful, candid investigation to be wise measures. 
This is particularly true of appropriation bills, 
the majority of which were in nowise extrava- 
gant; but somehow most men have a constitu- 
tional aversion to paying taxes, and hence to 
ratify measures that will necessitate any increase 
in taxes. It might not lessen the amount of 
partisan legislation, but on the other hand it 
might increase it; for the demagogue would 
have a wider field and more occasions to manifest 
that concern for the welfare of his fellow-men 
which is consuming in its intensity. 


* * Men are, as a rule, better fitted and have 
greater confidence in their ability to pass upon 
the qualifications of legislators about whom they 
know considerable than upon measures about 
which they know very little. In other words, 
average men study biography much more care- 
fully than they study political science ; therefore, 
men more readily yield to the judgment of others 
as to the wisdom of a measure than as to the 
qualifications of a' man. Thus it might infuse 
into our civic system more < peanut ' politics, 
of which we are already suffering from an over- 
dose. In fact, it is easily conceivable that the 
petition for submission might emanate from 
partisan motives rather than from a sense of the 
injustice or the inexpediency of the measure. 

* * It would essentially change the character of 
the legislature, by removing in large part its 
responsibility for legislation, until it would soon 
become little more than a drafting committee. 


* * In its present state of development, the plan 
is defective in that it makes no provision for 
amending a bill or for striking out a mischievous 
clause from a bill otherwise unobjectionable. 
This defect could, however, be remedied in part 
by making such changes in it as we have made 
in the veto power of governors and mayors — ^by 
enabling them to veto specific clauses and thus 
cut off riders to appropriation bills, etc." 

Dr. Maxey thinks that the power of the courts 
in controlling legislation would be weakened, but 
this would be hailed as a distinct advantage in 
some States. He also thinks that State constitu- 
tions would be cheapened by the adoption of 
legislation having an equal sanction with the 

He admits, however, that the plan is »* consist- 
ent with the gonius of our political system and 
would be politically educative, with at least noth- 
ing explosive about it. " Hence, he thinks that the 
referendum should have the benefit of a fair trial 




MR. J. HOLT SCHOOLING contributes to 
the July Fortnightly an ingenious paper 
u the '* Naval Strength of the Seven Sea 
lowers." He takes the figures of fighting ton- 
nage given in government returns, and discounts 
rhem according to the age of the men-of-war. 
His estimate is : 

The 18B5-1800 ships are worth 100 per cent. 
" 1880-1804 " 80 " 

** 1885-1889 " 00 " 

" 1880-1884 '* 40 " 

" Before 1880 ** 20 " 

He then sets side by side figures gross and net : 


As compiled from Admiralty return. 

of Total 
Tons. Tonnage. 

Oniat Britain 831,005 89.4 

France 330,680 16.8 

iinaaU 888,91)8 12.6 

lUIy 198,004 9.3 

6«niumy 191,268 9.2 

United Sutee 184,144 8.8 

JApan 92,420 4.4 

Total 2,064,948 100.0 


As compUed from Admiralty return. 

of Total 
Tons. Tonnage. 

Great Britain 827,430 47.9 

France 287,486 17.8 

Rasda 144,678 8.4 

TnitedSUtes 140,274 8.1 

Japan 114,479 6.6 

Germany 107344 6.3 

Italy 98,678 5.4 

TotaL 1,725,868 100.0 


I After tonnage has 
' been depreciated 
I on account of the 
age of ships. 

' Percentage 

of Total 
Tons. Tonnage. 



1,577,388 100.0 

After tonnage has 
been depreciated 
on account of the 
age of ships. 

of Total 
Tons. Tonnage. 
660,779 46.5 




1,399,297 100.0 

After dealing similarly with other classes of 
ships, the writer offers this summary of the total 
strength of the powers : 

I. Great Britain . . . . 

II. Prance 

IIL Russia 

Tons of 


000 omitted 
897 • 

IV. United SUtes.... 

V. Germany 

VL Italy . . . : 


VII. Japan 


Taking the Navy 

of Japan as the 

Unit of Strength, 

the Degrees of 

Strength are: 









The writer is especially glad to point out that 
(J real Britain possesses 100 tons of good fight- 
ing weight to every 70 tons possessed by France 

and Russia combined. Even the navies of 
France, Russia, and Germany in combination 
furnish only 1,222,000, as against England's 
1,347,000 of adjusted fighting tonnage. 


< ' /^UR Relations with Germany " is the sub- 
v-^ ject of an article in the July Forum, by 
Mr. Williams C. Fox. The hostile attitude of 
German statesmen to the United States is at- 
tributed, by this writer, to commercial jealousies. 
He says : 

**The more recent reports of our consuls in 
Germany point to the great irritation there on 
account of the thorough manner in which the 
administrative features of the United States 
tariff law successfully circumvent all efforts at 
undervaluation. A cause of great anxiety is 
said to be the claim that the balance of trade has 
turned in favor of the United States, and, 
furthermore, that we are proving an ardent com- 
petitor in the foreign markets. The export of 
textiles to this country — ^just that branch of in- 
dustry wherein Germany has worked so hard and 
accomplished so much through the technical edu- 
cation of her workmen — has fallen off. The 
French reciprocity treaty is regarded as a menace. 
In view of these facts, the meat-inspection bill 
has, at first glance, a suspicion of effort at retali- 
ation ; but an analysis of the vote on the bill 
shows that it was opposed by the Radical and 
Social Democratic parties, because of the fear 
that the absolute prohibition of the importation 
of sausages and tinned meats, and the restrictions 
which are placed on other kinds of meat, would 
seriously raise the cost of living among the 
poorer classes. If this be so, the measure has 
a marked element of weakness ; and any interest 
which it is possibly intended to injure may rest 
easy in the firm belief that the burden which it 
carries will eventually break it down. The bill 
was opposed also by the Agrarians, their reason 
being, however, that it was not stringent enough. 
** In America we do not understand how the 
jealousies of commercial interests could have so 
poisoned the minds of statesmen as to prompt 
such actions in international affairs as have been 
those of Germany toward the United States. 
The exclusion of the American life insurance 
companies was unprecedented, and all the phases 
of it were simply exasperating. The statement 
that the balance of trade is largely against Ger- 
many and in favor of the United States must be 
taken cum grano salt's. Tht? question of trans- 
shipment of goods arriving at German \K>rts and 
destined for other countries is an important equa- 
tion, and one which should be carefully consid- 



ered. The large difference apparent between 
our imports from Switzerland and our direct ex- 
ports to that country is a case in point. In 
reality, the balance of trade, if we include the 
indirect shipments to Switzerland via Hamburg, 
Bremen, Antwerp, and Havre, is far less than 
the statistics would lead us to infer. 

* » The enforcement of our tariff laws should 
not cause irritation ; and honest exportei-s should 
not complain of, but rather be grateful for, the 
safeguards which have been adopted to prevent 
undervaluation. And what reasonable cause for 
ill feeling between two great countries can there 
be at the efforts of the one to compete in foreign 
markets with the other ? Germany has success- 
fully rivaled Great Britain ; and there are many 
fields in which it will take the United States 
years even to rival let alone supplant her. We 
consider that the South American markets should 
be ours, and we intend to do our best to secure 
the lion's share of them ; not by the adoption of 
extraneous methods, but by earnest efforts to 
comply with the conditions, and to smooth the 
way by reciprocal advantages." 


IN the August McClure's, Mr. J. D. Whelpley 
gives an account of a curious diplomatic in- 
cident four years ago, the details of which have 
not, according to the editor of McClure'sj been 
before publiehed. On November 4, 1896, just 
on the eve of the Presidential election in the 
United States, the Russian minister to the United 
States, Mr. Kotzebue, acting under instructions 
from his government, proposed to the Hon. 
Richard Olney, then the American Secretary 
of State, that Russia and the United States should 
enter into a combine to corner the surplus wheat 
of the world for the purpose of raising the price 
of that cereal 100 per cent. As explained by 
the Russian minister, this government trust was 
to be created primarily for the benefit of the 
farmers of Russia and the United States ; but it 
was believed that it would result, in time, to be 
of equal benefit to the wheat producers of the 
entire world. 

This Russian scheme had been formulated after 
a twenty-five years' study of the wheat market 
by the Russian department of finance, which 
had led to the belief tha^/ the price of wheat was 
manipulated by speculators, and that nearly every 
year the farmer was the victim of their opera- 
tions. As Russia and the United States together 
produced about 90 per cent, of the breadstuflfs 
entering into international trade, it was believed 
that by effecting this combination the two coun- 

tries could fix the price of wheat in all the mtr* 
kets of the world. Secretary Olney referred 
the proposition to the Hon. J. Sterling Morton, 
then Secretary of Agriculture. The reply of the 
United States to the first overtures made by Rus- 
sia was so conclusive, even to brusqueness, that 
it left no opening for more discussion ; hence, 
the diplomatic record goes no farther. The plan 
favored by Russia would have applied to the two 
countries first entering into the agreement, and 
subsequently to all of the other wheat- exporting 
countries, which in self-defense would soon have 
been forced to join the great international wheat 


However, Mr. Whelpley has obtained from 
Russian sources what he considers the main pro 
visions of the scheme, which are very striking 
in their simplicity and boldness : The two gov 
ernments were to enter the market as buyers of 
wheat at the stated price of $1.00 per bushel 
They were also to agree to sell this wheat at i 
price which would cover the original outlay, in 
terest on the money invested, and the cost of 
doing the business. From the Russian point of 
view, this would have been included in a charge 
of $1.08 a bushel for all wheat sold. If the 
supply of wheat was such that foreign buyers 
could not pay the price, the two governments 
were to absorb the surplus grain through banks 
or other agencies, and store it against a time 
when it might be needed to supply a deficiencr 
in the crop. 

<*The theory underlying the scheme was that 
all the wheat of the world is now needed for 
food. With a guaranteed market at $1.00 a 
bushel, no one could buy it anywhere for less, 
and all the wheat would still be sold to the con 
sumers as now, except that the price could never 
go below the standing offer of the United States 
and Russian governments. It is not believed bj 
Russia that dollar-wheat would mean any de 
crease in consumption anywhere, as the differ 
ence in price for the small quantity used by the 
individual consumer would not be appreciable, 
and wheat has many times before reached ano 
exceeded the dollar-point without decreasing the 
amount consumed. It is not believed, therefore, 
that under this plan either government woul'i 
ever need to become an actual purchaser, t»^ 
maintain the price agreed upon; and on th*' 
theory that the higher the price of wheat U'*- 
better it is for the wheat-producing countries, i" 
concern would be felt for any fluctuations al»<vr 
the dollar- mark. 

**As Russia and the United States product 
such a large percentage of the wheat of the world, 



the export wheat of all other countries would also 
keep the same level, varying only according to 
differences in cost of transportation to competi- 
tive markets. With the export price at least 
11.00, domestic prices would be the same, and 
thus the action of Russia and the United States 
would raise the price of all the wheat in every 
wheat-growing country on the face of the earth. 
Mr. Morton has admitted that such a course 
might temporarily increase the price of wheat, 
but that in the end production would be so stimu- 
lated as to cause a vast overproduction and conse- 
quent inability of the wheat-producing countries 
to control the product. The Russians answer this 
by saying that even if such overproduction were 
possible, which they do not admit, it would be 
some time before it would be felt, and that if the 
time arrived when it was actually imminent, the 
government price could be lowered so as to dis- 
courage further expansion of the wheat area. 
They also agree with those economists who con- 
tend that the possible wheat area of the world 
has nearly reached its final limits, and that at the 
most the expansion of this area is a slow process, 
producing hardly perceptible effect upon the sup- 
ply in relation to the demand, owing to the steady 
increase in population and the consuming power 
of the people of the earth. The Russians also 
instance the control of the oil supply of the world 
by a private trust as an example of what could 
be done with wheat by two great countries fur- 
nishing nearly all of the product and with unlim- 
ited financial and other resources. 


<* It is unlikely that the United States, within 
the life of the present generation at least, will 
seriously consider such a plan. It" is contrary to 
the recognized principles of a republic which, 
theoretically at least, does not interfere with the 
business of the individual, fights shy of pater- 
nalism, and as a government of j.he people by all 
the people, denies that any one industry can 
hope for such 'specialized effort on its behalf. 
The possibilities of such a government wheat 
trust as is proposed by Russia are startling. The 
wheat crop of the world in 1898 was 2,879,- 
000, 000 bushels. The price realized by the farm- 
er is about fifty cents a bushel under ordinary 
conditions. Russia proposes to add nearly $1, • 
500,000,000 to the value of this wheat crop of 
the world. To the United States, producing 
nearly 700,000,000 bushels, this would mean a 
gain of about $.350,000,000 to the agricultural 
districts. To the Russian farmers, producing 
about 400,000,000 bushels, it would mean a 
yearly gain of $200,000,000, which would be 
nearly sdl net profit, as the consumption of wheat 

by the farmer bears small proportion to his pro- 
duction. On the other hand, to England, im- 
porting 125,000,000 bushels of wheat, it would 
mean an increase of over $60,000,000 a year in 
her bread bill. The farmers of the United 
Kingdom would be benefited to the extent of 
$30,000,000 by the increased price for their 
wheat ; but the Russian -American wheat trust 
would deal tlie English people the hardest blow 
of all." 


IN the American Catholic Quarterly Review for 
July, Mr. H. J. Desmond presents interest- 
ing statistics of the Irish element in the popula- 
tion of the United States. He says : 

** During the present century 4,500,000 peo- 
ple of Irish birth emigrated to the United States, 
and at the close of the century there are more 
than 5,000,000 Americans of Irish parentage — 
a number greater than the whole white popula- 
tion of the United States at the beginning of the 

»*The close of the century, too, finds more 
people of Irish parentage in the United States 
than in Ireland. Ireland has sent more colonists 
to North America during the nineteenth century 
than all Europe sent in 300 years. As com- 
pared in numbers, all the previous great mi- 
grations of history dwindle into insignificance 
when placed side by side with the Irish migration. 
The successive migrations which overturned the 
Roman Empire did not aggregate within 1,000,- 
000 of nineteenth -century Irish immigration. 

**From 1840 to 1860, 2,000,000 Irish immi- 
grants settled in the United States; from 1860 to 
1880, 1,000,000, and another 1,000,000 from 
1880 to the present time. The tide of immigra- 
tion, which was accelerated * by the famine of 
1847 to 1,000,000 a decade, has averaged a 
little over 500,000 a decade since 1860. 


* * Had Irish migration been directed to the 
virgin forests of the Northwest, it might have 
founded here a dozen great Irish- American 
States of the Union. Economic conditions and 
divers other causes decreed that it should end 
its journey among the New England and Middle 
States. Here, at the close of the century, reside 
three-fifths of the Irish immigrants and their 
descendants. Something over a fourth of this 
immigration found its way to the twelve agri- 
cultural States called the North Central States : 
Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois, Wisconsin, 
Missouri, Iowa, Minnesota, Kansas, Nebraska, 
North and South Dakota. 

* * This circumstance of territorial distiibution 



has decidedly influenced the occupation and 
social condition of the .Irish immigrants. The 
p)eople of the North Atlantic States are more of 
an urban than an agricultural people, but one- 
fifth of their number living on farms. On the 
other hand, nearly half of the people of the 
twelve North Central States, the West of other 
days, are farmers. 

' * But as the Irish immigrants are most largely 
settled in the non agricultural States, it happens 
that they are to-day less of an agricultural peo- 
ple than any other considerable element of our 
population, but 15 per cent, of their whole num- 
ber residing on the farms of the country. 

**In the twelve North Central States above 
mentioned, nearly a third of the Irish-born peo- 
ple are engaged in agriculture — a percentage not 
greatly below that of their neighbors of other 
racial extractions. In Iowa, for instance, ac- 
cording to the census of 1890, there were over 
50,000 people of Irish maternity pursuing gain- 
ful occupations, 25,000 of whom were engaged 
in agriculture. In the Dakotas, of 14,000 per- 
sons of Irish maternity pursuing gainful occupa- 
tions, nearly 8, 000 were farmers. In Wisconsin, 
of 50,000 persons of Irish maternity pursuing 
gainful occupations, 22,000 were engaged in 
farming ; these statistics going to show that oc- 
cupation is largely determined by the matter of 
a people's territorial distribution." 


From his study of the census figures, Mr. 
Desmond d e - 
rives the fol- 
lowing conclu- 
sions : 

<a. Had the 
Irish immigra- 
tion been set- 
tled on the 
farms of the 
country rather 
than in the cit- 
ies, its numeri- 
cal strength 
in the several 
census enumer- 
ations would 
l)e greater. 

*ai. It has 
been distanced 
numerically by 
the German 
clement (1) be- 
cause German 
was larger ; (2) 

because the conditions for natural increase are 
better among the Germans — they being more 
largely settled on the farms. 

* < III. Compared with the native population, in 
the Eastern States especially, the Irish element (in 
common with other immigrant elements) is in- 
creasing and will increase relatively much more 
rapidly. In many New England cities, and in 
three of the New England States, the Irish ele- 
ment will ultimately constitute an actual majority 
of the population. This would also be the case 
with New York and Chicago, except for the 
larger German element, which keeps pace with or 
passes the Irish element in natural increase.*' 


IN the Canadian Magazine for July, Mr. Frank- 
lin Gadsby gives an interesting account of 
the great fire that swept over large portions of 
the cities of Hull and Ottawa on April 26 last. 

The fire originated in the upsetting of a lamp 
in the humble dwelling of Antoine Kirouac, in 
Hull. This was at half-past ten o^clock iu the 
morning. The big gale blowing from the north- 
east made quick work of the inflammable houses 
in Hull, and by twelve o'clock the flames had 
reached the river- bank and leaped across to the 
Ottawa side. The fire then retraced its steps in 
Hull, and destroyed a group of factories. All 
the afternoon and evening it continued to make 
fearful headway in both cities. The results are 
best summarized in Mr. Gadsby's own words : 

Courtesy of the Canadian Magazine. 



* < The bare facts of the matter are that the fir^ 
blazed a crescent-shaped path five miles long and 
a mile wide, destroying in its journey the public 
buildings and the residential part of Hull, the 
industrial ai*ea of the Chaudiere, an,d the sub- 
urbs of the Ottawa laboring classes at Mechan- 
icsburg, Rochesterville. and Hintonburg. Fully 
15,000 people were rendered homeless, and 
$15,000,000 worth of property was annihilated. 
The relief fund for the homeless, most of whom 
have already left the public shelters, now ap- 
proximates tl, 000,000. Insurance to the 
amount of $4,000,000 has been paid." 


Mr. Gads by made several patrols of the two 
cities while the fire was in progress, and in this 
article he records his impressions : 

*» The most vivid picture of the fire that lin- 
gers with me is one seen at half- past seven in 
the evening from Parliament Hill. The shades 
of night are falling, and a glorious sunset flames 
behind the purple Laurentians. But Nature's 
splendor is eclipsed by the red hell that flares 
and flickers in the valley of the Ottawa. The 
erstwhile flourishing city of Hull seems to be ut- 
terly doomed. The fierce gale has swept the fire 
w^tward to the limits, of the town. Now the 
fire of its own force and volition shoulders back 
against the wind and eats up massive buildings 
like so much paper. I note one roof after an- 
other twinkle, glow, and burst out in garish efful- 
gence. The millions of feet of lumber all along 
the river- banks are alight. The lurid, enfoul- 
dred smoke floats in dense plumes over Parlia- 
ment Hill and the towers of the national build- 
ings. Half the population of Ottawa is lined 
along the escarpment of the cliff, watching the 
spectacle. It is not often you have a chance to 
see a city burning at your feet. Nero is notori- 
ous, but Nero had not a vantage-point like Par- 
liament Hill. There are young girls in this 
throng who have watched all afternoon, and will 
watch far int6 the night ; for the scene is terri- 
bly compelling in its fascination. Also there is 
a spice of danger. At any moment the fire may 
leap across the Ottawa to Lower Town, and once 
thoee tinder-dry dwellings feel the caress of the 
fire, there will be, as somebody at my side says, 
bell to pay. 

** So much for Hull. The red glow in the 
southwest tells us that the cordon of fire is* clos- 
ing in on Ottawa. The firemen have been work- 
ing like heroes. Only a bite and a sup since 1 1 
o'clock in the morning. They have fought stub- 
bornly, yielding inch by inch, never retreating 
until the flames scorched their heads or burned 
their hoee-Unes. The police are doing their duty 

manfully, but the fire- line is hard to maintain 
against ^ distracted men and women who see 
their little all going up in sparks and cracklings. 
* ' Darkness hovers over the whole city, for the 
electric- light works have been destroyed. There 
is nothing to divert the attention from the men- 
acing grandeur of the conflagration. The river 
flows along black and sullen, save where it is 
traversed by broad red shafts of light from 
burning deals or mill-flumes. Only one building 
stands unsinged on Chaudiere Island — the iron- 
sheeted structure of the Ottawa carbide works. 
It looms up like a great unwieldy ghost. Over 
in Hull to-day, the humble but devout people, as 
ihey saw the fire drawing ever nearer, hung 
sacred pictures on the door- jambs to avert the 
wrath of h bon Dieu, or else they fled to the 
cathedral and prayed wildly for the flames to abate. 
Alas I that prayers are not always answered ! 
An hour later these suppliants were fleeing bare- 
footed to the river. Oh, the pity of it ! " 


UNDER the title *'New Sources of Light 
and of Rontgen Rays," Dr. Henry Car- 
rington Bolton contributes an article to the July 
number of the Popular Science Monthly which 
suggests the fulfillment of an alchemist's dream. 
There are many animal forms, and some plants 
that generate light not associated with heat — as, 
for example, the common firefly. This form of 
light-production has been looked upon as ideal 
from the standpoint of effectiveness and econ- 
omy ; but although the light has been tested by 
the spectroscope, and although we know it results 
from the oxidation of substances secreted by the 
firefly itself, no one has ever succeeded in imitat- 
ing the process and applying it to practical pur- 
poses. Inanimate sources of light, such as cal- 
cium and barium sulphides, are known ; but their 
activity is only temporary and is dependent upon 
previous excitation. The prop)erties of the sub- 
stances described by Dr. Bolton are innate, and 
their radiations, apparently, can be continued 


The discoveries began with the uranium com- 
pounds. Soon after the discovery of the Ront- 
gen rays, Becquerel found that uranium salts 
emit invisible radiations, capable of discharging 
electrified bodies and of producing skiagraphic 
images on electric plates. These rays were given 
off by the non- fluorescent salts as well as the 
brilliantly fluorescent ones, by crystalline com- 
pounds, by solutions of the metal, and by tne 
metal itself. They are called Becquerel rays. 




Later, it was learned that calcium ami zinc 
sulphides and compounds of thorium gave similar 
radiations. The examination of pitchblende or 
uranitite showed that it was more active than 
uranium itself, and this led to tests for some ele- 
ment contained in the compounds that was the 
true source of the emanations. The substance 
found was named polonium. It is analogous to 
bismutli, and is estimated as being four thousand 
times as strong as the metal uranium. 

This discovery resulted from the joint work of 
Mme. Curie and her husband, and it is gratifying 
to know that it was rewarded by the Gegner prize 
of 4,000 francs. 

Directly afterward, it was found that pitch- 
blende contained a second substance (radium), 
which is spontaneously luminous, and a third in- 
vestigator under the direction of Mme. Curie 
discovered actinium. 

Polonium, radium, and actinium appear to be 
elements. They have different chemical rela- 
tionships and different* properties — polonium 
sending out invisible rays, radium having visible 
rays and being radioactive and belonging to the 
titanium series. Their radiations are apparently 
kept up without loss of energy ; a specimen kept 
in a double-leaden box for three years was still 

From a still later experiment performed by 
Bela von Lengyel, of Budapest, it appeal's that 
radium may be made synthetically. He fused 
uranium nitrate with a small amount of barium 
nitrate, and treated the mass with acids, produc- 
ing a compound that gave out actinic rays and 
X-rays, excited a platino- cyanide screen, and 
caused air to conduct electricity. 

The compounds giving such unexpected re- 
sults have long been experimented upon in the 
laboratories without these properties becoming 
evident before ; and this suggests the proba- 
bility of there being other compounds with simi- 
lar properties which have been overlooked, but 
may become apparent if experiments are carried 
on in the dark, and with attention specially di- 
rected to these activities. 


Practical application of the discoveries remains 
to be worked out. At present, preparation of the 
substances is diflBcult and expensive, but new and 
readily available means may be found. 

Marvelous possibilities are suggested. Munici- 
pal street- lighting may be reduced to the mere 
elevation of a block of this material to a suitable 
position, where it will shine for years, just as a 
piece of myrrh will radiate perfume indefinitely 
without becoming appreciably lessened. Or, the 

future manufacturer of bicycle- lamps may adver- 
tise the superiority of a piece of radiant mineral 
over the present clumsy contrivance, that is liable 
to burn out at the most inauspicious moment ; 
and the radiation of so many X-rays about our 
cities may make a reality of the transparencies 
which the caricaturist has shown us. 


THE East is, of a truth, strangely jumbled 
with the West to-day. when we find snake- 
charmers in India regularly employed by the 
Pasteur Institute in Paris to furnish a supply of 
snake -poison for inoculation purposes. It is this 
fact which lends an added flavor of interest to 
the paper in the July Cornhill on * * Venomous 
Snakes : How They Are Caught and Handled." 
It appears that during the last ten years an 
annual average of 21,000 deaths have occurred 
in India from snake- bites. The British Gov- 
ernment has offered for many years a reward of 
fourpence for every cobra killed, and twopence 
for each viper or kerait. The undiminished 
number of venomous reptiles makes one hope for 
a better remedy from the methods of preventive 
medicine. The writer says : 

* * Much interest has been aroused lately among 
medical men in India and other countries where 
venomous snakes abound by a discovery which 
Professor Calmette, of the Pasteur Institute at 
Lille, claims to have made, of an antitoxic 
serum, the hypodermic or intravenous injection 
of which, if made before the graver symptoms 
have advanced very far, is an almost certain 
antidote to snake -bite. This serum, which the 
professor terms 'antivenene,' is taken from the 
blood of horses rendered immune by repeated 
minute injections of snake venom. In the year 
1897, Professor Calmette applied to the govern- 
ment of India for help in collecting venom for 
his experiments.'* 


The writer tells how large quantities were 
secured, and forwarded by Major Dennys, at 
Delhi. For a pound a month *<the master 
snake-catcher of the district, a low-bred Moham- 
medan of the name of Kullan,** undertook to 
supply one hundred living venomous snakes 
weekly, and to extract their venom. The man 
disclaimed all pretense of magic. He pulled 
vipers and cobras from their holes by means of a 
stick, and then flung them into his bag. 

* ^ He used no reed instruments or music of 
any kind to propitiate the reptiles. He would 
simply squat on his haunches in front of them, 



and after they had been hissing and swaying 
their uplifted heads backwards and forwards for 
a few minutes, he raised his hands above their 
heads and slowly made them descend till they 
rested on the snakes* heads. He then stroked 
them gently on the back of their necks, speaking 
all the time in the most endearing of Hindoo- 
stani terms. The serpents appeared spellbound. 
They made no effort to resent the liberty, but 
remained quite still with heads uplifted, and 
seemed to rather enjoy it.'* 

Then he let them twine about his neck and 
arms. He even allowed a large black cobra to 
crawl into his mouth, and then shut his teeth on 
its bead. Its violent resentment was unavailing ; 
the bead was later released without injury to 
snake or man. 


*« A cobra when thoroughly roused to anger is 
by DO means the same gentle creature as those I 
have just described, which allowed the man to 
handle them with impunity. He is now a most 
formidable beast to approach, striking out des- 
perately at every moving thing within and even 
oat of his reach ; but even in this condition 
Kullan had no difficulty in seizing the largest of 

'< He would hold up and shake a rag in his 
left band. On this the infuriated reptile would 
rivet its gaze. With his right hand, from be- 
hind, the man would then suddenly seize it round 
the neck about three inches below the head, and 
an assistant would fasten firmly on to its tail, to 
prevent it winding round Kullan's arm. His 
right hand would then slide forward till he had 
fastened his fingers round the neck, just behind 
the jaw. He would then insert the rim of a 
watch-glass between the jaws, the grip on the 
neck would be slightly relaxed, and the serpent 
would viciously close its jaws on the watch-glass, 
and in doing so squirt the whole of its venom 
through the tiny holes of its fangs into the con- 
cavity of the glass. In this manner snake after 
snake was made to part with its venom into a 
watch-glass. Often between 60 and 100 snakes 
were so dealt with in the course of a morning. 


«*The watch-glasses were then placed on small 
^ian stands in a plate swimming with melted 
beeswax. Large glass bell- jars were then heated, 
so as to drive out most of the air in them, and 
these were inverted over the plate on to the wax. 
The entire plate was then placed on a shelf, and 
the venom allowed to dry in vacuo for seven 
days. At the end of that time the dried venom 
<M flftky, yellow powder) was scraped ofL the glass 

with a sterilized knife, the powder was hermeti- 
cally sealed up in small glass tul>es, the tubes la 
beled showing the species of snake and date on 
which the venom was extracted, and the whole 
supply forwarded weekly to Professor Calmette. 
In this condition the desiccated venom maintains 
its virulence for months." 


OUR enterprising contemporary, the Revue 
des Revues of Paris, henceforth to be 
known as La Revue et Revue des Revues^ pub- 
lished in its July number a most interesting 
symposium upon *< Women and Modem Sports." 
The questions submitted to a great number of 
eminent persons were these : 

* < 1. Are women ceasing to be women through 
their devotion to the physical exercises known 
under the general head of * Sports ' ? 

■ **2. Are these outdoor recreations a healthy 
diversion, or are they to be considered as a kind 
of infatuation prejudicial to her future?" 

The balance of opinion in the replies received 
was undoubtedly in favor of women enjoying 
themselves in outdoor sports. Although few 
are quite so enthusiastic as M. Berenger. who 
sees in the movement a possible reconciliation of 
Minerva and Aphrodite, most of the women and- 
many of the men are strongly opposed to exclud- 
ing women from.the healthful recreation supplied 
by outdoor sports. 

M. zola's views. 

The most elaborate reply is that of M. Emile 
Zola : 

^ ^ I am a partisan of all physical exercises 
which can assist in the development of woman, 
always providing that she does not abuse it. I 
am not speaking simply of physical beauty, but 
chiefly of moral development — the manifesta- 
tions of individuality which the practice of sports 
brings more rapidly to young girls. 

' * The bicycle, which one can take as a type 
par excellence of modern sport, seems to me to be 
capable of contributing in a large measure to this 
individual development. 

* * As for the comradeship which sport quickly 
establishes between young men and young women, 
I think that it cannot but aid to better knowledge 
in view of marriage. I have always contended 
for mixed education, which as you know has had 
such splendid results in England and America. 
The bringing together of both sexes in youth 
gives excellent results. 

** As regards the costume of sportswomen, I 
do not find it so disgraceful as some pretend. It 
is comfortable practical ; and a well*built woman 



would always know how to show off her figure, 
even if the costume in which she was dressed 
resembled somewhat that of a man. At bottom 
it is a question of fashion, which a clever cos- 
tumier can change from day to day. I must 
confess that English women have reconciled me 
to the skirt. The provision centers of London 
are sufficiently far removed from the smiling cot- 
tages of the outskirts to cause young ladies to 
go awheel for provisions in the morning ; and, 
however uninteresting they may be on foot, I 
always watched them pedaling to market with 
the greatest pleasure. Turn over the leaves in 
some drawing-room of an old album containing 
the portraits of the ancestors of the family, or 
better still, before the time when photography 
was discovered, pass round the fashion plates of 
the time of the restoriation, or of Louis Philippe, 
and you will hear the young ladies of to-day ask 
how people dared go out dressed in that way. 

* * You fear that the introduction of sports 
among women will make them so virile that 
their companions will not show them that re- 
spectful deference, that particular courtesy tow- 
ard all women, which is called gallantry. Re- 
assure yourself. While retaining the observation 
of that politeness which is due her, I do not 
think that one should see in woman an idol whom 
one should only address with timid respect. 
That familiarity which shocks you among sports- 
men is a manifestation of audacity, and audacity 
pleases women better than timidity.'* 


** Carmen Sylva," the Queen of Roumania, 
says : 

* * I would allow all modern sports to woman, 
if she remains gracious and sympathetic, like 
Sakountala ; if she succors the unhappy, like 
St. Genevieve ; if she composes music, like St. 
Cecilia ; if she spins, like Queen Bertha ; if she 
weaves, like Penelope ; if she embroiders, like 
the ancient Roumanian princesses ; if she paints 
books of hours, like Ann of Brittany ; if she 
cares for the wounded, like Florence Nightin- 
gale ; if she makes verses, like Margaret of Na- 
varre, and like the Empress Elizabetli of Austria. 

**As for courage in women, 1 do not think 
there is need to recall Joan of Arc, or the daugh- 
ter of the Dacian king, who used her arm in 
place of a bolt across the door which barred the 
last retreat of hor Father Decebal, or the mar- 
tyrs, or the mothers. The courage of woman is 
proved ; she has no need of sport to convince the 
world of it. 

** If sport gives rise to any disquietude withm 
me, it is because 1 fear to see the chivalrous man 
slain bv the modem Amazon." 


** Certainly I approve. All sports are hy- 
gienic up to the moment when they cause too 
much fatigue. 

* ' I think that this style is not the result of & 
simple fashion or chic, but is the necessary en- 
vironment of new manners. Everything changes. 
The time has passed for the womanlets of the 
lounge -chair, who are not women, but mere 
articles of furniture. 

** I am a feminist, but I trust in a good way. 
Because woman is the guardian of the cradle, 
the more you elevate women the more you ele- 
vate the family. That is why I am not afraid 
when the mother, the wife, the sister, the daugh- 
ter follows more or less her sons, husband, 
brother, or father in sport. 

* * Could the woman who knbws how to con- 
front every danger bear a son who knows fear?" 


* * Everywhere there is evolution, everywhere 
change. Take care, my contemporaries, my 
brothers, to change your ideal also. 

** Do not think that the type of woman whom 
you prefer, either by conviction or by habit, 
represents * woman,' and that every woman who 
wishes to introduce a new trait into her hfe 
ought so to modify it that she may always re- 
main the * lady of your dreams.' 

** Modify your dreams, rather, gentlemen I 

' ' Sport is health ; therefore, it is an element 
of happiness for the individual and for the race. 

** Thus riding, swimming, cycling, gymnastics, 
all these should form part of a young girl's 
education. I should like to see hunting ex- 
cluded from sports ; for while I admit that it 
strengthens the muscles, I fear that it hardens 
the heart." 


< ' Whatever she does, I believe that psychically 
a woman remains a woman. In sports, even of 
the roost masculine character, she has other am- 
bitions and other aspirations than man. The 
question of dress preoccupies her. She tries to 
please by her prowess. 

* * It is another form of coquetry ; it is always 
coquetry. I have often thought that Diana, \i 
she had worn a pretty hunting costume, would 
have been happy to have excited the admiratioD 
of ActaBon. She had him slain simply because 
he had the indelicacy to look at her before the 
seamstress had done her work. 

* * The adventures of Penthesilea prove, it 
seems to me, how much even the belli^^erent 
Amazon remains a woman." 




ONE of the most interesting articles in the 
Ninet€€7ith Century for July is that of Mrs. 
S. A. Barnett, entitled »*Town Children in the 
Country." It is an account of an attempt made 
to get from English city bred children their im- 
pressions of country life. Various questions were 
put to the children, and many of the answers 
are well worth quoting. 

In reply to a question as to the names of the 
young of various animals, the following answers 
were given : 

** A baby horse is a ponny." 

** A baby fox is an ox — a thorn.'* 

** A baby deer is a reindeer — a oxen." 

** A baby frog is a tertpol — a fresher — a toad. ' 

** A baby sheep is a bar lamb." 

<< A baby rabbit is a mammal." 


The following are some of the replies of chil- 
dren to the question, ♦* What causes the moon to 
shine ? " 

•* Electricity causes the moon to shine." 

*-The moon revolving round the sun, which 
gives light by unknown planets." 

»* It is the darkness which shows it up." 

» * The moon is the shadow of the earth on the 

«* The eclipse of the sun." 

•* The clouds." 


In reply to the question '* Why does a rabbit 
wabble its head ? " some strange answers were 
given : 

**To make holes in the ground," wrote one 

** To account for the formation of its head," 
was the philosophy of another. 

** It does it when it does what a cow does di- 
gests it food," is a profound but an unsatisfactory 

«• It's washing its face," shows more credulity 
than observation ; while another discarded rea- 
son§ and declared, in large, round text-hand, re- 
gardless of grammar : * * I have seen a number 
of rabbits wabblings its nose ! " 

Seven only answered the question rightly ; 
but one child, although no information was put 
concerning dogs, volunteered the information 
that ** French puddles are kept for fancy, Irish 
terriers as ratters, but the boarhounds are kept 
for banting the Boers.'' 


In reply to the question what they most en- 
joyed in the country, the children replied : 

<* The country boys taught me to swim." 

»* The head lady who was Mrs. MacHosee what 
paid for me at the sports." 

**The drive a gentleman gave us in his car- 

*^ The food I had." 

* ' A game called * Sister, come to Quakers' 
meeting.' " 

* < A laddie where I stayed. She was a kind 
and gentle laddie." 

** The party which Mrs. Cartwright gave us." 

<< Paddling at a place called flood-gates." 

** Watching a woman milking a cow. She 
held the can between her knees and pulled the 
milk out of the cow. " < < I should like, " adds this 
observer, ** to be a farmer." 

'< I also liked the way in witch I was treated, 
and also liked the respectability of Mrs. By field, 
my charge," writes one young prig ; but many, 
both boys and girls, wrote the same sentiment in 
simpler language — a delightful tribute to our 
working- class homes. 


THE English magazines for July contain sev- 
eral entertaining travel articles, well suited 
for hot- weather reading. Such papers meet the 
vacation needs of many readers, because they 
serve to direct the idler's thoughts farther and 
farther away from the dull routine of his ordi- 
nary occupations. 

Amonar the Junarle-Folk. 
About as far away as could well be from our 
crowded civilization are the jungle-folk whom 
Mr. Edward A. Irving, writing from Perak, 
introduces to the readers of Blackwood as ** primi- 
tive socialists. " They call themselves the Upland 
people, and inhabit the highlands of the Malay 
Peninsula. Mr. Irving got to know them 
through an Italian whom the British Government 
employs to keep a bridle-path clear of obstruc 
tion, and who in his turn employs the Upland 
people to do the work. They are of small stat- 
ure, very few of the men over five feet ; far 
from muscular ; of brown skin and curly black 
hair ; and not ill -looking. They live in one- 
roomed huts about 15 feet by 12, with walls 
about two feet high. Their livelihood was won 
by snaring and killing game, including rats ; but 
the Italian oflBcial has brought them some of the 
rudiments of civilization. ** He has given them 
clothes, he has made them plant corn." The 
harvest supplies them with a mighty orgy of 
feasting. Every month he replenishes their 
stock of farinaceous food, tobacco, and betel nut. 
He sees in them the archetype of what Italy 
.ought to be — no political superiority ; no use of 



service, of riches, or of poverty ; no soldiery, no 
police, no pope. Mr. Irving is first impressed 
with their inoffensiveness : 

** Pugnacity seems to be an idea foreign to 
them. They possess a deadly weapon, the blow- 
pipe ; but I never heard of its being turned 
against a fellow- man. It may be that the sever- 
ity of their life has been sufficient to keep down 
their numbers ; the jungle being wide enough 
for all, competition has never enforced the lesson 
that the fighter alone is fit to survive. The same 
gentleness governs their household relationships. 
... But that which most strikes an Englishman 
on coming into contact with these little crea- 
tures, and which draws him at once towards 
them, is the remarkable openness and candor of 
their expression. They look at a stranger neither 
defiantly nor in any way cringing, but carefully 
and steadily, as if ready for unforeseen action on 
his part ; but when they are reassured, with an 
expression that is dignified in its simplicity." 

On the Trail of the Moose. 

Another writer in Blackwood describes his ad- 
ventures * * *mid the haunts of the Moose *' on the 
line of the Canadian Pacific Railway. This is 
his opening picture : 

*< No camera can ever produce the still beauty 
of that morning scene when we left the train at 
5 A.M. and made ready to leave the little out- 
posts of civilization. The cool autumn air, fra- 
grant with a hundred scents from the surround- 
ing woods, was still hazy with the smoke of 
forest fires that had been smoldering all the sum- 
mer. Through this gauzelike veil the maples 
and birches, already turned to gold and crimson 
beneath the touch of early frosts, shone with a 
strange luminous beauty that for miles in every 
direction lit up the ocean of trees with flaming 
patches of glory. And all was still and silent. 
There was no wind astir, and the air only trem- 
bled very faintly to the musical roar of the wa- 
terfalls and tumbling rapids of the Ottawa be- 
low. " The party pushed on to Lake Cogawanna, 
the favorite resort of the moose, on the northern 
shore of which they pitched their camp : 

** When the sun finally disappeared, the shad- 
ows of the night fell over a camp as cozy as any 
hunter could desire, and perhaps a little more 
comfortable, because one of the party happened 
to be a young lady. The stillness was almost 
unearthly when the moon rose over the lake, sil- 
vering untold distances, and throwing impene- 
trable shadows under the trees." 

The writer sighted and shot his game, a huge 
beast, with horns measuring 52 inches across and 
numbering 28 points. The horns and pelt were 
about all that two men could manage. 

Amid the Vines of Bursrundy. 

Blackwood is strong on travels. Mrs. P. G. 
Hamerton sketches village life in the Val d'Or, 
amid the vine- growers and vine- dressers of Bur- 
gundy. It is a laud not of grapes alone, but of 
peaches, apricots, and all manner of fruit. The 
people, she says, generally live in their own in 
herited houses. Even the vine-dressers are in- 

* * Girls of the working class enjoy a great deal 
of liberty. They are constantly out-of-doors, 
know everybody, and laugh and joke with every 
passer-by. They often dance all night, for it is 
a custom of the place to grant free entrance to 
all the balls which take place at the hotel — even 
to private ones, such as those given at a wed- 

The population is poor, but impressed the 
writer with its general expi'ession of satisfaction, 
which she regards as a survival of the old pros- 
perous days, before the deadly phylloxera ap- 

**They are cheerful, light-hearted, sociable, 
and obliging, though they lack the pleasant po- 
liteness of the peasantry. They are proud and 
democratic, and assume toward every one a tone 
of familiarity which it is not always easy to re- 
press without appearing harsh or self-asserting. 
A little incident which I witnessed may be given 
as an illustration. A lady of rank, who was 
driving in her carriage on the main road, stopped 
her coachman, and addressing a vigneron at work 
close by, said, * Mon brave homme ' (My good 
man), ' what is the name of the village on the 
top of this hill ? * * Ma brave femmcy c'est Alluze, 
pour vous strvirj' he rejoined with a chuckle." 

*< No occasion for conviviality is neglected ; " 
but the writer regrets the excessive consumption 
of wine, which, though rarely producing outward 
signs of drunkenness, impairs the physique of 
the people. 

In a Moorish Garden. 

** Moorish Memories" is a vivid sketch in 
Cornhill of the experience of a concession hun- 
ter. He declares : 

* ' Morocco is the true land of rest, the country 
of to-morrow, whence are banished, by Sheree- 
fian decree and national inclination, all the dis- 
comforts attending ambition, progress, and punc- 
tuality. Here, disgusted with the haste of a 
hurrying world, sick of the obligations and exac- 
tions of a pretentious civilization more tyrannous 
than the slavery of the East, the pilgrim on life's 
toilsome journey may rest as a storm -tossed ves- 
sel in a mangrove swamp — rest and 'rust and 
be thankful for the chance. ... In his Moor- 
*i8h garden, hammocked between two overladen 



orange trees, inhaling the fragrance of lime and 
lilac, shaded from the fiery enemy overhead by 
the cool verdure of mulberry, fig, and pome- 
granate, the wanderer may here realize the true 
art of living, with no regret for the past, no 
unrest about the future. . . . What on earth do 
all these episodes of the civilized life signify to 
one breathing the atmosphere of Bible days, bat- 
tling with mosquitoes and sun rays, lost in a 
white crowd of worshipers of a creed that scorns 
innovation as it scorns women ? Having, with a 
wet towel in lieu of white flag, patched up a 
truce with the sand- flies and mosquitoes, he 
muses peacefully on the beauties of the Moorish 
life, and the music of water plashing from a 
marble basin on the cool, mosaic pavement below 
is soothing to him in this mood." 

The exquisite beauty of a moonlit evening, the 
writer olwerves, is felt only vaguely by the 
Syrian, not at all by the Moor ; * ' it is the imper- 
turable Englishman, the shopkeeper, the unro- 
mantic slave of Shaitan and fluss,^^ who is 
impressed by it. 

By Norwearfan Fjords. 

H. Schutz- Wilson, in Gentleman s^ gives a 
pleasing account of a tour along the Norwegian 
coast. Here is one picture : 

**The body supine but the mind active, we 
saunter down the great Hardanger Fjord. It is, 
perhaps, a quarter to half a mile in breadth. 
On the left, islands, and beyond them the sea ; 
on the right, hills, which grow grander and 
wilder as we swim along. In a day long, long 
past, all these romantic fjords were filled with 
ice. On our day the sun shone softly on the 
Hardanger, and the placid sky was studded with 
cirro-stratus and with cumulus clouds. These 
fjords are often very deep. We hear of 600 to 
MOO fathoms, and the ship cannot sometimes 
anchor. Nowhere is water purer, clearer, or 
more lovely in tender color. The reflections of 
the shore are most vivid in the mirror of the 
calm fjord ; and the green of grass, the dark 
gray of rocks, are reflected in colors which sur- 
pass in quality the hues of the actual objects. 
From the Hardanger we pass into the S6r Fjord. 
The trees chiefly seen are pines, alders, birches ; 
and, now and then, there is a patch of coast 
which looks as desolate as a bit of Greenland 
shore. At last our ship stops at Odde." 

With the Klrsrhiz Tartars. 

A single instance of the way in which West- 
em culture is flowing through Russian universi- 
ties to the innermost recesses of Asia is furnished 
by Dr. H. Turner's paper in the July Humanita- 
rian, The son of a Kirghiz Sultan, studying at 

Moscow University, invited the writer to go 
home with him. By rail, by steamer, and by 
hoi*se, they traveled into the land of the Kir- 
ghizes, and the English guest was entertained in 
their tent, or tourta. He says : 

** Viewed ffom the outside, a tourta^ except 
when it is quite new, looks rather like a large 
marquee- tent that is very dirty. It is, however, 
constructed differently. A circular trelis-work 
of wood in three or four parts forms the frame 
of the tourta. From this trelis, which is about 
four and a half feet high, branch out the sup- 
ports for the roof. These supports are fastened 
to a wooden hoop, which is kept in position by 
two cross-pieces, which meet at right angles in 
the center of the circle. This frame is covered 
with large pieces of thick felt, which overlap 
each other, and reach down to the ground. The 
felt, which covers the wooden hoop in the center, 
is not fastened like the rest, but is drawn back- 
wards and forwards, as occasion requires, by 
ropes which hang down the sides of the tourta. 
This hole admits light and lets out smoke when 
there is a fire. There is a door which is left 
open during the day, its place being supplied by 
a piece of felt or mat. At night the door is fas- 
tened by ropes on the inside, and when all the 
inhabitants are out during the day, it is fastened 
with a padlock. The only furniture usually is a 
bedstead, which stands opposite the door. It is 
generally of wood, and is overlaid with bone, 
more or less elaborately carved." 

A Nest of Rose and Palm In Slsrht of Alps. 

** Bordighera, Past and Present," is the theme 
of a pleasing paper in the Westminster Review, 
by W. Miller, who describes himself as one of 
the most devoted lovers of the place." Lying 
on the Riviera, just three miles beyond the 
French frontier, it has one of the worse railroad 
services to be found in Italy. It is consequently 
isolated, unspoiled, and unspotted from the world. 
' * It is the most celebrated place in Europe for 
its palms." It supplies Rome with the palms re- 
quired for Church festivals. It has a great trade 
in roses and carnations. George Macdonald is 
the uncrowned king of the British colony, of 
which Mr. Clarence Bickhell and Lord Strath- 
more are distinguished members. Mr. Miller 
says : 

**The peculiar charm of Bordighera is the 
great number and variety of its walks and drives. 
Each of the valleys near it abounds in picturesque 
sites, where villages rise on the side of olive- clad 
hills, and streams meander over beds of stone 
between vineyards and olive yards. These vil- 
lages have each some special feature. . . . But 
one need not stir from Bordighera itself to find 



picturesque houses and charming views. While 
the new town that has grown up down in the 
plain near the sea is not strikingly interesting, 
the old town on the cape is a model of a medieval 
city on a small scale, with its higii walls, its 
steep and narrow streets, its tall houses, and its 
quaint gateways, one of them still bearing the 
cross of St. George, emblem of the Genoese 
Republic. . . . From the old town the prospect 
is splendid. ... On a clear day, after snow has 
fallen on tiie high peaks of the Maritime Alps, 
one has the additional charm of a glimpse of 
Alpine scenery under a southern sky. " 

With the Heroes of the Lifeboat. 

Mr. A. E. Fletcher, in the Windsor^ sketches 
what he calls *< A Danish Newlyn," tiie fishing 
township Skagen, the northern tip of Denmark. 
Although it is now accessible by rail, Mr. Fletcher 
does not anticipate it will lose its unconventional 
character. * * The Skagen folk rather pride them- 
selves" on being said to be "beyond the con- 
fines of civilization." He tells how the shifting 
sand-dunes have been secured by a grass called 
**marchalm," which holds the grains together, 
and in a few years forms a soil on which firs can 
grow. So "thousands of acres of barren sand 
have been converted into forest." He says : 

* * For the artist and man of letters this quaint 
seaboard parish is never likely to lose its charm. 
Not only has Nature here as a colorist done some 
of her best work, producing atmospheric effects 


of rare richness and variety, but she has peo- 
pled the place with as sturdy a race of men 
as ever braved the hurricane or gave inspiration 
to bards of heroic song. ... As some 300 
vessels pass the lightship off Skagen Point every 
day, and as near that lightship there is a very 

dangerous reef, the services of the Skagen life- 
l)oatmen are more often needed here thAn else- 
where on the Danish coast. 

"Like our own delightful fishing village of 
New lyn, on tiie Cornish coast, . . . Skagen and 
its wild surroundings have given inspiration to & 


school of painters. Three of Denmark's most 
famous artists, Peter Severin Kroyer, Michael 
Peter Anchor, and his wife, have made Skagen 
their home ; and other artists, not only from 
Denmark, but from Norway and Sweden, have 
ciiosen it from time to time as their headquarters. 
Kroyer is the most famous of this group. . . . 
Kroyer is now generally regarded as the head of 
the new school of Danish painters ; that is to 
say, tiie school which has broken with the Eck- 
(Msberg tradition whicli dominated Danish art." 

Of Kroyer and Anchor, Mr. Fletcher says : 
* * Both are strong and inspiring personalities, pos- 
sessing the modesty of genius and the kindly char- 
acteristics wliich make tiiem honored and beloved 
by the humble fisherfolk among whom they live." 

Mr. Fletcher, whose paper is adorned by re- 
productions of the works of Kroyer and Ancher, 
closes with this fine remark : 

" The more I study the works of Kroyer and 
Ancher, — the more I gaze upon the sturdy forms 
and look into the calm, beautiful, heroic faces 
tliey have grouped and painted, — the less I won- 
der why Christ should have chosen fishermen for 
His companions." 




UNDER the title '^ Migrations of the Court/ 
the reasons that induced Philip II. to se 
lect Madrid for the capital city of Spain are con 
sidered in a short historical paper by the Sr. 
Carlos Cambronero, in Revista Contempordnea. 
Madrid, March 30. The opinion usually ac 
cepted has been that the choice of Madrid was 
made by the king, as his settled judgment, after 
a careful examination of the suitableness of other 
places — Valladolid, Barcelona, Toledo, Sevilla, 
Burgos. That is not the view of the Sr. Cam- 
bronero. In his opinion, the removal of the court 
to Madrid was temporary in its purpose ; and the 
king then, and for years afterwards, had not de- 
cided, or even considered much, the question 
whether Madrid should be his permanent capital. 


The reasons influencing Philip seem to have 
been of a personal character. His father, the 
Emperor Charles V., and Philip, too, liked 
Madrid. Both spent a considerable part of their 
lives there. A document in the municipal ar- 
chives, in sixteenth -century writing, gives the 
years and parts of years during which Madrid was 
the royal residence between 1529 and 1547. The 
visits were numerous, and on four occasions the 
court remained an entire year. Perhaps there is 
a touch of satire in the Sr. Cambronero's remark, 
that father and son * < needed to have very favor- 
able inclinations toward it to remain in Madrid a 
whole year." Even so late as 1597. — the year 
before the death of Philip II., — the question 
whether the city should be the king's permanent 
official residence seems to have been undecided. 

The reason that had most to do with Philip's 
residence in Madrid is probably the one to which 
Cambronero gives the most weight. **One of 
the causes that undoubtedly contributed to the 
permanence of the court in Madrid was, with- 
out doubt, the purpose which Philip II. had of 
building the monastery of San Lorenzo in the 
Escorial ; and it is understood that he had to re- 
side in a neighboring place in order to inspect 
the work often — a thing that presented difficulties 
if the monarch were in Toledo, which was the city 
where he had at the time his official residence. 

After the accession of Philip III., the court 
migrated to Valladolid. But that made trouble. 
In Madrid there were buildings and lodgings for 
officialdom, and the business of tradesmen iiad 
grown proportionately. In Valladolid, though 
the king and his immediate retinue had accom- 
modation in the palace of tlie Duke of Lerma, 
there was not adequate lodging for the rest of the 
court and its followers. The king said they were 
barling curses in Madrid because the court was 

going away, and in Valladolid because it was 
quartering itself there. But Madrid wanted the 
return of the court at any cost, and the gracious 
consent of his majesty was obtained when the 
corregidor of the city offered, in the name of the 
citizens, 250,000 ducats, payable in ten years, 
with a sixth part of the city rentals. 


in the Nineteenth Century j upon ** Woman's 
* Brain." Mr. Sutherland points out that, as the 
result of recent investigations, it is proved that 
the average man has from 10 to 12 per cent, 
more brain -weight than the average woman ; 
but, in proportion to the weight of her body, 
woman has 6 per cent, more brain than man has. 
Her average runs about .50 oz. of brain for every 
pound of weight in her body, while man, in pro- 
portion to his body, has only .47 oz. But 
smaller animals always have bigger brains in pro- 
portion than larger animals. A terrier has six 
times as much brain, in proportion to his weight, 
as a Newfoundland dog ; and a baby has, in pro- 
portion to its weight, five times as much brain as 
its father