129 308
Revitalizing a Nation
A Book in Two Parts
PART ONE BELIEFS AND POLICIES
PART Two VISUAL EVIDENCE
REVITALIZING A NATION
A Statement of Beliefs, Opinions and Policies
Embodied in the Public Pronouncements of
GENERAL OF THE ARMY
Douglas MacArthur
Correlation and Captions by
JOHN M. PRATT
Introduction by
NORMAN VINCENT PEALE, D.D.
PUBLISHED BY
Heritage Jf otmfcatton, 3nt.
75 East Wacker Drive, Chicago i, 111.
Distributed by GARDEN CITY BOOKS,
Garden City, New York
Copyright, 1952
By
THE HERITAGE FOUNDATION, ING.
Cover photos: General Mac Arthur by Acme
Washington Parade by IN?
Endpaper photos: General MacArthur by JNP
Fifth Avenue Parade by INP
Printed in the United States of America
An Introduction
BY NORMAN VINCENT PEALE, D.D.
MAN OF OUR TIME IS more
authentically the voice of real America than Douglas
MacArthur. To the millions who lined the streets of our
great cities to cheer and weep as he passed by, he is the
personification of American tradition and history.
As he rode up great avenues 'midst vast throngs, the
people through misty eyes saw in him the noble leaders
of the past Washington, Lee, Grant. And when he ad-
dressed the Congress of the United States, once again
Americans heard the great truths which many, starved
for them, never expected to hear again, and those who
never heard them before wept unashamedly.
In this stalwart, romantic figure, the great hopes,
dreams and ideals of our country come to life again. He
stimulates renewed faith that the land of Washington,
Jefferson and Lincoln still lives in the hearts of the
people.
I shall never forget the light on General MacArthur's
face and the deep feeling in his voice when he said to me
"They are a wonderful people the American people
quick, impulsive, generous, whole-hearted! You can al-
ways trust them and believe in them, for in their hearts
they are good and true ; in a crisis, they will do the right
thing."
In the present crisis, this book outlines the sound, spir-
itual and practical thought of a great man who from a
position of lofty eminence sees clearly the dangers facing
AN INTRODUCTION [6
us and gives of his rich wisdom to guide us. What he has
to say reaches the spiritual side of our lives with a power
found in the words of few of our leaders. Out of a life-
time experience of leadership and unsurpassed achieve-
ment, General MacArthur has gathered wisdom and in-
sight into the great principles upon which our Republic
was founded and only upon which it can endure.
This book will give you a spiritual rebirth of freedom
and faith. Read it to your children so that the noble,
incomparable sentences of our greatest master of English
speech may fall like music upon their ears; that they,
too, like yourself in your youth, may hear enunciated the
immortal principles of God and country. These words
will live in their hearts, and in yours, forever.
If America, land of the free, is to endure, we must
rekindle on the altars of our hearts the ancient fires of
faith, morality and patriotism. This book will greatly
help in doing that. It should be distributed widely. It is
an American document. Regardless of party affiliation,
it should go into every home in America to be read,
cherished and heeded,
It can, with our help, save America.
NORMAN VINCENT PEALE, D.D.
Fifth Avenue and 29th Street
New York, New York
Revitalizing a Nation
B,
"ELATEDLY THE AMERICAN PEG-
pie are beginning dimly to sense that, emerging from
World War II, are two dynamic and irreconcilable forces
striving for mastery the free world and international
Communism.
The foundation stones of this nation are the concepts
and principles of the Judeo-Christian traditions and faith.
Americans are free men. Their first allegiance is to their
Creator a Creator who endowed them with unalienable
rights and an immortal end. Being free men it has been
and is all but impossible for Americans to comprehend
the basic tenets of international Communism, namely that
people human beings are without individual entity or
worth ; that men are mere pawns, chattels, slaves of the
State; that the State is without geographical location;
that it has no national boundaries; that it encompasses
the world.
During the year just past there came to this country
from across the sea a man a leader of men. He was a
tall man, clear of eye, imposing in stature and lofty in
mien who had met and wrestled with this "greatest
scourge of mankind 55 and who understands fully the de-
termining concepts and the motivating forces of interna-
tional Communism. He shapes his every utterance, act
REVITALIZING A. NATION [8
and deed in consonance with this understanding. He is
a man of such broad vision and knowledge that the
Atlantic Ocean becomes merely a peaceful lake, although
enclosed by the shores of continents, and the broad
Pacific, a benign moat but on which can be carried the
thriving commerce of billions of men. This man has such
a knowledge of the historical past and such an insight
into a divinely ordained future that he fashions the deeds
of today to mesh with a tomorrow of one thousand years
from now. This man is known to the world as General
of the Army Douglas MacArthur.
One year ago, General of the Army Douglas Mac-
Arthur was Supreme Commander of the Allied Forces
in the Pacific. He is the man who on September 2, 1945,
on board the battleship Missouri signed the instrument
that made effective the unconditional surrender of Japan.
On that fateful day he gave warning to the world that
modern war had reached such destructiveness that it was
wholly useless as a method of settling disputes between
nations ; that a spiritual revival was essential if the world
was to be saved from destruction. He then stated: "It
must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh."
General MacArthur assumed the responsibility of re-
building a nation, utterly destroyed, on the basis of
"Christian purpose of helping a defeated and despairing
people re-create in the East a nation." He laid the foun-
dations for and was the architect of the Treaty of Peace
with Japan.
He is the man who "held" in the south the North
Korean forces, planned and executed the Inchon land-
ing, routed and utterly defeated the armies of North
Korea.
In November, 1950, the Red Chinese troops crossed the
Manchurian boundary and joined forces with the scat-
tered remnants of the North Korean army and "a new
9 ] REVITALIZING A NATION
war was an actuality/ 5 General MacArthur believed and
still believes that we had the resources at hand to defeat
this new enemy. Others thought differently or were afraid
to win . . . Time passes.
On April 12, 1951, General Douglas MacArthur, Su-
preme Commander of the Allied Forces in the Pacific,
was relieved of his command, stripped of all authority
and ordered to leave Japan. He was dismissed with as lit-
tle consideration as though he had been a new office boy
found pilfering pennies from the cash register. Appar-
ently it was intended that he be humiliated and that he
return disgraced.
General MacArthur had to his credit 52 years of loyal
and unquestioned service. He was a soldier. He obeyed
orders. He returned to his native land, but not as a
broken, beaten soldier. He was a "Daniel come to judg-
ment" with a vibrant message that thrilled, inspired
and re-created hope in the hearts of his countrymen. He
began the task of revitalizing the nation.
This volume makes no pretense of biography; no ges-
ture of narrative of the tragic incidents of the Korean
conflict; takes no sides on the violent controversy arising
from General MacArthur's belief that "once committed
to battle there is no substitute for victory." It is intended
to provide accurate, concise yet comprehensive state-
ments, in his own words, of the beliefs, aspirations and
policies of General of the Army Douglas MacArthur.
These are recorded in Part One of this book. In Part
Two will be found the visual evidence of the warmth of
the reception tendered General MacArthur by the Amer-
ican people and the acceptance accorded the inspired
and dynamic message which he brought to them.
JOHN M. PRATT
Table of Contents
INTRODUCTION 5
REVITALIZING A NATION 7
PART ONE BELIEFS AND POLICIES
Where I Stand 13
The New Japan 22
Asia and the Pacific 32
Korea 40
Failure of Leadership 52
Aid to Europe and Taxes 63
World War HI 76
Decision of the People 87
PART Two VISUAL EVIDENCE 97
"animated by the sole desire to help restore,
preserve and advance those great American
principles and ideals of which we have been
beneficiaries ourselves and are now trustees for
future generations.' 3
DOUGLAS MAGARTHUR
HAPTER ONE
Where I Stand
i
HAVE BEEN warned by many that
an outspoken course, even if it be solely of truth, will
bring down upon my head ruthless retaliation that
efforts will be made to destroy public faith in the integ-
rity of my views not by force of just argument but by
the application of the false methods of propaganda. I am
told in effect that I must follow blindly the leader keep
silent or take the bitter consequences. I had thought
Abraham Lincoln had pinned down for all time this ugly
code when he declared:
"To sin by silence when they should protest makes
cowards of men."
UNQUALIFIED ^ shall ra * se m ^ vo * ce as ^ ou( ^ anc * as
DEDICATION f ten as I believe it to be in the interest
of the American people. I shall dedi-
cate all of my energies to restoring to American life those
immutable principles and ideals which your forefathers
and mine handed down to us in sacred trust. I shall assist
in the regaining of that moral base for both public and
private life which will restore the people's faith in the
integrity of public institutions and the private faith of
13
REVITALIZING A NATION [ 14
every man in the integrity of his neighbor. I shall set my
course to the end that no man need fear to speak the
truth.
I could not do less, for the opportunities for service
my country has given me and the honors it has conferred
upon me have imposed an obligation which is not dis-
charged by the termination of public service.
ESSENTIAL * n ^ ^ ^ Sphering storms, as the
TO SURVIVAL mora l deterioration of political power
spreads its growing infection, it is es-
sential that every spiritual force be mobilized to defend
and preserve the religious base upon which this nation
was founded. For it is that base which has been the
motivating impulse to our moral and national growth.
History fails to record a single precedent in which nations
subject to moral decay have not passed into political and
economic decline. There has been either a spiritual re-
awakening to overcome the moral lapse, or a progressive
deterioration leading to ultimate national disaster.
Our country over many years grew prosperous and
strong. We developed the spiritual resource to produce
a culture and way of life based upon free individualism
and rich in the essence of liberty and justice. Our com-
mercial and agricultural progress set a pattern which
early commanded universal admiration; and, through
evolutionary processes, we adjusted our human relation-
ships to enhance both the fruits of industry and the
dignity of labor.
SOURCE OF ^ ur S reat stren S t h rests in those high-
STRENGTH niinded and patriotic Americans whose
faith in God and love of country tran-
scends all selfish and self-serving instincts. We must com-
15] WHERE I STAND
mand their maximum effort toward a restoration to
public and private relationships of our age-old standards
of morality and ethics a return to the religious fervor
which animated our leadership of former years to chart
a course of humility and integrity as best to serve the
public interest,
TO SAVE On the 2nd ojf Se P tember 1945, just fol-
THE FLESH l w i n g the surrender of the Japanese
Nation on the battleship MISSOURI, I
formally cautioned :
"Men since the beginning of time have sought peace.
Various methods through the ages have been at-
tempted to devise an international process to pre-
vent or settle disputes between nations. From the
very start, workable methods were found insofar as
individual citizens were concerned, but the mechan-
ics of an instrumentality of larger international
scope have never been successful. Military alliances,
balance of power, leagues of nations, all in turn
failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the
crucible of war. The utter destractiveness of war
now blots out this alternative. We have had our last
chance. If we will not devise some greater and more
equitable system, Armageddon will be at our door.
The problem basically is theological and involves a
spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human
character that will synchronize with our almost
matchless advances in science, art, literature, and
all material and cultural developments of the past
2,000 years. It must be of the spirit if we are to save
the flesh."
No man in the world is more anxious to avoid the
expansion of war than I. I am a one hundred per cent
disbeliever in war. The enormous sacrifices that have
REVITALIZING A NATION [16
been brought about by scientific methods of killing have
rendered war a fantastic and impossible method for the
solution of international difficulties.
MUTUAL "^ n war ' as ^ ' IS wa e d now, with the enor-
SUIGIDE mous losses on both sides, both will lose. I
believe that the entire effort of modern
society should be concentrated on an endeavor to outlaw
it. This would probably take decades before it could be
actually accomplished; but, you have to make a start.
There is no half-way substitute.
The experience in Korea again emphasizes the utter
futility of modern war its complete failure as an arbiter
of international dissensions. Its threat must be abolished
if the world is to go on and if it does not go on it will
go under. We must finally come to realize that war is
outmoded as an instrument of political policy, that it
provides no solution for international problems; that it
but threatens the participants with mutual national
suicide.
We must understand that in final analysis the mount-
ing cost of preparation for war is in many ways as mate-
rially destructive as war itself. We must find the means
to avoid this great sapping of human energy and re-
source. This requires leadership of the highest order a
spiritual and moral leadership a leadership which our
country alone is capable of providing.
ONLY ROAD While we must be prepared to meet the
TO PEACE tr * a * ^ war ^ war comes > we should
gear our foreign and domestic policies
toward the ultimate goal the abolition of war from the
face of the earth. That is what practically all mankind
all the great masses which populate the world long and
17] WHERE I STAND
pray for. Therein lies the road, the only road, to universal
peace and prosperity.
The voice of the people must be heeded.
The implacable guide must be faith in those un-
changeable principles and ideals which give spir-
itual strength to our Constitution.
There must be reflected that degree of humility which
recognizes the religious base upon which our nation was
founded, with an indomitable determination to preserve
it. The threat to freedom in peace is no less sinister than
in war. Our country's future must not go by default.
RELIGION AND ^ n ^ e mo( ^ ern wor W 5 the evil forces
COMMUNISM ^ Communism seek to remove reli-
gion as the most formidable barrier to
their advance. They strive to undermine public and pri-
vate morals as a means of weakening and rendering in-
defensible areas of intended absorption. Their success
serves to warn all free men of the depravity which has
inevitably replaced spirituality where their dominion
over peoples and races has become complete.
There are those who would have us believe that Com-
munism embraces but the philosophy of agnosticism,
rather than atheism. But this shallow pretense is easily
belied by the record of ruthless and complete disregard
of moral law, once Communism has seized power. Any
complacent tolerance of this destructive force of evil
should be replaced by an implacable and uncompro-
mising determination to resist its every threat to basic
and traditional ideals.
Human freedom always finds ostentatious vocal sup-
port from those most bent upon its suppression. It is
essential, therefore, that there be assessed with cold and
REVITALIZING A NATION [ 18
calculated realism the motivation of those who say much
but do little. For there can be no compromise in the fight
to preserve the sanctity of our religious base. We must
condemn those who would corrupt the principles of in-
dividual liberty, freedom's mighty instrument of spiritual
power.
ANCIENT " n man y P arts f t ^ ie world, ancient re-
RELIGIONS %io n s have given way before the sweep
DESTROYED ^ *^ s concept of materialism which
holds to the sanctity of no moral law
and worships as its only god the power to suppress the
Divine heritage of man. It first essays to make traitors
among those of high degree and through them seeks to
destroy nations and bend peoples to its malevolent will.
Its plan is to abolish private property and free en-
terprise in order to secure that degree of power over
material things necessary to render absolute its
power to suppress the spiritual things.
It first establishes collectivism as the idealistic refuge
for those who lack the will and the courage and the
capacity for self-expression. This is the half-way point
on the direct and undeviating road to full Communism.
Thereafter, all private control over means and sources of
production is abolished, and then with the political
power safely in hand, this concentration of material
power becomes that fearful weapon whereby every ves-
tige of spiritual value and human freedom may be sup-
pressed at will.
This is how it has happened before and it can happen
again, unless the moral forces of a nation are sufficiently
mobilized and alert to safeguard against so dreadful a
threat to its cherished liberties.
19] WHERE I STAND
SCOURGE OF ^ s ^ a ^ con tinue to fight against that
MANKIND greatest scourge of mankind, Commu-
nism, as long as God gives me the power
to fight. I shall work with you in the discharge of our
common responsibilities of citizenship to the end that
American policy be based upon the thoughts and needs
and aspirations of the American people, unyielding to
undue political pressures from abroad. I shall stand with
you for an America rededicated to those sacred and in-
spired ideals and concepts which guided our forefathers
when drawing the design of American freedom.
INTERNAL ^ * s not ^ an ^ externa ^ threat that I con-
MENACE cern m y se ^ " Dut ra ther of insidious forces
working from within which have already
so drastically altered the character of our free institutions
those institutions which formerly we hailed as some-
thing beyond question or challenge those institutions
we proudly called the American way of life.
Foremost of these forces is that directly, or even more
frequently indirectly, allied with the scourge of imperi-
alistic Communism. It has infiltrated into positions of
public trust and responsibility into journalism, the
press, the radio and the schools. It seeks through covert
manipulation of the civil power and the media of public
information and education to pervert the truth, impair
respect for moral values, suppress human freedom and
representative government and, in the end, destroy our
faith in our religious teachings.
This evil force, with neither spiritual base nor moral
standard, rallies the abnormal and subnormal elements
among our citizenry and applies internal pressure against
all things we hold decent and all things that we hold
REVITALIZING A NATION [ 20
right the type of pressure which has caused many Chris-
tian nations abroad to fall and their own cherished free-
doms to languish in the shackles of complete suppression.
Our need for patriotic fervor and religious devotion
was never more impelling.
There can be no compromise with atheistic Commu-
nism no half-way in the preservation of freedom
and religion. It must be all or nothing.
SAFEGUARD OF are t^ 1086 w h see k to convert
AMERICA us to a f rm f socialistic endeavor
leading directly to the path of Com-
munist slavery. As a counter-balance to those forces is the
deep spiritual urge in the hearts of our people a spirit-
ual urge capable of arousing and directing a decisive and
impelling public opinion. This, indeed, is the great safe-
guard and resource of America. So long as it exists we are
secure for it holds us to the path of reason. It is an infal-
lible reminder that our greatest hope and faith rests upon
two mighty symbols the Cross and the Flag; the one
based upon those immutable teachings which provide
the spiritual strength to persevere along the course which
is just and right the other based upon the invincible
will that human freedom shall not perish from the earth.
These are the mighty bulwarks against the advance of
those atheistic predatory forces which seek to destroy the
spirituality of the human mind and to enslave the human
body.
Let us pray for the spiritual strength and innate wis-
dom to keep this nation to the course of freedom charted
by our fathers ; to preserve it as the mighty instrument on
earth to bring universal order out of existing chaos;
to restore liberty where liberty has perished; and to re-
21 ] WHERE I STAND
establish human dignity where dignity has been sup-
pressed.
BULWARK OF must un * te * n ^ e kig* 1 purpose
ALL FREEDOM t " iat ^ ^^ ert ^ es etched upon the de-
sign of our life be unimpaired and
that we maintain the moral courage and spiritual leader-
ship to preserve inviolate that mighty bulwark of all free-
dom, our Christian faith.
HAPTER TWO
The New Japan
L
THIS postwar period of gen-
eral failure to attain real peace one of the bright spots
has been conquered Japan. That nation and its people
long boasting of many centuries of unbroken military
successes a self-sufficient warrior race with a history of
almost complete isolation from the rest of the world at
war's end was reduced largely to rubble with its people
impoverished and broken in mind, body and spirit.
FAITH Never in history has a nation and its peo-
DESTROYED P^ e " Deen more completely crushed than
were the Japanese at the end of the
struggle. They had suffered more than a military debacle,
more than the destruction of their armed forces, more
than the elimination of their industrial bases, more even
than the occupation of their land by foreign bayonets.
Their entire faith in the Japanese way of life, cherished
as invincible for many centuries, perished in the agony of
their total defeat.
SPIRITUAL ^ e su dden an d general destruction of
VACUUM Japanese institutions brought about by
complete defeat left a spiritual vacuum in
Japanese life to be filled either by a philosophy of good,
22
23 ] THE NEW JAPAN
or a philosophy of evil. Fortunately for Japan and for the
free world, the country was spared the dreadful conse-
quences of a Soviet military occupation and was brought
instead within the benign guidance of the American
people. Under this beneficent influence, the Japanese
gradually lifted themselves from the ashes of defeat and
started to build a new nation a nation dedicated to the
pursuit of new concepts and new ideals, fashioned from
a blend between the best of their own ancient culture and
those high precepts of ethics and morals which have been
the great pillars supporting America's origin and growth.
or ^ enta ^ na tio n under the shadow of a
PEOPLE
WILLING continent plagued by the cruel misery of
unending wars, pillage and natural disas-
ters, proved willing and adept under the guiding hand of
an occupation not conceived in a spirit of vengeance or
mastery of victor over vanquished, but committed to the
Christian purpose of helping a defeated, bewildered and
despairing people recreate in the East a nation largely
designed in the image of the West. New Japan was thus
erected upon free institutions, somewhat similar to our
own, which permitted the development of a moral base
which cannot fail to favorably influence the course of
events in Asia for generations to come. Discarded is the
traditional intolerance of human rights, the restrictions
upon human liberties, the callousness to human life, and
in their place have been accepted and fused into the Jap-
anese heart many of the Christian virtues so predomi-
nantly embodied in the American character.
A NEW ^ n lightened constitution has be-
CONSTITUTION come the great charter of Japanese
liberty with enabling laws which
REVITALIZING A NATION [ 24
give full effect to its immutable precepts. The Govern-
ment has become truly representative of the popular will,
deriving its just powers from the consent of the governed.
The principle of local autonomy has been established.
This permits the balance of political power to rest with
the citizen at the community level and thus serves as a
constant check against the excesses of centralized author-
ity. The hated system of land tenure, so contributory to
general unrest in Asia, has been abolished. Every farmer
is now accorded the right and dignity of ownership of the
land he long has tilled. He thus reaps the full fruits which
result from his toil and labors with the incentive of free
enterprise to maximize his effort to achieve increasing
production. Representing over a half of Japan's total
population, the agriculture workers have become an in-
vincible barrier against the advance of socialistic ideas
which would relegate all to the indignity of State servi-
tude.
LABOR Labor through the protection of modern
ACHIEVES * aws * ias come ' mto a new an d heretofore
DIGNITY unknown dignity and is making rapid strides
along the course of a sound and healthy
movement. The schools have been rid of the strictures
upon academic freedom and public education is provided
to all of the youth of the land. Universal suffrage has
been established and the women of Japan have assumed
their rightful role in the political life of the nation. With
dignity and resolution they have brought to bear upon
public affairs the morality which centers in the home and
are progressively asserting a strong and healthy influence
upon the course of Japan's political destiny.
25 ] THE NEW JAPAN
COURTS OF ^^ e courts are proceeding in their ad-
TUSTIGE ministrative and judicial roles with uni-
versally accepted principles of justice
firmly implanted in the norm of their procedure. The
police have ceased to be masters and have become in-
stead servants of the people with a decentralization in
organization which permits exercise of their functions at
the community, rather than national, level of govern-
ment.
BUDGET econom y f Japan has made rapid
BALANCED anc * e ^ ect ^ ve advances toward the full res-
toration of stability and self-sufficiency and
has achieved a sound basis for a frugal public administra-
tion. For the past three years, the National budget has
been in complete balance with savings to permit sub-
stantial reductions in the tax load upon the people and
corresponding raises in their living standard. Japan's
present course in the economy of public administration
follows closely the pattern sagely advised by Thomas Jef-
ferson when he warned in speaking of our own govern-
ment:
"I place economy among the first and most important
virtues and public debt as the greatest of dangers to
be feared. To preserve our independence, we must
not let our leaders load us with perpetual debt. We
must make our choice between economy and liberty,
or profusion and servitude. The same prudence
which in private life would forbid our paying our
money for unexplained projects, forbids it in the
disposition of public money. We are endeavoring to
reduce the government to the practice of rigid econ-
omy to avoid burdening the people and arming the
Magistrate with a patronage of money which might
be used to corrupt the principle of government."
REVITALIZING A NATION [26
SETTING AN ^ Japan continues to heed this far-
EXAMPLE sighted warning and our own leaders
who pretend to be disciples of the Jeffer-
sonian teachings continue to ignore it, the time may well
come when the Japanese people will be firmly established
within the protective folds of our own cherished liberties,
while we ourselves shall have lost them because of the
assumption by our leaders of that "patronage of money 55
with its consequent corruption of government against
which Jefferson so clearly warned. In such a tragic even-
tuality, we would be hard put to it indeed to answer the
charge of our children and our children's children that
we had recklessly squandered their rightful heritage of
liberty, resource and opportunity.
THE PEACE * s k ut a brief outline of the new
TREATY Japan which has been restored to a posi-
tion of international dignity and equality
under a peace treaty which, while far from flawless, em-
bodies much of human justice and enlightenment. It is a
Japan which may now assume the burden of preparing
its own ground defense against predatory attack and thus
in short time release our own beloved divisions for return
home. With our air and naval support, Japan can with
no great difficulty defend its own homeland which forms
so vital a sector of the island defense system buttressing
freedom and peace on the Pacific. It is a Japan in which
we of the free world may find an alliance which shall
merit our full faith.
Qnii/fF AT T TPC I realize well that there are nations who
OUM.L AJL.L.ld . .
FEARFUL fought with us to victory, while suner-
ing grievous hurt from Japanese depre-
dation, who understandably disagree in whole or in part.
27 } THE NEW JAPAN
It is hard for them to accept the realistic but tragic fact
that in modern war the victor is also the loser. He suffers
materially with the vanquished oft-times more than
does the vanquished. Indeed our own country in the after-
math of victory pays with a burden of accumulated debt
such as to place a mortgage upon the energy and resource
of many future generations. May we not hope that even-
tually through wise statesmanship and Christian toler-
ance the scars still left in war's wake may be finally healed
and that the victor and vanquished, as befits the sacred
cause of human freedom, will be invincibly bound to-
gether in mutual preservation.
INFLUENCE ON J a P an wil1 reassume a position of dig-
ACT A nity and equality within the family of
nations and take a firm and invincible
stand with the free world to repel those evil forces of
international Communist tyranny which seek covertly or
by force of arms to destroy freedom. That it may be
counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence
over the course of events in Asia is attested by the mag-
nificent manner in which the Japanese people have met
the recent challenge of war, unrest and confusion sur-
rounding them from the outside, and checked Commu-
nism within their own frontiers without the slightest
slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of our
occupation divisions to the Korean battle front without
the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power
vacuum upon Japan. The results fully justified my faith.
I know of no nation more serene, orderly and industrious
nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future
constructive service in the advance of the human race.
The pages of history in recording America's twentieth
REVITALIZING A NATION [ 28
century contributions to human progress may, perchance,
pass over lightly the wars we have fought. But, I believe
they will not fail to record the influence for good upon
Asia which will inevitably follow the spiritual regenera-
tion of Japan. And this is as it should be, for construction
always serves memory long after the destruction it follows
is forgotten.
WAR AND ^ t ^ ie h* stor i an f t ^ ie f uture should deem
PEACE my serv * ce wort hy of some slight reference,
it would be my hope that he mention me
not as a Commander engaged in campaigns and battles,
even though victorious to American arms, but rather as
that one whose sacred duty it became, once the guns were
silenced, to carry to the land of our vanquished foe the
solace and hope and faith of Christian morals.
Could I have but a line a century hence crediting a
contribution to the advance of peace, I would gladly
yield every honor which has been accorded by war.
YOSHIDA WRITES
A LETTER
July 13, 1951
"General of the Army Douglas MacArthur
Waldorf Astoria Hotel
New York City
U.S.A.
"My dear General :
"The text of the Japanese Peace Treaty was made
public today. I have also been informed that Sep-
tember 4th has been set as the date for the signing
of it at San Francisco.
"On this joyful day I desire to express the pro-
found gratitude of myself and my government to
you who have long been a vigorous proponent of an
29 ] THE NEW JAPAN
early peace for Japan. It is gratifying that your ef-
forts and exhortations have borne fruit. A fair and
magnanimous treaty has been written embodying
the principles as laid down first by you. I only regret
I cannot see and thank you in person.
"Yours sincerely,
/s/ SHIGERU YOSHIDA."
MacARTHUR
REPLIES
August 20, 1951
"His Excellency Shigeru Yoshida
Prime Minister of Japan
Tokyo, Japan
"Dear Mr. Prime Minister :
"I am delighted to have before me your thought-
ful and generous note of July 13th.
"I rejoice with you and the Japanese people that
a fair and just treaty is projected for early consum-
mation. It is indeed a source of immense personal
satisfaction that the spiritual and moral values which
throughout have guided the formulation of Occupa-
tion policy will find permanent reflection in the in-
strument designed formally to restore the peace.
"Upon the political, economic and social base
established so largely under your distinguished lead-
ership, Japan's history lies before it. Continue faith-
ful adherence to the following sound political poli-
cies and principles of good government, and healthy
progress will be assured :
"Public morality is the touchstone to the people's
faith in the integrity of the governmental process.
"Restraint and frugality in the use of the public
purse produces economic stability, encourages indi-
vidual thrift and minimizes the burden of taxation.
"Avoidance of the excessive centralization of the
political power safeguards against the danger of
REVITALIZING A NATION [ 30
totalitarian rule with the suppression of personal
liberty, advances the concept of local autonomy and
develops an acute consciousness in the individual
citizen of his political responsibility. Undue pater-
nalism in government tends to sap the creative po-
tential and impair initiative and energy in those who
thereby come to regard governmental subsidy as an
inalienable right.
"The preservation, inviolate, of the economic sys-
tem based upon free, private, competitive enterprise
alone maximizes the initiative, the energy and in the
end the productive capacity of the people.
"The vigorous and faithful implementation of the
existing land laws providing land ownership for ag-
ricultural workers and of the labor laws providing
industrial workers a voice in the conditions of their
employment is mandatory if these all-important seg-
ments of Japanese society are to enjoy their rightful
dignity and opportunity, and social unrest based
upon just grievance is to be avoided.
"The Bill of Rights ordained by the Constitution
must be vigilantly preserved if the government would
be assured the people's full support. Public criticism
should be encouraged rather than suppressed as pro-
viding a powerful check against the evils of mal-
administration of the political power. Freedom of
speech as an inalienable right should never be chal-
lenged unless it directly violates the laws governing
libel and slander.
"The courts must function as the champion of
human justice and the police power be exercised
with primary regard to individual rights.
"Without sacrifice of the principles of justice the
devious advances of international Communism must
be firmly repelled as a threat to internal peace and
the national security. To such end, so long as existing
international tensions exist in Asia, adequate security
forces should be maintained to safeguard Japan's in-
31 ] THE NEW JAPAN
ternal peace against any threatened external attack.
"Indeed a Japan erected firmly upon such a norm
of political principle and policy, as well as setting
a sure course to its own free destiny, could not fail to
exercise a profound and beneficial influence upon
the course of events in continental Asia. It would in
addition contribute immeasurably to the spiritual
and material advance of civilization.
"I have faith that the Japanese people will hold
invincibly to such a course.
"Cordially yours,
/s/ DOUGLAS MAcARTHUR."
YOSHIDA
TELEGRAPHS
San Francisco, California
10 September, 1951
"General of the Army Douglas MacArthur
Waldorf Astoria Hotel
New York, New York
"Peace treaty was signed the day before yester-
day. My heart and the hearts of all Japanese turn
to you in boundless gratitude for it is your firm and
kindly hand that led us, a prostrate nation, on the
road to recovery and reconstruction. It was you who
first propounded the principles for a fair and gen-
erous peace which we now have at long last. In the
name of the Japanese Government and people I
send you our nation's heartfelt thanks.
/s/ SHIGERU YOSHIDA."
CHAPTER THR
Asia and the Pacific
W
T VHII
HILE ASIA is commonly re-
ferred to as the gateway to Europe, it is no less true that
Europe is the gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of
the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other.
SHACKLES Before one may objectively assess the situa-
SHAKEN ^ on now ex ^ s ti n g there, he must compre-
hend something of Asia's past and the revo-
lutionary changes which have marked her course up to
the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial
powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of
social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of
life, such as guided our own noble administration of the
Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity
in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonial-
ism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a hereto-
fore unf elt dignity and the self-respect of political free-
dom.
Mustering half of the earth's population and 60 per
cent of its natural resources, these peoples are rapidly
consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with
32
33 ] ASIA AND THE PACIFIC
which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations
of the design of modern progress to their own distinct,
cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the con-
cept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian
progress and it may not be stopped.
MUST MEET * n t * 1 * s s ^ tuat ^ on ^ becomes vital that our
NEW NEED own countr y ori en t its policies in conso-
nance with this basic evolutionary condi-
tion rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that
the colonial era is now past. The Asian peoples covet the
right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now
is friendly guidance, understanding, and support, not im-
perious direction; the dignity of equality, not the shame
of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully
low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's
wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking
and are little understood.
OBJECTIVE OF What tlie Asian peoples strive for is
NEW ASIA ^ e PP ortun ity f r a littk more fd
in their stomachs, a little better cloth-
ing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads,
and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for
political freedom. These political-social conditions have
but an indirect bearing upon our own national security,
but form a backdrop to contemporary planning which
must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the
pitfalls of unrealism.
OUR NEW r ^ t ^ ie ear ty pioneer the Pacific coast
FRONTIER mar ked the end of his courageous westerly
advance to us it should mark but the be-
ginning. To him it delimited our western frontier to us
REVITALIZING A NATION [ 34
that frontier has been moved beyond the Pacific horizon.
For we find our western defense geared to an Island chain
off the coast of continental Asia from which with air and
sea supremacy we can dominate any predatory move
threatening the Pacific Ocean area.
Under such conditions the Pacific no longer represents
menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader
it assumes instead the friendly aspect of a peaceful
lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be
maintained with a minimum of military effort and ex-
pense. It envisions no attack against anyone nor does it
provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but
properly maintained would be an invincible defense
against aggression.
The holding of this littoral defense line in the western
Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments
thereof, for any major breach of that line by an un-
friendly power would render vulnerable to determined
attack every other major segment. This is a military esti-
mate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who
will take exception. For that reason I have strongly rec-
ommended in the past as a matter of military urgency
that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under
Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once
threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of
Japan, and might well force our western frontier back
to the coasts of California, Oregon, and Washington.
ONE BILLION econom ^ c frontier now embraces
PEOPLE *k e trac * e potentialities of Asia itself;
for, with gradual rotation of the epicen-
ter of world trade back to the Far East whence it started
many centuries ago
35 ] ASIA AND THE PACIFIC
the next thousand years will find the main world
problem the raising of the subnormal standard of
life of its more than a billion Oriental peoples.
The opportunities for international trade then, if pursued
with the vision and courage of the early pioneer will be
limitless. The entire west coast well might then find its
place on a parity with our eastern seaboard, each stand-
ing as a vital center of American industry with broad
avenues of foreign trade and commerce immediately be-
fore it.
i? Such possibilities seem however be-
Jr * . .
vond the comprehension of some high
' A .
m our governmental circles who still
feel that the Pacific coast marks the practical terminus
of our advance and the westerly boundary of our im-
mediate national interest that any opportunity for the
expansion of our foreign trade should be mainly in the
area of Europe and the Middle East. Nothing could
more surely put a brake upon our growth as a strong and
prosperous nation. Intentionally or not, it would yield to
industrialized Europe the undisputed dominion over the
trade and commerce of the Far East.
More than this, it would in time surrender to Euro-
pean nations the moral, if not political, leadership
of the Eastern Hemisphere. Nothing could more
clearly attest a marked recession from that far-
sighted vision which animated the pioneer of one
hundred years ago.
It was the adventurous spirit of Americans which de-
spite risks and hazards carved a great nation from an
almost impenetrable wilderness; which established a pat-
tern for modern industrialization and scientific develop-
REVITALIZING A NATION [36
ment; which built our own almost unbelievable material
progress and favorably influenced that of all others;
which through the scientific advance of means of com-
munication closed the international geographic gap to
permit rapid and effective trade and commerce among
the peoples of the world; which raised the living standard
of the American people beyond that ever before known;
and which elevated the laborer, the farmer and the
tradesman to their rightful station of dignity and relative
prosperity.
PIONEERING e inconceivable that our
SPIRIT NEEDED leaders would close their eyes to any
direction of opportunity to concen-
trate upon any one avenue to the exclusion of any other.
In the pioneering spirit, it should be our undeviating pur-
pose to develop the maximum of global trade, ignoring
only those unfriendly areas and peoples which our trade
would assist in bringing abusive pressure against us.
There should be no rivalry between our east and our
west no pitting of Atlantic interests against those of the
Pacific. The problem is global, not sectional. The living
standard of the peoples of the Oriental East must and
will be raised to a closer relativity with that of the Occi-
dental West.
Only the Communists and their blind disciples ad-
vocate the lowering of the one to achieve a raising of
the other the Karl Marx theory of an international
division of wealth to achieve a universal level.
ACT A A/TTTCT The course is clear. There must be such
ASIA MUST
BE SERVED a development of opportunity that the
requirements for a better life in the Ori-
ental East may be filled from the almost unlimited in-
3 7 ] ASIA AND THE PACIFIC
dustrial potential of the Occidental West. The human
and material resources of the East would be used in com-
pensation for the manufactures of the West. Once this
elementary logic is recognized, trade with the Far East
may be expected rapidly to expand under the stimulus
of American vision, American enterprise and American
pioneering spirit. The pioneer of the twentieth century
has in all respects as broad an avenue of advance as did
the pioneer of the nineteenth century.
In the face of such future opportunities, any concept of
"scuttling" in the Pacific would be a direct negation of
the spirit of our pioneer forefathers who stopped at no
river, at no mountain, at no natural barrier in their driv-
ing urge to open the West. It is indulged in only by these
who lack the vision to comprehend and assess the full sig-
nificance of global potentialities and who lack the moral
courage to take maximum advantage of them.
LIMITATION ON Re S ardless of motive, thos ^ who thus
PROGRESS belittle our interest in the Pacific in
favor of concentrating attention on
the Atlantic are just as isolationist in their thinking as
would be those who belittle our interest in the Atlantic
in favor of concentrating on the Pacific. Either reflects a
dangerously unbalanced vision. Any concept which would
neglect the Pacific would not only limit our further prog-
ress as a nation and render our shores wide open to preda-
tory attack through neglected avenues of possible enemy
advance, but would yield to others our great opportunity
for economic progress. It would leave our foreign trade
largely centered in those who hold every competitive
advantage over us. Our economic future clearly lies to
the west. Availing ourselves of its full potential, our op-
REVITALIZING A NATION [ 38
portunity for growth is boundless failing to do so, our
economic stature would be limited to the normal domes-
tic possibilities in local growth.
Trade with Asia has historically been largely a
European monopoly, protected by colonial ties. This
monopoly was broken with the demise of colonial
rule at war's end and must never be restored.
Of our former ward, the Philippines,
PHILIPPINES we can *k f rwar d ift confidence that
the existing unrest will be corrected and
a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer after-
math of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be pa-
tient and understanding and never fail them, as in our
hour of need they did not fail us. A Christian nation, the
Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in
the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership
in Asia is unlimited.
FORMOSA ^ n Formosa, the Government of the Re-
public of China has had the opportunity
to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so
undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese
mainland. The Formosan people are receiving a just and
enlightened administration with majority representation
on the organs of government, and politically, economi-
cally and socially they appear to be advancing along
sound and constructive lines.
THE NEW ^ e J a P anese P e ople since the war have un-
TAPAN dergone the greatest reformation recorded
in modern history. With a commendable
will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to under-
stand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake,
39 ] ASIA AND THE PACIFIC
erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the primacy of
individual liberty and personal dignity, and in the en-
suing process there has been created a truly represent-
ative government committed to the advance of political
morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social jus-
tice. Politically, economically and socially Japan is now
abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not
again fail the universal trust.
FAITH OF ^ ^ e na ti na l we ^ being is to be
OUR FATHERS serve d it is for us of this generation,
as indeed for Americans of every gen-
eration, to assess the current strength of the pioneering
spirit and appraise anew the incentives which alone can
give it dynamic vitality. In so doing, it is well that we
remember the composite of pioneering characteristics
which have gone into the building of the great Pacific
coast. Here strength overcame weakness, courage domi-
nated fear, and the responsibility of life overshadowed
the certainty of death. Here men, through an exemplifica-
tion of spirituality, fashioned character as a far more
meaningful and valued heritage than the material results
their labors brought forth. It is that heritage of character
which must be preserved by our generation so that we
could do now what they did then.
We will then regain the faith of our fathers and the
strength to meet the issues which perplex us now with the
same determination and wisdom with which they met
the issues which perplexed them then. So invincible was
their faith that they inscribed upon every coin of the
United States down to and including even the penny their
simple profession "in God we trust." Let our faith be no
less.
HAPTER FOUR
Korea
L
THE PACIFIC we and our friends
maintain an island defense chain off the coast of conti-
nental Asia which must be preserved inviolate at any cost.
Despite some public statements to the contrary, there is
reason to fear that it is still the over-riding purpose of
some of our political leaders, under the influence of allies
who maintain diplomatic ties with Communist China, to
yield the Island of Formosa at an opportune time to the
Chinese henchmen of international Communism. The ef-
fect of such action would be to breach our island defense
chain, threaten peace on the Pacific and ultimately en-
danger the security of our Pacific coastal area.
There is little doubt that the yielding of Formosa and
the seating of Communist China in the United Nations
was fully planned when I called upon the enemy com-
mander in Korea on March 24, 1951 to meet me in the
field to arrange armistice terms. This I did in view of the
fundamental weakness of his military position due to the
lack of industrial base in China capable of supporting
modern warfare.
40
41 ] KOREA
OPPOSITION ^e PP s iti n I expressed to yielding
LEADS Formosa and seating Red China, with
TO REPRISAL ^ e overw helming support it received
from the American people, unquestion-
ably wrecked the secret plan to yield on these issues as the
price for peace in Korea. There followed the violent
Washington reaction in personal retaliation against me
for what was actually so normal a military move.
INTEGRITY ^^ s is an era characterized by a
ESSENTIAL universal sentiment of nationalism.
TO LEADERSHIP This we must res P ect if we WOuld
gain the respect of others. The peo-
ples of the world will only follow our leadership upon the
basis of our moral integrity and spiritual as well as physi-
cal strength. They will measure us not by the monies we
recklessly give them, but by the general attitudes with
which we face the common problems of mankind.
Possibly in Asia, where the record is more fully devel-
oped and events themselves have more plainly written the
judgment, has the irresponsibility of our national policy
been most pronounced. There our betrayal of China will
ever stand as a black mark upon our escutcheon. But the
tragedy of Korea comes closer to the hearts of the Ameri-
can people.
There, in the aftermath of victory in World War II,
we first undertook the protection of the Korean people
and the welding of their segments into a consolidated and
free nation. Later we repudiated that purpose and prac-
tically invited the aggression which ensued by withdraw-
ing our forces, enunciating the policy that the defense
and consolidation of Korea was no longer within our
sphere of political and military interest, and simultane-
REVITALIZING A NATION [42
ously withholding the arms needed adequately to prepare
the South Korean defense force. Yet still later, after its
southern half had been brought under attack from the
north, we reassumed its defense and consolidation.
What is our policy in Korea?
Some will tell you that the pacification and unification
of all Korea is the objective an objective which indeed
still stands as the formal mandate of the United Nations.
Others tend to overlook such a formally stated policy and
will tell you that our objective is achieved upon clearing
South Korea of invading forces. Still others ignore both
explanations and frankly say that our objective now is to
continue to engage the enemy forces in Korea in a pro-
longed and indecisive campaign of attrition, notwith-
standing the constantly increasing cost in American
blood.
Who will tell you in the traditionally ringing tones
of the American patriot that our objective is victory
over the nation and men who, without provocation
or justification, have warred against us and that our
forces will be furnished all the sinews and other
means essential to achieve that victory with a mini-
mum of cost in human life?
NOT CONSULTED While I was not consulted prior to
the President's decision to intervene
in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision, from
a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled
back the invader and decimated his forces.
We defeated the Northern Korean armies. Our vic-
tory was complete and our objectives within reach when
Red China intervened with numerically superior ground
forces. This created a new war and an entirely new situa-
43 ] KOREA
tion a situation not contemplated when our forces were
committed against the North Korean invaders a situa-
tion which called for new decisions in the diplomatic
sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military
strategy.
While no man in his right mind would advocate send-
ing our ground forces into continental China and such
was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently
demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our
political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had
defeated the old.
ESSENTIALS TO Apart f rom ^e military need as I saw
ENDITvr WAR ^ to neutra ^ ze ^ sanctuary protec-
tion given the enemy north of the
Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the
war made mandatory
(1) The intensification of our economic blockade
against China;
( 2 ) The imposition of a naval blockade against the
China coast;
(3) Removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance
of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria;
(4) Removal of restrictions on the forces of the Re-
public of China on Formosa with logistical sup-
port to contribute to their effective operations
against the common enemy.
For entertaining these views, all professionally designed
to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hos-
tilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a
saving of countless American and Allied lives, I have
been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad,
despite my understanding that from a military standpoint
REVITALIZING A NATION [ 44
the above views have been fully shared in past by prac-
tically every military leader concerned with the Korean
campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.
STALEMATE ' ca ^ e d for reinforcements, but was in-
INDICATED f orme d t ^ iat reinforcements were not avail-
able. I made clear that if not permitted to
destroy the enemy build-up bases north of the Yalu; if
not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese forces of some
600,000 men on Formosa; if not permitted to blockade
the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting
succor from without ; and if there were to be no hope of
major reinforcements, the position of the command from
the military standpoint forbade victory.
We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and at
an appropriate area where our supply line advantages
were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the
enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive
campaign, with its terrible and constant attrition upon
our forces if the enemy utilized his full military potential.
POLICY NOT tra ec ty * s ^ iat si nce the advent
DEFINED ^ t ^ ie war w ^ ^ ec * China there has
been no definition of the political policy
which would provide a solution for the new problems
thereby created. This has resulted in a policy vacuum
heretofore unknown to war.
However great the effort to distract attention from the
main issues by introducing into public discussion extrane-
ous and irrelevant matters, the fundamental question still
remains the same what is the policy for Korea?
Having aided through blundering diplomacy the
gaining of Communist control over China,
45 ] KOREA
the failure to enunciate a simple forthright and positive
statement of policy understandable to the world as firm
assurance against any future trafficking with the Com-
munist movement in Asia, arouses gravest doubts and
fears.
DANGEROUS SHIFT Recent events P oint to a startling
IN CONCEPT anc * dangerous s ^^ * n our basic
military concept. After Commu-
nist China committed itself to war against our forces in
Korea, our political and military leaders set aside our
traditional military policy calling for the employment of ]
all available power and means to achieve a prompt and
decisive victory and adopted instead the doctrine of de-
fense.
FAILURE Every distinguished military leader of the
INVITED P ast an< ^ a ^ m ^ tar Y experience from the
beginning of time warns this but invites fail-
ure. Under this new conception, novel indeed to the
American military character, we are required in the
midst of deadly war to soften our blows and send men
into battle with neither promise nor hope of victory. We
have deprived them of supporting military power already
on hand and available which would blunt the enemy's
blows against them, save countless American lives, fulfill
our commitment to the tragic people of Korea and lead
to the victorious end of a war which has already left so
many thousands of American soldiers maimed or dead.
More than this, it could and would have removed
the Chinese Communists as a threat to freedom in
Asia and the peace of the world for generations to
come.
REVITALIZING A NATION [ 46
In Korea, despite the magnificent performance of our
fighting forces, the result has been indecisive. The high
moral purpose which so animated and inspired the world
yielded to the timidity and fear of our leaders as after
defeating our original enemy a new one entered the field
which they dared not fight to a decision.
APPEASEMENT ON Appeasement -thereafter became
BATTLEFIELD the P lic ? f war n the battle ~
field. In the actual fighting with
this new enemy we did not lose but neither did we win.
Yet, it can be accepted as a basic principle proven and
reproven since the beginning of time that a great nation
which enters upon war and fails to see it through to
victory must accept the full moral consequences of
defeat.
I have believed a realistic policy should fill the long
existing vacuum left in the wake of Red China's commit-
ment to war against us a policy designed to affect the
early restoration of peace, through victory, with a conse-
quent saving of countless American lives. It is difficult
to ask men to fight and die unless we give them a realistic
mission and means to accomplish it.
Could there be anything more discouraging and shock-
ing to our soldiers on the line than the deprecating ref-
erence to their fierce and savage struggle as a "police
action?" Could anything be more agonizing to the
mothers of their dead than the belittling reference to it
by the Joint Chiefs of Staff as the "Korean skirmish?"
What a lack of perspective ! What a failure to place first
things first ! What a complete callousness to human feel-
ing and soldier dignity!
How fantastically unrealistic it is for them to refuse
47 ] KOREA
to accept the factuality that we are already at war a
bitter, savage and costly war.
AVOIDANCE OF ^ a ^ ot ^ er evidence were ignored,
RESPONSIBILITY our mount ^ n g dead would alone stand
as mute evidence that it is war in
which we are now actually engaged. Yet, despite this,
they seek to avoid the grave responsibility inherent in the
fact of war; seek to divert public thought from the basic
issue which war creates; how may victory be achieved
with a minimum of human sacrifice. It is not a question
of who wants war and who wants peace. All men of good
conscience earnestly seek peace. The method alone is in
issue. Some, with me, would achieve peace through a
prompt and decisive victory at a saving of human life,
others through appeasement and compromise of moral
principle, with less regard for human life. The one course
follows our great American tradition, the other but can
lead to unending slaughter and our country's moral de-
basement.
The reason given for such a course has little validity.
It has been argued in justification and seemingly to soothe
the public concern that the application of conventional
war measures against our enemy might provoke the Soviet
into launching the Third World War.
Yet, since the end of the Second World War, with-
out committing a single soldier to battle, the Soviet,
aided by our own political blunders, has gained a
dominion over territory and peoples without parallel
in all history a dominion which it will take years
for it to assimilate and administer.
What then would be its purpose in provoking a war
of most doubtful result to the Communist cause? I have
REVITALIZING A NATION [ 48
strong doubt that the start of a major war anywhere
enters the Soviet plans at this stage. If and when it does,
it will be at a time and place and under circumstances
dictated with scarce regard to the incidents of Korea.
BLACKMAIL AND There are SOme wh for V ^ in %
VIOLENCE reasons would appease Red China.
They are blind to history's clear
lesson. For history teaches with unmistakable emphasis
that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It
points to no single instance where the end has justified
the means where appeasement has led to more than a
sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and
successively greater demands, until, as in blackmail, vio-
lence becomes the only other alternative.
Why, my soldiers asked of me, surrender military ad-
vantages to an enemy in the field? I could not answer.
Some may say to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-
out war with China ; others, to avoid Soviet intervention.
Neither explanation seems realistic. China is already en-
gaging with the maximum power it can commit and the
Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves.
Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike when-
ever it feels that the relativity in military or other poten-
tial is in its favor on a world-wide basis.
We have been told of the war in Korea that it is the
wrong war, with the wrong enemy, at the wrong time
and in the wrong place. Does this mean that they intend
and indeed plan what they would call a right war, with
a right enemy, at a right time and in the right place?
If successful in mounting the North Atlantic Pact in 1953
or 1954 or at one of the ever changing dates fixed for its
consummation, what comes then? Do we mean to throw
49 ] KOREA
down the gage of battle. Do we mean to continue the
fantastic fiscal burden indefinitely to our inevitable ex-
haustion?
THE DOCTRINE OF In ever y war in which we have
PASSIVE DEFENSE heretofore engaged, we have
counter-balanced manpower with
the doctrine of attack through our matchless scien-
tific development. Yet, in Korea, we are admittedly ap-
plying the doctrine of passive defense which in all history
has never won a war a doctrine which has been respon-
sible for more military disaster than all other reasons com-
bined. Does experience teach us nothing? Has shifting
expediency replaced logical reasoning?
DEATH RATHER The tra & d ? f Korea is further
THAN SLAVERY heightened by the fact that as mili-
tary action is confined to its terri-
torial limits, it condemns that nation, which it is our pur-
pose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval
and air bombardment, while the enemy's sanctuaries are
fully protected from such attack and devastation. Of the
nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole
one which has risked its all against Communism.
The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of
the Korean people defies description. They have
chosen to risk death rather than slavery.
As long as history is written, the shame of this will be
recorded, but its more immediate consequences will be
found in the loss of the faith of Asia in our nation's
pledged word and the consequent undermining of the
foundations to the future peace of the world.
REVITALIZING A NATION [50
For our failure to sustain our solemn commitments
in Korea will probably mean the ultimate loss of all
of continental Asia to international Communism.
DREAM OF ^ m *Sht well mean foreclosure upon the
CENTURIES Dances the Chinese may have had to
throw off the chains of Red tyranny and
oppression. It perhaps will even mean the ultimate ful-
fillment of the Russian dream of centuries to secure
warm-water outlets to the south as a means of gaining
a military posture of global omnipotence, with the hope
of ultimate domination over the seaborne commerce of
the world. Beyond Asia, Africa would then be exposed to
Communist hordes dominating the Indian Ocean area,
and Europe would come under a real threat of invasion.
Prejudiced and willful voices scoffed at this warning,
but there is where the Communists elected to challenge
our spiritual and military strength and
\/ there is where we have failed adequately to meet the
challenge, even though we h^d the military resource
and means at our command, x
Our failure has been of the spirit, not of the arms a
bankruptcy of leadership in our American tradition. Yet
this failure has furnished the Soviet the passkey to world
conquest. Small wonder that such weakness and vacilla-
tion should cause us loss of faith and respect abroad. Not
since the early days of the Republic has our nation been
so reduced in the universal esteem. Never have we as a
people been held in such doubt by others,
FUTILITY OF ^ ow t ^ at t ^ ie fi&kting has temporarily
SACRIFICES Abated the outstanding impression which
emerges from the scene is the utter use-
lessness of the enormous sacrifice in life and limb which
51 ] KOREA
has resulted-lAjnillion soldiers on both sides and unques-
tionably at least a like number of civilians are maimed or
dead. A nation has been gutted and we stand today just
where we stood before it all started. The threat of aggres-
sion upon the weak by these callously inclined among the
strong has not diminished. Indeed nothing has been set-
tled. No issue has been decided.'
No words can excuse or relieve the enormous disaster
to the Korean people we are pledged to protect."!!
The protection we offer these unfortunate people,
indeed may well resolve itself into their complete
obliteration. To what greater depths might morality
possibly sink?
Mighty efforts are underway to conceal these facts. But
the march of events and the common sense of the Ameri-
ca^ people cannot fail ultimately to reveal the full truth.
f\Two great questions about Korea still remain unan-
swered. First, why did they start the war if they did not
intend to win it? Second, what do they intend to do now
go on piling up oux.dead indefinitely with no fixed pur-
pose or end in sight? )
Hardened old soldier though I am my very soul re-
volts at such unnecessary slaughter.
HAPTER FIV
Failure of Leadership
s,
'ix YEARS AGO with a few strokes
of the pen a calm descended upon the battlefields of the
world and the guns grew silent. Military victory had been
achieved for our cause and men turned their thoughts
from the task of mass killing to the higher duty of inter-
national restoration, from destroying to rebuilding, from
destruction to construction. Everywhere in the free world
they lifted up their heads and hearts in thanksgiving for
the advent of a peace in which ethics and morality, based
upon truth and justice, might thereafter fashion the uni-
versal code.
Then more than ever in the history of the modern
world, a materially strong and spiritually vibrant leader-
ship was needed to consolidate the victory into a truly
enduring peace for all of the human race. America, at
the very apex of her military power, was the logical na-
tion to 'which the world turned for such leadership.
It was a crucial moment one of the greatest oppor-
tunities ever known. But our political and military
leaders failed to comprehend it.
Sensitive only to the expediencies of the hour, they dis-
sipated with reckless haste that predominant military
52
53 ] FAILURE OF LEADERSHIP
power which was the key to the situation. Our forces were
rapidly and completely demobilized and the great stores
of war material which had been accumulated were dis-
posed of with irresponsible waste and abandon.
The world was then left exposed and vulnerable to
an international Communism whose long publicized
plan had been to await just such a favorable oppor-
tunity to establish dominion over the free nations.
The stage had perhaps been unwittingly set in secret
and most unfortunate war conferences.
VICTORY events w & c k followed will cast their
shadow upon history for all time. Peoples
r . J *
with long traditions of human freedom
progressively fell victims to a type of international brig-
andage and blackmail. The so-called "iron curtain" de-
scended rapidly upon large parts of Europe and Asia. As
events have unfolded, the truth has become clear.
Our great military victory has been offset, largely
because of military unpreparedness, by the political
successes of the Kremlin.
Our diplomatic blunders increased as our senseless dis-
armament became a reality. And now the disastrous cycle
is completed as those same leaders who lost to the world
the one great chance it has had for enduring universal
peace, frantically endeavor, by arousing a frenzy of fear
throughout the land, to gear anew our energies and re-
sources, to rebuild our dissipated strength and to face
again a future of total war.
Our need for adequate military defense, with world
tensions as they were and are, is and should have
been completely evident even before the end of the
war.
REVITALIZING A NATION [ 54
By what faith then can we find hope in those whose
past judgments so grievously erred who deliberately
disarmed in the face of threatening Communism? Can
they now be blindly trusted as they so vehemently de-
mand to set an unerring course to our future well-being
and security?
SECURITY IN ' recall so vividly the American Le-
c-runvr^-TTj sdon's warning to the country at the
dlK^INOill .
close of the war. Its resolution read as
follows :
" the only present guarantee of our nation's safety
and freedom and the best presently available assur-
ance of world peace is to have in the hands of this
great peace-loving nation the mightiest armament
in the world."
This was sound and far-sighted advice which consid-
ered the present and drew upon the lessons and experi-
ence of the past. Had it been heeded by our political and
military leaders, we would have been able to consolidate
our great moral and military victory and lead the world
to an enduring peace. We would not now be frantically
endeavoring to restore our dissipated military strength.
The Soviet would be but a negative influence upon world
affairs and the earth would be a much gentler place on
which to live. But our leaders failed to heed that advice.
They failed to recognize the opportunity for leader-
ship which victory had cast. They failed to see the
enormity of the Communist threat to an impover-
ished postwar world.
FOREIGN ' have been amazed, and deeply con-
INFLUENCES cerne d> si nce m y return, to observe the
extent to which the orientation of our
55 ] FAILURE OF LEADERSHIP
national policy tends to depart from the traditional cour-
age, vision and forthrightness which has animated and
guided our great leaders of the past, to be now largely
influenced, if not indeed in some instances dictated from
abroad and dominated by fear of what others may think
or others may do.
Never before in our history can precedent be found
for such a subordination of policy to the opinions of
others with a minimum regard for the direction of
our own national interest. Never before have we
geared national policy to timidity and fear.
The guide, instead, has invariably been one of high moral
principle and the courage to decide great issues on the
spiritual level of what is right and what is wrong. Yet,
in Korea today, we have reached that degree of moral
trepidation that we pay tribute in the blood of our sons
to the doubtful belief that the hand of a blustering poten-
tial enemy may in some way be thus stayed.
SEEDS OF Munich, and many other historical exam-
WAR P* es > ^ ave tau S^ lt us t ^ iat diplomatic ap-
peasement but sows the seeds of future
conflict. Yet, oblivious to these bloody lessons, we now
practice a new and yet more dangerous form of appease-
ment appeasement on the battlefield whereunder we
soften our blows, withhold our power, and surrender mili-
tary advantages, in apparent hope that in some nebulous
way by so doing a potential enemy will be coerced to de-
sist from attacking us.
In justification for this extraordinary action it is
pleaded by those responsible for the condition of our
national defense that we are not prepared to fight. I
cannot accept such an estimate. I believe that, much as
REVITALIZING A NATION [ 56
we abhor war and should do anything honorable to avoid
it, our country has the inherent strength to face and de-
feat any who may attack.
I should be recreant, moreover, to my obligations of
citizenship did I fail to warn that the policies of
appeasement on which we are now embarked carry
within themselves the very incitation to war against
us. If the Soviet does strike it will be because of the
weakness we now display rather than the strength
we of right should display.
RESPONSIBILITY ^ however, we be so weak in fact
CLEARLY PLACED that we must COwer before the
verbal brandishments of others,
the responsibility for such weakness should be a matter
o/the gravest public concern.
/* Who, we should ask, is responsible for the reduction
\JjTour military strength from the greatest on earth at
war's end to that they now estimate is inadequate even to
support our moral commitments? Who plunged us into
the Korean war and assumed other global commitments
in the face of such alleged weakness, without reckoning
and being ready to meet their potential consequence?
Who is responsible for so grave a past failure which has
brought our nation to so ignominious a pass that we must
plead weakness before our fellow nations?
These are questions to which the nation should address
itself, if it would be in a position to assess the policy judg-
ment now in being and yet to be formulated. For it is
elementary that if the defense of these policies is valid
and we are indeed as weak as is pleaded, they who bear
full responsibility for such weakness and they who formu-
late present policy are one and the same. Can we there-
fore accept their present and future judgments in the light
57] FAILURE OF LEADERSHIP
of past failures without the most serious misgivings as to
our future fate as a free and sovereign nation?
*N
AMBITION AND national administration has been
GREED anc * * s unc * er a contr l characterized
by narrow vision and overriding per-
sonal ambition. The power of government was used as a
political leverage to obtain more and greater centraliza-
tion of authority. Political greed became the dominant
factor in government and the fortunes of the political
party of the administration began to receive primary con-
sideration over and above the public interest.
Laws and clearly defined precedents which obstructed
this concentration of power were brushed aside and the
democracy of representative government began to yield
to the concept of governmental autocracy. In the ensuing
movement toward the ascendancy of men over laws, the
meaning and intent of the Constitution became rapidly
corrupted. ^
BEWILDERMENT AND Pr P a g anda was the mi g ht 7
CONFUSION weapon through which control
was sought. The people were
first brought to a state of bewilderment and confusion
through the agitation among the masses of fear and mis-
understanding. Then followed a mighty effort to inject
upon the American scene a system of mass thought con-
trol a plan which failed of success only because of the
rugged individualism still characteristic of the American
people. Time and again in their innate wisdom they have
sensed the tragic errors inherent in our misguided public
policy. They have demanded changes, not only in policy,
but in responsible appointive officials. But such demands
have gone unheeded and men who have lost the public
REVITALIZING A NATION [58
confidence have arbitrarily been protected in their exer-
cise of the power of government.
Grievous, indeed, have been the blows at the very
roots of the concept that government is "of the peo-
ple, by the people and for the people."
It is not from threat of external attack that
. .
we have reason for fear. It is from those m-
. .
sidious forces working from within. It is
they that create the basis for fear by spreading false
propaganda designed to destroy those moral precepts to
which we have clung for direction since the immutable
Declaration of Independence became the great charter
of our liberty.
This campaign to pervert the truth and shape or con-
fuse the public mind with its consequent weakening of
moral courage is not chargeable entirely to Communists
engaged in a centrally controlled world wide conspiracy
to destroy all freedom. For they have many allies, here
as elsewhere who, blind to reality, ardently support the
general Communist aims while reacting violently to the
mere suggestion that they do so.
THERE There are those who subvert morality as
ARE THOSE *^ e nieans to gain or entrench power.
There are those who, believing them-
selves liberals, chart a course which can but lead to
destruction. There are those cynically inclined whose
restless impulse is ever seeking change. There are those
who are constantly trying to alter our basic concepts of
freedom and human rights. There are those who seek to
prevent man from fearlessly speaking their minds accord-
ing to the dictates of their conscience. There are those
59] FAILURE OF LEADERSHIP
who plan to limit our individual right to share in the
sovereign power of the people.
There are those who seek to subvert government
from being the guardian of the people's rights, to
make of it an instrument of despotic power.
There are those who plan to alter the constitutional
checks and balances established to preserve the integrity
of our coordinate branches. There are those who seek to
make the burden of taxation so great and the progressive
increase so alarming that the spirit of adventure, tireless
energy and masterful initiative which built the material
strength of the nation shall become stultified and inert.
There are those who seek to make all men servants of
the State. There are those who seek to change our system
of free enterprise which, whatever its faults, commands
the maximum of energy and human resource and pro-
vides the maximum of benefits in human happiness and
contentment.
Government has assumed progressively the arrogant
mantle of oligarchic power, as the great moral and ethi-
cal principles upon which our nation grew strong have
been discarded or remolded to serve narrow political
purposes.
LIBERTY IN Whether it be by accident or design, such
JEOPARDY policy, formulated with reckless indiffer-
ence to the preservation of constitutional
liberty and our free enterprise economy, coupled with the
rapid centralization of power in the hands of a few, is
leading us toward a Communist state with as dreadful
certainty as though the leaders of the Kremlin themselves
were charting our course. It implements the blueprints
of Marx and Lenin .with unerring accuracy and gives
REVITALIZING A NATION [ 60
stark warning that, unless the American people stem the
present threatening tide, human liberty will inevitably
perish from our land.
THE IMMEDIATE What ' \ h&Vt *** ^ Ur
greatest internal menace? If I were
permitted but one sentence of reply,
but one phrase of warning it would be
"end invisible government based upon propaganda
and restore truly representative government based
upon truth. 55
For propaganda is the primary instrument of totalitarian
rule, whether Communist or Fascist, and, incredible as
it may seem to those of my generation, it is practiced as
though it were a legitimate art or science. Suppress the
truth, curtail free expression and you destroy the basis of
all the freedoms.
We have indeed reached an astounding concept of
morality when an official estimate such as that put out
in December 1949 on Formosa, is now stated to be false
and to have been intentionally publicized in order to mis-
lead public opinion. Propaganda of this type closely par-
allels the Soviet system which we so bitterly condemn.
Human liberty has never survived where such practice
has flourished.
FEAR OF Indivisible from this trend and probably
REPRT<?AT contributory to it, is a growing tendency
to overlook certain forms of laxity in high
quarters. Petty corruption in the public administration is
a disease unfortunately common to all nations but I refer
to an even more alarming situation. Men of significant
stature in national affairs appear to cower before the
61 ] FAILURE OP LEADERSHIP
threat of reprisal if the truth be expressed in criticism
of those in higher public authority. For example, I find
in existence a new and heretofore unknown and danger-
ous concept that the members of our armed forces owe
primary allegiance and loyalty to those who temporarily
exercise the authority of the executive branch of govern-
ment, rather than to the country and its constitution
which they are to defend.
No proposition could be more dangerous. None could
cast greater doubt upon the integrity of the armed
services. For its application would at once convert them
from their traditional and constitutional role as the in-
strument for the defense of the Republic into something
partaking of the nature of a pretorian guard owing sole
allegiance to the political master of the hour.
While for the purpose of administration and command
the armed services are within the executive branch of
the government, they are accountable as well to the
Congress, charged with the policy making responsibility,
and to the people, ultimate repository of all national
power. Yet so inordinate has been the application of the
executive power that members of the armed services have
been subjected to the most arbitrary and ruthless treat-
ment for daring to speak the truth in accordance with
conviction and conscience.
KEYSTONE Truth has ceased to be the keystone to
DESTROYED t ^ ie arc ^ ^ our nat ^ ona ^ conscience and
propaganda has replaced it as the rally-
ing media for public support. Corruption and rumors of
corruption have shaken the people's trust in the integrity
of those administering the civil power,
I have faith that the American people will not be
REVITALIZING A NATION [ 62
fooled that they will demand that the national policy
be charted to a course of international realism without
regard to domestic expediency diplomacy rather than
intrigue.
The potentiality of America's industrial strength in
support of our expanding armament is guarantee against
the wilfully designed military action against us.
But wars can come about through blundering states-
manship animated by a lust for political power. Our
course can and must be designed to promote the
peace.
This can only be if we regain our moral balance and
follow a course of international justice for all peoples,
without taking sides in issues which are not directly our
concern.
Other issues which deeply stir the conscience of the
American people are many and varied, but all stem from
irresponsibility in leadership. Domestic policy is largely
dictated by the political expediencies of the moment.
Foreign policy is as shifting as the sands before the winds
and tides. Spendthriftness and waste have lost us our
heritage of stability; weakness and vacillation, the moral
leadership of the world.
HAPTER SIX
Aid to Europe and Taxes
A
..T THE BIRTH OF THE NATION,
Washington counseled strongly against our entering upon
entangling alliances abroad lest we find ourselves in-
volved in Europe's wars. This was sound advice then, but
has been necessarily outmoded by the progress of civiliza-
tion. For with the development of means of rapid com-
munication, existing gaps between the several continen-
tal land masses have been narrowed and ocean barriers
in themselves no longer set the stage for continental
isolation nor offer an assured degree of protection for
continental shores. As a consequence, it is impossible to
disassociate ourselves from the affairs of Europe and
Asia. Major warfare in either has become our immediate
military concern, lest they fall under the domination of
those hostile to us and intent upon predatory incursions
against our own land. To counteract the potentiality of
this danger, we have acted both in the East and in the
West.
POSITION IN ^ direct and immediate bearing upon
THE PACIFIC our na ti na l security are the changes
wrought in the strategic potential of
REVITALIZING A NATION [ 64
the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past year. Prior
thereto, the western strategic frontier of the United States
lay on the littoral line of the Americas with an exposed
island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway,
and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an
outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along
which the enemy could and did attack. The Pacific was
a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent
upon striking at the bordering land areas.
All this was changed by our Pacific victory. Our stra-
tegic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific
Ocean which became a vast moat to protect us as long as
we did hold it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for
all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean
area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of
islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the
Marianas held by us and our free allies. From this
island chain we can dominate with sea and air power
every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore and
prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.
COMMUNIST Across the Atlantic we have no similar
INTENTION island defense chain; but in view of the
openly flaunted intention of interna-
tional Communism to destroy throughout the world the
concept of freedom and bring peoples everywhere under
the subjugation and terror of police rule, it has become
necessary to help the free nations of Western Europe pre-
pare against the threat of predatory attack by Commu-
nist forces now occupying Eastern Europe.
And generally throughout the world our policy has
been enunciated to extend a helping hand to others whose
freedom is threatened and who have the will but lack
65 1 AID TO EUROPE AND TAXES
the entire resource essential to their own defense. The
soundness of this concept will depend upon the wisdom
with which it is administered. Recklessly and abnormally
applied, it could encompass our own destruction. This
country obviously lacks the resource militarily to defend
the world. It has the resource, however, reasonably to
assist in that defense. But such assistance must be con-
tributory to, rather than in place of maximum local na-
tional effort. It should be extended only upon condition:
That assistance to others be really for defense and
that it should be so limited as not to deplete our own
resources to the point of imperiling the survival of
our own liberties; and that those we would assist be
animated by the same love of freedom as we, and
possess the will and determination to pledge their
own lives and full resource to secure their own
defense.
FALLACIOUS ^ n ^ e str * ct observance of these condi-
THINKING t * ons rests our kP e tkrt P resent
to bolster Western Europe may justify
the additional burden it places upon our own people.
There are, however, many disturbing signs and reports to
the contrary. There are many of the leaders and people
of Western Europe who mistakenly believe that we assist
them solely to protect ourselves, or to assure an alliance
with them should our country be attacked. This is indeed
fallacious thinking. Our potential in human and material
resource, in alignment with the rest of the Americas, is
adequate to defend this hemisphere against the threat
from any power or any association of powers.
We do desire to retain our traditional friends and
allies in Europe; but such an alliance must rest upon
spiritual bonds fabricated from a mutuality of pur-
REVITALIZING A NATION [ 66
pose and a common heritage of principle not an
alliance to be secured at a price.
SHARING OF There are other disturbing signs that
WEALTH some of the peoples we seek to bolster
are showing a lack of will to muster
their own full resource in their own defense. There ap-
pear to be many among them who feel that their defense
is and should be our sole responsibility and that beyond
a token military collaboration they should confine their
own energy and resource to the building of their civilian
economy some indeed who go so far as to advocate that
money appropriated by our Congress for their military
defense should be diverted to civilian purpose.
The startling thing is that such viewpoints are not
lacking in support among our own leaders. Appar-
ently some of them, more in line with Marxian
philosophy than animated by a desire to preserve
freedom, would finance the defense of others as a
means of sharing with them our wealth.
This wealth, accumulated by our own initiative and in-
dustry under the incentives of free enterprise, would then
serve as the means of covering socialist or communist
deficits abroad. The ultimate effect, whatever the intent,
would be to reduce our own standard of life to a level of
universal mediocrity.
OUR We have committed ourselves to con-
COMMITMENT tribute six ground divisions to West-
ern Europe, notwithstanding that
only a small fraction of the great masses of its peoples
have been called to the colors. Indeed, if the human
resource and industrial potential of the Western Euro-
pean nations were effectively employed for defense, there
would be a minimum need for American ground forces
67 ] AID TO EUROPE AND TAXES
or even great quantities of American munitions. Air and
naval power, yes, but little honest necessity for ground
troops unless it be solely for morale purposes.
Actually if the European nations have the will to de-
fend themselves, no question of morale would be involved.
Our efforts to whip up enthusiasm among the Western
European peoples for the defense of their own liberties
finds neither precedent nor support in common sense or
logic.
PLEASING TO ^ ne ^^S we must clearly understand
SOVIET * s ^ at ^ e ver Y course on which we are
now embarked carries within itself
grave risks to our own survival.
The exhaustive effort to build our own military
power and supplement that of other free nations,
however justified, is probably more or less in accord
with Soviet planning.
For just as we expend our resources to build military
strength, inversely we progressively reduce ourselves to
economic weakness, with a consequent growing vulnera-
bility to the internal stresses and strains manipulated by
Communists and their agents in our midst. It may indeed
prove that the preparation for a war which may never
occur will exhaust us materially as completely as would
such a war itself.
Our leaders must throw off the complacent belief
that the only threat to our survival is from without.
All freedoms lost since war's end have been the re-
sult of internal pressures rather than external assault.
CHANGE IN ^ ur g vernment now differs substantially
DESIGN from the design of our forefathers as laid
down in the Constitution. They envisaged
REVITALIZING A NATION [ 68
a federation of sovereign states with only such limited
power resting in the federal authority as became neces-
sary to serve the common interests of all. But under the
stress of national emergencies during the past two dec-
ades, there has been a persistent and progressive centrali-
zation of power in the Federal Government with only
superficial restoration to the States and the people as
emergencies subsided.
This drift has resulted in an increasingly dangerous
paternalistic relationship between Federal Government
and private citizen, with the mushrooming of agency
after agency designed to control the individual. Authority
specifically reserved to the States by constitutional man-
date has been ignored in the ravenous effort to further
centralize the political power.
STATUS OF Within the Federal Govern-
STATE DEPARTMENT ment itself there has been a
further and dangerous cen-
tralization. For example, the Department of State, origi-
nally established for the sole purpose of the conduct of
foreign diplomacy, has become in effect a general oper-
ating agency of government, exercising authority and in-
fluence over many facets of executive administration
formerly reserved to the President or the heads of other
departments. The Department of State indeed is rapidly
assuming the character of a Prime Ministry, notwith-
standing that its Secretary is an appointed official, neither
chosen by nor answerable directly to the people.
FATAL toward totalitarian rule is re-
fleeted not only in this shift toward central-
. ' . .
ized power, but as well m the violent man-
ner in which exception is taken to the citizen's voice
69] AID TO EUROPE AND TAXES
when raised in criticism of those who exercise the politi-
cal power. There seems to be a determination to suppress
individual voice and opinion, which can only be re-
garded as symptomatic of the beginning of a general
trend toward mass thought control. Abusive language
and arbitrary action, rather than calm, dispassionate and
just argument, ill becomes the leadership of a great
nation conceived in liberty and dedicated to a course of
morality and justice. These pressures have already caused
us to depart sharply from the course so long held toward
national strength and moral greatness.
Our economic stature built under the incentives of
free enterprise is imperiled by our drift through the
back door of confiscatory taxation toward State
Socialism.
INCENTIVES T ' iere k^ resulted an inevitable suppres-
sion of the incentive to maximize human
.
energy, to encourage creative initiative,
and to transform capital in one form to produce capital
more needed in another. Our political stature built upon
wise and self effacing statesmanship and sound domestic
policy, has been sadly impaired by a succession of diplo-
matic blunders abroad and reckless spendthrift aims at
home. Many peoples have lost faith in our leadership,
and there is a growing anxiety in the American home as
disclosures reveal graft and corruption over a broad front
in our public service. Those charged with its stewardship
seem either apathetic, indifferent or in seeming con-
donation.
Expenditure upon expenditure, extravagance upon ex-
travagance have so burdened our people with taxation
and fed the forces of inflation that our traditionally high
REVITALIZING A NATION [ 70
standard of life has become largely fictitious and illusory.
Apart from the direct income tax impounded at source,
every necessity of life gives constant warning of the di-
minishing value of both national currency and private
income.
FALSE As always, it is the great masses of the
SECURITY P e P^ e ' not *k e r i c k or prosperous, but the
farmer, the laborer, and the average office
worker who suffer the most.
Some of these penalties are now obscured by the reckless
extravagance of government spending which creates a
false sense of security, but the day of reckoning is in-
evitable and understanding and fear of this injects a
tragic apprehension in the American mind. Yet our lead-
ers offer neither plan nor hope for a return to frugality
and reason. Our remaining tax potential has been so
depleted that, if the reckless policies of government con-
tinue unchecked, the direct confiscation of capital to meet
the ensuing obligations is almost inevitable.
BLUEPRINT OF Therein lies the blueprint to a Social-
SOCIALISM * st State. Therein lies the great issue
now before our people shall we pre-
serve our freedom, or yield it to a centralized government
under the concept of Socialism. There can be no compro-
mise. It must be all or nothing; the traditional American
way of life, or a totalitarian concept imported from
abroad. All other issues are but secondary to this one
which strikes at the very roots of our personal liberties
and representative form of government.
For Socialism, once a reality, destroys that moral
fiber which is the creation of freedom. It breeds
every device which produces totalitarian rule.
71 ] AID TO EUROPE AND TAXES
It is true that our Constitution established checks and
balances designed to safeguard against such dangers, but
such safeguard is ignored by those who seek to entrench
personal political power through preferential treatment
for some at the general expense of all. This carnival of
special privilege cannot fail to undermine our heritage
of character. It discourages development of those moral
forces which would preserve inviolate our representative
form of government, answerable to the free will of the
electorate.
DESTRUCTIVE The great bulwark of the Republic,
PATERNALISM individual and collective self-reli-
ance, is under constant threat through
a carefully designed and progressive paternalism which
renders both community and individual increasingly de-
pendent upon the support of the Federal Government.
In all areas of private welfare, the Socialist planners seek
to inject the Federal hand to produce a progressive weak-
ening of the structure of individual character.
The area of possible resistance to this creeping sabo-
tage of freedom is being constantly narrowed as the Fed-
eral Government arrogates to itself more and more of the
remaining tax potential. Should this trend continue, the
Federal Government may well become for all practical
purposes the sole taxing power. Thereafter the sover-
eignty of the States and autonomy of the communities,
so pointedly recognized by the framers of the Constitu-
tion and nurtured through many generations of Ameri-
can life, will have been changed into a subservience to
Federal direction in direct proportion to their depend-
ence upon Federal grants for local support.
REVITALIZING A NATION [ 72
THE SAPPING This P rocess is sa PP in S the initiative
and energies of the people and leaves
. . , A .
little incentive for the assumption of
those risks which are inherent and unescapable in the
forging of progress under the system of free enterprise.
Worst of all, it is throwing its tentacles around the low
income bracket sector of our society from whom is now
exacted the major share of the cost of government. This
renders its paper income largely illusory.
The so-called "forgotten man" of the early thirties
now is indeed no longer forgotten as the government
levies upon his income as the main remaining source
to defray reckless spendthrift policies.
More and more we work not for ourselves but for the
State. In time, if permitted to continue, this trend can-
not fail to be destructive. For no nation may survive in
freedom once its people become the servants of the State,
a condition to which we are now pointed with dreadful
certainty.
Labor, as always, will be the first to feel its frightful
consequence.
It is quite true that some levy upon the people's earn-
ings to pay the cost of government is unavoidable. But
the costs of government, even discounting extraordinary
military requirements, have risen to an accelerated,
alarming and reckless rate. Nothing is heard from those
in supreme executive authority concerning the possibility
of a reduction or even limitation upon these mounting
costs. No suggestion deals with the restoration of some
semblance of a healthy balance. No plan is advanced for
easing the crushing burden already resting upon the peo-
ple. To the contrary, all that we hear are the plans by
73 ] AID TO EUROPE AND TAXES
which such costs progressively may be increased. New
means are constantly being devised for greater call upon
the taxable potential.
ALTRUISM OR ^ e com P oun d irresponsibility by seek-
IMPRUDENCE * n to s ^ are what liquid wealth we
have with others. In so doing we reck-
lessly speak of the billions we would set aside for the
purpose, as though they were inconsequential. There can
be no quarrel with altruism. Such has ever been a pre-
dominant quality making up the nobility of the Ameri-
can character.
We should do all in our power to alleviate the suf-
fering and hardship of other peoples, and to support
their own maximum effort to preserve their freedom
from the assaults of Communist imperialism.
But when this effort is carried beyond the ability to pay,
or to the point that the attendant burden upon our own
people becomes insufferable, or places our own way of
life and freedom in jeopardy, then it ceases to be altru-
ism and becomes reckless imprudence.
This nation's material wealth is built upon the vision
and courage, the sweat and toil, hope and faith of our
people. There has been no magic involved upon which
we might again call to replenish our denuded coffers. We
can either advance upon the security of sound principles
or we can plunge on to the precipice of disaster toward
which we are now headed in the dangerous illusion that
our wealth is inexhaustible and can therefore be limit-
lessly shared with others.
It is argued that we must give boundlessly if we are
to be assured allies in an emergency. I reject this
REVITALIZING A NATION [ 74
reasoning as an unwarranted calumny against well
tested friends of long standing.
STRENGTH AND The Sundval f the free WOrld is
SURVIVAL infinitely more dependent upon the
maintenance of a strong, vigorous,
healthy and independent America as a leavening influ-
ence than upon any financial aid which we might pro-
vide under our own existing stringencies.
The free world's one great hope for survival now
rests upon the maintaining and preserving of our
own strength. Continue to dissipate it and that one
hope is dead.
GLOBAL ^ e Communist threat is a global one. Its
THREAT successful advance in one sector threatens
the destruction of every other sector. You
cannot appease or otherwise surrender to Communism in
Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to
halt its advance in Europe. Yet the sad truth is that many
in high authority show little interest in the Western Pa-
cific area. And this despite our engagement in Korea in
one of the most savage wars of American history, our
long partnership with the Filipino people, our traditional
ties of friendship with Asia, our alliance with New Japan
and our Western Pacific defense frontier.
THE WILL TO ^ e w ^ to ' D
BE FREE human heart or all the money in the
world cannot put it there. Thus, de-
spite the billions we have poured abroad, I doubt that we
have gained a single Communist convert to the cause
of human freedom or inspired new or deeper friendships.
And, as quite obviously the people of Western Europe do
not generally share with our own leaders the fear of
75 ] AID TO EUROPE AND TAXES
Soviet military designs, despite these billions we seem to
have made little progress in convincing them that they
themselves should vigorously act to shore up their own
defenses. We hear no clamor to pledge their own lives,
their own fortunes and their own sacred honor in defense
of their own liberties.
What gullibility to think the free world would fight for
freedom in Europe after refusing to do so in Asia! As
for me, I am as interested in saving Western Europe as
any other threatened area, where the people show the
will and the determination to mount their own full de-
fensive power.
CHAPTER SEVEN
World War III
i
. AM NO SEER to predict whether
or not the Soviet aims at ultimately provoking and en-
gaging in a global struggle. I give him infinitely more
credit, however, than to believe he would embark upon
so reckless and ill-conceived a course. Up to now, there
is no slightest doubt in my mind but that he has been
engaging in the greatest bulldozing diplomacy history has
ever recorded.
Without committing a single soldier to battle he has
assumed direct or indirect control over a large part
of the population of the world. His intrigue has
found its success, not so much in his own military
strength nor, indeed, in any overt threat of intent to
commit it to battle, but in the moral weakness of
the free world.
MORAL ** * s a wea ' mess which has caused many
WEAKNESS ^ ree na ti ns to succumb to and embrace
the false tenets of Communist propa-
ganda. It is a weaknessjwhich has caused our own policy
ica's sons toJbatdS7"lo~
leave them to the continuous^^ghtp.r'of In indecisive
campaign by imposing arbitrary restraints upon the sup-
*"" 76
77 ] WORLD WAR III
' otherwise provide them through maxi-
mum employment of our scientific superiority, which
alone offers hope of early victory. It is a weakness which
now causes those in authority to strongly hint at a settle-
ment of the Korean conflict, under conditions short of
the objectives our soldiers were led to believe were theirs
to attain and for which so many yielded their lives.
Of this we may be sure. The Soviet's moves, should it
actually want war, will be dictated by its own assessment
of the relativity of military force involved, actual and
potential.
It will not be so much influenced by the destruction
it believes itself capable of inflicting upon us, as by
the punishment it knows it itself would have to ac-
cept should it embark upon so reckless an adventure.
It will certainly not be influenced away from war by the
blood tribute we are now paying in Korea to encourage
it to preserve the peace.
ELEMENTARY This elementar Y lo ic > coupled with
LOGIC our own predominant superiority in
many scientific facets of modern war,
is ignored by those who seek support for our present un-
realistic policies by the spread of a psychosis of fear
throughout the land. They say that by meeting force
with adequate counter-force in Asia we would expand
the war and threaten the involvement of Europe, while
painting a grim picture of . tide consequent devastation of
our great cities. Nothing could be more unrealistic nor
further from the truth. Our action would not be aimed
at expanding but at ending the war and thus preventing
its expansion. Our purpose would not be conquest but
REVITALIZING A NATION [ 78
neutralizing such of the enemy's offensive power as is
already hurled against us.
Europe's very survival is dependent upon our gain-
ing a decisive victory in Asia where Communism has
already thrown down the gage of battle.
MAJOR OPERATIONS The existi * P 01 ^ f
ESSENTIAL ment 1S ^fended on t ^ ie g roun d
that if our military reaction be
conventional and we carry the war to the enemy in a
manner calculated to destroy his capability of killing our
sons and those whose protection we have assumed, we
would incur the wrath of the Soviet and provoke the start
of a world at war.
No argument could be more fallacious. The surest
way to insure World War Three is to allow the
Korean conflict to continue indecisively and indefi-
nitely. The surest way, the only way, to prevent
World War Three is to end the Korean conflict rap-
idly and decisively. Like a cancer, the only cure is
by major operation.
Failure to take such decisive action as in cancer is but
to invite infection of the entire blood stream. Yet the
present plan of passive defense envisages the indefinite
continuance of the indecisive stalemate with its com-
pounding losses, in the vain hope that the enemy will
ultimately tire and end his aggression. This, or that at
some indefinite future date we will adopt the very policies
of positive action designed to win the war and secure our
stated objectives, which are now deprecated and decried.
CALLOUS AND Could anything be more naive, more
UNREALISTIC unrealistic, more callous of our
mounting dead? Could there be any
79 ] WORLD WAR III
greater inconsistency than the argument pursued that we
can defeat Red China in Korea without risk of Soviet
intervention but our attack upon its sustaining bases
across the Yalu would render intervention inevitable?
The defenders of the existing policy are the same
who, suddenly and without slightest preparation or
seeming consideration of the military and political
potentialities, threw us into the conflict.
These are the very men who, in the face of mounting
peril, deliberately demobilized us at the peak of our mili-
tary strength, and then at the lowest point of our dis-
armament, with no slightest preparation or word of
warning, plunged us into a war which they now seem
afraid to win.
i>T?Acrnvrc t?* I hesitate to refer to my own relief
JtvUAoUiNo rvjiv
RECALL m Eastern Commands as 1
have never questioned the legal au-
thority underlying such action. But the three sole reasons
publicly stated by the highest authority clearly demon-
strate the arbitrary nature of the decision.
The first reason given was that, contrary to existing
policy, I warned of the strategic relationship of Formosa
to American security and the dangers inherent in this
area's falling under Communist control. Yet this view-
point has since been declared by the Secretary of State,
under oath before Congressional Committees, to have
been and to be the invincible and long standing policy
of the United States.
The second reason given was that I communicated my
readiness to meet the enemy commander at any time to
discuss acceptable terms of a cease fire arrangement. Yet,
for this proposal, I was relieved of my command by the
REVITALIZING A NATION [ 80
same authorities who since have received so enthusiasti-
cally the identical proposal when made by the Soviet
Government.
The third and final reason advanced was my replying
to a Congressman's request for information on the public
subject then under open consideration by the Congress.
Yet both Houses of Congress promptly passed a law con-
firming my action, which indeed had been entirely in
accordance with a long existing and well recognized
though unwritten policy. This law states that no member
of the Armed Forces shall be restricted or prevented
from communicating directly or indirectly with any
member or members of Congress concerning any subject,
unless such communication is in violation of law or the
security and safety of the United States. And this formal
enactment of basic public policy was approved without
the slightest dissent of the President.
Is there wonder that men who seek an objective
understanding of American policy thinking become
completely frustrated and bewildered? Is there won-
der that Soviet propaganda so completely dominates
American foreign policy?
DIRECT AID '^' ie i ssu e of war or peace is not based
TO RUSSIA u P on an 5 r su dden and unexpected change
in the course of world events, or even
direction of Soviet policy. Long before even the Second
World War, the Soviet was known to plan suppression
of the concept of freedom and the advance of Commu-
nism throughout the world, as rapidly as conditions
would permit.
We ourselves moulded these conditions to the So-
viet's plan by providing extraordinary facility for it
to so deploy its military forces as to permit direct
81 ] WORLD WAR III
and decisive pressure upon many of the free nations
of Europe and Asia.
STAGE FOR ^ e S reatest hazard under which we now
WAR III labor is the fear that the policy and prop-
aganda of our present leadership may be
setting the stage for a third world war. We are following
the same path the same historical record the same
political concept and leadership which projected us
into World War One, World War Two, and the war in
Korea.
Since before the close of World War Two, this leader-
ship has contributed to the building of Soviet military
strength by extravagant lend-lease aid quite beyond any
common military need; by acquiescing in Soviet troop
concentration and dispositions at highly strategic points
in Europe and Asia; by abandoning our war-time allies
to the pressure of Soviet conquest; and, at the same time,
divesting ourselves of our own vastly superior military
strength, with reckless and precipitate haste. Against this
background none will quarrel with the need to regain
adequate security forces, not only that we may be pre-
pared to meet any external threat, but that our diplo-
macy may be bulwarked with a power which will com-
mand universal respect.
But we cannot be satisfied with a leadership which
declaims a devotion to peace with constant plati-
tudinous statements and phrases while taking steps
which inexorably tend to lead toward war.
FEAR OF We fear a repetition of such precipi-
HASTY ACTION tate action as projected us into the
Korean war with neither the advice
nor consent of the Congress and in complete disregard of
the carefully developed war policies and plans of the
REVITALIZING A NATION [82
United States. We deprecate a propaganda of fear among
our people lest military levies and alliances be opposed
by them. We question the hasty plunging into foreign
quarrels, instead of holding the country on a high moral
plane as an impartial and just arbiter of international
dissensions. We dislike bombastic and provocative state-
ments which settle nothing and but increase existing
world tensions. We resent the docile acceptance of abusive
pressure against us without the application of adequate
counterpressure available to us.
PROVING GROUND We cannot reconcile a declared
FOR WAR purpose to defeat Communism
while aligning our country with
and supplying resources including arms to a Communist
nation abroad and, at the same time, showing extraordi-
nary reluctance to do the same for nations long recog-
nized as uncompromising in their opposition to Com-
munism. We condemn efforts to avoid possible public
criticism by cloaking administrative functions behind a
screen of secrecy under the doubtful pretext that the na-
tional security is directly involved.
We view with dismay the military advantage ac-
corded the Soviet by permitting it long and pro-
tracted use of the Korean battle area as a training
and proving ground for weapons and men with the
protection of sanctuary beyond the Yalu.
We deplore the indefinite continuation of the Korean
war when, ever since the entry of Communist China a
year ago, we have had the means of bringing it to a
prompt and victorious end and thus to save countless
American lives and avoid the risk of its spreading into a
global conflict inherent in its long continuance. And, in
83 ] WORLD WAR III
general, the pattern toward war is clearly defined. By
confining their concern so assiduously to one area and
ignoring the global nature of the Communist threat and
the need to stop its predatory advance in other areas, they
have become the "isolationists" of the present time.
And it is a form of isolation which offers nothing but
ultimate destruction. Our first line of defense for
Western Europe is not the Elbe, it is not the Rhine
it is the Yalu. Lose there and you render useless the
effort to implement the North Atlantic Pact or any
other plan for regional defense.
TVTTTW T>OT mv The immediate problem calls for a dy-
JM&VV rUJLJLLiY . . A '
NEEDED namic political and military policy de-
signed to secure the future and regain
the lost faith of others in order that our moral influence
may reassert itself to guide the world toward reason and
right. We must rebuild the military power, wantonly dis-
sipated despite warning and the clear portents of the situ-
ation in 1946, calmly and wisely and with sole regard to
military requirements not political expediency. We
must not again permit our leaders to gamble with the
national security to serve political ends.
We must rebuild our power not so much as a measure
of defense against any imminently threatened attack, but
as a means to regain the faith of those peoples of the
world traditional friends of our country who now lan-
guish in the chains of Communist slavery or whose wills
are controlled by Communist threat, treachery, coercion
and brutality and to whom only the relativity of force
longer has practical meaning.
Recently it was my valued privilege to address the
American Legion assembled in annual national conven-
tion. To this gathering, in part, I said:
REVITALIZING A NATION [84
TJTPAPIU WT? " The American Legion, composed of
Jvc4/iJxjyjL wji
T^TTOT men who know and detest war for the
MUSI . . . ... r .
scourge that it is, is peculiarly well fitted
to stand guard over our heritage of American liberty. It
must exercise unrelaxed vigilance. It must ensure that
neither political expediency nor foreign infatuation in-
fluences the expenditure of the vast sums now under con-
templation for freedom's defense. It must exercise its
great influence to the end that:
we rearm as rearm we must in an atmosphere of
confidence in our inherent strength, not under the
hysteria of an artificially created fear;
that it is our implacable purpose to retain undisputed
control of the seas, to secure undisputed control of the
air, to vigorously implement our atomic program with
a full commitment to the use as needed of the atomic
weapon, and while maintaining a well-balanced and
highly developed ground force, to charge to our allies
the main responsibility for ground operations in defense
of their own spheres of territorial interest; to curb the
growing tendency of political and military leaders to pub-
licize for political advantage classified data concerning
scientific developments incident to our military effort,
and thus to yield the all important element of surprise;
to do all reasonably within our power to help pre-
serve freedom for those who have the will and de-
termination to do all in their power to defend their
own freedom;
to avoid being drawn into unreasonable and unnecessary
expenditures for armament to create an artificial domes-
tic prosperity for political ends; to avoid contributing the
fruits of our system of free enterprise to support Socialism
85 ] WORLD WAR III
or Communism abroad under the spurious pretense that
it serves our own military security; to avoid aligning our-
selves with colonial policies in Asia and the Middle East,
lest we invite the enmity of the traditionally friendly
peoples of those vast areas of the world; to give primary
concern to our own security and the well being of our
own people;
to avoid distributing our wealth for the purpose of
buying the loyalty of others, or of sharing with others
the wealth and security which we hold in sacred
trust for our progeny;
to apply all possible pressure, short of war, upon the
Soviet or any associated power which by abuse and pres-
sure upon us forces the expenditure of such vast outlays
of our energy and resources as a measure of self-preserva-
tion; to avoid a protracted and indecisive war in Korea
with its endless slaughter the Chief of Staff of the Army
recently testified before a Congressional Committee that
it might last for ten years; to regain military faith in our-
selves and the policies upon which our victories in past
have always rested; to do all reasonably within our
power to assist the Filipino and Japanese people to ad-
vance and fortify their liberties and the Chinese people
to regain theirs; and, above all else,
to preserve inviolate those great principles and ideals
of moral authority upon which is based the Ameri-
can way of life and the nobility of the cause for
which our soldiers fight."
r\ cTTucvrrfm? And in the formulation of such poli-
JNCJ oUlJolllU JLJcj ... j
FOR VICTORY cies? At 1S w we unc krstand
that battles are not won by arms
alone. There must exist above all else a spiritual impulse
REVITALIZING A NATION [86
a will to victory. This can only be if the soldier feels
his sacrifice is to preserve the highest moral values. And
we should understand that once war is forced upon us,
there is no other alternative than to apply every available
means to bring it to a swift end.
War's very objective is victory not prolonged indeci-
sion. In war, indeed, there can be no substitute for
victory.
CHAPTER EIGH
Decision of the People
X
COMPLEXITY brought about
by dislocations in the wake of two world wars has caught
our beloved country in the vortex of a confused, distressed
and frightened world.
At war's end the main agency for maintaining the
peace became the United Nations. This organization was
conceived in a common desire that the scourge of war
should not again be visited upon the earth. It was dedi-
cated to the principle that all mankind of unalienable
right should live in justice and liberty and peace.
It represents perhaps the noblest effort man has yet
made to evolve a universal code based upon the
highest of moral precepts. It became the keystone
to an arch of universal hope.
Yet in practice its efforts became increasingly doubtful
of ultimate success. Its organization is inherently weak,
legislatively, judicially and executively. It lacks legisla-
tive strength because its members, not being elected but
merely appointed, are not answerable directly to the peo-
ple. It lacks judicial strength because there is no accepted
international code of sufficient moral authority or pur-
pose to mould and guide its decisions. It lacks executive
87
REVITALIZING A NATION [ 88
strength because it controls no agencies of sufficient
power to enforce its mandates.
r<ATT TTT>T? It threatens to fail if the innate selfish-
rAlLUKJb . -
ness f lts members does not yield to um-
. .
versal needs; if the mechanics of its
operations are not corrected to prevent the will of one
nation from counterbalancing the collective will of the
others; if it does not obtain acceptance by member na-
tions of its lawful decisions ; if it does not stop obstruction-
ist tactics, even by expulsion if necessary, of its own unruly
members; if regional military alliances must be organized
within its membership to undertake collective security
measures against threat from other members; if it allows
itself to be reduced to a mere forum for meaningless and
acrimonious debate, and a springboard for propaganda.
Unless a strong and dynamic sense of responsibility
emerges within its ranks capable of rallying the forces of
good throughout the world; of establishing a higher
moral tone to its deliberations and activities; of correct-
ing its existing institutional and mechanical weaknesses,
the United Nations may well go the way of its predecessor
League and perish as a force to guide civilization.
THE VITAL ^ ut t ^ le reat mora l an< ^ spiritual purpose
TASK which animated its formation the aboli-
tion of war from the face of the earth
will always live and a way must be found to achieve that
purpose.
This way cannot be found, however, if nations are so
blind as not to see their own weaknesses so weak
as not to correct them.
We must lead the world down this road, however long
89 ] DECISION OF THE PEOPLE
and tortuous and illusory it may now appear. Such is the
role as I see it for which this great nation of ours is now
cast. In this we follow the Gross. If we meet the challenge
we cannot fail On this problem of greatest universal con-
cern, unless we address ourselves to the fundamentals we
shall get no farther than the preceding generations which
have tried and failed. Convention after convention has
been entered into designed to humanize war and bring it
under the control of rules dictated by the highest human
ideals. Yet each war becomes increasingly savage as the
means for mass killing are further developed.
TYAT* You cannot control war ; you can
UNCONTROLLABLE ^ abolish iL Those wh shru
this off as idealistic are the real
enemies of peace the real war mongers. Those who lack
the enterprise, vision and courage to try a new approach
when none others have succeeded fail completely the
most simple test of leadership.
Let us regain some of the courage and faith of the
architects who charted the course to our past greatness.
Let us look up as befits the most powerful nation on earth,
both spiritually and physically.
Let us tell all that while firmly and invincibly dedi-
cated to the course of peace, we will not shrink from
defending ourselves if the alternative is slavery or
some other form of moral degradation.
Let us proudly reassume our traditional role of readiness
to meet and vanquish the forces of evil at any time and
any place they are hurled against us. Let us make clear
our eagerness to abolish the scourge of war from the face
of the earth just as soon as others are willing to rise to so
REVITALIZING A NATION [ 90
noble a stature with us. Let us renew our reverence for
the blood of our sons and strike with all the power we can
mount to support and protect those who now fight our
battles in distant lands. And above all else let us regain
our faith in ourselves and rededicate all that is within us
to the repair and preservation of our own free institutions
and the advance of our own free destiny.
PEOPLE ^ s * ^ ave trave kd through the country
AWAKENING s * nce m ^ return ' " ^^ a S reat transfor-
mation in American thought to be tak-
ing place. Our apathy is disappearing, American public
opinion is beginning to exert its immense power. The
American people are expressing themselves with dynamic
force on foreign policy.
This is exerting a profound influence upon the Soviet
course of action.
Few events in the life of our Republic have been of
more significant importance nor more heartening than
this rallying of the collective will of the American people.
They are putting pressure upon their own leaders and
upon the leaders of those with whom we are directly or
indirectly engaged. And just as it has cast its influence
upon policy and events abroad, it can be brought to bear
with no less telling effect upon policy and events at home.
Therein lies our best hope in the battle to save America
the full weight of an aroused, informed and militant pub-
lic opinion. To my fellow Americans I have said:
IN BOSTON "^ ^ s sec ti n f t ' ie country men point
as the cradle of our freedom. For here
was established more than three centuries ago a declara-
91 ] DECISION OF THE PEOPLE
tion of rights from which ultimately came the constitu-
tional mandate guaranteeing our civil liberties. Here men
arose militantly in protest against the tyranny of oppres-
sive rule of burdensome taxation. Here men engaged in
formal combat to sever the distasteful bonds of colonial
rule. Here men etched the patriot's pattern which all
races who harbored in their hearts a love for freedom
have since sought to emulate. Here men, by their courage,
vision and faith, forged a new concept of civilization.' 5
TXT CTTATTTTT "I have just crossed the continent in
JL1N or,/\JL LLiLj
hours, where it took those who first pio-
neered the way as many long, tortuous and perilous
months. Seattle proudly and majestically stands today at
one hundred years of age full beneficiary of what the pio-
neering spirit has wrought upon this continent. It marks
the fruition of the dream to bring the fruits of civilization
to a vast and then uncharted wilderness. It has become a
heritage which all Americans may share with pride and
hope. The inspiration to. be drawn from its one hundred
years of the past builds faith in the next hundred years of
the future.
"Many pessimistic voices are being raised today
throughout the land. But the times are full of hope if the
vision and courage and faith of the early pioneer con-
tinue to animate the American people in the discharge
of their sovereign responsibilities.
The people have it in their hands to restore morality,
wisdom and vision to the direction of our foreign and
domestic affairs and regain the religious base which
in times past assured general integrity in public and
private life.
"Despite failures in leadership, they have it in their
REVITALIZING A NATION [92
power to rise to that stature which befits their lofty herit-
age of spiritual and material strength;
to reject the Socialist policies covertly and by devious
means being forced upon us; to stamp out Commu-
nist influence which has played so ill-famed a part in
the past misdirection of our public administration;
to reorganize our government under a leadership invin-
cibly obedient to our Constitutional mandates; to re-
enforce existing safeguards to our economy of free enter-
prise; to reassert full protection for freedom of speech
and expression and those other freedoms now threatened;
to regain State and community autonomy; to renounce
undue alien interference in the shaping of American pub-
lic policy; and to re-establish our governmental process
upon a foundation of faith in our American institutions,
American traditions and the time-tested adequacy of
American vision."
IN CLEVELAND "^ sect ^ on ^ our country symbolizes
more forcefully the pattern of our
National progress than does this great Midwest whose
fertile fields and thriving industry combine to reflect the
constructive energy of our people. You have moulded a
standard and pattern of life known to no other nation of
the world, and* I pray that we will have the vision and
courage and statesmanship to keep it that way that we
will preserve an America which will provide increasing,
not diminishing, opportunities for human advancement."
IN TEXAS "Texas is a shining example of the power
generated under conditions of human lib-
erty. For in Texas men, given freedom of opportunity,
have harnessed many of nature's vast stores and turned
93 ] DECISION OF THE PEOPLE
the resulting energy and material resource into the build-
ing of a mighty nation dedicated to the advance of per-
sonal liberty and individual dignity. Nowhere are men
found more devoted to the concepts of freedom and the
preservation of the American system based upon truth
and justice. None have contributed more to the advance
of the traditional American ideal. None give more hope
that an America conceived in liberty will survive in lib-
erty.
"Yet, if this is to be so, every American must firmly
share the responsibility attendant upon citizenship in a
republic. All must rally to the demand that administra-
tion of the civil power be on a level of morality which will
command the public confidence and faith; that truth re-
place false and slanted propaganda in public informa-
tion; that cynicism give way to confidence that our course
of right will prevail; that fear and timidity be repudiated
as having no place in shaping our destiny; and that na-
tional policy be determined with primary regard to the
ultimate well-being of our own people.
"I have found here a vast reservoir of spiritual and
material strength which fills me with a sense of confidence
in the future of our nation. It confirms my faith that with
such resources none can excel us in peaceful progress nor
safely challenge us to the tragedy of war. These facts
should be thoroughly understood by every American citi-
zen to offset efforts which are being made through propa-
ganda to sow the seeds of fear and timidity in the Ameri-
can mind to portray our nation as weak and our
potential enemies as strong. There could be no greater
disservice to our beloved country than is reflected in such
a fantastic effort to lower our own self-assurance and en-
hance that of those unfriendly to us."
REVITALIZING A NATION [94
^ l Stand before *" rCCaU the
IN MISSISSIPPI
South's mighty contribution to our
beloved country, my heart is filled with pride that I, too,
by right of birth may claim its great and noble traditions
as my traditions, its lofty heritage of honor as my heritage.
For when the past decade is adjudged by the historian of
the future, he will surely record that in the forefront of
the fight to preserve constitutional liberty to our country
was the moral courage, the indomitable will and the
broad vision of most of the statesmen of the South. It is
they who stood guard in our hour of gravest peril. It is
they who, departing from the tradition of politics, rose to
magnificent heights of patriotism to challenge those forces
which sought to impose upon the States the autocracy of
centralized government."
ISSUES CLEARLY ^ e * ssues w ^ich today confront the
DEFINED nation are clearly defined and so
fundamental as to directly involve
the very survival of the Republic.
Are we going to preserve the religious base to our ori-
gin, our growth and our progress or yield to the devious
assaults of atheistic or other anti-religious forces?
Are we going to maintain our present course toward
State Socialism with Communism just beyond or reverse
the present trend and regain our hold upon our heritage
of liberty and freedom?
Are we going to squander our limited resources to the
point of our own inevitable exhaustion or adopt com-
monsense policies of frugality which will insure financial
stability in our time and a worth-while heritage in that of
our progeny?
Are we going to continue to yield personal liberties and
95 ] DECISION OF THE PEOPLE
community autonomy to the steady and inexplorable cen-
tralization of all political power or restore the Republic
to constitutional direction, regain our personal liberties
and reassume the individual State's primary responsi-
bility and authority in the conduct of local affairs?
Are we going to permit a continuing decline in public
and private morality or re-establish high ethical stand-
ards as the means of regaining a diminishing faith in the
integrity of our public and private institutions?
Are we going to continue to permit the pressure of alien
doctrines to strongly influence the orientation of foreign
and domestic policy or regain trust in our own traditions,
experience and free institutions and the wisdom of our
own people?
In short, is American life of the future to be charac-
terized by freedom or by servitude, strength or weakness.
The answer must be clear and unequivocal if we are to
avoid the pitfalls toward which we are now heading with
such certainty. In many respects it is not to be found in
any dogma of political philosophy but in those immutable
precepts which underly the Ten Commandments.
CROSSROAD ^ e stanc * today at a critical moment of
OF HISTORY hi stor y at a v i ta l crossroad. In one di-
rection is the path of courageous patriots
seeking in humility but the opportunity to serve their
country; the other that of those selfishly seeking to en-
trench autocratic power. The one group stands for im-
placable resistance against Communism; the other for
compromising with Communism. The one stands for our
traditional system of government and freedom ; the other
for a Socialist State and slavery. The one boldly speaks
the truth; the other spreads propaganda, fear and decep-
REVITALIZING A NATION [96
tion. The one denounces excessive taxation, bureaucratic
government and corruption; the other seeks more taxes,
more bureaucratic power, and shields corruption.
The people, as the ultimate rulers, must choose the
course our nation shall follow. On their decision rests
the future of our free civilization and the survival of
our Christian faith.
Not for a moment do I doubt the decision or that it will
guide the nation to a new and fuller greatness.
IN THE FACES Since my return, I have been encour-
OF THE PEOPLE a e< * tO ^ e ^ eve t ' iat our c iti zens w ^
not complacently tolerate further in-
cursions against their cherished liberties, and will move
to correct this drift away from truly representative gov-
ernment. I have found this encouragement in the rare
opportunity to search the faces of millions of my fellow
countrymen. Therein I have been given understanding of
the meaning of Abraham Lincoln when he said:
". . . to the salvation of the Union there needs but
one single thing the hearts of a people like yours.
When the people rise in a mass, in ^ behalf of the
liberties of the country, truly it may be said that
nothing can prevail against them. . . ."
I have seen in the faces of the American people that to
which Mr. Lincoln prophetically referred. I have clearly
seen that the soul of liberty is still living and vibrant in
the American heart. It is neither Democratic nor Repub-
lican but American. It will assert itself by Constitutional
process and with invincible force in the battle to save the
Republic.
The people will still rule.
**',
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INS News Photo
The MacArthurs in their native land America.
ARTHUR -DOUGLAS -JEAN FAIRCLOTH MACARTHUR.
THE VACANT CHAIR
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On April 12, 1951, General Douglas MacArthur, for the last time, visited his
office in the Dai Ichi Building, Tokyo, which he had occupied for five years.
General MacArthur's office, desk, and the chair left vacant as he departed.
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Japanese in the multitude that lined the route to the Tokyo airport, silent and
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Millions of people, silent and prayerful, gathered before tens of thousands of radios
and televisions to listen to and witness the dramatic presentation of General
MacArthur's message of dauntless courage and of faith. (Upper) Crowds jam-packed
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Chicago Tribune Phot(
Other men in other towns before other windows stopped to watch and wonder and
crowds of women regained faith and hope while listening to General MacArthur's
restatement of age-old truths.
From Washington, across the nation, to the most remote towns and hamlets, Americans
listened with bated breath and with misty eyes to General MacArthur saying, "I have
just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tesfc there and I can report
to you they are splendid in every way. It was my constam effort to preserve them
and end this savage conflict honorably aiid with the least toss of time and a minimum
sacrifice of life." Not since Gettysburg had a man spoken with such feeling and
such authority.
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A gathering of hundreds of thousands in City Hall Plaza. Amid the acclaim of a
multitude, the mayor tff New York presented General MacArthur with a special
gold medal in recognition of the "city's esteem and affection" and for his uncom-
promising and dauntless "defense of human liberties."
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On April 27, General MacArthur officiated at the dedication of 'MacArthur Square
in downtown Milwaukee. More than one million eager, cheering people were on
hand. Hundreds of thousands with rapt attention heard him say: "It stands as
solemn warning to those who would destroy freedom, either externally or internally.
America will not now nor in the future yield that for which so many have died . . .
It will serve to rally all Americans to the task of maintaining the moral strength
which has built our past."
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Boston, where on July 25 General MacArthur addressed the Massachusetts legislature
with these words: "To this section of the country men point as the cradle of our
freedom , . . Here men, by their courage, vision and faith, forged a new concept of
modern civilization ... I shall dedicate all of my energies to restoring to American
life those immutable principles handed down to us in sacred trust,"
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