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Full text of "The revolution in New-England justified, and the people there vindicated from the aspersions cast upon them by Mr. John Palmer, in his pretended answer to the Declaration published by the inhabitants of Boston, and the country adjacent, on the day when they secured their late oppressors, who acted by an illegal and arbitrary commission from the late King James"

V 



REVOLUTION 

I N 

NEW-ENGLAND 

JUSTIFIED, 

AND THE 

PEOPLE there Vindicated 

FROM THE 

ASPERSIONS 

Cast upon them by 
Mr. JOHN PALMER, 

In his PRETENDED ANSWER to the 

DECLARATION 

Published by the Inhabitants of BOSTON, and the Country 
adjacent, on the Day when they secured their late Oppres- 
sors, who acted by an illegal and arbitrary Commis- 
sion from the late King JAMES. 

TO WHICH IS ADDED, 

A NARRATIVE of the PROCEEDINGS 

O F 

Sir Edmond Androsse and his Accomplices. 

Who also acted by an illegal and arbitrary Commission 
£*S^*r ^ ^!®^^^^'"^ JAMES, during his Government in NEW- 

By several Gentlemen who were of his Council. 



Printed in the Year 1691. 

BOSTON: 

Re-printed and sold by ISAIAH THOMAS, near the 
Mill-Bridge. M,DCC,LXXni. 

Vol. IV.— No. 9. 28 



THENEWYORK 

PUBLIC LIPRARY 



ASTCS, LtNOX AND 

TILOEN FOUNDATIONS. 

1S97. 



J 



Force's Collection of Historical Tracts. 

Vol. IV.— No. 9. 



TO THE 



R E A D E K 



TT is not with any design or desire unnecessarily 
-■- to expose the late oppressors of that good protes- 
tant people which is in JVew- England, "that the au- 
thors of the ensuing vindication have published what 
is herewith emitted. But the agents lately sent from 
thence could not be faithful to their trust, if when 
the people whom they represent are publicly (as well 
as privately) aspersed, they should not (either by 
themselves, or by furnishing some other with mate- 
rials for such an undertaking) vindicate those who 
have been so deeply injured. 

As for Mr. Palmer his account, which he calls 
impartial, he has wronged JVeiv-England thereby, in 
some other particulars besides those insisted on, in 
the subsequent apology. For he does endeavour to 
make the world believe that the Massaclw setts re- 
fused to answer the quo-warranto prosecuted against 
their charter : Than which representation nothing 

can 



[4] 

can be more untrue or injurious. An account con- 
cerning that matter hath formerly (and more than 
once) been made public, in the which it is most 
truly affirmed, ' That when the quo-warranto was 
issued out against the governor and company of the 
Massachusetts colony in JVew- England in the year 
1683, the then King did by his declaration enjoin 
a few particular persons to make their defence at 
their own charge, without any public stock ; which 
shewed that there was a resolution to take away 
that charter : yet the governor and company ap- 
pointed an attorney to answer to the quo warranto ; 
but the suit was let fall in the court of king's-henchy 
and a new suit began by scire facias in court of 
chancenjy where time was not allowed to make de- 
fence. The former attorney for that colony brought 
several merchants to testify that in the time allowed 
(which was from ^pril 16, till June 18) it was im- 
possible to have a new letter of attorney returned 
from JVew-England. The then lord keeper JVorth 
replied, that no time ought to be given. So was 
judgment entered against them before they could 
possibly plead for themselves.' By this the im- 
partial reader may judge what ingenuity and veracity 
is in Mr. Falmer^s account. 

There is lately come forth another scandalous 
pamphlet, called JVew- England^ s faction discovered. 
The author has not put his name to it: But it is sup- 
posed to be written by a certain person known to be 
a prodigy for impudence and lying. The reflection 
in it not only on JVew-England in general, but on 
particular persons there as well as in England, are 
so notoriously and maliciously false, as that it must 
needs be much beneath a great mind to take notice 
of such latrations, or to answer them any otherwise 
than with contempt. When we are treated with the 

buffoonry 



t5j 

buffoonry and railery of such ungenteel pens, it is 
good to remember the old saying, magnum contume- 
lim remediunfiy negligentia. 

As for what Mr. Palmer does in his preface in- 
sinuate concerning the JVew-Englanders being com- 
mon-wealths-men^ enemies to monarchy^ and to the 
church of England, that is such a sham as every one 
sees through it. 

There are none in the world that do more fully 
concur with the doctrine of the church of England 
contained in the 39 articles, than do the churches in 
JVew-England, as is manifest from the confession of 
their faith published in the year 1680, Only as to 
liturgy and ceremonies they differ ; for which cause 
alone it was that they, or their fathers, transported 
themselves into that American desert, as being de- 
sirous to worship God in that way which they 
thought was most according to the scriptures. The 
platform of church discipline consented unto by the 
elders and messengers of the churches assembled in 
a general synod at Cambridge in JYew-England in 
the year 1647, sheweth that they are as to church- 
government for the congregational way. The judici- 
ously learned Mr. Philip JVye has long since evinced 
that no form of church-government (no not that 
which is episcopal) is more consistent with monarchy, 
or with the king's supremacy, than that of the way- 
congregational, which some will needs call indepen- 
dent. But there are a sort of men, who call those 
that are for English liberties, and that rejoice in the 
government of their present majesties, king William 
and queen Mary, by the name of republicans, and 
represent all such as enemies of monarchy and of the 
church. It is not our single opinion only, but we 
can speak it on behalf of the generality of their ma- 
jesties subjects in JYew-England, that they believe 

(without 



(without any diminution to the glory of our former 
princes) the English nation was never so happy in a 
king, or in a queeUj as at this day. And the God of 
heaven, who has set them on the throne of these 
kingdoms, grant them long and prosperously to 
reign. 

E. R. 

S. S. 



THE 



REVOLUTION 



IN 



NEW -ENGLAND 



JUSTIFIED. 



THE doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance, 
wkich a sort of men did of late, when they thought the 
world would never change, cry up as divine truth, is by means 
of the happy revolution in these nations, exploded, and the as- 
sertors of it become ridiculous. 

No man does really approve of the revolution in England, 
but must justify that in New-England also ; for the latter was 
effected in compliance with the former, neither was there any 
design among the people in New-England to reassume their 
ancient charter-government, until his present majesty's intended 
descent into England, to rescue the nation from slavery as well 
as popery, was known to them (for indeed to have attempted it 
before that would have been madness.) They considered that 
the men then usurping government in New-England were king 
Jameses creatures, who had invaded both the liberty and pro- 
perty of English protestants after such a manner as perliaps 

the 



8 The Revolution in New-England justified. 

the like was never known in any part of the world where the 
English nation has any government ; and the commission which 
they had obtained from the late king James was more illegal 
and arbitrary, than that granted to Dudley and Em])son by king 
Henry 7th. Or than it may be was ever before given to any 
by king James himself, or by any one that ever swayed the 
English scepter, which was a grievance intolerable ; and yet 
they desired not to make themselves judges in a case which so 
nearly concerned them, but instead of harsher treatment of 
those who had tyrannized over them, they only secured them 
that they might not betray that country into the hands of the 
late Icing, or of king Lewis, which they had reason enough to 
believe (considering their characters and dispositions) they were 
inclined to do. They designed not to revenge themselves on 
their enemies, which they could as easily have done as a thou- 
sand men are able to kill one, and therefore when they secured 
their persons, they declared (as in their declaration printed at 
Boston in Neic-England is to be seen) that they would leave 
it to the king and 'parliament of England, to inflict what 
punishment they should think meet for such criminals. Their 
seizing and securing the governor, was no more than was done 
in England, at Hull, Dover, Plymouth, Sfc. that such a man as 
Mr. John Palmer should exclaim against it, is not to be wonder- 
ed at, seeing he was one of the governor's tools, being of his 
council, made a judge by him, and too much concerned in some 
illegal and arbitrary proceedings ; but his confidence is wonder- 
ful, that he should publish in print that neither himself nor sir 
Edmund Androsse, nor others of them who had been secured 
by the people in New-England, had any crimes laid to their 
charge, whereas the foresaid declaration emitted the very day 
they were secured, doth plainly set forth their crimes. And in 
the preface of his book he hath these words ; viz. 

* We appeared at the council-board where the ivorst of our 
' enemies, even the very men ivho had so unjustly imprisoned and 
' detained us, had nothing to say or object against W5.' — 

By these enemies he speaks of, we suppose he means those 
who were lately sent as agents from Boston in New-England ; 
he hath therefore necessitated us to inform the world, that the 
following objections (though not by his enemies, yetj by those 
agents presented at the council-board. 

' Matters 



The Revolution in New-England Justified. 



' Matters objected against Sir Edmund Androsse, Mr. 

* Joseph Dudley, Mr. Palmer, Mr. Randolph, Mr. 

* West, Mr. Graham, Mr. Farewell, Mr. Sherlock 
' and others, as occasions of their imprisonment in New- 

* England. 

* ' |T is objected against Sir Edmund Androsse, that he 

-■- being governor of the Massachusetts colony, after notice 

' of his present Majesty's intention to land in England, issued 

' out a proclamation, requiring all persons to oppose any de- 

' scent of such as might be authorized by him, endeavouring to 

* stifle the news of his landing, and caused him that brought 

* this king's declaration thither to be imprisoned, as bringin<T a 

* seditious and treasonable paper. 

* 2. That in the time of his government, he without form or 

* colour of legal authority made laws destructive of the liberty 
' of the people, imposed and levied taxes, threatened and im- 
' prisoned them that would not be assisting to the illegal levies, 

* denied that they had any property in their lands without 

* patents from him, and during the time of actual war with the 

* Indians, he did supply them with amunition, and several In- 
' dians declared, that they were incouraged by him to make 

* war upon the English, and he discountenanced making de- 

* fence against the Indians. 

' 3. As to all the other persons imprisoned, they were ac- 

* complices and confederates with Sir Edmund Androsse, and 

* particularly Mr. Dudley, Mr. Randolph, and Mr. Palmer 

* were of his council, and joined with him in his arbitrary laws 

* and impositions, and in threatening and in punishing them who 

* would not comply. Mr. West was his secretary, and guilty 
' of great extortion, and gave out words which shewed himself 
' no friend to the English. Mr. Graham was his attorney at 
' one time, and Mr. Farewell at another, both concerned in il- 
' legal proceedings destructive of the property of the subject. 
' Mr. Farewell prosecuted them who refused to comply with 
' the illegal levies, and Mr. Graham brought several writs of 
' intrusion against men for their own land, and Mr. Sherlock, 

* another person imprisoned, though not named in the order, 

* acted there for some years as an high sheriff, though he was 

* a stranger in the country, and had no estate there, during his 
' sherievalty he impannelled juries of strangers, who had no 

* freehold in that country, and extorted unreasonable fees.' 

These 



10 The Revolution in New- England Justified. 

These particulars were not only presented at the council- 
board, but there read before the riglit honorable the lords of the 
committee of foreign plantations on April 17, 1690. when Sir 
Edmund Androsse, Mr. Palmer, and the rest concerned were 
present, and owned that they had received copies thereof from 
Mr. Blaithwaite. It is true that the paper then read was not 
signed by the agents aforesaid, for which reason (as we under- 
stand, nor coulil it rationally-bc otherwise expected) the matter 
was dismissed without an hearing ; nevertheless the gentlemen 
who appeared as council for the Netv-England agents, declared, 
that they were ready to prove every article of the objections ; 
which shall now be done. 

I. That Sir Edmund Androsse, with others whom the people 
in Ncio-England seized, and secm-ed did, after notice of his 
present majcstfs intended descent into England to deliver the 
nation from -popery and arbitrary power, to their utmost oppose 
that glorious design, is manifest by ihc j^i'oclamat ion printed 
and published in New-England, Jan. 10, 1683, signed by Sir 
Edmund Androsse and his deputy secretary John JVcst, in 
which King Jameses proclamation of October 16, 1688, is 
recited and referred unto. Sir Edmwurs proclamation begins 
thus ; ' Whereas his majesty has been graciously pleased by his 

* royal letter bearing date the 16th of October last past, to sig- 
' nify that he hath undoubted advice that a great and sudden 
' invasion from Holland, with an armed force of foreigners and 

* strangers will be speedily made in an hostile manner upon his 
' majesty's kingdom of England, and that although some false 
' pretences relating to liberty , property , and religion,^ ^c. And 

* then he concludes thus * All which it is his majesty's 

* pleasure should be made known in the most public manner to 
' his loving subjects within this his territory and dominion of 
' New-England, that they may be the better prepared to resist 
' any attempts that may be made by his majesty's enemies in 

* these parts, 1 do therefore hereby charge and command all 
' officers civil and military, and all other his majesty^s loving 

* subjects xvithin this his territory and dominion aforesaid, to be 

* vigilant and careful in their respective places and stations, and 

* ihat upon the approach of any fleet or foreign force, they be 
' in readiness, and use their utmost endeavours to hinder any 

* landing or invasion that may be intended to be made within 
' the same.' 

2. And that they used all imaginable endeavours to stijle the 
news of the princess landing in England, appears not only from 

the 



The Revolution in New-England Justified. 11 

the testimony of the people there, and from the letters of those 
now in government at Boston, but from the deposition of Mr. 
John WinsJow, who affirms that being in Nevis in February 
1688, a ship arrived there {vom England wxih the prince of 
Grangers declaration, and intelligence of the happy change of 
affairs in England, which he knew would be welcome news in 
New-England, and therefore was at the charge to procure a 
written copy of that princely declaration with which he arrived 
at Boston about a fortnight before the revolution there. He 
concealed the declaration, from Sir Edmund, because he 
believed if it came into his possession, he would keep the people 
in ignorance concerning it ; but intimation being given that Mr. 
ffinslotv had brought with him the declaration, he was there- 
fore committed to prison (though he offered two thousand 
pounds bail) for bringing into the country a treasonable paper. 
For the satisfaction of such as are willing to be informed in this 
matter, Mr. Winsloiu's testimony as it was given upon oath 
before a magistrate in New-Ens;land shall be here inserted. It 
is as follows, viz. 

JOHN W I N S L O W, aged twenty-four years, 
or thereabouts, testifielh and saith, that he being in Nevis, 
some time in February laa[ past, there came in a ship from 
some part of England with the prince of Orange's declara- 
tions, and brought news also of his happy proceedings in En- 
gland with his entrance there, which was very welcome news 
to me, and I knew it would be so to the rest of the people in 
New-England; and I being bound thither, and very willing to 
carry such good news with me, gave four shillings six pence 
for the said declarations, on purpose to let the people in New- 
England understand what a speedy deliverance they might 
expect from arbitrary power. We arrived at Boston harbour 
the fourth day of April following, and as soon as I came home 
to my house. Sir Edmund Androsse understanding I brought 
the prince's declarations with me, sent the sheriff to me; so I 
went along with him to the governor's house, and as soon as I 
came in, he asked me why I did not come and tell him the 
news. I told him I thought it not my duty, neither was it 
customary for any passenger to go to the governor when the 
master of the ship had been with him before, and told him the 
news ; he asked me where the declarations 1 brought with me 
were, I told him I could not tell, being afraid to let him have 
them, because he would not let the people know any news. 
He told me I was a saucy fellow, and bid the sherlfi^ carry me 

away 



12 The Revolution in New- England Justified. 

' away to the justices of the peace, and as we were going, I told 

* the sheriff, I would choose my justice, he told me, no, I must go 
' before doctor BuUivant, one pickt on purpose (as I judged)/or 
' the business; well I told him, I did not care who I wenf 
' before, for I knew my cause good, so soon as I came in, two 

* more of the justices dropt in, Charles Lidgtt and Francis 
' Foxcroft, such as the former, fit for the purpose, so they 

* asked me for my papers, I told them I would not let them 
' have them by reason they kept all the news from the people^ 
' so when they saw they could not get what I bought with my 
'money, they sent me to prison for bringing traiterous and 

* treasonable libels and papers of news, notwithstanding, I of- 

* fered them security to the value of two thousand pounds. 

* Boston in New-England, 

Feb. 4. 16S9. sworn John Winslow.' 

before Elisha Hut- 
chinson assistant.' 

By these things it appears that it was absolutely necessary Tor 
the people in New-England to seize Sir Edmund Androssc and 
his accomplices, that so they might secure that territory for 
their present majesties king Willi^ and queen Mary. 
^ 3. That Sir Edmund Androsse, he. did make laws destruc- 
tive to the liberty of the subjects, is notoriously known, for 
they made what laws they pleased xvithout any consent of the 
people, either by themselves or representatives, which is indeed 
to destroy the fundamentals of the English and to erect a 
French government. We cannot learn that the like was ever 
practised in any place where the English are planters, but only 
where Sir Edmund Androsse hath been governor : For whereas 
in New-England by constant usage under their charter govern- 
ment, the inhabitants of each town did assemble as occasion of- 
fered to consider of what might conduce to the welfare of their 
respective towns, the relief of the poor, or the like, Sir Edmund 
Androsse, ivithafew of his council, made a law prohibiting any 
town-meeting except once a year, viz. on the third Monday in 
May. The inhabitants of the country were startled at this 
law, as being apprehensive the design of it was to prevent the 
people in every town from meeting to make complaints of their 
grievances. And whereas by constant usage any person might 
remove out of the country at his pleasure, a law was made that 
no man should do so without the governor's leave. And all 
fishing boats, coasters, ^c. were to enter into a thousand pounds 

bond 



The Revolution in New-England Justified. 13 

bond, whereby fees were raised for himself and creatures. This 
law could not pass at Boston, because many of Sir Edmund^s 
council there opposed it ; but then ajuncto of them meeting at 
New- York, passed it ; and after that law was made, how 
should any dissatisfied persons ever obtain liberty to go for 
England to complain of their being oppressed by arbitrary 
governors 1 

4. But besides all this, they made laws for the levying monies 
without the consent of the people cither by themselves or by an 
assembly ; for in order to the supporting their own government, 
they did by an act bearing date March 3, 1686, raise conside- 
rable sums of money on the king's subjects in that part of his 
dominions, viz. a penny in the pound on all estates personal or 
real, twenty pence per head as poll money, a penny in the 
pound for goods imported, besides an excise on wine, rum and 
other liquors. 

It hath indeed been pleaded that all this was but what the 
laws of the country before the change of the government did 
allow. But this is vainly pretended, for there was no such law 
in force at the time when these sums were levied, the former 
laws which did authorize it, were repealed October 10, 1683, 
some years before Sir Edmund Androsse and his accomplices 
had invaded the rights and liberties of the people there. More- 
over, in those parts of the country where there were never any 
such laws in force, particularly in Plymouth colony, this money 
was levied, which they heavily complained of. Yet further, in 
another act dated Feb. 15, 1687, they did without any colour 
of ancient law make an additional duty of impost and excise, 
which raised the duty, some ten shillings, some twenty shillings 
per pipe on wines, and so on other things. Nay they levied 
monies on Connecticut colony contrary to their charter, which 
was never vacated, than which nothing more illegal and arbitra- 
ry could have been perpetrated by them. 

5. They did not only act according to these illegal taxes, but 
they did inflict severe punishment on those true English men 
who did oppose their arbitrary proceedings, as shall be made 
to appear in many instances. When the inhabitants oilpsioich 
in New-England were required to choose a commissioner to 
tax that town, some principal persons there that could not com- 
ply with what was demanded of them, did modestly give their 
reasons, for which they were committed to goal, as guilty of 
high misdemeanours, and denied an habeas corpus, and were 
oblin-ed to answer it at a court of oyer and terminer at Boston. 

And 



14 The Revolution in New- England Justified. 

And that they might be sure to be found guihy, jurors were 
picked of such as were no freeholders, nay of strangers ; the 
prisoners pleading the privileges of Englishmen not to be taxed 
without their own consent, they were told that the laws of En- 
gland would not folloio them to the end of the earth, they 
meant the privileges of the English law, for the penalties they 
resolved should follow them quo jure quaque injuria. And why 
should they insist on, and talk of the privileges of Englishmen, 
when it had been declared in the governor's council, tJiat the 
king's subjects in New-England did not diJJ'cr much from slaves, 
ami that the only difference teas, that they were not bought and 
soldi But to go on with the matter before us ; in as much as 
the prisoners mentioned had asserted their English liberties, 
they were severely handled, not only imprisoned for several 
weeks, but fined and bound to their good behaviour ; Mr. John 
JVise was fined fifty pounds besides costs of court, deprived of 
the means of his subsistance, and gave a thousand pounds bond 
for good behavior. And Mr. Johyi Ap2)leton was fined fifty 
pounds and to give a thousand pounds bond for good behavior, 
and moreover declared incapable to bear oilice, besides un- 
reasonable fees. After the same manner did they proceed with 
several others belonging to Ipswich. Likewise the towns men 
of Rowley, Salisbury, Andover, he. had the same measure. 
And the king's subjects were not only oppressed thus in the 
Massachusetts colony, but in Plymouth. For when Shadrach 
IVildboar the town-clerk of Taunton in New-England did, 
with the consent of the town, sign a modest paper signifying 
their not being free to raise money on the inhabitants without 
their own consent by an assembly, the honest n)an was for this 
committed close prisoner, and after that punished with a fine of 
twenty marks and three months imprisonment, and bound to find 
sureties by recognizance to appear the next court, and to be of 
the good behaviour. As to the matter of fact, the persons con- 
cerned in these illegal and arbitrary judgments will not have 
the face to deny them ; if they do, there are affidavits now in 
London which will evince what hath been related when ever 
there shall be occasion for it. 

It is a vanity in Mr. Palmer, to think that he hath answered 
this by affirming, but not proving, that the Ipswich men assem- 
bled themselves in a riotous manner; for that saying of his is 
very false. The world knows that Neiv-England is not the 
only place where honest men have in these late days been pro- 
ceeded against as guilty of riots, when they never deserved such 

a 



The Revolution in New-England Justified. 15 

a censure any more than these accused by Mr. Palmer. But 
the truth of what hath been thus far related is confirmed by the 
following afidavits. 

' Complaints of great wrongs done under the ill govern- 
' ment of Sir Edmund Androsse governor in New-England, in 
' the year 1687. 

* We John Wine, John Andrews, senior, Robert Kinsman, 
' William Goodhue, junior, all of Ipswich in New-England, in 
' the county of Essex, about the 22d day of August, in the 
' year above named, were with several principal inhabitants of 
' the town of Ipswich met at Mr. John Appleton's, and there 
' discoursed and concluded that it was not the town's duty any 
« way to assist that ill method of raising money without a gene- 

< ral assembly, which was apparently intended by abovesaid Sir 
* Edmund and his council, as witness a late act issued out by 

< them for such a purpose. The next day in a general town- 
' meeting of the inhabitants of Ipswich ; we the above named 
' John Wise, John Andrews, Robert Kinsman, William Good- 
' hue with the rest of the town then met (none contradicting) 
' gave our assent to the vote then made. 

< The ground of our trouble, our crime was the copy trans- 
« mitted to the council, viz. At a legal town meeting August 23. 
' Assembled by virtue of an order from John Usher, Esq ; 
« treasurer for choosing a commissioner to join with the select- 

< men, to assess the inhabitants according to an act of his excel- 
' lency the governor and council for laying of rates ; the town 
' then considering that the said act doth infringe their liberty, 
« as free born English subjects of his majesty by interfering with 
' the statute laws of the land, by which it was enacted that no 
' taxes should be levied upon the subjects without consent of an 
* assembly chosen by the freeholders for assessing of the same, 
' they do therefore vote that they are not willing to choose a 
' commissioner for such an end without said privilege ; and 
' moreover consent not that the select-men do proceed to lay 
' any such rate until it be appointed by a general assembly con- 
' curring with the governor and council. Wo ihe complainants 
< with Mr. John Appleton and Thomas French all of Ipsioich 

' were brought to answer for the said vote out of our own county, ' 
' thirty or forty miles into SuffoIJc, and in Boston kept in goal, 
' only for contempt and high misdemeanors as our milimus 
' specifies, and upon demand, denied the privilege of an habeas 
' corpus, and from prison over-ruled to answer at a court of oyer 
' and terminer in Boston aforesaid. Our judges were Mr. 

Joseph 



16 The Revolution in New- England Justified. 

* Joseph Dudley of Roxbury in Suffolk in New-England, Mr. 
' Sloughton of Dorchester, John Usher of Boston, treasurer, 

* and Edward Randolph. He that officiates as clerk and al- 
' torney in the case is George Farewell. 

* The jurors only twelve men and most of them (as is said) 
' non-freeholders of any land in the colony, some of them 
' strangers and foreigners, gathered up (as we suppose) to serve 

* the present turn. In our defence was pleaded the repeal of 
' the law of assessment upon the place. Also the Magna 

* Charta oi England, and the statute laws that secure the sub- 

* jects properties and estates, ^c. To which was replied by 
' one of the judges, the rest by silence assenting, that we must 
' not think the laws of England follow us to the ends of the 

* earth, or whether we went. And the same person (John 

* Wise abovesaid testifies) declared in open council upon ex- 
' amination of said Wise ; Mr. Wise you have no more privi- 

* leges left you, than not to be sold for slaves, and no man in 
< council contradicted. By such laws our trial and trouble 

* began and ended. Mr. Ouc/Ze;/ aforesaid chief judge, to close 

* up the debate and trial, trims up a speech that pleased himself 

* (we suppose) more than the people. Among many other re- 
' markable passages, to this purpose, he bespeaks the jury's 
' obedience, who (we suppose) were very well preinclined, viz. 
' I am glad, says he, there be so many worthy gentlemen of the 

* jury so capable to do the king service, and we expect a good 
' verdict from you, seeing the matter hath been so sufficiently 

* proved against the criminals. Note, the evidence in the case 

* as to the substance of it, was that we too boldly endeavoured 
' to persuade ourselves we were English men, and under privi- 
' leges ; and that we were all six of us aforesaid at the town 
' meeting of Ipswich aforesaid, and as the witness supposed, we 
' assented to the foresaid vote, and also that John Wise made a 
' speech at the same time, and said we had a good God, and a 

* good king, and should do well to stand for our privileges — 
' Jury returns us all six guilty, being all involved in the same 

* information. We were remanded from verdict to prison, and 
' there kept one and twenty days for judgment. There with 

* Mr. Dudley's approbation, as judge Stoughton said, this 
' sentence was passed, viz. 

' John Wise, suspended from the ministerial functions, fine 
' fifty pound, money, pay cost, a thousand pound bond for the 

* good behaviour one year. 

' John 



The Revolution in JS/cw- Engl and Justijied, 17 

* John Apple/on not to bear office, fine 501. money, pay cost, 
' a thousand pound for the good behavior one year. 

' Johji Andrews not to bear office, fine 301. money, pay cost, 
' five hundred pound bond for the good behavior one year. 

' Robert Kinsman not to bear office, fine 201. money, pay 
' cost, five hundred pound bond for the good behavior one 
' year. 

' William Goodhue not to bear office, fine 201. money, pay 

* cost, five hundred pound bond for the good behavior one 
' year. 

' Thomas French not to bear office, fine 151. money, pay 
' cost, five hundred pound bond for the good behavior one 
' year. 

' The total fees of this case upon one single information de- 

* manded by Fareivell abovesaid, amount to about a hundred 

* and one pound seventeen shillings, who demanded of us singly 
' about sixteen pound nineteen shillings six pence, the cost of 

* prosecution, the fines added make up this, viz. Two hundred 
' eighty and six pounds seventeen shillings, money. 

Summa Totalis 2861. 1 7s. 

' To all which we may add a large account of other fees of 
' messengers, prison charges, money for bonds and transcripts of 
' records, exhausted by those ill men one way and another to 
' the value of three or fourscore pounds, besides our expence of 
' time and imprisonment. 

' We judge the total charge for one case and trial under one 

* single information involving us six men abovesaid in expence 

* of time and monies of us and our relations for our necessary 

* succour and support to amount to more, but no less than 4001. 
' money. 

' Too tedious to illustrate more amply at this time, and so 

* we conclude. John Wise, John Andrews senior, William 

* Goodhue, junior, Thomas French, these four persons named, 
' and Robert Kinsman. 

' These four persons first named appeared the twentieth day 

* of December, and Robert Kinsman appeared the one and 

* twentieth day of December, 1689, and gave in their testimony 
' upon oath before me Samuel Appleton assistant for the colo- 
' ny of the Massachusetts in Neto- England.' 

6. That those who were in confederacy with Sir Edmund 
Androsse for the enriching themselves on the ruins of New- 
England, did invade the property as well as liberty of the sub- 
ject, is in the next place to be cleared, and we trust will be 

made 

Vol. IV.— No. 9. 29 



18 The Rtvolution in Netv-Englarid Justified. 

iDade out beyond dispute. When they httle imagined that 
there should ever be such a revolution in England as that 
which by means of his present majesty this nation is blest with, 
they feared not to declare their sentiments to the inexpressible 
exasperation of the people whom they were then domineering 
over. They gave out, that now their charter was gone, all 
their lands ivere the king's, that themselves did represent the 
king, and that therefore men that would have any legal title to 
their lands must take patents of them, on such terms as they 
should see meet to impose. What people that had the spirits 
of Englishmen, could endure this? That when they had at 
vast charges of their oivn conquered a wilderness, and been in 
possession of their estates forty, nay sixty years, that now a 
parcel of strangers, some of them indigent enough, must come 
and inherit all that the people now in New-England and their 
fathers before them, had laboured for! Let the whole nation 
judge, whether tiiese men were not driving on a French design, 
and had not fairly erected a French government. And that 
our adversaries may not insult and say, these are words without 
proof, we shall here subjoin the testimonies of the reverend Mr. 
Higginson, and several other worthy persons, given in upon 
oath, concerning this matter. 

' Being called by those in present authority to give my testi- 
' limony to the discourse between Sir Edmund Androsse and 

* myself, when he came from the Indian war, as he passed 
' through Salem going for Boston in March 16S8-9, I cannot 

* refuse it, and therefore declare as followelh, what was the 

* substance of that discourse. Sir Edmund Androsse then 

* governor being accompanied with the attorney-general Graham, 
' secretary IFest, judge Palmer, the room being also full of 

* other people, most of them his attendants, he was pleased to 

* tell me, he would have my judgment about this question ; 
' Whether all the lands in New-England 7cere not the kinsr's ? 
' I told him I was surprized with such a question, and was not 
' willing to speak to it ; that being a minister, if it was a question 
' about a matter of religion, I should not be averse, but this 
' being a state matter, 1 did not look upon it as proper for me 
' to declare my mind in it, therefore entreated again and again 
' that I might be excused. Sir Edmund Androsse replied and 
' urged me with much importunity, saying. Because you are a 
' minister, therefore we desire to know your judgment in it, then 
' I told him, if I must speak to it, I would only speak as a 
' minister from scripture and reason, not medling with the law. 

' He 



The Revolution in New-England Justified. 19 

He said, the king's attorney was present there to inform what 
was law. I then said, 1 did not understand that the lands of 
New-England vvere the king's, but the king's subjects, who 
had for more than sixty years had the possession and use of 
them by a twofold right warranted by the word of God. 

1. By a right of just occupation from the grand charter in 
Genesis 1st and 9th chapters, whereby God gave the earth to 
the sons of Adam and Noah, to be subdued and replenished. 

2. By a right of purchase from the Indians, who were native 
inhabitants, and had possession of the land before the English 
came hither, and tiiat having lived here sixty years, 1 did 
certainly know that from the beginning of these plantations our 
fathers entered upon the land, partly as a wilderness and Va- 
cuum Domicilium, and partly by the consent of the Indians, 
and therefore care was taken to treat w-ith them, and to gain 
their consent, giving them such a valuable consideration as 
was to their satisfaction, and this I told them I had the more 
certain knowledge of, because having learned the Indian 
language in my younger time, I was at several times made use 
of by the government, and by divers particular plantations as 
an interpreter in treating with the Indians about their lands, 
which being done and agreed on, the several townships and 
proportions of lands of particular men were ordered and settled 
by the government of the country, and therefore I did believe 
that the lands of Neiv-England were the subjects properties, 
and not the king's lands. Sir Edmund Androsse and the rest 
replied, that the lands were the king's, and that he gave the 
lands within such limits to his subjects by a charter upon such 
conditions as were not performed, and therefore all the lands 
of New-England have returned to the king, and that the at- 
torney general then present could tell what was law, who 
spake divers things to the same purpose as Sir Edmund An- 
drosse had done, slighting what I had said, and vilifying the 
Indian title, saying, they were brutes, ^c. and if we had pos- 
sessed and used the land, they said we were the king's subjects, 
and what land the king's subjects have, they are the king's, 
and one of them used such an expression, where-ever an En- 
glishman sets his foot, all that he hath is the king^s, and more 
to the same purpose. I told them that so far as I understood, 
we received only the right and power of government from the 
king's charter within such limits and bounds, but the right of 
the land and soil we had received from God according to his 
grand charter to the sons of Adam and Noah, and with the 

' consent 



20 The, Revolution in New-England Justified. 

consent of the native inhabitants as 1 had expressed before. 
They still insisted on the king's right to the land as before, 
whereupon 1 told them, 1 had heard it was a standing principle 
in law and reason, nil dot qui non habet ; and from thence I 
propounded this argument, he that haih no right, can give no 
right to another, but the king had no right to the lands of 
America before the English came hither, therefore he could 
give no right to them. 1 told them, I knew not of any that 
could be pleaded but from a Popish principle, that christians 
have a right to the lands of heathen, upon which the Pope as 
the head of the christians had given the tVest-lndies to the 
king of Spain, but this was disowned by all protestants. 
Therefore I left it to them to aflirm and prove the king's title. 
They replied and insisted much upon that, that the king had a 
ridit by his subjects coming and taking possession of this 
land. And at last Sir Edmund Androssc said with indigna- 
tion, either you are subjects or you are rebels, intimating, as I 
understood him, according to the whole scope and tendency of 
his speeches and actions, that if we would not yield all the 
lands of New-England to be the king's, so as to take patents 
for lands, and to pay rent for the same, then we should not bo 
accounted subjects but rebels, and treated accordingly. There 
were many other various replies and answers on both sides, 
but this is the sum and substance of that discourse. 

John Higginson, aged seventy-four years. 
Stephen Seawall, aged thirty-two years. 

' John IligginsoJi, minister in Salern, personally appeared 
' before me, December, 24, 16S9, and made oath to the truth of 

* the abovesaid evidence. 

John Hathorne, assistant.' 

* Captain Stephen Seawall of Salem appeared before me, 
' December 24, 1689, and made oath to the truth of the above- 

* said evidence. 

John Hathorne, assistant.' 

' Joseph Lynde of Charlestown in the county of Middlesex 
' in Neiv-England, being fifty-three years of age, testifieth and 

* saith, that in the year 1687, Sir Edmund Androssc then go- 

< vernor o{ New- England did enquire of him the said Lynde 

< what title he had to his lands, who shewed him many deeds 
' for land that he the said Lynde possessed, and particularly for 

' land 



The Revolution in New- England Justified. 21 

land thai tlie said Lynde was certainly informed would quickly 
be given away from him, if he did not use means to obtain a 
patent for it. The deed being considered by Sir Edmund 
Androsse, he said it was worded well, and recorded according 
to New-England custom or words to the same purpose. He 
further enquired how the title was derived, he the said Lynde 
told him, that he bought it of, had it of, his father-in-law in 
marriage with his wife, and his said father from Charlestown, 
and the said town from the general court grant of the Massa- 
chusetts-Bay, and also by purchase from the natives, and he 
said, my title were nothing worth if that were all. At another 
time after shewing him an Indian deed for land, he said, that 
their hand was no more worth than a scratch of a bear's paw, 
under-valuing all my titles, though every way legal under our 
former charter government. I then petitioned for a patent for 
my whole estate, but Mr. West deputy secretary told me I 
must have so many patents as there were counties that I had 
parcels of land in, if not towns, finding the thing so chargeable 
and difficult I delayed, upon which I had a writ of intrusion 
served upon me in the beginning of the summer 1688, the 
copy whereof is in the Charlestown men's complaint, and was 
at the same time with that of Mr. James RiissclPs, Mr. Sea- 
waWs and Mr. Shrimpton^s, it being for the same land in part 
that 1 shewed my title unto Sir Edmund Androsse as above, 
being myself and those I derived it from possessed, inclosed, 
and improved for about fifty years, at which time I gave Mr. 
Graham attorney general three pounds in money, promising 
that if he would let the action fall I would pay court charges, 
and give him ten pound, when I had a patent compleated for 
that small parcel of land, that said writ was served upon me 
for, which I did because a Quaker that had the promise of it 
from the governor, as I was informed in the governor's 
presence should not have it from me, the said Lynde, having 
about seven acres more in the same common field or pasture, 
about a mile from his forty-nine acres near unto the land that 
the said governor gave unto Mr. Charles Lidget, of divers of 
my neighbours which I concluded must go the same way theirs 
went and therefore though desired to be patenteed by the said 
Lynde with the forty-nine acres, he could not obtain a grant 
for it. About the same time Mr. Graham attorney general 
asked the said Lynde what he would do about the rest of his 
land, telling him the said Lynde that he would meet with the 
like trouble about all the rest of his lands that he possessed, 

* and 



22 The Revolution in New-England Jmiifitd. 

and were it not for the governor's going to New- York at this 
time, there would be a writ of intrusion against every man in 
the colony of any considerable estate, or as many as a cart 
could hold, and for the poorer sort of people said Sir Edmund 
Androssc would take other measures, or words to the same 
purpose. The said Lynde further saith, That after judgments 
obtained for small wrongs done him, triable by their own laws 
before a justice of the peace, from whom they allowed no ap- 
peals in small causes, he was forced out of his own county by 
writs of false judgment ; and although at the first superiour 
court in Suffolk, the thing was so far opposed by judge 
Stoughion as illegal, as that it was put by, yet the next term 
by judge Dudley and judge Palmer, the said Lynde was forced 
to answer George Earcwell attorney aforesaid, then saying in 
open court in Charlestoicn, that all causes must be brought to 
Boston in Suffolk, because there was not honest men enough 
in Middlesex to make a jury to serve their turns, or words to 
that purpose ; nor did Suffolk, as appeared by their practice, 
for they made use of non-residents in divers cases there. I 
mention not any damage though it is great, but to the truth 
above written I the said Lynde do set my hand. 

Joseph Lynde. 

* Boston, ]4:th of January, 1789-90. 

• Juratus coram me, John Smith, Assistant.' 

And that the practices of these men have been according to 
their principles, destructive to the property of the subject, is now 
to be declared. It is a thing too well known to be denied, that 
some of Sir Edmund^ council begged (if they had not had 
secret encouragement no man believes they would have done 
so) those lands which are called the commons belonging to 
several townships, whereby Plymouth, Lynn, Cambridge, 
Rhode-Island, &,-c. would have been ruinated, had these men's 
projects taken effect. And not only the commons belonging to 
towns, but those lands which were the property of several par- 
ticular persons in Charlesioicn, were granted from them. And 
writs of intrusion were issued out against Col. Shrimpton, Mr. 
Samuel Seawall, and we know not how many more besides, 
that their lands might be taken from them under inetcnce of 
belonging to king James. An island in the possession of John 
Pittome antiently apj)ropriated to the maintenance of a free- 
school, was in this way seized. How such men can clear 

themselves 



The Revolution in New-England Justified. 23 

themselves from the guilt o{ sacrilegious Oppression^ they had 
best consider. Mr. Palmer swaggers and hectors at a strange 
rate; for he hath these words, (p. 29.) ' 1 should be glad to see 
' that man who ivould bare-faced instance in one particular 
' grant of any man\s right or possession passed by Sir Edmund 
' Androsse during his government' — And what if we will shew 
him the men, that dare affirm as much or more than that ? wiiat 
will he do ? 

Me me adsum qui feci, in me convertite ferrum. 

We will joroduce those that have said (and sworn) as much 
as all this comes to. For John Pittome hath upon oath de- 
clared, that James Sherlock, Sir Edmund's Sheriff, came on 
Dear Island on the 28th of January 1688, and turned him and 
his family afloat on the water when it was a snowy day, although 
he was tenant there to Col. Shrimpiton and that the said Sher- 
lock put two men (whom he brought with him) into possession 
of the said Island (as he said) on behalf of King James the 
second. Let him also know, that Mr. Shepard and Mr. Bur- 
rill of Lynn, and James Russell, Esq ; of Charlestown in JSew- 
England have declared upon oath as followeth. 

' Jeremiah Shepard aged forty-two years and John Burrill 
' aged fifty-seven years, we whose names are subscribed being 

* made choice of by the inhabitants of the town of Lynn in the 
' Massachusetts colony in JSew-England to niaintiiin their right 

* to their properties and lands invaded by Sir Edmund Androsse 

* governor, we do testify that (besides Sir Edmund Androsse 

* his unreasonable demands of money by way of taxation, and 

* that without an assembly, and dej)uties sent from our town 

* according to ancient custom, for the raising of money or levy- 

* ing of rates) our properties, our honest and just and true titles 
' to our land were also invaded, and particularly a great and 

* considerable tract of land called by the name of the JSahants, 

* the only secure place for the grazing of some thousands of our 
' sheep, and without which our inhabitants could neither provide 
' for their own families, nor be capacited to pay dues or duties 
' for the maintenance of the publick, but (if dispossessed of) the 

* town must needs be impoverished, ruined, and rendered mise- 
' rable, yet this very tract of land being petitioned for by Ed- 
' tvard Randolph, was threatened to be rent out of our hands, 

* notwithstanding our honest and just pleas for our right to the 
' said land, both by alienation of the said land to us froiii ihe 
' original proprietors the Natives, to whoin we paid our monies 

* by way of purchase, and notwithstanding near fifty years 

' peaceable 



24 Tlie Revolution in New- England Justijied. 

' peaceable and quiet possession and improvement, and also in- 
' closure of the said land by a stone wall, in which tract of land 
' also two of our ))atentees were interested in common with us, 

* viz. Major Humphreys, and Mr. Johnson, yet Edtvard Ran- 
' dolph petitioning for the said land. Sir Edmund the governor 
' did so far comply with his unreasonable motion, tliat we were 

* put to great charges and expences for the vindication of our 
' honest rights thereto, and being often before the governor Sir 
' Edmund and his council for relief, yet could find no favour of 
' our innocent cause by Sir Edmund, notwithstanding our pleas 
' of purchase, ancient possession, improvement, inclosure, grant 
' of the general court, and our necessitous condition, yet he told 

* us all these pleas were insignificant, and we could have no true 
' title unless we could produce a patent from tlie king, neither 
' had any person a right to one foot of land in New-Em^land 
' by virtue of purchase, possession or grant of courts, but if we 
' would have assurance of our lands, we must go to the kini^ for 
' it, and get patents of it. Finding no relief (and the go\°ern- 
' or having prohibited town-meetings, we earnestly desired li- 
' berty for our town to meet, to consult what to do in so difficult 

* a case and exigency, but could not prevail. Sir Edmund 
' angrily telling us that there was no such thing as a town in 
« the country, neither should we have liberty so to meet, neither 
' were our ancient town records (as he said) which we produced 
< for the vindication of our titles to said lands worth a rush. 
' Thus were we from time to time unreasonably treated, our 
' properties, and civil liberties and privileges invaded, our mise- 
' ry and ruin threatened and hastened, till such time as our 

* country groaning under the unreasonable heavy yoke of Sir 
' Edmund's government were constrained forcibly to recover 

* our liberties and privileges. 

Jeremiah Shepard, 
John Burrill. 

' Jeremiah Shepard minister, and John Burrill, lieutenant, 
' both o( Lynn, personally appeared before us, and made oath 
' to the truth of this evidence, Salem, Feb. 3, 1689-90. 

John Hathorne, 



John Hathorne, > . . , 

Jonathan Corwin, I Assistants. 



' James Russell, Esq ; on the behalf of the proprietors of the 
stinted pasture in Charlestown, and on his own personal ac- 
count, declares as followeth, viz. 

' That notwithstanding the answer made to Sir Edmund An- 

' drossc, 



The Revolution in Neiv- England Justified. 25 

' drosse, his demand by some gentlemen of Charlestoivn on the 
' behalf of the proprietors, which they judged satisfactory, or at 

* least they should have a further hearing and opportunity to 
' make out their rights, there was laid out to Mr. Lidget ad- 

* joining to his farm in Charlestoivn a considerable tract of land 
' (as it is said one hundred and fifty acres) which was of conside- 

* rable value, and did belong to divers persons, which when it 
' was laid out by Mr. Wells, there were divers bound-marks 

* shewed by the proprietors, and some of them, and I had peti- 
' tioned for a patent for my particular propriety, yet the whole 

* tract was laid out to the said Lidget, who not only did cut 

* down wood thereon without the right owner's consent, but ar- 
' rested some for cutting their own wood, and so they were de- 
' prived of any means to use or enjoy their own land. And not- 
' withstanding there were about twenty acres of pasture land 
' and meadow taken from the said Russell, and given to Mr. 
' Lidget, yet afterwards there was a writ of intrusion served 
' upon a small farm belonging unto the said Russell, unto which 

* the aforesaid pasture land did belong, and had been long im- 

* proved by Patrick Mark his tenant, (and others good part 

* thereof) above fifty years, so that to stop prosecution, the said 
' Russell was forced to petition for a patent, he having a tenant 
' who was feared would comply in any thing that might have 

* been to bis prejudice, and so his land would have been con- 
' demned under colour of law, and given away as well as his 

* pastorage was without law. Further the said Russell com- 
' plains, that he having an island in Casco-bay, called Long- 
' island, which his honoured father long since bought of Mr. 
' Walker, and was confirmed to James Russell by the general 
' court, and improved several years by Captain Davis, by 

* mowing as tenant to the said Russell, and the said Russell 
' hearing it was like to be begged away, caused his writ to be 
' entered in the public records in Mr. West's office, which he 
' paid for the recording of; notwithstanding Sir Edmund An- 

* drosse ordered Captain Clements (as he said) to survey the 
' same, and he shewed me a plat thereof, and said, if I had a 
' patent for it, I must pay three pence 'per acre, it being 650 
' acres. He was further informed, that if the said Russell 
' would not take a patent for it, Mr. Usher should have it. 

Per James Russell. 
' January 30, 1689-90. James Russell, Esq ; personally ap- 

* peared before me, and made oath to the truth of what is before 
' written. 

' William Johnson, assistant.' 

Had 



26 The Revolution in New-England Justified. 

Had not an happy revolution happened in England, and so 
in New-England , in all prohability those few ill men would 
have squeezed more out of the poorer sort of people there, than 
half their estates are worth, by forcing them to take patents. 
Major Smith can tell them, that an estate not worth 2001. had 
more than 501. demanded for a patent for it. And if their 
boldness and madness would carry them out to oppress the rich 
after such a manner as hath been shewed, what might the poor 
look for? Nevertheless, their tyranny was beyond any thing 
that hath been as yet expressed : For if men were willing to 
bring their titles to their possessions to a legal trial, they were 
not only threatened, but fined and prosecuted, and used with 
barbarous cruelty. When some gentlemen in Boston resolved 
in a legal way to defend their tiile to an island there, Sir Ed- 
mund's Attornfy threatened that it might cost tlicmall that they 
are worth, and something besides, as appears by the following 
affidavit, viz. 

* The deposition of Captain Daniel Turel, and Lieutenant 

* Edward fVillis, sworn, say. That upon a Writ of Intrusion 

* being served on Deer-Island, belonging to the town of Boston, 

* and let unto Colonel Samuel Shrimpton by the selectmen of 

* the said town, the rent whereof being of long time appropria- 

* ted towards the maintenance of a free school in the town, we 
' the deponents two of the select-men of the said town, do testify, 

* That meeting with ]Mr. James Graham upon the town-house, 

* and telling him, that if Colonel Shrimpton (\\d decline to per- 

* sonate the case of the said island, we the select-men would. 

* The said Graham said. Are you the men that will stand suit 
' against the Kingl We the deponents told him we would 

* answer in behalf of the town. The said Graham replied, 

* Theie was no town of Boston, nor was there any town in the 

* country ; we made answer we were a town, and owned so to 

* be by Sir Edmund Androsse, governor, in the warrant sent us 

* for the making a rate ; then the said Graham told us. We 
' might stand the trial if we would, but bid us have a care what 
' xoe did. saying, it might cost us all tve ivere ivorth, and some- 
' thing else too, for ought he knew, and further these deponents 

* say not. 

Daniel Turel, 
' Jan. 30, 1689. Edward Willis. 

' Captain Daniel Turel and Lieutenant Edward Willis ap- 
' peared personally before me, and made oath to the truth of 
' what is above written. 

* William Johnson, Assistant.' 



The Revolution in New- England Justified, 21 

One of Sir Edmund'' s council and creatures, petitioned for an 
island belonging to the town of Plymouth, and because the 
agents of the said town obtained a voluntary subscription from 
the persons concerned to bear the charge of the suit ; they were 
treated as criminals, and against all law, illegally compelled to 
answer in another county, and not that where the pretended 
misdemeanours were committed. And Mr. M^iswall ihe m'xuhlQv 
of Duxbury having at the desire of some concerned transcribed 
a writing v»hich tended to clear the right they had to the island 
in controversy, and also concerning the abovesaid voluntary 
subscription, both transcribed in the winter 1687. A messenfyer 
was sent, to bring him to Boston on the 21st June, 1688; he 
was then lame in both feet with the gout, fitter for a bed than a 
journey, therefore wrote to the governor, praying that he might 
be excused until he should be able to travel, and engaged that 
then he would attend any court, but the next week the cruel 
officer by an express order from Sir Edmund, Androsse, forced 
him to ride in that condition, being shod with clouts instead of 
shoes; and when he came before the council he was there made 
to stand till the anguish of his feet and shoulders had almost 
overcome him; after he was dismissed from the council, the 
messenger came and told him, he must go to goal, or enter into 
bonds for his appearance at the next superior court held in 
Boston, and pay down 41. 2 s. in silver. His sickness forced 
him to decline a prison, and to pay the money. At the next 
superior court he appeared in the same lame and sick condition, 
and the extremity of the weather cast him into such a violent 
fit of sickness, that he was in the judgment of others nigh unto 
death, and he himself thought that he should soon be out of their 
bonds, and at liberty to lay his information against his oppressors 
before the righteous Judge of the whole world. After all this 
having been forced a third time out of his own county and colo- 
ny, near forty miles, he was delivered from the hands and hu- 
mours of his tyrannical oppressors, who had exposed him to 
great difficulties, charges, and to 228 miles travel in journeying 
to and from Boston, directly opposite to the place where he 
ought to have been tried, had he been guilty of any of the pre- 
tended misdemeanors, none of which his worst enemies ever had 
the face to read in open court, or openly to charge him with to 
this day. Now shall such men as these talk of barlarous usage 
who have themselves been so inhumane ? 

Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione o'erentes ! 

7. As for Sir Edmund Androsse his supplying the Indians 

with 



28 The Revolution in ^ew- England Justified. 

with amunition in the time of actual ivar with them, the fol- 
lowing testimonies confirnned the ^GO^\eo^ New- England in the 
belief of it. 

' Lenox Beverley aged about twenty-five years being sworn, 
' saith, that he being soldier at Ptmyfjuid the winter time 1688, 
' where was Captain general Sir Edmund Androsse, knight, 

* there came to the fort where Sir Edmund Androsse then was, 

* two squaws, the one Madocoivandos's sister, and the other 
' Moxis's wife (as was said) and two other Indian women that 
' went along with them ; they were in the fort with Sir Ed- 
' mund two days, and w-hen they came forth they seemed to be 
' half drunk, this deponent and Peter Ripley was commanded 
' to guard these squaws from Pemyquid to New-Harbour, 
' being in distance about two miles, and as we passed on the 
' way Madocoivandos's sister laid down her burden in the snow 
' and commanded the deponant to take it up, whereupon the 
' deponant looked into the basket, and saw a small bag which 
' he opened, and found it to be gunpowder, which he judged 
' five pounds weight, and a bag of bullets of a greater weight, 

* and the weight of the basket I took up, was as much as the 
' deponent could well carry along, and tlie other three squaws 
' had each one of them their baskets, which appeared rather to 

* be of greater than lesser burden, than that the deponant carried, 
' which were all of them loaden, and brought out of the fort, 

* and Madocowandos's sister said she had that powder of Sir 

< Edmund, and added, that she was to come again to him within 
' four days. 

Boston, Aug. 17, 1639. Lenox X Beverley 

Sworn in council, his mark. 

' Attest. IsR. Addington, SccWy.' 

' Gabriel Wood of Beverly, aged about twenty-four years, 
' testifies, That being one of the soldiers that was out the last 

< winter past, Anno 1683, in the eastward parts, and under the 
' command of Sir Edmund Androsse, and being then at Pemy- 
' quid with him, was commanded by him the said Sir Edmund, 
' together with so many more of the soldiers as made up two 
' files to guard and safely conduct three Indian women from 
' Pemyquid aforesaid to JSew Harbour, which said Indian 
' women were all laden, and to my certain knowledge one of the 
' said women had with her in her said journey a considerable 

* quantity of bullets, which she brought with her from Pemy- 

' quid 



Tht Ilevolutiou in New-England Justified. 29 

' quid aforesaid, and to my best apprehension, she had also a 
' considerable quantity of powder in a bao; in her basket, but I 
' did not see that opened, as I did see the bullets, neither dared 
' I be very inquisitive, the rest of the soldiers in company with 
' me seeing tlie Indians so supplied with amunition (as we all 
* apprehended they were by our governor and captain-general 
' Sir Edmund Androsse aforesaid) ive did very much question 
' amongst ourselves, whether the said Sir Edmund did not 
' intend the destruction of our army, and brought us thither 
' to be a sacrifice to our heathen adversaries. 

' The mark of Gabriel [ A ] Wood. 

' Gabriel Wood of Beverly in the county of Essex, perso- 
nally appeared before me at Salem in JSew-England, January 
29, 1689-90, and made oath to the truth of the abovesaid evi- 
dence. 

' John Hathorne, Assistant.' 

8. That the Indians declared they were encouraged by Sir 
Edmund Androsse to make ivar upon the English, is most 
certainly true, although the lying author of that scandalous 
pamphlet, called New-England's faction discovered, has the 
impudence to say, that it is certainly false. Two Indians, 
Waterman and David, testify that the Maquas Indians sent a 
messenger to Pennicock, to inform that Sir Edmund Androsse 
had been tampering to engage them to fight against the English. 
Another Indian called Solomon Thomas, affirmed, that Sir Ed- 
mund gave him a book, and that he said that book was better 
than the Bible, that it had in it the picture of the virgin Mary, 
and that when they should fight at the eastward. Sir Edmund 
would sit in his Wigwam, and say, O brave Indians ! Another 
Indian named Joseph (who was in hostility against the English) 
bragged that the governor had more love for them than for the 
English. Another Indian named John James, did of his own 
voluntary mind declare to several in Sudbury, that Sir Edmund 
Androsse had hired the Indians to kill the English : The men 
to whom he thus expressed himself, reproved him, and told him 
that they believed he belied Sir Edmund Androsse and there- 
fore they secured him, and complained to a justice of peace, by 
which means he was brought to Boston, but Sir Edmund in- 
stead of punishing was kind to the Indian, when as both the 
justice and the Sudbury man had (to use Mr. Palmer's phrase) 

horrible 



30 The Revolution in jSew-Enirland Justified. 

horrible usage, by means whereof an alarm and terror run 
through the country, fearing some mischievous design against 
them. That this relation is not a feigned story, the ensuing 
testimonies make to appear 

' The testimony of fVaterrnan, and David, Indians, sailh, 
' that the Mnquns sent a messenger to Pennicok to inform that 
' the governor Edmund Androsse hired the Maquas to fight 

* the Enghsh, and paid down to tliem one busliel of white 

* wompon. and one bushel of black wompon, and three cart 

* loads of merchants good, trucking cloath and cotton cloath, 

* and shirt cloath, and other goods. The Mnquas said, that the 

* English were their good friends, and said, they would not fight 

* them, for the English never wronged them, but the Maquas 
' took the pay on the account of the Maquas helping the En- 
' glish to fight their enemies the last war. 

David's X mark. 

Waterman's Q mark. 
Attest. 
Cornelius Waldo, seiiior 
Moses Parker, 
Thomas Read.' 

The two Indians above-mentioned Waterman and David, 
appeared the 4th day of May 1639, and to the council then 
sitting owned the above-written to be truth ; 

IsA. Addington, secretary. 

Rochester in the king's province, Sept. 16, 16S8. * Samuel 
' Eldred, junior o( Rochester came before Arthur Fcnner and 

* John Fones, esquires; two of his majesty's justices of the 

* peace, and did declare upon oath, that on the evening before 
' an Indian whom he had seized, by name of Joseph, did in an 

* insulting and vaunting manner say, there was 500 at Martin's 

* Vineyard, 700 at Xantucket, and 400 at Chappaquessot, all 
' very well armed, in a better manner than him the said Samuel 
' Eldred, and that our governor did not dare to disarm them for 

* that the governor had more love for them, the said Indians, 

* than for his majesty's subjects the English. The said Indian 
' being brought before us, and examined, did confess the greatest 

* part of what was sworn against him, and owned that he was 

* one of them that were in hostility against the English in the 
late wars, upon which the said Indian was committed to goal. 

' Per Arthur Fenner, 
John Fones.' 

'The 



The Revolution in New-England Justified. 31 

' The testimony of Joseph Graves a^ed 46 years or there 
about, and Mary Graves about 30 years, o( John Rutteraiied 
about 40 years, witness that on the 2d day of January 1688, 
Solomon Thomas, Indian, being at the house of Joseph Graves, 
in the town of Sudbury, said, that when the fight at the east- 
ward should be, if the Indians had the better of it, as the En- 
glish did reU-eat, the friend Indians were to shoot them down, 
but if the English get the day, we say nothing, and that in the 
spring French and Irish would come to Boston, as many, and 
all won Indians, for that was the first place that was to be de- 
stroyed, and after that the country towns would be all won 
nothing. And further, the said Solomon said, that the gover- 
nor had given him a book, which said governor said was better 
than the Bible, and all that would not turn to the governor's 
religion, and own that book, should be destroyed. In which 
book he the said Thoinas said was the picture of our Saviour, 
and of the virgin Mary and of the twelve apostles ; and the 
governor said, when we pray, we pray to the virgin iMary ; and 
when the fight should be at the eastward, the governor would 
sit in his wigwam, and say, O brave Indians ! Whereupon 
John Rutter told the Indian, that he deserved to be hanged 
for speaking such things, but the Indian replied, it was all 
true. Upon the hearing this discourse, we resolved to come 
to Boston, and acquaint authority with it, but by reason of the 
sickness of Joseph Graves, we could not presently, but as 
soon as conveniently we could, we accordingly appeared at 
Boston with our information, which the said Joseph Graves 
carried to Mr. Bullivant a justice of the peace. 

Joseph Graves, 

John X Rutter, signum. 

Mart Y Graves, mark. 

' Boston, January 28, 1689, Joseph and Mary Graves came 
' and made oath to the above-written, 

* Before me, William Johnson, Assistant.' 

That when the English secured some of the Indians men- 
tioned, and brought them before Sir Edmund Androsse's just'i' 
ces, they were basely and barbarously used for their pains, the 
following affidavits shew. 

' Sudbury in New-England, March 22, 1688-9, ' Thomas 
' Browne, aged about forty-four years, and John Goodenow, 

' aged 



3!2 The 'Rcvululio)i in yciv-l^nglmul JustijhJ. 

* aged about fifty-four years, John Growth senior, aged near 
' seventy years, Jacob Moore, aged about forty-four years, 

* Jonathan Stanhope, aged about fifty-seven years, and Jo/ui 
' Farmiter, aged about fifty years, all inbabitants of tbe town of 

* iSudbury aforesaid, do witness, tbat be beard Jo/m James, 
' Indian, of bis own voluntary mind, say, Tbat tbe governor 
' was a rogue, and bad bired tbe Indians to kill tbe Englisb,and 
' in particular, had bired IVoliawhij to kill Englisbnien, and tbat 
' tbe governor bad given tbe said iVohaxvhy a gold rin"-, wbicb 

* was bis commission, wbicb gold ring tbe said ll'ohaivhij sold 
' to Jonathan Frescott for two sbillings in money : VVbereupon 

* we replied, Sirrab, you deserve to be banged for what you sav. 

* Joh7i James tbe Indian replied, Wbat you papist, all one 
' governor. I speak it before <:overnor's very face. Tbis dis- 
' course of John James, Indian, was at tbe place, and on liie 
' day above- written. 

Thomas Browne, 
John Goodenow, 
Jacob INIoore, 
Jonathan Stanhope, 
John Parmiter. 

' Thomas Browne and John Goodenow, two of tbe sub- 

* scribers above, having received tbis declaration from John 
' James the Indian, we thought it our duty forthwith to inform 
' authority, and did with tbe Indian presently go to IVatcrtomi 
' to justice Bond, where tbe said John James did voluntarily 
' give his testimony before the said justice Bond, which after be 

* bad taken, the said justice Bond ordered us tbe said Thomas 
' Browne and John Goodenow to make our appearance before 
' the governor Sir Edmund Androsse, or one of tbe council 
' with tbe Indian, which accordingly we did, when we came to 
' the governor's bouse ; after long waiting in a very wet and 
' cold season, we were admitted unto the governor's presence 

' where we were detained until eleven or twelve o'clock at 
' night, and after a very unkind treat, we humbly prayed his 
' excellency, he would please to discharge us of the Indian, but 
' he told us no, and joaked us, saying, we were a couple of brave 
' men, and had the command, one of a troop of horse, and the 
' other a company of foot, and could we not know what to do 
' with a poor Indian ? Further, be asked us wbat money we 
' gave the Indian to tell us such news, and commanded us still 
' to take care of the Indian till his pleasure was to call for us 

' afrain. 



The Revolution in New-England Justified. 33 

* again, and this as we would answer it. Thus being severely 

* chidden out of his presence, we were forced with the Indian to 

* seek our quarters where we could find them. The next 

* morning we were preparing to go home again to Sudbury 
' (being twenty miles or more) being Saturday, we were again 
' sent for by the governor, by a messenger, to wait on the go- 

* vernor, with the Indian, vyhich we did, and waited at the ex- 

* change or council-house in Boston, from nine o'clock in the 

* morning till three of the clock in the afternoon, where in the 

* face of the country we were made to wait upon the Indian with 
' many squibs and scofis that we met withal ; at last we were 

* commanded up before the governor and his council, where we 

* were examined apart over and over, and about the sun-settFng 
' were granted leave to go hoine, it being the evening before 

* the Sabbath. 

Thomas Brown, 
John Goodenow.' 

* On Monday morning following, being the 25th of March, 

* 1689, Jacob Moore, Joseph Graves, Joseph Curtis, Joseph 
' Moore, Obadiah Ward, were by Thomas Larkin as a mes- 

* senger fetched down to Boston, where after examination, 

* Jacob Moore was committed to close prison. Joseph Moore, 

* Joseph Graves, Joseph Curtis, and Obadiah fVard were sent 

* home again, paying the said LarJcin twelve shillings per man. 

* On the next Monday morning after, being the first day of 

* April 1689, Samuel Gookin the sheriff of Middlesex and his 

* deputy came up to Sudbury, and commanded Thomas Browne, 

* John Goodenoiv senior, John Groivt senior, Jonathan Stan- 

* hope, John Parmiter, forthwith to appear at Boston, at Colonel 
' Page's house, but it being a wet and cold day, we were de- 

* tained at judge Dudley's house at Roxbury, where after long 

* waiting, had the kindness shewn us, to have an examination 

* every man apart before judge Dudley, judge Stoughton, Mr. 

* Graham and others, and were bound over to answer at the 

* next superiour court to be held at Boston, what should there 
' be objected against us upon his majesty's account. Thomas 
' Browne, John Goodenow, senior, John Growt, senior, were 
' each of them bound over in three hundred pound bonds, and 

* each man two sureties in three hundred pound bond a piece. 
' John Parmiter and Jonathan Stanhope, were bound in a bun- 
« dred pound a piece, besides the loss of our time and hindrance 
' of our business, the reproach and ignominy of bond and im- 
prisonment, 

Vol. IV.— No. 9. 30 v 



34 



Tht BeL'uludun in Neiu-Eiiglaiul Justijltd. 



' prisoiiinent, we sliall only lake the boldness to give a true ac- 
' count of what money we were forced to expend out ol our own 
* purses as followeth, to the sheriff, and other necessary charges. 



Thomas Browne, 
J. Goodenow, sen. 
J. Growt, sen. 
J. Rulter, jiin. 
Joseph Curtis, 



1. s. d. 
2 00 00 

2 00 00 
10 00 

3 05 00 
17 00 



Jacob Moore, 
Jona. Stanhope, 
John Par miter, 
Joseph Craves, 



I. s. d. 

3 00 00 

15 00 

15 00 

3 15 00 



' Boston, the 2 1st of De- 
cember, 16S9, 

Jurat, cor. 

* Isaac Addington, Assistant. 



Thomas Browne, 
John Goodenow, 
Jacob Moore, 
Jonathan Stanhope, 
Joseph Curtis, 
John Parmiter.' 



AlthouLih no man does accuse Sir Edmund meerly upon 
Indian testimony, yet let it be duly weighed (the premises con- 
sidered) whether it mit^ht not create suspicion and an astonish- 
ment in the 2>eople of New-England, in that he did not punish 
the Indians who thus charged him, but the English wlio com- 
plained of them for it. And it is certain, that some very good 
and wise men in Neiv-England do verily believe that he was 
deeply guilty in this matter, especially considering what might 
pass between him and Hope Hood on Inilian, concerning whicli 
Mr. Thomas Danforth the present deputy-governor at Boston 
in New-England, in a letter bearing date April 1, 1690, 
writeth thus : — 

' The commander in chief of those that made this spoil, (i. e.) 

* the spoil which was made in the province of Maine on the 
' 18lh of March last, is Hope Hood an Indian, one that was 

* with sundry other Indians in the summer 1688 seized by some 

* of Sir Edmund's justices and commanders in the province of 
' Maine, and sent prisoners to Boston, Sir Edmund being then 
' at the westward, where he continued absent many weeks; 
' upon his return finding the Indians in prison, fell into a great 
' rage against those gentlemen that had acted therein, declared 
' his resolution to set them at liberty and calling his council 
' togc'^.er, was by some opposed therein, and among others, one 
' gentleman of the council accused this Hope Hood to be a 
' bloody rogue, and added, that he, the said Hope Hood, had 

threatened 



The Rcvolntiuii in Mew-England Justified. 35 

* threatened his life, and therefore prayed Sir Edmund that he 
' might not be enlarged, but Sir Edmund made a flout and scorn 
' of all that could be said. At the same time some of the 
' council desired Sir Edmund that this Hojie Hood might be 
' sent for before the council, to which he replied, that he never 
' had had a quarter of an hour's conference with any of them, 
' and that he scorned to discourse with any heathen of them all, 
' yet all this notwithstanding, at the same time whilst the coun- 

* oil was thus met, did Sir Edmund privately withdraw himself, 
' and repair to the prison where this Hope Hood was prisoner, 

* and did there continue with him two or three hours in private, 
' the truth of what is above related is attested by simdry gen- 
' tlemen that were of Edmund's council, and were then ear 
' witnesses, and likewise by others that saw Sir Edmund at the 

* prison : and as it is now verily believed that at that very time 
' he consulted the mischief that is now acted by the said Hope 
' Hood and company.' Thus Mr. Danforth. 

9. That Sir Edmund Androsse discountenanced making de- 
fence against the Indians, is complained of by five gentlemen 
who were of his council, and much concerned at his strange 
actings in that matter as in the account annexed to this apology 
is to be seen. It is also confirmed by the Afldavits of two 
honest men, viz. 

' Henry Kerley aged about fifty-seven years and Thomas 

* How aged thirty-five years or thereabouts, both inhabitants 
' of the town of Marlborough, do both testify that in the fall of 

* the year, 1688, when Sir Edmund Androsse came from Neio- 
' York to Boston sometime after the Indians had killed some 

* Englishmen at North-field in New-England, coming through 

* our town o( Marlborough, the said Sir Edmund Androsse ex- 

* amined this deponent Henry Kerley by what order we did 
' fortify and garrison our houses, I answered it was by order of 
' Captain Nicholson, the said Sir Edmund then said, he had no 

* power so to do. He the said Sir Edmund examined what arms 

* we made use of, and carried with us on the watch, and what 

* charge was given us, answer was made by the deponant, they 
' carried fire arms, and the charge was to keep a true watch, to 

* examine all we met with, and secure suspicious persons that 

* we met vi^ith, the said Sir Edmund said, what if they will not 
' be secured, and what if you should kill them ; answer was 
' made by the deponant, that if we should kill them, we were in 
' our way, then Mr. Randolph being there in the company said, 

you 



36 The Revolution m ?>^eiv-EngIand JuslijleJ. 

' you are in the ivay to be hanged. Sir Edmund Androsse said 

' further, that those persons that had left their houses, to dwell 

* in garrisons, if they would not return, others should be put in 
' that would live there. 

' Boston the 27th of Decern. 
' 1689. Jur. Henry Kerley, 

• and the 2d of January 1689, Henry Keklet. 
' Jttr. Thomas llow. Thomas How. 

* Cor. Is. Addington, Assistant.' 

That Sir Edmund's high sheriff was a stranger in the coun- 
try, and one that had no estate there needs no proof, and that 
strangers who had no freehold, ivere impnymellcd for Jurors \s 
notoriously known. So it was in the case of the Ipswichmcn as 
hath been noted, and when that reverend person Mr. Charles 
Morton, was causelesly and maliciously prosecuted, he was not 
only compelled to answer (contrary to law) in another county, 
and not in that wherein the good sermon they found fault with, 
was preached, but that if possible, they might give him a blow, 
there was summoned to serve as a jury man, one John Gibson 
no housholder nor of any estate or credit, and one John Levings- 
worth a brick-layer, who lived in another colony two hundred 
miles distance. When those in government will use such base 
artifices as these to accomplish their pernicious designs, how 
should any man's estate or life be secure under him ? 

11. That the persons objected against, were some of them 
guilty of great extortion is manifest from what has been related, 
and may yet be further proved, for (as by some instances we 
have already seen, and shall now hear more) they compelled 
men to take patents for their ou-n lands, which they and their 
fathers before them, had quietly possessed till these covetous 
creatures became a nusance to the country, and it may be, none 
more criminal, as to this particular, than Mr. Palmer and Mr. 
West. A friend of their own, viz. Mr. Randolph, does in 
several of his Letters bitterly complain of them upon this ac- 
count. In a letter of his of August the 25th, 1687, he writeih 
thus ; 

' I believe all the inhabitants in Boston will be forced to take 
* grants and conformations of their lands, as now intended, the 
' inhabitants of the province of Maine which will bring invast 
' profits to Mr. IVest, he taking what fees he pleases to de- 

* mand. 



The Revolution in Neic-England Justijied. 37 

mand. I shall always have a due honour and respect for his 
excellency, but I must buy his favour at three or four hundred 
pounds a year loss.' And in another to the same, June 21, 
1688, he hath these words. ' I went to one iSAwrfe town-clerk 
o( Pemyquid, to know what leases were made lately, and by 
whom, and for what quit rent, he told me that above a year 
ago Captain Palmer, and Mr. fVest produced to them a com- 
mission from Colonel Dungan, to dispose of all their lands to 
whoever would take leases at five shillings the hundred acres 
quit lent. They let tliere and at a place called Dartmouth 
twelve or sixteen miles distant from Pemtjquid about one hun- 
dred and forty leases, some liad eight hundred or ten hundred 
acres, few less than a hundred, some but three or four acres 
and all paid 21. 10s. for passing their grants of 100 acres of 
woodland, with twenty acres of marsh where-ever it could be 
found, but this bred a great mischief among the people; few 
or none have their lands measured or marked, they were in 
haste, and got what they could, they had their emissaries 
among the poor 'people, and frighted them to take grants, 
some come and complained to the governor, and prayed him 
to confirm their rights which he refused to do, the commission 
and whole proceeding being illegal, having notice ihey were 
to be under his government, they resented it, but served their 
turn. The poor have been very much oppressed here, the fort 
run all to ruin, and wants a great deal to repair it. Captain 
Palmer and INlr. M^cst laid out for themselves such large lots, 
and Mr. Graham though not there, had a child's portion, I 
think some have eight thousand or ten thousand acres. I hear 
not of one penny rent camming in to the king, from them who 
have their grants confirmed at York, and the five shillings an 
hundred acres was only a sham upon the people: at our re- 
turn we saw very good land at Winter Harbour, enough to 
make large settlements for many people. The governor will 
have it first measured, and then surveyed, and then will dis- 
pose of it for settlements. jMr. Graham and his family are 
settled at Boston, he is made Attorney general, and now the 
governor is safe in his New-York Confidents, all others being 
strangers, to his council. 'Tvvas not well done of Palmer and 
West to tear all in peices that was settled and granted at Pe- 
myquid by Sir Edmund, tl^at was the scene where they placed 
and displaced at pleasure and were as arbitrary as the great 
Turk. Some of the first settlers of that eastern country were 
denied grants of their own lands, ivhilst these men have given 

' the 



38 The Revolution in New-England Justijitd. 

' the improved lands amongst themselves, of which I suppose 
' Mr. 7:/«r67u*Mson hath complained.' In another, iUn// the 16th 
' 1639, he says; ' 1 must confess tl)ere have been ill men from 
* JSew-York, who have too much studied the disease of this 
' people, and both in courts and councils, they have not been 
' treated ivelL' Thus does Edtvard Randolph, a bird of the 
same feather with themselves confess the truth, as to this matter, 
concerning his brother Palmer and West. 

And that oppressive fees have been extorted by indigent and 
exacting officers is declared by i\lr. Hinckley the present gover- 
nor of i\ew-FlymoHth in his narrative of the grievances and op- 
pressions of their majesties good subjects in the colony of^ew- 
Plymouih in New-England, by the illegal and arbitrary actings 
in the late Government under Sir Edmund Androsse, which 
narrative is too large to be here inserted, but it is possible it 
may be published by itself, whereby it will appear that every 
corner in the country did ring with complaints of the oppressions, 
and (to speak in i\ir. Falmer's phrase) horrible usages of these 
ill men. Some passages out of Mr. Hinckley^ narrative re- 
specting this matter, we shall here transcribe, whose words are 
these which follow. 

' The bill of cost taxed by judge Palmer seems also to be 
' the greatest extortion ever heard of before, as thrice twenty 
' shillings for three motions for judgment at the same term, 

* (and was it not their courtesy they did not move ten times 
' one after another at the same rate) and taxed ?i\so, five pound 
^ for the king^s attorney, and one and twenty shillings for the 
^judges, and ten shillings for the sheriff, and other particulars 
' as by the said bill appeareth, and that which makes it the 
' greater extortion is, that the whole bill of cost was exacted of 

* every one of them, which each of thetn must pay down, or be 
' kept prisoners till they did, though all seven of them were 

* jointly informed against in one information.' Thus Mr. 
Hinckley. 

The cry of poor widows and fatherless is gone up to heaven 
against them on this account ; for the probate of a will and 
letter of administration above fifty shillings hath been extorted 
out of the hands of the poor, nay they have been sometimes 
forced to pay more than four pounds, when not much above a 
crown had been due. Let Andreiv Sergeant and Joseph 
^uilter among many others speak if this be not true, who were 
compelled to travel two hundred miles for the probate of a will, 
and to pay the unreasonable and oppressive fees complained of. 

Besides 



The Revolution in Neiv- England Justified. 39 . 

Besides these tilings, under Sir Edmundh government they 
bad wicked ways to extort money when they pleased. Mr. 
fVilliam Coleman complains (and hath given his oath accord- 
ingly) that upon the supposed hired evidence of one man he 
sustained forty pounds damage in his estate. And there were 
complaints all over the country that Sir Edmund^ s excise men 
would preteifd sickness on the road, and get a cup of drink of 
the hospitable people, but privately drop a piece of money, and 
afterwards make oath that they bought drink at those houses, 
for which the innocent persons were fined most unreasonably, 
and which was extorted from them, though these villanies were 
declared and made known to those then in power. William 
Goodhue, and Mary Dennis might be produced as witness 
here of, with many more. Some of Sir Edmund's creatures 
have said, that such things as these made his government to 
stink. Also John Hovey and others complain of sustaining ten 
pounds damages by the extortion of officers, though never any 
thing (they could hear of) was charged upon them to this day, 
John and Christopher Osgood complain of their being sent to 
prison nine or ten days, without a mittimus, or any thing laid to 
their charge, and that afterwards they were forced to pay ex- 
cessive charges — ^It would fill a volume, if we should produce 
and insert all the affidavits which do confirm tlie truth of these 
complaints. 

In the time of that unhappy government, if the officers 
wanted money, it was but seizing and imprisoning the best men 
in the country for no fault in the world, and the greedy officers 
would hereby have grist to their mill. Thus was Major Ap- 
pleton dealt with. Thus Captain Bradstreet. Thus that 
worthy and worshipful gentleman Nathaniel Salstoristal, Es- 
quire, was served by them and barbarously prosecuted, without 
any information or crime laid to his charge ; for he had done 
nothing worthy of bonds, but it was the pleasure of Sir Edmund 
and some others, thus to abuse a gentleman far more honourably 
descended than himself, and one concerned in the government 
of Neiv-England before him, but (to his eternal renown) one 
who refused to accept of an illegal and arbitrary commission, 
when in the reign of the late king James it was offered to him. 

We have now seen a whole jury of complaints which concur 
in their verdict against Sir Edmund Androsse and his confede- 
rates. Were these things to be heard upon the place, where 
the witnesses who gave in their affidavits are resident, they 
would amount to legal proof, as to every particular which was 

by 



40 The Revolution in New-England Justified. 

by the agc7its of the Massachusetts colony in New-England ob- 
jected against Sir Edmund Androsse, and others seized and 
secured by the people there. 

Moreover there are other matters referring to Sir Edmund 
Androsse which caused great, and almost universal jealousy o( 
him. For first, His commission was such as would make any 
one believe that a courtier in the time of the late king James 
spoke true, who said Sir Edmund Androsse was sent to New- 
England on purpose to be a plague to the people there. For 
he with three or four more, none of then) chosen by the people, 
but rather by that implacable enemy who prosecuted the quo 
warranto's against their charters, had power given them to make 
laws, and raise what monies they should think meet for the sup- 
port of their own government, and he had power himself alone 
to send the best and most useful men a thousand miles, (and 
further if he would) out of the country, and to build cities and 
castles (in the air if he could) and demolish them again, and 
make the purses of the poor people pay for it all. Such a com- 
mission was an unsufierable grievance, and no honest English- 
man would ever have accepted of it, or acted by it. 

Secondly, Jealousies were augmented by his involving the 
country in a war with the Indians, by means whereof he hath 
occasioned the ruin of many families and plantations; yea the 
death or captivity of we know not how many souls. For he 
went (with the Rose frigate, and violently seized, and took 
and carried away, in a time of peace all the houshold goods and 
merchandises of monsieur Cakeen a Frenchman at l^enobscot 
who was allied to the Indians having married the daughter of 
one of their 2^''iuces whom they call Sagamores or Sachems ; 
and when this was done, it was easy to foresee, and was gene- 
rally concluded that the Fre7ich and Indians would soon be 
upon the English, as it quickly came to pass. After the flame 
was kindled, and barbarous outrages commited by the Indians, 
Sir Edmund's managery was such as filled the country with 
greater fears of an horrid design. For bloody Indians whom 
the English had secured, were not only dismissed, but rather 
courted than punished by him. 

Thirdly, It cannot be exprest what just and amazing fears 
surprised the people of New-England when they had notice of 
the late king James being in France, lest Sir Edmund Androsse 
whose governor and confident he was, should betray them into 
the power of the French king, other circumstances concurring 
to strengthen these fears. The Mohawks and other Indians 

were 



The Revolution in New-England Justified. 41 

were in hostility against the French and it was very advanta- 
gious to the English interest to have it so, but Sir Edmund 
caused them to make a yeace with the French, whereby the 
French interest in those parts was strengthened, and the English 
weakened. Mr. Peter Rcverdy (a French protestant) in his 
memoirs concerning Sk Edmu7id Androsse complains of this. 

After that Sir Edmund Androsse and his accomplices were 
secured, such reports and informations came to hand, as made 
Neiv-England admire the divine providence in accomplishing 
what was done against the late oppressors. They then saw the 
persons from whom they suspected the greatest danger, were 
now incapable of betraying them. 

If an unaccountable instinct and resolution had not animated 
the inhabitants in and about Boston, io seize on those few men, 
the people there believe New-England would have been in the 
hands not of king William but king Leivis e'er this day : For 
in Sept. 1689, several vessels hehngmg to Neiv- England were 
taken near Causae in America by some French men of war. 
The prisoners since at liberty, inform, that the French told 
them, that there was a fleet of ships bound from France direct- 
ly for Boston in New-England, but some of them were taken 
by the English ships of war, and three or four of them lost at 
Newfoundland, and that Sir Edmund Androsse had sent to the 
French king for them to come over, and the country should be 
delivered up. And the Lieutenant of a French man of war 
professed, that if Sir Edmund Androsse had not been imprisoned, 
they would then have gone to Boston. This shews what a 
good opinion the French had of him, and such reports so testified 
made a strange impression on the spirits of the people through- 
out the country : And that the world may see we do not write 
fictions of our own, the subsequent AJidavits are produced and 
here inserted. 

' John Langford of Salem testifieth, That he being in the 

* Ketch Margaret of Salem, Daniel Gygles commander, they 

* were taken by the French ships off Tarhay in America, near 
' Cansoe on Tuesday the 17th day of September last past, and 

* being put on board the Admiral, viz. The Lumbuscado, and 

* in the said ship carried a prisoner to Port-Royal, and then 
' did hear several of the company on board the said ship say, 
' that they came directly from France, and that there was ten 
' or twelve sail of them ships of war that came in company toge- 

* ther, but some of them were taken upon the coast of France 

* and some were lost since, and that they were all bound directly 

' for 



42 The Revolution in Neiv-England Justified. 

* for New-England, and that Sir Edmund Androsse lute gover- 

* nor of New-England had sent to the French kins; for them to 
' come over, and the country should be delivered up into his 

* hands, and that they expected that before they should arrive, 
' it would have been delivered into the hands of the French. 

* John Langford.' 

* Benjamin Majery of Salem, Jersey-man, also testifieth, that 
' he being taken the same day, and at the same place in the 
' Ketch Diligence, Gilbert Peters commander ; as is abovesaid 
' in the evidence o{ John Langjord, he heard the same related, 

* by several of the company on board the other French ship of 

* war that was in company with the Lumbuscado ; viz. The 
' Frngum, so called, that there was ten sail of them came out 
' directly from France together ; that Sir Edmund Androsse 
*■ late governor of New-England had sent lo the king of France 
' for them lo come over, and he would deliver the country into 
' their hands, and that they were bound directly for Boston in 

* New-England but had lost most of their ships coming over. 

The mark M of Benjamin Majery. 

* John T^nngford and Benjamin Magcry, both made oath 
' to the truth of their respective evidences in Salem, Novem- 
' ber 23, 1689. 

' Before me, John Hathorne, assistant.' 

* Joshua Conant testifieth, That he being commander of the 
' Ketch, Thomas and Mary of Salem, he was taken by three 
' French ships off from Tarbay, near Cansoe, upon Tuesday 
' the I'ah of September last, two of which were ships of war, 

* the other a merchant-man, and being put on board the Admiral, 
' viz. the Lumbuscado, and therein carried to Port-Royal a 
' prisoner, Mr. Mero told me that the French on board told iiim, 
' that there was ten sail of them ships of war came out in com- 
' pany together from France, and that they came directly from 

* France, and were bound to Boston in New-England, and 

* that Sir Eilmund Androsse had sent to the French king for 
' them, and that the country was to be delivered up into their 
' hands; but having lost several of their ships in their voyage, 
' and hearing that Sir Edmund Androsse was taken, and now 
' in hold, should not proceed at present, but threatened what 

* they would do the next summer. 

' Joshua Conant. 

* Joshua 



The Revolution in New-England Justified. 43 

* Joshua Conant personally appeared before me, and made 
^ oath to the truth of the abovesaid evidence. Salem, Novem- 
' ber the 23d, 1689. 

' John Hathorne, assistant.' 

' Phillip Hilliard of Salem, Jersey-man, testifielh, That he 

* was taken by the French in a Ketch belonging to Salem ; viz. 
' the Thomas and Mary, Joshua Conant conmiander off from 
' Tarbay near Cansoe, this autumn, September 17, and being 
' carried on board the Lumbuscado, did on board the said ship 
' hear several of the company say, that there was about twelve 
' sail of them ships of war, came out in company together from 

* France, and were bound directly for Boston in New-England, 
' and that Sir Edmund Androsse, the late governor tiiere had 
' sent into France for them to come over. 

The mark 8 of Phillip Hilliard. 

' Phillip Hilliard personally appeared before me, and made 
' oath to the truth of the abovesaid evidence. Salem, Novem- 
' ber the 23d, 1689. 

* John Hathorne, assistant.' 

' James Cocks of Salem, mariner, testineth, That he was 

* taken by the French in the Ketch Margaret of Salem, 
' Daniel Gygles commander, on Tuesday the 17th of Septem- 
' ber last past, off from Tarbay near Cansoe, by two French 
' ships of war, who had one merchant-man in company with 
' them, and he being carried on board the admiral, viz. the 
' Lumbuscado, he there met with a man he had known in Lon- 
' don, one of the said ship's company, who was a Biscay born, 
' named Peter Goit, who told him that there was thirteen ships 

* of them came out of France in company together, and that 

* they were bound directly for Boston in New-Enghnd, ex- 
' pecting that the country was before, or would be at their 

* coming delivered up to the king of France, and told him, before 

* they could get clear of the coast of France, several of their 
' ships were taken by the English ships of war, and the rest of 
' their fleet taken or dispersed, and lost about Neivfoundland. 

' The mark of S S of James Cocks. 

' James Cocks j)ersonally appeared before me, and made oath 

* to the truth of the abovesaid evidence. Salem, November 23d, 
' 1689. 

' John Hathorne, assistant.' 

But 



44 The Revolution in New-England Justified. 

But as to one of the crimes objected against Sir Edmund An- 
drosse and his accomphces, Habemus conjitentem reum. Mr. 
Palmer cannot deny but that they levied monies on the king's 
subjects in New-England, contrary to the fundamentals of the 
English government, which doth not allow the imposition of 
taxes without a parliament. The New-En glanders supposed 
that their late oppressors had been guilty of no less than a capi- 
tal crime by their raising money in such a way as they did ; and 
we are assured that one of them after he received, and before he 
acted by virtue of his illegal commission from the late king, pro- 
fessed, that if ever he had an hand in raising a penny of money 
tvithout an assembly, his neck should go for it ; and yet no man 
that we know of had a deeper hand in it than this person had. 
But Mr. Palmer, for the justification of this so foul a business, 
lays down several positions which he would have no man deny; 
one of his positions is, That it is a fundamental point consented 
to by all christian nations. That the first discoverer of a country 
inhabited by infidels, gives a right and dominion of that country 
to the prince in lohose service and employment the discoverers 
were sent. These are his w-ords, p. 17. We affirm, that this 
fundamental point (as he calls itj is not a christian, but an un- 
christian principle. It is controverted among the School-men, 
an dominium fundatur in gratia. Papists are (as Mr. Palmer 
is) for the a^rmative, but the scripture teaches us to believe 
that tha heathen nations, and the sons of Adam, and not the 
children of Israel only, have a right to the earth, and to the 
inheritance which God hath given them therein, Deut. 32. 8. 
When Mr. Palmer hath proved that iifidels ave not the sons of 
Adam, we shall consent to his notion, that christians may invade 
their rights, and take their lands from them, and give them to 
whom they please, and that the pope may give all America to 
the king of Spain. But let him know, that the first planters 
in New-England, had more of conscience and the fear of God 
in them, than it seems Mr. Palmer hath. For they were not 
willing to ivrong the Indians in their properties ; for which 
cause it was that they purchased from the natives their right to 
the soil in that part of the world, notwithstanding what right 
they had by virtue of their charters from the kings of England. 
Mr. Palmer's position is clearly against Jus Gentium %■ Jus 
Naturale, which instructs every man, Nemini injuriam facer e. 
He that shall violently, and without any just cause take from 
infidels their lands, where they plant, and by which they subsist, 
does them manifest injury. And let us know of Mr. Palmer, 

if 



The Revolution in New- England Justified. 45 

if cZ/fis/ian princes have power to dispose of ilie lands belonwini' 
to infidtU in the JVcst-lndics, whether they l)ave the like do- 
minion over the lands belongino: to the itijidc/s in the East- 
Indies, and if these injidels shall refuse to consent that such 
christians shall possess their lands, that then they may lawfully • 
vi ^ armis expel or destroy them, as the Spaniards did ! We 
may send Mr. Falmer for further instruction in this point 
to Dalaani's ass, which ingenuously acknowledged that her 
master (though an infidel) had a j)roperty in, and right of do- 
minion over her, JSumb. '22. 30. But this gentleman hath some 
other assertions which he would have us take (or postulata, and 
then we shall be his s/aues without all peradventures. He tells 
us in page IT, IS, 19, that the English plantations (in par- 
ticulur New-England J are no parts of the empire of England, 
but like Wales and Ireland, tchich were conquered, and belong 
to the dominion of the crown o/England, and that therefore he 
that wears the crown, may set vp governments over them, ichich 
are despotick and absolute, without any regard to Magna 
Charta, and that ivhereas in Barbadoes, Jamaica, Virginia, ^'c. 
they have their assemblies, that is only from the favor of the 
prince, and not that they could pretend right to such privileges 
of Englishmen. 

And now we need no further discovery of the man. Could 
the people o( New-England who are zealous for English liber- 
ties ever endure it long, that such a person as this should be 
made one of their^w^.o-es, that by squeezing of them, he might 
be able to pay his debts? And can any rational man believe, 
that persons of such principles did not tyrannize over that 
people when once they had them in their cruel clutches, and 
could pretend the authority of the late king Jarnes for what 
they did ? in our opinion Mr. Falmer hath not done like a 
wise man thus to expose himself to the just resentments and 
indignation of all the English plantations. If ever it should be 
his chance to be amongst them again, what could he ex[)ect but 
to be looked on as communis hostis, when he thus openly de- 
clares that they iiave no English liberties belonging to them ? — 
That worthy gentleman Sir fVilliam Jones (who was Attorney 
General in the reign of king Charles the second) had certainly 
more understanding in the law than Captain Palmer, and yet 
Captain Palmer (we suppose) is not ignorant that when some 
proposed, that Jamaica (and so the other plantations) might be 
governed without any assembly, that excellency Attorney (not 
like Captain Palmer but like an Englishman) told the then 

king. 



46 The Htvolution in Ntw- England Justified. 

king, that he could no more ^rayit a commission to levy money 
on his subjects there ivithout their consent by an assembly, than 
they could discharge themselves from their allegiance to the 
English crown ; and what Englishmen in their right wits will 
venture their lives over the seas to enlarge the king's dominions, 
and to enrich and greaten the English nation, if all the reward 
they shall have for their cost and adventures shall be their being 
deprived of English liberties, and in the same condition with 
the slaves in France or in Turlcy! And \( the colonies o/" New- 
England are not to be esteemed as parts o/" England, why then 
were the quo warranto's issued out against the government in 
Boston as belonging to IVestminster in Middlesex! Are the 
English there, like the PVelsh and Irish a conquered people ? 
When Mr. Palmer hath proved that he hath said something. 
They have (through the mercy of God) obtained conquests 
over many of their enemies, both Indians and French, to the 
enlargement of the English dominions. But except Mr. Palmer 
and the rest of that crew will say, that his and their domineering 
a while was a conquest, they were never yet a conquered people. 
So that his alledging the case of Wales and Ireland, before En- 
glish liberties were granted to them, is an impertinent story. 
Besides, he forgets that there was an original contract between 
the king and the first planters in jSew-England, the king pro- 
mising them, if they at their own cost and charge would subdue 
a wilderness, and enlarge his dominions, they and their posteri- 
ty after them should enjoy such privileges as are in their charters 
expressed, of which that of not having taxes imposed on them 
without their own consent was one. Mr. Palmer and his 
brethren oppressors will readily reply, their charter was con- 
demned. But he cannot think, that the judgment against their 
charter made tliem cease to be Englishmen. And only the 
colony of the Massachusetts had their charter condemned. And 
yet these men ventured to levy nionies on the king's subjects in 
Connecticut colony. For the which invasion of liberty and 
property they can never answer. Indeed they say the corpo- 
ration of Connecticut surrendered their charter. But who told 
them so? It is certain, that no one belonging to the govern- 
ment there, knoweth of any such thing ; and how their oppres- 
sors should know that Connecticut made a surrender of their 
charter when the persons concerned know nothing of it, is very 
strange. We can produce that written by the secretary of that 
colony with his own hand, and also signed by the present 
governor there, which declares the contrary to what these men 
(as untruly as boldly) affirm. Witness the words following. 

' In 



The BtLoluiiuH In New-EiiglanJ JusdjttJ. 47 

' In ilie second year o( ilie reign of kint;; James ilie second 
' we had a quo icnrrmiio served upon us by Edtcaid Randolph, 
' requiring our appearance before his majesty's courts in lln- 
' gland, and ahhough the time of our appearance was elapsed 
' before the serving of the said quo icarranto, yet we humbly 
' petitioned his majesty for his favour, and the continuance of 

* our charter with the privileges thereof. But we received no 
' other favour but a second quo \vananto,zn(\ we well observing 
' that the charier of London and other consiilerahle cities in 

* Eno^land were condemned, and that (lie charter of the I\Iassa- 
' chusetis liad undergone the like fate, plainly saw what we 

* might expect, yet we not judging it good or Uiuful to be ac- 

* tive in surrendering what had cost us so dear, nor to be alto- 

* gether silent, we impowered an attorney to a|)pear on our 

* behalf, and to present our humble address to his majesty, but 

* quickly upon it as Sir Edmund Androsse informed vs, he was 
' impowered by his majesty to receive the surrender of our 

* charter, if we saw meet so to do and us also to take under his 

* government. Also, Col. Thomas Dungan his majesty's go- 

* vernor of iVeif-Fo/A', laboured to gain us over to his govern- 

* mcnt. fVe ivithstood all these motions, and in our reiterated 
' addresses, we petitioned his majesty to continue us in the free 
' and full enjoyment of our liberties and properties, civil and 
' sacred, according to our charter. We also petitioned that if 

* his majesty should not see meet to continue us as we were, 

* but was resolved to annex us to some other government ; we 

* then desired that in as much as Boston had been our old cor- 
' respondents, and a people whose principles and manners we 
' had been acquainted with, we might rather be annexed to Sir 

* Edmund Androsse his government, than to Colonel JJungan's, 

* which clioice of ours was taken for a resignation of our charter, 

* though that was never intended by us for such, nor had it the 

* formalities in law to make it such. Yet Sir Edmund An- 
' drosse was commissionated to take us under iiis government, 
' pursuant to which about the end of October 1667, he with a 
' company o{ gentlemen and grenadiers to the number of sixty 

* or upwards came to Hartford the chief seat of this govern- 

* ment, caused his commission to be read, and declared our 

* government to be dissolved, and put into commission both 
' civil and military officers throughout our colony as he pleased. 
' When he passed through the principal parts thereof, tlie good 

* people of the colony though they were under a great sense of 
' the injuries sustained thereby, yet chose rather to be silent 

' and 



4ti Tilt ihvoluliun in New-England Justified. 

' and patient than to oppose, being indeed surprized into on 
' involuntary submission to an arbitrary power. 

' Hartford, June Robert Treat, Governor. 

13, 1689. John Allen, Secretary.' 

Thus did Sir Edmund Androssc and his creatures, who were 
deeply concerned in the ille<jal actions of the late unhappy 
reigns, contrary to the laws of. God and men, commit a rape on 
a whole colony ; for which violence it is hoped they may ac- 
count, and n)ake reparation (if possible) to those many whose 
properties as well as liberties have been invaded by them. 

Captain Palmer in the close of his iiartial account of New- 
England entertains his readers with an harangue about the sin 
of rebellion, and misapplies several scriptures that so he might 
make the world believe that the people of New-England have 
been guilty of wicked rebellion by their casting off the arbitrary 
power of those ill men who invaded liberty and property to such 
an intolerable degree as hath been proved against them. But 
does he in sober sadness think, that if when wolves are got 
among sheep in a wilderness, the shepherds and principal men 
there shall keep them from ravening, that this is the sin of re- 
bellion condemned in the scripture? How or by whose au- 
thority our lawyer comes to play the divine we know not. 
But since he hath thought meet to take a spiritual weapon into 
his hand, let him know that the scripture speaks of a lawful and 
good rebellion, as well as of that wliich is unlawful. It is said 
of good Hezekiah that he rebelled against the king of Assyria 
and served him not, 2 Kings 18. 7. Indeed vQvWxng Ilabshakeh 
upbraided him, and said as in verse 20, thou rebellest (not un- 
like to Captain Palmer) saying to New-England, thou rebellest. 
Hezekiah' s j)redeces3or3 had basely given away the liberties of 
the people, and submitted to the arbitrary power of the Assy- 
rians, and therefore Hezekiah did like a worthy prince in cast- 
ing off a tyrannical government, and asserting the liberty of them 
that were the Lord's people, and God did signally own and 
prosper him in what he did, and would never permit the Assy- 
rian to regain his tyrannical power over Jerusalem, or the land 
of Judah, though for their trial he permitted their enemies to 
make some devastations among them. The like (we hope) 
may be the happy case of New-England. jNIr. Palmer tells 
us, that New-England hath valued its el J for the true profession 
and pure exercise of the protestant religion, but he intimates 

that 



Tlie Revolution in New-England Justified. 49 

1 religion,nnd a degenerate wicked people, p. 39. And is thi. 
^^^e sincerity and christian moderation vvl.ici he boasts I, nself 
of .n Ins preface ? Surely these are the hissings of rod 
l^rp-iUnnd do sufficiently indicate whose children the m n are 

hat use them Smce he will be at divinity, let him (if he can^ 
read he apologies written by Justin Martyr and TerM^ 
and there see .1 Pagans did not accuse cLtils of o d ust 
after the same manner, and with the same crimes that he wicked 
ly upbraids that good and loyal people with. Who are thev 

hat use to call the holiest and Lsl conscientious men n he 
world hypocrites hars, rebels, and what not! but they t a! 
are themsel.es the greatest hypocrites, liars, and rebelTlu'st 

Ca7lZ'''r'' '''I'r' ^' '^''-^ *° believe tha 

scieC whlTl a- "°' ''^'^ '°''"^^ '^'' ''»'^' °^bi^ «^^" con- 
science uhen he affirms as ,n page 38, that in New-England 

every thing that hath any relation to their majesties is neglected 
and unregarded, without any recognition oj their authority 
over those dominions. He cannot be ignorant of the humble 
addresses wh.ch the people in NeicEniland have from time 
to time made to the.r present majesties, acknowled^incr their 
anthonty. He knows that on the first notice of their^majestfes 
bemg proclaimed MngJn^ queen in England, both those now 
n government m New-England, and the body of the people 
with hem, did (without any command) of their own accord 
vvith tlie greatest joy proclaim their majesties in Neiv-England- 
He knows that their majesties have no subjects more cordialy 
and zealously devoted to them than those in New-England are 
or that do with greater fervor pray for their long and happy 
reigns, or that are more willing to expose themselves to the 
utmost hazards in then service, and yet this man that knoweth 
all this, to cast an odium on th^t loyal and good people, insinu- 
ates as if they were rebels, and disaffected to the present go- 
vernment, and designed to set up an indejjendent common 
ivealth, and had no regard to the laws of God or men. After 
this lying and malicious rate hath he expressed himself. What 
rational charity can be extended so far as to believe that it is 
possible lor him to think that what himself hath written is true > 
When Sanballat wrote that Nehemiuh and the Jews with him 
intended to rebel, did he believe what he liad written ? no, he 
did not, but feigned those things out of his oivn heart. The 
like is to be said of those Sanballats that accuse the people of 
^eiv- England with thoughts of rebellion. And so we have 

Vol, IV.— No. 9. 31 



50 The Revolution in New-England Justlfed. 

done with Mr. Palmer. What ball, been said is sufficient to 
justifu the revolution in Neu-England, and to vinduatt the 
people there from the aspersions cast upon them by their ene- 
mies. Several worthy gentlemen have under then- hands given 
an account concerning some of Sir Edmund^s arbitrary pro- 
ceedings, svluch is subscribed by five (and more would have 
concurred with them had there been time to have communicated 
it^ of those who were of Sir Edmwurs council during his go- 
vernment there, and for that cause their complaints carry rnore 
weight with them, which shall therefore as a conclusion be here 
subjoined. 



READER, 



THERE is such notoriety as to matter of fact in the prece- 
dincr relation, that they who live in mxv-England are 
satisfied concerning the particulars contained therein. 11 any 
in England should hesitate, they may please to understand thai 
Mr Elisha Cook, and Mr. Thomas Oakes (who were the last 
year sent from Boston to appear as agents in behall oi the 
Massachusetts Colony) have by them attested copies of the 
aifidavits (at least-wise of most of them) which are in this vin- 
dication published, and are ready (if occasion serve) to produce 



A 
NARRATIVE of the PROCEEDINGS 



OB- 



Sir Edmund Androsse and his Accomplices, 

^uVtJ K^ '"ta'm^^" f"^ -H«'TRARV Commission fro.n 
the late K>ng JAMES, during his Government in NEW- 
ENGLAND. 

By several Gentlemen who were of his Council. 

To the R E A D E R. 

THE particulars mentioned in the ensuing narrative are 
Out a small part of the grievances justly complained of by the 
people zn New-England, during their three years oppression 
under Sir Edmund Androsse. For a more full account, the 
leader is referred to the justification of the revolution in New- 
±.ngland, w./Aere every particular exhibited against Sir Ed- 
mund om:? his accomplices, by the agents lately sent to Eng- 
Jand ^5 by the affidavits of honest men confirmed. If some 
men find themselves thereby exposed to the just resentments and 
indignation of all true christians, or true Englishmen, they 
must thank themselves Jor publishing such untrue accounts as 
that which goes under the name of Captain John Palmer'^ 
and that scandalous pamphlet called New-England's Faction 
discovered, supposed to be written by an implacable enemy of 
all good men, and a person that for impudence and lying has 
few equals in the world. This which folloivs, being signed 
by several gentlemen of great integrity, who likewise had a 
particular knowledge of the things by them related, is 
therefore of unquestionable credit. The design in making of 
It thus public, IS to vindicate their majesties loyal subjec'ts in 
New-England, and to give a true representation of things 
unto those who have by false relations been imposed on. 
Boston, New-England, 
Feb. 4, 1690-91. 



TTAVING received from Mr. Addington by order of the 
-*--■- Council and representatives of the Massachusetts colony 
a signification of their desire ; That whereas we were members 
of the late council in the time of Sir Edmund Androsse's Go- 
vernment, we would give some information of the grievances 

and 



5'2 The Revolution in New-England Justificih 

and male-administrations under the same. Upon considera- 
tion had thereof, and in answer thereunto, we cannot but own 
and declare, that not only ourselves and many others iii the 
same station (not now present to join with us) were of a long 
time much dissatisfied and discouraged with very viany of the 
proceedings and administrations in the said government ; and 
had little reason to wonder that so great a number of the people 
were so too. It mii^ht well have been expected that the go- 
vernor (not so successful heretofore) notwithstanding the extra- 
ordinariness (to say no more) of many clauses and powers in 
liis commission ; yea the rather and the more, because thereof 
would have cautioned and moderated the execution of the same: 
But to our great trouble we found it very much otherwise. 
Many were the things that were accounted irregular and 
grievous therein, far from conducing to the public weal of the 
territory, and not a little to the disservice of the crown, as tend- 
ing rather to the disturbing and disaflecting of the subjects here, 
than to the furtherance of that chearful obedience, loyalty, love 
and duty in them, which ought by all good means, to have been 
nourished and promoted. And of all this unhappiness, we 
must reckon the tirst step and in-let to be, that the governor 
did so quickly neglect the great number of the council, and 
chiejly adhere unto and govern by the advice only of a few 
others, the principal of them strangers to the country, without 
estates or interest therein to oblige them, persons oj known and 
declared prejudices against us, and that had plainly laid their 
chitfest designs and hopes to make unreasonable profit of this 
poor people. Innumerable were the evil efTecis that from 
hence were continually growing up amongst us ; the debates in 
council ice re not so free as ought to have been, but too much 
over-ruled, and a great deal of harshness continually expressed 
asainst persons and opinions that did not please. The greatest 
rigour and severity was too often used towards the soberest sort 
of people, when any thing could be found or pretended against 
them, their humble submissions were little regarded^and inexo- 
rable persecutions ordered against them, whilst in the mean 
time the notorious viciousness and profaneness of others met not 
with the like discountenance, but persons of such a character 
were put into places of business and trust. The long settled 
maintenance of the publick ministry, even from those that ap- 
plied themselves to no other way of worship, but continued or- 
dinary hearers, could not be upheld by any act of authority 
providing for the same, and schools of learning so well taken 

care 



The Revolution in New-England Justified. 53 

care of formerly, were in most cases fallen to decay, and many 
more such like might be reckoned up. But we shall more es- 
pecially instance further in the particulars following, as not the 
least. 

I. It was as we thought a great shght put upon the council, 
and to the prejudice of the good people of the territory, that 
vyhereas at the governor's first coming a committee appointed 
thereunto by himself, and a full council had with great care and 
several weeks trouble revised a very considerable number of 
orders and laws collected out of the several law-books of these 
colonies found by long experience very needful and agreeable to 
the good of these plantations, which laws so collected and 
revised, were again presented unto, and upon further advisement 
approved by the governor and council and passed. Yet upon 
the introducing Mr. West from New-York to be deputy secre- 
tary, they were, for what causes we know not, totally laid aside, 
and the people denied the benefit of them. And this grievance 
was so much the greater, and a plainer indication of the severity 
of some men in their intended management of things, because 
on good deliberation they had also passed an order°of council, 
that until the council should take further order, the several 
justices, town-officers, and others should proceed according to 
former usages, and such local laws in the several parts of this 
dominion, as are not repugnant to the laws of England, &fc. 
Yet because by virtue of the said order some in authority have 
proceeded to put forth their power for the support of the minis- 
try, and some others did justify themselves in some actions done 
by them that were not pleasing ; hereupon when a discourse 
only, and some debate thereof had passed in council, hut with- 
out any regular determination made, and contrary to the ex- 
press word of the said order, it was entered in the council-book 
concerning it, resolved that the same w?s only in force till the 
next session of the council, and so determined as null of itself, 
and that none presume to act pursuant to such laws as are or 
shall be made here. 

2. fVIiereas the actfor the continuing and establishing of several 
rates, duties and imposts, was one of the first of so great moment 
that came out in a form under the seal of the territory, and was 
publickly proclaimed, we that were present have great cause to 
remember what trouble and dissatisfaction there was among the 
members of the council concerning the same. As that act was 

framed 



54 The Revolution in New-England Justified. 

framed and urged upon us, a very considerable number (and 
we believe ive were the major part) dissented from and argued 
much against it. And though the governor expressed not a 
little heat and positiveness alledging his instructions, and held 
the council together, unreasonably a very long time about it. 
Yet when we did at last break up we could not imagine that he 
could take the bill to be agreed to ; nevertheless it ivas the next 
day (to our wonderment) brought in fairly engrossed in parch- 
ment, and quickly signed by the governor icithout any counting 
of voices either then or the day before, which was the more 
needful because some did continue still to make their objections, 
others that had spoken against the bill the day before, declaring 
their adherence to what they bad then said ; and many more 
under so great discouragement and discountenance, as was 
manifested sitting silent, which w-e are sure in the regular pass- 
inf of laws can never be reckoned for a consent. 

O 

3. The way and manner used afterwards of proposing and 
passing all laws was very uncertain and unequal, not answerable 
to the nature of so great a power, nor to the largeness of the 
territory that was to be obliged by them, or to the number of 
the councellors appointed therein ; for after a little while there 
were no set times appointed or given notice of for the making 
of laws, that so the members of the council might attend in a 
fuller number to be helpful therein. Bills of the greatest con- 
cernment were usually first consulted and framed in private, 
and so unexpectedly brought into council at any time, and then 
our work too was often under great disadvantages, not to advise 
freely and consult about the making of a law thought necessary, 
but to maintain a contest in opposition to a very inconvenient 
one, too far promoted and engaged in already; and above all, 
there was never any fair way of taking and counting the num- 
ber of the councellors consenting and dissenting, that so the 
majority might be known in any matter that admitted of any 
considerable reasonings and debates, by reason whereof both 
laws and other orders and resolutions might be set down as 
passed by the council, which ought not to have been. And 
when it hath been (as often it was) expresly and earnestly 
prayed when matters of greater moment than ordinary were in 
liand, that the debate and resolution of them might be put off 
till a fuller council of members from other several parts of the 
dominion might be convened such motions were ever disac- 
rcpicd. and entertained with no little displacency ; so that it 

migh t 



The Revolution in New-England Justified. 55 

might be too truly affirmed, that in ej^ect four or five persons, 
and those not so favourably inclined and disposed as ivere to 
be loished for, bear the rule over, and gave law to a territory 
the largest and most considerable of any belonging to the do- 
minion of the crown. 

4. In 'pursuance of this way and manner of passing laws above 
expressed, there were two in special that came forth, which we 
are sure in fuller and freer councils would have had a full stop 
put to them ; viz. First, The act for regulating the choice of 
select-men, &fc. wherein the liberty of towns to meet for the 
managing of their publick affairs referring to their common lands, 
and all other their concernments, which they had enjoyed for 
so many years, to their great benefit, was most unreasonably 
restrained to once a year, and all other convening of inhabitants 
as a town meeting, upon any pretence or colour whatsoever, 
was strictly forbidden : And the other act was that intituled, an 
act requiring all masters of ships or vessels to give security, in 
which there were such restraints laid upon all persons from 
transporting themselves freely (as their occasion might call) out 
of their territory, that it would have been a meer prison to all 
that should be found therein, and such bond required of all 
ships and vessels (extending in the practice even to shallops 
and wood-boats) as would quickly have intolerably discouraged, 
if not ruined the trade thereof; and all without any other ordi- 
nary general benefit of the said act, but the filling some men's 
pockets with fees : And (as it might be thought from the time 
of moving this act, which was when Captain Hutchinson was 
already gone, and Mr. Mather was known to be intending for 
England) the obstructing of such men's going home as were 
likely there to make just complaints, and seek redress of pub- 
lick grievances ; and when this act had been strenuously op- 
posed in council here at Boston, where it was more than once 
vehemently urged, and as often denied, i^ was carried as far as 
New York, and there an opportunity Jound for the obtaining 
of it. 

5. The great matter of properties and titles to our lands is 
the next to be insisted on, his majesty that granted the charter 
did fully invest the patentees with right to the soil throughout 
the whole limits thereof, and here on the place, the right of the 
natives was honestly purchased from them. The disposal, dis- 
tribution, and granting of lands by the patentees, who were also 

incorporated, 



56 The Revolution in New- England Justified. 

incorporated, and made a body politick, was in such a plain, 
ready, easy way, without any chari;e to the planters, as in the 
settlement of so large a country was thought to be most agreea- 
ble: And so much of a publick spirit and design were those 
noble gentlemen, tliat (though well they might) they settled not 
one single penny of service or acknowledgment to themselves 
and heirs of any of their grants, a thing so self-denying and 
worthy, that few instances can be given of the like. All which 
notwithstanding, and the possessions, descents and valuable 
purchases of so many years that iiave passed since, the governor 
and those he adhered to resolved and practised to make all 
men's titles in effect quite mdl and void. The purchasing of 
the natives right, was made nothing of, and next to a ridicule. 
The enjoyment and improvement of lands not inclosed, and 
especially if lying in common amongst many was denied to be 
possession ; it was not enough that some men that thought it 
convenient, and were both willing and able, did take confirma- 
tions of their lands, the nunjbers of whom in time might have 
been a considerable gain to them ; but nothing would satisfy 
unless all in general might be compelled so to do ; hence those 
that refused were declared intruders upon his majesty, and put 
in fear of having their lajuls granted unto strangers. Many 
were solicited, and encouraged to petition for other men's lands, 
and had a shameful example set them by some of the chief con- 
trivers of all this mischief. IVhen some men have j'etitioned 
for a confirmation of their own lands, apart of these only was 
off'ered to be granted to them, and another part denied. Nor 
could any man's own land be confirmed to him, without a par- 
ticular survey of every part and parcel of them first made, the 
great charges whereof, and of other fees to be taken would have 
been to most men insupportable: Yea it hath by some been 
computed that all the money in the country would not suffice to 
patent the lands therein contained. 

And yet further, a considerable quit-rent to the king was to 
be imposed upon all lands, though already a constant yearly 
tax for the support of the government had been laid on tliem. 

And for all this most unreasonable vexation to a laborious 
and industrious people, the only ground j)retended was some 
defects and wants of form and due manner ulledged to be in the 
way of the disposing and conveying of all lands from the paten- 
tees to the townships and peoi)le Iicre ; which whatever it 
amounted to might have been easily remedied, eitijer by an 

application 



The Revolution in New-England Justified. 57 

application and representation to the king for the obtaining a 
general settlement of all properties (which would have been 
highly worthy and generous for the governor to have engaged 
in, on behalf of the people) or by some other ways that were 
proposed. But nothing but the way of particular patenting as 
abovesaid could prevail. In prosecution whereof all actions in- 
tended upon informations of intrusions in his majesty's behalf, 
or between old proprietors and new grantees must have had 
their decision at the ordinary courts of common law here upon 
the place wliere matters of equity and of a consideration trans- 
cending all ordinary cases could not have a proper cognizance 
and due influence in the decision, determination and judgment. 

6. Though sufficient courts of justice were appointed, and 
held in the several counties for the trial of all offenders, yet it 
was too frequent upon more particular displeasure to fetch up 
persons from very remote counties before the governor and 
council at Boston (who were the highest, and a constant court 
of record and judicature) not to receive their tryal but only to 
be examined there, and so remitted to an inferior court to be 
farther proceeded against. The grievance of which court was 
exceeding great, for hereby not only the charge was made ex- 
cessive upon such persons by the notorious exactions of the 
messenger, the secretary's fees for examination, ^c. But these 
examinations themselves were unreasonably strict, and rigorous 
and very unduly ensnaring to plain unexperienced men. And 
the trials of several, were by this means over-ruled to be at 
Boston, and not in the proper counties, and were otherwise so 
far prejudged as to be rendered less equal. 

The extraordinary oppressive fees taken in all matters by in- 
digent and exacting officers, these were at the first for a long 
time arbitrarily imposed and required without any colour of an 
establishment of them by the council. Afterwards a committee 
was appointed, to bring in a table of fees, that spent along time 
without finishing any thing, the reason whereof was because 
some therein especially the deputy secretary West, insisted upon 
fees much more extraordinary than some others could con- 
sent to. In conclusion ; there was a table of fees drawn up to 
be presented to the council, and signed by some of the committee, 
one of whom, (whose subscription is to this paper) declaring 
expresly, that by his signing he did no otherwise agree, but only 
that it might be presented to the council, to do therein as they 

should 



58 The Revolution in New-England Justified. 

should see cause, who also when it was so presented to the 
council, declared that many of the particulars in that table con- 
tained, were unreasonable, and ouglit to bo abated, and of this 
mind were many others. But the entry after the usual manner 
was an approbation thereof. 

Lastly. As to those great jealousies and suspicions of 
sinister designs in the governor as to our troubles by the Indians, 
we have to say, That although divers things too uncertain, if 
not untrue have been too easily reported and spread concerning 
him, a practice which some of us have formerly with no little 
prejudice to ourselves discountenanced and borne testimony 
against: yet there have not wanted some other particulars that 
might give too great a ground for the same. The principal 
of them (as far as we have any knowledge of things of that 
kind) are these. 

The governor's seizing and talking aivay the goods of Mon- 
sieur St. CasUne oj Penopscot, the summer before the war broke 
forth, which thing hath been esteemed not a little to have stirred 
up and furthered the succeeding troubles. Tiie governor's not 
hastening his return to Boston when these troubles were actu- 
ally begun, but lengthening out his tarrience in places so remote 
till the hostility of the Indians, and the great mischiefs thereof 
were too far advanced. Thar during his absence he was not 
pleased sufficiently to impower and instruct any to act things 
necessary for the safety of the out plantations and the prosecu- 
tion and suppression of the enemy, tho' he had speedy and true 
accounts from time to time sent him of all that happened. 
That all that was done to this purpose in a case of such neces- 
sity, either by the lieutenant governor, or by the justices of the 
peace, and military officers in many places, by securing and 
disarming of neighbouring Indians, setting up, warding and 
watching, garrisoning several houses for the security of the in- 
habitants, especially the women and children, in case of sudden 
inroads and surprizings that might be, sending some relief of 
men to some places that were most in danger, and also what 
was done by those members of the council that were at Boston 
in conjunction with the commander in chief left in the fort there, 
who raised and sent some forces to Casco-Bay, where greatest 
harms were done. We say, that all that was thus done, was so 
extreamly disapproved of by the governor upon his return back 
from Albany and Neiv- York, and an unaccountable displeasure 
manifested against all persons that had so acted, and that he 

was 



The Revolution in New-England Justified. 59 

was ready to call them to an account as high offenders for the 
same, and refused a long time, though much solicited, to give 
any order concerning the soldiers sent to Casco, either for the 
continuance of them there, where they were very necessary, or 
for their dismission home. Unto all which may be added the 
governor's sending messengers both John Smith the quaker 
from Albany, and soon after Major Macgregory to Keybeck 
upon such errands and business as were not communicated and 
laid open to the council. And further, his release and setting 
at liberty sundry Indians that were in hold, some of them known 
enemies to the English, and particularly objected against by 
several of the council, and that without any exchange of our 
English captives then in the enemies hands. 

These are the chief matters which upon this occasion (with- 
out any undue prejudice against any man, or design to justify 
the defects of ourselves in the performance of our own shares of 
duty, but in answer to the desire signified to us as above) we 
have to set fcrtl^, professing truly that by such a state of things 
as we had the experience and feeling of, the places that we 
held were rendered exceeding uneasy to us, and that out of a 
sincere respect to the prosperity of these their majesties plan- 
tations, we could not but be very desirous that through the 
favour of God and our superiors, all due redress might in a good 
happy season be obtained ; and the way of governing English 
subjects in their majesties dominions without an assembly of the 
people's representatives banished out of the world for ever. 



William Stoughton, 
Thomas Hinckley, 
Boston in New-England, Wart. Winthrop, 

Jan. 27, 1690. Barthol. Gedney, 

Samuel Shrimpton. 



F 1 N I S, 



A 



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