Rhode Island
Historical Society
Collections
Vol. XIV January, 1921 No. 1
CONTENTS
PAGE
Ninigret's Fort
By Leicester Bradner 1
The Ancestry of John Greene 5
Early Sessions of the General Assembly .... 7
The Inscribed Rocks of Narragansett Bay
By Edmund B, Delabarre 10
Muster Roll of Sloop Providence 22
Notes 24
List of Members of the Rhode Island Historical Society 27
William Coddington's Seals 32
$3.00 per year Issued Quarterly 75 cent&<per copy'^
RHODE
HISTORICAL
ISLAND
SOCIETY
COLLECTIONS
Vol. XIV
January, 1921
No. 1.
Howard W. PRESTON,Presiden( EDWARD K. ALDRICH, Jr. ,Treaturer
George T. SPICER, Secretary HOWARD M. CHAPIN, Librarian
Please address communications to Howard M. Chapin, Librarian,
68 Waterman Street, Providence, R. I.
The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the
opinions of contributors.
Ninigret's Fort
A Refutatiofi of the Dutch Theory
By Leicester Bradner.
With the naive creduHty of old style historians, Mr. S. G.
Arnold, in a note to page 155 of his "History of the State of
Rhode Island," states that "the Dutch had two fortified trading
posts on the south shore of Narragansett, in what is now
Charlestown." No proof presented, no references given. So
far as I have been able to discover, this is the first occurrence
in print of the theory that the Dutch owned the fort popularly
known as Ninigret's. All later historians have trustingly fol-
lowed Arnold's lead in this particular and the comparative
insignificance of the subject has preserved it from the cold
eye of historical research. Where this theory originated, I
.have not been able to discover, unless it sprang full-fledged,
like Pallas Athene, from the head of Mr. Arnold. The dis-
covery of Dutch implements in the graves of the Niantic
sachems in 1863 gave plausible authority to it and it grew and
flourished mightily until, in 1902, it found its most vigorous
champion in the redoubtable Sidney S. Rider.
2 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Mr. Rider bases his argument on the belief that the Indians
would not have built a fort on the lines of this one and on the
not sufficiently proved claim that the Indians never used it. He
heightens the effect of his thesis by passing over the reliable
history of Elisha R. Potter and pouring his satire on the sen-
timental and romantic inaccuracies of the Rev. Frederic
Denison. (Cf. Rider's "Lands," p. 295, where he accuses
Denison of being responsible for the Indian theory. Potter,
p. 23, evidently had no idea that the origin of the fort was
other than Indian.) Denison had no historical sense and, like
all local historians, was prone to embroider facts according to
his taste. Consequently, he left ample opportunity for the
sharp-eyed and sharp-tongued Rider. The latter pricks Deni-
son's toy balloon in several places and leaves it in a very
deflated condition. The real essence of the matter remained,
however, as I shall endeavor to show, unharmed by Rider's
caustic attacks.
The propounders of the Dutch theory have omitted one
very important aspect of the case. They make no reference
to the Dutch sources, published by the New York Historical
Society and the State of New York. It is from these sources
and not from guess-work or tradition that any reliable history
of the Dutch activities in Rhode Island must be formulated.
In 1614 Adrian Block sailed along the New England coast
and was the first Dutchman to explore Rhode Island. By 1622,
as we learn in DeLaet's "New World," the "Dutch shallops
trafficked with the Indians as far east as Narragansett and
Buzzard's Bay." This trade was already so considerable that
when the Plymouth colonists made a trip to Narragansett Bay
the next year they had no success in trading with the Indians
because the Dutch were already supplying them with more
desirable goods than they could offer. In 1636 the Dutch
obtained formal possession of Quotenis (Now Dutch Island)
and maintained a permanent trading post there (Doc. Col.
Hist. N. Y., I, p. 565). All this these historians are acquainted
with and use, but next they make a jump which I cannot fol-
low. Because the Dutch had a large trade in Rhode Island
NINIGRET S FORT 3
and because two forts are found in Charlestown, they state
the conclusion that these forts were Dutch. Now, such a
conclusion would be quite justified in the case of anyone
but a historian. He, however, is supposed to back up his
statements with facts and not imagination. It so happens
that in all the available Dutch sources there is no mention
of any fort located on the south shore of Rhode Island.
In fact, the statement, made in 1652, that "the subsequent
circumstances of the country alone prevented the occu-
pation by forts of Pequatoos focket (Pawcatuck River) and
Marinkansick (Narragansett), otherwise called Sloops Bay"
(Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., I, p. 565), makes it seem that even
Quotenis was unfortified, in spite of Rider's unproved state-
ment to the contrary. Furthermore, in 1649 the West India
Company, protesting to the States General in Holland that the
English were occupying Dutch territory, presented a list of
all "Forts and Hamlets" by which they laid claim to the pos-
session of the New England coast (Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., I,
pp. 543, 544). In this list, which was undoubtedly the most
inclusive they could prepare, there is no mention of any place
within the present Rhode Island boundaries except Quotenis.
After 1649 the Dutch trade waned rapidly under the spread
of English colonization in New England and it is not likely
that any new forts were built after that date.
Besides omitting reference to Dutch records, it seems to me
that the followers of this theory have failed to note the signifi-
cance of certain passages in the English sources. Mason, in
the account of his campaign against the Pequots in 1637, tells
that in marching westward from Narragansett Bay he spent
the night "at a place called Nyantic, about eighteen or twenty
miles distant, where another of those Narragansett sachems
lived in a fort, it being a frontier to the Pequots." The loca-
tion of Nyantic is settled by a letter from Roger Williams to
Governor Winthrop, written in the preceding year, in which
he advises "that Niantick be thought on for the riding and
retiring to of vessels, which place is faithful to the Narra-
gansetts and at present enmity with the Pequods." This fort,
4 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
therefore, was at a point on the shore, where vessels could
ride, some twenty miles from Narragansett Bay. This leaves
no doubt that it was at the head of Charlestown inlet, where
the remains of "Ninigret's Fort" are now to be found. Neither
can anyone doubt that Mason's "sachem," whom Williams
declared "faithful to the Narragansetts," was either Ninigret
or his father, chief of the Niantics, a tribe subsidiary to
Canonicus. In 1637, then, we find an Indian sachem occupy-
ing his fort at the same place where the remains of a fort now
exist and no mention made of any Dutch fort there or else-
where on the southern coast. As for the fort on Chemunga-
nuck Hill, Rider says it was a Dutch outpost against the
Pequots. This is pure imagination, for the Dutch were never
at war with the Pequots and traded with them as well as with
the Niantics. The latter, on the other hand, were perenially
fighting with their neighbors to the west and had good use
for such an outpost. It is also to be noticed that there is no
mention of any Dutch fort, in the location under discussion,
in any English document or record. This, taken in connection
with the similar silence of the Dutch sources, should be con-
vincing proof of the nonentity of this imaginary station.
In denying that the Dutch owned or occupied these forts,
I have no intention of omitting the fact that the Dutch were
in close relations with the Niantics and carried on a busy trade
with them. The Charlestown inlet (with no name attached)
appears on two Dutch maps (DeLaet's and Fischer's), which
would indicate that Dutch traders stopped there often enough
to know its location but maintained no post. The quantity of
Dutch articles found in the Indian graves there shows that
the Niantics were well supplied by the Dutch. That Ninigret
himself was in close relations with the government of New
Netherlands is well known. These relations culminated in
his spending the winter of 1652-1653 in New Amsterdam (cf.
Potter, p. 50). Cromwell's war with Holland began in 1652
and Governor Stuyvesant received directions to make use of
the Indians against the English colonists if necessary (Doc.
Col. Hist. N. Y.). As a result, we learn that in the spring
THE ANCESTRY OF JOHN GREENE 5
Ninij:^ret returned with arms and ammunition in a Dutch sloop
(Potter, p. 50). It may be that on this visit Ninigret observed
Dutch fortifications and remodelled his fort with bastions,
although the Niantics may quite possibly have learned these
engineering improvements through earlier contact with Euro-
peans. Rider's objection to the Indians using "rifle pits" may
be met with Roger Williams' statement that the Indians were
"filled with artillery by the Dutch." In 1664 New Amsterdam
was captured and held by the English. The Dutch trade in
Rhode Island, however, must have ceased before this — the
greater part of it, at least — for the Indians re-sold Dutch
Island to Benedict Arnold and his partners in 1658.
The facts I have presented are conclusive and their impor-
tance can only be altered by the discovery of new sources. On
the present evidence, I consider it impossible that the Dutch
ever owned or occupied the forts in Charlestown.
Seal of John Greene, Jr.
The Ancestry of John Greene
George Sears Greene, in "The Greenes of Rhode Island,"
page 30, traces the ancestry of John Greene of Warwick back
to Richard Greene and his wife. Mary Hooker, daughter of
John Hooker alias Vowell, chamberlain of Exeter and uncle
of Richard Hooker, Prebendary of Salisbury.
In Westcote's Devonshire the ancestry of this chamberlain
John Hooker is given as follows, page 326 :
6 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
John Hooker, alias Vowel, chamberlain of Exeter, was son
of Robert Hooker and his wife Agnes, daughter of John Doble
of Woodbridge in Suffolk. This Robert Hooker was son of
John Vowel and his wife, Alice Drewel, daughter and heiress
of Richard Drewel of Exeter and his wife, Joan Kelly, daugh-
ter and heiress of John Kelly and his wife Julyan, daughter
and co-heiress of Robert Wilford of Oxton.
John Hooker had three wives, but his daughter Mary is
not mentioned. It would seem probable that she was his
daughter by his second wife, Anstice, daughter of Edmund
Bridgman of Exeter.
John Keble in his edition of the works of Richard Hooker,
volume I, appendix to preface I, folding plate opposite page
cvi, gives the pedigree of John Hooker as follows :
John Vowel alias Hooker was son of Robert Vowell alias
Hooker and his wife Agnes daughter of John Doble of Wood-
bridge in Suffolk. This Robert was son of John Voell alias
Hooker by Alice daughter and heir of Richard Druitt and his
wife Joan Kelly daughter and heir of John Kelly and his wife
JuHan daughter and co-heir of Robert Wilforde of Oxenham
in Devon.
John Voell alias Hooker was son of Robert Voell alias
Hooker of Hants gent and his wife Margery daughter and
heir of Roger Bolter of Bolterscombe, Devon.
Robert Voell alias Hooker was son of John Voell alias
Hooker who was son of Jago Voell and his wife Alice daugh-
ter and the heir of Richard Hooker, of Hurst Castle, Hants.
Jago Voell was son of Gevaph Voell of Pembroke in South
Wales. No mention is made of John Hooker's daughter Mary.
It will be noted that the two pedigrees differ only in the
spelling of names and such minor details. A slight amount of
research work in England would probably settle all of the
questions raised by the pedigrees and also disclose additional
information.
EARLY SESSIONS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY
Early Sessions of the General Assembly
The first meeting of the General Assembly of Providence
Plantations (Rhode Island), under the Charter of 1643 un-
doubtedly took place soon after the arrival of Roger Williams
with the Charter in September, 1644.
Inasmuch as both Richard Scott and Samuel Gorton record
that the Charter was received with jubilation, it would seem
probable that a meeting under it was soon held, and according
to Edward Winslow, John Brown was on November 8, 1644,
ordered to go to Rhode Island to prevent any meetings under
the Charter, and that when he got to Rhode Island, pre-
sumably in November, 1644, he found "a publique meeting
was appointed for your new Magistrates and people." It
would seem natural for them to choose Williams as chief
officer at this time, and in confirmation of this view, we find
that Williams was "Chief Officer" in August, 1645. Williams
was still Chief Officer in December, 1646, for at that time,
acting as Chief Officer, he issued a warrant. Henry Walton
was Secretary of the Colony in August, 1645, and Samuel
Gorton was a Magistrate, probably Assistant, previous to
going to England in 1645.
The most reasonable deduction from the fragmentary evi-
dence is that the first General Assembly was held on Rhode
Island (probably Portsmouth, for the second or third was held
at Newport in August, 1645) '■> ^^d that Roger Williams was
elected Chief Officer ; Gorton, Assistant ; and Walton, Sec-
retary.
It is possible that a second General Assembly was held in
May at which these officers were re-elected, or at which
Williams was re-elected and Gorton and Walton elected. The
only reasons for assuming that an Assembly was held in May
is the subsequent choice of May as the beginning of the
political year, and the reference under the date of May 14,
1645, in Winthrop's Journal to John Brown's visit to Aquid-
neck to oppose Williams' authority there. Brown may have
8 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
made two trips, one in November, 1644, and the other in May,
1645, or Winthrop's entry may be the delayed account of the
November, 1644, trip.
Another General Assembly (the second or third) was held
at Newport on August 9, 1645.
It would certainly seem probable that another annual Gen-
eral Assembly must have been held either in November, 1645,
or more probably in May, 1646 (the third or fourth). WiUiams
must have been re-elected, for he was still serving as chief
officer in December, 1646. Gorton, having gone to Europe,
was probably superseded by someone else.
In May, 1647, the so-called "First General Assembly" was
held, which must in reality have been the fourth or fifth assem-
bly. John Coggeshall was chosen President. The records of
this meeting have been printed by Bartlett in the Rhode Island
Colonial Records and in pamphlet form by Staples, and so are
easily accessible. The Providence Commissioners' names are
given in Providence Town Papers, 09.
The next General Assembly of which we have record was
held at Providence on May 16, 1648. John Coggeshall, the
President, had died since the last session. Nicholas Easton
was chosen Moderator and Coddington was elected President,
but failed to qualify. The records of the meeting are printed
by Bartlett.
The next meeting of the General Assembly (the sixth or
seventh) was a special session held at Portsmouth, March 10,
to 14th, 1648/9. John Warner acted as clerk of the Assembly,
charters were issued to Providence, Warwick, Portsmouth and
probably to Newport. The act was passed, by which the
colony seized a supposed gold mine, an act of oblivion was
passed, and Roger Williams was chosen Deputy Governor
(i. e., Acting Governor). The Warwick and Providence Char-
ters are extant, and have been reprinted in The Documentary
History of Rhode Island, vol. I, 252 & 269, the gold mine act
is printed in Providence Town Papers 012, and the oblivion
act in Providence Town Papers 010.
The annual General Assembly was held at Warwick, May
EARLY SESSIONS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 9
22, 1649. Roger Williams acted as IModerator and John Smith
was chosen President. The records are printed by Bartlett in
the Rhode Island Colonial Records.
A special session of the General Assembly was held at Ports-
mouth in October, 1649. No records of this meeting are
extant, but Williams wrote that it was held on account of the
riotous conduct of some Dutch sailors.
The 1650 General Assembly was held at Newport on May
23. Nicholas Easton was chosen Moderator. The records are
printed by Bartlett in The Rhode Island Colonial Records.
The names of the Commissioners are not given, but the Ports-
mouth Commissioners are named in the Portsmouth records
(p. 49).
A special session of the General Assembly (the tenth or
eleventh) was held October 26, 1650. The records are printed
by Bartlett in The Rhode Island Colonial Records, and the
Warwick commissioners are named in the Warwick records
(typewritten copy, p. 91).
The annual General Assembly was held in May, 1651. No
records of this meeting are extant. Nicholas Easton was
re-elected President. The Portsmouth and Warwick Commis-
sioners are named in the town records.
The next session of the General Assembly (the twelfth or
thirteenth) was a special session called on October 8, 1651, at
Providence (Warwick Records, typewritten copy, page 98).
No records of this meeting are extant. It may have been
postponed until November 4th. The records of the meeting
of November 4, 1651, are printed by Bartlett in The Rhode
Island Colonial Records.
Table of Early General Assemblies.
Date Place Records
Nov., 1644 Aquidneck No records
May, 1645 Aquidneck Inferred from
Winthrop
Aug., 1645 Newport Walton's letter
May, 1646 No records
May, 1647 Portsmouth Bartlett
10 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Date Place Records
May, 1648 Providence Bartlett
Mar., 1648/9 Portsmouth Frag^ments
May, 1649 Warwick Bartlett
Oct., 1649 Portsmouth No records
May, 1650 Newport Bartlett
Oct., 1650 Bartlett
May, 165 1 No records
Oct., 1651 Providence No records
perhaps same as
Nov., 165 1 Providence Bartlett
The Inscribed Rocks of Narragansett Bay
III. The Arnold's Point Cup Stone and the
Fogland Ferry Rock in Portsmouth
By Edmund B. Delabarre.
Besides the rocks that were described in our last paper,
there is another stone in Portsmouth with curious and
puzzling artificial markings, and formerly at least there was
one in still a third locality in the same town. We know of
the latter only through notes by Dr. Stiles, no one else having
mentioned it. In the fourth volume of his manuscript
"Itineraries," on page 215, under date of September 15, 1788,
is written the following: "Mem''. Take off a new copy of
the characters on the Dighton Rock, & those at Fogland & on
Col'' Almys Farm." He shortly carried out this intention
with respect to all three localities. Concerning the second he
remarks, October 6, 1788, on page 255: "Visited & copied a
markt Rock about half a m. above Fogland Ferry on Rh. I.
on shore ag'. or just below M"^ M'^Corys Farm."
There can be little question as to the approximate position
of this marked rock. Fogland Ferry ran from Fogland Point
in Tiverton across to the island of Rhode Island. On the
Portsmouth side, its landing place was probably about half a
mile to the south of McCurry Point, shown on the upper chart
THE INSCRIBED ROCKS OF NARRAGANSETT BAY II
on our Plate XIV. This Point is part of an estate still known
as the McCorrie Farms. The diversity of spelling does not
obscure the fact that here was doubtless the "Mr. McCorys
Farm" referred to by Dr. Stiles ; and since the rock was
"against or just below" this farm, it was probably situated
just to the south of the first division line shown on the chart
south of McCurry Point, this being the southerly border of
the property.
On May 5, 1920, I made a careful search of the shore not
only at the place thus indicated but for half a mile both to the
south and to the north of McCurry Point, examining each
promising rock and boulder. In the vicinity of the probable
location of Stiles's "markt Rock," I saw a few small boulders
with shallow scratches, probably not artificial. On one of
them, the scratches were somewhat in the form of a letter Z ;
on another, roughly like an S. It is not very likely that either
of these was the one that drew Stiles's attention. Mr. George
Peirce, owner of the McCorrie Farms, writes me that he has
never heard of an inscribed rock in that vicinity. It is prob-
able, therefore, that this one, like those at Melville Station,
has disappeared. Since Stiles's drawing has not been pre-
served, we cannot know what its markings were like unless
some later search for it proves successful.
The other stone lies on the shore near one of the Ports-
mouth coal mines, a little to the south of Arnold's Point. Its
position can be found easily on the lower chart of our Plate
XIV, and its appearance is shown in the two photographs
of Plate XV. To reach it, follow the road that leads west-
ward near the lower centre of the chart, crossing the railroad
tracks to the Portsmouth railroad station ; thence walk along
a lane or path north of the "stack" indicated on the chart,
westerly to the dilapidated wharf shown just above the
figure 2. North of this, about opposite or a little south of
figure 3 on the chart, lies the rock. Its exact position is
indicated by a child sitting upon it in our upper photograph,
which was taken looking northward from the wharf. The
12 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Other photog^raph shows its nearer appearance and that of the
markino^s upon it.
The rock is of sandstone, merging somewhat into con-
glomerate at the in-shore end. It is near the edge of the
beach at low tide, and is covered by high water. It measures
about 3 feet in width, 4^^ in length, and in thickness from
16 to 22 inches. It is nearly flat and smooth on top, with
rounded edges, and a slight lateral inclination shoreward. Its
long axis is directed about N. 50° E. Its artificial markings
are unique among the inscribed rocks of this region. They
consist of six relatively deep holes or cups, connected together
by shallow channels. The holes vary in depth from 2^ to
2J4 inches. Beginning in-shore and following the channels,
their distances apart from centre to centre are respectively
9>4, 8, 9, io>4 and g% inches; and of the second from the
sixth, 15 inches. They appear to have been drilled, and are
not circular, but more like triangles with rounded angles.
Their diameter at the top is i^ to i^ inches, narrowing
slightly below. The top edges are not smooth-cut, but broken
and roughly beveled. The channels are pecked in, and like
the crudely pecked lines of other rocks of this region, are
very irregular in width and depth. Their typical width is
9^ to ^ inch, narrowing rarely to 3^, and widening rarely to
}i or I inch. Their depth is usually 3/16 to ^ inch, with
extremes from ^ down to a mere trace.
In the more conglomerate portion of the surface, near the
first and second holes, the stone is roughly and irregularly
much pocked and scaled, and here it is doubtful whether or
not there was another shallow curved channel leading of?
from the one between these two holes to a seventh very
shallow depression, and whether or not there was a shallow
irregular half-ring about hole number 2. The marks so
described might be either natural or artificial, but are prob-
ably natural.
The history of this stone is unknown earlier than 1910,
when it was shown by a native of Portsmouth to Mr. David
Hutcheson of Washington, D. C. He writes me concerning
THE INSCRIBED ROCKS OF NARRAGANSETT BAY I3
it: "At first sight I thought, from the arrangement of the
holes, that it was an attempt to represent The Dipper, but
the seventh star was missing. On a sheet of paper I drew a
rough outHne of the face of the stone showing the position
of the holes. I sent this to Mr. Babcock and he showed it to
some of the Washington anthropologists, and they thought it
was an Indian Cup Stone." In 19 13 it was mentioned by
William H. Babcock in his Early Norse Visits to America,
on page 44. We have quoted his belief that the inscription
near Mount Hope was "almost certainly Wampanoag work ;"
and he remarks that "the same may be said with less con-
fidence" of this Portsmouth stone.
Before considering the probable origin of these markings,
it will be profitable to discuss first the peculiar shape of the
drill-holes, and then the general nature of cup-stones. Since
observing these, I have seen and examined with interest many
other isolated drill-holes in rocks along shore. At other places
in Portsmouth and on Assonet Neck, and probably abundantly
enough elsewhere, they can be seen here and there. Those
that I have observed occur singly, in boulders often near low-
water mark, sometimes near the edge of high water. Some
of them are circular, but more often they are round-triangular
like those of the cup-stone, and very often identical with the
latter in diameter, but usually deeper. Some of them may
have been made to hold ringbolts or stakes for boat moorings,
some for attaching the nets of fish-weirs. One or two near
Dighton Rock probably held ringbolts for the guy-ropes of a
surveying standard that was placed there when Taunton
River was surveyed by Capt. A. M. Harrison of the Coast
Survey in 1875. These are examples of the fact that isolated
drill-holes of both circular and round-triangular shape are
apparently not uncommon along shore, and may have had
commonplace uses. But no such use can be attributed to this
constellation of six holes connected by channels.
A drill-hole in Minnesota similar to these in Portsmouth
has recently attracted attention in an interesting connection.
Some years ago a stone, on which was engraved an extensive
14 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
record in runic letters, was found at Kensington in that State.
It speaks of a journey of exploration westward from Vinland
in the year 1362, and says that the men left their vessel
guarded by the sea, made camp by a lake with two small bare
islands or skerries in it a day's journey distant from the stone,
went fishing there, and one day found ten men of their party
slaughtered. No one questions the fact that the letters are
runic and form an intelligible record, but there has been much
debate as to whether the inscription dates really from the
year mentioned or is a hoax of modern manufacture.
Recently, H. R. Holand has defended its historical authenticity,
and has discovered new evidence that an expedition from
Norway, under Paul Knutson, was actually in America at the
time. He has also sought for and found the lake with two
skerries. Lake Cormorant, 75 miles north of Kensington — the
only lake with skerries in that region, and the required stand-
ard "day's journey" distant. On its shore was a boulder with
a hole drilled in it, triangular in shape with rounded angles,
134 inch in diameter and 7 inches deep. He believes that
the explorers of 1362 made a raft near this point on which to
go fishing, and fastened it to the shore by means of a flexible
withy wedged into the triangular hole.^ The similarity in
size and shape between this far away drill-hole and those that
we are discussing is worthy of remark ; but they cannot have
had the same use, and there is no reason to attribute these at
Portsmouth to Norsemen.
While this peculiar triangular shape may at first sight sug-
gest crude implements and unskilled workmanship, and hence
perhaps great age and primitive workmen, yet after all it
turns out to be in no way remarkable. On trial, I have found
that with a drill having one cutting edge only, like a cold
chisel, it is exceedingly difficult to make a true circular hole.
As the drill is turned, the cutting edge rarely crosses an
exact centre, but constantly deviates somewhat to one side
or another. The result is that one end of the edge tends to
iH. R. Holand, in Wisconsin Magazine of History, December, 1919
id March, 1920, vol. iii, pp. 153-183, 332-338.
THE INSCRIBED ROCKS OF NARRAGANSETT BAY 1 5
remain relatively fixed in position for several strokes while
the other end swings more widely. The easiest kind of a hole
to make is one in which this tendency is followed and empha-
sized. One end of the edge is held fixed in position while
the other swings gradually through about a third of the
circumference, thus making three well defined corners ; then
the fixed edge is transferred to one of the other corners
while the swinging edge cuts a second side ; and in this man-
ner three fixed points or corners are used in succession, and
the resulting hole is triangular with rounded corners and
somewhat curving sides. Even when the intention is to make
a round hole, it is nevertheless likely to turn out triangular
or otherwise irregular. When a stake or bolt is to be wedged
into the hole, there is some advantage in making the latter
deliberately triangular. So the mystery of the shape of these
holes disappears, and no conclusion can be drawn from it as
to their age or their makers.
Since one of the possibilities concerning this boulder at
Portsmouth is that it is a genuine cup-stone of considerable
antiquity, it will not be amiss to look briefly into the distribu-
tion, character and significance of stones so marked.^ Cup-
like excavations, usually in irregular groups, are among the
most primitive of markings on stone, are found widely dis-
tributed over nearly the entire world, and are nearly every-
where similar. They are exceedingly numerous in the British
Isles and in Brittany, where they are closely associated with
^For best sources of information, see :
James Y. Simpson, On Ancient Sculpturings of Cups and Concentric
Rings. In Proc. Soc. of Antiq. of Scotland, 1867, Appendix to vol. vi,.
pp. 1-147.
Archaic Rock Inscriptions; an Account of the Cup and Ring Mark-
ings on the Sculptured Stones of the Old and New Worlds. Published
by A. Reader, 1891.
Alexander MacBain, Celtic Mythology and Religion, 1917.
Garrick Mallery, chapter on Cup Sculptures, in 10th Ann. Rep. Bureau
of Amer. Ethnol. for 1888-89 (1893), pp. 189-2-00.
Handbook of Amer. Indians, Bur. of Amer. Ethnol. Bulletin 30, vol.
i, p. 372, article Cupstones.
T. Eric Peet, Rough Stone Monuments and Their Builders, 1912,
pp. 127f.
Encyc. Brit., 11th ed., vol. xxv, pp. 964f, article Stone Monuments.
l6 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
cromlechs, stone circles and other primitive stone monuments.
They occur less numerously in other parts of Europe, in
Africa and Australia, and frequently in India. Many
examples of them have been reported from both North and
South America. Usually they are shallow depressions, from
1/2 to I inch deep and i to 3 inches in diameter. Larger ones
occur rarely, extending up to basins nearly 3 feet in diameter
and 9 inches in depth. A few of the common narrow type are
of unusual depth, thus resembling more nearly those at Ports-
mouth. Thus, on the shore in Scotland they have been found
23/2 inches in depth, always more than one, irregularly placed;
and the Handbook of American Indians speaks of many cups
prolonged below by a secondary pit as though made with a
flint drill or gouge. The cups occasionally occur singly, more
often in constellation-like groups, most often irregularly dis-
tributed over the surface, in number often up to 20, in rare
instances up to 50, 100 or even 200 on one rock or ledge.
Very commonly, but not always, they are surrounded by from
one to seven concentric rings, which sometimes have a straight
radial groove running out through them. Not infrequently
the cups, whether with or without rings, are connected
together by grooved lines. In Scotland, France, Switzerland
and Germany, cups alone are found as a general rule ; in
England, Ireland and Sweden, rings and grooves are almost
always associated with them.
The variety of theories that have been advanced to account
for the meaning of these simplest, most primitive and most
wide-spread of sculptured marks recalls the similar confusion
of tongues and opinions that has attended the attempt to
explain Dighton Rock. Among views that have little impor-
tance, but nevertheless are of a deep psychological interest as
showing the inexhaustible budding-out process of man's
speculations about things that are mysterious, are these: they
are natural, not artificial ; there is no clue to their purpose ;
they are plans of neighboring camps, or maps of neighboring
peaks; enumeration of families or tribes; representations of
sun, moon and constellations; a primitive form of writing;
H
a — —
E :s =
h
PETROGLYPHS OF NARRAGANSETT BAY-PLATE XIV
(Chart of Arnold's Pt. nnd vicinity)
(Chart of Fogland Pt. and \icinily)
Sections of Chart of Narragansett Bay. See text for exact location of
Portsmouth Cup Stone, Fogland Ferry Rock, and Rocks in Ti\crton.
PETROGLYPHS OF NARRAGANSETT BAY-PLATE XV
~'^^'^^*-«;
^r^^
Distant view of Rock)
\
(Near view of Rock)
The Portsmouth Cup Stone.
THE INSCRIBED ROCKS OF NARRAGANSETT BAY 17
tables for some gambling game ; moulds for casting rings ;
representations of shields ; totems ; small wine-presses or grain
mortars ; depressions for cracking nuts, or grinding paint, or
for steadying drills, spindles or fire-sticks, or for collection
of water ; sun-dials ; relics of sun-worship of the Phoeni-
cians, or of Roman Mithras-worship ; basins for holding the
blood of sacrifice or libations to spirits or to the dead ; objects
for the practice of magic and necromancy.
The most widely accepted view of them, so far at least as
their occurrence in Europe is concerned, is that they are
symbols connected with the religious rites or beliefs of the
Druids, the philosophers and priests of the Celtic tribes. This
is a natural consequence of their close association with the
numerous stone circles and other crude stone monuments
which popular opinion still connects with the Druids. This
belief, however, was invented by Stukely and other antiquaries
of the i8th century, has no confirmation, and is now unani-
mously opposed by well informed students. MacBain says
that these monuments are all pre-Celtic. He tells of at least
two races in Great Britain who preceded the Celts, and
believes that one of these built the oval barrows or burial
mounds, the other the round barrows, the circles, dolmens
and cromlechs, and perhaps also made the rock-carvings.
The circles were used both for burial and worship, especially
the latter; and the only worship appropriate at the grave is
that of deceased ancestors, which is about the earliest shape
in which religion manifests itself. "Our own memorial stones
over graves are but descendants of the old menhirs and dol-
mens." These matters are still too controversial to permit
confident agreement or disagreement with these views ; but
MacBain seems at least to have decisively disproven the Druid
hypothesis. Many authorities point out the fact that the cups,
rings and grooves could not have served as attachments to
Druid or other altars, since they are often found on the verti-
cal or under surface of the stones.
A more fruitful hypothesis than the Druidical, and one that
certainly applies to these small excavations in some parts of
l8 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
the world, is that they are phallic symbols. Mallery's exposi-
tion of this explanation is lucid. "These cupels are corre-
lated with the worship of Mahadeo, one of the many names
given to Siva, the third god of the Hindu triad, whose emblem
is the serpent. * * * At this very day one may see the
Hindu women carrying the water of the Ganges all the way
to the mountains of the Punjab, to pour into the cupules and
thus obtain from the divinity the boon of motherhood
earnestly desired. Mahadeo, more accurately Mahadiva, is
the god of generation. * * * It is suggested that in a
common form of the sculptures the inner circle represents
the Mahadeo or lingam, and the outer or containing circle the
yoni. No idea of obscenity occurs from this representation
to the Hindus, who adore under this form the generative
power in nature." The book on "Archaic Rock Inscriptions"
also regards the phallic explanation — the worship of the
creative and regenerative forces of nature — as the most prob-
able. "It is not to the gross forms of the Priapus used in
ancient Greek, Roman, or Egyptian festivals that we allude,
but to the much more refined, or, if we may so call it, modest
lingam worship of India. This explanation is natural when
we consider the vast extent to which phallic worship pre-
vailed, and the disposition of men everywhere to represent
in the sculptured form the organs, male and female, to which
they rendered obeisance. The symbolism was very much
veiled, and often unrecognizable — mysterious and unmeaning
to all not in the secret."
If this must be accepted as the true explanation of these
carvings in India, does it follow that the same symbolism
must be attributed to them in Europe and in America?
Mallery says that a large number of stones with typical cup
markings have been found in the United States ; and the
Handbook of American Indians tells us that cupstones are
the most abundant and widespread of the larger relics.
According to A. C. Lawson,^ the Indians of the present day
have no traditions about these inscriptions beyond the suppo-
lAmerican Naturalist, 1885.
THE INSCRIBED ROCKS OF NARRAGANSETT BAY I9
sition that they must have been made by the "old people long
ag-o." Mallery makes a similar statement, and continues with
what we must probably accept as the true solution of the
problem. "Inquiries have often been made," he says, "whether
the North A/nerican Indians have any superstitious or
religious practices connected with the markings under con-
sideration, e. g., in relation to the desire for offspring, which
undoubtedly is connected with the sculpturing of cup depres-
sions and furrows in the eastern hemisphere. No evidence
is yet produced of any such correspondence of practice or
tradition relating to it. In the absence of any extrinsic
explanation the prosaic and disappointing suggestion intrudes
that circular concentric rings are easy to draw and that the
act of drawing them suggests the accentuation of depressions
or hollows within their curves. Much stress is laid upon the
fact that the characters are found in so many parts of the
earth, with the implication that all the sculptors used them
with the same significance, thus affording ground for the
hypothesis that anciently one race of people penetrated all the
regions designated.^ But in such an implication the history
of the character formed by two intersecting straight lines is
forgotten. The cross is as common as the cup-stone and has,
or anciently had, a different signification among the different
people who used it, beginning as a mark and ending as a
symbol. Therefore, it may readily be imagined that the rings
in question, which are drawn nearly as easily as the cross,
were at one time favorite but probably meaningless designs,
perhaps, in popular expression, "instinctive" commencements
of the artistic practice, as was the earliest delineation of the
cross figure. Afterward the rings, if employed as symbols or
emblems, would naturally have a different meaning applied
to them in each region where they now appear."
We are now in a position to discuss the probable nature of
the Portsmouth Cup Stone as intelligently as the available
^Mallery omits mention of an alternative hypothesis which has often
been suggested, that the sculptures symbolize some simple religious
idea common to all primitive races.
20 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
facts concerning it permit. Before considering the really
probable theories, however, it will be worth while to mention
one fanciful speculation that would undoubtedly have been
applied to it if the authors of the suggestion had ever heard
of these cup-sculptures. It is probably not widely known,
and at any rate is likely to become wholly forgotten, that the
Druid theory has been advanced in explanation of American
mounds and monuments. Impossible as the theory is, never-
theless it is one of the most picturesque fancies that have
been devised concerning the class of relics that we are dis-
cussing, and it should not be allowed to pass wholly into
oblivion. Its first advocate appears to have been John Finch,
who claimed in 1824 that the aborigines of America originated
from the Celts or Scythians, whose Druidical monuments are
to be found in every part of America.' He gave instances
of various types, including Indian "stones of memorial or
sacrifice," numerous examples of which had been described
by Kendall, 2 in w4iich class he placed the "figured rock at
Dighton" and also other sculptured rocks at Tiverton, Rut-
land, Newport and other places in the list first compiled by
Dr. Stiles and later published by Kendall. The theory was
greatly and interestingly elaborated by James N. Arnold in
1888, with particular application to this region.^ His free-
soaring imagination pictured not only the Dighton and Tiver-
ton rocks, but also the Hills of South County, the Wolf Rocks
in Exeter, the soapstone ledge in Johnston, and many rocks
besides, as monuments of Druid worship mingled with
influences from Atlantis. Holding such beliefs, there can be
no doubt that, had he known of the Cup Stone in Portsmouth,
he would have welcomed it as a striking and convincing
example of Druid workmanship.
*0n the Celtic Antiquities of America. In the American Journal of
Science and Arts, 1824, vii. 149-161.
^Edward A. Kendall, Travels, 1809.
3 Four papers in the Narragansett Historical Register, 1888, vi, 1-24,
97-110, 205-222, 317-330.
THE INSCRIBED ROCKS OF NARRAGANSETT BAY 21
Among serious possibilities, there seem to be three plausible
alternatives. The first of these is that it is an example of
Indian cup-stone, which Mallery and the Handbook describe
as so numerous, and which the latter authority says some-
times have drilled pits at the bottom of the cups. If so, it
may be of almost any period down to and into Colonial times.
As to its meaning, it may or may not have had one. Mallery
makes it very clear that such cuttings may often have been
the result of a mere aimless desire for activity, or a crude
attempt to fabricate something ornamental. On the other
hand, it may have symbolized something to the individual
who madg it, and which, of course, no one uninstructed by
him could possibly decipher. Such private symbolism must
have been the first step beyond the activity-impulse and the
ornament-urge already alluded to; and the further step, to a
commonly accepted symbolism for such figures, had appar-
ently not been taken by the American Indians.
There are two arguments against its being an Indian
product : the fact that no one ever reported its existence
before 1910, and the fact that its holes are deeply drilled and
are not typical cups. It may therefore seem more probable
that the holes were drilled by miners in idle moments, or by
their children at play. Coal mines were opened at Portsmouth
apparently as early as 1808, and have been worked frequently
at intervals since then.^ The longest continuous period of
operation was by the Taunton Copper Company, from about
i860 until 1883. They built a dock, railroad connections, and
a copper smelter, and mined about ten thousand tons a year.
There was plenty of opportunity, therefore, for the idle drill-
ing of these holes at a relatively recent date by white workmen.
But while the holes may incline one strongly to the belief
that they were hollowed out by these miners' drills, yet the
connecting grooves, crudely pecked between them and unques-
tionably of considerable age, are distinctly characteristic of
more primitive races who made cup-stones and inscribed
^George H. Ashley, Rhode Island Coal. In U. S. Geol. Survey, Bul-
letin 615, 1915.
22 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
rocks habitually. The pecking exactly resembles the known
examples of Indian rock-carving in this region. Though
possible, it does not seem likely that white men equipped with
drills and hammers would have made them as additions to
the holes. With the holes arguing against the Indians and
the grooves against more recent white men, we have neverthe-
less a third or combination alternative as a possible solution.
The rock may have been originally a typical Indian cup-stone,
devoid of any important symbolism ; and the miners or miners'
children, seated there at play or on an idle day, with drills
accidentally at hand, may have deepened the original cups.
This hypothesis is certainly not at all unlikely. But it is not
probable that we can ever be sure which of the three hypothe-
ses is the true one.
Muster Roll of Sloop Providence
A Muster Roll of all the Officers Seamen & Marines belong-
ing to the Continental armed Sloop Providence Commanded
by John Peck Rathbun Esqr. dated June 19 1777. From
original manuscript now in the collection of Col. George L.
Shepley.
Names Stations Promotions
John Peck Rathbun Captain
Joseph Vesey ist Lieutenant
Daniel Bears 2d ditto
George Sinkins Master
John Trevett Capt Marines
William P. Thurston ist Mastrs Mate
William Gregory 2d ditto do
3d do
Richmond Surgeon
James Rogers Purser
Saml Bailey Clerk from Clerk to Purser
Oliver Whitwell ist Midshipmn
Joseph Deveber 2d ditto
MUSTER ROLL OF SLOOP PROVIDENCE
23
Names
Stations Promotions
Thomas Pain
Steward
Lillibridge Worth
Gunner
John Webster
Boatswain
Thomas Brewer
Carpenter
Amos Potter
Gunnr M[ate]
Boatsn do
Andrew Brewer
Carpnr do
Surgs do
Andrew Burnet
Cook
Richard Grinnell
Ar[mo]rer
Peleg Swe[et]
Coxswain
James Bridges
Cooper
John Willson
Sail maker
Joseph Claghorn
do mate
Joseph Stewart
Gunr Yeoman
Francis Simons
Mastr at Arms
Alexr Ballingall
Qur Master
Dowty Randall
do
James Clarke
Serjt Marines
Toby Jacobs
Seaman
Anabony
ditto
Thomas Perfect
ditto
William Nichols
ditto
John Nichols
ditto
Isaac Read
ditto
Edward Clanning
Marine Promoted to S
Joseph Weeden
do
James Vial
Marine
Barzillai Luce
ditto
Danl Paddock
Seaman
Niccols Stoddard
do reduced to a ^
Thomas Allen
Marine
Thomas Collens
ditto
John Tinckom
ditto
Esek Whipple
ditto
Joseph Shaw
ditto
24
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Names
Stations
Saml Browning
ditto
Seth Baker
ditto
Thomas Bailey
Boy
John Shaw
Seaman
Andrew Burnet
Boy
Samuel Wood
Seaman
Samuel Woggs
do
Thomas Hay
do
Thomas Connant
do
Zaccheus Hinckley
do
Benj Harding
Marine
Nathl Arnold
do
Joshua Joy
Seaman
Elnathan Lake
Marine
Stephen Read
do
Michael Wiser
Coxswain
Tristam Luce
Pilot
Henry Stoddard
Marine
William Howell
ditto
Solomon Hallet
ditto
Thomas Hawes
Landsman
James Blossom
ditto
James Morton
Seaman
Richard Sampson
ditto
Robert Falle
ditto
William Sinnett
Boy
Imml Dusnaps
Seaman
Joseph Allen
Marine
Promotions
Reduced to a marine
Notes
Col. George L. Shepley has presented the Society with a-
new Remington typewriter.
The volume of photographs illustrating the work done by
the National Society of Colonial Dames in America, which is
NOTES
25
being sent from state to state, has been on exhibition at the
Society during the autumn.
An exhibition of early Rhode Island broadsides from the
collection of Col. George L. Shepley was held in the Society's
rooms during October. Accounts of this exhibition were pub-
lished in the Providence Journal and the Boston Evening
Transcript.
During November and December a loan exhibition of ship
pictures and log books was held, over lOO pictures being ex-
hibited. On Tuesday evening, December 7, 1920, Professor
Wilfred H. Munro delivered an instructive lecture on "The
Romance of Old-Time Shipping" in connection with the exhi-
bition.
A List of the Donors of Ship Pictures^ Log Books, Etc.
Mrs. Clarence A. Brouwer
Miss M. Frances Dunham
Miss MaryF. Salisbury-
Mr. F. B. Taylor
Brown & Ives
Mr. T. H. D'Arcy
Miss Ida H. Spencer
Mr. S. F. Babbitt
Miss Jane W. Bucklin
Mr. Edward Carrington
J. A. Whaley & Company
Dr. H. G. Partridge
Col. George L. Shepley
Mr. S. N. Sherman
Mr. H. Ross Matthews
Dr. & Mrs. Charles V. Chapin
Mr. W. R. McDowall
Mr. A. H. Fiske
Mr. Thomas F. McCarthy
Mr. Thomas Amos
Mr. William A. Chandler
Miss Mary L. Brown
Mr. Frederick Nordstrom
Mr. James De Kay
Mr. John F. Street
Mr. T.G. Hazard, Jr.
Mr. George Stevens
Mr. E. F. Gray
Mr. L. M. Robinson
Miss L. W. Reynolds
Mr. Albert W. Qaflin
Mr. Richard B. Comstock
Dr. M. H. Merchant
Mr. L. Earle Rowe
Mr. Benjamin M. Jackson
Mr. Albert Fenner
Mr. J. K. H. Nightingale,7r.
Mr. Frank Douglas
Mr. A. R. Madden
Dr. W. Louis Chapman
Mr. Richard W. Comstock, Jr.
Mr. Harald W. Ostby
Mr. F. W. Arnold
Mr. H. M. C. Skinner
Mr. Duncan Hazard
Mr. Lawrence
Mr. Paul C. Nicholson
Mr. Robert V. S. Reed
Dr. Peter P. Chase
Mrs. Gardner T. Swarts
26 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Rev. Henry I. Cushman Mr. W. M. Murdie
Mr. Edward K. Aldrich, Jr. Mr. Clarence A. Mathewson
Mr. S. H. Brower Mrs. Hugh Williamson Kelly
Mr. Willliam McCreery Miss M. F. Babcock
Mrs. John W. Vernon Mr. Edward Aborn Greene
Mrs. H. E. Newell Mr. George A. Smith
Mr. George L. Miner Mr. Joseph M'cCoid
The following persons have been elected to membership:
Miss Isabel Eddy Mr. Hugh F. MacColl
Miss Mary Olcott Mr. Victor H. King
Miss Mary Elliott Davis Prof. Verner W. Crane
Mrs. W. E. Heathcote H. G. Partridge, M. D.
Mr. George C. Dempsey Frank T. Calef, M. D.
Dr. George T. Spicer was elected Secretary of the Society
at the October meeting.
Mr. Walter N. Buffum presented to the Society a manu-
script genealogy of the Buffum family. Manuscript genealo-
gies of this type are of great use to persons making out papers
for patriotic societies.
Among the more interesting of the museum accessions are
a snuff box which formerly belonged to Samuel Slater, which
was presented by Mr. Thomas Durfee and Miss Dorothy
Durfee ; a cane formerly the property of Thomas W. Dorr,
which was presented by Mr. Edward Carrington; and a cane
made out of a narwhal's tooth, which was presented by Pro-
fessor Wilfred H. Munro.
Mr. J. N. Kimball of New York gave to the Society one of
the political banners that was carried in the Dorr War. This
makes the ninth Dorr War banner in our museum.
Mile. Marie Louise Bonier's "Debuts de la Colonic Franco-
Americaine de Woonsocket" is a very valuable contribution to
Rhode Island history.
The Netopian for September, 1920, published a reproduc-
tion of the Society's oil painting of the "September Gale," and
in the October number published a reproduction of Col. Shep-
ley's rare lithograph of the same subject.
An illustrated monograph on the "Ships and Shipmasters of
ACTIVE MEMBERS
27
Old Providence" has been issued by the Providence Institu-
tion for Savings.
The October Bulletin of the Newport Historical Society con-
tains a paper by Dr. Terry on "The Early Relations between
the Colonies of New Plymouth and Rhode Island."
Governor Bourn's "Rhode Island Addresses" has been print-
ed as an attractive volume.
List of Members of the
Rhode Island Historical Society
Active Members.
No list of members of the Society has been printed for sev-
eral years, and as we have had numerous requests for such a
list, we have decided to include it in this number of the Col-
lections.
Abbot, Gen. Charles W., Jr.
Adams, Mr. Benjamin B.
Addeman, Hon. Joshua 'M.
Aldred, Mr. Frederick W.
Aldrich, Mr. Charles T.
Aldrich, Mr. Edward K., Jr.
Aldrich, Mr. Richard S.
Allen, Mrs. Crawford C.
Allen, Mr. Francis O.
Allen, Mr. Frederick W.
Allen, Mr. Philip
Angell, Mr. Walter F.
Anthony, Mr. Albert L.
Anthony, Mr. Edwin P.
Armour, Mr. William
Arnold, Mrs. Arthur H.
Arnold, Mr. Christopher B.
Arnold, Mr. Edward E.
Arnold, Mr. Fred A.
Arnold, Mr. Frederick W.
Arnold, Mrs. Howard C.
Austin, Mr. Leonard N.
Atwood, Mr. James A., Jr.
Babcock, Mr. Albert
Babcock, Mrs. Albert
Bacon, Mrs. Nathaniel T.
Baker, Mr. Albert A.
Baker, 'Miss Esther H.
Balch, Miss Mary H.
Baldwin, Mr. Luther C.
Ballou, Mr. Frederick D.
Barker, Mr. Henry A.
Barnes, Harry Lee, M. D.
Barnes, Mrs. Nellie A.
Barrows, Mr. Arthur C.
Barrows, Hon. Chester W.
Bates, 'Mr. Francis E.
Bates, W. Lincoln, M. D.
Beckwith, Mrs. Daniel
Beeckman, Hon. R. Livington
Belcher, Mr. Horace G.
Bennett, Mr. Mark N.
Binney, Mr. William, Jr.
Blanding, Mr. William O.
Blumer, G. Alder, M. D.
Bogert, Mrs. Theodore P.
28
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Bosworth, Hon. Orrin L.
Bourn, Hon. Augustus O.
Bowen, Mr. Henry
Bowen, Mr. Richard M.
Brayton, Miss Elizabeth H.
Bridgham, Miss Ida F.
Briggs, Mrs. Annie M.
Brigham, Mr. Herbert O.
Brightman, Miss Eva St. C.
Brouwer, Mrs. Clarence A.
Brown, Mr. Clarence Irving
Brown, Col. Cyrus P.
Brown, Mr. Frank Hail
Brown, Mrs. Frank Hail
Brown, Hon. George T.
Brown, Col. H. Martin
Brown, Col. Robert P.
Bubier, Mr. Charles W.
Bucklin, Mr. Edward C.
Bucklin, Mr. Harris H.
Bucklin, Miss Jane W.
Bufifum, Miss Clara
Buffum, Mr. Frederick H.
Burchard, Hon. Roswell B.
Burlingame, Mr. Edwin A.
Buxton, G. Edward, M. D.
Cady, Mr. JohnH.
Calder, Mr. Albert L., 2nd
Calef, Frank T., M. D.
Calef, Mr. Herbert C.
Callender, Mr. Walter R.
Callender, Mr. Walter
Capwell, Miss Caroline E.
Carpenter, Mr. Francis W.
Carr, Mr. Frederick D.
Carr, Mrs. George W.
Carrington, Mr. Edward
Carrington, Mrs. Edward
Carroll, Mr. William
Case, Mr. Norman S.
Chace, Miss Anna H.
Chace, Mrs. Henry R.
Chace, Mr. James H.
Chace, Mr. Malcolm G.
Chandler, Mr. George Allen
Chapin, Charles V., M. D.
Chapin, Mrs. Charles V.
Chapin, Mr. Howard >M.
Chapin, Mrs. Howard M.
Chapin, Mr. William W.
Chapman, W. Louis, M. D.
Chase. Julian A., M. D.
Chase, Rev. Loring B.
Cheesman, Mr. Merton A.
Claflin, Mr. Albert W.
Claflin, Mr. Arthur W.
Clark, Mr. Harry C
Coggeshall, Mrs. James H.
Collier, Prof. Theodore
Collins, Mrs. Clarkson A., Jr.
Collins, George L., M. D.
Colt, Hon. LeBaron B.
Colt, Col. Samuel P.
Comstock, Mr. Andrew B.
Comstock, Mr. Louis H.
Comstock, Mr. Richard B.
Comstock, Mr. Richard W., Jr.
Comstock, Mrs. W. A. H.
Comstock. Mr. Walter J.
Conant, Mr. Samuel M.
Cook, Mr. C. D.
Craig, Mr. Ernest S.
Crane, Prof. Verner W.
Cranston, Mr. Frank H.
Cross, Mr. Harry Parsons
Curtis, Mr. Harold R.
Danf orth, Murray S., M. D.
Dart, Mr. William C.
Davis, Mr. Jeffrey
Davis, Miss Mary Elliott
Davol, Mr. Charles J.
Day, Frank L.,M.D.
Delabarre, Prof. Edmund B.
Dempsey, Mr. George C.
Denham, Mr. Edward
Dexter, Mr. George W.
ACTIVE MEMBERS
29
Dexter, Mr. Henry C.
Diman, Miss Louise
Dooley, Mr. Michael F.
Douglas, Hon. William W.
Downes, Mrs. Louis W.
Doyle, Miss Sarah E.
Draper, Mr. William Henry
Drown, Mr. Charles L.
Dunlop, Mr. Charles D.
Dyer, Col. H. Anthony
Easton, Mr. Charles G.
Easton, Mr. Frederick W.
Eddy, Miss Isabel
Edgren, Mr. J. Urban
Edwards, Miss Edith
Edwards, Mr. Walter A.
Elgar, Mr. James
Ely, Mr. William
Emerson, Mr. Frank W.
Estes, Mr. William W.
Fanning, Mr. Martin S.
Faunce, Pres. William H. P.
Fifield, Mr. HenryA.
Fiske, Mr. Augustus H.
Fiske, Rev. George McC.
Fletcher, Mrs. Charles
Flint, Mr. Dutee Wilcox
Flint, Mr. Elliot
Ford, Mr. William H.
Foster, !^Ir. Charles S.
Foster, Mr. Theodore W.
Foster, Mr. William E.
Freeman, Hon. James F.
Freeman, Mr. John R.
Freeman. Hon. Joseph W.
Fuller, Mr. Frederick H.
Gainer, Hon. Joseph H.
Gammell, Mr. William
Gammell, Mr. William., Jr.
Gamwell, Mr. William A.
Gardner, Prof. Henry B.
Gardner, Hon. Rathbone
Gibson, Mr. S. Ashley
Gillespie, Mr. Lawrence L.
Goddard, Mr. Robert H. L
Goddard, Mrs. William
Goodwin, Rev. Daniel
Goss, Mr. Harry Hale
Green, Hon. Theodore Francis
Greene, Mr. Edward Aborn
Greene, Mr. W^illiam C.
Greenough, Hon. William B.
Gross, Col. Harold J.
Guild, Miss Georgiana
Hadley, Mrs. Ralph V.
Hallett, Rev. Frank T.
Ham, Mr. Livingston
Harrington, Mr. Ernest S.
Harrington, Mr. Gilbert A.
Harris, Mr. Robert
Harrison. Mr. George A.
Hatch, ^Ir. Willard T.
Hathaway, Mr. William A.
Hazard, Miss Caroline
Hazard, Mr. Rowland
Hazard, Mr. Thomas G., Jr.
Healy, Mr. Frank
Healy, Mrs. Frank
Heathcote, Mrs. W. E.
Henius, Mr. Arthur
Henshaw, Mr. John
Hodgman, Mr. William L.
Holden, Mr. George J.
Horton, Mr. Charles A.
Horton, Mr. Walter E.
Howard, Mr. Elisha H.
Howe, Mr. M. A. DeWolfe
Hoyt, Mr. David W.
Hunt, Mr. Horatio A.
Hurley, Mr. Richard A.
Hyde, Mr. James Hazen
Isham, Mr. Norman M.
Jackson, Mr. Benjamin A.
Jackson, Mr. Benjamin M.
Jepherson, Mr. George A.
Johnson, Mrs. Edward L.
30
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Joyce, Mr. Edward C.
Kimball, Hon. Charles D.
Kimball, Mrs. Charles D.
King, Eugene P., M. D.
King, Mr. George Gordon
King, Col. H. Irving
King, Mr. Victor H.
Kingsley, Mr. Nathan G.
Knight, Miss Amelia S.
Knight, Mr. Robert L.
Knight, Mrs. Robert L.
Knight, Mr. Russell W.
Koopman, Prof. Harry L.
Lawton, Hon. George R.
Lee, Hon. Thomas Z.
Lenz, Mrs. Sarah G.
Leonard, Charles H., M. D.
Leonard, Miss Grace F.
Lewis, Mr. George H.
Lewis, Mr. Joseph W.
Lincoln, Mr. Ferdinand A.
Lippitt, Hon. Charles Warren
Lippitt, Mrs. Charles Warren
Lippitt, Mr. Charles Warren, Jr,
LipRitt, Mr. Gorton T.
Lippitt, Hon. Henry F.
Lisle, Mr. Arthur B.
Littlefield, Mr. Charles W.
Littlefield, Hon. Nathan W.
Lord, Rev. Augustus M.
Loring, Mr. W. C.
Luther, Mr. Frederick N.
Lyman, Mr. Richard E.
MacColl, Mr. Hugh F.
Mackinney, Mr. Charles B.
Maine, MV. Herbert E.
Marshall, Mr. Charles C.
Mason, Mr. Fletcher S.
Mason, Mr. Harold
Mason, Mr. John H.
Matteson, Mr. Frank W.
McAuslan, Mr. William A.
McDonnell, Mr. T. F. L
McDonnell, Mrs. T. F. L
Meader, Mr. Lewis H.
Merriman, Mr. Isaac B.
Metcalf, Harold, M. D.
Metcalf, Mr. Jesse H.
Metcalf, Mrs. Jesse H.
Metcalf, Mrs. Stephen O.
Miller, Mr. William Davis
Miner, Mr. George L.
Moriarty, Mr. G. A., Jr.
Mowry, Mr. Wendell A.
Mulchahey, Mr. Edward I.
Munroe, Hon. Addison P.
Munro, Walter L., M. D.
Munro, Prof. Wilfred H.
Muncy, William M., M. D.
Murdie, Mr. Walter M.
Newell, Mr. James S.
Newhall, Mr. George H.
Newman, Mr. Louis C.
Nicholson, Mr. Paul C.
Nicholson, Col. Samuel M.
Nightingale, Mr. George C, Jr.
Nightingale, Mr. George C.
Noyes, Mr. Charles P.
Olcott, Miss Mary
Olney, Mrs. Frank F.
Ostbv, Mr. Erling C.
Ostby, Mr. Harald W.
Over, Mr. Spencer H.
Paddock, Mr. Miner H.
Parsons, Mr. G. Richmond
Partridge, H. G., M. D.
Peck, Miss Elizabeth A.
Peck, Mr. Frederick S.
Peck, Mrs. Frederick S.
Peck, Mrs. Leander R.
Peck, Mr. Stephen I.
Peckham, Charles F., M. D.
Peirce, Mr. George E.
Peirce, Mrs. George E.
Peirce, Mr. Thomas A.
Perry, Mr. Charles M.
ACTIVE MEMBERS
31
Perry, Rt. Rev. James DeWolf , Jr.
Perry, Mr. Marsden J.
Peters, John M., M. D.
Philbrick, Mr. Charles H.
Phillips, Mrs. Gilbert A.
Pierce, Mr. Augustus R.
Pierce, Mr. Byron A.
Pierce, Mr. Frank L.
Pitts, Hermon C, M. D.
Poland, Prof. William C.
Porter, Lewis B., M. D.
Potter, Mrs. Dexter B.
Powel, Mrs. Samuel
Preston, Mr. Howard W.
Preston, Mrs. Howard W.
Quinn, Mr. Patrick H.
Radeke, Mrs. Gustav
Ranger, Mr. Walter E.
Raps, Mrs. Henry G.
Rathbun, Hon. Elmer J.
Rathom, Mr. John R.
Rawson, Mr. Thomas B.
Remington, Mr. Charles C.
Remington, Mr. John A.
Rhode Island State College
Rice, Hon. Herbert A.
Richmond, Mr. Henry Isaac
Richmond, Mrs. Howard
Robinson, Mr. Louis E.
Rockwell, Mr. Charles B.
Rodman, Mr. Robert
Roelker, Mr. William G.
Rogers, Rev. Arthur
Sabre, Mr. George W.
Sackett, Mr. Henry W.
Seabury, Miss Irene T.
Sharpe^ Mr. Henry D.
Sharpe, Mr. L.
Shaw, Mrs. Frederick E.
Shepley, Col. George L.
Sioussat, Prof. St. George L.
Sisson, Mrs. Charles
Slade, Mr. William A.
Slader, Mr. Henry L.
Smith, Mr. Charles Morris, Jr.
Smith, R. Morton, M. D.
Smith, Mr. Nathaniel W.
Smith, Mr. Walter B.
Spicer, George T., M. D.
Sprague, Mr. Henry S.
Stark, Mr. Charles R.
Staton, Mrs. James G.
Stearns, Hon. Charles F.
Steedman, Mrs. Charles J.
Steere, Mr. Thomas E.
Stevens, Miss Maud Lyman
Stillman, Mr. Elisha C.
Stiness, Mr. Edward Clinton
Stites, Mr. Henry Y.
Stockwell, Mr. George A.
Stone, Mr. William S.
Straight, Mr. Charles T.
Street, Mr. John F.
Studley, Hon. J. Edward
Sturgess, Mr. Rush
Swan, Mr. Frank H.
Swarts, Gardner T., M'. D.
Sumner, Hon. Arthur P.
Sweeney, Hon. John W.
Taft, Mr. Royal C.
Taft, Mr. Robert W.
Thornley, 'Mr. William H.
Tillinghast, Mr. William R.
Tower, Mr. James H.
Tripp, Mr. Frederick E.
Tully, Mr. William J.
Updike, Mr. D. Berkeley
Viall, Mr. William A.
Vincent, Hon. Walter B.
Wall, Mr. A. Tingley
Warner, Mr. Clarance M.
Warren, Mr. Charles H.
Washburn, Rev. Arthur L.
Waterman, Mr. Lewis A.
Watrous, Hon. Ralph C.
Watson, Col. Byron S.
32
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Watson, Mr. John J.
Weeden, IVfrs. William B.
Welling, Mr. Richard
West, Mr. Thomas H., Jr.
Westcott, Mr. Charles E.
Westcott, Mrs. Charles E.
Wetmore, Hon. George Peabody
White, Mr. Hunter C.
White, Mr. Willis H.
Wilbour, Mr. Victor
Wilder, Mr. Frank J.
Wilkinson, Mrs. E. K.
Williams, W. Fred, M. D.
Willson, Miss Amey L.
Wing, Mr. William A.
Winship, Mrs. George P.
Woods, Hon. John Carter Brown
William Coddington's Seals
Wilham Coddmgton used two seals while residing in New England
one of these seals bears the Belliugham armorial shield. This seal
appears on several of Coddington's letters which are preserved in the
Massachusetts Historical Society and differs slightly from a similar ar-
morial seal used by Gov. Bellmgham. Theother seal used by Coddington
bears the initials -R C." These seals may serve as genealogical clews -
The latter seal Coddington may have inherited from his father or grand^
father and the former one may have come from his maternal grand-
be?nareladv?'''"""'''°" '"'°^ °' Bellingham and may have
Rhode Island
Historical Society
Collections
Vol. XIV April, 1921 No. 2
CONTENTS
PAGE
An Account of the English Homes of the Three Early
"Proprietors" of Providence
By Fred A. Arnold 33
Early Powder Horns
By Charles D. Cook 50
Notes 57
Report of the Treasurer 59
Books and Objects desired by the
Rhode Island Historical Society ... 64 \
$3.00 per year Issued Quarterly j ;. 75 cents poi^pv
r*^
t
RHODE
HISTORICAL
ISLAND
SOCIETY
COLLECTIONS
Vol. XIV
April, 1921
No. 2.
WILFRED H.MUNROE, President EDWARD K. ALDRICHjr., Treasurer
Howard W.Preston, Secretary Howard M.Chapin, Librarian
Please address communications to Howard M. Chapin, Librarian,
68 Waterman Street, Providence, R. I.
The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the
opinions of contributors.
An Account of the English Homes of the Three
Early "Proprietors" of Providence
By Fred A. Arnold
On June 24, 1635, there arrived in Massachusetts Bay a
group of neighbors, nearly all related, either by blood or mar-
riage. They had sailed from Dartmouth in Devonshire May
I of the same year, all but one of the party, William Car-
penter, coming from Ilchester, in southern Somersetshire or
within about five miles of that place. The leader of the party
was William Arnold whose 48th birthday was the day of their
arrival. His oldest son Benedict one of the party, a lad 19
years of age at that time, has given us the only account that
we have of their embarkation, in his own family record,
written probably soon after his removal to Newport in 1651.
which begins as follows.
"Memorandom. We came from Providence with our
ffamily to Dwell at Newport in Rhode Island the 19th of
34 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
November, Thursday in afternoon, &. arived ye same night
Ano. Domina 165 1.
Memorandom my father and his family Sett Sayle ffrom
Dartmouth in Old England, the first of May, friday &.
Arrived In New England. June 24" Ano 1635.
Memm. We came to Providence to Dwell the 20th of
April 1636. per me Bennedict Arnold."
No other account of the sailing of this vessel, its name, or
passenger list, has been found either in Old England or New.
Gov. Winthrop records that within six weeks from June 4
1635, there had arrived in the Bay 15 ships with store of
passengers and cattle, but gives the names of only two, the
James, Captain Graves, and the Rebecka, Capt. Hodges.
Much complaint was being made at this time in England, and
stringent laws and orders passed in order to prevent the sail-
ing of passengers without registration. But while we have
no official list of those coming with William Arnold's family,
sufficient evidence has been found to show that the following
persons may have come on the same vessel or if not on the
same ship, certainly at about the same time and from the
same locality; that upon arriving in New England, they sep-
arated for a while, each family in its own way seeking a good
location for settlement and that while so engaged in the fall
and winter of 1635, they met with Roger Williams and others,
his friends then planning a new settlement, abandoned plans
of there own partially made, joined forces with him, and so
became among the first settlers and proprietors of Providence
— they were William Arnold, aged 48. son of Nicholas and
Alice (Gully) Arnold of Ilchester; his wife, C^hristian Peak,
aged 51, daughter of Thomas Peak of Muchelney, anciently
Mochelney; their children Elizabeth Arnold, aged 23. Bene-
dict Arnold, aged 19. Joane Arnold 17. Stephen Arnold 12.
Thomas 19, and Frances Hopkins 21, children of William and
Joane (Arnold) Hopkins. William Man, husband of Frances
Hopkins, William Carpenter, son of Richard Carpenter of
Amesbury, Wiltshire, husband of Elizabeth Arnold. Stukeley
ENGLISH HOMES OF THREE EARLY "PROPRIETORS" 35
Westcott 43. of Yeovil and his Wife name unknown with
children, RoUert Westcott, Samuel Westcott, 13. born at
Yeovil Mar. 31 1622 Damaris Westcott, later wife of Bene-
dict Arnold; Amos Westcott, 4. Mercy Westcott, and Jere-
miah Westcott.
The evidence upon which this list of names and places is
based is, first the "family record" brought from England by
William Arnold, Second a deed from William Carpenter,
recorded at Providence, third, researches made in the summer
of 1902 at Northover, Wells, and elsewhere in England, by the
late Edson Salisbury Jones Esq. of Port Chester, N. Y. and
fourth the Bishop's Transcripts of Somerset parish records now
being published by Mr. Dwelly of Hants, Eng. The "family
record" of William Arnold, preserved and extended for six
generations in the family of his son Gov. Benedict, and cov-
ering a period of two hundred and twenty three years, was
found in 1878, by the Hon. Isaac N. Arnold, president of the
Chicago Historical Society in the hands of Mr. P. A.
McEwan Esq. of Windsor, Canada, and is printed in the N.
E. Gen. Register for 1879. Vol 23, p. 427. I quote the portion
that seems to have been written by William Arnold himself,
and gives only records of baptisms and births. No marriages
or burials.
"A Register, or true account of my owne agge, with my
Mother, my Wife, my Brothers and Sisters, and Others of
my frinds and acqaufitance.
1. Imprimis Alee Gully the Daughter of John Gully of
Northover. Who was my Mother, was Baptized ye 29:
Septem 1553.
2. Tamzen, my Sister was Baptised the 4° of Jany. 1571.
3. Joane Arnold, my Sister was Baptized the 30° of
November in the yeare I577-
4. Margery Arnold, my Sister was Baptized the 30° of
August, 1 581.
5. I William Arnold, their Brother was Borne the 24° of
June, 1587.
36 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
6. Robert Arnold, my Brother was Baptized the i8th of
October, 1593.
7. Elizabeth Arnold, my Sister was borne the 9° of April,
1596.
[2]
8. Thomas Arnold my Brother, my Mother in lawes Sonne,
was Baptized the 18° April, 1599.
9. Elenor Arnold, my Sister was Baptized the 31° of July,'
1603.
The age of my Sister Tamzens Children.
1. Robert Hacker was Baptized the 22° of Jany. 1597.
2. Francis Hacker was Baptized the 24° of Jany. 1599.
3. John Hacker their brother was Baptized the 25° of
October, 1601.
4. William Hacker was Baptized the 31° of October, 1604.
5. Alee Hacker was Baptized the 25 of August, 1607.
6. Mary Hacker was Baptized the 4th of March, 1609.
7. Thomas Hacker was Baptized the 7th of April, 1616.
[3]
1. Christian the Daughter of Thomas Peak of Muoheny
my wife was Baptized the 15° of February, 1583.
2. Elizabeth Arnold our Daughter was borne the 23° of
November, 1611.
3. Benedict Arnold her Brother was borne the 21° of
December, 1615.
4. Joane Arnold their Sister was borne the 2^° of Feby,
1617.
5. Steven Arnold their Brother was borne the 22° of
December, 1622.
The age of my Sister Joane's Children.
1. Frances Hopkins was Baptized the 28° of May, 1614.
2. Thomas Hopkins her brother was Baptized the 7° of
April, 1 61 6.
3. Elizabeth Hopkins was Baptized the 3° of July, 1619.
The age of some of my Brother Thomas Children.
1. Thomas his Sonne was born the 3° of May, 1625.
[4]
2. Nicholas Arnold was Baptized the 15° of January, 1627.
I. Tamzen Holman was Baptized the 16° Deer, 1619.
ENGLISH HOMES OF THREE EARLY "PROPRIETORS" 37
2. Mary the Daughter of Julian Kidgill was Baptized 24°
July, 1627.
Jeremiah Rhodes the Sonne of Zachary Rhodes was borne
at Pawtuxet the 29° of ye 4 month commonly called June in
Anno Dom. 1647."
It is in evidence that this record was known in other branches
of the family before this printing, but it does not seem to have
come to the general attention of others, and has not received
the recognition its importance deserved, perhaps from the fact
that no corroborative evidence was then known or could easily
be procured, short of an expensive trip to England with much
hard work. It was not until 1902, that any successful attempt
was made to verify it by a search for the Northover record with
which it commences. In that year Mr. Edson Salisbury Jones
a descendant of Thomas and Phebe (Parkhurst) Arnold of
Watertown, Mass., and Providence, R. I., who had been en-
gaged for several years in genealogical research in New Eng-
land, visited Somersetshire, located the only place known to
English gazetteers as Northover, found its rector at Liming-
ton, (he being in charge of both branches), and saw the ancient
register with the original entry of the baptisms of Alice
Gullye, and Tomsine Arnold, William Arnold's mother and
sister.
The following account of his visit to Somersetshire, is
quoted from letters of Mr. Jones to the writer in 1914-15:
"When I was there in 1902, I devoted all the time I could to
Arnolds'. On this visit, I rushed by express train from Can-
terbury, Kent, to London, got a bite, then by train to Yeovil,
5 miles south of Ilchester. Next morning, hired a pony and
cart and drove to Northover through Ilchester (they are small
places adjoining; Limington is about i mile east). I was in
the locality only half a day (working all the time). Rector of
Northover and Limington was the same man, living in latter
place. Saw him and earliest register of Limington (Began
1681). Northover register was in hands of a church warden
there (began with sparce entries in 1531). Rector of Ilchester
was away, but clerk got out first extant register (began 1690).
38 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
at former's house. I also searched the Yeovil register (began
1563) — devoting all the time that the curate could give me. A
Thomas Arnold was married there 1572 to Agnes Bowden ;
and a Mary in 1578 to Tom Collins. No other Arnolds seen.
But, Stukly Westcott had a son, Samuel, baptized there
March 31, 1622. You give Stukely as a Devonshire man, but
my notes from Judge Bullock's Westcote Genealogy have-^
born 1592 probably in Co. Devon. I never learned why the
Judge made the guess, and recall nothing really suggesting it.
Don't say that the Yeovil Stukly was the Providence man, but
the item shows that one of the name was of Co. Somerset in
1622."
This letter shows that in this vicinity he found only two
parish registers, at Northover and Yeovil, with dates earlier
than 1635, but later at Wells he found in the "Bishops Tran-
scripts" many returns from St. Mary's, the parish church of
Ilchester — from 1595 to 1635 — The finding of the original reg-
ister of Northover is to us the most interesting fact connected
with his search here, containing as it does the baptismal rec-
ord of Alice Gully, and Tomsine Arnold, the mother and sister
of William Arnold, names and dates agreeing to the minutest
particular, and thus conclusively proving the accuracy of the
William Arnold "family record," and with the additional in-
formation, now for the first time found, that the father of
Tomsine and William, was Nicholas Arnold Jan. 4, 1571.
(1571/2) 15 Elizabeth, this being the earliest recorded date so
far found in the direct line in this branch of the Arnold fam-
ily. These facts cannot be too strongly stated ; such evidence
would be received as final in any court of law in England.
The Arnold entries found are as follows : "Baptizat, Alice
lilia John Gullye 29° Septembris A° D m 1553. Tamsine filia
Nicholas Arnolde 4° January A° D m 1571." (The mother,
sister and father of William Arnold.) No other Arnold bap-
tisms are found, although the entries appear to be complete
for several years ; the real reason being that between the birth
of Tomasine in 1571. and Joane in 1577 their father Nicholas
had removed with his family into the compact part of Ilches-
ter and estabhshed himself there in business, as a Merchant
ENGLISH HOMES OF THREE EARLY "PROPRIETORS" 39
tailor. The only Arnold marriages found are those of "1558 —
Margaret Arnold and Christopher Tuck. 1603. Margery
Arnold and Thomas Burnard." (The latter being the sister of
William, born in 1581.) No Arnold burials are found at
Northover before 1700. John and Alice Gully the parents of
Alice Arnold were propably born there before 1508, the last
year of the reign of Henry VTL, before the era of registration
had commenced in England, but the Northover records show
the birth to them of 8 children before that of Alice in 1553,
the burial of 3, Elizabeth, Robert and Christian between 1543
and 1546, and the burial of a grand daughter lone, the daugh-
ter of John Gully, Jr., in 1550. From this last date we ap-
proximate the birth date of John Sen., John Gully Jr. was
buried 1559, his mother and father, "Alice Gullye ye wife of
John Gullye 11° Aprilis Anno Dm 1583° aged about y^y John
Gullye was buried 15° Septembris Anno Dm 1591°" age about
81. At this latter date their grand son William Arnold, 4 years
eld was living at Ilchester. All of the Gully family except
Alice (Arnold,) are buried in the church yard of "Old St.
Andrew." The records furnish us nothing more than these bare
names and dates, to throw any light upon their history or
character. We only know that they were of strong, virile
stock, raised a large family and lived here four score years,,
during one of the most interesting and important periods in
English history, that of the reformation, which redeemed it
from popish rule, and placed the Church and nation under the
supremacy of the King.
A short sketch of the location, and the times in which they
lived will be of interest and perhaps serve as a background for
what little personal knowledge we have gleaned of them from
the records.
The little parish or hamlet of Northover is on the Foss
road, on the north side of the river Ivel, at its crossing by
the ancient Roman ford, and is really only a suberb of Ilches-
ter, on the south side of the river, with which it is now con-
nected by an arched stone bridge. The living is a vicarge in
the deanery of Ilchester. Its church, "St. Andrew," has a
40 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
square tower with four bells, and is in sight of, and but half
a mile distant from "St. Mary Major" in Ilchester.
The rector of St. Andrew, at the date of the baptism of
Alice Gully, 1553, was Thomas Mayster, who held that office
48 years, from his appointment in 1508, until his death, Aug.
18, 1556. Her parents, John and Alice Gully, were born about
the time of his appointment and may have been christened and
married by him ; It is certain that all their children were
recorded in his time. His incumbancy, commencing in the
last year of the reign of Henry VH., covered the entire reign
of Henry VHI., 38 years ; 6 years under his son "the boy
King" Edward VI. and 3 years of that of his daughter, the
"Bloody Queen Mary," who came so near restoring the popish
regime that had been overthrown by her father.
During this time he saw the destruction of the monasteries
and Abbeys of the old religion, .the supremacy of the Pope
overthrown, and the substitution of that of the King pro-
claimed ; he had been already in office 30 years when the royal
injunction of Henry VIII. was issued, making it the duty of
the clergy to keep a parish register. He commenced his regis-
ter that year and continued it until his death in 1556. Mr.
Jones says, it commenced with sparce entries in 1531, those
before 1538 being some privately kept by him before receiving
the order. Mr. R. E. Chester Waters in his "History of Par-
ish Registers in England," says that but 812 of these registers,
commenced in 1538, have survived the negligence of their legal
guardians, and of these, 8 only have been discovered with
dates earlier than 1538, those of St. James, Garlickhithe, St.
Mary Bothaw, of London and 6 others, which begin in 1536.
As the Northover register antedates all of these, it must be
the earliest extant register in England. The injunction of
1538, was sent by Thomas Cromwell, Lord Privy Seal, to all
Bishops and Curates throughout the realm "charging them
to God that in every parish church the Bible of the largest
volume should be placed for all men to read on : and that the
Curate of every parish should keep one book of record, which
book he shall every Sunday take forth, and in the presence
•S^f^'
pZ-f- jj^
?^if>»"» ^i^**^'*
L-
ENGLISH HOMES OF THREE EARLY "PROPRIETORS" 4I
[The dark mark at top is no doubt due to nut gall or other solu-
tion applied to document to make it more legible, while helping to
obliterate it in the photo, it makes writing clear in original. The 8
items before "Elizabetha filia Thome Bartlet" are given on the fol-
lowing page (I translated them when copying from original so can-
not give literatim copy) It is one of the few instances I have come
across where the human eye can read writing easier than the camera.
The blur was on the transcript when I copied it but by getting the
skin at various angles the items were deciphered with a little care.]
1622. Baptisms
Baptizat
Elizabetha filia Thome Bartlet baptizat prima die Novembris.
Stephanus filius williami Arnolde baptizat vicessimo sexto die decem-
bris.
Dorothea filia Thome Avorde baptizat quinto die Januarij.
Elizabetha filia Richardi Hancocke baptizat decimo nono die Januarij.
Gratia filia Williami Hopkins baptizat septimo die Februarij.
Robertus filius Johanis Hacker baptizat vicessimo die Februarij.
Francisca filia Gervasii Saunders baptizat octavo die Marti j.
Thomas filius Williami Spracklin baptizat nono die Martij.
Maria filia Johais Sims baptizat eodem die nono Martij.
1622. Sepulti
Sepult
Edwardus filius Edwardi Howman sepultus decimo nono die Aprilis.
Rose James sepulta fuit vicessimo quinto die Aprilis.
Alicia Bartlet uxor Stephani sepulta vicessimo quarto die Maij.
Joana Gullie sepulta fuit tricessimo die Maij.
Richardus Mannsell sepultus vicessimo primo die Julij.
Elizabetha filia Thome Golde sepult vicessimo quinto die Julij.
Gawin filius Johais Sharlocke sepultus tricessimo primo die Julij.
Maria serva Walteri Glover sepulta duodessimo die Augusti.
Alicia Lacie vid : sepulta vicessimo secundo die Septembris.
Ambrosius Baunton sepult vicessimotertio die Septembris.
Joanna Philips vid : sepult : fuit quinto die Octobris.
Nicholaus Arnolde sepultus vicessimo sexte Januarij.
Maria filia Stephani Geiland sepulta quarto die Martij.
Thomas Pawley sepultus vicessimo primo die Martij.
1622. Mariages.
Nuptiae.
Henricus Collens et Elizabetha Brangwell nupt. sexto die Maij.
Williamus Lockier et Deanes Jeanes nupt duodecimo die Maij.
Jasper Alambert et Maria Hodges nupt decimo octavo die Julij.
Christopherus Bennet et Thomason nupt septimo die Novembris
pr me Johnne Ravens
rectore de Ilchester
melchesadeek Jones I ^u u a
W„. A \A C church wardenes
illiam Arnold )
42 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
1622. Baptisms.
Cicely daughter of John.
Joanna daughter of John Ourbury (Overbury).
Thomas son of William Dawe. May 6.
Walter son of Walter Glover.
William son of Robert Morris Aug. 6.
Edward son of Dawber als Trowe Sept. 21.
Angell daughter of John Smith Sept. 28.
Thomason daughter of Edward Bartlett Oct. 26.
Elizabeth daughter of Thomas Bartlet baptised 1st day of November.
Stephen son of William Arnold baptised 26th day of December.
Dorothy daughter of Thomas Avorde baptised 5th day of January.
Elizabeth daughter of Richard Hancock baptised 19th day of January.
Grace daughter of William Hopkins baptised 7th day of February.
Robert son of John Hacker baptised 20th day of February. [l622i/3]
Frances daughter of Gervaise Saunders baptised 8th day of March.
Thomas son of William Spracklin baptised 9th day of March.
Mary daughter of John Sims the same day 9th of March.
162.2.. Burials.
Burials.
Edward son of Edward Howman buried 19th day of April.
Rose James was buried 25th day of April.
Alice Bartlet wife of Stephan buried 24th day of May.
Joan Gullie was buried 30th day of May.
Richard Mannsell buried 21th day of July.
Elizabeth daughter of Thomas Gold buried 25th day of July.
Gavin son of John Sharlock buried 31st day of July.
Mary servant of Walter Glover buried 12th day of August.
Alice Lacy widow: buried 22nd day of September.
Ambrose Baunton buried 23rd day of September.
Joan Philips widow : was buried 5th day of October.
Nicholas Arnold buried 26th day of January. (1622/3)
Mary daughter of Stephen Geiland buried 4th day of March.
Thomas Pawley buried 21st day of March.
1622. Marriages.
Marriages.
Henry Collens and Elizabeth Brangwell married 6th day of May.
William Lockier and Deanes Jeanes married 12th day of May.
Jasper Alambert and Mary Hodges married 18th day of July.
Christopher Bennet and Thomason married 7th day of November.
by me John Ravens
Rector of Ilchester.
Melchizedek Jones } u u a ^^
iTT-u- A ij f church wardens
William Arnold
ENGLISH HOMES OF THREE EARLY "PROPRIETORS" 43
of the church wardens or one of them, write and record in
the same all the weddings, christ'nings and burials made the
whole week before ; and for every time that the same shall
be omitted, shall forfiet to the said church 4 shillings, 4
pence."
The Wardens were not appointed by Rectors as assistants
but elected by the parishioners, to see that he attended to his
duties, and to attest his returns. The first records commenced
under this order were written on paper, and it was soon real-
ized that something more durable was necessary, and so Oct.
25, 1597, a new ordinance respecting registers was adopted at
Canterbury and approved by Queen Elizabeth under the
Great Seal. Under this "every parish was to provide itself
with a parchment book in which the entries from the old
paper books were to be fairly transcribed and signed by the
minister or church wardens, to be kept in a sure coffer with
three locks, of which the minister and wardens was to keep a
key; and for further security against loss, a true copy of the
names of all persons, christened, married or buried in the year
before was to be transmitted to the bishop of the diocese
within a month after Easter to be preserved in the Episcopal
archives." A note in Vol. i., Somerset Parish Registers,
Northover marriages, page 14, says, "The earliest register is
a transcription parchment, made in 1598, by Thomas Lover-
ige. Vicar, of the paper Register that began in 1534. Three
entries appear to be of the date 1531."
It was this transcript, that Mr. Jones found at Northover
in 1902, and it was from this same book that William Arnold
before embarking for the new world, copied the baptism of
"Alee Gully the daughter of John Gully 29, Sept., 1553,"
adding so lovingly, "who was my mother."
Having finished his search of the two old records of North-
over and Yeovil, and finding that at Ilchester, Limington, Yeo-
vilton and Muchelney there were no records earlier than 1635 ;
Mr. Jones then went to Wells to examine the "Bishop's
Transcripts" there, and see if they contained any additional
information from this locality. This was a new field, and his
44 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
search here was amply rewarded. First he found that the
"Transcript" was not a record book, such as was kept in the
parishes, but that they were the original yearly reports,
usually in the full autograph of the Rector or Vicar and
attested by the church wardens, and filed, not recorded, just
as received. From Ilchester he found very few remaining,
and many of these badly mutilated and much decayed. Evi-
dently the clergy in many years had failed to make returns,
and the bishops had at times neglected their care, while many
more had been destroyed during the wars of the Common-
wealth and James II.
From the few he did find, he copied the following items,
in some way connected with his search :
1594, June 30. Earliest record. "1595/6 Feb. 15, christened
Mary, daughter of Melchiseck Joanes." He was warden
with William Arnold in 1622, and had then been living here
more than 26 years. "1595, Oct. 5. Married, Robert Hacker
and Thomasine Arnoll." See baptism of their oldest son Rob-
ert, Jan. 22, 1597/8 and six more children on family record.
"1595, Oct., Burial, Agnes d. of Nicholas Arnoll." Not on
family record, probably died young. ''1596, April 25. Burial,
Alee W. of Nicholas Arnoll tailer." (mother of William.)
These items have since been printed by Mr. Edward Dwelly
in Vol. II., Wells Transcripts, p. 31, with this note, "The
above three years are written on paper now very much
decayed and are not signed." 1616, christened, April 7,
"Thomas son of William Hopkins" (son of Joane Arnold,
see family record.) 1622, December 22, Baptizat, "Stephanus
filius William Arnoldi, 1622/3 Janury 26, Sepultus. Nicha-
laus Arnold."
This transcript of 1622, has not as yet been printed by Mr.
Dwelly but will be soon, with others already copied. It is the
first time that the name of William Arnold has been found
on a public record, and strange to say, in it, under his own
hand, as church warden, he attests the record of the baptism
of his youngest son Stephen, and the burial of his father
Nicholas. Through the kindness of Mr. Dwelly, I am enabled
ENGLISH HOMES OF THREE EARLY "PROPRIETORS" 45
to .^ive reproductions from photographs of this record, and
also the churches of "St. Mary" at Ilchester, and "St.
Andrew" at Northover, where his parents and grand parents
are buried. In the Probate Registry of Wills, lib. 43, fol.
5, is found "The Will of Nicholas Arnold."
In the name of god Amen the i8th Day of January, 1622,
I Nicholas Arnold of Ilchester in the Countie of Somersett,
Tayler, Doe make & constitute and ordeyne this my last will
& testament in manner & forme following: First I revoke
recall & DisanuU all former wills made before the Date of
this my last will.
Item. I give & bequeath my soule into the hands of god
my blessed saviour and redeemer hopinge by him alone to be
saved and my body to be buried in Christian buriall at the
Discretion of my executrix.
Item. I give and bequeath unto Grace Arnold my wief all
my goods movable and immovable w'thin and wth thout
Dores to thintent she shall guid & bringe up my two youngest
Daughters, her children, and when it shall please god to take
her out of this mortall lief to Dispose the said goods at her
pleasure unto theis two children.
Item. I make & ordeyne the said Grace my wief my sole
and only executrix to this my last will & testament to see my
Debts and funeral chargs paid and Discharged. Alsoe I Doe
by theis presents constitute ordeyne and appoynte my sonne
Wam Arnold & Ambrose Chappell my frend over seers to
this my last will & testament. Witnesses hereunto John Raven,
Thomas Arnold."
Proved at Wells, 28 July, 1623. Inventory £7. i6s. 5d.
Going back to the transcripts, we find, 1623, Oct. 18, Burial,
"Margaret W. of Thomas Arnold," If this is the first wife
of Thomas, the half brother of William, he soon married (2)
Jane — and had sons, Thomas, 1625, and Nicholas, 1628, as
shown in the family record. "1635, Oct. 15, Baptised, George
son of Thomas and Jane Arnold." This son George was born
more than six months after his unckle William had sailed
for New England. No proof has been found that his father
46 RHODE ISLAND HSTORICAL SOCIETY
Thomas the half brother of WilHam, ever emigrated, or that
Thomas' children died young, as stated by Somerby and Aus-
tin, but without any evidence of record by either. The Thomas
Arnold who was in Watertown, Mass., before July, 1636, and
who removed about 1656 to Rhode Island, is not that half
brother, but is probably the son of Richard, and grand son
of William and Katherine Arnold of Kelsale Co., Suffolk,
about 20 miles N. E. of Ipswich where his wife Phebe Park-
hurst, daughter of George Parkhurst was baptised 29 Nov.,
1612, and where they were probably married. His cousin
Richard Arnold, Goldsmith, London, in his will 8 Nov., 1644,
leaves a legacy of 20 shillings to be paid to "Thomas Arnold
who is now supposed to be in New England or some other
part beyond the seas" or to his assigns. No other Thomas
Arnold appears in N. E. before 1644. See N. E. His. & Gen.
Register Vol. 48, p. 374; Vol. 68, p. 373 and Vol. 69, p. 68.
1635 Jan. 15, (1635/6), "Burial Jane W. of Ambrose
Chappell" (Overseer of Will of Nicholas Arnold.)
This last item concludes all the record evidence found l)y
Mr. Jones during his visit of 1902 at the close of which he
writes, "in the time I devoted to the matter I could not find
the father of Nicholas Arnold of Ilchester ; more investiga-
tion is necessary. I do not pretend to have covered the whole
field, let somebody do better." But the mine has been dis-
covered and the leade is very promising; Mr. Dwelly who
commenced publishing the Wells Transcripts in 191 3 is work-
ing the same vein, and cannot fail I believe to uncover much
more material to be added to that already secured. From
the Somerset records already collected, in spite of some larg'
gaps, the following pedigree of the Arnolds of Northover is
compiled.
I. Nicholas Arnold, the testator of 1622, was born about
1550. He appears on the register of Northover, Co. Som-
erset, as the father of Thomasine .Arnold, 4 Jan. 1 571/2,
and was buried at Ilchester 26 Jan. 1622/3. He married
before 1571, Alice, daughter of John and Alice Gulley who
ENGLISH HOMES OF THREE EARLY "PROPRIETORS" 47
was baptised at Northover 29 Sept. 1553, and buried at II-
chester 25 April 1596. Married (2.) before 1599. Grace
who survived him.
Children by first wife:
I. Thomasine, bap. 4 Jan. 1 571/2 at Northover. Mar-
ried, 5 Oct. 1595, Robert Hacker at Ilchester. Chil-
dren: I. Robert, bap. 22 Jan. 1597/8. 2. Francis,
bap. 24 Jan. 1599/1600. 3. John, bap. 25 Oct. 1601.
4. William, bap. Oct. 1604. 5. Alee, bap. 25 Aug.
1607. 6. Mary, bap. 4 March, 1609/10. 7. Thomas,
bap. April 1616.
II. Joane, bap. 30 Nov. 1577 at Ilchester, and was buried
10 March, 162 1/2 at Yeovilton, in the church yard of
"St. Bartholomew." Married before 1613, William
Hopkins of Yeovilton. Children: i. Frances, bap. 28
May, 1 614. Came with her husband, William Man,,
to N. E. in 1635, and died 26 Feb 1700 at Dartmouth.
Mass. Children : Abraham and Mary.
2. Thomas, bap. 7 April, 1616. Came with his sister
"^ranees Man, and their uncle William Arnold, and died
1684 at Littleworth, in the township of Oyster Bay,
Long Island, N. Y. where he had gone during the In-
dian War. Children : William and Thomas. He was
the great grand father of Gov. Stephen Hopkins, Signer
of the Declaration of Independence, and Esek Hopkins,
who was the first Commander in Chief of the American
Navy.
3. Elizabeth, bap. 3 July, 1619.
III. Margery, bap. 30 Aug. 1581 at Ilchester and mar-
ried 1603 Thomas Burnard at Northover.
IV. William, born 24 June, 1587 at Ilchester.
V. Robert, bap. 18 Oct. 1593. (No more.)
VI. Elizabeth, born, 9 April 1596. No baptism or burial
is recorded. As her mother Alice, was buried at 11-
Chester the 25th of the same month, it seems probable
48 RHODE ISLAND HISTORCAL SOCIETY
that both died in child bed, and were buried in one
grave.
Children by second wife Grace .
VII. Thomas, bap. i8 April, 1599, at Ilchester. Mar-
ried before 1623, Margaret , who was buried
18 Oct. 1623, at Ilchester, married (2), Jane....,
Children by second wife: i. Thomas, born, 3 May,
1625. 2. .Nicholas, born, 15 Jan. 1627/8. 4. George,
bap. 15 Oct. 1635.
VIII. Elenor, bap. 31 July, 1603.
IX. A daughter mentioned in fathers Will but not
named.
2. WilHam Arnold (Nicholas), born 24 June, 1587, at Il-
chester, where he was Church Warden in 1622, died prob-
ably in the early spring of 1676. at Pawtuxet, Rhode Is-
land, during the Indian War. He married before 1610,
Christian, daughter of Thomas Peak of Muchelney
Somerset, who was bap. there, 15 Feb. 1583/4. and died
after 1659, at Pawtuxet.
Children :
I. Elizabeth, born, 23 Nov. 1611. at Ilchester. died after
7 Sept. 1685. at Pawtuxet. Married, before 1635, Wil-
liam son of Richard Carpenter of Amesbury, Wiltshire,
who died 7 Sept. 1685, at Pawtuxet. Children: i. Jo-
seph. 2. Liddea. 3. Pricilla. 4. Silas. 5. Benjamin. 6.
Timothy. 7. Ephraim.
II. Benedict, born 21 Dec. 1615, at Ilchester, died 19
June, 1678, at Newport, Rhode Island. Married 17
December, 1640, Damaris daughter of Stukley West-
cott at Providence. She was born about 1620, prob-
ably at Yeovil, Somerset and d. at Newport after 1678.
He removed to Newport 19 Nov. 165 1, and 19 May
1657, succeeded Roger Williams as President of the
Colony under the Patent. In 1663, he was named in
the Charter of King Charles II, as the first Governor,
holding that office by seven re-elections until his death
ENGLISH HOMES OF THREE EARLY "PROPRIETORS" 49
in 1678. Children: i. Benedict, b. lo Feb. 1641/2. 2.
Caleb, b. 19 Dec. 1644. 3. Josiah, 22 Decern. 1646. 4.
Damaris, 23 Feb. 1648/9. 5. William b. 21, Oct. 1651.
d. 22,, Oct. 1651. Named for his grand father William
and the first death in the family after their emigration,
just as his father was about to move to Newport, he
was probably buried at Pawtuxet. 6. Penelope, 10 Feb.
1652/3. 7. Oliver, 25 July, 1755. 8. Godsgift, 27 Aug.
1658. 9. Freelove 20 July, 1661.
III. Joane, b. 27 Feb. 1617, at Ilchester, d. after 11 Feb.
1692/3. Married (i) Zachary Rhodes of Rehoboth.
Mass. as early as 7 March 1646. who was drowned
"off Pawtuxtt Shore" late in 1665. M. (2) 11 Jan.
1665/6. Samuel Reape of Newport, who d. after 11
Feb. 1692/3. Children by first husband: i. Jeremiah,
b. 29 June 1647. 2. Malachi, 3. Zachariah, 4. John,
b. about 1658. M. 12 Feb. 1684/5. Waite, d. of Re-
solved and Mercy (Williams) Waterman. 5. Peleg, b.
about 1664.
IV. Stephen, baptised 22 Decem. 1622, at Ilchester, died
15 Nov. 1699, at Pawtuxet. Married 24 Nov. 1646.
Sarah, daughter of Edward Smith of Rehoboth, Mass.
She was born J629 and died 15 April 171 3. at Paw-
tuxet. Children: i. Esther, b. 22 Sept. 1647. 2. Israel,
b. 30 Oct. 1649. 3- Stephen, b. 2y Nov. 1654. 4. Eliza-
beth, b. 2 Nov. 1659. 5. Elisha, b. 18 Feb. 1661/2. 6.
Sarah, b. 26 June, 1665. 7. Phebe, b. 9 Nov. 1670.
(Concluded in the July Number)
50 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Early Powder Horns*
By Charles D. Cook.
Berthold Schwartz, a monk of Freiburg, Germany, began
to manufacture gun-powder about the year 1320. Long be-
fore this time the horns of animals had been used for many
practical things, as, for instance, the ink horn, horn books,
drinking horns, and hunting horns which are still in use to-
day ; so that their use as powder horns was a natural sequence
of these other uses.
But there were other reasons why horn was adapted as a re-
ceptacle for powder. It was easy to obtain, cheap, light in
weight and readily worked. Horn would not create a spark
and therefore could be used safely. For the reason that they
were spark proof, copper and zinc were chiefly used in later
years in the manufacture of powder flasks. Horn also kept
the powder dry which was of course very necessary. When
used in its natural shape and suspended from the shoulder of
the soldier or hunter, it fitted snugly to the waist line. When
scraped thin the powder could be plainly seen through its sides
which at times was an advantage. European powder flasks of
the sixteenth century and earlier were frequently made from
stag horns. Their mountings were often of gold, silver, or
steel, beautifully wrought, carved, pierced and engraved. Ex-
amples of such flasks may be seen in the museums of Europe
and at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York City.
The August, 1916, number of the "Connoisseur" illustrates
many such specimens. One I remember in particular, is an ex-
quisite sixteenth century flask of highly polished stag horn,
having on its front a beautiful carving in high relief of the
Crucifixion, with the Lamb and Banner at the foot of the cross.
The mountings of this flask are of steel. But you are, I feel
sure, more interested in the quaint old powder horns of our
Colonial times, many specimens of which are to be seen here
to-night. These receptacles for powder were usually made
* Read at the Society's Exhibition of Powder Horns on March 5, 1921.
EARLY POWDER HORNS
51
from the horns of cows, bullocks, or oxen, and, were prepared
for scraping, cleaning, and shaping, by first soaking or boiling
in hot water to which may have been added potash if obtain-
able.
The small end of the horn was then cut off and the end
bored to the required size. Then a stopper was fitted usually
of wood, but sometimes of horn. We have here an unusually
fine collection of horn stoppers exhibited by Mr. Thomas G.
Hazard, Jr., of Narragansett Pier. Also a number of horns
that are conspicuous by the fineness and plainness of their
workmanship. Mr. Hazard's ancestor was a manufacturer of
these fine specimens. The stoppers are particularly interesting
as we do not often find them in old horns. Some displayed
by Mr. Hazard carry out the decorative scheme of the horn,
while others are carved in the shapes of fowl or birds.
It is said that Washington, when a young man, made a
powder horn, and, cut the end well back so as to get a charge
of powder at a single lift or tilt of his horn. It is claimed
that this horn is still in existence and has his initials cut in it.
The large end of the horn was closed with a tight fitting
wooden bottom, as a rule. This was fastened in place by
wooden pegs or nails. When a presentation horn was made
by a professional workman, the base was often covered with
silver or copper, properly inscribed. In later years both the
United States and England issued to their soldiers horns that
were fitted with brass or copper devices, having thumb-piece
and spring to take the place of wooden stoppers. The base,
which was of wood, was fitted in the center with a wooden
screw or plug. These improvements made the horn much
handier to fill and pour from. There are two of these horns
stamped with the broad-arrow and the inspectors' marks of
England and one stamped U. S. by the United States Govern-
ment inspectors.
In volume one of the Colonial Records of Rhode Island
under the date of the year 1647, I found the following: "Every
inhabitant of the island, above sixteen and under sixty years
52 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
of age, shall always be provided of a musket, one pound of
powder, twenty bullets and two fadom of match, with sword,
rest, bandaleers all completely furnished." A bandalleer was a
shoulder strap hung with many little boxes, usually cylindrical,
each of which held a charge of powder and a ball. They
jangled like sleigh bells. They were probably discarded as
soon as cartridge boxes and horns could be provided as they
made it impossible to surprise the enemy. Cartridge boxes
were much alike regardless of nationality, with one exception.
A few of the American soldiers were provided by Congress
with the cartridge boxes. The one shown is typical. It may
have been carried by a British soldier before it fell into Co-
lonial hands. The interior is made of wood and has seventeen
holes, each to contain a cartridge and prevent damage by rub-
bing together. The exterior, as you may see, is covered with
leather now very hard and brittle from age.
We know that powder horns were used in the Colonies as
early as the year 1652, because of the account book of John
Pynchon, merchant of Hadley, Mass. In it we find where horn
powder flasks were sold for 5s, and powder horns for 8d. An
act of Congress of the United States of May 8, 1792, providing
for the militia, reads as follows, in part : "That every citizen
shall provide himself with a good rifle, knapsack, blanket and
a powder horn." This regulation was not repealed until 1820.
Of course, powder horns were in use later than that date. It
was a military rule that each powder horn should be marked
with the owner's name, in order to secure its prompt return
from the powder wagon after being filled, thus avoiding dis-
putes as to ownership. The probable reason for making this
rule is that the powder was always in charge of a sergeant, and
he attended to the filling of all flasks and horns. One can
readily understand why a man would want his own particular
horn given back to him, as he would get used to the feel or
fit of it and could probably load with his own horn much
quicker than with a strange shaped one.
A finer grade of powder was often used to prime the pan of
a rifle or musket, and this powder was always carried in a
EARLY POWDER HORNS 53
separate horn or flask usually much smaller than that used for
carrying the powder to charge the arm. Small horns and
small flasks of horn were also used as pistol chargers. These
small horns were often pressed or moulded into flat or oval
shapes which could be carried in the pocket, saddle bag, or
holster with greater comfort. There is a particularly fine one
exhibited here by Mr. Hugh W. Kelly, made of a whale's tooth
and wonderfully etched. I have seen specimens of this type
of charger or primer that had sash or belt-hooks of iron or
steel fastened on one side, as did many of the Spanish pistols
of the Dagg type, also contract pistols made for the U. S.
Government by Simeon North of Berlin, Conn., as late as the
year 1808.
There is also a specimen shown here with three keys at-
tached to its side so that the flask or horn could be used both
as a primer and spanner. The spanner was a type of wrench
used to wind up the lock mechanism of a wheel-lock gun,
pistol or arquebuse. This is a very old horn. Another flask
which appears to have been made of cow's horn steamed and
straightened, has its base and a portion of its sides covered
with black leather. It is equipped with a device used as a
stopper and swivel for carrying strap which is made of brass.
The horn is said to have been used by a Hessian soldier during
the Revolution. The Italians made beautiful powder flasks
in the fifteenth century, which were often covered with em-
bossed leather, bound with metals cleverly pierced and en-
graved and etched.
You have probably noted' that attached to some of the horns
by thongs or cords are small receptacles of horn or ivory.
These were called chargers and were used to measure the
powder charge. They are made of parts of whales' teeth and
the tips of cows' horns.
It seems to have been the custom for centuries for man to
decorate implements of war and the chase ; and, perhaps we
have nothing else exhibited in our museums and those of Europe
that shows the progress of so many of the arts as are shown in
arms, armor, and other equipment for war and hunting.
54 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Hence it was natural that our forefathers of Colonial times
should decorate their powder horns by carving and engraving
them. It is likely that many a long and weary night in camp,
fort, or trenc'h was passed in this manner. Some of the work
seen on horns is very crude and was evidently done with a
knife, but there are many examples that show the work of the
skilled craftsman, who must have used the tools of his trade.
The subjects engraved on horns are many and varied. Scenes
of battles on land and sea. Sketches of forts and towns, maps,
ships, coats of arms, records of battles, deaths, and, the cap-
ture of prisoners. Often rhymes were engraved on them.
Elizabeth Lounsberry, in a fascinating article on powder
horns, written for American Homes and Gardens in the
August number of 191 5, says that, "The Colonial powder
horns, which, with but few exceptions, represent the most
skilfully executed decoration, were unquestionably the work
of the professional gun-makers and engravers of those times,
who made them as articles for sale." She also states that,
"The horns used during the early French and Indian wars
from 1739 to 1745 where the fighting was principally in New
England, are plain compared to those of the later French wars.
1755-1760."
"During this later period the finest horns were made, sur-
passing even those of the Revolution. The British coat of
arms was a prominent feature in their decoration, and the most
elaborate detail was carried out." This is without doubt true,
for the Colonists during the Revolution could not afford either
time or money to have such work done, and the better powder
horns of the Revolutionary period were mostly made in camp.
At the time of the early French wars the British Govern-
ment caused horns to be made with maps engraved upon them
of the territory between New York and Canada. As a rule
starting with a view of New York and the compass pointing
to the North at the base of the horn, the engraving would run
towards the tip or small end, showing the different routes,
towns, forts, villages, supply stations, Rivers and lakes were
carefully and accurately laid out. The lines were often rubbed
EARLY POWDER HORNS 55
with a brown or vermilion dye to make them show plainly.
These powder horn maps must have been a great aid to offi-
cers in command, for in those days it must be remembered
that even a general carried a musket or rifle and its furniture.
Two such horns may be seen here this evening, those of Mr.
William G. Roelker and Dr. G. L. Church.
To us Rhode Islanders perhaps the most interesting horn*
here is that loaned by Col. George L. Shepley, which gives us
an earlier view of Providence than that engraved by William
Hamlin in 1798. This horn was made and owned by Stephen
Avery in 1777, and gives a general view of the town and its
water-front as it appeared at that time. The engraving is very
faint as the horn shows that it has seen much service. The
New Hampshire Historical Society has in its possession a
powder horn that refers to the Declaration of Independence.
It is marked John: Abbot: H: H: 1776: Independence Ded :
July: 1776:. The H: H: stands for his horn.
W. M. Beauchamp has written for the Journal of American
Folk-Lore two articles on rhymes from old powder horns.
They can be found in Volumes two and five. They are very
interesting, and although the spelling is often quaint, it com-
pares favorably with that of many prominent men of Colonial
times.
One reads as follows :
When Bows and weighty Spears were used in Fight,
"twere nervous Limbs Declard a man of might.
But now. Gun Powder Scorns such strength to own
And heros not by Limbs but Souls are shown.
W. A. R. Thomas Williams
•R. I. H. S. Collections, vol. II, page 84.
56 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
This horn was made at Lake George the Battle 8th Sepr
A. D. 1755.
I Powder, with my brother ball
Im hero Like I Conker all
John Bush Fecit.
The last couplet has many variations ; I will give another ;
I powder with my brother Baul
a Hero Like I Conquer All
the Rose is red the Grass Is Green
the Years are Past Which I Have Sen.
Another reads :
The Memorial of a Franzy Cow
I write on it to tell you how
That when she was tied she struck the tree
And by her unlucky stroke
This horn fell to me.
Stephen Clark.
These are some of the interesting features I have learned
about old powder horns both from my experience as a col-
lector, for twenty years, and from general reading and in-
quiries on this subject.
I have come to regard them as curious records of trying
Colonial times, which were in intimate touch with the lives
and sentiments of the hardy pioneer fighters ; and, as types of
the progress made by mankind in providing implements for
the defence or support of its safety and liberty.
NOTES 57
Notes
The following persons have been elected to membership in
the Society:
Miss Alice S. Dexter, Mr. Arthur M. McCrillis,
Mr. R. Clinton Fuller ; Mr. Harold T. Merriman
George F. Johnson, M. D. . Mr. John H. Wells
The annual meeting of the Society was held on January ii,
1 92 1. Officers were elected for the year and the regular rou-
tine business transacted, after which Professor Harry Lyman
Koopman, Litt. D., read his new poem, "Character Passages
in the Life of George Washington."
During March the Society held a loan exhibition which in-
cluded 185 powder horns, in connection with which on March
r5th, Mr. Charles D. Cook gave an interesting and instructive
talk. The Providence Journal for Sunday, March 20, 192 1,
contained an illustrated account of this exhibition.
The following persons loaned powder horns or flasks:
Miss Alice S. Carroll, Mr. Hugh W. Kelly,
Mr. William G. Roelker, Mr. George E. Perry,
Mr. W. M. Newton, Dr. Frank T. Calef ,
Mr. H. Bradford Clark, G. L. Church, M. D.
Mr. Alfred L. Lawton, Mr. William F. Allison,
Mr. A. C. Walker, Mr. Thomas G. Hazard, Jr.
Mr. Charles D. Cook, Mr. Willard Kent,
Col. George L. Shepley, Mr. J. A. Haines,
Mr. Charles D. Bartle, Mr. Wilbur D. Brown,
Mrs. Dexter B. Potter, Mr. Walter M. Murdie,
Mrs. George W. Harris, Miss C. Katherine Clarke,
Mrs. Nellie A. Barnes, Mrs. Robert Hall,
Mr. Howard M. Chapin, Mrs. Jesse Metcalf,
Hon. E. J. Rathbun, Mr. Allston E. Thorpe.
Mrs. A. Warren Kimball,
58 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Mr. Harald W. Ostby, chairman of the Exhibition Com-
mittee, contributed the cost of hiring two extra cases for the
powder horn exhibition.
Col. Robert P. Brown, former treasurer of the Society for
many years, died on March 6, 1921. The Society is a ben-
eficiary under his will to the extent of $2,000.00.
Mr. William F. Allison presented to the Society the powder
horn which he brought in for the loan exhibition. The Society
previously owned one powder horn. It was carried by Eseck
Burlingame of Gloucester in the Revolution in 1871 and pre-
sented to the Society by his son, Elisha S. Burlingame of
Pawtucket.
An old Rhode Island fire bucket with the inscription, "R. H.
Ives, No. I, 1827," was given to the Society by Mr. Milton H.
Glover.
A set of the publications of the Naval History Society has
been presented by Mr. Edward Aborn Greene.
A file of the "Juvenile Gazette" of Providence for 1827 and
1828 is the gift of Mr. Emerson F. Beaman.
Mrs. Henry R. Chace has recently given to the Society the
vast collection of manuscript notes that her husband made
while compiling his volumes of early plats of Providence.
A blueprint of the original layout of Pocasset (Tiverton)
has been presented by Dr. Charles V. Chapin.
A large and very important collection of original papers re-
lating to the surveys and land divisions of the Proprietors of
Providence has been given to the Society by Mr. Fred A.
Arnold. These papers fill to a considerable extent the gaps
made in early Providence land records by the loss of the Rec-
ords of the Proprietors of Providence in the Aldrich Block
fire.
The Bulletin of the Newport Historical Society contains an
article on old Newport Houses by Mrs. Marie J. Gale.
REPORT OF THE TREASURER 59
Report of the Treasurer
GENERAL ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR 1920.
Edward K. Aldrich, Jr., Treasurer, in account with the Rhode Island
Historical Society. For current account, viz. :
Dr.
Cash on Hand January 1, 1921 :
In Rhode Island Hospital Trust Company $287 00
" Providence Institution for Savings 832 CO
" National Exchange Bank 299 20
" National Bank of Commerce (Checking Ac-
count) ' 356 42
" National Bank of Commerce (Special Account
No. 1) 1,650 00
$3,424 62
Receipts from Annual Dues $1,311 00
Books 89 30
" " Books (Colonial Dames' Fund).. 10 00
" " Expenses 33 50
" " Franklin Lyceum Memorial Fund
(Interest) 29 66
" " Interest and Dividends 3,403 63
" " Investments 50 00
" " Life Membership 250 OO
" " Newspaper Account 83 33
Publications 378 50
Publication Special 120 25
Rentals of Rooms 30 OO
Salaries 8 50
" " State Appropriation 1,500 00
" " State Appropriation for Marking
Historical Sites 15 00
" " Special Account No. 1 2,421 07
" " Special Account No. 2 1,364 73
" James H. Bugbee Fund 3,000 00
f
14,098 46
$17,523 08
6o
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Cr.
Ashes . . $49 65
Binding 179 15
Books 431 66
Books (Colonial Dames' Fund) 2 00
Dues 3 00
Electric Lighting 16 30
Exhibitions 139 17
Expenses . 280 44
Franklin Lyceum Memorial Fund 64 00
Fuel 758 33
Gas 8 74
Grounds and Building 202 60
Insurance 225 00
Investments . 3,348 11
Janitorial Services 309 05
Life Membership 50 00
Newspaper Account 84 93
Publications 720 25
Salaries 3,019 49
Supplies 156 85
Telephone 54 92
Water 8 00
Special Account No. 1 1,(519 49
Publication Special 120 25
Cash on hand December 31, 1920:
In Providence Institution for Savings $832 00
" Rhode Island Hospital Trust Company 287 00
" National Exchange Bank 547 45
" National Bank of Commerce (Checking Ac-
count) 30 61
" National Bank of Commerce (Special Ac-
count No. 1) 435 00
" National Bank of Commerce (Special Ac-
count No. 2) 1,364 73
" United States Treasury Certificates (Special
Account No. 1) 2,013 23
" Rhode Island Hospital Trust Company (Bal-
ance of James H. Bugbee Fund) 149 58
Checks and P. O. 'Money Order 11 50
$11,851 38
5,671 70
$17,523 08
REPORT OF THE TREASURER 6l
Edward K. Aldrich, Jr., Treasurer, in account with the Rhode Island
Historical SoaETY.
January 1, 1921.
Liabilities.
Ground and Building $25,000 00 $25,000 00
Permanent Endowment Fund :
Samuel M. Noyes $12,000 OO
Henry J. Steere 10,000 00
Charles H. Smith 5,000 OO
Charles W. Parsons 4,000 00
James H. Bugbee 3,000 OO
William H. Potter 3,000 00
Esek A. Jillson 2,000 00
John Wilson Smith 1,000 00
William G. Weld 1,000 OO
Charles C. Hoskins 1,000 00
Charles H. Atwood 1,000 OO
$43,000 OO
Publication Fund :
Ira B. Peck $1,000 00
William Gammell 1,000 00
Albert J. Jones 1,000 00
William Ely 1,000 00
Julia Bullock 500 00
Charles H. Smith 100 OO
$4,600 00
Life Membership Fund $4,700 00 $4,700 00
Franklin Lyceum Memorial Fund (Principal) 734 52 734 52
Calvin Monument Memorial Fund 10 00 10 OO
Special Account, No. 1 (National Bank of Com-
merce) 435 60 435 60
Special Account, No. 2 (National Bank of Com-
merce) 1,364 73 1,364 73
Special Account, No. 1 (United States Treasury
Certificates) 2,013 23 2,013 23
State Appropriation for Marking Historical Sites 15 00 15 00
Book Fund (Colonial Dames) 8 00 8 00
$81,881 08
Accumulated Surplus 9,491 53
$91,372 61
62 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Assets.
Investments :
Ground and Building $25,000 00 $25,000 00
$6,000.00 Bonds, Minneapolis, Lyndale and
Minnetonka Railway $5,850 00
$3,000.00 Bonds, Lacombe Electric Company.. 2,835 00
$3,000.00 Bonds, The Cleveland Electric Il-
luminating Company 2,565 42
$500.00 Bond, Western Electric Company,
Inc 497 69
125 Shares New York Central Railroad Com-
pany 12,500 00
111 " Pennsylvania Railroad 7,188 45
30 " Lehigh Valley Railroad 2,112 50
6 " Lehigh Valley Coal Sales Com-
pany 241 85
40 " Milwaukee Electric Railway and
Light Company, preferred 3,900 00
55 " American Telephone and Tele-
graph Company 7,123 61
60 " Providence Gas Company 5,005 68
Mortgage, P. A. and H. A. Cory 2,975 00
10 Shares Duquesne Light Company 1,060 00
$1,000.00 Bond. Denver Gas and Electric
Company 950 00
$1,000.00 Bond, Columbus Railway, Power
and Light Company 970 00
30 Shares Merchants National Bank 1,800 00
45 " Blackstone Canal National Bank.. 1,050 00
$l,0O0J00 Liberty Bond (U. S.), 2nd, 4^.... 956 19
$100.00 Liberty Bond (U. S.), V 100 00
5 Shares Narragansett Electric Lighting Com-
pany 285 00
$59,966 39
Cash on hand :
In Providence Institution for Savings $332 OO
" Industrial Trust Co. (Franklin Lyceum
Memorial Fund) 734 52
" Rhode Island Hospital Trust Company 287 00
" National Exchange Bank 547 45
" National Bank of Commerce (Checking
Account) 30 61
REPORT OF THE TREASURER 63
In National Bank of Commerce (Special Ac-
count, No. 1) 435 60
" National Bank of Commerce (Special Ac-
count, No. 2) 1,36-i 73
" U. S. Treasury Certificates (Special Ac-
count, No. 1 ) 2,013 23
" Rhode Island Hospital Trust Company
(Balance James H. Bugbee Fund) 149 58
Checks and P. O. Money Order 11 50
6,406 22
Total Assets $91,372 61
Respectfully submitted,
EDWARD K. ALDRICH, Jr.,
Treasurer.
64 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Books and Objects desired by the
Rhode Island Historical Society
In 1822 The Rhode Island Historical Society was incorpo-
rated by the General Assembly "for the purpose of procuring
and preserving whatever relates to the topography, antiquities,
and natural, civil and ecclesiastical history of this state."
Therefore what the Society desires to receive is anything
and everything relating to Rhode Island, as for instance :
1. Every book or pamphlet on any subject relating to
Rhode Island or any part of it, also every book or pamphlet
written by a Rhode Island citizen, whether published in Rhode
Island or elsewhere.
2. Source material for Rhode Island History, old letters,
journals, diaries, ship's logs, account books, and manuscripts of
various sorts.
3. Biographies of Rhode Island citizens, either living or
dead ; portraits or photographs of Rhode Islanders.
4. Documents printed by the State or by any of the Cities
or Towns in the state, tax books, directories, reports of com-
mittees, etc.
5. Pamphlets of all kinds relating to Rhode Island organiz-
ations, such as annual and special reports of Societies and
Churches, minutes of conventions, railroad reports, etc.
6. Catalogues, reports and leaflets of any schools or col-
leges in Rhode Island, educational pamphlets and papers of
every kind.
7. Advertisements, price lists, and reports of Rhode Island
business houses.
8. Files of old Rhode Island newspapers and magazines,
especially complete volumes, or even single numbers of obscure
publications.
9. Maps and plats of all sorts relating to Rhode Island.
10. Views, engravings, prints, photographs or drawings of
any places of local historical interest.
11. Briefs of legal cases tried in Rhode Island Courts.
12. Books or pamphlets printed in Rhode Island.
13. Flags or medals of Rhode Island interest.
14. Any objects of historical interest or association which
will serve to illustrate graphically the history of the State.
Rhode Island
Historical Society
Collections
Vol. XIV July, 1921 No . 3
CONTENTS fy'' ^f/^
%
PAGE
Roger Williams' Tablet in the Hall of Fame 65
An Account "of the English Homes of Three Early
"Proprietors" of Providence
By Fred A. Arnold 68
Addenda to Imprint List 87
Notes 97
$ 3.00 per year Issued Quarterly 75 cents per copy
•5^0? '•'■"■■■
FORCE© ires P^ ■
t<'S!Fg-©<&M
'5* SON
SOVi.
■4;t
S5
Bronze Tablet to the Memory of Roger Williams un-
veiled in the Hall of Fame, New York on May 21, 1921.
Reproduction of thumb print made by Roger Williams
in sealing wax in 1654, front original now in the Massa-
chusetts Historical Society Library, Winthrop 2, 122.
'*Mh^
NATURAL SIZE
^ '-"^
ENLARGED
Reproductions of the thumb prints of Roger Williams
made by him in sealing wax, from original seals
now in The Massachusetts Historical Society Library,
Winth. 2, 120, 1650; and 2, 124, 1664.
RHODE
HISTORICAL
ISLAND
SOCIETY
COLLECTIONS
Vol. XIV
July, 1921
No. 3
Howard W. Preston, Pretident Edward K. ALDRICHJf., Treasurer
George T. SPICER, Secretary HOWARD M.CHAPIN, Librarian
The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the
opinions of contributors.
Roger Williams' Tablet in the Hall of Fame
On May 21, 192 1, a bronze tablet in honor of Roger Wil-
liams was unveiled in the Hall of Fame in New York.
The tablet bears the following inscription:
"ROGER WILLIAMS
I 607- I 684
TO PROCLAIM A TRUE AND ABSOLUTE SOUL FREEDOM TO
ALL THE PEOPLE OF THE LAND IMPARTL\LLY SO THAT NO PER-
SON BE FORCED TO PRAY NOR PAY OTHERWISE THAN AS HIS
SOUL BELIEVETH AND CONSENTETH."
That Roger Williams was the pioneer of Religious Liberty
in America, and that Providence is the first town in the New
World founded upon that principle, with a complete separa-
tion of the church and state, is so universally known, that it
66 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
seems scarcely to need emphasis again. Yet it may be well
to call attention to a few salient facts.
Roger Williams was banished from Massachusetts in 1635
on four counts. The first was for maintaining "that the mag-
istrate ought not to punish the breach of the first table, other-
wise than in such cases as did disturb the civil peace;" (Win-
throp I, 162). By the first table is meant the four command-
ments, those which deal only with religious matters. Here
then is a clear cut statement of Williams' views in 1635, the
principle of religious liberty, qualified carefully so that it
might not be used as a cloak to cover civil disorders.
In 1644, Williams, in writing of his trials in 1635, said
that he was justly accused of holding, "that the Civill Magis-
trates power extends only to the Bodies and Goods, and out-
ward state of men, &c." (Cotton's Letter Examined, p. 4.)
In a letter written 21 July, 1637 to Governor Winthrop,
Williams said : "I know and am persuaded that your mis-
guidings are great and lamentable, and the further you pass
in your way. the further you wander, and have the further
to come back, and the end of one vexation, will be but the
beginning of another, till Conscience be permitted (though
erroneous) to be free Amongst you." (N. C. 6, 51.)
That religious liberty then known as liberty of conscience
was established at Providence in 1636 is shown by Winthrop's
comment made in 1638. viz:
"...at their first coming thither, Mr. Williams and the
r.est did make an order, that no man should be molested for
his conscience...," (Winthrop i, 283) and William Arnold's
statement in May, 1638, "...and their order was, that no
man should be censured for his conscience." (Winthrop i,
283.) Roger Williams' own statements in regard to the
founding of Providence, made later in 1661 that, "I... called
the place Providence ; I desired it might be for a shelter for
persons distressed for conscience," and in 1677. that it was
"agreed that the place should be for such as were destitute
(especially for Conscience Sake)" substantiate this fact.
Richard Scott, who like William Arnold, mentioned
ROGER WILLIAMS' TABLET IN THE HALL OF FAME 67
above, was a bitter enemy of Williams, wrote in regard to
Williams ; "Though he professed Liberty of Conscience and
was so zealous for it at the first coming home of the Charter
that nothing in Government must be acted, till that was
granted,. . ." (Fox 2, 248).
Williams' writings, Williams' friends and Williams' ene-
mies all testify to his advocacy of Liberty of Conscience and
to its establishment at Providence. The Verin case of May,
1638, proves it to be in efifect at that time and previously.
Verin was disenfranchised for not allowing Liberty of Con-
science to his wife. The "Combination" of July 27, 1640,
states, "we agree as formerly hath been the libertyes of the
lowne; so still to hold forth Liberty of Conscience." (P. T.
P. 02.)
To sum up : We have the statements of Williams, that
when Providence was founded, Liberty of Conscience was
■established there ; we have the statement of Gov. Winthrop,
written in 1638, that Liberty of Conscience was established
at "their first coming" to Providence ; we have the statement
of Arnold, made in 1638, that that order existed previous to
this time ; the Verin case in 1638 proves that the order in
regard to Liberty of Conscience was enforce.d ; and the Com-
bination of 1640, which recognizes the fact that Liberty of
'Conscience is one of the regulations of the town.
68 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
An Account of the English Homes of Three
Early "Proprietors" of Providence
Fred A. Arnold
{Concluded from April Issue)
No pulblic record had been found of the birth or marriage
of William Arnold, nor of the birth or baptism of any of his
children, until the Ilchester transcript of 1622, signed by him
as church warden, giving the baptism there of his youngest
son Stephen, as of Dec. 26, 1622 (four days later than his
birth as given in the family record), and the burial of his
father Nicholas. This is of course easily explained by the
entire loss of all the earlier Ilchester registers, but the Well's
transcript of 1596, giving the record of the burial at Ilchester
of "Alice wife of Nicholas Arnold taller." is like a flasb
from a light house illuminating the whole situation. It is the
key that explains why the name of Nicholas Arnold appears
and disappears from the Northover records, with the one
entry of the Birth of his daughter Thomasine in 1572, shows
where he went, and the reason of his removal. The explana-
tion is that at the time of his marriage he was working at
Northover as a journeyman tailor, having already served
seven years as an apprentice, and desiring to go into business
as a merchant, he moved across the river half a mile into a
larger community, the compact part of Ilchester, established
himself as a merchant tailor and carried on that business there
from about 1575 until his death in 1623. It was the common
usage at this period for men, on legal documents, to add their
title or occupation, but it was unusual if not unique to do this
in case of a wife as was done by the Rector Joseph Collier
A. M., in recording the burial of Alice as the wife of Nicho-
las Arnold tailcr in 1596. John Raven A. M., who wrote and
witnessed his will in 1622/3 ^^so called him tailer. It could
only mean that he had become and remained an influential
merchant, and a member of the Gild of Taylors in Ilchester
nearly 50 years.
ENGLISH HOMES OF THREE EARLY "PROPRIETORS" 69
In this period the trade g-ild was an important feature,
formed for the association of all the members of a ^iven
trade, for its re^ilation and support. No person could work
at any trade in any capacity unless he belonged to its gild.
These trade gilds grew to be very influential in local politics
taking to a great extent the place that political parties do, at
the present time. From their ranks were taken the mayors,
burgesses and aldermen, both in small towns and large cities ;
they became very wealthy, and built magnificent gild houses,
in all the great cities, those of London, Bristol, Exeter, and
many other places remain to-day, next to the great cathe-
drals and churches, the finest 'buildings in England. These
trade gilds should not be confounded with the older church
gilds, devoted entirely to religious work, that disappeared
with the destruction of the monasteries and nunnerys under
the edict of Edward VI. Nor should they be compared with
the labor unions of to-day, organized as a class, to fight
against their employers, another class, Hke an army of pri-
vates clashing against their officers for control. In the trade
gild, master, journeyman, and apprentice were banded to-
gether for the protection of his trade, not his class. They
were chartered by the Sovereign, with many privileges, recog-
nized by the church ; each had its patron saint, that of the
tailors being St. John the Baptist, whose feast day was their
election day, and celebrated with great displays. A curious
account of one of their festival occasions at Wells is found
in Phelp's History of Somerset, on the occasion of a visit of
Queen Anne the wife of James I in 1613. As Nicholas
Arnold was living, and an active member of his gild at that
time, he may have been present as a participant or spectator,
and this description gives us some idea, of the manner of the
man, and under what conditions and surroundings he lived
at Northover and Ilchester from about 1575 to 1623.
"The order and manner of the shews by the masters and
wardens of every trade and occupac'on within the citie or
buroughe of Welles, as it was presented before the Queenes
70 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Matie in Welles, upon Fridaie the XX ° dale of Auguste,.
Anno D'ni 1613.
"It is ordered that the Mayor and his brethren shall attend
in their scarlet gownes neere about Brownes Gate, and the
residue of the XXiiij or to attend likewise in person in blacke
gownes, and the residue of the burgesses to attend likewise
in their gownes and best apparell ; and this be done by the
oversight of Mr. Mayor, Mr. Baron, and Mr. Smyth.
"The Hammer-men, which were the carpenters, joyners,.
cowpers, masons, tylers and blackesmthes. And they pre-
sented a streamer with their armes ; and Noath building the-
arke ; Vulcan workinge at the fforge ; Venus carried in a char-
riot, and Cupid sittinge in her lapp with his bowe bent ; a
Morrice daunce ; the Dragon which devoured the virgins.
"The Shermen and Tuckers, and they presented a streamer
with their armes.
"The Tanners, Chaundlers, and Butchers and they pre-
sented a carte of old virgins, the carte covered with hides
and homes, and the Virgins with their attires made of cow-
tayles, and braceletts for their attires made of cowtayles, and'
braceletts for their neckes of homes sawed and hanged about
their neckes for rich Jewelles. Their charriot was drawne
by men and boys in oxe skins, calves skins, and other skins.
"St. Clement their St, rode allsoe with his booke. And his
Frier rode allsoe, who dealt his almes out of Mrs's bagge-
(which he carried very full of graynes) verie plentifullie.
Acteon with his huntsmen.
"The Cordyners, who presented St. Crispian and —
both of them sonnes to a kinge, and the youngest a shoemaker,
who married his master's daughter. They allsoe presented a
morris daunce, and a streamer with their arms.
"The Taylors, who presented a streamer, Herod and
Herodias, and the daughter of Herodias who dannced for
St. John the Baptists hedd ; St. John Baptiste beheaded.
"The Mercers, who presented a streamer; a morris
daunce of young children; The giant and the giantesse;
Kinge Ptolemeus, with his Queene and daughter which was
ENGLISH HOMES OF THREE EARLY "PROPRIETORS" 7I
to be devoured by the Dragon ; St. George with his
knightes, who slew the Dragon and rescued the Virgin ;
Diana and her nymphes carried in a charriot, who tured
Acteon to a Harte."
I have here shown where Nicholas Arnold was, and what
he was doing from the time he disappeared from North-
over, soon after the birth of his daughter Thomasine until
we find the record of her marriage, at Ilchester, and the
next year 1596, the death there of his wife. He had now
been established there as a merchant tailor for about 20
years, and the sudden death of his wife and her infant child
was not only a sad blow to him, but out of it grew some
great changes in the future plans of his children. — He was now
left with a family of four children, the oldest of which was
Joane, just of marriageable age 18, Margery 14, William 8, and
Robert 2. Joane remained with her father until she was 36
years of age, and although he married later a young wife
Grace, Joane was indeed the foster mother of his young sons,
William and Robert.
Between William and Joane there grew up a most tender
relationship. They were both married about the same time,
as is shown by the birth dates of their children, Joane died
suddenly, early in the same year 1622, with their father
Nicholas, leaving three small children between the ages of
2 and 7. She was buried at Yeovilton the home of the
family of her husband William Hopkins. William Arnold
now the head of the Arnold family at Ilchester, seems to
have taken her children into his own family of little ones
of about the same age, and when he emigrated in 1635,
they accompanied him to New England.
What has been accomplished since 1902, by Mr. Jones
and Mr. Dwelly is the finding at Northover of the early
parish register giving the date of baptism of Alice Gulley
the mother, and Thomasine Arnold the oldest sister of Wil-
liam, as the daughter of Nicholas Arnold, fully confirming
the "family record" and giving us for the first time the true
name of their father. Next the finding at Wells of the II-
72 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Chester transcript of 1595/6 showing that Nicholas Arnold
and his family had been living at Ilchester, where he had
been in business as a Merchant tailor since about 1575, the
date of their removal from Northover, and that all his chil-
dren except Thomasine were born there. Next the Ilches-
ter "transcript" of 1622, with the autograph signature of
William Arnold as church warden, showing that he was
there, a child 8 years old, when his mother Alice died in
1596, and in 1622 when his youngest son Stephen was born.
The very fact of his election as warden in 1622, is sufficient
to show that he must have been long there and well known,
and as all his four children were born in the ii years between
161 1 and 1622, it follows that they were all born there, al-
though the records of all but one, Stephen, have disap-
peared.
To connect these three generations of the Arnold and
Gulley families for about 127 years, from John Gulley's
birth about 1508, to William Arnold's emigration in 1635,
with the English history of their time, we note, that John
Gulley's life, beginning in the last year of the reign of
Henry VII, lasted through that of Henry VIII, 38 years,
Edward VI, 6 years, Mary Tudor 5 years, and 33 years of
tjie reign of Q. Elizabeth, until his death in 1591, about 83
years of age. His daughter Alice Arnold born in 1553 the
first year of Mary Tudor's reign, lasted through that, and
48 years of the reign of her sister Q. Elizabeth. Her hus-
band Nicholas Arnold born about 1550, lived through
those reigns, and to the 20th of James I., while William
Arnold born the 29th of Queen Elizabeth, lived through the
reign of James I., 22 years and emigrated 1635 in the loth of
Charles I. All of William Arnold's children were born in
the reign of James I.
Going back to the William Arnold "family record," let us
examine some of its peculiarities. He does not mention his
father, or give any marriages or burials. He gives the bap-
tisms, or christenings of his mother, and all her children except
ENGLISH HOMES OF THREE EARLY "PROPRIETORS" 73
himself and the infant sister Elizabeth, and then in his own
case gives only the births of himself and his children. Why
does he make this difference? In 1622, he served one year as
church warden, under the tutelage of John Ravens, A. M., an
educated man, and Rector at Ilchester, and it was to him a
school in which he learned not only the system of parish reg-
isters and diocesan returns, but also to realize the great value
to himself of keeping a family record as he was contemplating
the possibility of emigration. His father had not kept a rec-
ord himself and so the son went to the two registers of Il-
chester now lost, and Northover close by, and accessible to him,
for he could have found them nowhere else, and copied the
baptisms. Then he took a step in advance of his times, and
began to keep a family record, beginning with his own birth,
1587, which was continued in one line of his family for four
generations. Here we see in the case of his son Stephen,
listed in the family record as born 22 Dec. 1622, and on the
transcript, as baptised, four days later, 26 Dec. 1622 (the rule
being that all children should be baptised three days after birth
or on the succeeding Sunday). Comparing these two records
and those given of the baptism of his mother and sister in the
family record and on the Northover register, agreeing as they
do so exactly, gives us the greatest confidence in the reliability
of the entire family record. While some records supporting it
are still missing, not one has been found which weakens
or disproves a single statement in it, the one record explaining
and showing the connections with the other. Taken together
they completely prove that WilHani Arnold and all his children
were born in Ilchester, Somersetshire, and lived there until
their departure for New England in 1635. Just as surely and
completely, it disproves all the fables and errors of family
tradition, that have grown up and been spread broadcast be-
tween that date and 1850, seeming to show that they were
born and lived elsewhere. Savage thought that they were
born in Co. Nottingham, but offers no evidence to support his
opinion. Mr. H. G. Somerby says that William Arnold was
the son of Thomas Arnold of Cheselbourne, Co. Dorset, by
74 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
his first wife Alice, daughter of John Gulley of North Over,
in the parish of Tolpuddle, a short distance from Chesel-
bourne, gives him a brother John, and makes Elizabeth, the
youngest daughter of Alice Gully, the daughter of Grace ,
the second wife of Nicholas Arnold, and marries her to John
Sayles, Jr. No record evidence is given to support these state-
ments. None exist. He did not go to Northover, Somer-
setshire, where he would have found the Gully records, there
then, and there now. There is no place called North Over
in Dorset, or in any other county in England, excepting
Somerset. There is no record showing that Alice Gully mar-
ried Thomas Arnold, or had a son John born in 1585. Mr.
Somerby carried with him from America the W. A. "family
record" then printed, with instructions to find a father Thomas
for him. The most regrettable feature in Somerby's work is,
that in the absence of any English record, known here to dis-
prove it, so rehable a genealogist, as Mr. John O. Austin was
lead to accept and use it in his dictionary, although neither
give any record evidence. Very rarely has Mr. Austin
accepted another's statement, unless he has himself seen evi-
dence to support it.
The Rev. Charles T. Brooks, in his "Old Stone Mill at New-
port." suggests still another birthplace for the Arnolds, namely,
Leamington, Warwickshire. This pamphlet was published at
Newport, by Charles E. Hammett, Jr., in 1851. It is an ac-
count of a controversy between certain "Antiquarians" at
Brown University, Providence, and "one of the oldest inhabi-
tants of Newport." as to whether the old mill was built by the
Northmen, or by Gov. Arnold, and has been commonly called
the Mill Hoax. Both sides of this controversy accuse the
other of filling their communications "with fabulous stories,
founded on deceptions, entirely without foundation." These
accusations were true, and about the only truth in the pam-
phlet. Mr. Brooks only suggests that Gov. Arnold may have
seen mills of this kind in his youth, as he was living in Eng-
land at the precise period with Inig o Jones who designed the
ENGLISH HOMES OF THREE EARLY "PROPRIETORS" 75
"•'Leamington Mill," and again page 84, he says, "The Chester-
ton Mill is only 5 miles from Leamington in the west of Eng-
land from which part we have ascertained the Arnold's came."
The Arnolds did come from the west of England, hut War-
wick is in the centre. Mr. Hammett, who printed this book
in 1851, in his Bibliography of Newport of 1887, says, "At
the time of writing this book much labor was bestowed on an
attempt to ascertain the exact birthplace of Gov. Arnold, but
without result. About 20 years later (1871) Dr. David King
visited England and found satisfactory proof that he was
torn in Warwickshire." Neither Brooks, Hammett nor King
have given a single record to substantiate their statements,
and yet there is not a Newport historian to-day that ever
mentions the Stone Mill or Gov. Arnold in connection with
it, but what repeats the old hoax, that he was born in Leaming-
ton, Warwickshire, because in his will he mentions his Lem-
mington farm. The record evidence I have given that he
was born in Ilchester near Limington shows this Warwick-
shire story to be pure fiction.
Stukeley Westcott whose initials S. W. stand first on the
proprietors deed of 1637, at Providence, was in Salem where
"he was received in 1636, and in 1637 had a one acre house lot
laid out to him, the record showing that his family then con-
sisted of eight persons. And as the names of only five of
his children appear later on Rhode Island records, he must
have lost one by death, perhaps Samuel, after 1636. At
Providence, he signed the agreement of 1640. for a form of
civil government, and about 1645, ^e removed to Warwick :
and in 1651 his daughter Damaris went with her husband
Benedict Arnold to Newport. His oldest son Robert bought
land soon at Quidnessett, and was killed there, during King
Philips War, the other children all dying at Warwick. We
cannot without further research say with certainty where he
was born, or lived before coming to New England in 1635.
Hon. Jonathan Russell Bullock, who published in 1886, "The
life and times of Stuckley Westcott," says — "He was born
76 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
in England about 1592, probably in Co. Devon, and died at
Portsmouth, R. I., 12 Jan. 1676/7, aged about 85." These dates
are taken from the unsigned will, made the day of Westcott's
death. Judge Bullock gave much time himself to the work
of investigation and had the co-operation of more than a score
of persons, both here and in England, who had done more or
less work in the same line, before him, among whom was Sir
George Stuckley, of Stuckley, Baronet, the present owner, by
succession of Hartland Abbey and Affeton Castle, West
Worlington, Devon, the seat of the Stuckleys in England.
He suggested that the name implied that he was a descendant
of St. Ledger Westcot who about the year 1300 married a
daughter of the Stuckleys of Affeton. This place is on a
stream called the Lesser Dart, about 10 miles W. of Tiverton
and 15 miles N. W. of Exeter in Devonshire.
Thomas Westcott Gent., in his "View of Devonshire 1630,"'
says p. 271, Af¥ton, the seat of the Worshipful family of
Stuckeley stands between the two Worlingtons East and West.
It came to Stuckeley grand son of St. Leger who also owned
Westcot wherein lived a tribe of the name. A grand son Sir
Hugh Stuckeley lived here in 36th of Henry VHL (1545),
owned "Westcot," and had two grand daughters named Da-
maris. His Arms — Argent, a chevron between 3 escalops
sable, a crescent. The arms here given, describe the arms
on the tombstone of Benedict Arnold, Jr. The oldest son
of Gov. Benedict at Newport, whose mother was Damaris
Westcott, except that the crescent has been changed to a 5
pointed star, one appearing at the top of the chevron and
another at the top of a helmet on the crest. The Arms on this
stone have always been called "Arnold Arms" by those who
have seen it, but it seems more likely to have been "Westcott."'
The Arnold arms on the tomb of Hon. Oliver Arnold in the
North burying ground in Providence, as well those found by
Gov. Samuel G. Arnold in the Herald's College in London,
are described thus Gules, a chevron ermine, between 3 pheons
Or.
Before 1900, every county in England had been combed to
ENGLISH HOMES OF THREE EARLY "PROPRIETORS" 7/
find the name of Stukeley Westcott, without success, until in
1902, Mr. Edson S. Jones found the name at Yeovil, as the
father of a son Samuel, baptized there March 31, 1622. This,
without support of record, does not prove that he was the
Stukeley who came in 1635 to New England, but circumstan-
tial evidence very strongly favors that conclusion. The name
of Stukeley, and of Westcott is common in Devon and Somer-
set, but the combination of these names has so far been found
nowhere, before 1622 at Yeovil, and so far as we know is
•unique, and the name of his daughter Damaris is also very
unusual. In Westcott's "Devonshire," containing thousands
of family names, Damaris appears but twice, and both times
in Stuckley families near Afifton. At the time of the Yeovil
record, Damaris was about two years of age and of course with
"her father there. About five miles down the river Ivel, at
Ilchester, was living her future husband Benedict Arnold a
lad of 7. Both came to New England in 1635 and to Provi-
-dence in 1636 or ^y, where they were married in 1640. In
165 1, with five small children born in Providence, they re-
moved to Newport. Here Benedict was chosen President, the
highest office in the gift of the Colony, under the first Charter,
"before 1663 ; and that year under the second Charter granted
by King Charles II. he was chosen the first Governor, which
office, he contined to hold, with the exception of 6 years, until
his death 19 June 1678. His wife Damaris survived him, and
'both lie buried in the plot appointed in his will, as "being be-
tween my dwelling house and my stone built wind-mill." Dur-
ing the progress of the Indian war of 1675/6 Stukeley West-
cott now 84 years old, wifeless and infirm, was carried to the
Tiouse of his grand son Dr. Caleb Arnold in Portsmouth, while
two of his sons, Amos and Jeremiah, were granted temporary
lots of land on the nearby island of Prudence for the support
of their families, as were many of the refugees from the main-
land. On the 12 of January 1677; seeing his end approaching
the aged man attempted the making of his will, which was
drawn up under his direction. l)ut never signed ; night approach-
ing, he was persuaded by his g. s. Caleb Arnold to wait until
yS RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
morning, expecting his sons from Prudence, but before their
arrival he had passed away and his remains were carried
across the bay, the war now over, and laid beside his wife at
their old Warwick homestead.
William Arnold whose name appears second upon the
"Initial deed" at Providence, upon his arrival in Massachusetts
Bay, June 24, 1635, itound a party from Hingham, Co. Suffolk,
lately arrived, and about to establish a new township to be
called Hingham which was done September 18, William Arnell
appears as No. 13, on the first list of those who "drew
house lots from the Cove on the north side of the road to Fort
Hill." H he really intended to settle here, he soon changed his
plan for in 1636 we find him in Providence where he was as-
signed a home lot in the row of lots on North Main St., north
of Star St., the east end of this lot is now covered by a part
of Hope reservoir. Here he probably built and lived a short
time for a contemporary deed of land in this vicinity is
bounded on William Arnold's "Wolf trap" evidently built by
him for protection of his cattle. The initial deed of 1637,
which made him one of 13 proprietors of Providence was fol-
lowed by another which divided all the meadow ground on the
Pawtuxet river between the same 13 persons and about 1638
William Arnold and William Carpenter with their families
settled here at the ford or Indian wading place, where the
Pequot trail crossed the Pawtuxet river. This ford is quite
a distance up the river from the present centre at the falls and
the bridge, and lies a few rods only below the present bridge
on Warwick Ave. From this ford northerly the "Pequot road
was made the dividing line between William Carpenter's home-
stead extending from it, west to Pauchasset river, and that of
William Arnold extending from it, easterly to the salt water..
Later Arnold's son Stephen, and son-ih-Law Zachery Rhodes
settled at the falls, where with Joseph Carpenter they built a
corn mill and laid out to it a road through the woods northerly
(now Broad St.) which joined the Pequot Path, near the pres-
ent Junction of Broad St. and Warwick Ave. Upon this
homestead, situated very much as was his old home at Ilches-
ENGLISH HOMES OF THREE EARLY "PROPRIETORS" 79
ter at the Roman Ford on the Ivil, WilHam Arnold passed 37
years, until July 1675, when the horrors of King Phillip's
burst in all its fury upon the Colony. The story of what hap-
pened to him, is 'best told by an affidavit made by his young
nephew Major William Hopkins, the original of which is pre-
served in Prov. Town papers, 0268. "Oct. 16, 1678 William
Hopkins aged 31, testified before John Whipple, Asst. that at
the beginning of the war, and at the desire of some neighbors,
he went to Pawtuxet to try to persuade William Arnold to go
to some garrison or down to his son Benedict's, at Newport,
on account of the danger he was in. That he, William Arnold,
refused to go to Newport, but would go to Providence, but
afterwards said that that was too far, but he would go to his
son Stephen's garrison, so presently his son Stephen went to
his father and desired his father to goe to his garrison, and
the sayd William Arnold did goe along with his son Stephen
and this deponent to his son Stephen's Garrison."
The "garrison" to which William Arnold was carried in such
a feeble condition, and now 88 years old, and where he prob-
ably died, was the Mansion house of his son Stephen, whose
homestead covered nearly all the land west of Broad St. to the
Pawtuxet river, and from the falls, north to the swamp where
the brook from the east runs under Broad St. to the river
The driveway to his house from Broad St. is now Lockwood
St., and behind it now stands the Rhodes' Casino, and the
canoe club houses. On the bluff at the north end of this home-
stead farm, overlooking the swamp was the burial lot of
Stephen Arnold's family. This burial lot has now been built
upon, the only grave stones upon the lot those of Stephen and
Sarah (Smith) Arnold, were removed about i860, to Swan
Point Cemetery. As this Stephen was the last survivor of the
emigrant party of 1635, I give the inscription:
"Here Lies the Body of
Stephen Arnold.
Aged yy Years
Deceased 15TI1 Nov
1699.
Church of St. Mary major, Ilchester
Nicholas Arnold and wife Alice, parents of William Arnold, are buried
in this yard. William Arnold and all his children were baptized here.
ENGLISH HOMES OF THREE EARLY "PROPRIETORS" 8l
Arnold late of pautuxett," made a warrantee deed, on the
nominal condition of one hundred Pounds to his "Brother
Stephen Arnold of Pawtuxett afore sayed," of all Land of our
sayd father lieing- within the Bounds of patuxett, between
patuxett river and Providence bounds" &c.
This was not an uncommon way at this period of settling an
■intestate estate, and shows that as soon as the war was ended
and civil government restored, a mutual agreement between
William Arnold while living, and his two sons, was honorably
carried into effect by the legal heir under English law, after
Tiis death.
We do not know with certainty the birthplace or age of Wil-
liam Carpenter the third member of our party who was as the
"head of a family named in the initial deed as one of 13 propri-
etors of Providence. Assuming that he was about the same
age as his wife, Elizabeth Arnold and born before 1611, he was
about 60 years of age and had been living at Pawtuxet more
than 30 years when 14 Dec, 1671 he made a deed of free gift
to his sister Fridgswith Vincent of "my dwelling house and all
what land belongith to me adjoining to the said house the
which said house is standing in the town of Amesbury in Wilt-
shire and in a street commonly called Frogg lane, my sister
being an inhabitant of the said town, the which said house did
in the original belong to my father Richard Carpenter now de-
ceased, but fell to my right as I was the son and heir of my said
father." It does not necessarily follow that Richard was in
Amesbury in 161 1. or that William was born there, although
possible. Fridgswith Carpenter married Thomas Vincent be-
fore 1635, and had children: — Thomas, bap Oct 18, 1635, 2.
William, bap June 17, 1638, and 3. Joan. William and Joan
Vincent came to Providence about 1660. where Joan, married
John Sheldon that year, and received a deed of land from her
imcle William Carpenter Aug. 2, 1660 — May 31, 1670. Wil-
liam Vincent was married to Priscilla Carpenter his cousin by
Tier father William Carpenter, assistant. Jan. 20, 1676, his
iiouse was attacked by about 300 Indians, his son William, and
a servant killed, two hundred sheep, 50 neat cattle and 15
82 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
horses carried off, and his buildings left in flames, but saved'
by the defenders.
April 25, 1683, he made a confirmatory deed to the heirs of
the 13 original proprietors of Pawtuxet lands, calling himself
the last survivor and owning three shares. His will, Feb. 10,
1670, was proved Oct. i, 1685. He died Sept. 7, 1685, and was
buried on his homestead by the side of his wife Elizabeth
Arnold.
In Dwellys' Wells parish transcripts, Vol. H., at Nettle-
combe, 15 miles west of Taunton, I find some records that seem
to connect in some way with a John and Richard at Salisbury
7 miles from Amesbury. I give it, hoping to assist further
search.
Married, Sept. i, 1606, Mr. Richard Carpenter and Mrs.
Susanna Trevelian.
Christened, Oct. 28, 1607, Susanna, dau. of Mr. Richard
Carpenter. Clarke, (i e. Minister.)
On the same register occurs the unusual names of Fridiswade
Clark, 1607, and Frediswade Davis, 1640.
In Somerset Wills, 11. 109. I find the will of Richard Car-
penter, Pastor of Sheviock Devenport (near Plymouth), Aug-
ust 9, 1625. Proved Feb. 17. 1627/8, by the relict, Susan
Carpenter daughter of John Trevelian Esq. of Nettlecombe,
mentions, son John Carpenter, student at Exeter College,
Oxon, eldest dau. Susan, dau. Mary, my son Richard, 3d, dau.
Ann, 4th dau. Elizabeth, 3d. son Edward, 5th dau. Sarah, 4th
son, and youngest child Thomas, my brother John Carpenter of
Salisbury (1628), and 3 sisters Jane, Ann & Agness.
The Rev. A. W. Phelps, Rector of the church at Amesbury,
Wilts, writes Oct. 25, 1800, "The register has — 18. Oct. 1635
baptised — Thomas son of Thomas and Frittisweed Vincent. 17
June William son of Thomas and Frittisweed Vincent. The
first book of Amesbury records begin 1610 and end 1638, has
Elizabeth d. of John Carpenter bap. Nov. 30, 1628. John, son
of John Carpenter bap. Aug. 5, 1632. Margaret, dau. of John
and Joan Carpenter bap. March 2, 1635; and Richard Car-
penter buried Sept. 21, 1625.
ENGLISH HOMES OF THREE EARLY ''PROPRIETORS" 83
William Man, who came with his wife Frahces Hopkins in
-635, was town clerk of Providence in 1646, (see Prov. town
papers 07), and died before 1650. His son Abraham, was
wounded in the Indian war, and was allowed by the Colony
Oct. 29, 1684, £3 for the curing of his wound. His widow
Frances Man removed to the home of her daughter Mary, who
had married John Lapham at Dartmouth, IMass., where she
died 26 Feb. 1700 aged 84.
The parishes whose records prove them to have been the
homes of our emigrants, are situated on the little river Ivel or
Yeo, a branch of the Parret. The valley of the Ivel is de-
scribed in Camden's Brittania, Edition of 1610 — (about the
date of Wm. Arnold's marriage) as follows : "The river Ivel
springeth in Dorsetshire and no sooner entereth Somerset but
he giveth name to Evil (Yeovil) a great market town, which
rose by the decay of Ilchcster, and taketh into him a rill, near
which is Camelct a steep hill, hard to get up : on the top whereof
be tokens of a decayed castle, surrounded by triple rampires of
earth and ditches, enclosing many acres of ground. The in-
habitants name it, King Arthur's Palace : Near by is Cadbury
where K. Arthur defeated Saxons in battle. At the junction of
these two rills, lie Yeovilton on the north bank, and Liming-
ton on the south, and runneth on a mile to Northover, and
Ilchester, called Ischalis by Ptlomee, and Ivelcestre by Nin-
nius, and by others Pontavel-coit (Ivel bridge in the Wood),
and Givelcestre. at this day of small account for its antiquity.
At the time of the Normans coming in, it was well populated,
at one time having 107 Burgesses. A little beneath by Lang-
port the rivers Ivel and Pcdred (Parret) running together,
make between them the island called Mulchcncy that is to say
the Great Island. Wherein are to be seen the defaced wall and
ruins of an old Abbey." The map accompanying this article is
from Camden 1610.
Muchelney, the island at the junction of the rivers Ivel and
Parret, was the home of Christian Peak, William Arnold's
wife. Retracing our steps up the Ivel five miles is Northover,
the home and burial place of John and Alice Gully, and just
84 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
across on the south bank, Ilchester, where Nicholas Arnold was
a Merchant tailor about 47 years, and where he and his wife
Alice are buried, and where William Arnold and all his children
were born. A mile further up the river on the north bank is
Yeovilton the home of William Hopkins, where his wife Joane
was buried in 1622, the sister and foster-mother of William
Arnold. Across the river on the south side is Limington with
its parish church, "St. Mary Virginis," and its ancient Free
Grammar School, where Thomas Wolsey, afterward Lord
Cardinal, and Primate of England, was both curate and school-
master from 1500 to 1509, and where the children of the Gully,
Arnold, Hopkins and other families of the neighborhood were
probably educated.
In his will Gov. Arnold mentions his Lemmington farm,
named evidently from some place near his English home.
When he wrote this word Lemmington, in its broad Wessex
pronunciation, he meant Limington in Somerset, and not Leam-
mgton in Warwickshire, or Lymington in Hants, places that it
is not at all likely that he or his father William, ever saw.
From the date 1623, of Nicholas Arnold's will, until his de-
parture in the spring of 1635 for New England, William Ar-
nold's name does not appear on any Somerset record. On his
own "family record" the latest English date he gives is that of
the baptism of Nicholas, the son of his half brother Thomas,
Jan 1627/8.
We can only conjecture when and where he gathered his
large party together with their baggage and supplies, or the
route they took from the valley of the Ivel, to their point of de-
parture. The nearest and most practicable route would be
from Ilchester through Yeovil, Crewkerne, and Axminster to
Exeter, and then turning south, down the Devonshire coast, by
Teignmouth and Torquay to Dartmouth, a seaport about 25
miles east of Plymouth and the same distance south of Exeter.
A modern writer Mr. Charles G. Harper in "A summer tramp
from London to Landsend" thus pleasantly describes it. "A
waft of more spacious times has come down to us, and lingers
yet about the steep streets and strange stairways, the broad
ENGLISH HOMES OF THREE EARLY "PROPRIETORS" 85
eaves and bowed and bent frontages of Dartmouth. An air in
essence salty, and ringing with the strange oaths and stranger
tales of the doughty hearts who adventured hence to unknown
or unfrequented seas, or went forth to do battle with the
Spaniards.
"The mouth of the river widens into a deep, land-locked har-
bour with an entrance to the English Channel through a narrow
opening between tall cliffs. Here to guard it there were built
in ancient times, the twin-towers of Dartmouth and Kingswear
Ancient ironwork, south door of St. Saviour's
Church, Dartmouth, Devon.
Castles, facing one another across the water, and between them
was stretched an iron chain drawn taut by windlasses in time
of peril.
"The parish church of St. Saviour, is old and decrepit and
rendered dusky by wooden galleries, a wonderful and almost
86 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
inconceivably picturesque building, without and within and
what is not often seen nowadays a very much unrestored
church. It is closely girdled with steep streets, paved with
painful but romanic looking cobbles, and the churchyard rears
itself high above the heads of wayfarers in its narrow lanes.
The doorway of the south porch has a gate or grille of
wrought iron dated 1631."
In this quaint old seaport, some of our party must have
spent several days, in the process of collecting their goods, and
loading their vessel, and although they were strangers, here
only for a few days, I cannot help fancying that the steep
streets of Dartmouth the last spot of English earth upon which
their feet were to tread, its ancient St. Saviour church with its
then new gate, the beautiful harbour where had lain only a few
years before them, the ships of Drake and Raleigh, and the May-
flower and Speedwell of the Pilgrims, never faded entirely from
their memory. While their eyes rested upon these last scenes
in the home land, the minds of the young people, Joane Arnold,
soon to become the mother of all the Rhodes' of Rhode Island,
Damaris Westcott later to be the first lady in the Colony, as
the wife of Gov. Benedict Arnold, and their younger brothers
and sisters were perhaps thinking more of the village greens of
Ilchester and Yeovil, remembering that it was the first of May.
Mayday, "the maddest, merriest day of all the glad new year"
in England, and that their playmates from whom they were
now separated were engaged in the happy songs and dances so
dear to their young hearts ; while the older ones were more
likely turning their thoughts toward the unknown sea with
some doubts and misgivings mayhap, but yet with stout hearts
and strong hopes facing the great adventure that lay before
them in a new world.
ADDENDA TO IMPRINT LIST 87
Addenda to Rhode Island Imprint List
Imprints not included in the list.
1730 NEWPORT
.A Perpetual Almanack. Shepley
1734 NEWPORT
Auchmuty. The Copy of Some Queries. Rosenbach
1739 NEWPORT
Governor's Proclamation in regard to Counterfeiting.
(News-Letter)
1742 or 1743 NEWPORT
Short Narrative of Unjust Proceeding of George Gardner.
Mass HS
General Assembly. An Act in addition to an Act. . .Fire. . .
Terry
1759 NEWPORT
The Strange and Wonderful Predictions of Mr. Christopher
Love. (Evans)
1762 NEWPORT
Reflections on Governor Hopkins' Vindication, April 17.
Terry
General Assembly. An Act in Addition to . . . Manner of
admitting Freemen. RISL
1763 NEWPORT
Wanton, J. Observations and reflections on the present state
of the Colony. Shepley
1764 NEWPORT
To the Public, Newport, i6 April (signed Samuel Ward)
Shepley
Peter Mumford, Post Rider, doth upon oath declare (signed)
Henry Ward, (dated) August 9. LCP
1764 PROVIDENCE
To the Inhabitants of the Colony of Rhode Island (signed)
Stephen Hopkins, (dated) April 12. LCP
1765 PROVIDENCE
A Table of Value. . .Lawfull Money. Shepley
1769 NEWPORT
Rhode Island College (Subscription List) Terry
88 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
1770 NEWPORT
The Prodigal Daughter Shepley
1771 PROVIDENCE
A Word of Counsel and Warning Shepley
Providence Fire Rules RIHS
The Sum of Religion Terry
1773 NEWPORT
Blakes, James, Jun. A Sermon. Terry
1774 NEWPORT
The first book of American Chronicles RIHS
General Assembly. October. An Act for Assessing £4000.
Shepley
1774 PROVIDENCE
General Assembly, December. RIHS
1775 NEWPORT
The Crisis No. VIII RIHS
The following was received by a Vessel arrived at New York,
last week, September 12, 1775. RIHS
1777 PROVIDENCE
General Assembly. July 21 By an Express Shepley
The Death of General Montgomery (Printed by McDougall)
General Assembly, October. W'hereas, owing to Divers
Causes. . .Town Councils. . .have not yet collected the
Monies due. RISL
General Assembly. March, 2nd Session. List of Persons.
Shepley
General Assembly. September Session. An Act in regard to
drafting militia. RIHS
1778 PROVIDENCE
General Assembly, May, 2nd Session, Resolved that all Per-
sons. . .equip themselves. Shepley
Greene, William Thanksgiving Proclamation. RISL
1779 PROVIDENCE
Providence Gazette, February 2^, 1779, Supplement, variant
edition. RISL
General Assembly March 20. Attack on Rhode Island.
Shepley
ADDENDA TO IMPRINT LIST 89
1780 NEWPORT
Fresh Intelligence, Weeden NHS
Announcement of N. A. Calendar for 1781 Shepley
Calendrier Francais pour 1781 (with eight additional pages)
Shepley
1780 PROVIDENCE
Return of 2nd Rhode Island Regiment. Shepley
1 781 PROVIDENCE
A Poetical Epistle to George Washington. Wheeler
(Amer. Journal)
Three o'clock (Surrender of Cornwallis). Carter MHS
1782 NEWPORT
Letter from Sir Guy Carleton. Barber. Terry
1783 PROVIDENCE
Varnum, J. M. Oration on Masonry delivered in 1782.
Shepley
Proposals for printing the United States Chronicle.
H. R. Drowne
important Intelligence. Carter. Shepley
1784 PROVIDENCE
•Goldsmith, Oliver. The Deserted Village. RIHS
1785 PROVIDENCE
Scheme of a Lottery. RIHS
To the Editor of the Providence Gazette, "Fair Play."
Shepley
■General Assembly. February. Whereas certain classes . . .
recruits. Terry
1786 NEWPORT
Champlin, Christopher. Cargo of Ship Hydra Shepley
Verses for the New Year, 1787. Shepley
1786 PROVIDENCE
Pool, Equestrian Feats of Horsemanship. Shepley
General Assembly. May Session £100.000 RISL
General Assembly. August Session i 100.000 RIHS
1787 PROVIDENCE
General Assembly. Four per cent, notes Shepley
go RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
1788 PROVIDENCE
Mr. John Brown. Invitation for a dance. JCB.
1789 PROVIDENCE
Webster, Noah American Spelling Book. Carter AAS
Drawbacks on duties. RIHS
1792 PROVIDENCE
Thornton's R. I. Almanac for 1793 printed "for Richardson"
Arnold
1793 NEWPORT
Wells, Elizabeth. Some Melancholy Heartfelt Reflections.
Sihepley
1793 PROVIDENCE
Fenner, Arthur. Proclamation in regard to Small Pox, 21
September 1793 Carter ....
Proceedings of seven gentlemen sitting themselves an Eccle-
siastical Council. RIHS
New Year's Address January i, 1793. "Now our Grandame
Earth." Shepley
Whitefield, George. The Knowledge of Jesus Christ. Carter
Shepley
1794 NEWPORT
Murder. Narrative of the trial of William Corran Shepley
1794 PROVIDENCE
General Assembly, March. Act to repair highways in Scituate.
Terry
General Assembly. June 16. Condition on which Non Com-
missioned Ofifiicers Shepley
Rhode Island Register for 1795 Shepley
1795 NEWPORT
Rhode Island Bank, Charter of Terry
1795 PROVIDENCE
Street Lattery RIHS
An Essay on the Fall of Angels & Men. Wheeler Shepley
1795 WARREN
Patten, William. Reminiscences of Samuel Hopkins
(Bartlett)
ADDENDA TO IMPRINT LIST 9I
1796 PROVIDENCE
Whitney, Josiah. Sermon on the death of Rev. Noadiah
Russell. Carter & Wilkinson RIHS
1797 PROVIDENCE
Adams, John. "President's Answer." Shepley
New Year Verses of the Carrier of the Gazette Jan. i, 1798.
RIHS
1798 NEWPORT
Interesting. By Capt. Earl Shepley
Adams, John. President's Speech. Farnsworth Terry
1798 PROVIDENCE
Life of Zilpha Smith. Wheeler (U. S. Chronicle)
Pawtucket Cannon Factory 5 Dec. 1798 (Broadside)
Adams, John. President's speech C & W RIHS
1799 NEWPORT
The Gentlemen & Lady's Companion, containing the Newest
Cotillions and Country Dances. O. Farnsworth. Terry
The Affecting History of the Children in the Wood. H. &
O. Farnsworth. A. C. Bates
Newport Insurance Company. Terry
The Travels of Robinson Crusoe. H. & O. Farnsworth.
Terry
The Trifle Hunters. O. Farnsworth. Terry
1799 PROVIDENCE
The Companion : being a Selection of the Beauties of the
Most Celebrated Authors. RIHS
1800 NEWPORT
Beckley, John James. Address to the People. Second Ed.
H. B. Tompkins
A Law to establish a Uniform System of Bankruptcy. Barber.
Shepley
UNDATED
Champlin, Christopher. Goods for sale. Providence (about
1790). Shepley
Champlin, Christopher. Ship Hydra. See 1786
92 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
An Exposition of the Emblems of the Providence Associa-
tion of Merchants and Manufacturer's Certificate.
Shepley
Engraved Certificate referred to in above Table of Values
see 1765 Shepley
Phillis. An Elegiac poem to George Whitefield. Southwick.
NHS
Advertisement of Nathaniel Croade of Pawtucket (Warren
1797?) RIHS
The Bride's Burial Penn. HS
Unlocated Listed Imprints now located, and Imprints located
outside of Providence in the List of 191 5. of which
copies are now in Providence.
1728
Webb, John. The Believer's Redemption. Shepley
1731
Fox;, John. The Door of Heaven. Shepley
1733
Hale, Sir Matthew. Some Necessary and Important Consid-
erations. (Only copy located) Shepley
1750
The Case and Complaint of Samuel Maxwell. JCB
1751
Williams, Solomon. The Sad Tendency. Shepley
1752
MacSparren. The Sacred Dignity. Shepley
1754
The 111 Policy of . . . .Imprisoning Insolvent Debtors. Shepley
1759
By the Governor. Thanksgiving Proclamation. (Only copy
located) Shepley
1760
Tweedy. A Catalogue of Drugs. Shepley
1762 PROVIDENCE
Prospectus of Providence Gazette Shepley
ADDENDA TO IMPRINT LIST 93
1765 PROVIDENCE
Davies. A Sermon. Shepley
1766 NEWPORT
Hymns and Spiritual Songs. Shepley
1770 NEWPORT
Trial of Sir Richard Rum. Shepley
1775 NEWPORT
Mr. Samuel Adams. Portrait. Shepley
1776 PROVIDENCE
Paine. Common Sense. loth ed. Shepley
1777 PROVIDENCE
General Assembly. December 4. An Act. RISL
1780 PROVIDENCE
General Assembly, July, 2nd Session. An Act for assessing
10,000 Pounds. Terry
General Assembly, July, 2nd Session. An Act for assessing
£400,000. RISL
General Assembly July 7, 1780. Act Shepley
General Assembly. May, Act. 80,000 Pounds Terry
1781
General Assembly, May, 2nd Session. An Act for granting
£6000. RISL
1782 NEWPORT
General Assembly. Oct. An Act for granting $20,000 Terry
Verses Made on the Death. Shepley
1782 PROVIDENCE
General Assembly. January. An Act for numbering the Fam-
ilies. RISL
General Assembly. February. An Act for granting Tax of
£6000. RISL
1784 NEWPORT
The Instructive Fables of Pilpay. Shepley
1785 NEWPORT
Laws of the Marine Society. Shepley
94
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
1786 PROVIDENCE
Backus, Testimony Shepley
General Assembly. June. An Act... 20,000 pounds Terry
1787 NEWPORT
Gessner. The Death of Abel. Shepley
1787 PROVIDENCE
Wheeler's North American Calendar for 1788 Shepley
1788 NEWPORT
Cutler, Manasseh. An Explanation. Shepley
Articles of Agreement, Ohio Company. Shepley
1788 PROVIDENCE
Griffith. Collection of Dances. Shepley
1789 PROVIDENCE
Webster. An American Selection. Shepley
1791 PROVIDENCE
United States Inspector General Regulations for Troops.
RIHS
1792 PROVIDENCE
Goldsmith. The Vicar of Wakefield. Shepley
1792 WARREN
Lines on the last and dying Words of Rev. Oliver Williams.
Shepley
1793 PROVIDENCE
Rhode Island College. Laws. Shepley
1794 NEWPORT
An Address of the Democratic Society RIHS
1794 PROVIDENCE
Dodsley. The Toy Shop. Shepley
1795 PROVIDENCE
Dodsley. OEconomy of Human Life. Shepley
1796 PROVIDENCE
Holman. Funeral Oration. RIHS
1796 WARREN
General Assembly. June Session. That Two Representatives
.. .be elected. RISL
ADDENDA TO IMPRINT LIST 95
1797 PROVIDENCE
Hhode Island College. Commencement. Shepley
Rhode Island College. Illustrissimo Jabez Bowen. BU
1800 NEWPORT
Beckley, J. J. Address. H. B. Tompkins
Briggs, J. Oration. Terry-
Burroughs, Peleg. Oration H. B. Tompkins
Undated, pages 74 and 75
The Justly celebrated Mrs. Sophie Hume's advice. Shepley
A List of Names of Family of John Carter 1785. Shepley
In Memory of Capt. John Crawford 1774. Shepley
Located Imprints not listed in Rhode Island Historical Society
in 191 5, but now in Rhode Island Historical Society.
1750
Frothingham. The Articles of Faith. RIHS
1754
G. G. The Divinity and Humanity of Our Lord. RIHS
1758
Pollen. The Duty of Defending our Countrymen. RIHS
1763 PROVIDENCE
Aplin. Both editions with and without "lyre" at end. RIHS
1773
Fothergill. A Sermon at Horsley Downs. RIHS
1776 NEWPORT
In Congress. A Declaration June (for July) 13 RIHS
1778 PROVIDENCE
Orders of the Council of War. RIHS
1779 PROVIDENCE
Resolves and Orders of the Council of War. RIHS
1783 PROVIDENCE
Thacher, Peter. Prayer The Breath of Rev. Habijah Weld
RIHS
1793 PROVIDENCE
Rhode Island College. Catalogue of Books RIHS
1796 PROVIDENCE
Holman. Funeral Oration. RIHS
96 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
1797 PROVIDENCE
Thompson. Funeral Oration on Kingman. RIHS
1798 PROVIDENCE
Rhode Island College Catalogue. RIHS
1799 PROVIDENCE
Congress of the United States. RIHS
1800 NEWPORT
Dehon, T. Discourse. RIHS
CORRECTIONS.
1736, Page 10
Beavan's essay should be under date of 1754, Page 14.
Anthony or Osborne should be Anthony and Osborne.
1777 PROVIDENCE, Page 35
Add McDougall's name after John Carter as Providence-
printers for that year.
1779 NEWPORT, Page 38
Vol. I, No. 35 of the American Journal was printed at New-
port. RIHS-
1780 NEWPORT, Page 40
Add the name of J. Weeden to list of printers.
1781 PROVIDENCE, Page 43
American Journal should be No. 157 instead of 1507.
1782 NEWPORT, Page 45
Add H. & O. Farnsworth to list of printers.
1782 PROVIDENCE, Page 45
Thacher item should be under 1783. RIHS-
1787 PROVIDENCE, Page 51
Emmons. "On" Franklin instead of "in" Franklin.
1 791 PROVIDENCE, Page 58
R. I. College. "Illustrissimo" should be "Honoratissimo."
1800 NEWPORT, Page 'J2
Omit "The R. I. Republican Farnsworth."
NOTES 97
Notes
The manuscript plat of the original layout of Block
Island has been given to the Society by the late Mr. Nathaniel
Ray Greene of Narragansett Pier.
The Providence Mutual Fire Insurance Company has
given to the Society a large number of manuscript books cov-
ering 'the activities of that organization up to the year 1850.
The following persons have been elected to membership
in the Society;
Mr. Harvey A. Baker, Miss Anna L. Lestrade,
Mr. Raymond E. Ostby, Mr. Arthur James,
Mr. Harry C. Owen, Mrs. Arthur N. Sheldon.
Mrs. Charles BfiiSley presented to the Society an inter-
esting and valuable collection of newspapers and manuscripts
of local historical interest.
An oil portrait of Stephen Dexter, who was born in 1764,
was given to the Society by Miss Abigail Dexter of East
Providence.
Mr. Charles B. Whipple presented to the Society an
autograph letter of Governor Nicholas Cooke written Febru-
ary 24, 1777.
Two Honorary members of the Society, Mr. David W.
Hoyt and Mr. James Phinney Baxter died in May.
The January Bulletin of the Newport Historical Society
contains a paper on "Newport Artists," by Mrs. Maud Howe
Elliott.
The "Honor Roll — Rliode Island Masons who served in
the World War" has l)een issued in attractive form.
The Rhode Island S'tate Board of Agriculture has pub-
lished D. J. Lambert's "History of the R. I. Reds."
Through the generosity of Col. George L. Shepley, the
Society now has two new and attractive exhibition cases which
have been placed in the Portrait Gallery.
In the October, 1920, number of the Collections is an
98 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
article on Roger Williams and John Milton. The author, Mr.
Potter, has contributed the following additional note :
In running over, recently, the files of Modern Language
Notes, I observe that the criticism of Dr. Carpenter's conjec-
ture about Roger Williams's "reading" Milton Dutch, which
I made in my discussion of W'illiams and Milton (R. I. His-
torical Society Collections, Vol. XIII. No. 4, pp. 119-20), had
already been made by Professor G. L. Kittredge in 1910.
(Modern Language Notes, Vol. XXV, p. 159; May, 1910.)
l\Iay I take this opportunity of acknowledging the priority
of Professor Kittredge's note on the matter, and stating that
at the time of writing my discussion of the subject, I l\ad no
knowledge of the existence of his note, or I should of course
have mentioned it in that connection.
One additional comment on the list of books read by Wil-
liams, w^hich I gave as an appendix to my discussion, may be
worth mentioning. On page 128, I stated of Henry VIII's
"blasphemous writing against Christ Jesus in his holy truth
proclaimed by Luther" (P>loody Tenent yet more Bloody, N.
C. P.. p. 163) that "this work I have not been able to deter-
mine." The book referred to by Williams is obviously
Henry's Defence of the Seven Sacraments, "Assertio Septem
Sacramentorum," 1521, which caused the Pope to give Henry
the title of "Defender of the Faith."
George R. Potter.
The only known impression of Rhode Island's first
seal. From the Charter of the Town of Warwick, 1648,
now in the Shepley Library, Providence.
s-^^m^
BEAVERTAIL LIGHT IN 1798
Engraved by William Hamlin of Providence for The
Certificate of the Providence Marine Society. From origi-
nal in the Rhode Island Historical Society Library.
I
k
Rhode Island
Historical Society
Collections
Vol. XIV
October, 1921
No. 4
CONTENTS
jmerce of Rhode Island with the Southern
Continental Colonies in the Eighteenth Century
Bv Walter Freeman Crawford
PAGE
99
The Jamestown and Newport Ferries
By Charles V. and Anna Augusta Chapin
Notes
Ill
121
Rhode Island in 1768
By John Lees
122
1 3.00 per year
Issued Quarterly
75 cents per copy
RHODE
HISTORICAL
ISLAND
SOCIETY
COLLECTIONS
Vol. XIV
October, 1921
No. 4
Howard W.Preston, President Edward K. ALDRICHjr., Treasurer
George T. SPICER, Secretary HOWARD M.CHAPIN, Librarian
The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the
opinions of contributors.
The Commerce of Rhode Island with the
Southern Continental Colonies in the
Eighteenth Century*
By Walter Freeman Cr-^wford.
In few respects does the Rhode Island of to-day resemble
the Rhode Island of colonial times. Many of the customs and
institutions which occupied prominent places in the activities
of an earlier day have now been superseded. Commerce, for
instance, which was highly important to the colonial merchant
has been displaced almost entirely by manufacturing; where
capital was once utilized in building ships and carrying on
trade, we to-day find it invested largely in mills and machinery.
*The Society of Colonial Dames' Prize Essay in American History
for 1920-21. This paper is based largely upon contemporary materials
drawn from the following: The Commerce of Rhode Island, 1726-
180O, 2 vols., Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 7th series, vols. IX, X, 1914-1915;
Newport Commercial Papers, MSS., in the library of Col. George L.
Shepley, Providence; and Outward Entries and Manifests, MSS., m
State Archives.
100 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
It is interesting, however, in view of the recent attempts to
make the Narragansett Bay once more the scene of commer-
cial activities, to study the early development and growth of
trade in Rhode Island.
Commerce, in the eighteenth century, has somewhere been
designated the ''backbone" of Rhode Island in its life as a
colony. Certainly in the days immediately preceding and
following the Revolution, trade came to be the one cen-
tral, dominating interest, and the number of prominent
colonists who had no direct connection with some phase
of these maritime ventures was limited. It is now recog-
nized that, in at least three different ways, the commerce
of these early colonial days had an important relationship to
the later development of the colony. In the first place, from
a purely financial point of view, commerce was largely instru-
mental in the establishment of many Rhode Island fortunes.
In the second place, trade with her neighbors and with foreign
countries fostered that spirit of independence in thought and
action which was especially characteristic of the colony in
the Revolutionary period, and has even descended to the
present generation. Finally, it was out of the commercial
activities of Rhode Island in colonial times that the manufac-
turing interests of the modern era were to spring; the founda-
tion of the present day industrial enterprises is to be found
in the maritime ventures of the colony.
There is always a tendency, in studying a particular phase
of a given subject to over-emphasize its importance. This
must be especially guarded against in considering the origin,
nature and results of the commerce of Rhode Island with the
southern continental colonies. Colonial trade in the eighteenth
century was a complicated network of routes ; ships doubled,
redoubled and turned again on their tracks ; they made trian-
gular voyages on the slightest excuses ; seldom indeed
were two voyages made from and to exactly the
same ports. For this reason, the trade of Rhode Island with
the South cannot in any strict sense be isolated from the other
phases of colonial commerce which are tangled about it ; and,
COMMERCE OF RHODE ISLAND Id
consequently, an understanding of the nature of this com-
merce as a whole is necessary before the true importance of
this relationship can be appreciated. We must have some
idea of the whole before we can study subdivisions.
To comprehend the trade in its entirety, it must first be re-
membered that the American continental colonies were regarded
by England as a part — and a rather unimportant part, as a
matter of fact — of her Colonial Empire. From an economic
point of view, which was the one most widely adopted in
the eighteenth century, when Great Britain was dominated
by the policy of mercantilism, the continental colonies were
generally admitted to be far less valuable to the mother-coun-
try than the West Indian sugar-producing colonies. It is only
in the light of this policy that the purpose underlying the
passage of the Navigation Acts can be appreciated.
Moreover, as a part of this same economic principle, all
colonies were thought of as secondary to the mother-country.
The needs and the interests of the citizens at home were
always the primary considerations of the British government,
and it was believed that prosperity in England would naturally
be reflected in the subject countries. Consequently, at least
in the earlier years of the century, all the English colonies
were viewed chiefly as sources of raw-materials ; and it was
probably not until after the American Revolution that these
colonies were generally looked upon as the markets for Eng-
lish goods. England could see the wisdom of encouraging
<"hese colonies as sources of supplies ; but, while she was fos-
tering the development of British commerce, it was always
the domestic merchants and the British-built ships which were
especially favored.
The whole system of American commerce in this century,
grew up with little direct encouragement from the mother
country. It was remarkable, for this reason, then, that trade
should become so widespread before the Revolution, and
surprising that the volume of intercolonial trade should be
so large. It was natural that the home country should main-
tain intimate relations with all of her colonial possessions
102 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
along the coast, but whatever intercourse developed between
the colonies themselves was the direct result of their own
initiative and individual activity. Some of the settlements
along the coast were especially favored by physical conditions
in the development of trade, as Charleston, Philadelphia, New-
port and Boston ; and these places early assumed the leader-
ship in commercial enterprises. The West Indies had l^ecome
the favorite markets for New England vessels in the latter
part of the seventeenth and in the early years of the eighteenth
centuries, while Charleston and Philadelphia shared the trans-
atlantic trade with Boston. Triangular, quadrangular, and
even more complicated routes became popular ; vessels were
sent wherever a cargo might be purchased or sold to advan-
tage. As capital accumulated greater and more extensive
voyages were made, until, by the latter half of the eighteenth
century — the period which will receive the preponderance of
attention in this paper — an intricate maze of trade-routes
had developed.
From the point of view of Rhode Island, the commerce
with the southern continental colonies was less in extent
than with the West Indies and even that with European
countries, throughout practically the entire century. The route
from Newport to Africa to the West Indies — the famous tri-
angular voyage — was always, after about 1730, the most popu-
lar and the most lucrative ; and in the number of vessels
engaged, the voyage to the Southern colonies can scarcely be
compared with it. One finds difficulty, however, in compiling
statistics in support of this conviction, due in the first place
to the lack of accurate records, and secondly, to the fact that
one leg of the voyage from Providence or Newport to a
southern port was frequently extended to the West Indies — ^or
even farther.
Moreover, Rhode Island vessels were not the only ones to
visit the southern colonies. A few colonial vessels were engaged
solely in going to and from the West Indies ; many more were
occupied in carrying rice and tobacco to Europe and the
mother country ; and still others, owned in Philadelphia, New
COMMERCE OF RHODE ISLAND IO3
York and Boston, carried on an intermittent commerce with
these southern ports. Toward the middle of the century com-
petition was particularly keen between Newport and Boston,
and, while the vessels from the latter port usually out-num-
bered those from the former in the principal markets of the
South, such as Charleston, Newbern and Norfolk, the mer-
chants and captains of the Rhode Island ships were generally
more aggressive. It might be well at this time to point out
the doul)le aspect, or two-fold function, of this trade with
the south : in the first place, the Rhode Island merchants
served as collectors and distributors of local or native prod-
ucts ; and secondly, they acted as middlemen in gathering
goods to be re-exported, or in distributing goods which had
already been imported. When functioning in their first ca-
pacity, the Rhode Islanders seem to have had almost a com-
plete monopoly in their field ; in their second capacity, the
competition of the Boston merchants appears to have been
much keener.
The rivalry of individual merchants of the same town,
however, was just as effective a means of regulating the
prices as the competition l)etween traders of different colonies.
No individual, in any phase of commercial activitiy. was,
apparently, ever al)le to corner a market and so dictate prices ;
the fie'd was too large, commerce was too complex, and tlie
most j:)Owerful merchants were usually too far — in distance
and in time — from the scene of operations. Finally, there
was practically no one who was interested in only one phase
of commerce; combinations of voyages and of interests (such
as manufacturing and retailing as well as trade) seem to have
been the rule rather than the exception in the commercial
world of tb.e eighteenth century.
The earliest beginnings of a coastwise trade from Rhode
Island are difficult to trace. Certainly, voyages to \'irginia
and the Carolinas were fairly common by the close of the
seventeenth century, for Governor Cranston in his answers
to queries of the Board of Trade submitted Decem])er 5t]i,
1708. reported the exportation of a cargo of rum, sugar, mo-
104 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
lasses, butter and cheese to the CaroHnas in 1703, and another
voyage of similar type made the following year to Maryland
and Virginia in which the goods carried were exactly the
same except for the omission of sugar. Without doubt, this
commerce developed as a concomitant to the trade with the
West Indies ; as vessels began more and more frequently to
make trips to Antigua and the other lesser ports on these
islands, the advantages of a direct intercourse with the con-
tinental colonies became more and more apparent. The six-
fold increase of Rhode Island trade in general between the
years of 1688-1708 was naturally reflected in this trade.
Moreover, besides the gradual development which was
due to the widening of interests of the local merchants through
the accumulation of capital, there were other factors which
influenced the growth of this trade and caused it to occupy
a fairly prominent place in Rhode Island commerce after the
first quarter of the eighteenth century. For one thing, the
Southern colonies were steadily becoming more and more cen-
tralized about a single staple product. In Virginia, tobacco
came to be cultivated to the exclusion of all other commodi-
ties ; in North Carolina, tar and lumber were most empha-
sized ; in South Carolina, rice was most important ; and later,
toward the end of the century, Georgia was becoming the
recognized center of the cotton-growing interests. It was
natural that these plantation provinces as they ceased to be
even relatively self-supporting, should turn to the northern
continental colonies for supplies and provisions. That the
Southerners recognized their growing dependence upon Bos-
ton and Newport is partially shov/n by such acts of the colo-
nial legislatures as those of the assembly of South Carolina
in 1 71 7 and 1721 in which discriminations were made in
favor of local shipping.
The development of this commercial intercourse be-
tween the north and south, however, was slow and
somewhat spasmodic. Governor Johnson in 1708 reported
that South Carolina in addition to a trade with England and
the West Indies also had "a commerce with Boston, Rhode
COMMERCE OF RHODE ISLAND
105
Island, Pennsylvania, New York and Virginia," and a year
earlier there is a record that "saddles and bridles were sent
from New England [to Virginia] to be exchanged for
pork, pitch, tar, wheat, Indian corn, or whatever else the
country produceth." In 1732 this trade indirectly benefited
by the removal of certain restrictions on the exportation of
rice from the Carolinas, and it is fairly certain that by 1735,
when the famous triangular voyages were becoming popular,
the trade with the southern provinces was firmly established.
Nevertheless, compared with the commerce with other places,
it was still rather insignificant, for, in 1747, the amount of
rice exported to Europe was nearly eighteen times the amount
carried to the northern colonies, and even the exports to the
West Indies were approximately four times as great as those
to all the other colonies in America. The ratio between the
number of vessels employed, hov/ever, was not as high ; 86
ships were bound out of Charleston for Europe during the
year to 48 for the northern colonies. Moreover, before ac-
cepting these figures as a criterion, it should be* remembered
that there were other conditions involved not taken into ac-
count in these statistics ; that only a small percentage of the
New England trade was centered in Charleston, while, on the
other hand, the great bulk of the English trade with the
southern continental colonies was with that port ; and that
this estimate does not include the illegal trade which even
by this time was already flourishing.
The period from the middle of the century to the begm-
ning of the Revolutionary War saw the greatest development
in this trade, though it was interfered with, in part, by the
increase in privateering during the wars v»nth France and
Spain which not only withdrew many ships from the coast-
wise trade, but also made commerce of any sort dangerous.
The restraints upon commercial enterprises, however, result-
ing from the scarcity of capital before this time, were being
raised by means of a multitude of successful maritime ven-
tures with their accompanying profits ; and the immigration
to Newport of some sixty families of wealthy Portuguese
I06 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Jews after the great earthquake in Lishon in 1755 still further
lessened the number of voyages which had to be cancelled for
financial reasons. Among these arrivals from Lisbon seems
to have been the Lopez family, which was destined to become
widely known through its activity in the commercial field.
Trade between Rhode Island and the southern colonics was
reasonably free from the restrictive regulations of the mother
country, and as Weeden points out, ''rarely did any colony
break the course of this magnificent interchange by any foolish
acts of legislation." In 1764 there were some 252 vessels
engaged in the coastwise trade of Rhode Island from New-
foundland to Georgia, the great preponderance of which was
with the South. This is the more remarkable, inasmuch as
there was a general depression in trade during that year, due
to the fact that Parliament then for the first time attempted
to raise an appreciable revenue in America. With the more
stringent enforcements of the old Molasses Act in 1763, and
with the passage of measures providing additional duties in
the following. year, and of the Stamp Act in 1765, trade began
to dwindle. George Champlin wrote his brother Christopher,
the Newport merchant, from Baltimore, October 29th, 1765,
that "Markitts are Extream low principally Aecation'd by the
Stamp Acct. as there are a numljer of Vessels here a driving
to load by the time the Acct takes place, selling their Cargoes
at any rates which has nock'd down the markitts to nothing."
The depression was neither lasting, nor very severe,
however, for in 1769 Newport was flourishing; at this
time the town was said to be at the height of its pros-
perity. Providence, during this same period was second in
size and in commercial activity to the port at the foot of
Narragansett Bay, but her merchants and shopkeepers were
laying the foundtition in trade and manufacturing so well that
it was to be on^^ a few years before she surpassed her rival.
The Revolutionary War had a most pronounced efifect
upon Rhode Island commerce ; it was necessarily almost wholly
suspended. The interruptions of trade occasioned by the occu-
pation of Newport harbor by the British fleet, and by the cap-
COMMERCE OF RHODE ISLAND IO7
tures by enemy privateersmen, interfered decidedly with the
hitherto comparatively steady supply of products from the
southern colonies. One positive effect which the war did have,
however, was to bring the foreign commerce of Rhode Island
under French influence. Hitherto transatlantic trade had been
largely confined to England and the Mediterranean ports, but-
after the Revolution voyages were made to more distant
markets ; for it was at this time that commerce with China and
the East Indies began to develop. Offices of American mer-
chants were opened in France, due chiefly to the appreciaton
of the services rendered by the soldiers of that country during
the War, not only in Rhode Island, but in the other colonies as
well.
After 1783, the coastwise trade was resumed again much
as before the War, and it was not long before it was
practically as great in volume as it previously had been. The
bulk of the commerce, however, was beginning to shift to New
York, and, though trade with the southern colonies was once
more sufficient to merit serious attention, it was not proportion-
ately as large when compared to the trade as a whole. In 1786,
by which time the coastwise trade was once more normal, there
were 2^2 clearances registered from the port of Providence.
Of these, 33 vessels signified their intention of going to some
southern market, 32 were bound for Connecticut, and 44 had
New York for their destination. Probably these figures in-
cluded a number of duplicate voyages ; two vessels were each
listed several times as they made periodic trips to New York,
and at least one other ship of 19 tons was making regular
visits to Norwich, Connecticut. Moreover, it is not too much
of an assumption to include approximately one-third of the
vessels which cleared for New Jersey and Connecticut during
the year, in the number which ultimately reached the Southern
markets, making about forty odd vessels in all. This figure
does not compare unfavorably with the fourteen coasters
which Moses Brown reported as belonging to the port of
Providence in 1764, but it must be remembered that the in-
crease in other commerce was proportionately even greater.
I08 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The outstanding feature of the trade with the South after
the Revolution, which was already becoming noticeable by the
close of the century was the shifting of the commercial center
of Rhode Island from Newport to Providence. The popula-
tion of the latter town was making rapid gains, while Newport
lost more than a third of her inhabitants during the War due
to the occupation of the harbor by the British. Many of the
wealthy Jewish families removed to other places and failed to
return after 1783. Not for thirty years, however, was the
leadership of Providence to become marked; meantime
Newport made a strong, though futile, effort to regain her
former position in the commercial world. With the
beginning of the new century, the European wars seem to have
had some effect in strengthening and widening the commerce
of Rhode Island, but it was not until the rise of manufacturing
and the development of railroads a little later, that any notable
decline in the old coasting exchange took place. In fact, this
trade never did actually die out completely ; to some extent,
at least, the commerce with the south — but for the slight in-
terruption during the Civil War — has survived to the present
day.
The general nature of the trade of Rhode Island with the
southern provinces changed very little during the entire cen-
tury; the differences between the voyages themselves, the
goods carried, and the markets visited, in 1700 and eighty
years later were so slight, comparatively, that the subject may
be considered on the whole as static, for the chief fluctuation
— in volume of trade — has already received sufficient atten-
tion.
Perhaps the most outstanding feature of colonial com-
merce, and the one which most appeals to the modern reader,
concerns the nature of the ships themselves, and this may well
be studied first. The kind of vessels employed was primarily
determined by the nature, or physical conditions, of the country
which they visited. The southern plantation districts are broken
by numerous rivers, running almost parallel to each other, up
COMMERCE OF RHODE ISLAND IO9
which it was ahnost impossible for large vessels to travel far.
Moreover, as Joseph Boone and John Bornwell pointed out in
their memorial to the Board of Trade, November 23, 1720, ex-
plaining the peculiar physiography of the Carolina coast, there
also existed a "chain of sand banks with barrs so shifting and
shallow that sloops of 5 feet water runs great risqs," and "this
renders the place uncapable of a Trade to great Brittain and
what is carryed on is by small sloops from New England who
brings them cloathing and Iron Wear and exports Pork and
Corn." These "small sloops" of between 20 to 80 tons burden
were also especially desirable because a small crew^ reduced
the overhead expense of a voyage ; small cargoes were pur-
chased, transported, and sold with much less delay than larger
ones required ; and the amount of the initial capital needed to
finance a small vessel and collect a cargo for her was more
easily available — so that the risk of a given amount was scat-
tered over a number of enterprises, instead of being limited to a
single one, if the larger types of brigs and schooners had been
used. This last factor, in particular, influenced the merchants
in the early development of the trade, when money were scarce
and had to be expended with great care. Usually, in a sloop
of about 30 or 40 tons — which seems to have been the most
popular size throughout this whole period — there would be,
besides the captain, four or five or six sailors, depending some-
what on the nature of the cargo and the rigging of the vessels.
The average pay in colonial currency about the middle of the
century was £50 per month for a trained sailor, and £55 ^
month for the captain. £3 sterling for the captain, £2 sterl-
ing for the first mate, were wages frequently named in agree-
ments.
The voyage from Providence or Newport, required on
the average, from three to four weeks. Occasionally it was
made in less time; more often, with shifting winds and rough
weather, the time consumed was greater than this. Capt. James
Brown in a letter to his brother Nicholas, dated February,
1749, wrote that he had "undergon many hardships and Difi-
no RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
culties Which I shall give you a few of the Perticulers But to
Whrite the Whole It Would take a quire of Paper. I had a
Passage of 31 days. . . . Jhere is Vessels hear that have
had 30-35 and 40-45 Days Passage and Vessels are Lucked
for that have Been out of Boston and York six and seven
Weeks." Again, in 1784, John Burgwin, a merchant of Wil-
mington, North Carolina, reported to Christopher Champlin
of Newport, "the long and disagreeable passage I had from
your place of 30 days put it out of my power to give you that
early intelligence you wished to receive respecting the Cargo
you depended on my house preparing for your Brigantine."
Usually it required about three months to dispose of the goods
brought from Rhode Island and to collect a cargo for the re-
turn voyage. If the captains were extraordinarily keen bar-
gainers, however, two voyages might be made during a year,
but the great majority of traders made only one, and that in
the fall, since just after harvest time the staple products were
most plentiful and generally cheapest. In 1786, for instance,
November was the month during which the largest number of
ships cleared for southern ports.
Though a large proportion of the Rhode Island vessels
which visited the southern colonies carried on a direct barter
with the plantation owners, there were, nevertheless, in each
province some town which was the chief center of commercial
activity for the surrounding districts. Baltimore in Mary-
land, Norfolk in Virginia, Wilmington and Newbern in North
Carolina, Charleston in South Carolina, and Savannah in
Georgia, were the principal ports south of Philadelphia.
There were very few good roads, however, connecting these
trade-centers with the upcountry regions, especially in the
first half of the century; consequently, it was found to be
more profitable for the merchant-carriers to deal directly with
the ultimate consumers, or "primary producers. " It was
usually easier for the small sloops to sail up the rivers
of the plantation country, than for the owners of the
(Concluded on Page 124)
OLD SHOP SIGN
Formerly suspended over Waterman's Shoe-Shop on Cheapside
(now North Main Street)
The Rhode Island Historical Socit-ty will hoUi a loan cxhiJMtion of old signs in
December. Members are requested to assist the (Onimittee in obtaining signs
for this exhibition.
ifti^itMiit mm fltaiiittiagfafe*^-,.— .wad
THE JAMESTOWN AND NEWPORT FERRIES III
The Jamestown and Newport Ferries
By Charles V. and Anna Augusta Chapin.
The opposite sides of most Rhode Island ferries were
owned by different persons and were considered different
ferries. Thus at Newport, the ferry which ran from the
present ferry wharf in Newport to Jamestown was long
owned by the Carr family. The ferry which ran in the oppo-
site direction, from Jamestown to Carr's wharf in Newport,
had a succession of owners and was considered another ferry.
The title of this paper, following the colonial usage of the word
ferry, refers only to the ferries from Jamestown to Newport
and not to those in the opposite direction, of which there were
several.
Ferries were usually called after the names of the owners,
and, as there was much early legislation, fixing rates of
ferriage and otherwise regulating traffic, much information can
be derived from this source as to ownership, location and other
matters. Unfortunately, most of the acts relating to the ferries
under consideration were not so specific, but simply mentioned
the Ferries from Jamestown to Newport. This is one reason
why the history of these ferries is not so complete as could be
wished.
It is uncertain when ferries were first operated between the
islands of Conanicut and Rhode Island. At the earliest period
the towns seemed to have licensed ferries. At least Ports-
mouth did so as early as 1640. Unfortunately the Newport
records have been lost, and the earliest Jamestown records are
not very full so that ferries are not mentioned until the
eighteenth century. By the close of the seventeenth century
the General Assembly had assumed control of ferries and
thereafter information is to be sought in its records.
The first license for a ferry from Jamestown to Newport,
of which there is record, was granted by the General Assembly
in 1700, but it is very probable that ferries had been operated
between Jamestown and Rhode Island and between James-
town and the mainland for many years. In 1675, when Capt.
112 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Church was summoned from Rehoboth to Wickford, just
before the Great Swamp Fight, he states that he went the
nearest way over the ferries and, the wind being fair, he
arrived safe in the evening.^ This would seem to mean that
he went over Bristol ferry and the Newport — Jamestown —
Narragansett ferries, for if he had gone over the Providence
ferries the wind would have made no difference. There is a
tradition that Gov. Carr owned a ferry from Newport to
Jamestown at about this time. The ferry between Narragan-
sett and Jamestown was set up by the Smiths in 1695. In
September, 1699, Joseph Mowry of Jamestown carried over
Judge Sewall to Newport and entertained him at his house,
after the manner of ferrymen.- The licenses which were
granted in 1700 for ferries from Jamestown to Newport and
from Jamestown to Narragansett, refer to them as "the"
ferries, as if they were already in operation, and not licensed
for the first time.
The oldest ferry to Newport was for many years in the
possession of Samuel Clarke and may be conveniently desig-
nated in this connection as
Clarke's Ferry.
The first license which was granted for this ferry was on
4 May 1700 to Thomas Winterton of Jamestown. The ferry
was settled on Winterton for a period of seven years.^ Win-
terton had a license to keep a house of entertainment in 1696,
but the records, which appear to be far from complete have
no reference to such a license this year."* Winterton did not
long continue to be the proprietor of the ferry, for we find
that in April 1703 Jonathan Marsh had the franchise.^ Marsh
died in 1704 and his will gave to his son William his ferry
^The History of King Philip's War, Church (Dexter) Boston, 1865>
i9, 143, 156.
^Mass. His. Coll. .5th ser. V. Sewall Papers I, 502.
3R. I. Col. Rec. HI, 415.
*Jamestown, Proprietors Rec. I, 15.
■'^R. I. Col. Rec. ni, 192.
THE JAMESTOWN AND NEWPORT FERRIES II3
boats on the east side of Jamestown and to his son Jonathan
his ferry boat on the west side of the Island, (i. copy 79).^
There is no evidence that Marsh ever operated a ferry on the
west side of Conanicut though he might readily have done so,
or he might have had his boat there temporarily for some other
purpose.
No record has been found to show whether the sons of
Jonathan Marsh operated the ferry, as there is no record of
a license granted until August 1709, when Robert Barker had
the franchise." Robert Barker had married, 7 October 1705,
Phebe, the widow of Jonathan Marsh who was previously the
widow of Oliver Arnold and the daughter of Thomas and
Mary Cook of Portsmouth.^ It is not improbable that Phebe
Marsh operated the ferry until her marriage with Robert
Barker.
The next offtcial reference to this ferry that has been found,
was in an action of the General Assembly on the last Tuesday
in February 1728.* It was then voted that Mr. Samuel Clarke,
of Conanicut, provide and keep one other good ferry boat and
ferry man more than he now hath, to ply and tend the ferry
from Jamestown to Newport to answer the Point boat during
his lease ; and to be ready in four months time.
And that the said ferry man and boat be under the same
regulation as the other ferrymen and boats are; and if said
boat comes in to the old ferry place of the town she shall be
obliged to call at the Point to take in passengers if the Point
boat is out of the way.
Evidently Samuel Clarke had operated the ferry for some
years. It is possible that Joseph Mowry may have had the
ferry for a while. William Brenton was the owner of all that
large tract in Jamestown lying south of the present Narra-
gansett Avenue and east of Mackerel Cove and the road to
^Figures in brackets refer to volume and page of Jamestown Land
Evidence.
2R. I. Col. Rec. IV, 144.
^Genealogical Dictionary of Rhode Island, Austin, Albany, 1897, 130
^R. I. Col. Rec. IV, 400.
114 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Beaver Tail. Joseph Movvry was a tenant of this property
and later purchased it. In his inventory, which was filed 31
May 1716 was mentioned "one boat £50, the boat which was
Phebe Barker's and ye old boat, all £76. (i. Copy 150). His
granddaughter Mary, the daughter of Daniel Coggeshall, was
the wife of Samuel Clarke and to her he left the north part
of his Rock Hall farm bounded north and west on the high-
way, and east on the sea or harbor, together with buildings
and wharf. Perhaps it was the possession of the property
which induced Samuel Clarke to go into the ferry business,
in which he remained until 1751. It is in the highest degree
probable that the first ferry was located on the southerly side
of the eastern terminus of the present Narragansett Avenue,
for from very early times this highway was called the road
from ferry to ferry, and it was located here when on 6 April
1751 Samuel Clarke and his wife Mary deeded it to their son
Joseph for love and affection and £500 current money and he
on the same day, for £3000 old tenor, deeded it to John Rem-
ington ferryman. (3.91, 92)
The action of the General Assembly in 1728, referred to
above, would indicate that previous to that time, Clarke ran
his ferry boat presumably from Narragansett Avenue to Carr's
wharf in Newport and that the General Assembly required
him to run another boat to the Point. Nothing was said about
his having another landing place in Jamestown, but it is prob-
able that he was later required to do this, for in May 1736, he
presented a petition about it to the General Assembly then
sitting in Newport.^ In this petition he alleges that he finds the
charge of keeping two houses and families too great and he
asks that he be required to keep only one house and family.
It was ordered that he need not keep more than one house and
family for the use of the ferry "And that he keep two boats
and attend as heretofore as has been customary. One of said
boats to come to the Point and attend there and the other to
the other part of the town." In another petition to the Gen-
iR. I. Acts and Resolves May 1736 Ms. 37 (R. I. H. S.).
THE JAMESTOWN AND NEWPORT FERRIES
eral Assembly in October 1745 Clarke refers to the fact that,
when requested, he built another boat and house at a cost of
over £300/ Where the second ferry house was located has
not been determined. On 13 March 1729 Clarke purchased
85 acres on the southerly side of Taylor's Point but this would
seem to be too near the old ferry for a second landing place.
(1-513)
When the Clarkes sold the ferry to John Remington in 1751,
as stated above, the deeds described the lot with pier and wharf
as being i^ feet east of Clarke's screw house and this refer-
ence to the screw house appears in all the transfers of the
property up to the time of its sale to Wm. H. Knowles in 1871.
For a long time we had no idea what this "screw house" was.
The manufacture of spermaceti was a flourishing industry of
the Point in Newport during the period in which Samuel
Clarke ran his ferry boat to that place. An important part
of a spermaceti manufactory is a powerful screw press, but
that this was commonly called "a screw" we did not know until
we came across an advertisement of the sale of one in the
New^port Mercury for November 12, 1784. It seems probable
therefore that Clarke's screw house was a place for the manu-
facture of spermaceti. The wharf and pier above referred to,
occupied substantially the site of Caswell's wharf which may
now be seen on the southerly side of the eastern terminus of
Narragansett Avenue. Casw'ell's pier is shown in Fig. 3.
Samuel Clarke's deed to his son included "a certain lot of land
and one mesuage thereon standing" the lot containing one acre
and 47 rods. In a later deed this is called "a. certain mesuage
or dwelling house" and was situated a little west of the screw
house and at the southwest corner of what is now Narragan-
sett Avenue and Canonicus Avenue. The deed also included
the "ferry boat called the wall boat with mast, bowsprit, boom,
sails and rigging."
After the death of John Remington the ferry property came
into the hands of his sons, Stephen and Gershom. and 10 of
^Petitions to General Assembly, Ms.
Il6 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
March 1775 was sold by them to Samuel Slocum for $1600
silver (3479). Samuel Slocum was the son of Ebenezer
Slocum who, in the early part of the century, had been the
proprietor of the Conanicut side of the North ferry to North
Kingstown. On 19 of March 1785 Samuel Slocum, ferryman,
sold the estate, with dwelling, wharf and boat, to Benjamin
Reynolds for $1900 silver (3.503). On 13 of March 1792
Benjamin and Sarah Reynolds sold the same property to
Jonathan Hopkins for $1900 silver (3.622). On 19 May 1794
Jonathan Hopkins sold it to Christy Potter for $1800 (3.646)
and the next year Potter sold it to Jonathan J. Hazard (3.650).
On 28 of May 1802 Hazard sold it to Freeman Mayberry of
Newport for $1600 (4.267). It then passed through the hands
of Thomas Dennis and Gold S. Silliman who disposed of it,
28 July 1806 to Thomas R. Congdon for $1000, but no boat
is mentioned in the deed (4.226, 349, 352, 355). Congdon
had, in 1804 purchased from Joseph Allen the Ellery ferry to
the Point in Newport and he had also come into possession
of the site of the Hull ferry. On 9 March 1833 the ferry
property was purchased l)y Caleb F. Weaver for $7000 (5.248).
This sale included the Clarke ferry property, the Ellery ferry
and the Hull ferry site.
The Ellery Ferry.
David Greene, during the early part of the eighteenth cen-
tury, was the owner of land on the east side of Jamestown,
comprising a part of what is now known as the Greene Farm.
He was anxious to become a ferry owner and several times
petitioned the General Assembly for a license, but was refused,
probably through the influence of Samuel Clarke, proprietor
of the existing ferry, who frequently represented Jamestown
in the General Assembly and was for a time speaker of the
House.^
On 10 ]\Iarch 1745-6, when Clarke was no longer in the
General Assembly, Greene again petitioned the Assembly, say-
ing that he had a good house on the east side of Jamestown
^Samuel Clarke's Petition to General Assembly, October 1745, Ms.
THE JAMESTOWN AND NEWPORT FERRIES II7
for the accommodation of travelers and a good wharf for
landing passengers and for laying a boat, that it was con-
veniently situated and that if he should be granted a license
he would provide a sufficient boat and keep the ferry equal to
any in the Colony. It was thereupon voted that he be per-
mitted to set up a ferry from Jamestown to Newport and to
begin at the expiration of Mr. Samuel Clarke's present lease
of said other ferry. ^
On 6 of July 1752 David and Sarah Greene sold their ferry
to William ■Martin (3.1 10) who just previously, had been in
possession of one of the ferries on the west side of the island
running to South Kingstown. The purchase price was iiooo
bills of credit. The property consisted of a four acre lot at
the northwest corner of the road leading from ferry to ferry
and the four rod road leading to the watering place. This is
the site now occupied by the Bay View House, and at that
time contained the ferry house, a blacksmith shop and hen
house. The sale included a beach lot situated on the opposite
side of the four rod road along which it extended 42 feet.
There was also a ferry boat with mast, bowsprit, boom, sail
and rigging. Greene drove a shrewd bargain, for he required
Martin to give a bond that he would always transport ferriage
free, David Greene, his wife and family and what they may
have occasion to transport over the ferry and also all his chil-
dren and the respective husbands and wives of all his children,
that they now have, or may hereafter marry, and the riding
horses of his said children (3.348).
On 16 April 1770 William Martin and his wife Eunice con-
veyed this property to Benjamin Ellery of Newport, merchant.
Ellery had. for a long time, owned the ferry in Newport which
ran to this landing and by this purchase became proprietor of
both terminals (3-377).
While the British fleet was in Newport in the summer of
1775, the passage of the ferry boats was a good deal inter-
fered with, though they continued to run, with more, or less,
iR. I. Col. Rec. V, 169.
Il8 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
regularity, but on lo December a party of British landed on
Conanicut and burnt fifteen houses, including two belonging
to Benjamin Ellery and two belonging to the widow Franklin
who kept the ferry on the west side. They also seriously
wounded John Martin, 80 years old, who was standing in his
door way unarmed/ He was the father of the William Martin
referred to above. It is probable that after this date none of
these ferries were operated during the war except the Ellery
ferry which seems to have been re-established for a short time
in 1776. When Benjamin Ellery died, 12 of December 1797,
the ferry passed to his son Abraham Redwood Ellery and his
daughter Martha Redwood Champlain, wife of Christopher
Grant Champlain. On 7 November 1798 Abraham Redwood
Ellery transferred his share in the property to his sister
Martha (4.58). On 2 September 1799 the Champlains sold to
Joseph Allen of Newport the "Ellery Conanicut" ferry as pre-
viously described (4.65).
On 16 of April 1804 Joseph and Mary Allen of Jamestown
sold this ferry property for $4600 to Thomas R. Congdon of
North Kingstown (4.304).
A portion of the wharf was sold by Congdon 18 June 1829
to the Narragansett Bay Company (5.222), the company which
was preparing to operate a horse boat. At this period there
were a number of places where ferry boats were operated by
horse power. There was such a boat at Bristol Ferry and at
Slades Ferry. The horse boat between Newport and James-
town was not operated much over a year. Mr. Henry B.
Tucker of Jamestown, recalls that his mother made several
trips on this boat, but that his father predicted its failure and
stood by the sloops. The wharf where the horse boat landed
was about where the bath houses begin on the northerly side
of Narragansett Avenue. On the failure of the horse boat
the wharf was reconveyed to Congdon and with his other
ferry property sold to Caleb F. Weaver 9 March 1833 (5.248).
iThe Literary Diary of Ezra Stiles, New York 1901, I, 642.
Fig. 1. Capt. Job S. Ellis
Fij. 4. 'riiL- Fllct\- l"crr\ Hou^l
Old fitr )» /I'crrtf Bout
Jo 'nc s e V ic n .
mrf ...vf; ^>.ff;, y-*'-^TJ
SI.^^--^
.<£. ? "'='*%l 'T'ti'^'-o.
-C
t**^,
•vjfea
''*^^e?3
"■■*^^^^ ^^--t'^^-o^-sai V«*j^lt-.
^>^^/ /'/er y. /er/y Seal . Ja/ztesiowri.
Fig. .1. From a map of Conanicut, published by Daniel Watson, 1S75. The upper pai
shows the old pier whieh, in the lower portion, is ronceaiec] by the new jiier.
THE JAMESTOWN AND NEWPORT FERRIES I19
Weaver left it to his wife Phebe R.^ She married James
Hamilton Clarke and 26 March i860 they sold the property to
Philip Caswell Jr. (6.164) and Philip and Elizabeth Caswell
sold it to William H. Knowles 25 March 1871 (6.346).
Knowles raised the price of ferriage to such an exorbitant
figure that the agitation for a steam ferry was renewed and
the present company was organized and the steamer James-
town made her first trip 12 May 1873.
Hull's Ferry.
In 1756 Captain John Hull of Jamestown, in a petition to
the General Assembly, stated that there was a ferry from
Long Wharf in Newport for which there was no mate boat
and he prayed for the liberty of setting up a ferry from his
wharf in Jamestown to Newport. The petition was granted.^
This ferry was located just south of the watering place. Be-
fore the island was cleared and drained there were springs and
perhaps a rivulet just north of the end of the present board
walk. This was reserved as a watering place by the pro-
prietors, and a four rod road was laid out northward, along
the shore, from the road leading across the island from ferry
to ferry,
John Hull and his wife Damaris sold this property to Wil-
liam Hazard 13 December 1760 for ^1500 (3.206) and 29
January 1761 William Hazard sold the property to Oliver
Hazard for £10000 lawful money (3.210). On 18 of Novem-
ber 1773 Oliver Hazard sold to William Tuck of Newport
the land, dwelling, wharf and ferry boat (3.415). Undoubt-
edly this ferry was suspended during the revolution and we
have found no evidence that it was ever re-established. The
property had passed through several hands and was finally pur-
chased by Thomas R. Congdon who was the owner of both
the Clarke and Ellery ferries and perhaps feared that the
Hull property was too good a location for a competitor.
^Jamestown Probate, 3.399.
2R. I. Col. Rec. V, 543.
120 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Often the owners of the old ferries sailed the boats them-
selves and often they hired others to help them, or perhaps to
do all the navigating. Captain Job S. Ellis, now living in
Jamestown, for many years sailed a boat for Philip Caswell
and later for William H. Knowles, as long as his ferry was
in operation. His likeness is shown in Fig. i.
Ever since the first Rhode Island ferry at Portsmouth in
1640 until the introduction of steam, ferry boats plying on
the bay have been of the same general type and have probably
not varied much in size, for the earliest boats were intended
to transport horses and cattle as well as persons. The ferry
boats running between Jamestown and Newport during the
nineteenth century were about 35 ft. long, 14 ft. wide and drew
from 4^2 to 5 feet of water. They were very heavy and
planked with two-inch oak. There was a place for passengers
in the stern, the animals were in the middle of the boat and a
vehicle could be carried on the little deck forward. They
were rigged with a main sail and jib. One of these boats,
belonging to the Carr Ferry, is shown in Fig. 2.
An important part of the ferry establishment was the ferry
house, where travelers could be entertained over night and
where a waiting room was provided and very often a bar. It
is suspected that much of the profit of the ferry business came
from the latter and that the opportunity to obtain this was the
principal reason why there was so much rivalry in seeking
ferry franchises. The ferry houses belonging to the Clarke
and Hull ferries have long since disappeared, but the Ellery
ferry house is still standing. It shows evidence of having
been built at a period not long after the Revolution and is
very probably the house built to replace the one destroyed by
the British at that time. Fig. 3 shows the old ferry wharf
ajid also the ferry house on the corner where now stands the
Bay View Hotel. Fig. 4 shows the house where it now
stands some two or three hundred feet to the northwest. The
lower right hand room was the waiting room.
NOTES • 121
Notes
Miss Louise B. Bowen presented to the Society a collec-
tion of Eighteenth Century account books and manuscripts
including an interesting account book of the "Codfishery Com-
pany of 1784."
Mr. Hermon Carey Bumpus has been elected to member-
ship in the Society.
F. J. Allen, M. D., read before the Cambridge Antiquarian
Society, a paper entitled "The Ruined Mill, or Round Church
of the Norsemen at Newport, Rhode Island, U. S. A., com-
pared with the Round Church at Cambridge and others in
Europe," which has been issued in pamphlet form.
The July Bulletin of the Newport Historical Society con-
tains the annual reports of the Society and historical notes.
On page 11 of the Imprint List under 1737 is the entry,
^'Fox, George Instructions for right spelling N. Y. P. L."
The original volume contains neither place nor date of
imprint, although it has been ascribed to Newport on account
of the type ornaments and a pencil note "(Newport?) 1737"
has been added. A close comparison of the type ornaments
used with those used on other books printed by Franklin
indicate that this book was probably not printed at Newport
for eight pointed stars of the size used on the Fox book do
not appear to have been used by Franklin on any books known
to have been printed by him.
"A Friendly Address" printed in Providence by Bennett
Wheeler in 1794 as a broadside has recently been obtained by
Col. George L. Shepley. It differs from the copy in the
Library of the Rhode Island Historical Society which is men-
tioned on page 62 of the Imprint List.
The original manuscript journal of John Lees of Quebec.
Merchant, is preserved in the British Museum (Add. Mss.
No. 28, 605), and was published in 191 1 by the Society of
Colonial Wars in the State of Michigan. That part which
relates to Rhode Island is reprinted from this publication.
122 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Rhode Island in 1768
By John Lees.
Set out from Boston loth June in a Stage Coach, that
goes to Providence, distance 42 mils. The land along this
road, is but very poor, being a light Sandy Soil, not much
Grain is raised here about, the Country being chiefly covered
with Orchards ; a few miles from Providence there is a Con-
siderable Iron work belonging to
At this work a good many Potts, Pans, Anchors, and such
work is manufactured, which they send to New York for
sale, The Cheif Trade from Providence is in Lumber, and
stock for the West Indies, their principall return is Molasses,
great part of which is made into Rum, and sent to New York ;
from which place they have the Cheif of their Dry goods, as
they have only one Vessell yearly from London, in that Trade
a good deal of Connecticut Tobacco is also sent from this place
to New York, from which it is afterwards exported to New-
foundland etc. The names of the principall Merchants in
the place were Ward, Levy, Arnot etc.
There is water in coming up this River for pretty large
Vessells. Close by the Town is a Bridge over the River, built
of Wood with stone Pillars, it Draws up in one part to lett
Vessells pass, as there is a good deal of shipping built above
it. The River is called Providence River. There is divers
Sects of Riligion here, The People are not reckoned so strict
as in Boston Gouvernment. There is a Chapel for the Church
of England People ; Presbeterians, Anabaptists, Quakers, and
Methodists are all to be found here. At Seven o Clock in the
morning of the nth June, set out in a passage Sloop down
the River to Newport, the Country extreamly pleasant as you
go down, but very little Corn land and the Soil seems light
and sandy, the Cheif Grain they raise is Rye, and Indian
Corn. It is reckoned 30 miles to Newport, many Shoals are
in this River, particularly about 3 Leagues from the Town,
two sand Banks run across from each side, and leave a pas-
sage only of half a mile, which makes the pilotage very dan-
gerous to Strangers. This River is generally frose up for 6
RHODE ISLAND IN I768 I23
Weeks in the Winter, vast Bodies of Ice flotting on the shoals
along the Coast. Ahout 5 leagues helow Providence lye three
Islands, called Prudence, Patience and Hope, they seem ex-
treamly heautifull, the first is the largest being about 8 miles
long, on the North side is the Town of Bristol, being al^out
43^2 leagues from Providence, almost opposite to it, is War-
wick Town, and Greenick. Within about 2 leagues of New-
port is a fine large Island called Norragancet, has a most
heautifull appearance, and raises a vast deal of Stock, and
Indian Corn, is about 8 miles long. About 4 o Clock arrived
at Newport, on the Starboard hand in coming in, is a small
Fort and Battery of 30, 18 and 24 pounders, it looks ex-
treamly well but is said to be of no strength ; a number of
Shipping belongs to this Port, and is cheifly employed in the
West India Trade, a vast quantity of Molasses is here dis-
tilled into Rum, and sent in large quantities to the Coast of
Africa, and all over the Continent of America, Canada, and
Newfoundland. They have severall Vessells in the Guinea
Trade, most of their Dry-Goods they have from New York ;
a few Vessells are built at this place, a great many Horses,
Sheep, & oyr Stock is shipped from this Island, to the W^
Indies ; but their Lumber for that Trade is generally sent
them from Providence. The Island is about 12 miles long,
& 2 Broad. There is many hatters in this place, as they Carry
on a good deal of Counterband Trade in that branch to the
West Indies. They are supplied with their Beaver cheifly
from N. York. There is a vast number of Jews in this place,
the Country people through the Island are in general Quakers.
Their last Gouvernor was a Quaker, one Hopkins, their pres-
ent one is an Anabaptist —
Their whole Civill officers are elective, and commonly,
(Parties running so high), they are totally changed with
their Gouvernor ; his Salary is very triffling ; but being naval
Officer ex officio, that employment is of some value to him ;
of about 1000 Dr.s a year, the Judge of Admirality and Cus-
tom house Officers are those only named from home. The
people here are very jealous about their Charter Privileges,
124 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
and complain greatly of the decline of Trade, and say it is
owing to the large Value of Cash, that is sent out of the
Province for duties on Molasses, however I believe much
Contraband Trade is carried on here, indeed the Kings ofifi-
cers dust not venture to do their duty with Strictness ; they
send a great deal of their returns from the West Indies to
N. York for Sale, and in payment of English Manufactures
sent them from that place. Their most considerable Mer-
chants, are Mr. Joseph Wanton, Mr. Lopes, a Jew, Mr. Thurs-
ton, Messrs. Pollock and Hayes, The Beaver stood their Hat-
ters lately from 6/6 to 7/ — York Currency. One Mr. Wil-
liam M. Campbell an Attorney at Greenwich appeared to be
rhe most able Speaker in the house of Assembly. One Samuel
Bowers was their Speaker.
Sett off from Newport for New York in a passage Sloop,
on the 15th of June, in Company with Mr. Bridges and Cap-
tain Thomson of New York, and one Mr. Monroe from Scot-
land; by Contrary winds and Calms, were 3 days in getting
down the Sound to N. York, it was extream pleasant sailing
along this Cost, and long-Island on the left, appeared like an
intire Garden near it is Fisher's Island.
Commerce of Rhode Island
(Concluded from Page jio)
products to be exported to transfer them by ferry several
times until they finally reached Charleston or Norfolk, as the
case might be. The emphasis which the managers of the
large plantations placed upon their staple product during prac-
tically this whole period preventing, as it did, these colonies
from being agriculturally self-supporting, had a profound in-
fluence upon the nature of the goods which were exported
from Rhode Island.
We find that the commodities which were carried from
Providence and Newport to the southern markets were many
and varied. Within a period of about eighten months, for in-
stance, the Sloop "Polly", John Martin, master, made three
COMMERCE OF RHODE ISLAND 12$
trips to Virginia. On the first voyage, the "Polly" cleared out
of the port of Providence, October 8th, 1785; on the second,
February 3rd, 1786; and on the third, October 23rd of the
same year. Out of thirty different commodities which were
carried by this vessel (which was only of average size, 30
tons), only seven, — molasses, rum, butter, cider, leather shoes,
chocolate and cheese — were common to each of the three
cargoes. Nine other varieties of merchandise and produce
were taken on two of the three voyages, as follows: candles,
lime, sugar, "calves" skins, hay, potatoes, onions, cranberries
and coffee. Boards, shingles, fish, beef, oil, apples, tea, axes,
desks, riding carriages, cotton cards, "boots and legs", sole
leather, and a hogshead and barrel of general merchandise
complete the items listed in the exportations of this one vessel.
The bulk of the cargo in each case was made up of rum,
molasses, shoes and cheese. In addition to these articles,
which, however, seem to have been characteristic of the ordi-
nary voyage to the South, one might name flour, oats, pork,
salt, cotton cloth, iron-ware, saddles, chairs, hoes, bricks, hoops
and staves, medical supplies and drugs, brandy, lemons and
cedar pails as products which were occasionally carried to
these provinces.* The nature of the commodities sent out
from Rhode Island depended upon the local merchant's
surplus ; or upon what the merchant believed might be most
needed, and hence most readily sold, in the particular region
which he was accustomed to visit.
In general, the exports of the colony were of two kinds :
those which had been previously imported from England or
from the West Indies ; and those which were drawn from the
neighboring country about Providence or Newport. The
greater part of the goods carried to the southern continental
colonies seems to have belonged to the former class, and the
extent to which the distilling of West-Indian molasses into
rum was carried on in Newport during the century shows the
importance of this re-exporting business. But the purely
*Out\vard Entries and Manifests in State Archives.
126 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
domestic goods — chiefly agricultural products — are perhaps
more interesting. It is said of Capt. James Brown of Provi-
dence that he "drew on Massachusetts and Connecticut as well
as Rhode Island for his cargoes of provisions and lumber."
Candles and hemp came from the immediate neighborhood ;
butter and cheese were purchased from the farms of the in-
terior of the colony; cattle and horses were frequently driven
down from Worcester and Uxbridge in Massachusetts, and
from Plainfield and Killingly in Connecticut ; "boards, shingles,
staves and hoops were collected from Taunton and Green-
wich ;" oil, fish and soap were brought in by sloops from Nan-
tucket ; lumber and shingles came from the shores of the
Kennebec in Maine ; and dry goods and ship supplies were
often purchased in New York. Practically the whole of the
surrounding country were called upon to supply some kind of
goods or provisions to be sent to the southern colonies.
Similarly, many of the products which were imported
from the southern colonies in exchange were further distrib-
uted after reaching Rhode Island. The traders, who were
frequently shop-keepers and manufacturers as well, were
usually careful to load their vessels for the return voyage with
such products only as were most salable at home. The bulk
of these cargoes naturally consisted of the staple products of
the colony or colonies which they visited. In a few cases the
raw materials w^ere sent to Rhode Island, there manufactured
into the finished products, which were then lirought back to
the southern market again. A notable example of this was
the wheat which was rather frequently sent to Rhode Island
from the Carolinas, only to be later returned in the form of
flour. Besides wheat, other southern agricultural products
which sometimes found their way to Rhode Island shops, were
corn, potatoes, peas, beans, and bacon ; while references to
shipments of feathers, live hogs, and other varieties of stock,
deer skins and ox-hides are occasionally found. The chief
imports, throughout the century, however, seem to have been
rice and indigo from South Carolina ; tar, turpentine and
COMMKRCE OF RHODE ISLAND 12/
lumljer Iroin North Carolina; and flour and tobacco from
X'iryinia and Alaryland.
In addition to the numerous merchant-traders who had
little capital beyond what was invested in a single vessel and
its cargo — the true "peddlers'' in coastwise commerce — there
were a number of outstanding families who owned several
vessels and carried on a regular trade. The most prominent
seem to have been the Champlin and Lopez families in New-
port and the Brown family of Providence. The members of
these three families alone apparently controlled a major por-
tion of the capital invested in the coastwise commerce just be-
fore the Revolution ; there are records of three dififerent
sloops — the "Dolphin", the "Richmond" and the "Industry" —
all belonging to the Lopez family, setting out for North
Carolina within a period of some ten days, which shows how
extensive were the interests of this one group in the coastwise
commerce. William Minturn. James Robinson. Philip Wilk-
inson, Henry Collins, Sueton Grant. John Channing and the
Hopkins and Malbone brothers are some of the other names
associated with the commercial activities of Newport;
Stephen Dexter, Ebenezer Knight, Esek Hopkins, and the two
Russell s were among the best known shop-keepers of Provi-
dence. It was customary for these "entrepreneurs" in the
coastwise commerce to allow the greatest freedom to their
captains in the matter of selling their cargoes, and in collect-
ing and purchasing goods for the return voyages, although
many of them maintained correspondents in the chief ports of
the South to look further after their affairs. For ex-
ample, John Scott in Charleston occupied a similar position to
that which Christopher Champlin held in Newport, and each
frequently acted as the agent for the other in his respective
town. Josiah Hewes in Philadelphia, Josiah Watson in Alex-
andria, and the firm of Burgwin, Jenkes and London in Wil-
mington occupied similar positions.
It was not unusual for several vessels to arrive in a single
port, or district, at one time. In 1768 George Champlin re-
128 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
ported to his brother Christopher that orl the same day on
which he reached Charleston, a ship and a sloop from Boston
and only eight days before the sloop "Scammehorne" from
New York had entered the same port. Competition between
these various traders was frequently keen; those who were
the first to arrive naturally sought to secure for themselves
the cheapest and most accessible goods, leaving the higher
priced grades for the late-comers. George Champlin, whose
voyages to Baltimore were quite regular during this period
wrote his brother on November 30th, 1767, that he had "been
50 Miles in the back Woods Endeavouring to buy Cheaper,
but all to no purpose." Most of the complaints as to the
market, however, cannot be uniformly accepted at their face
value ; it is astonishing that any successful voyages could have
been made w-hen the number of complaints of poor markets
and bad weather in the letters of these captains is considered.
The situation was further complicated by the method. of buy-
ing and selling in small quantities, by the general lack of means
of communication, and by the instability of the markets and
their decentralization. Admittedly wasteful and inefficient,
the only possible excuse for existence of this system was that
apparently there was no better method of trading which could
be substituted. For example, Governor Burrington of North
Carolina, as early as 1730 saw the disadvantages of the sys-
tem of barter, and he advocated the establishment of a new
town and custom house to be located on Ocacock Island, which
was said to have an excellent harbor, but nothing ever came of
the plan. This peculiar kind of trading, as it developed in
the plantation provinces, was probably as well adapted to the
nature of the country as any other which might have been
devised, and it had some compensations — prices were usually
kept at a minimum.
The questions of governmental protection, of in-
surance on vessels and their cargoes, of the influence of colo-
nial finance, of the development of manufacturing in its rela-
tion to commerce, and of the early attempts to establish a
COMMERCE OF RHODE ISLAND 129
monoply by the candle manufacturers, all fascinating topics,
unfortunately must be omitted in this discussion of the coast-
wise trade.
Other matters having a more or less vital influence upon
the coastwise trade can only be superficially pointed out at
this time. The rapid development of privateering toward
the middle of the century had a tendency to retard all
commerce for a few years ; on the other hand, the popularity
of smuggling acted as a stimulus to the coasting exchange.
The use of tobacco, as well as rum for money on the Guinea
coast brought the trade with the southern colonies into a close
relationship with the triangular voyages.
In the contemporary accounts by travellers and others of
the nature and extent of Rhode Island commerce in the
eighteenth century, the importance of the coastwise trade
seems to have been more frequently under-estimated than
exaggerated. Only the Duke of La Rochefonucauld Lian-
court in 1800 mentions the fact that "the coasting-trade is
that which the people of this town [Newport] chiefly prefer,"
and "the ships from Providence carry it [barley] chiefly into
the southern states, from which they bring, in return, other
cargoes.
A modern consideration of the question would seem
to demonstrate that this coastwise trade was of somewhat
greater importance than the judgment of contemporary
writers would indicate. In general, its effect seems to have
been out of proportion to its volume. The partial dependence
of the South upon the northern colonies made the final break-
ing off of relations with England during the Revolution less
pronounced ; and through this intercourse between the two
sections, sympathetic ties were to develop which were later to
bind the colonies in one unit, and to solidify them finally into
a single, unified nation.
130 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
In 191S a report on the burial place of Roger Williams
was published by the Society. Since then a manuscript in
the handwriting of Samuel Austin has come to light which
further substantiates the findings in the report. It is as fol-
lows :
"Roger Williams
E. yi. Stone says that Rd Brown who lived in a gambrel-
roofed house opposite gate to Butler Hospital & attained the
age of 100 ys, related to John Howland, who was accustomed
to call there, that he was 10 ys old when R. Williams died,
that his parents attended the funeral which he well remem-
bered, that he was buried in his home lot which included S.
Dorrs present orchard, that he. Brown, was in the habit of
passing it by a path which led over or around the hill. It
seems R. W. & wife & a descendant, Ashton, were all there
buried. S. Dorr has the stone from the grave of the latter
broken but preserved & the former had only a rough unlet-
tered stone R. Williams house was in Humphrey Almys yard
on Howlands Alley and R. Ws spring was under the corner
of the large brick house opposite built by A. Dodge and the
water is thence led into a reservoir whence it is now pumped
in the lane extending from Benefit to Canal St. The R. Wil-
liams home lot embracing (as perhaps was usual) six acres
extended from the water eastward probably including this
lot."
Note — Rd Brown is Richard Brown, son of Henry Brown and
Waite. daughter of Richard Waterman. He was born in Newport in
1676 and died in Providence in 1774.
Rhode Island
Historical Society
Collections
Vol. XV January, 1922 No. 1
CONTENTS
/^ PAGE
The Inscribed Rocks of Narragansett Bi^y,,^-- \^
By Edmund B. Delabarre . . .^"^^SJ^
Muster Roll in the Canada Expedition 1711 Newport . 15
Notes 17
Indian Graves Unearthed at Charlestown . . . 18
Officers of the Rhode Island Historical Society . . 19
Abstracts of Early East Greenwich Wills
By Norman M. Isham and Howard W. Preston . 22
$3.00 per year Issued Quarterly 75 cents per copy
RHODE
HISTORICAL
ISLAND
SOCIETY
COLLECTIONS
Vol. XV
January, 1922
No. 1
Howard W. Preston, President Edward K. AldrichJf., Treasurer
George T. SPICER, Secretary HOWARD M.CHAPIN, Librarian
The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the
opinions of contributors.
The Inscribed Rocks of Narragansett Bay
By Edmund B. Delabarre
IV. The Contributions of Newport and Middletown
There have been numerous rumors of the existence of in-
scribed rocks in the vicinity of Newport. Except for a few
incisions that were not meant to convey any significance, and
such others as have been made by white men within the last
two hundred years, they still remain unverified and improb-
able rumors. Nevertheless, there are in the vicinity several
examples of markings that are natural, accidental, or the inr
cidental result of operations that had another purpose, and
these may have led to misinterpretation as intended inscrip-
tions. In any field of inquiry, knowledge is not complete until
not only the true details, but also the false appearances that
may simulate fact, are understood; and to a psychologist the
latter have a positive and fascinating interest of their own.
2 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
It requires error outgrown as well as truth comprehended to
make a universe. Consequently, it will not be a waste of effort
for us to examine what this locality has to ofifer.
If there had been any genuine foundation for the rumors
alluded to, it seems likely that Dr. Stiles must have heard of
them, for he sought indefatigably for inscriptions on rocks.
His notes, we may be sure, record every instance which was
brought to his attention, and he would certainly have visited
every one that he could discover and would have made draw-
ings of it. In fact, he wrote in 1790: "I have made great in-
quiry these 20 years past for similar inscriptions to those of
the Dighton Rock."^ Yet although he resided in Newport for
twenty-one years, he gives no hint of there being any ancient
records of the sort nearer than Portsmouth. He does, how-
ever, mention two that were made in 1728. Our own interest
is principally in the older and more mysterious rock-carvings,
rather than in these. Yet the fact that at least one white man
followed the impulse to write upon such surfaces at so early
a date is not without its bearing upon our interpretation of
the more puzzling cases.
Stiles's descriptions are accompanied by sketch-maps show-
ing the location of the rocks and by drawings of their appear-
ance, and are found on pages 251 and 252 in the second volume
of his manuscript "Itineraries." Both instances, without the
maps and drawings, have been included in Professor Dexter's
"Extracts from the Itineraries." The first drawing is of a
rock measuring 2>^ by 5J/2 feet, upon which is an inscription
in capital letters reading: ''1728.10.21. Beleve in Christ &
Live in No Sin." The accompanying description is dated
June 22, 1767, and says: "This is an Inscription which I took
off a Rock on the Shore at Brenton's Point a little North of
the Reef & at the SW. corner of Rhode Island, 5 miles SW.
from Newport. It is supposed to have been put on by Rev'^
Nathaniel Clap. I suppose the 10 21 under 1728 denotes 21^'
day of 10''^ month, or Ocf 21, 1728. M'' Clap died in New-
'Publications of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, 1917, xix. 96.
THE INSCRIBED ROCKS OF NARRAGANSETT BAY 3
port 1745 having Labored in the Ministry from 1695 or 50
years."
The other stone, 12 feet by 4, is shown lying above a rocky
shore on a steep bank ten feet high from the water, at the
northwest corner of Price's Cove. It bears the inscription :
"8.21. 1728. God Presarve AH Mankind." Stiles remarks:
"July 8. 1767. I viewed a Stone at price's Cove. The stone
light grey & hard. The Inscription is daylay trodden upon by
the passing fishermen. The figures 21 of 8 M° 1728 are done
by seperate Dots. The Letters are done in the same manner
as those at the Point above a Mile Westward. On another
stone [shown near the first and measuring 8 by 12 feet] is a
number of seeming Incisions of the Wedge or Runic Kind,
but evidently the Work of Nature only." The two inscrip-
tions are once more referred to by Stiles in 1774, when he
writes: "Jahleel Brenton Esq. died Nov. 8, 1732, AEt. ']'/.
. . . His father was Gov. Brenton. The words PRE-
SARVE and BELEVE in the Inscriptions are so illy spelled,
that I sometimes doubt whether M"" Clap was the Author.
Perhaps M"^ Brenton was.'"
I looked for these rocks on July 11, 1920. One of them
has been moved from its original location and now stands,
with its inscription still clear and well preserved, close to the
house of the large estate situated Just where the "Shore Drive"
makes its turn at Brenton's Point. The one at Price's Cove
I failed to discover, either then or at a later visit. It may have
been blasted out or covered over, for many changes have
occurred at this place since Stiles's day. I did, however, see
one or more rocks with the wedge-like marks which Stiles
rightly attributed to the work of Nature only. His doubts
concerning authorship founded upon Mr. Clap's poor spelling
perhaps do not take changing fashions sufficiently into
account, and cannot appeal to us as very decisive if we notice
his own easy deviations from modern usage in this respect.
^Extracts from the Itineraries and other Miscellanies of Ezra Stiles,
1916, pp. 230, 353.
4 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
His statement that one of the rocks was "daylay trodden upon
by the passing fishermen" suggests that the motive for these
pious exhortations may have heen to call constant attention
of such men to their spiritual welfare. It lies within the
memory of many of us still living that not so very long ago
numerous rocks for many miles around Providence had
painted on them similar exhortations and scriptural verses,
and that the author of them was a familiar sight upon our
streets, wearing garments on which similar verses were
painted, mutely urging his fellows to reflect upon their sins and
to lead better lives.
The first indication that there might be in the neighborhood
rocks with more ancient records is contained in the letter which
Dr. Webb wrote to Professor Rafn of Denmark on October 31,
1835, ^" which he says that John Almy of Tiverton thought he
had heard of an inscription-rock at Sachuest Point.^ There
exists, however, no other allusion to the possibility that there
might be one there. But on March 3, 1840, Dr. Christopher
G. Perry of Newport reported to the Rhode Island Historical
Society that he had discovered some rocks near Newport bear-
ing inscriptions resembling those on the rocks at Dighton and
Portsmouth. The records of the Society state: "Since then
the rock has been visited and examined by John R. Bartlett.
The impressions were found to be very indistinct, but Mr. B.
succeeded in making a drawing, which will be presented to
the Society."" Unfortunately no such drawing has been pre-
served, and we have no knowledge even of the approximate
location of the rock or of the appearance of its characters.
It is not improbable that it was similar to, if not identical with,
those seen at Price's Cove by Stiles and myself, bearing seem-
ing incisions that were "evidently the Work of Nature only."
These seem to be the only published allusions to any petro-
glyph near Newport, though one hears also vague rumors
^Antiquitates Americanae, p. 404.
^See manuscript volumes of the Society: Correspondence and Re-
ports, iii. 68, and Trustees' Records, Sept. 21, 1840.
THE INSCRIBED ROCKS OF NARRAGANSETT BAY 5
such as easily arise and turn out on investigation to have
cither no foundation or to be based on superficial inspection
of markings that have only natural causes as their source.
But besides these, there is one set of markings that are unques-
tionably artificial — a collection of basins and grooves on the
rocks of the Bluffs near Purgatory. It is rather remarkable
that the only allusions to them in print that I have been able
to discover are such as speak of them in connection with fool-
ish legends only, calling them the Devil's footprints, or the
marks of his dragging a sinful woman over the rocks, or of
the axe that he used in beheading her. They appear never to
have been really described, though they are familiar to the
passing visitor. Yet they are interesting in themselves and
deserving of inquiry concerning their probable origin. And
there are other reasons why it is important to include a dis-
cussion of them in these papers : although they do not in any
sense constitute an inscription, yet our ability to distinguish
genuine from merely apparent inscriptions will be increased
by acquaintance with all sorts of unintentional, non-graphic
effects of human agency as well as with accidental resemblances
to inscriptions that are the result of purely natural causes ; and
knowledge of them probably clears up a long-standing mystery
about Bishop Berkeley and his reported opinion concerning
Dighton Rock.
The chart and photographs^ of Plates XVI and XVII show
the location of the Purgatory rocks and the appearance of the
markings. These occur on narrow sandstone intrusions in the
conglomerates at the lowest part of the ledges near their
northern extremity at Sachuest Beach, just before the rocks
begin to rise into cliffs. They l)egin about 250 feet l:)eyond the
extreme meeting-point of rocks and beach, and occur at inter-
vals for a distance of about 100 feet toward the south. They
are of two kinds. Some of them are shallow oval or roundish
depressions or basins, somewhat like pot-holes but clearly not
due to natural forces. They might even be classed as large
^Taken hj- the writer on August 23, 19LM.
O RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
cup-markings, such as were described in our last paper. There
are about three dozen of them in all, ranging in size from long
ovals measuring about 25 by 10 inches, down to more nearly
circular cups about 7 to 10 inches in one diameter and 6 to 9
in the other. Their depth runs from a little less than an inch
to about 2 inches. Some are rather rough and irregular,
others very regular, clear-cut and smooth. The grooves of
the second type look very much like such a cut as would be
made in soft material by a clean blow with a sharp axe. The
largest is 14 inches long, i^ wide and i^ deep at the centre,
narrowing and curving upward to a point at either extremity.
Another measures 9 by i54, and ^i deep. Most of them are
7 to 10 inches long, % to y2 wide, and J/s to J4 deep. I counted
twelve of them in all. One of them, shown in the photograph,
is at the bottom of one of the basins. Besides these narrow
grooves and wider basins, there are two other incisions of
interest, besides numerous names and initials. C^ne is a rep-
resentation of an arrow, about T,y2 inches long, shallow but
very clear. Tbe other is a figure like the "eye" of a dress-
maker's hook-and-eye, about 5 inches long and wide, with a
sort of U between the small circles of the open end. The U
and the circles are made of very small clear dots, the rest is
grooved. Whether these two figures are due to the makers of
the other grooves and basins, or to more recent visitors, it is
impossible to determine.
While studying these basins, I heard some passers-by speak
of them as "Devil's Footprints," probably because of the fre-
quently repeated legends already referred to. Apparently this
name gets attached everywhere to any mysterious holes in
rocks that in the least resemble the prints of feet or hoofs.
There are other alleged instances of marks made by the Devil
in Warwick, in Swansea, near New Bedford, and probably in
other places. The only serious account of the origin of these
near Newport that I have heard of was related to me by Dr.
Eugene P. King of Providence. He was told about 30 years
ago that the basins were made in old days by Indians in polish-
THE INSCRIBED ROCKS OF NARRAGANSETT BAY "J
ing some object by rubbing it round and round. As to the
"axe-cut" grooves, the Indians made them also, he was in-
formed, in sharpening their arrow-points ; and we shall see
that this same theory was probably advanced nearly 200 years
ago. Doubtless it was not actually stone arrow-points that
were thus sharpened there, for these the Indians fashioned
and sharpened by flaking, not by grinding. But others of
their implements, including bone and horn arrows and darts,
were polished and sharpened by grinding, and for this pur-
pose, says W. H. Holmes,^ "in many localities exposed sur-
faces of rock in place were utilized, and these are often cov-
ered with the grooves produced by the grinding work. These
markings range from narrow, shallow lines produced by shap-
ing pointed objects, to broad channels made in shaping large
implements and utensils." This description exactly applies
to the markings on these Purgatory rocks, and might have
been written with especial reference to them. It supplies the
natural and almost certain explanation of their origin.
The possible connection with Berkeley is this : According
to Eugene du Simitiere, writing about 1781, "there is a tradi-
tion very current in New England, but particularly at New
Port that when the learned Dean Berkeley resided near that
last mentioned place about the year 1732" he visited the rock
at Taunton, and had began an Elaborate dissertation upon the
supposed inscription, when a farmer in the neighborhood, ob-
serving the Dean one day employed in copying the unknown
characters, informed him, that, that rock had been used for-
merly by the Indians that resorted thither to Shoot ducks, and
dart fish, to wett [whet] and Sharpen the points of their
arrows and darts on that Stone which was the cause of the
^Handbook of American Indians, Bureau of Amer. Ethnology, Bulle-
tin 30, part i, page 7.
"Berkeley arrived in Newport on January 23, 1729, and resided there
and at Whitehall until a few days before he sailed for England on
September 21, 1731.
8 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
various hollow lines and figures formed thereon.'" Now
although we have evidence from other sources both that Ber-
keley visited Dighton Rock and that the theory mentioned was
applied to it, yet it seems incredible that Berkeley or anyone,
after really seeing the rock, could have believed that any of
its carvings could have been produced in that manner. It
seems much more likely that the legend as related is a case
of transference from one region, of which it may be true, to
another where it cannot possibly apply. Berkeley wrote much
of his Alciphron while sitting under the shelter of the over-
hanging ledges at Paradise Rocks. He was a lover of nature,
and must have strolled upon the beaches and climbed over the
rocks near Purgatory, close by. In fact, at the beginning of
the second dialogue of the treatise mentioned, he speaks of
going down to a beach, "where we walked on the smooth sand,
with the ocean on one hand, and on the other wild broken
rocks," and this was doubtless not his only visit there. It was
there, much more probably than at Assonet Neck, that "a
farmer of the neighborhood" expounded to him, and perhaps
with truth, the same explanation of the marks that was still
current when Dr. King heard the story. Afterwards, when
the Dean had described his visits and observations at both
places, his auditors, unacquainted with either, easily mixed
them up and attached the arrow-sharpening incident to the
wrong rock.
If we could trust the stories that were told in i860 by that
inventor of marvelous tales, Francis Loring, Chief Big
Thunder, of whom we spoke in discussing the Mount Hope
rock, then King's Rocks near Warren would constitute another
case where marks were made by Indians without intention,
incidentally to their other operations. Loring's probably my-
thical "book of skins, or of birch-bark," containing the picto-
graphic national records of the Wampanoags, is reported to
have included a picture which "represented four men rolling
a heavy circular stone, by a stick placed through a hole in the
^Publications of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, 191G,
xviii. 267.
PETROGLYPHS OF NARRAGAXSKTT B AY-Pi ATE XVI
•■-•■ivr^^'-v---'^^'
^-'*.
The basins and grooves on ledges near Purgatory
PETROGLYPHS OF NARRAGANSETT BAY— PLATE XVII
stl,- i -il
■~-l'/f>iiVK-
•1
24
32
32
37
211 '
d
I
j
26
37
42
34
.<v 27- 45
43
50
Sheet- IViiHit.*
50 ,hrH 6.'
33
42J
.•7- 33
29 iO 3
42
54
19
36
36
^ 5-7 . ■ „
Section of Chart of Narragansett Baj
^^rluu-s
I V\
A plough-scored rock on Sachuest Neck
THE INSCRIBED ROCKS OF NARRAGANSETT BAY 9
centre, back and forth over a quantity of corn, and described
as the Wampanoag national grinding mill, where corn was
ground for war parties or for any large public gathering of
the people.'" These rocks are a ledge of mixed shale and
sandstone, close up against a stone wall bordering the west
side of the road leading north from Warren on the east side
of Warren River, exactly where the State line crosses the road
about two miles from Warren. There is a long trough worn
into the surface of the ledge. According to Loring, this trough
was made by Indian men rolling their heavy corn-grinding
stone. Otis Olney Wright' gives a similar though slightly
differing account of it. Here, he says, "the Indians from all
over New England came to celebrate their victories. . . .
In this rock can be seen the old hollow where the Indian
women ground their corn for the feast, and the actual print
of their knees as they knelt there for years." But Professor
Charles W. Brown tells me that, in the opinion of geologists,
the rock exhibits nothing more than the results of glaciation.
It would be interesting to know whether the marks at Pur-
gatory, or those at Price's Cove, or others, were the ones
found by Dr. Perry and drawn by Mr. Bartlett. To search
anew the entire country about Newport with its miles of rocky
shore would be a hopeless task. It seemed to the writer, how-
ever, that it would be worth while to make a casual inspection,
at least, of Sachuest Point in Middletown, the only definite
situation mentioned in the earlier rumors. Even here, the
shore is lined with a chaotic mass of thousands of rocks and
boulders, impossible to examine thoroughly and offering little
promise of success in the search. I visited the place on Sep-
tember 2, 1919, and was rewarded by the discovery of a rock
that appeared at first sight to be covered with rude artificial
characters. Its location is easily discoverable on the chart of
Plate XVII. It lay on the top of a high steep bank below
'Wancn Telegraph, June 2, 1860, p. 2, col. 4 ; V. Baker, Massasoit's
Town. 1904. p. 37.
^'History of Swansea, 1917, p. 239.
XO RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
\V
hich lies the sea, about 250 feet south of a gate closing the
road just beyond the group of buildings near the curve of the
shore at the easterly end of Sachuest Beach. Since then I
have found there other rocks similarly marked, and some of
these were brought to Providence for more convenient study
by a Committee of this Society appointed in February, 1920,
to secure Inscribed Rocks, if possible, for the Museum of the
Society. Finding no others that could be moved, the Com-
mittee, consisting of Livingston Ham, Judge Elmer J. Rathbun
and myself, on July 17, 1920, took these stones for examina-
tion, without as yet having reached any conclusion as to
whether their marks constituted inscriptions or were due to
other causes.
The lines of the incisions on these rocks are not deep, av-
eraging two or three millimeters, often shallower and rarely
deeper; and their width is usually from j/g to j^ inch. They
are not pecked in, but are semi-circular smooth cuts, as if made
with a half-round chisel. Plate XVII, from a photograph
which I took on July 11, 1920, gives a fairly adequate idea of
their appearance. Only a few rocks of this region, modern or
of doubtful age, were thus incised ; in all the others, the lines
are pecked. This does not settle the ({uestion as to whether
the marks are of natural origin, or are purely accidental though
of human agency, or are intentionally made human records.
We would not be justified in calling them the latter, unless they
include forms that could not be due to either of the other
causes. It seems clear that they are not glacial striae, or worn
thus by pebbles driven by waves, or the result of any other
natural agencies. Mr. Harry E. Peckham, manager, and Jesse
Vera, lessee of the farm, report that these rocks were all
brought there from the neighboring field when it was cleared
for planting, about 17 years ago and later. It is not impossi-
ble, however, that some of them were placed there for a simi-
lar reason sufficiently long before that to have served as a
foundation for the rumor that was related to Dr. Webb by
John Almy. When I was exploring the place during one of
THE INSCRIBED ROCKS OF NARRAGANSETT BAY li
my visits, a Portuguese boy living on the farm told me he did
not believe that Indians made the marks ; instead, "that's all
the way they stick an iron bar to move the rock off the fields."
This surmise of his cannot be the full explanation. Yet it gives
the clue to what may have been the real agency.
After careful study of the incisions I am now fully con-
vinced that on all these stones they are for the most part simply
plough-marks, with a smaller number due to the action of
harrow and crowbar; and Mr. Peckham tells me that this is
his belief also. The neighboring cultivated field contains many
stones, slabs and small boulders, buried at various depths. The
stones on the bank have been drawn out from this field from
time to time. A stone lying with a flat face upward at just
the right depth to engage the nose of the plough without much
interruption to its progress would be scored by just such lines
year after year, until it became enough of a nuisance to get
dug out and carted to the dump heap. Naturally few of the
rocks in the dump would show such scorings, for few would
have possessed the necessary combination of conditions : kind
of stone and degree of hardness such as can be so marked,
and flat face lying upward at exactly the right depth.
With its deceptive partial covering of lichens, some marks
on the first of these stones that I discovered looked to me like
an Indian's crude drawing of a human figure, and others like
circles and curves and a figure 4 that, if correctly seen, must
have been deliberately produced by human beings. But after
more deliberate study, it is now clear to me that the surface
contains no artificially made circles and no lines at right angles
to the main direction of the grooves. The appearance of these
was in every case due to the peculiarities of lichen-growth and
of natural conformations of the rock-surface. There remain
only straight or slightly curved furrows running all in one
general direction across the stone and occasionally down its
sides, though sometimes meeting to form the vague semblance
of artificial characters; and these are without doubt due tp
the agencies named.
12 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
At first sight it may seem that the outcome has hardly justi-
fied SO much investigation and so long a discussion. Yet a
scientific investigator knows that he must pursue many paths
that lead to negative results. They are part of the process of
progress. These rocks are instructive as showing how difficult
it often is to trace causes and distinguish between natural and
artificial ones, and of the latter between those that are casual
and accidental and those that are deliberately intended. They
illustrate how easily accidental collocations of lines may closely
resemble pictures and letters of the alphabet, especially those
of unknown tongues. They thus throw light on the frequency
with which unwary observers report the discovery of ancient
records that turn out to be something else, and how naturally
learned men in the past have advocated futile translations of
such complex genuine records as those of Dighton Rock. It
has been well worth while to have studied these rocks, solved
their mystery, and included them in our report on the inscribed
rocks of our Bay.
The interest and value of this case will be enhanced by re-
calling a few instances in which wide celebrity as ancient
human records has been attained by rocks and tablets without
sufficient warrant.^ Some of these were deliberate forgeries,
some the work of nature. One of the most celebrated of them,
the Grave Creek tablet, inscribed with regular lines of what
are clearly meant to be alphabetical characters of some foreign
type, is discussed cautiously in Hodge's Handbook, classed
'Critical discussion of most of those here mentioned and of some
others may be found in the following among other sources :
Hodge. F. W., editor. Handbook of American Indians north of
Mexico, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bull. 30, 1907, 1910; i. 506.
Mallery, G., in 10th Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology,
1893.
Vignaud. H.. Expeditions des Scandinaves en Amerique, in Journal
de la Societe des Americanistes de Paris, 1910, nouv. ser., vol. vii.
Whittlesey, C, in Western Reserve Historical Society TractN. 1879,
no, 44; 1881, no. 53.
Wilson, Sir D.. Prehistoric Man. 1862, ii. 180, 194.
Winsor, J., Pre-Columbian Explorations, in Narrative and Critical
History of America, 1889, vol. i.
THE INSCRIBED ROCKS OF NARRAGANSETT BAY 1 3
among Controverted Pictographs by Mallery, regarded by
Wilson as "given to the world under equivocal circumstances,
and elucidated with indiscreet zeal," and called definitely
fraudulent by many reputable critics. Whittlesey describes
an unquestionable forgery from Ohio ; and to the same class
belongs an "unmistakably genuine Scandinavian inscription"
reported in 1867 from the banks of the Potomac, which Wilson
and others tell us was a "clever hoax fabricated by the cor-
respondent of the Washington Union out of genuine Green-
land inscriptions." A famous case is that of Monhegan Island
in Maine, whose "inscrii)tion," regarded by some as carved
by ancient Phoenicians and by others as due to the Northmen,
is considered by Winsor, Wilson and others as made up out
of freaks of natural erosion. Equally famous are the stones
at Yarmouth, Nova Scotia, whose writings seem to declare in
unmistakable Runic letters that "Harko's son addressed the
men." Wilson and others deny that these inscriptions are
genuine, Init apparently they have not yet received critical
study. This seems to be true of a number of rocks in Maine,
New Hampshire and elsewhere, as it has been heretofore of
those of Rhode Island. One case in Massachusetts is that of
a rock in West Newbury, in the valley of the ^Merrimack, de-
scribed and pictured by G. L. Pool in 1854,' celebrated by
Whittier in his Double-headed Snake of Newbury as a "North-
man's Written Rock," but apparently never mentioned by any
competent student. So experienced an observer as Professor
W. F. Ganong, who, I trust, will pardon my use of this in-
stance so appropriate to our present argument, writes me tliat
he once found markings on a stone in Maine which at first he
took to be undoubtedly Indian and of which he even pub-
lished an attempted interpretation, but which he is now con-
vinced are glacial scratches. In the summer of 191 9 I en-
countered a rumor that there was a "marked or inscribed
rock" on the farm of Stephen O. Metcalf in Exeter. This
turned out to be, however, a very modern tribute "To the
'New Eng. Hist. Genealog. Register, viii. 18J.
14 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Memory of Wawaloam, wife of Miantinomi, 1661," fully de-
scribed by Sidney S. Rider on page 131 of his "Lands of
Rhode Island." I have also traced down rumors of other
alleged "inscribed rocks," — one found in Tiverton, whose
marks resembled those at Sachuest and probably were due to
similar causes ; and one in Swansea which, though lost, almost
certainly had on it nothing but natural veins and similar marks.
The last case to which I shall refer is that of a rock in Rut-
land, Massachusetts. This was apparently first mentioned in
Morse's American Universal Geography in 1805 as an
"Ethiopic inscription." Kendall, in his Travels, 1809, says
that he visited it and found it to be a purely natural granite
stone with veins of schoerl. Yet Webb, in his letter to Rafn
on September 22. 1830. indicates that it was still rumored to
be "a line of considerable length in unknown characters ;" and
only later, after further inquiry, as he announced in his letter
of October 31, 1835, did he discover and adopt Kendall's view
of it.' Wilson wrote of it as "an American counterpart to the
famous Swedish Runamo Inscription, in its graphic freaks
of natural crystallization." In this same connection, we should
not forget the wholly unfounded yet ardently advocated Norse
theories concerning the Fall River skeleton and Governor
Arnold's windmill at Newport.
The Sachuest stones and these additional instances not only
teach us caution in arriving at conclusions concerning apparent
inscriptions, but they acquaint us with some of the numerous
possibilities that must be held in mind. The clearest lesson
conveyed by the history of Dighton Rock is that even in the
case of unquestionable human inscriptions our ultimate inter-
pretations must rest not upon emotional preference but upon
patiently accumulated and calmly weighed evidence, and that
it is very easy to be led astray by imperfect copies and by
superficial resemblances. Our whole series of papers is em-
phasizing as one conclusion that even genuine inscriptions may
often contain characters that are meaningless products of a
^Antiquitates Americanae, pp. 360, 400.
MUSTER ROLL
'5
mere activity-impulse, or in other cases are simply ornamental
designs. These last considered cases show that besides inten-
tional design, symbolic or meaningless, we must entertain as
alternative possibilities not merely natural forces of a wide
variety, but also distorted rumor, deliberate fraud, and human
yet unintended agency like that of plough, crow bar and other
tools, or like that resulting in grooves incidental to grinding
and similar processes. These facts will all be of value when
we attempt to formulate our final conclusions concerning the
rock-carving activities in the region that we are studying.
Muster Roll in the Canada Expedition 1711
Newport
A List of all the Men taken onbd the Ship the 18 July 1711
1 Danll Rogers
2 Wm Greenman
3 Jere Apleton
4 Peleg Remington
5 Benony Gardner
6 Robe Eldredge
7 Ebenezr Graves
8 Duncan Keley
9 Jos Moss
10 John Watkins
1 1 John Brown
12 Richd Williams
13 Jonathn Mot
14 Josh Aston
15 Adam Mot
16 Thos Wilcox
17 Parley Alsworth
18 Peleg Green
19 John Pitceher'
20 Josh Odell
21 Wm Pullen
22 Josh Hadwell
2;^ John Ostin
24 Uriah Edwards
^5
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
Henry Hall
Edwd Aston
Henry Millkin
Nicholas Hutchins
John Nicholls
Jeremiah Gardner
Josh Smith
Danll Munrow
Danll Greenall
Wm Case
John Voss
John All in
Eben Powell
Danll Right
Wm Comins
John Thomas
Toby Wats
James Bently
Nathll Wood
Peter Butten
Zachrey Eddy
Samll Burlingham
Thos North
John Phileps
i6
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
49 Richd Sailes
50 Josiah Thornton
51 Jonh Scot
52 Uriah Davis
53 Benj Waite
54 Wm Gate
55 Harrindon
56 Nathl Dogget
57 John North
58 Stephen Arnold
59 Thos Walls
60 Richd Nicholls
61 Robt Nicholls
62 Steph Capell
63 Mark Roberts
64 Wm Carewav
65 Nathll Williams
66 John Tarbox
67 Edwd Coxx
68 Wm Underwood
69 Edwd Greenman
70 Wm Granston
71 Gornelus Peck
jz Wm Griffen
"jl John George
74 Benj a Palmer
75 Richd Gaverly
76 David Barrey
JJ Joseph Palmer
78 James Russell
79 Danll Vaughan
80 Timothy Dredges
81 Thos Wells
82 Jeremiah Mot
83 Jonathn Baker
84 Richd Sweet
85 John Sukkuawgsser ?
86 Jacob Papegan
87 Robt Drummer
88 Danll Indian
89 Wm Dinell
90 Jonth Month
91 Job Glute
92 Ro])in Slocum
93 Peter Wilboar
94 Sampson Dennis
95 Thos Talbut
96 Huling James
97 Peter Sweet
98 James Ghamplin
99 John Cook
00 Johnath Gook
01 Toby Babcook
02 Wm Babut
03 Josh Stanton
04 John Hazeard
05 Samll Greenman
06 John Babcock
07 David Potter
08 Trewgo Squibidge
09 Ned Stratten
10 Thos Larkin
1 1 Antho Indian
12 Peter Babcock
13 Ephram Morgin
14 Isack Settack
15 Thos Gardiner
16 Isaac King
17 John East
18 Nimble Harris
19 Jeffrey Pander
20 John Freman
21 Robin Teft
22 Toby Stevenson
2}^ John Jeffrey
24 James Foss
25 Samll Umpeton
"2^ John Nucomb
2^ John Setuck
28 Gregory Jeffrey
29 Joseph Spywood
30 Wannamus
31 John Knight
32 Simon George
33 John Quack
34 John Tantiochen
35 Samll James
36 Isack Neby
NOTES
17
137
James Hannah
156
Timo Whiteing
138
Roger Evens
157
John Fuller
139
Frank Smith
158
Tom Coleson
140
Joseph Rogers
Officers
John Earle
159
Coll. Lee
141
John Theobolcls
160
Majr Smith
142
Samll Littlefield
161
Capt Hinchman
143
Joshua Clarke
162
Leiutt Burlingham
Edwd Springer
163
Do Jefferson
John DubHn
164
Do Clarke
James Bowlyson
165
Ens. Burlingham
144
Leynord Cozens
166
Do Green
145
Wm Ashton
167
Do Man
146
Shubell Clinton
168
Capt Brewer
147
Thos Bucker
169
Mr Gideons
148
Jamed Yeats
170
Tho Cranston
149
Peter Low
171
Tom Byfield not aboard
Souldrs — 149
Impressd
Saile
rs
Ed:
Springer
150
John Griffith
J : Earle
151
James Chadsey
Jam€
;s Bowlanson
152
Robt Lees
John
Dublin
153
Ed Nicholls
(From original manuscript
154
Jno Harrison
in State Archives, Providence,
155
Humphry More
R. L)
Notes
An article on ''King Philip's Chair," together with a picture
of the chair, appears in the October number of "Old Time New
England."
Mrs. Hiram F. Hunt of Kingston, R. L, and Alfred Trego
Butler, Esq., of the College of Arms. London, England, have
been elected to membership in the Society.
The October Bulletin of the Newport Historical Society con-
tains an article by Miss M. E. Powcl on the French officers
who served in the Revolution.
The Society of Colonial Dames in Rhode Lsland have issued
in pamphlet form the addresses delivered at the Dedication of
the Rhode Island Bay at Valley Forge.
The volume on American Samplers by Bolton and Coe. which
l8 RHODE JSLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
has just been issued by the Massachusetts Society of the
Colonial Dames of America, contains considerable material of
Rhode Island interest. In addition to listing a large number
of Rhode Island samplers, it includes an account of the work
of Polly Balch's school in Providence, thus throwing light on
a little known phase of local education.
We have received several requests for Volume ii. No. 4,
and Volume 13, No. 2, of our "Collections." As our supply
of these numbers is exhausted, we can only fill these requests
through the generosity of some of our members.
The manuscript account book of Joseph Williams, son of
Roger, covering the years 1705 to 1731, has been received as
a bequest from the late Mrs. Josephine H. White.
Indian Graves Unearthed at Charlestown
In October, Mr. T. L. Arnold of Arnolda, Charlestown,
R. I., while digging a cellar unearthed an old Indian burial
ground. The first object discovered was an ancient breech-
loading cannon, which was very badly rusted. It lay only a
couple of feet beneath the surface. Near it but slightly deeper
was found a skeleton. Beside the skeleton was a rather long
sword beyond which was discovered another skeleton. The
graves were scarcely three feet long indicating that the bodies
were probably buried in a curled up position as was often done
by the Indians. Three copper kettles, some beads, a clay pipe
stem and a tube of blue glass which evidently was the mate-
rial from which beads were to be cut, although most of the
beads found were shell wampum. A few pieces of very coarse
blue cloth, perhaps a sort of burlap, were found attached to
pieces of copper and bone.
The sword had a rather elaborate guard and although badly
rusted still retained some of its spring. Within the distance
of fifteen or twenty feet parts of three other skeletons were
OFFICERS OF THE R. I. HISTORICAL SOCIETY
l9
discovered although the skulls of these latter skeletons were
not found. Some teeth and jawbones of some small animals
such as dogs, cats or skunks were also found. Two Indian
shell heaps were discovered nearby the graves. These shell
heaps had been covered by dirt indicating that a natural sur-
face deposit had taken place. A large hunk of red coloring
matter (war paint) was also discovered.
Officers of the Rhode Island Historical Society
FROM ITS COMMENCEMENT UNTIL THE PRESENT TIME.
PRESIDENTS.
James Fenner,
John How land,
Albert Gorton Greene,
Samuel Greene Arnold,
Zachariah Allen,
William Gammell,
Horatio Rogers,
John Henry Stiness,
George Taylor Paine,
Albert Harkness, .
Wilfred Harold Munro
Howard Willis Preston,
FIRST VICE-PRESIDENTS.
Theodore Foster,
Henry Bull,
William Hunter,
Christopher Grant Champlin.
Job Durfee.
William Hunter, .
Albert Gorton Greene,
Samuel Greene Arnold, .
George Arnold Brayton,
Zachariah Allen .
William Gammell,
Francis Brinley, .
Charles William Parsons. .
George Moulton Carpenter, .
1822 to 1833
1833 to 1854
1855 to 1868
1868 to 1880
1880 to 1882
1882 to 1890
1890 to 1896
1896 to 1903
1903
1904 to 1906
1906 to 1920
1920 to
1822 to 1823
1823 to 1832
1832 to 1835
1835 to 1840
1840 to 1845
1845 to 1849
1 849 to 1855
1855 to 1868
1868 to 1870
187010 1880
1880 to 1882
1882 to 1888
1888 to 1890
189010 1896
20
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
William Babcock Weeden,
John Nicholas Brown, .
John Franklin Jameson,
George Taylor Paine,
William MacDonald, .
William Chace Greene,
Elmer Jeremiah Rathbun,
SECOND V
John Howland,
Theodore Foster,
Samuel Eddy, .
John Brown Francis,
Moses Brown, .
Romeo Elton,
Albert Gorton Greene,
William Hunter, .
Elisha Reynolds Potter, Jr
George Arnold Brayton,
William Read Staples.
Zachariah Allen. .
George Arnold Brayton,
Francis Brinley, .
Charles ^William Parsons,
Elisha Benjamin Andrews,
Horatio Rogers,
Elisha Benjamin Andrews
William Babcock Weeden,
William Ames,
John Franklin Jameson,
Robert Hale Ives Goddard,
Stephen Ostrom Edwards,
Charles Sisson, .
St. George Leakin Sioussat
Harold Redwood Curtis,
ICE-PRESIDENTS.
SECRETARIES.
William Read Staples. .
Thomas Hopkins Webb,
William Read Staples.
John Power Knowles, .
Thomas Coles Hartshorn,
Charles William Parsons,
1897 to 1899
1899 to 1900
1 901 to 1902
1902 to 1903
1903 to 1914
1914 to 1920
1920 to
1822 to
1823 to
1828 to
1 83 1 to
1835 to
1837 to
1843 to
1849 to
1850 to
1855 to
1 868 to
186910
1870 to
187310
1882 to
1888 to
188910
189010
189610
1897 to
1900 to
1901 to
I9I310
I9I410
192010
1 92 1 to
823
828
831
835
837
843
849
850
855
868
869
870
873
882
889
890
896
897
900
901
913
914
919
921
1822 to 1830
1830 to 1839
1839 to 1841
1 841 to 1845
1845 to 1849
184910 I85I
OFFICERS OF THE R. I. HISTORICAL SOCIETY
21
Henry Truman Beckwith,
Sidney Smith Rider,
Edwin Miller Snow, .
Zachariah Allen,
George Taylor Paine,
Amos Perry,
Wilfred Harold Munro.
Amasa Mason Eaton, ,
Howard Willis Preston,
Eriing Cornelius Ostby,
George Thurston Spicer,
TREASURERS.
John Brown Francis,
John Howdand,
John Russell Bartlett,
Thomas Wilson Dorr, .
George Baker, .
Welcome Arnold Greene,
Richmond Pearl Everett.
Robert Perkins Brown,
Henry Tyler Grant, .
Edward Kimball Aldrich,
Jr.,
CABINET KEEPERS AND LIBRARIAN
William Read Staples, .
Walter Raleigh Dan forth, .
Joseph Howard, .
John Gould Anthony,
Albert Gorton Greene, .
W^illiam Read Staples,
George Baker,
Thomas Coles Hartshorn, .
George Washington Greene, .
Edwin Martin Stone,
Amos Perry,
Clarence Saunders Bridgham,
Howard Malcolm Rice,
William Arthur Wing,
Frank Greene Bates,
Howard Millar Chapin,
1851 to 1861.
1861 to 1866.
1866 to 1867.
1867 to 1868.
1 868 to 1873.
1873 to 1899.
1900 to 1906.
1906 to 1914.
1914 to 1920.
1920
192010
1822 to 1824.
1824 to 1833.
1833 to 1836.
1836 to 1842.
1842 to 1854.
1854 to 1867.
1867 to 1903-
1903 to 1914.
i9i4toi9i5.
1915*0
1822 to 1823.
182310 1824.
1824 to 1825.
1825 to 1826.
1826 to 1836.
1836 to 1841.
1841 to 1845.
1845 to 1849.
184910 I85I.
1851 to 1880.
1880 to 1899.
190010 1908.
1908
190910 I9I0.
191010 I9I2.
1912 to
22 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Abstracts of
Early East Greenwich Wills
Contributed By
Norman m. Isham and Howard w. Preston
Cooper, James, January 4, 1716;
July 27, 1716.
To wife, Elizabeth, admx. estate during widowhood.
" son, James, hrs. and assigns, all of estate at marriage or
death of wife afsd.
James, to pay brothers, Stephen, Samuel and Mathew, five
pounds at age of 21.
James, to pay his sisters, Mary and Elizabeth, seven pounds
at age of 18.
To my negro servant. John, his life and liberty.
Ex.: Pardon Tillinghast, Jeremiah Gould.
Test: Pardon Tillinghast, Jeremiah Gould, Richard Briggs.
I, 5
Wcver, William, May 22, 1718 ;
July 14, 1718.
Admx.: Widow, Elizabeth.
Test: Cheman Wever, Joseph Waver.
I, 9
Grinnell, Matthew, yeoman. June 17, 1718;
Auj^ust 30, 1718.
Admx.: Widow, Mary,
x\ppraisers: Joshua Coggeshall, John Willson, Nicholas
Whitford.
I. 9
Mary Grinnell, widow, marries John Manchester. They pay
Thomas Grinnell, eldest son of Matthew, 5 pounds, 18 sh.
at age of 21.
To Matthew, second son, 36 pounds at age of 21.
John, third souj. 36 pounds at age of 21.
If any of three die before the age of 21, the sum shall be di-
vided equally between the remaining two.
Dated January 21, 1719/0.
I, 18
EARLY EAST GREENWICH WILLS
Green, Benjamin, husbandman, January 4. 1718 ;
March 5. 1718/9.
To wife. Humility, estate during widowhood.
son, John, and hrs., farm he .now Hves on.
Benjamin, and hrs., ?.. homestead.
Henry, other half of homestead.
" " Caleb.
Minors.
" " Joshua.
To daughters, Mary Spencer, wife of Thomas, 20 sh.
Ann Tennant, wife of Daniel, 20 sh.
Phoebe Wells, wife of Thomas, 20 sh,
" " Sarah Green, Dinah Green, Deborah Green,
Katharine Green — under 18.
Exec: wife. Humility, Capt. Benjamin Nichols, of Kingston,
John Coggeshall, and Joshua Coggeshall.
Test: Joseph Maxon, Joseph Lewis, Mary Lewis.
I. 11. 12. U
Davis, William, July 3, 1721 ;
December 30, 1721.
To my daughter, Ida, hrs. and assigns, lands and orchards at
age of 18.
" my wife, Katharine, admx. remainder of estate.
Appraisers, Capt. Benjamin Nichols, Thomas Spencer.
I, 19
Bundy, James, September 25, 1721 ;
April 10. 1722.
To son, Samuel, sole e.xec.
I. 22
Cory, William, July 23. 171!) ;
August 31. 1710.
To wife, Elizabeth, exec, estate during widowhood.
" som William, one hundred acres of land and one grove.
" " John, one grove.
" " Anthony, one house lot.
" my four daughters, 4 cowes.
Test: John Moss, Henry Mattison, John Carpenter.
I, 15
24 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Spencer, Michael, February 23, 1722/3;
May 30, 1723.
To wife, Deborah, admx. whole estate, councilors, Major
Thomas Ivy and Thomas Spencer.
" son, Thomas and hrs., at widow's death, 2-3 real estate
with my work tools.
" son, Jeremiah and hrs. remaining 1-3.
" grandson Joseph Read, one bed and bedding at age of 21.
" my daughter, Susannah, wife of John ?, •}4 of whole
estate after widow's death.
" my sonj. Thomas, remaining Vi at widow's death.
Test: John Spencer, John Spencer, 2nd, Thomas Spencer.
I, 23
Nicholas, John, yeoman, 26th September, 1725;
18th November, 1725.
To son. John, and hrs.. ^i of farm, north side, 25 acres, 5
pounds.
" son, Thomas, Vi farm, city lot lying north of country road
and salt water, and 5 pounds.
" son, Robert, other half of farm.
" " Joseph, remaining land, buildings and improvements.
" daughter, Susannah Cahoon, wife of Samuel, of Warwick,
one feather bed, three blankets, etc., one coverlid, IS
pounds.
" daughter. Mary, 2 feather beds, blankets, coverlid, pillows,
etc., one cow, 25 pounds, 2 brass kettles, all my pewter,
except half a dozen pewter spoons.
" my wife, Deborah, 10 pounds.
Ex.: Robert Nicholas, Joseph Nicholas.
Test: David Vaughn, Christopher Vaughn, Thomas Spencer.
I, 34, 35, 36, 37
Spink, Robert, January 14, 1724/5;
April 26, 1726.
Son of Israel Spink, Israel Spink, sole exec.
I, 40
Long, Philip, October 3, 1726 ;
November 5, 1726.
Widow, Hannah, sole exec.
I, 43
rt > ^
c c "5
5 .-j' 5
- J ^
r.
U
STEAM BOAT
<<*^°*=^ 333«*"
THE PRO^ lUJbLM'E BA^D
Havhig cliiirf.nd flie Steam Bosit
RVSH I.IGHT,
(Cap.. J. D. SCOTT) -ill n.ak. ..-..rsion do vW th. >ar.
ragansett and i»I«u„t H„pe Bays ^ /,
OJV FRID A Y, ^9TH Ii^j^T
The BaiiH «;?i iw. ,'*',*'""" and up one dollar. • *»
Protuhnce, Jultf 22, 1831.
siOD a.
Old adveriising broadside with picture of one of the early
Narraganselt Bay steamboats.
Byom original in Rhode Island Historical Society Library
EARLY EAST GREENWICH WILLS 25
Reynolds, Henry, died intest. August 8, 1726 ;
November 5, 1726.
Mary, widow, sole exec, estate to be divided among children.
I, 47
Underwood, William, 1726-
September 15, 1726.
To wife, Ann, e.xec. whole estate during widowhood, and 50
lots in East Greenwich.
" son, Israel, 60 acres of land at age of 21.
" sons, William, John, Joseph, Elizabeth, Ruth and Alice.
(Friend Joseph Edwards, to find a trade for the sons).
I, 49, 50
Nicholas, Phoebe, 5th April, 1721;
28th March, 1727.
To son, John, 1 sh.
Stephen, 1 sh.
" granddaughter, Phoebe, my chest.
" my six children, Richard, Robert, Jane Vaughn, Elizabeth,-
Sarah Mattison, Ann Underwood, the remainder of the
whole estate.
Ex.: My son, Richard Nicholas.
Test: John , Elizabeth Cahoon, Thomas Spencer.
1. 53
Coggeshall, Capt. Joshua, October 2, 1727.
Thomas Coggeshall, veoman, sole ex.
I, 57
Brayton, Thomas, yeoman, 7th March. 1727/8;
13th April, 1728
To son, Thomas, during lifej, lands in Portsmouth, rights in
hunting swamps (to pay wife Mary Brayton, 20 pounds a
year after age of 21) In case of death of Thomas, lands
and premises to be given to sons, Gideon and Francis
Brayton.
" son Gideon, at age of 21, farm where he now lives, and two
city lots, swamps and all the rest of lands at age of 21.
" son, Francis, and hrs. farm and swamps.
" my two daughters, Mary and Hannah, all the land given
me by my father-in-law. Gideon ?
" my son, Thomas, my negro boy, Pero.
" my daughter. Mary, my negro girl. Jessie.
" my wife, Mary, my negro woman, Betty, the remainder
of the estate to be divided between wife and children.
26 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Ex.: Wife, Mary, and son, Thomas, when he arrive at aee of
21.
Test: John Green, Robert Vaughn, Thomas Spencer.
I, 72, 73, 74
Straight, Henry, May 5, 172S ;
June 29, 1728.
To son,, Henry, 5 sh.
John, one half of farm,
wife, Mary, sole ex. whole estate, goods and chattels.
Test: Robert Vaughn,
Samuel Shippe,
John Carpenter,
I, 83, 84
Spencer, Deborah, Hth November, 1728.
(Widow and exec, of Michael Spencer, died intest)
Exec: Thomas Spencer and wife.
Inventory, 69 pounds, 9s. 5d.
I, 91
Peirce, Phillip, 13th August, 1728 ;
28th September, 1728.
To wife, Frances, sole exec. 1/3 estate.
my three children, Mary, Benjamin, and Phillips, 2/3
estate.
Test: Benjamin Bentley, John Gay, Thomas Spencer.
Inventory. 158 pounds, 14s. lid.
I, 91
Goudwin, John, 16th January, 1728/9.
Exec: Peter Mory.
Inventory, 46 pounds, 12s, 2d.
J, 95
Vaughn, David, 19th December, 1728 ;
28th December, 1728.
Mary Vaughn, widow, sole exec
Inventory, 2138 pounds, 17s. 4d.
I, 101
Wells, Thomas, October 16, 1727 ;
April 26, 1729.
Exec: Son Peter Wells and his wife, Mary.
Inventory, 163 pounds, 7s. 6d.
I, 101
EARLY EAST GREENWICH WILLS 27
Vaughn, George, 7th November, 1729;
29th November, 1729.
To son, George and heirs, homestead, farm with lot lying next
to John Langford's land, with small lot lying adjoining to
William Bennet, housing buildings, fencings, and improve-
ments, all privileges and appurtenances therein.
" son, Daniel and heirs, land adjoining Samuel Gerrys', with
bogland and shore, 2 house lots between Country Road
and salt water, privileges and appurtenances therein.
" sons George and Daniel, each one feather bed and furni-
ture.
" daughter, Elizabeth, 60 pounds, one half of household
goods, except what is given to sons.
" daughter, Jane, 60 pounds, one half of household goods
except aforementioned, to be given her at age of 18 or day
of marriage.
" son, Daniel, 20 pounds, one pair of oxen, three cows, 20
sheep, when he is 21.
" son George, remainder of estate.
Ex.: Christopher Vaughn, brother,, and son, George.
Test: John Wever, John Peirce, Thomas Spencer.
Inventory, 611 pounds, 19s. 4d.
I, 105
Hyams, John, November 27, 1729.
John Hyams, son, ex.
Inventory, 60 pounds, 19s. 4d.
Briggs, Daniel, yeoman, 9th September, 1727;
7th April. 1730.
To daughter, Hannah, wife of Joseph Gardiner, and heirs,
70 shillings.
" daughter, Martha, wife of Samuel Spencer, and heirs, 10
pounds.
" daughter. Deliverance Briggs, one feather bed and bed-
ding, and 20 pounds.
" daughter, Mary Briggs, one feather bed and bedding and
20 pounds.
" daughter. Deliverance and Mary Briggs, all my movables
within doors.
To my son, Benjamin, exec, and heirs, dwelling house and
farm, and remainder of estate.
Test: Thomas Mattison, William Remington.
Inventory, 323 pounds, 19s. lOd.
28 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Semeralt, Hannah, died January 17. 1729/30.
Henry Semeralt, brother, gives inventory April 11, 1730. 39
pounds, 3s, Od.
Dellenor, Joseph, yeoman, July 5, 1729 ;
April 5. 1731.
To son, John Dellenor, 5 shillings after death of wife,
daughter, Lidia Parker, 1 shilling after death of wife,
son, William, 5 shillings in manner aforesaid,
daughter, Mary Joshling, 1 shilling in manner aforesaid,
my daughter, Abigail Niles, 1 shilling in manner aforesaid,
my wife, Rachael Dellenor, exec, all my estate during life,
my grandson, William, son of Abigail, whole estate after
death of wife aforesaid.
Test: Jeremiah Jones, James Reynolds, Benjamin Sweet.
Inventory, 65 pounds, 07s. 6d.
I, 118
Straight, Henry, blacksmith. 25th October, 1732;
16th November, 1732.
To son, Samuel, at age of 21, 1/3 of estate after bequests.
" sons, John, Thomas, Joseph, and Henry, remainder of
estate after bequests are paid.
To my daughter, Rebekah Beley, 5 shillings.
" " " Elizabeth Straight, 5 shillings.
" " " Hannah Westcote, 5 shillings.
" " " Mary Straight, 5 shillings.
" Sarah Straight, 5 pounds.
" Abigail Straight, 5 pounds.
Mary Straight, 35 pounds for her bringing
up and education, to be given her at age of 18.
son, Thomas, to be the guardian of Henry and Mary.
Thomas, Exec, and heirs, remainder of estate and
lands, after legacies are paid.
Test: Mary Sweet, Nicholas Whitford, Jonathan Picher, John
Jenkins.
Inventory, 172 pounds, 19s. 6d.
I, 122
Slocum, Joseph, yeoman. 31st October, 1732;
27th January, 1732/3.
To my wife, Mary, exec, all movable objects.
my child, not yet born, all my lands and house, to its heirs
and assigns, if said child die without issue after death of
wife aforesaid, all lands to be given to cousin, Thomas
EARLY EAST GREENWICH WILLS
29
Rogers. If Thomas Rogers die without issue all lands to
be given to my cousin, Thomas Green, and heirs.
Test: Caleb Corry, Joseph Corr, William Corr.
Inventory, 402 pounds, 05s Id.
I. 130
Lewis, George, died intestate.
John Nicholas, sole admx. appointed 24th February, Mil/Z.
Inventory, 44 pounds, 14s. lid.
I. 136
Briggs, Richard, yeoman, 29th March, 1733;
28th April, 1733.
To my wife, Exsperiance, 20 pounds and best room in my
dwelling house during widowhood.
" son, Richard, 5 pounds.
" " Francis, 5 pounds and about 8 or 10 acres of land
north and east of iny homestead farm.
" son, John, and heirs, all my homestead farm, with all
priviliges and appurtenances therein, except otherwise
bequeathed.
" son, Caleb 10 acres of land north and east of Capt. Peter
Mawney's land, and south of highway, and west of Jona-
than Nichols, and 5 pounds.
" daughter, Sarah Aylsworth, 20 pounds.
" '■ Ann King, 10 pounds, 5 sheep and 5 lambs.
" sons, Phillip and Daniel, 10 pounds each, to be paid to the
guardian of said sons.
" my daughters, Mary and Ada, 5 pounds each.
" " grandsons, Richard Briggs, Caleb Tarbox, and Richard
Mattison, (bequest illegible) to be paid their respective
fathers.
E.x. : John Briggs, son.
Test: Thomas Spencer, Jeremiah Jenkins, John Jenkins.
Inventorv, 484 pounds, Os. Od.
I, 136
Drake, John, veoman, 16th June, 1733 ;
27th June, 1733.
To my wife, Esther, and heirs, 1/3 estate.
•' Desier A.rnold, wife of John Arnold, 5 pounds.
" Fear Smith, wife of Christopher Smith, 5 pounds.
" my daughter, Elizabeth Drake, and heirs, 100 pounds at
age of 18.
" my son, .Francis Drake, and heirs, the remainder of estate
at age of 21.
30 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
If Francis or Elizabeth die before coming to age, tiieir portion
shall go to the survivor.
Ex.: Joseph Wever and Esther Drake, wife.
Test: William Greene, Benjamin Bentley & William Martin.
Inventory, 707 pounds, 14s. lOd.
I, 341
Hopkins, Joseph, 15th May, 1735;
5th July, 1735.
To my wife, Martha Hopkins, the best room in my dwelling
house, 1 cow, 2 hogs, and the keeping of said cow and
hogs during her natural life, and all my household goods
or movables, in lieu of her third or dowry in my estate.
" my son, Joseph, 5 shillings.
" " sons, William and Samuel, and heirs, my household
farm to be divided equally.
" my son, John, 30 pounds.
" " '■ Robert, Yi my outdoors movables except afore-
said and 30 pounds.
" my son, Thomas, 30 pounds at age of 21, if he dies before
age of 21, the sum to be divided between his sisters,
Phoebe Picher, Hannah and Theodosha Hopkins, and Yz
my outdoors movables except otherwise bequeathed.
To my daughter, Phoebe Picher, 1 cow.
" '■ " Hannah and Theodosha, 25 pounds and 1
cow each.
Ex.: Sons, William and Samuel Hopkins.
Test: Nicholas Whitford, Joseph Berry, John Jenkins.
Inventory, 173 pounds, 17s. 6d.
I, 350
Gardiner, Samuel, October 23, 1735 ;
October 29, 1735.
Mary Gardiner, wife, exec.
Inventory, 258 pounds, 45. lid.
I, 155
Davis, Joshua, yeoman, 27th May, 1734;
31st January, 1735/6.
To my granddaughter, Elda Davis, dau. of William Davis,
5 shillings.
my son, Aaron Davis, 5 shillings and my wearing apparel.
" " " John, 5 shillings,
Samuel Davis, and heirs, all my rights in the
forge and all priviliges therein,
my grandson, Joshua Davis, and heirs, (son of William
EARLY EAST GREENWICH WILLS 3I
Davis) my house lot in East Greenwich. If he die under
age or without issue, the house lot to go to his next eldest
brother, his heirs and assigns.
" my daughter, Rebekah Briggs, wife of James Briggs, 10
pounds.
" my daughter, Katharine Godfree, wife of John Godfree,
and to my granddaughter, Mary Pain, 10 pounds each.
" my daughters, Rebekah Briggs and Katharine Godfree, all
my pewter, marked with my wife's maiden name, to be
equally divided between them.
" my son, Jeffrey Davis, my negro boy, Fentain, my son,
Jeffrey Davis to pay his brother, Samuel, 10 pounds, within
one year, and to pay his brothers, Aaron, and John, 9
pounds, 15s. each within one year after my decease.
" my wife, Mary, the whole profit of the part of my house
I now dwell in, and all household goods, the whole profit
of the northern most half of my homestead farm, or that
my two sons, Jeffrey and Samuel Davis, shall provide one
milch cow and riding beast between them, and pay my
wife 10 pounds each year of her natural life, instead of her
lawful thirds.
Ex.: Samuel and Jeffrey Davis.
Test: Thomas Mattison, Joseph Bery, Thomas Spencer.
Inventorv, 241 pounds, I5s. Od.
I. 157
Spencer, Martha, 27th March, 1736.
Ex.: Walter Spencer, brother.
Inventory, 33 pounds, 10s. 5d.
I, 163
Peckham, Reuben, .Tune 1, 1736 ;
July 2. 1736.
To my wife, Sarah, all the profit my tools and benches, mare,
colt and cow; all household goods, dwelling house in New-
port, now in possession of Andrew Sherburn, during
natural life, after her decease to descend to Anthony
Peckham, son, and his heirs. In case of death ot Anthony
before his mother, the house to go to my cousin, John
To my ^orAnthony. and heirs, my two shops, and one stable
with the land thereto on the Main street in Newport, when
at age of 21. The profits in the meantime to be given to
my wife Sarah. In case said son shall die before age of
32 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
21, said shop and stable and land shall go to John Peck-
ham and heirs. Anthony to be sent to school by his
mother to learn a trade.
Ex.: Sarah Peckham, wife and Ephraim Weeks, uncle, of
Newport.
Test: John Brett, Joseph Nichols & Giles Peirce.
Inventory, 685 pounds, Is. 5 and l/4d.
I, 165
Spencer, Robert, died intest. August 3, 1736,
Ex.: Robert Spencer, yeoman.
Inventory, 254 pounds, 12s. lOd.
I. 171
Case, Abigail, widow of William Case, '^^nd October, 1729 ;
23rd February, 1736/7.
To my grandchildren, Mary Case & Abigail Case & Margaret
Case, daughters of William Case, the estate to be equally
divided with the exception of 20 shillings more to Mar-
garet.
Ex.: John Manchester.
Test: Sarah Tillinghast, Elizabeth Berry, Pardon Tillinghast.
Inventory, 236 pounds,. 2s. 6d.
I, 172
Hope, Mary, widow of Edward Hope, 14th May, 1734;
25th December, 1736.
To my son, William Hope, 5 shillings.
" " daughter, Mary Roberts, black silk hood
" " " Content Hope, feather bed and furniture
thereto belonging.
" my daughters, aforesaid, all my other goods and money.
Ex.: John Manchester, my cousin.
Test.: John Nichols, Thomas Mattison, John Jenkins.
Inventory, 113 pounds, 13s. 4d.
I, 176
Briggs, Thomas, January 4th, 1724;
December 25, 1736.
To my wife; Martha, residue of estate after debts are paid, and
after her death to go to my daughter, Ann Gardiner.
Test: Joseph Edwards, Ishm.ael Spink, Thomas Spencer.
Inventory, 157 pounds, 5s. lid.
I, 181
[CONTINUED IN THE APRIL NUMBER]
Rhode Island
Historical Society
Collections
Vol. XV April, 1922 No. 2
CONTENTS
PAGE
TheWallum Pond Estates
By Harry Lee Barnes 33
Abstracts of Early East Greenwich Wills
By Norman M. Isham and Howard W. Preston . 55
Report of the Treasurer
Notes
58
62
$3.00 per year Issued Quarterly 75 cents per copy
RHODE
HISTORICAL
ISLAND
SOCIETY
COLLECTIONS
Vol. XV
April, 1922
No. 2
Howard W. PRESTON,Presidenf Edward K. ALDRICH, Jr.Jreaturer
George T. SPICER, Secretary HOWARD M. CHAPIN, Librarian
The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the
opinions of contributors.
The Wallum Pond Estates
By Harry Lee Barnes
Location and Surroundings.
Wallum Ponds which is crossed near its southern end by the
42nd parallel, lies about l>4 miles east of the Connecticut h'ne,
partly in Douglas, Mass., and partly in Burrillville, Rhode
Island. It is situated in the southern part of what in early
Colonial times was called the Nipmuck country. The Nipmuck
lands extended from Central Massachusetts northward past the
Watchusett Hills, to about the southern line of New Hamp-
shire ; northeastward to the Pawtuckets on the lower Merrimac ;
eastward to the Massachusetts Indians by the Bay, and to the
Wampanoags east of the Blackstone ; southward to the northern
Rhode Island bands tributary to the Narragansetts. and to the
Mohegans of east central Connecticut; and westward to the
Indians of the Connecticut valley.
1 For information concerning Wallum Pond on the early maps, see
appendix.
34 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
A small stream rises in southern Douglas, easterly of Wallum
Pond and flows southerly across the Rhode Island line into the
Pascoag River. Its sources were favorite Indian camping sites
and it has been called Nipmuck Brook from early times. Ten
miles southeasterly of Wallum Pond is NipsachuckS a place
through which King Philip passed in his flight westward to the
Nipmuck country. Three miles northwesterly of Wallum Pond,
in Webster. Mass., lies a lake called Chaubunagungamaug, a
word which is said to have meant, "The Boundary Fishing
Place." Six miles westerly was the village of Ouantisset, once
plundered by the Narragansetts to revenge an insult to their
Sachem. Twelve miles to the westward liCAond the Quinebaug
River in Woodstock was Wabbaquassef-. "The Mat producing
Countr}^," so called from some marsh or meadow which fur-
nished reeds for mats and baskets. Twelve miles to the south-
west in central Killingly was Wahmunsqueeg, "The Spot
resorted to for Whetstones." The land about Plainfield, Conn.,
south of Wabbaquasset and Wamunsqueeg was the Quinebaug
country.
Wallum or Alliim?
People of the present day who recall events before 1850
pretty generally agree that in their youth, the name "Allum
Pond," was more frequently used by the old people. It is
worthy of note that "Alum" is the name given two ponds about
thirty miles to the westward in Massachusetts. As early as
1710, the Rhode Island deeds referred to this pond as Allum or
Allom Pond and the Report of the Rhode Island-Massachusetts
Boundary Commission which surveyed the line in 1719 men-
tioned Allum Pond. The first map to show the pond spelled
with a "W" was the Douglas map of 1753. It must be conceded
that Dr. Douglas had excellent opportunities to get information
as he frequented this vicinity. He had a great interest in history
and it is not impossible that he was informed by local Indians
that Walamp was more nearly like the Indian pronunciation
1 Hubbard, Drake's Edition, Vol. 1, page 90.
- Lamed's History of Windham County.
THE WALLUM POND ESTATES
35
than Alium. The spelling W'alamp on the Douglas map was
followed for decades in deeds of land about the Massachusetts
end of the pond by owners, many of whom knew Dr. Douglas
and some of whom may have seen his map. The name W'alamp
did not endure probably because it could not be established
against local tradition without the schools, which did not flour-
ish in this vicinity until after Caleb Harris had published his
map in 1795 showing "AUum Pond." It is certain that the ear-
liest Massachusetts settlers also used the word "Allum." for in
Dr. Douglas' own deed from the Province of Massachusetts.
we find that his land extended "southerly on the Province or
Colony line which runs through a great Pond called Allum
Pond." There are also facts which cast grave doubt on the
accuracy of the spelling on the Douglas map. On this map.
Badluck Pond. 2 miles northerly of Wallum Pond, is spelled
Budluck Pond ; Nipmuck River is spelled Nutmeg River, and
Hemlock Brook is spelled Hembeck Brook. These stupid mis-
takes could hardly have been made by Dr. Douglas. The map
was published in England after his death and these errors were
almost certainly due to the illegibility of the manuscripts or to
carelessness of the pr^nters^ There is strong probability that
the illegible handwriting or carelessness which converted Bad-
luck into Budluck. Nipmuck into Nutmeg and Hemlock into
Hembeck also corrupted Allum into \\'alamp. Although the
name W'alamp did not endure, there is evidence that it was,
perhaps, inadvertently changed into Wallum. For instance, in
1802. when Jonah Brown bought land of John Hunt, the first
bound is located "By the east side of Wallomp Pond so called."
a name obviously derived from the Douglas spelling, as it con-
tained both the initial JV and the terminal /^. When Jonah
Brown sold this land in 1811. Wallomp was changed to \\'allum
in describing the same bound. On April 25th. 1812. the Burrill-
ville Town Council records refer to Wallum Pond, \\niether
the name \\'allum crept from the Massachusetts deeds into com-
lA committee of the General Court of MassachuseUs found Dr.
Douglas' map very erroneous and recommended against its publication.
Province laws 1753-4. Chapter 133.
36 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
mon speech and on to the map makers or whether the latter
were advised by some student of the Indian language that Wal-
lum was preferable to Allum, or whether some of the map
makers were influenced by seeing the Douglas map. is unknown,
but at all events, after 1855, Wallum established its place on
maps by \\'alling and others and was taught to the children of
the ^^'allum Pond School after 1860. The name Wallum gained
ground slowly in common speech among the natives during the
latter part of the 19th century until by 1905 Allum was used
only by people past middle life.
In that it has been handed down from the old settlers and is
found in the oldest and most reliable documents, Allum (Allam
or Allom) is preferable to Wallum. Allum is almost certainly
the word which was received from the Nipmucks of this vicinity
so far as it could be accurately understood, pronounced and
spelled by the men who settled these parts. The opinion
expressed by modern students of the Algonquin language that
Wallum was more nearly correct than Allum, will be presented
later.
Opinions as to the Meaning of Allum.
Trumbull, the Connecticut historian, states that Allum or
Wallum Pond took its name from "A Quinebaug Captain whose
name, meaning Fox (Peq. A'Wumps)^ was variously written
Allums, Allumps.Hyems, lams, Hyenps." In view of the similar-
ity of the name of Allum Pond to that of the Sachem, Allumps,
of Trumbull's opinion that it was named after this chief, which
has been accepted by other historians, and of Trumbull's reputa-
tion as historian and student of the Indian language, the life of
Allumps will be appended in some detail".
It appears that after leaving Pawtuckquachooge in the Nar-
ragansett Country, Allumps made his home in Egunk, Conn.,
near the Rhode Island line, about 24 miles as the crow flies,
south of Allum Pond. Had he ever lived at Allum Pond, it is
unlikely that this fact would not have been mentioned by his
1 Indian Names in Connecticut. J. H. Trumbull, page 3.
- See appendix.
THE WALLUM POND ESTATES 37
Indian contemporaries at the legislative investigation, as they
were particularly questioned as to his residence, Passagcogon
recalling the one year which AUumps spent West of the Quine-
baug. If in addition to this documentary evidence, we consider
that there is no local tradition that Allumps ever lived here, that
it was not customary for Indians to name places after individ-
uals, and that there was another Alum Pond in Sturbridge and
still another in Brimfield. Mass., Trumbull's statement that this
pond was named after Allumps, is, to say the least, improbable.
Mr. Sidney S. Rider, in his "Lands of Rhode Island," stated
that Allum Pond was known to the earliest Englishmen there
as Awamp's Pond ; Awumps was a Nipmuck Sachem whom
these English found there. The name became in time AUum's
Pond and at last ^^'allunl." Mr. Rider was unable to cite^
authority for the above statements and there appears to be
no written evidence or local tradition that Wallum Pond was
ever called Awamp's Pond or that a Nipmuck Sachem by that
name ever lived here.
In his "Key." Roger Williams gives Alum as the Nipmuck
word for dog, but there is no rock or striking object about the
pond which resembles a dog. While not in accordance with the
usual custom- of the Indians to name a pond after an animal
not naturally found nearby, it might have been done if some
unusual incident in connection with a dog had happened here.
However, the fact that two other ponds to the westward should
be named Alum makes it highly improbable tliat these three
ponds were named after dogs. There is also good authority for
the view that the word Alum, like many Indian words, had more
than one meaning,
Wal was a root frequently used by the Nipmucks of this
vicinity in naming persons as well as places, thus : Walomachm,
Walumpaw, Walowononck, etc.
In Ruttenber's Indian Geographical Names, the meaning of
the word Allum as it occurs in the phrase, Allum Rocks, is thus
1 Mr. Rider's statement to writer.
2 Mr. William B. Cabot, in a personal communication to the writer
so states as pertains to the present Algonqums of Labrador.
38 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
explained in a footnote on page 41 : " 'Wallam' — the initial 'W
dropped — literally 'Paint Rocks' a formation of Igneous rocks
which, by exposure, become disintegrated into soft earthy
masses. There are several varieties. The Indians used the dis-
integrated masses for paint. The name is met in some forms
in all xA.lgonquin dialects."
In his Key to the Indian Language, Roger Williams gives the
following Indian words and their definitions:
Aunakesu He is painted
Aunakeuck They are jiainted
On page 183 of Dexter's edition of the Key, the word "Wun-
nam" is defined as "red earth" and as "Their red painting which
they most dehght in." If the Nipmuck 1 be substituted for the
Narragansett n. W'unnam is changed into Wullam. In the
translation of the sentence, "Jezebel painted her face," II. Kings
9:30, in Eliot's Bible, no words or syllables occur which have
any similarity to \\^allum and the same may be said of the pas-
sages in Jeremiah, 22:14, and Ezekiel, 23:40, which refer
to painting. Mr. Lincoln M. Kinnicutt^ quotes Mr. Harry
Wright as saying that "the Indians about Hudson Bay used the
word Woloman or Wolomon as meaning something red, not as
a synonym for red, but for something colored red. The gum
which they use on their boats and which they color red, they
call Woloman." In the translation of the words "dyed red," in
Eliot's Bible, Exodus 25:5, 26:14, 35:7 and 35:23, Woloman
is not used, but the more common word for red, Masquodsu.
In Eliot's Bible the word "Wunne" is frequently used to express
the English word "good," and "\\'unnetu" to express the word
"beautiful." If the Ni])muck 1 be substituted for the Massa-
chusetts n, Wunne is converted into Wulle, which is very sim-
ilar to Wallum, especially if it be considered that the Indians
had no written language, the settlers writing down the word as
it sounded with considerable variation of the spelling, depending
on who wrote it. In defining the word "Wallum," Ruttenber
comments further as follows : "It is from a generic root written
in different dialects. Walla, Wara. etc., meaning 'fine, hand-
1 Indian Names of Places in Worcester County.
THE WALLUM POND ESTATES 39
some, good,' etc., from which in the Delaware, Dr. Brinton
derived Walam Tainted,' 'from the sense to be fine in appear-
ance, to dress, which the Indians accompHshed by painting their
bodies.' " Cabot^ also states that "the bottom meaning of the
word Allum is fine, beautiful." As no red rocks, soil or other
materials which the Indians could have used for paint have so
far been found about the Allum ponds, it is not unlikely that
these ponds were given the name Allum in its primary meaning.
Wallum Pond is attractive in general appearance and is noted
for the clarity and purity of its water, its outlet stream having
been known as Clear River from the earliest times. Even in a
country where g6od water is plentiful, one must go a long way
to find such transparent pond water. This remarkably fine qual-
ity or clarity of the water is the most striking feature common
to the three Alum Ponds, and these qualities should have
impressed the Indians as much as their white successors. There
is, in fact, a tradition or belief- in Brimfield that the Indian
word Alum as applied to these ponds meant "clear water."
Assuming that "Allum" or "Wallum" Pond meant to the Indian
"fine" pond, "good" pond, or "beautiful" pond, it was an appro-
priate name for these ponds. While at this date there can be
no certainty what the Indians meant by using the word Allum
or Wallum in connection with this pond, the evidence favors the
definition last given.
Indian Relics and Traditions.
A tradition' has been handed down from early times that the
Indians had corn fields on Wallum Pond Hill and that the set-
tlers, on opening the hills of corn, found sand therein, which
the Indians had carried from the beach at the northern end of
the pond and which they believed aided the growth of the corn.
As the soil about here is wet and heavv, it seems likelv that the
^ In a personal communication to the writer.
- Information obtained from Mr. W. C. Davenport, of East Brim-
field, Mass.
"> Statements to the writer by Seth Ross (1829- ), received from
several men in his youth, by Sylvester Angell from his father, Brown
Angell, and by Barton Jacobs from Otis Buxton.
40 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
sand might have given their corn an earlier start. About a third
of a mile eastward from the Singleton place on Wallum Pond
Hill, a ridge of gravel about ten feet high and fifty feet wide
at the base, rises abruptly from the low land and extends about
1,500 feet southerly from the Massachusetts-Rhode Island line
across the highway leading from the Singleton place to the Tas-
seltop road. There is a tradition^ - that this ridge which lies
between the swamp by the brook on the east and south and the
southern part of Bear Swamp on the west, was utilized by the
Indians for a fort. The Indian forts were frequently adjacent
to swamps, and this ridge possessed great natural strength for
such purpose. Many Indian arrow heads and highly polished
stones of various colors about ^ inch square and 2 or 3 inches
long have been ploughed out of the narrow strip of land between
the ridge and the brook". A few hundred feet to the eastward
of the ridge on the old Eddy place was the "Island Lot," so
called because many years ago a small brook dividing southerly
of the house and reuniting about 800 feet northerly enclosed
several acres of land with tiny streams during high water. On
the westerly side of this lot as late as 1880 were a few mounds
spared the plough by Daniel Buxton because they were Indian
graves^-. Many Indian arrow heads were found on the Ezra
Stone (Friery) farm westerly of the gravel ridge^, and on the
Charles Arnold farm". Arrow heads were found but with less
frequency by those who ploughed the lands near the Sana-
torium.
On the Ernest Singleton (Asahel Aldrich) place is a large
egg shaped stone, a photograph of which is shown. Old
people claimed that this stone was formerly on the Israel
Aldrich farm on the northern end of Wallum Pond Hill, and
^Received from Lippitt Eddy (1755-1838) by Daniel Buxton, given
to writer by the latter's son, Wm. Buxton.
-Levi Brown and Jos. Bowdish (1810-1900), through Nancy Buxton
Anderson to writer.
■' Ellen Buxton Church to writer.
* Wm. Buxton to writer.
^ James Riley to writer.
6 Fred Arnold to writer.
Wallum Pond Indian Relics. See Page 40
Map of Wallum Pond and Vicinilv
THE WALLUM POND ESTATES
41
Key to Map.
100 places mentioned in the text and numbered on the map.
1. Ballard's House
2. Store
Blacksmith Shop
Cotton House
Gristmill
Sawmill
Cotton Mill
Shingle Mill
Woolen Mill
3. Turning Lathe
4. Middle Mill
5. Sylvester Anpfc'.l's House
6. Angell's Store
7. Kimball House
8. Timothy Jenne House
9. Robbins House
10. State Sanatorium
Jenne Graveyard
11. Seth Jenne House
12. Lower Sawmill
13. A. Phillips House
14. Sanborn House
15. Green House
16. King House
17. Cranberry Bog
18. Peters House
19. Wells House
20. Whipple Angell House
21. Chase House
22. R. Angell Tavern
23. Scott Cabin
24. Porter House
25. Ward House
26. Twist House
27. Money Rocks
28. Robbins Cabin
29. Stanfiekl House
30. Wm. Trask House
31. Whiting House
32. Logee Tavern
33. "Boiling" Spring
34. Trask Brook
35. Goat Rock
36. Sawmill Pond
37. Badger Mountain
38. Cold Spring Brook
39. Leeson Brook
40. Gaucher Camp
41. Coon Cave
42. Rattlesnake Ledge
43. Worsley House
44. Whitman House
45. Starr House
46. Thayer Cabin
47. Buxton House
48. Mason House
49. Blacksmith Shop
50. Coffee House
51. The Brass Ball
52. The Gore
53. Chamberlain Pond
54. Aldrich Pond
55. Snake Den
56. Boarding House
57. The Ice House
58. Brick Yard
59. Dyer Camp
60. Inman Camp
61. Granger Camp
62. Singleton Camp
63. Moss Pond
64. Indian Rock
65. Lovers Rock
66. Mormon Church
67. Indian Camp Site
68. Bowdish House
69. School House
70. Israel Aldrich House
71. Graveyard
72. Vickers House
73. Chas. Arnold House
74. A. Ritchie House
75. Bear Swamp
76. Fairfield Place
77. Olney Angell House
78. Singleton House
79. Graveyard
80. Enoch Angell House
81. School House
82. School House
83. Tannery
84. Asahel Alger House
85. Adam White House
86. Samuel White House
87. Quarries
88. Joshua Alger House
89. Preserved Alger House
90. George Stone House
91. Stone Graveyard
92. Jonah Brown House
93. Ezra Stone House
94. Gravel Ridge
95. Indian Fort Site
96. Eddy Graveyard
97. Dutee Eddy House
98. Island Lot
99. Indian Graves Site
100. "The Hemlock" Woods
42 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
that it was an Indian corn grinding stone. The stone appears
to be a granite similar in character to the granite boulders of
this vicinity. It has a remarkably symmetrical ovoid form with
a fairly smooth surface, evidently shaped and finished by human
agency. One end of the stone has a slightly hollowed facet
about six inches in diameter. From one side of this facet, a
thin piece measuring about three by two inches has been chipped
off. As the stone rests on its flattened end, it measures thirteen
inches in height and fourteen and a half inches in width at the
widest part. Measvired at right angles to its vertical axis, as
it sets on end. it has a maximum circumference of forty-two
and one-half inches. The weight of the stone is 130 pounds.
On one side appears the figure of a human head, cut in about
one-sixteenth of an inch. The part about the nose and lips
appears imperfectly drawn. The lines shown in the photograph
were traced with chalk, excepting the line of the back which
extends a little farther than shown in the photograph. On one
side of the stone opposite to the drawing of the head, is the
letter A, the sides of the A being about one and one-half inches
long. The letter surely, and the figure probably, was not pro-
duced by uncivilized red men. Stones smaller but similar in
shape are still used by backward peoples, in husking or grinding
grain^. It is very unlikely that the settlers would fashion or use
a stone in this way, as there were grain mills in this section
when the Wallum Pond lands were cleared. It appears to be
what tradition claims for it. an Indian corn grinding stone.
Although so heavy, it rolls easily and grinds corn well, as has
been recently demonstrated. The size and weight of the stone
are evidence in favor of a large and permanent Indian popula-
tion in this vicinity, as a small population would not need it, and
without beasts of burden, it would have been impracticable for
Indians to transport it.
The boulder on which the ovoid stone was photographed is
a quadrilateral shaped rock about eleven feet on each side, the
top being between four and five feet above the ground. It is
located about 600 feet westerly of the James H. Singleton place
1 See The National Geographic Magazine, Vol. XLL, Page 211.
I
THE WALLUM POND ESTATES 43
on the southwestern slope of Wallum Pond Hill, and about 1
mile from where the ovoid stone was found. Near the eastern
side of the flat top of the boulder is an area about three by four
feet depressed below the surface from two to five inches, and
suggesting a fitting place for the use of the corn grinding stone.
There is no convincing evidence of the use of the boulder by the
Indians, and no traditions in regard to it, are known to exist.
The pestle shown in the photograph, now in the possession of
the writer, was found by Alexander Ritchie on his farm on
Wallum Pond Hill in 1906.
Indian relics were frequently found in the vicinity of the
house at one time occupied by Reuben Fairfield, situated on the
highway leading easterly from the Israel Aldrich place on Wal-
lum Pond Hill and about 2 miles therefrom. About 300 feet
easterly of this house is a small graveyard where Simeon Heren-
deen (1743-1820), a Revolutionary soldier, was buried. Heren-
deen owned the land running northward from the graveyard to
the house of his son-in-law, Jonathan Marcy, and this property
has been continuously in possession of this family, including the
present owner, Edwin Esten, the great-grandson. The latter's
mother told him that the Indian cornfields were located between
the Marcy house and the gravcA'ard and showed him two rocks
where the Indians ground their corn. One of these boulders,
near the corner of a stone wall about 30 rods southeasterly of
the Marcy house, was inspected by the writer in 1920. It
showed a shallow depression about 18 inches in diameter. Near
this rock, a stone pestle was found by Mr. Esten. about 1855.
When a child. Mr. Esten was shown several poles about 5 inches
in diameter which according to the family tradition, were frag-
ments of wigwam poles. About 100 feet easterly of the grave-
yard, is a large "boiling" spring said to liave been used by the
Indians at this camp site. It is likely that, after 1800. some of
the Indians belonging to their settlements in Natick. Webster
and Woodstock, were allowed to camp temporarily at some of
their old sites and that it was the poles remaining from these
camps which were shown Mr. Esten. About a mile and a half
northeasterly from the northern end of Wallum Pond and about
44 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
100 feet southerly of the Grand Trunk road bed, is a large flat
topped ledge called Indian Rock^ According to lAIrs. Syra Jeph-
erson (Patty Pease), there were at one time Indian cornfields
easterly of this rock and also to the northward on the easterly
side of what is now Moss Pond. About 1853. she showed
Edward Esten two holes in this rock which had been used by
the Indians for grinding corn. Several years later, part of this
ledge was quarried and one of the holes destroyed. The remain-
ing hole was shown to the writer by ]\Ir. Esten in 1920. It
forms a shallow basin, about one foot in diameter, and the rock
has the appearance of having been worn down by artificial
means. In the centre of the depression is an oval hole about
5 inches by 3 inches by 4 inches deep. From these relics and
traditions, it is certain that Wallum Pond and vicinity were
much frequented by the Indians.
Walomachin or Black James.
Before 1674. the Indians of several villages a few miles to the
westward in Thompson, Woodstock and Webster, had been
converted to Christianity by Indian missionaries trained by the
Rev. John Eliot. Major Daniel Gookin-. the Indian agent of
Massachusetts, had appointed Black James constable over the
"Praying Towns," empowering him to apprehend delinquents,
to bring those guilty of minor ofifences before Wattasacom-
panum, ruler of the Nipmuck country, and to bring those guilty
of idolatry and powwowing before Gookin. Black James at
first won high praise from Gookin as being "zealous to sup-
press sin," but, on the outbreak of King Philip's War, he joined
the enemy. By convincing the Indians outside the "Praying
Towns" that they would all be killed' because they were not
praying Indians and by forcing the praying Indians'to join the
hostiles or be killed by them\ he exercised great influence over
the Indians of this section. Before the war. he lived at Chau-
1 Many old people of this vicinity transmit the tradition that this was
an maian rock.
'' Gookin's Narrative. Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. First Series Vol. 1.
■■ Temple's History of North Brookfield. p. 74.
^Drake's Book of the Indians, book H., p. 118.
THE WALLUM POND ESTATES
45
bunagungamun (Webster) and on Oct. 23, 1700, he sold 240
acres of land on the north end of lake "Chaubungum." situa'ted
about five miles northwesterly of the northern end of Wallum
Pond, the plot accompanying the deed showing the location of
the lake, fort, etc.^ As late as 1702, Black James plotted mis-
chief with other Indians near lirookfield^ Walomachin was
the most important Indian to deed that part of the Nipmuck
country embracing the lands about the northern end of W^allum
Pond to the Colony of Massachusetts.
The Southern Nipmncks.
On May 11, 1681, Massachusetts authorized William Stough-
ton and Joseph Dudley to investigate the Indian titles to the
Nipmuck country and report. About a month later, after due
notice, a meeting of the Indian claimants was called in Cam-
bridge with Mr. Eliot as interpreter. The Indians were found
"willing enough to claim the whole country, but litigious and
doubtful among themselves," and were therefore dismissed to
settle their differences. Before the second meeting in the fol-
lowing September, the principal claimants were "warned" to
travel in company with the commissioners as far and as much
as one week would allow. On Oct. 17th, Stoughton and Dudley
reported to the legislature that the Southern Nipmuck country
claimed by Black James & Co. was "capable of good settlement
if not too scant of meadow though uncertain what will fall
within the bounds if our line be questioned." After due author-
ization, Stoughton and Dudley bought for 20 pounds, Feb. 10,
1682. of "Black James & Co.," a triangular tract of land
bounded on the east by the Blackstone or Nipmuck River, on
the southeast by a line of marked trees, on the south by the
south line of Massachusetts, on the north by an imaginary line
four miles north of the Boston-Springfield path and coming to
a point on the west on the Connecticut line near Springfield,
reserving for the Indians a tract of land five miles square after-
1 Land records in the office of the Secretary of State, Boston. Mass.
Archives, Vol. 31, p. 46, 47, Map and Plan 3rd scries, Vol. 32, p. 16.
2 Letter of Tohn Perry to Gov. Dudley. Mass. Archives, Vol. 70.
p. 618, 619.
46 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
ward set off in Oxford and Thompson. The names of the
Indians who signed or subsequently agreed to the deed were :
Black James, alias Walomachin Sean Jasco
Benjamin Wabequalan
James Sebaquat
Simon Wolomp Madaquamin
Tascomp Cook Robin
Sasequejasuck Pamphosit
Pomponechum Naontock
Papomsham Nanatoho
Wolowononck Aspenaw
Pe Pegous Peter Pacataw
John Awagwon John Hownaheteammen
Sosoquaw Mattaomp
Tobi Alataquish Mat Waisk
James Wiser Wawunhit
James Acojock Sam A I. Seeg
Welompaw Cotoosonk
Papeunquanant Acadaquami
Waumshk Wawaus, or James Printer
On May 18th, 1682, a second deed was signed by one Indian
whose name does not appear on the first one, namely, Sewos-
sasco. Twelve other Indians who, though absent at the signing
of the first deed, had apparently authorized their signatures,
also signed this second deed. These deeds obviously included
the northern or Massachusetts end of Wallum Pond and the
adjacent lands. The northern Nipmuck country toward Wachu-
sett was not bought at this time because the Commissioners could
not find Indians "meet to be treated with thereabouts." The
care taken by the Commissioners to make the titles valid by
securing signatures from the Indians of each locality warrants
the assumption that the 37 signers of the deeds were the head
men of this region, probably the heads of families. If we so
assume and also assume, as did Gookin and Eliot, that the Indian
family averaged five members, there were in 1682, in the South-
ern Nipmuck country of Massachusetts, at least 185 Indians of
local Nipmuck origin in addition to Narragansetts and others
THE WALLUM POND ESTATES 47
who are known to have emigrated here. Although northwestern
Rhode Island was clearly Nipmuck country, this colony did not
recognize the Nipmuck claims and it is doubtful whether there
were any Indian deeds to settlers about Wallum Pond on the
Rhode Island side of the line. The only Indian deed in Burrill-
ville known to the writer is that of John Hoaneniuhesio to
Edward Salisbury of land near Herring Pond, dated March 8,
1774. A. F. Brown, in his article on Douglas\ states that,
"prior to the year 1708, the territory now embraced within the
limits of the town of Douglas was an unbroken forest inhabited
by a few Indian stragglers from the Narragansett or Nipmuck
Tribes. One small band occupied the extreme easterly part of
the town, another the southern part and still another band were
located northerly of the centre." Some of the Indians are said
to have died of smallpox-, which, according to Emerson^ was
epidemic in Douglas in 1792 and 1825. Descendants of these
Indians continued to live in Douglas, some of them in the vicin-
ity of Wallum Pond until well into the last century. They made
and peddled baskets and other handiwork. A few intermarried
with whites and more with negroes.
Patty Pease.
One of the last of the Nipmucks reputed to be of pure blood
was Patty Pease. At some time prior to 1835, she lived with
her mother, who was said to have been a medicine woman, in a
cabin northerly of the Abel Parker sawmill. This sawmill site
is northerly of the highway running easterly toward Douglas
from Wallum Pond Hill and about a mile from the latter. About
300 feet northwesterly of the mill dam, is a large boulder which
has been quarried and was the site of the courtship of this Indian
girl bv her white lover. Syra Jepherson. After their marriage,
they lived about a mile from Tasseltop. She often visited Badluck
Pond to gather material for baskets. There was a tradition among
the old settlers of this vicinity that Badluck Pond was so named
1 Hamilton Kurd's History of Worcester Co., p. 1395.
2 Statement of Joseph Wallis, given to the writer by his son, W. K.
Wallis.
3 Emerson's History of Douglas, p. 62.
48 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
by the Indians because one of them was drowned there\ Patty-
told Edward Esten that this pond was given an Indian name
meaning bad luck because an Indian with his squaw and papoose
were drowned in attempting to cross it in a canoe. Three sons
of Patty Pease Jepherson entered the Union armies during the
Civil War and two of her grandsons with decidedly Indian cast
of features were employed in the construction of the hospital at
Wallum Pond in 1916.
The Boston Men.
In response to a petition, the General Court of Massachusetts,
in November, 1722, appointed a committee to sell 3,000 acres of
common land in what is now southern Douglas. The committee,
consisting of Paul Dudley, John Quincy and Benjamin Whitt-
more, held an auction at the Green Dragon Tavern in Boston on
Wednesday, the 3rd day of April, 1723. A 1100-acre tract near
the present Uxbridge line was sold to Dr. William Douglas and
associates for 4 shillings per acre and a 1900-acre tract adjacent
to Wallum Pond was sold to Benjamin Bronsdon and associates
for 3 shillings, 3 pence per acre. When the deeds were made
out the next day, it appeared that Dr. Douglas' and Mr. Brons-
don's associates were the same and that both tracts were to be
divided equally among the following six men : Dr. William
Douglas. Benjamin Bronsdon, John Binning, Abijah Savage,
Andrew Tyler and William Tyler. To distinguish this tract
from previous grants to Sherburn men, it was called "The Bos-
ton Men's Farms." The bounds of this 1900-acre tract as stated
in the original deed are rather hard to locate, but in the settle-
ment of the estate of Andrew Tyler, these bounds are given as
follows : "Beginning at a white oak tree in the Colony line North
6>4° East 545 rods to Hedgehog Corner, then west 3^4° North
500 rods to Bear Corner, then south 6><° west 156 rods to a
stone heap on a knowle, then west 180 rods to a white oak tree,
then South 6><° west 400 rods to the Colony line, then on the
Colony line to Walomp pond then bound round the North end
1 Statement to the writer by William Church, which information was
received from Salem Walling.
THE WALLUM POND ESTATES 4Q
of said pond till it comes to the Colony line again, then on said
line to the bound first mentioned." From a deed of Jeremiah
Green to John Hunt, it is possible to fix the first bound as 372
rods from the point where the Colony line crosses the East bank
of Wallum Pond, and the 1900-acre tract is located approxi-
mately as shown on the map. The original plot of the division
of the 1900-acre tract among the 6 men is not known to be in
existence but all the lots ran eastward from the east shore of the •
pond more than a mile, a considerable distance east of the high-
way over Wallum Pond Hill. John Binning, a mercliant, had
the lot next the colony line. After his death, the land passed to
his only child and heir, Sarah, who had married Jeremiah Green,
a Boston distiller.
Dr. William Douglas (1691 - 1752). a Scotchman, who
arrived in Boston in 1718, established a lucrative practice, and
was brought into considerable prominence by his Historical
Summary, his writings on vaccination and other medical sub-
jects. His map of New England has previously been alluded to.
Dr. Douglas acquired much land in Boston, in Douglas and
other parts of Worcester County. In 1750, he gave 30 acres of
land and a dwelling house to the inhabitants of what was then
New Sherborn and the people of this district gave the town his
name. After Dr. Douglas' death, his lands in this vicinity
passed to his sister, Catherine Carr. Andrew Tyler (1692-
1767), a goldsmith and merchant, had married Miriam, daughter
of William PepperelF, Baronet, the famous Governor^of^^Iassa-
chusetts. Andrew's brother, William Tyler (1687-1758), a
brazier, had married Jane, Miriam's sister. Andrew Tyler's
131-acre lot, 62 rods wide, lay north of the present Ritchie place
on Wallum Pond Hill. After his death, this lot went to his
granddaughter, Miriam. A part was later sold to Caleb Whiting
for nonpayment of taxes, and the remainder, Miriam sold to Dr.
Jennison. ' Another lot west of the Pond and the Cedar Swamp
lot northwest of the pond was left by Andrew Tyler to h,s
daughter, Marv. The warrant for the division of Andrew
1 Parson's Life of Pcpperell, pp. 31-32.
50 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Tyler's estate was dated May 7, 1767. William Tyler had pur-
chased Benjamin Bronsdon's share in the tract. Some of Wil-
liam Tyler's land lay about the northern end of the pond. After
his death, his lands passed to his son, Joseph. Abijah Savage's
lot lay next the colony line extending westward from the west
shore of the pond. None of the Boston men lived on their
Wallum Pond lands.
The Rhode Island Proprietors.
The original deed which Roger Williams obtained from the
Narragansett Sachems on March 24. 1638, did not cover the
Wallum Pond section ; but, by subsequent deeds, colonial cliar-
ters and boundary agreements with Massachusetts and Connecti-
cut, this land was finally confirmed to Rhode Island. As desir-
able settlers came and contributed funds to the Colony they were
voted into the company until there were 101 proprietors who
divided up the lands and sold to other settlers. The land was
divided and sold a little at a time, some of it being held in com-
mon over 100 years. Nearly all the land west of the seven-mile
line (a north and south line 7 miles west of Providence) was
held in common or as undivided land up to 1700. Between 1705
and 1729, there were 10 dififerent divisions of lands west of the
seven-mile line among the proprietors^ It should be understood
that many of the proprietors were Providence men of consider-
able means who only held land as a speculation and who did
not care to live on it. Squatters or tenants sometimes improved
the lands. The first deed or lay out of land in the vicinity of
Allum Pond so far noticed in the records of Providence is given
below.
"Paper No. 16853."-
"Layed out to JoSeph WilkiSson and William Hopkins one
hundred acres of land on ye weSt Side of ye Seuen ^lile line
and within ye TownShip of providence and neer a pond Called
allam pond and bounded as followeth beginning at a white oake
tree being ye northweSterly Corner then Rainging SouthweSt
1 See Town Paper No. 17885, book 39D, page 65.
- Providence Town Papers Vol. 39A.
THE WALLUM POND ESTATES 5 1
Sixty poles to a walnut tree marked and Stones laved about it
then Rainging SoutheEterly one hundred and ninty two poles to
a CheStnutt tree marked and Stones layed about it then Raing-
ing northeSterly to a white oake tree l^cir.- being one hundred
and twenty poles then Rainging upon a Strate line Cv.ut!:!i£tcrlv
one hundred and ninty two poles to ye first mentioned bound
the aboueSd bounds are all marked and Stones layed about them
Layd out to William Hopkins fifty acres of land on the WeSt
Side of ye Seuen mile line and within ye Township of providence
and bounded as foUoweth beginning at a white oake tree marked
then Rainging weSterly forty poles to a read oake tree marked
then Rainging Southerly one hundred and twenty poles to a
white c::l:2 trc2 pine tree marked then Rainging eSte ninty Eight
poles to a white oake tree marked, then Rainging north one hun-
dred and twenty poles to ye firSt mentioned white oake tree,
being Situate alittlsbout a mile from allom pond and about
SoutheSterly from ye Same and was layed out on ye origonal
of ( ) and upon ye fifty acre diuiSion on ye weSt Side of ye
aforeSd Seuen mile line which was agreed upon by the pur-
cherSors layed out ye Eigth Day of apriel in ye }eare one
thouSand Seuen hundred and ten by me"
On April 11, 1729, Elisha Knowlton surveyed a lot of land
for Nicholas Lapham in the 140 acre division. This land was
some distance east of Allum Pond and next the Colony line,
probably near Nipmauge brook. John Whipple was living on
this land when he bought it of Lapham, Nov. 27, 1746.
Nicholas Power 3rd, by his will dated March 16, 1732. dis-
posed of 1294 acres of land in Gloucester west of the seven
mile line. This tract of land when laid out extended roughly
from the Clear River outlet of Wallum Pond on the north,
southward about 2>4 miles to Little Worth cedar swamp below
the corner of the Buck Hill Road. It was about a mile wide
east and west and included practically all the original 250 acre
tract later purchased for the State Sanatorium. The right^ of
Nicholas Power 3rd, to these 1294 acres was based on the orig-
inal purchase rights of his great-grandfather. Nicholas Power.
1 See deed of Power to Gibbs, Gloucester Records.
52 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
and of Francis Weston, Thomas Roberts and Benjamin Smith.
Francis Weston was one of the 12 grantors of the initial deed^
He was captured with the Gortonists at Warwick, carried to
Boston, September. 1643, brought before the Court Nov. 3rd,
sent to prison at Dorchester, released in March, 1644, and ban-
ished both from Massachusetts and Warwick. He returned to
Warwick and died there prior to June 4, 1645. His nephew and
heir, Richard Harcut, sokl his commonage rights to Nicholas
Power about 1650-.
A statement to the effect that Nicholas Power died Aug. 25,
1657, and had made no will in writing, is signed by Roger Wil-
liams and four others as members of the town council. They
ordered that his son, Nicholas Power, 2nd, the next day after he
became 21 years of age, should have "One Wayunkeage Right
by Vertue of his Father's Town Right, a five acre share," etc.
Nicholas Power, 2nd, was killed by the Indians Dec. 19, 1675,
in the Great Swamp fight. Thomas Roberts died in Newport
after 1672 without an heir, his estates going to Christopher Rob-
erts of Gloucester, England'"'. Benjamin Smith had a full pur-
chase right in 1665. It seems probable that the Roberts and
Smith rights were acquired by Nicholas Power, 2nd, 1)etween
1670 and the time of his death. The purchase rights after-
ward used in acquiring the Allum Pond estate were left to
his son, Nicholas Power. 3rd, who has previously been referred
to. Under the date of December 31, 1722. in the Moses
Brown papers, is a record of the sale by Power of a negro man
Cuffey. Nicholas Power, 3rd, was a man of considerable impor-
tance in the colony. The records show that he was one of the
assistants in the General Assembly in 1720 and Deputy from
Providence to the Assembly in 1722. He evidently allowed his
purchase rights in the division of lands west of the seven-mile
line to accumulate until they entitled him to 1294 acres, which
could not have happened before 1723. In his will, dated March
16, 1732, his son, Nicholas, was directed to select the best 200
1 E. R. Vol. III., p. 90.
2 E. R. Vol. IV., p. 231.
3 Richard Smith appointed administrator Dec. 5, 1679.
THE WALLUM POND ESTATES
53
acres and his son, Joseph, the next best 200 acres before the
rest of the estate was disposed of. Nicholas Power, 4th, bought
Joseph's 200 acres, and, May 24, 1743, with his mother, sold the
entire 1294 acres to Dr. Robert Gibbs, one of the prominent
physicians of the Colony, 500 pounds being the sum named.
Dr. Gibbs sold 96^4 acres of this land to Jeremiah Ballard, of
Smithfield, Sept. 30, 1766, another lot west of P>uck Mill corner
to one Thayer, and the rest of this estate was broken up among
his children after his death. The partition of the Gibbs estate
by the Inferior Court took place in June, 1770.
The Early Settlers.
The 96 5^ acres bought of Dr. Gibbs by Jeremiah Ballard,
extended roughly from just north of the natural outlet of the
pond, back of O'Neil's Camp to a short distance below the pres-
ent Sanborn house and included the water privileges of Clear
River and the site of the present sanatorium buildings. Bal-
lard had doubtless been impressed with the value of the water
privileges at the outlet of the pond while surveying the Capt.
John Whipple farm on Allum Pond Hill and he must be given
credit for first developing the water power. Ballard built a
small one-story dwelling house, a cornmill and a sawmill west
of the Clear River bridge and cleared a small piece of land, as,
in his deed of sale, fences are mentioned. The dwelling house
and mills were probably built soon after his purchase of the
property in 1766, as pioneers were coming into this section rap-
idly and they were very dependent on grist mills. Old residents
loved to tell of the settlers coming to this grist mill in dead of
winter, each man on snowshoes with a bag of corn on his back.
The Allom Pond Farm, so called, (recently the James H.
Singleton Farm) was originally surveyed from common land
by Jeremiah Ballard and Thomas Herendeen for Capt. John
Whipple, a prominent Providence man of that period. Whipple,
like Power, had evidently allowed his purchase rights in the
first seven divisions of land to accumulate until after 1723, when
he was entitled to 323 acres. The farm was said to contain 330
acres and extended to the Colony line on the North, to the pond
on the west, and to Power's land below the present railroad on
54 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
the south. Capt. Whipple sold the farm which had previously
been leased to Jeremiah Brown, to his son, Joseph Whipple, Jan,
4, 1768. John Rowland bought the Capt. Whipple farm of the
latter's son, Joseph, in 1770, and sold in small lots to William,
James, Joseph, and Thos. Rowland, Ezra Stone, John Alger and
others who cleared the lands and made their home there. Ezra
Stone lived where the stone house is now located, half a mile
east of the present Singleton house.
In February, 1773, Jacob Eddy bought a lot of Joseph Eddy
and built a house on what is usually known as the King place,
about a half a mile south of the sanatorium on the location of
the present vegetable garden. Hoziel Hopkins bought this place
of Jacob Eddy, Oct. 29, 1773, and lived there nearly 20 years.
One of Joseph Eddy's hunting experiences in this region is thus
recorded in the proceedings of the General Assembly, Feb. 26,
1739-40: "Whereas Joseph Eady of Gloucester, in the County
of Providence, produced a certificate from Andrew Brown, Esq.,
a Justice of the Peace, in said Gloucester, that he had presented
to his view an old wolf's and seven young creature's heads,
which the said Eady made oath, were wolve's heads, and that he
killed the old wolf and destroyed the young ones, all within this
government ; It is thereupon resolved, that the bounty on the old
wolf's head be allowed, and no more, it being uncertain whether
the young creatures were wolves or not. God save the King."
The reader will readily appreciate this legislative dilemma, but
must draw his own conclusions as to whether the difficulty was
due to the cunning of Joseph Eddy, the scepticism of Justice
Brown, or to the wolf with atypical offspring.
The HigJnvay.
On April 13, 1772, on the petition of Enoch Whipple and
others for a highv/ay from Allum Pond Hill to Pascoag, the
Glocester Town Council appointed Joseph Eddy, Jonathan
Harris and Thomas Herendeen. a committee to lay out the road
and report. On October 19th of the same year, the return of the
highway was accepted. The highway leading by the Sanatorium
buildings was built shortly before June, 1793, when it is men-
tioned in an old deed as a new road. Randall Angell said that
EARLY EAST GREENWICH WILLS 55
previously there had heen a cart path from Ballard's mill past
his house to Pascoag over much the same course as the present
highway. Before Burrillville was set off from Glocester. Courts
and Town meetings were sometimes held in the Smith Greene
house. (First one on the hack road to the Putnam pike.)^
1 Mrs. George Sly so quoted her father in a statement to the writer.
[CONTINUED IN JULY NUMBER]
Abstracts of
Early East Greenwich Wills
contributed by
Norman M. Isham and Howard W. Preston
[continued from january number]
Bennett, William, August 31, 1737;
September 7, 1737.
Ex.: Sarah Bennett, widow.
Appraisers; Stuckley Westcott, John Spencer, Peleg Spencer.
Inventory, 500 pounds, 13s. lid.
I. 185
Cunningham, James, mariner, December 7, 1737 ;
December 21, 1737.
(late of Spanishtown,
West Indies)
To wife, Elizabeth, one house and furniture.
" son, James, my negro boy.
" daughter, Elizabeth, one negro girl.
The residue of my estate to my son, James.
" my brother, John Markee, my sword.
I recommend to my children the care of my father, Phillip
Markee, and my brother. John Markee.
E.X.: Phillip Markee, John Markee, both of Spanishtown, and
John Brown of Newport, Peleg Spencer and his son. Benjamin
Spencer of East Greenwich.
Test: Robert Estes & Jonathan Remington, Clement Cooper.
Inventory, 912 pounds, 19s. 9d.
1, 189
56 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Wever, Clement, yeoman, October 16, 1736;
April 8, 1738.
To my son, Jonathan Wever, and heirs, farm where on I now
Hve, which is 137 acres, with all houseing, dwelling,
fencings, and orchards, and all appurtenances there unto
belonging. One house lot in East Greenwich, all rights in
Mishneck Swamp, and Menhungenet Swamp and West
Cenage, and all my other out lands,, except those otherwise
mentioned.
" my son, Clement, and heirs, one farm and lot of 15 acres,
housings, fencings, orchards and priveliges there unt
belonging, except the burying place of my honored father,
which I reserve for a burying place for myself and heirs.
Also land in Cowesett, one houselot in East Greenwich,
one feather bed and furniture, one cow, one chest. In
case Clement die without issue, Jonathan to inherit the
land in Cowesett, and my grandson, Phillip Wever, to
inherit the house lot in the new town, above mentioned,
the goods and chattels aforesaid to be in equal parts
inherited by my daughter's children. Mary, daughter,, to
succeed, son, Clement, in the 15 acres of land, and after
her death her son, Clement, and his heirs.
" my daughter, Mary Wever, 80 pounds.
" son, Gideon, and heirs, all land which I bought of
Henry Mattison, in East Greenwich, housings, fencings,,
orchards, and buildings, one house lot in East Greenwich,
also two small lots, one feather bed and furniture, one
cow, one chest, in case he die without issue, his portion
to be divided among son, Jonathan's children.
To my wife, Hannah Wever, all my household goods within
doors, to have equal privileges with Jonathan in the house
and in all movables,, during her widowhood. To have chief
power over my negro man, and after her death, or mar-
riage, negro man to go to Jonathan.
Ex.: Hannah Wever, widow, and Jonathan Wever, son.
Test: Thomas Wickes, Dorcas Casey, Samuel Casey.
Inventory, 797 pounds, 15s. Od.
I, 196
Wever, Clement, son of William Wever, December 31, 1737.
Inventory, 147 pounds, 5s. 7d.
I, 206
Mackeen, John, April 14, 1738 ;
May 27, 1738.
Parish Church at High Lever, Essex, i",nj>l;nu!, wiiero Roger Williams and
Mary Barnard were married, December 15, 1629
Courtesy of Mrs. Elizahetli French Bartlctt
Gold Rattle owned by Gabriel Bernon, 1644-1736.
From the Museum of the Rhode Island Historical Society
EARLY EAST GREENWICH WILLS 57
Sarah Mackeen, exec.
Inventory, 95 pounds, 5s. 6d.
I. 209
Nicholas, John, July 29. 1738;
Joseph Nicholas, exec.
Inventory, 201 pounds, 6s. 2d.
August 16, 1738.
I. 213
Davis, John, February 25, 1737/8.
Martha, widow, exec.
Inventory, 194 pounds, 15s. 6d.
I. 223
Johnson, EUsha, yeoman, January 1, 1738/9 ;
January 27, 1738/9.
To wife, Deborah, 1/3 personal estate. 1/3 use of profit of
real estate.
" son, Jonathan, and heirs, my fulling mill and appurtenances,
2 acres of land in said town, beginning at southmost cor-
ner of said farm, extending northward along the highway
until a line easterly parellel with Tentenbers', as they now
stand, sixteen feet northward of said Tentenbers, to extend
the same course easterly until a southward line will cross
the middle of the old cellar whereon the old house stood,
so as to extend to Samuel Davis' land aforesaid, all privi-
leges and appurtenances there unto belonging.
" son, Elisha, 5 pounds.
" " Benjamin, 5 shillings.
" ■' Israel, and heirs, my farm which I purchased of
Clement Wever, 227 acres, all privileges and appurten-
ances.
■' son, Elisha, and heirs, all other lands and tenements, at
age of 21.
" daughter. Elizabeth, all use and profits of said land during
Elisha's minority.
" six daughters, Elizabeth, Deborah, Jemima, Amy. Free-
love, and Phoebe, each, one feather bed and furniture,
thereunto belonging.
Ex.: Deborah, widow, and son, Elisha.
Test: Pardon Tillinghast, Alice Tillinghast, John Jenkins.
Inventory, 248 pounds, 18s. 8d.
I, 226
[CONTINUED IN THE JULY, NUMBER]
58 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Report of the Treasurer
GENERAL ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR 1921.
Edward K. Aldrich, Jr., Treasurer, in account zvith the Rhode Island
Historical Society. For current account, viz. :
Dr.
Cash on Hand January 1, 1921 :
In Providence Institution for Savings $832 00
" Rhode Island Hospital Trust Company 287 00
" National Exchange Bank 547 45
" National Bank of Commerce (Checking Ac-
count) 30 61
" National Bank of Commerce (Special Account
No. 1) 435 60
" National Bank of Commerce (Special Account
No. 2) 1,364 73
" Rhode Island Hospital Trust Co. (balance of
James H. Bugbee Fund) 149 58
" Industrial Trust Co. (Franklin Lyceum Memorial
Fund) 734 52
Special Account No. 1, U. S. Treasury Certificates. 2,013 23
Checks and Postoflfice Money Order 1 1 50
$6,406 22
Receipts from Annual Dues $1,757 00
" Books 67 79
" Expenses 17 25
" " Franklin Lyceum Memorial Fund In-
terest 29 66
" Interest and Dividends 3,507 82
" " Newspaper Account 45 46
Publications 1 10 75
" Rental of Rooms 29 00
" State Appropriation 1.500 00
" " Special Account No. 1 544 11
" Special Account No. 2 10 06
" Special Account No. 3 2,789 36
" " James H. Bugbee Fund (Interest)... 5 26
" Supplies 10 00
" " Telephone 3 85
" " James H. Bugbee Fund (Balance of
Principal) 3,000 00
" " Investments 211 66
13,639 03
$20,045 25
REPORT OF THE TREASURER en
Cr.
^^^^^ $40 00
2'"dmg ..,, ^^
Book's 537 &)
Books (Colonial Dames Fund) {^50
Electric Lighting 17 62
Exhibitions 107 4 S
Expenses 268 76
Franklin Lyceum Memorial Fund 16 50
F"el 513 76
Gas 8 40
Grounds and Building 175 26
Investments 4,105 21
Janitorial Services 326 65
Newspaper Account 129 46
Publications 849 92
Salaries 3,366 00
Supplies 171 95
Telephone 59 18
Water 8 00
Special Account No. 1 892 48
Special Account No. 2 830 25
Special Account No. 3 42 16
State Appropriation for Marking Historical Sites... 15 00
Calvin Monument Fund 10 00
$12,845 12
Cash on Hand December 31. 1921 :
In Providence Institution for Savings $832 00
" Rhode Island Hospital Trust Company 287 00
" National Bank of Commerce (Special Account
No. 1) 87 43
" National Bank of Commerce (Special Account
No. 2) 544 54
" National Bank of Commerce (Special Account
No. 3 2,747 20
" National Exchange Bank 281 40
" Rhode Island Hospital Trust Company (balance
of James H. Bugbee Fund) 28 45
Special Account No. 1, U. S. Treasury Certificates.. 2.017 87
Check 125 00
In National Bank of Commerce (Checking Account) 249 24
7,200 13
$20,045 25
60 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
REPORT OF THE TREASURER.
Edward K. Aldrich, Jr., Treasurer, in account with the Rhode Island
Historical Society.
January 1, 1922.
Liabilities.
Grounds and Buildings $25,000 00 $25,000 00
Permanent Endowment Fund :
Samuel M. Noyes $12,000 00
Henry J. Steere 10,000 00
James H. Bugbee 6,000 00
Charles H. Smith 5.000 00
Charles W. Parsons 4,000 00
William H. Potter 3,000 00
Esek A. Jillson 2.000 00
Jolin Wilson Smith 1,000 00
William G. Weld 1,000 00
Charles C. Hoskins 1,000 00
Charles H. Atwood 1,000 00
$46,000 00
Publication Fund :
Ira B. Peck $1,000 00
William Gammell 1,000 00
Albert J. Jones 1,000 00
William Ely 1,000 00
Julia Bullock 500 00
Charles H. Smith 100 00
$4,600 00
Life Membership Fund $4,700 00 $4,700 00
Franklin Lyceum Memorial Fund 734 52 734 52
Special Account No. 1 (National Bank of Com-
merce) 87 43 87 43
Special Account No. 2 (National Bank of Com-
merce) 544 54 544 54
Special Account No. 3 (National Bank of Com-
merce) 2,747 20 2,747 20
Special Account No. 1, U. S. Treasury Certificates. 2,017 87 2,017 87
$86,431 56
Accumulated Surplus 9,840 17
5,271 73
REPORT OF THE TREASURER 6l
Assets.
Investments :
Grounds and Building $25,000 00
$6,000.00 Bonds, Minneapolis, Lyndale & Min-
netonka Railway 5,850 00
$4,000.00 Bonds, Cedar Rapids Manufacturing
& Power Company 3,228 88
$3,000.00 Bonds, The Cleveland Electric Illu-
minating Company 2,565 42
$500.00 Bond, Western Electric Company, Inc. 497 69
125 Shares, New York Central Railroad Com-
pany 12,500 00
111 Shares, Pennsylvania Railroad Company.. 7,188 45
30 Shares, Lehigh Valley Railroad Company. 2,112 50
6 Shares, Lehigh Valley Coal Sales Company 241 85
40 Shares, Milwaukee Electric Railway &
Light Company, preferred 3,900 00
55 Shares, American Telephone & Telegraph
Company 7,123 61
60 Shares, Providence Gas Company 5,005 68
Mortgage. P. A. and H. A. Cory 2,975 00
10 Shares, Duquesne Light Company, preferred 1,060 00
$1,000.00 Bond, Denver Gas & Electric Com-
pany 950 00
$1,000.00 Bond. Columbus Railway, Power &
Light Company 970 00
30 Shares, Merchants National Bank 1,800 00
45 Shares, Blackstone Canal National Bank... 1,050 00
$1,000.00 Liberty Bond (U. S.) 2nd, 4^ 956 19
$100.00 Liberty Bond (U. S.), Victory 100 00
5 Shares, Narragansett Electric Lighting Com-
pany 28500
$3,400.00 Liberty Bonds (U. S.), 4th, 4^ 2,976 81
Participation Account in Industrial Trust Com-
pany, Franklin Lyceum Memo-
rial Fund 734 52
$64,071 60
62 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Cash on hand :
In Providence Institution for Savings $832 00
" Rhode Island Hospital Trust Company.... 287 GO
" National Exchange Bank 28140
" National Bank of Commerce (Checking Ac-
count) 249 24
" National Bank of Commerce (Special Ac-
count No. 1 ) 87 43
" National Bank of Commerce (Special Ac-
count No. 2) 544 54
" National Bank of Commerce (Special Ac-
count No. 3) 2.747 20
" Rhode Island Hospital Trust Company
(Jam.es H. Bugbee Fund, balance) 28 45
Special Account No. 1, U. S. Treasury Certificates. 2,017 87
Check 125 00
$7,200 13
Total Assets $96,271 7i
Respectfully submitted
EDWARD K. ALDRICH, Jr.
Treasurer
Providence, R. I., January 7th, 1922.
Examined vouchers and securities compared and found to agree.
HORATIO A. HUNT
HENRY W. SACKETT
ARTHUR P. SUMNER
Auditing Committee
Notes
The following persons have been elected to membership in
the Society :
Mrs. Duncan Hunter. Mrs. John F. Marvel. Mr. Walter
Everett French, Mr. Henry M. Sessions, Mr. John F. Murphy
and Mr. John Krawczuk.
During December, 1921, and January, 1922, the Society held
a loan exhibition of old signboards. Over 30 signboards were
exhibited, it being the largest exhibition of its kind ever held in
Rhode Island and probably ever held in New England. In con-
nection with this exhibition,. Professor Wilfred H. Munro,
NOTES
63
L.H.D., delivered an interesting talk on Tuesday evening Jan-
uary 24, 1922.
Illustrated accounts of the exhibition appeared in the Provi-
dence Sunday Journal, December 18, 1921. and in the Boston
Evening Transcript, Saturday, February 4, 1922.
The following persons kindly loaned their property for this
exhibition :
George T. Spicer, M.D., Mr. Russell Grinnell,
Mr. Howard M. Chapin, Mr. William S. Stone,
Charles V. Chapin, M.D., Mr. x\lbert M. Read.
G. Alder Blumer, M.D., Mrs. William A. Spicer.
Mr. George C. Dempsey, Mr. C. E. Macfarlane,
Mr. Raymond E. Ostby, Mr. Samuel M. Nicholson,
Mr. Ulysses G. Bowen, Mr. H. Martin Brown.
Miss Ann Hoyle. Miss Mary L. Potter,
Mr. Bautelle, Mr. C. W. Farnum,
Pawtucket Chapter, D. A. R., Anawan House.
Attleboro Chapter, D. A. R., Rehoboth Antiquarian Society.
Vernon Stiles Inn, Ben Grosvenor Inn.
Two more fire buckets have been added to our ^^luseum, the
gift of Mrs. Rebecca F. Bradford. They are l)oth inscribed
/. Angell.
Mr. H. H. Rogers of the Standard Oil Company has pre-
sented to the Society the Revolutionary War Muster Roll of
Capt. Elizah Lewis' Company.
The record book of the Warren and Barrington Toll Bridge
Company, 1857-70, is the gift of Mr. Fred A. Arnold.
The objects found in the excavations at Arnolda. Charlestown.
R. I., which were described and illustrated in the January issue
of the Collections, are now on exhibition at the Society's build-
ing. Through the kindness of Mr. T. L. Arnold, the greater
number of these relics have been presented to the Society.
At the Annual Meeting of the Society held in January. Prof.
Harry L. Koopman read a chaj^ter of his poem. "Hesperia.''^
entitled. "Valor: The Nation's Honor Vindicated in Barbary."
dealing with the war between the United States and the Algerian
Pirates.
64 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The January issue of the Bulletin of the Newport Historical
Society contains an extensive and valuable account of Early
Rhode Island Grist Mills.
Roger Williams' Marriage.
The marriage record of Roger Williams has recently been
discovered by Mrs. Elizabeth (French) Bartlett and through
her courtesy is for the first time printed.
It is recorded in the parish register of High Lever, Co. Essex,
as follows :
"1629 Roger Williams clarke and Mary Barnard
were married the 15th day of Decern: anno dom
1629"
A previous discover}- of I\Irs. Bartlett in regard to this mat-
ter was printed in the Collections for October, 1918.
Rhode Island
Historical Society
Collections
CONTENTS
The Wallum Pond Estates (Continued)
By Harry Lee Barnes
Notes
Vol. XV July, 1922 No. 3
PAGE
The Inscribed Rocks of Narragansett Bay
By Edmund B. Delabarre ^^
//
94
$3.00 per year Issued Quarterly 75 cents per copy
RHODE
HISTORICAL
ISLAND
SOCIETY
COLLECTIONS
Vol. XV
July, 1922
No. 3
Howard W. PRESTON,Presiden( EDWARD K. ALDRICH, Jr. .Treasurer
GEORGE T. SPICER, Secretary HOWARD M. CHAPIN, Librarian
The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the
opinions of contributors.
The Inscribed Rocks of Narragansett Bay
By Edmund B. Delabarre
V. The "Written -Rocks" at Tiverton
The town of Tiverton, lying across the Sakonnet River from
Portsmouth, was once, like the latter, a centre for the activities
of the ancient rock-inscribers. There is evidence that there was
formerly a considerable number of rocks in Tiverton whose
surfaces served as tablets for the primitive engraver. Some of
them have been destroyed, some used in constructing stone walls
or foundations, some covered dee]) with the debris of storms, so
that now there is only one exposed to view. By the aid of the
chart published in a previous paper\ and of the photographs
that accompany this one-, it will be easy to find it. The mam
road from Fall River to Sakonnet passes near the place, which
is about five miles south of the Stone Bridge, and a short dis-
1 These Collections. Jan. 1921, xiv. 17; lower chart of Plate XIV
2 Plate XVIII. The writer is indebted to Mr. John R. Hess tor
these photographs.
66 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
tance southwest of Tiverton Four Corners. Leaving the main
road near the latter place, a by-road leading westerly is taken,
either the one just north or equally well the one just south of
Nonquit Pond. This is followed, with the necessary turns as
indicated on the chart, until we pass the wharf south of Fog-
land Point and proceed nearly to High Hill, walking down to
the beach just before the latter is reached. A short distance
from High Hill, on the next little point north of it, about oppo-
site the number 16 that appears as a depth-indication on the
chart, is a group of large "graywacke" or sandstone boulders on
the shore between the low and the high water levels. The only
one of these that is inscribed is marked with an X in the photo-
graph showing the appearance of the group, and is thus readily
identified. It is the most southerly and farthest in-shore of the
larger boulders. North of this group, about half-way to the
wharf, is a ledge of similar rock, with a fish-weir at its south-
erly end.
A very striking feature of the situation consists in the enor-
mous masses of water- worn stones that cover the beach and
rise up in thick deposits behind the group of boulders. The
photograph shows their appearance better than words can
describe it. Some of the inscribed boulders that, as late at
least as 1835, were plainly exposed to view, now lie completely
buried by these storm-tossed fragments. The spot impressed
Dr. Webb, when he viewed it, as apparently "one of Nature's
favorite battle grounds ; and the great masses of rock scattered
around and piled upon one another, near by, indicate the rav-
ages which at some distant period here took place. The inroads
made upon most of these bowlders, by the action of winds, and
tides and storms, are strongly evidenced by the singularly cellu-
lated or honeycombed appearance they present." He expressed
the opinion that the great September gale of 1815 was respon-
sible for serious damage to the inscriptions, since "the water
swept with such tremendous violence and power over the ground
where the Inscription-Monuments are situated, that it bore
along with it rocks, and sand and gravel, which so ground in
upon the faces of them as to occasion their present impaired
THE INSCRIBED ROCKS OF NARRAGANSETT BAV 67
condition."^ But though thus injured, none of the rocks were
then covered by the piles of loose stones. This had happened,
however, by 1868. when Dr. Samuel A. Green rejxjrted that he
could find only one of them'-. The present owner of the place,
Mr. Leon F. Almy, tells me that about ten years ago the beach
back of the rock was washed up two or three feet higher than
before. Both he and the writer have, at different times, thrown
aside considerable quantities of the overlying stones in the
endeavor, as yet unsuccessful, to uncover additional inscrip-
tions ; but a year later the stones had been washed back again.
Evidently the spot is still "one of Nature's favorite battle
grounds" ; and we may well hope that in her changing moods
she may some day wash away these obstructing stones and again
reveal the missing inscriptions.
The single inscription now observable is on a nearly plane
surface of rock measuring about four by seven feet, inclined a
little to the north of west at an angle of 23° to the horizontal.
The lines are pecked in, with a depth usually of 2 to 5, though
occasionally as much as 8 millimeters. One possibly artificial
cup near the center is 15 millimeters deep and 60 in diameter.
On account of the conditions of lighting, it is difficult to secure
photographs which show the carvings clearly. Probably the
one here presented, in Plate XVIII, is as successful as any that
could be made without artificial lighting. It was taken on
October 29. 1919, just at sunset of a day without clouds or mist,
with the light glancing low across the face in such manner as
to throw the figures into the greatest possible relief, and with
the daylight supplemented slightly by a not very successfully
working flashlight.
Examination of the rock itself, and comparison of these pho-
tographs with the earlier drawings of Plates XIX and XX.
show several features of interest. The most prominent and
certain artificial markings are a figure shaped like the number
4, an oval or diamond with central dot. an ill-shaped X. some
zigzags, and finally the crude figure of a man. about two feet in
1 Antiquitates Americanae, 1837, p. 403.
2 Proc. Amer. Antiqu. Soc., Oct. 21, 1868, p. 13.
68 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
length, with cross-lines running from each shoulder to opposite
hip. Mr. Almy thinks that the man is represented as hanging
from a gibbet, and there is some faint suggestion of this in the
drawing of 1768. The surface of the rock above the inscribed
portion and to a slight extent below it is deeply and intricately
pitted and honeycombed, and is evidently soft enough to have
been subjected to great decay and wear. But the inscribed sur-
face itself is of more resistant material, and clearly has suffered
little in the course of 150 years. Stiles' careful drawing shows
not only the artificial lines but also many of the natural pittings
and fiakings of the surface "incrustation," distinguished by dots
between the lines. These features remain now, in size, shape
and position, almost exactly what they were in his day. The
"graywacke" of this boulder is very similar to that of Dighton
Rock and the other inscribed rocks of this region. It has often
been asserted that the rate of wear of these surfaces is very
rapid and that the consequent gradual disappearance of the
carvings is easily perceptible even in a single lifetime. For
Dighton Rock I reached the conclusion that this is a psycholog-
ical impression only, and that actual erosion is so slow as to
have made no appreciable change in the appearance of the fig-
ures since the time of their earliest observation. The fortunate
circumstance that in this case Stiles depicted the more prominent
natural features of the surface a hundred and fifty years ago,
enables us to prove that, in spite of its exposure to unusually
severe batterings by storm, stones and ice, the Tiverton rock
has suffered little, and thus strongly supports the same belief
concerning the other rocks also.
Mr. Almy informs me that "this property has never been out
of my family since the settlement of this State, and has been
handed down from father to son with the single exception that
I took it from my uncle. In questioning my grandfather, Sam-
uel E. Almy, Sr., who was born in 1800, he told me that no one
as far back as he could inquire of his ancestors could name the
origin of these markings, and it had always been referred to in
the family as the 'Writing Rock'."
We have already learned that Dr. Ezra Stiles, while minister
THE INSCRIBED ROCKS OF NARRAGANSETT BAY 69
at Newport and even later when he was President of Vale Col-
lege, was intensely interested in sculptured rocks, and visited,
described and made drawings of all that were reported to him
which he could easily reach. His manuscript notes and draw-
ings, which he called his "Itinerary," so far as they deal with
this particular subject, have never heretofore been published,
and yet are of large importance for thorough study of these
monuments. So far as we know, he was the first person who
investigated the "Written Rocks," as he called them, in Tiver-
ton. He went there first a year after his first inspection of the
Dighton and Portsmouth rocks, arriving on June 6, 1768, and
lodging with Mr. John Almy, son of Col. Job Almy, who died
in 1767. Mr. Almy was deaf, and consequently Dr. Stiles wrote
down in his Itinerary (volume ii, page 345) certain questions
which he wished to ask him. We can infer from the context the
answers that he received. Including these within brackets, the
following is the record of their conversation :
" 'Please to tell me how I may find the Rock markt with
Characters in your Farm.' [Location of two or more such
rocks given by Mr. Almy.] *Do you know any other?' ['Yes;
but it has been destroyed.'] 'How long ago?' ['Six years.']
'1762?' ['Yes.] Cut it up for Whetstones & sent to Nova
Scotia.' "
On the following day, Stiles made drawings of the inscrip-
tions on two rocks in his ItineraryS preceding them by the fol-
lowing remark : "Rocks marked, on the late Col. Almys Farm,
about a hundred Rods below Fogland in Tiverton, Rh. Isld.
The Stones are soft grit. & have suffered by time." Underneath
each drawing are several indications of dimensions; and under-
neath the second is the statement : "A Third Stone obliterated
and two other small Stones."
In the fourth volume of the Itineraries are several notes made
twenty years later. On page 215. under date of September 15,
1788, is his memorandum, previously referred to, to "take off
a new copy of the characters" here and elsewhere. On page 254
1 Volume ii., pages 351, 352. See Plate XIX.
yO RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
is a small road-map of his travels about this time. Near "Col.
Almys" are three small circles with numbers between them,
doubtless indicating the positions of the rocks and their distance
apart, probably expressed in rods. One circle appears to repre-
sent a prominent boulder or ledge on the bank. At a distance
of "2" rods directly west is another circle, representing probably
the position of the first rock whose characters he copied ; and
at a distance of "6" southwest of this is the third circle, corre-
sponding to his second drawing, taken from the rock now
exposed to view. We know from the description given later by
Webb that this is the direction in which the two rocks lie with
reference to one another. But no one has ever told how far
apart they are. Consequently, if ever the overlying stones get
washed away again, or if anyone ever has the patience and
energy to throw them ofif, this rather uncertain record by Stiles
may aid in locating the one that is now concealed from view.
Below this map, on the same page, is his final note concerning
these rocks: "1788, Sept. 29. Rode with M"- Patten to Tiver-
ton. Dined Al-^Corys — took off the markt Rocks in M'" Jn^
Almys Farm — lodged at M"" Almys Aet 69 at Punkataece^ 30.
Storm NE. Copying more Rocks — Storm P. M. Taks off
Characters at Al-- Almys. Oct. 1. Left IVP Almys." There
is a brief reference to this same visit also in Stiles' published
"Literary Diary" (iii. 330), with mention merely of "havs stont
one day to take off Inscriptions on the Rocks at Fogland Ferry."
The drawings made on this occasion are not preserved.
When Edward A. Kendall compiled his "List of Indian
Sculptures" in 1809-, he erroneously interpreted Stiles' man-
uscripts as indicating two localities here instead of one. His
item 11 reads: "In Narragansett Bay, on the lands of the late
Col. Almy, on the peninsula of Paucatuc, on the east side of the
bay, and at six miles from the shore;" and item 12: "In the
same, at Tiverton." Evidently Paucatuc should have been writ-
1 This is the name of the neck lying between Nonquit Pond and
Sakonnet River. Stiles elsewhere spells it "Punckatace," and it is also
sometimes given as "Punkatest" or "Puncoteast."
•• S'^e these Collectirns, July, 1920, xiii. 92; Kendall's Travels, 1809,
iii. 221.
THE INSCRIBED ROCKS OF NARRAGANSETT BAY 7 1
ten Punkatace, the distance mentioned was not from the shore
but from some other place (probably Newport), and with these
corrections the two items should have been combined into one.
Soon after the Committee of the Rhode Island Historical
Society had finished its new drawing of Dighton Rock for Pro-
fessor Rafn in 1834, it began to seek out other inscribed rocks
of the vicinity. It learned, from Kendall's list or otherwise,
that there were such rocks in Tiverton. On November 30,
1834, Dr. Webb reported for the Committee to Rafn: "None
such have been found by us. The one in Tiverton we have
marked [on the chart] near Howland's Ferry Bridge, l)ecause
we apprehend that this shared the fate common to all rocks in
that vicinity for some distance around, when the last bridge was
built at that place in 1809, which was constructed by dropping
immense quantities of stones of all dimensions into the water
till a rampart was raised above the surface of the highest tide.
The water here at the lowest tide is fifty-one feet."^ There
appears to be no reason to believe, however, that there ever was
any inscribed rock in this part of Tiverton. On May 26, 1835,
William A. Staples reported to the trustees of the Society that
he had found and visited the Inscription Rocks in Tiverton;
and "the secretary was requested to correspond with Dr. Patten
and others to procure a copy of the drawings of the Inscription
said to have been taken in 1783 by Dr. Stiles."- They were
not successful in securing copies of Stiles' drawings. But Webb
and Bartlett visited the rocks on the 18th of August, made
drawings of their inscriptions, and on October 31, 1835, made
the following report to Rafn :
"The inscriptions are on masses of gray-wacke. near a ledge
of the same rock, occurring on the shore of Mr. Almy's farm, a
short distance to the N.W. of the High Hill. The Drawings
sent marked No. 4, 5 & 6 exhibit the present condition of the
Inscriptions. No. 4 and 5 are on a line ranging from N.E. to
S.W. No. 4 is a very large mass, if not in fact a continuous
portion of the ledge near by. It being buried in the ground, we
1 Antiqiiitates Americanae. p. 372.
2 Manuscript Records of the Society, July Jl. IbSx
72 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
were unable to decide the point. The markings are on its upper
surface, which is incHned at an angle of a few degrees to the N.
and that part which is uncovered, measures 8}^ feet in length
and 6 feet in breadth. It is utterly impossible for us to con-
jecture what was formerly in the vacant spaces ; we can only
state, they were occupied with some kind of characters. The
individual, upon whose land they are, thinks there was never
any thing but human figures on them ; but sufficient even now
remains to prove the incorrectness of his opinion ; look, for
instance, at the figure resembling somewhat a cross, and at the
one a little below it, to the right. This rock has a crevice run-
ning across it near the upper left hand corner; and a portion
has been broken away at the upper right hand corner. The
characters on another lying between No. 4 and No. 5 have
become entirely obliterated. Those on No. 5 faced to the N.W.
and the space they occupied measured 4 feet by 7 feet. The
human figure on this rock is more distinct and perfect than the
rest, being formed on a much larger scale, and the indentations
being deeper. The peculiarity about the left knee will not escape
your notice. No. 6 is a small stone of a schistose structure
lying a short distance to the S. of the others, and might be
lifted by two stout men; it is of the size of the outline sent, on
which the characters are represented of their true dimensions.
These are formed in a different manner from the others and
perhaps are of a different origin ; although we do not pretend to
decide upon the matter ; they are channelled or grooved, and
appear to have been made by a chizzel or smooth cutting instru-
ment. Previously to 1815, according to Mr. Almy, the charac-
ters were so plain, that they could be clearly distinguished at
some distance from the rocks. . . . The distance across,
from the Tiverton Rocks to the Rhode Island shore is 1^4
mile and to Newport 6^4 miles. "^ The portions of the letter
here omitted discuss the obliterating eft'ect of storms and have
already been quoted.
1 Antiquitates Americanae, p. 402. See also this Society's manuscFipt
Correspondence and Reports, vol. ii., pp. 49, 74.
PETROGLYPHS OF NARRAGANSETT BAY-PLATI. X\ III
J— EZ55!»i'5iSb^-'"-rj^ y
^^-mA^:
^^f^^
■:,*i»
■^Hfi
:^fV
The group of Tiverton boulders as seen from the south, looking
toward Fogland Point
y
-t
;./
4V:ti>,
riftij!
Photograph of Tiverton inscription by John R. Hess. October 29. 1919.
at 5 P.M.
PETROGLYPHS OF NARRAGANSETT BAY-PLATE XIX
"N> -
i> o
>
^ ilk. lJ^ 3^^
(Stiles's First Drawing)
(The lowest line in the above reads F 8 Inc. to +)
7r'<
^
(Stiles's Second Drawing)
Drawings of Tiverton inscriptions by Ezra Stiles. June 7, 1768; reproduced
from Stiles's manuscript Itineraries, II. 351, 352.
THE INSCRIBED ROCKS OF NARRAGANSETT I!AV 73
Instead of reproducing the Webb-Bartlett drawings as given
in Tabella XIII of Antiquitates Americanae, our Plate XX
presents the originals of them in possession of the Rhode
Island Historical Society. Like the Portsmouth drawings, these
are on sheets of paper measuring 15>< by 19^ inches, and are
here shown much reduced. Almost the only important differ-
ence between them and the reproductions by Rafn is that the
latter erroneously prints "6x83^ feet" underneath Xo. 5
instead of underneath No. 4, where it belongs, and thus fails
to print the correct "4 x 7 feet" underneath Xo. 5.
The only further report upon these rocks based upon personal
inspection that we possess is that of Dr. Samuel A. Green in
1868, already cited. Although he knew that three sculptured
rocks had been found here by Webb, he could then discover but
one of them. "Of the missing two at Tiverton, one is known
to have been taken away several years ago and kept as a curios-
ity near a farm house. It was afterwards built into a wall in
such a way that the pictured face could not be seen. . . .
The stone at Tiverton is a mica-slate. . . . Many of the
marks are still distinct and well-defined, and perhaps were made
by the same tribe that made those on Dighton Rock. They are
of interest as early specimens of rude Indian art."
In these accounts, there is evidence that at least six rocks
bearing man-made characters were once included in this Tiver-
ton group. Giving them arbitrary numbers, and assuming as
few as possible, they were as follows: 1. The one reported to
Stiles as having been cut up into whetstones in 1762 and sent
to Nova Scotia. 2. The first of Dr. Stiles; Webb's No. 4; now
buried deeply underneath the stone-heaps on the shore ; perhaps
to be sought two rods west of a prominent rock or ledge on the
bank, and six rods northeast of the rock still exposed to view.
3. Webb's stone, with characters obliterated between his No. 4
and No. 5 ; probably identical with the "third stone obliterated"
of Dr. Stiles; now buried under loose stones. 4. The second of
Dr. Stiles; Webb's No. 5; the one now visible on the shore.
5. Webb's No. 6, originally a short distance to the south of his
No. 5, where no such boulder can now be found, although there
74 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
are no overlying stones on that part of the beach ; perhaps iden-
tical with one of Stiles' "two other small stones," and with the
one reported by Dr. Green as having been removed and built
into a stone wall. 6. The second of Stiles' "two other small
stones" ; not now discoverable ; had probably disappeared before
1835.
The same theories that we discussed at length as having been
advanced to account for the Portsmouth Inscriptions^ apply
here also. Dr. Stiles regarded them as of Phoenician origin.
Rafn and Magnusen believed that they were made by the
Northmen, and they found on these rocks as well as on those in
Portsmouth certain characters which they declared to be
"unquestionable" runic letters. These were tabulated in our
Figure 3, whose numbers 7 to 13 belong to the Tiverton Rocks.
Number 13 is easily seen on the Webb-Bartlett drawing of rock
No. 5, and the others were discovered probably on drawing No.
4. Comparison with the Stiles drawings and with our photo-
graph shows that not one of them has any claim to acceptance
as a character actually present on the rocks. They are probably
almost obliterated and wholly doubtful fragments of larger
designs now indecipherable. Bliss, Wilhelmi, Hermes and
Kunstmann supported the Norse view, but merely as expound-
ers of Rafn. De Costa opposed the Norse theory, but advanced
no other opinion. Bacon was cautious and non-committal,
rather inclining to believe in the Northmen. Strong advocates
of the belief that Indians made the inscriptions we found in
Kendall, Bartlett, Winsor, Green and Babcock'-'. To these lat-
ter we must add E. G. Squier, who held that the inscriptions at
Dighton, Tiverton and Portsmouth "do not seem to differ mate-
rially in character" from the many other Indian pictographs
that he had observed'.
There are two additional theories which have been applied to
these Tiverton rocks without the usual simultaneous reference
1 These Collections, July 1920, xiii. 86-93.
- The sources for all of these opinions are fully cited in the writer's
Bibliography of Dighton Rock, in Publications of the Colonial Soc. of
Mass., 1920, xx. 438-462.
•'• Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, 1847, i. 298, 300.
PETROGLYPHS OF NARRAGANSETT BAY-PLATE \.\
(Webb-Bartlett Drawing 'No. 4. 6x8>i feet")
Ul-C.1 ti*_
'W/^
•< Kr
•^C7
4- ^^t)
! t-te G ud ;I
(Webb-Bartlett Drawing "No. 5. 4x7 feet")
(Webb-Bartlett Drawing "No. 6")
Drawings of Tiverton inscriptions by John R. Bartlett. August 18. 1835;
reproduced from the originals in possession of the Rhode Island Historical
Society.
76 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
to those at Portsmouth, and which consequently we did not men-
tion in discussing the latter, although their supporters would
undoubtedly have considered them as applying equally well
there. One of these is the view expounded in 1824 by John
Finch and in 1888 by James N. Arnold, which we have pre-
viously alluded to/ that the rocks at Tiverton and elsewhere
are Druidical monuments. The other is the equally absurd
belief of John Whipple that there are no artificial characters at
all on these rocks. Dr. Thomas H. Webb is authority for this
fact, in a letter which he wrote to John R. Bartlett on February
4. 1838: "John Whipple laughs at the whole affair, denies that
there are any such figures as we represent on the Tiverton
Rocks, having visited them many times, that there are hundreds
of just such rocks in our Bay, all of which were marked by the
action of water, stones, &c, and that these markings have by the
conjurings of our imaginations been fashioned into the shapes
delineated on our plates. He considers the Inscription Rocks,
Animal ^Magnetism, & Phrenology, among the humbugs of the
day."-
We need have no hesitation now in entertaining the convic-
tion that these carvings were made at some unknown date by
the aboriginal inhabitants of the region. They seem to be exe-
cuted in the characteristic style of the Indians, now familiar to
us through numerous far-scattered examples. These at Tiver-
ton, of course, as in every other individual case, have a content
different from that of any others. They include a large num-
ber of rudely executed human figures, which, though not lack-
ing, are much less numerous on other rocks of our region. But
these appear to have no significant grouping, to tell no story,
and are probably the record of individual fancy. The other
markings do not seem to be representations of anything definite,
and must probably be classed as merely whimsical or decorative
scribblings.
1 These Collections, January 1921, xv. 20.
2 Preserved in Letter-Book of John R. Bartlett (unpublished), now
in the John Carter Brown Library.
THE WALLUM POND ESTATES 77
The Wallum Pond Estates
By Harry Lee Barnes
{Continued front April Number)
The Revolution.
On September 19, 1776, the Town Council sought to
encourage enlistments for the protection of Newport by otYering
3 pounds as a bonus in addition to the regular pay given the
State troops and by promising to replace the firearms furnished
by each soldier if it should be taken from him by a stronger
power. A record of the meeting of the Town Council on May
5th, 1777, shows that the State draught included the following
land-owners of the AUum Pond neighborhood: Ezra Stone,
Jeremiah Ballard. Jethro Lapham, John Rowland, Jr., James
Stone and Thomas Herendeen, who were to serve under Col.
Chad Brown.
The Jcnnes.
Timothy Jenne of Uxbridge, Mass.. bought Ballard's sawmill,
gristmill and other property Sept. 30. 1778. During the next
few years Jenne cleared the land on his farm, the extent of this
clearing being greater than is indicated by the present open
space about the Sanatorium buildings. The land west of the
present buildings was used as a pasture about half way to the
Lake, the cattle using the spring just below the \\'est Ward.
The pine grove between the Sanatorium buildings and the
Superintendent's cottage and the one south of the sewage plant
have gradually grown up since 1858. In 1786, Timothy Jenne's
brother, Seth, a carpenter, came to Allum Pond and bought S^y^
acres of the southern part of the Jenne farm. During the same
year the Jenne brothers built a dam and mill at the lowest mill
privilege which was on Seth's land and but a stone's throw east
of the present boiler house. This mill privilege was soon sold in
shares often as small as sixteenths to John Rowland. John Kim-
ball, Daniel Hunt and others, who sold it back and forth to each
other with bewildering frequency. Many owners probably sold
their shares as soon as they had got out what lumber they wished
78 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
for their own buildings. Timothy Jenne sold the Ballard mills
and dwelling house to Chad Field, who immediately sold it to
Jacob Lathrop and Seth Hayward. In order to safeguard the
lower mill privilege. Jenne, five days later, bought back from
Field a limited privilege couched in the following language : "I
Chad Field etc., do grant to Seth & Timothy Jenne a privilege
to draw water through my grist mill dam to support a sawmill
at all times when the water is above the lower part of the letter
T on the north side of a rock at the upper end and south side of
the South ditch where the water runs from Allum Pond to my
grist mill and I do bind myself to keep a gate sufficient in my
gristmill dam to dam water as above mentioned — I bind myself
not to turn the water out of the place where it now runs to the
sawmill except what water the mill makes use of to water his
land, — and I do grant a privilege to turn the water out of my
grist mill pond to water his land sufficiently 2 nights in a week
and no more from the 15th day of the 4th month to the 15th day
of the 7th month." A natural outlet to the pond was the north
ditch which led by a gradual descent through a swamp back of
the place which is now O'Neil's Camp. This outlet was not suit-
able for the development of water power and was stopped by an
artificial embankment plainly visible from the pond at this day.
During high water the overflow is still sufficient to fill this brook.
On June 5, 1793, Timothy Jenne bought back from Seth Jenne
about an acre of land a few rods below the lower sawmill as a
site for a fulling mill, but there is no evidence that this mill was
ever built. Timothy, or possibly his brother, built a new house
near the site of the first Sanatorium barn, the cellar hole of
which was still to be seen when the Sanatorium opened in 1905.
This house had disappeared before 1840, according to old resi-
dents. Timothy Jenne probably died about 1812, and with his
wife, Abigail, and some of his seven children, were said to have
been buried in the little burying ground which was located under
the site of the Sanatorium East \\'ard\ Some of the old head
stones were marked Jenne and skeletons were exhumed during
^ Statement to the writer by Seth Darling, Michael McDermott and
others.
THE WALLUM POND ESTATES yg
the excavation for the foundation of this building. William
Green claimed that a burial took place there as late as 1850.
Jacob Jenne, Timothy's son, married Thos. Rowland's daughter,
Dorcas, who lived to be over 100 years old. It is of some hiter-
est to know that an inventory of Jacob Jenne's goods at his death
in 1816, showed 1 bushel of corn and 25 bushels of rye but no
wheat and that Dorcas had 13 pewter plates valued at $1.50
each, 9 pewter spoons, 3 pewter platters, a pair of weaving
looms and warping bars. They kept 2 cows, a pair of oxen, a
pig and 2 geese.
The King Place
James King bought the place where the Sanatorium garden is
now located, of Hoziel Hopkins, Feb. 5, 1793. The old house
was a few feet west of the present cellar hole and the barn a
little farther west. Hopkins and King cleared the land to the
southward about half the way to the Buck Hill road. Either
Hopkins or King cleared and drained the large swamp to the
westward where the cranberry bog is now located by ditching
the swamp itself and also by turning the little brook, which
enters the south end of the cranberry bog, eastward across the
present Sanatorium garden^ and the highway so that this water
reached Clear River without entering the swamp or the \)o\m\.
The swamp was then cultivated and was very fertile. Samuel
White is quoted as saying that it grew the biggest corn of any
place in this vicinity. Considerable land was cleared east of the
highway where the old apple trees may still be seen. At this
time King kept a lot of stock, about 40 head, according to Levi
Darling, and for many years he owned a share in and operated
the lower sawmill opposite the present boiler house. He died on
the old place, his will being probated Jan. 2, 1819. His wife,
Hannah, and daughter, Keziah, probably lived there some time
afterward, as his will provided that his son, James, should keep
one cow and four sheep for each of them for the rest of their
natural lives. James King, 2nd, lived in this vicinity until 1822.
1 The ditch was visible until filled by ploughing a few years ago.
80 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
when he moved to Pennsylvania. The old King house^ probably
rotted down as there was rotten timber but no house there after
1840. The farm came into the possession of Dr. Levi Eddy,
King's son-in-law, who held it until his death in 1844. After
passing through the hands of Stephen Arnold, and Enos La-
pham, at one time Lieutenant-Governor of the State, the King
place was bought by Benjamin Green. About 1852, Green built
a new house somewhat nearer the road where the cellar hole may
yet be seen. The well is still used by the Sanatorium farm
employees. Green had a barn or shed about 100 feet to the
north of his house. The Green house burned down while
occupied by Edward Wells about 1893. His wife had left the
place to carry her husband's dinner and returned to find it in
flames. The Green barn was moved to Pascoag about this time.
Whether cranberries were present in the old bog before James
King drained and converted it into a cornfield is unknown, but
cranberries were growing there by 1848". About 1860, Green
built a dam high enough to flood the bog 3 or 4 feet to prevent
the vines being frost killed. W. H. Green claimed that over 500
bu. of cranberries were raised here in one season.
The Azariah Phillips Place.
Azariah Phillips bought a few acres of land northeasterly of
the present Sanborn house, Nov. 20, 1795, and built a small
house. He was a cooper by trade and operated a lathe to get out
his stock. He made fiddles, baskets, old-fashioned splint-bottom
chairs and other furnishings. Azariah Phillips died shortly
before Jan. 19, 1837, at which time his will was probated. His
widow afterward kept house for Randall Angell and while
picking up chips was killed by a buck sheep. Benjamin Sweet
afterward lived in this house, and still later it was occupied by
negroes. The house was taken down by Benjamin Green about
1850. when ready to collapse.
1 Statement to the writer by Seth Darling, Wm. Green and others.
' Thos. Green to writer.
THE WALLUM POND ESTATES 8l
First Cotton Mill.
Bani Phillips bought the old Ballard gristmill of Hayward
and Lathrop, Sept. 20, 1804, and Jan. 25, 1805. respectively,
and soon after built a small cotton mill on this site. The exact
date of the building of the mill is not known but must have been
before Oct. 12, 1812, when he sold it fully equipped. During
the next 11 years this mill was owned in whole or in part by
Jeremiah, David, Robert, Harley, and Ostrander Phillips and
George Lindley, who bought and sold it to each other until in
December, 1819, the Court of Common Pleas was called upon
to unravel the tangle. The sawmill and gristmill were located
just west of the highway bridge over Clear River, and the old
Ballard house was a little northwest of the bridge. Only the
central part of the house now owned by Sylvester Angell, just
southwest of the bridge, was then in existence, the ells having
been built later. All these buildings were awarded to David
Phillips with the exception of one-half of the house southwest
of the bridge, which, with the Rowland farm, was set off to
Jeremiah Phillips and George Lindley, July 28. 1820. Harley
Phillips later got possession and sold to Peleg Walker, who died
soon after he bought it.
David Wilkinson^.
David Wilkinson, a manufacturer, of North Providence,
bought the cotton mill and other mills June 30, 1822. the price
named being $4,150. The cotton mill burned down some time
before June 15. 1825, when he sold the water rights of AUum
Pond to the Blackstone Canal Company. The company bought
with the idea of storing the flood water and using it as a feeder
for the canal, Clear River being a tributary of the Blackstone.
Wilkinson stipulated that all the water drawn from the i^ond
should pass through the flume of his mill and that the flood
water reserved should be drawn oflf each year before Jan. 1st.
After the burning of his cotton mill, David Wilkinson bought
iThe writer is uncertain whether this David Wilkinson was the
David Wilkinson who invented a sliding lathe, and wliosc sister became
the wife of Samuel Slater.
82 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
various properties of both wood and improved lands about
Allum Pond. He owned and operated both sawmills and carried
on lumbering operations and charcoal burning on an extensive
scale. He built a wood road leading from the mill southwesterly
to the Buck Hill road. This road leads to a peat bog about a
mile from the Sanatorium. On this road there were formerly at
least two houses where people made hoops\
The Second Cotton Mill.
Wilkinson became involved in debt and John Whipple, as
assignee for his estate, sold the entire Allum Pond property on
May 7, 1831, to Levi Darling and others for $2,000.00. Darling
moved his family into the old Phillips house, added on the two
ells and planted the three maple trees in the front yard which
are there to-day. About 1835, Darling built a shingle mill on
the site of the old cotton mill. When the second cotton mill was
built the shingle mill was taken down. The firm of Sweet and
James (Philip Sweet and Albert G. James) leased the upper
mill privileges from the Darlings, Aug. 3, 1844. Levi Darling
built a new dam on the site of the old one just back of his house,
where it may still be seen. The dam and gate at the outlet of
the lake were raised and the old log dam at the north outlet was
also raised and strengthened. Darling built a two-story frame
building 50 feet long by Z7 feet wide for the factory and
installed a water wheel 18 feet in diameter. He also built a cot-
ton house and sizing house. Albert James sold his interest in
the firm, Sept. 11, 1845, to Lovell Parker and Joseph Bowdish
(1810-1900) and the next spring (May 1. 1846) Stephen Tall-
man replaced Parker and Bowdish. The cotton was drawn
from Providence and the cloth sold there to Amos D. Lockwood
& Co.. who received a 5 per cent commission on all goods bought
and sold. Sweet and Tallman complained that the water power
was insufficient, and this must have been true because of the
low elevation of the mill pond. The mill employed about 25
persons and created a demand for more house room for opera-
1 Sylvester Angell to writer.
THE WALLUM POND ESTATES 83
tives. In the summer of 1845, Daniel Kimball built a dwelling
house about 50 feet to the west of the highway and almost
directly in front of the present location of the Superintendent's
cottage, on land owned by his mother, Serina Kimball. His
wife. Eliza, for several years kept boarders who worked in the
mill. That same summer, Abel Robbins bought a half acre lot
extending both sides of the highway near the road which now
enters the rear of the Sanatorium buildings and built a two-
tenement house. Part of the excavation for the first Sanatorium
barn was in the cellar of the Robbins house. The old Timothy
Jenne house was located but a few feet farther to the northwest.
This house had been gone sometime when the Robbins house
was built. Abel Robbins' son, Gilbert, who afterward became
Mayor of Providence, lived here. This same year, Levi Darling
moved the Jenne house which stood on the knoll south of the
Sanatorium tennis court to its present position as the Wallum
Lake Store. After it was moved, this house formed the south
end of the upper story of the present house, the north end and
basement being new\ Darling also built a small store at the
turn of the road, about 20 yards north of the bridge over Clear
River. The old Ballard house was still used as a tenement and
a blacksmith shop was built near the store. April 2. 1847. Tall-
man and Sweet sold the machinery of the mill to Benedict
La::'ham for $481. The list of machinery shows that there were
64 spindles.
The Lapliams Are Balked.
Benedict Lapham obtained a five-year lease from the Darlings
on August 14th of the same year. Enos Lapham. who after-
ward became Lieutenant-Governor of the State, was overseer in
this mill. For over four years, the Laphams ran the mill suc-
cessfully. They then endeavored to buy out Darling and thus
obtain complete control of the water privilege with the intention
of developing an extensive manufacturing plant. Had this hap-
pened, the mills would probably have been located near the lower
1 Scth Darling (1829-1907) to writer.
84 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
water privileges, as the two upper privilges were too near the
level of Wallum Pond to allow of the power being fully devel-
oped or economically used. It is said on good authority that a
deed conveying the whole Darling property to Lapham was
drawn and signed by both Darling and Lapham and that it was
rendered void by the refusal of Hannah Darling to sign unless
she received an additional $500 for herself. Whatever reason
Mrs. Darling may have had for her action, her refusal to sign
the deed was a turning point in history, for had the Laphams
acquired the property, their business ability, influence and money
would probably have resulted in the development of a manufac-
turing village at Wallum Pond.
The Woolen Mill.
After the departure of the Laphams, Darling leased the fac-
tory to George \\'. Marsh, Augustus Hopkins, W^alling & Hop-
kins and Syria Sherman. After this firm gave up, another firm
tried to run it as a woolen mill but lasted only about six months.
After several sales, mortgages, etc., to iVIarsh and others,
Edward H. INIarsh, on July 31, 1860, sold all the water rights to
the outlet of Wallum Pond, the price named being $7,500, and
the control of the outlet has been held by Bridgeton manufac-
turers ever since. The mill was afterward taken down and
moved to Manchaug, Mass., where it was used in the construc-
tion of a milP. The store was also moved to the same place,
where it was converted into a dwelling house. The little house
above the factory, built by Ballard, which had been used as a
dwelling by Benjamin Greene, was used for an ice house until
1880, when it was taken down. The Robbins house was bought
and moved to Mapleville by Daniel Kimball. Kimball's house
was moved to Pascoag, where it still stands near the shop of the
Inman Lumber Company. The cellars of the Kimball, Robbins
and Jenne houses were filled in 1906. Daniel Kimball's barn,
the foundation of which is still visible about 200 feet north of
the Sanatorium Laundry on the same side of the highway, was
1 William Green (1841- ) to writer.
THE WALLUM POND ESTATES 85
moved to Centredale about 1880 by Edward Sayles. Levi Dar-
ling sold all his Wallum Pond property, Nov. 9, 1863, to Seth
Ross and Sylvester Angell and moved to Douglas, Mass. In
March, 1868, Sylvester Angell bought out Ross and thus became
sole owner.
The Civil War.
The boys from Wallum Pond neighborhood who fought to
save the Union were: Alfred Angell, Sabin Angell. (31ney
Arnold. Amasa Buxton, Thomas Greene. William Greene. Ben-
jamin Horton, Jerome Horton, Andrew Rowland, James Riley,
Mowry Salisbury, Judson Wadkins, John Friery, W^ellington
Daw, James M. Vickers and Emory White. James Riley was
wounded at Fredericksburg, and Amasa Buxton and Jerome
Horton died in the service. When the boys returned they
noticed a striking change, as the mill and many of the dwellings
had been moved away.
The Pond Traditions.
A dugout boat with carving believed to have been made by
Indians, was seen by Ezra Stone, 2nd^, when a young man.
Joseph Bowdish found and raised a sunken dugout boat and
used it for carrying charcoal across the Pond-. A dugout boat
was also seen by Daniel Buxton- and others. Sylvester AngelP
found and used an old dugout boat many years ago which
showed no trace of Indian workmanship. Quite possibly, all
these men saw the same boat, which might have been preser\'ed
almost indefinitely if sunk. It had been cut out with an axe or
similar tool. If made by the Indians, it must have been in later
years after acquiring white men's tools. It is much more likely
that it was made by the early settlers before the first sawmill in
1766.
The pond is, for the most part, spring fed, so that a swimmer
notices many cold spots. It is from 30 to 50 feet deep in most
1 Wm. Kimball to writer.
2 Thomas O'Neil to writer.
3 Statement to writer.
86 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
places, and, in the middle, north of Long Cove, soundings have
been made 79 feet below high water. A small brook which
drains the cranberry bog enters the south cove; another enters
the north end ; and in high water, two tiny streams enter on the
west and one on the east side.
The beach at the north end has exceptionally sharp sand
which, as late as 60 years ago was used in making rifles used in
sharpening scythes^.
Before 1850, a man by the name of Nathan Stone was
drowned just off the big rock where the Sanatorium water
intake pipe is at present located-. He had gone out after wild
geese and the ice broke under him. Still earlier, a fisherman
fell from an old scow that had been used to carry logs across
the pond to the mills, and was drowned-. Francis Whiting, a
boy 10 or 12 years old, while bathing at the north end,
stepped into a hole and drowned. The Lime Rock Fishing Club,
which rented the house north of the Superintendent's Cottage,
lost one of its members by drowning sometime after 1893. The
man was trying to pick up a fish hook and line which had caught
on the bottom. Pickerel and perch fishing were very good up
to the time the lake was stocked with bass, which was sometime
about 1860.
When Daniel Kimball was fishing through the ice in Long
Cove one time^, the ice separated and left open water between
him and the shore. He was obliged to wait until sometime after
dark, when the ice cake drifted ashore at the mouth of the cove.
While the mill was running well under the Laphams, Parker
Bowdish and other employees had a small sail boat. Many old
people say that Caleb Eldridge swam the whole length of the
pond in a race in which his opponent was unable to finish. His
name appears on an old deed in 1799. Some time about 1880,
a panther escaped from a circus in Webster and was seen occa-
sionally in the Douglas woods for over a year. Wild pigeons
were plentiful here as elsewhere and were killed as late as Levi
^ Seth Ross to writer.
- Mr. and Mrs. Seth Darling to writer.
2 Sylvester Angell to writer.
THE WALLUM POND ESTATES 87
Darling's time. Foxes, coons and rabbits are still numerous to
the southwest of the pond. Otter and mink were present in
W'allum Pond many years ago^ and probaljly are still present.
In the old days, there were beaver on Clear River near Wilson's
Pond-. Horace Whiting caught an otter in the Whiting Pond
in the Buck Hill district about 1895, an occasional mink, the
last one in the Lewis Brook in 1920, and, during the last 30
years, has shot 89 foxes, most of them in the Buck Hill woods.
A rattlesnake was killed in the woods south of the tennis court
since I860-'.
The pine grove back of the Superintendent's cottage used to
be a ball ground when the mill was running. On the west shore
of the pond, near the north end, is a clay deposit which was used
in the old days for making brick. The brick yard was located
near the Providence Ice Company's house, where, until recently,
traces of brick could be found. The chimney brick in many of
the old houses of this vicinity came from this yard. These brick
were small, irregular and very hard. The brick yard was aban-
doned, perhaps, before 1800.
The Sanborn House.
Stephen Collins, who worked a long time for Levi Darling,
built a small house on the hill south of the Sanatorium, having
bought the land of Darling April 17, 1840. Collins sold to
Mason W. Porter, a shoemaker, March 6, 1854. Porter sold
Nov. 8. 1858. to an Englishman by the name of Wm. Prince,
who was a woodchopper and who lived there with his wife and
daughter until the property was bought by Thomas M. Green,
April 12, 1862. Green tore down the Collins house and rebuilt
it with lumber obtained from the old cotton house in 1868. He
worked in the Hopkins Machine Works and finally sold out to
Hopkins & Co., April 6, 1898. Morton C. Sanborn, the care-
taker of the Sanatorium buildings while they were under con-
struction, bought the place July 28, 1905, shortly before the
1 Judson Wadkins to writer.
2 Randall Angell to Sylvester Angell to writer.
•■'• William Green to writer.
05 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Sanatorium opened. He put the buildings in repair and it has
been rented to Sanatorium employees ever since.
The Two Lower Mill Privileges.
About 1820, a turning lathe was in operation just below the
Clear River bridge. The middle mill privilege near the present
swimming pool was developed about 1844, the sawmill and grist-
mill which had been at the upper privilege having been moved
here to make room for the second cotton factory. The mills
were close together so that one could step from one to the other,
the grist mill being on the east and the sawmill on the west side
of the dam. These mills had an advantage over most of the
mills dependent on water power, as there was a large reserve of
water in W'allum Pond. During dry spells, the old gristmill was
often run both night and day, and corn has many times been
brought out here from Providence for grinding. Sylvester
Angell put in the first iron water wheel and the first circular
saw, wooden wheels and up and down saws having been used
previously. The gristmill was closed about 1867 and a cider
mill installed in its place. Mr. Angell continued to operate the
sawmill occasionally until it burned in January, 1907. It had
been necessary in the old days to have two mill privileges, as
there was such a demand for both grinding corn and sawing
lumber, but, as the demand lessened, the lower mill opposite the
Sanatorium boiler house was allowed to rot down, which
occurred before 1845. The upper mill pond was formerly used
for skating, as it froze over much earlier than Wallum Pond.
The Adam White Road.
Opposite the entrance to the driveway approaching the front
of the Sanatorium is an old wood road leading eastward through
the pine grove across Clear River and over the railroad to the
east road from Wallum Pond Hill to Pascoag. This wood road
was formerly a highway, having l^cen laid out June 27, 1812\
and abandoned before 1840. Between the railroad and the east
highway, was the Adam White farm, formerly belonging to
1 Burrillville Town Council Records, Vol. 1, page 30.
Statue of Roger Williams on the Monument
International de la Reformation at
Geneva, Switzerland
Courtesy of Madavic E. Httuli
THE WALLUM POND ESTATES 89
William Clark. The house at the junction of this road with the
east highway belonged to Samuel White. This house was burned
by a forest fire, about 1910. and the barn removed in 1920.
Samuel White hired and boarded women who worked hand
looms in the basement of his house, the yarn being obtained from
mills in the vicinity. In excavating for the cellar of his house, a
skeleton was exhumed which tradition says was of a man of un-
usual height. In the old days, a cart path^ led northerly from the
Adam White place along a low ridge coming out near George
Stone's tannery. A house on this path was at one time occupied
by Asahel Alger.
A Cure in Early Times.
In view of the later development of a health centre at Wallum
Pond, it is of interest to learn of a consumptive treated in this
vicinity in 1850. Ara Paine-, then a boy of 14, after about three
years of cotigh, expectoration, blood-spitting and other symp-
toms, was given up as a hopeless consumptive by his physician.
Hisgrandmother, Prudence (1772-1851), wife of the Rev. Moab
Paine, received him into her home, about two miles easterly of
the Sanatorium, and not only cheered, rested and fed him well,
as grandmothers are wont to do, but removed the two large
windows from his bedroom that he might have the open air,
night and day. Several months of this regimen started him on
the road to health which has lasted through his 50 years in the
practice of medicine and still persists after 71 years have passed
away.
The Peters Place.
In going from Wallum Pond toward Pascoag in 1905. one
passed through about two miles of woodland, much of which
had been cleared by the old settlers, and which had since grown
up to woods. The Sanatorium, in making its garden, had cleared
about 10 acres of woodland west of the highway near the old
King or Green place, while the opposite side of the road is to-day
1 Sylvester Angell to writer.
- Dr. Ara Paine to writer.
go RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
woodland, where once there was meadow and orchard. About
1,500 feet beyond the King cellar hole on the left hand side of
the road, is an apple tree. This tree was so straight and hand-
some a shoot, about 55 years ago, tliat Seth Ross bought it for
50 cents, intending to set it out in his orchard and graft it ; but
he postponed action until it was finally too large to transplant.
This apple tree is near the cellar of the Peters house. Israel
Peters (1788-1872), who lived here in 1827. built for the town
the road over Buck Hill where there had been previously only
a cart path. He afterward moved to East Boston, Conn. Rossel
Burlingame bought the place in 1833 and lived here for a time.
There was then an orchard, clover lot and pasture on the east
side of the road. The buildings on this place which were stand-
ing in 1835^ were gone before 1840.
The Scott Tragedy.
James Scott, an Irishman, cleared a patch of land on the west
side of the Wallum Pond road at its junction with the Buck Hill
road and built a shanty, where he usually lived alone, about 1856.
He kept two cows, a pig, and a big black dog. He walked to and
from his place of work in the White Mill, at Bridgeton, drank
hard and had the reputation of being quarrelsome when intoxi-
cated. He was missing one winter night and no trace of him was
found until the ice broke up the next spring, when his body was
found in Wilson's Pond. Although certain persons were sus-
pected of foul play, no official action was ever taken. The Scott
cabin was afterward taken to Chepachet by Job Smith.
The Wells Place.
A few rods before reaching the Buck Hill corner, a road on
the left leads through the woods to the Wells place. Rossel
Burlingame bought this farm of Levi Eddy, Oct. 11, 1834.
Arnold Hunt and Dennis Hunt bought it in 1838, and, in 1839,
sold to Silas and William Howard. Amasa Seamans, who had
a wooden leg, bought it, Jan. 5, 1842, and lived there with a
large family for many years. Seamans also owned the Israel
1 Seth Ross to writer.
THE WALLUM POND ESTATES 9I
Peters place. He sold out to go to Minnesota, and Esten Angell
(1809-1889), who had bought out the Seamans, sold to Alfred
L. Wells. Sept. 23, 1869. Wells and wife were living on this
place up to about 1910. Since their death, Henry Johnson, who
was a slave in Virginia before the Civil War, has occupied the
house. In spite of his 84 years, he has few gray hairs, all his
natural teeth, and is able to cut cord wood and enjoy life in a
way which astonishes younger folks.
The Whipple Angell Place.
Continuing on the highway toward Pascoag about 500 feet
beyond the Buck Hill Road, is a sharp turn to the right. On the
east side of this turn, was a house which Whipple Angell (1793-
1862) bought of James Stone, May 23, 1829. There were seven
acres of cleared land about this place. Angell never lived here
but rented it to negroes and others. The barn belonging to this
farm was carried to Marieville, North Providence, where it was
still standing a few years ago. An old road led easterly near
this house across Clear River to the East Highway, thus giving
a short cut for the Round Top folks to go over Buck Hill. This
highway was ai^andoned by the town. May 20, 1809\ This i)lace
had so completely grown up to woods that lumber was cut here,
about 1910.
The Chase Lot.
A few rods further on and easterly of the highway, about 100
feet north of Round Pond brook, was the house owned I)y
Joseph and Ambrose Chase and later by other members of the
Chase family from 1812 to 1825-. The land was cleared quite
extensively east of the road as shown by the stone walls and
stone heaps. This farm had an orchard to the east side and
woodland on the west of the road. The place was sold to Duty
Esten, April 2, 1833. Asahel Alger built another house on this
1 Records of the Burrillville Town Council, Vol I.
2 The writer is uncertain whether this was a relative of. or the same
Dr. Jos. Chase of Cumberland, who bought Eh/abeth G.bbs share of Dr.
Gibbs' estate from James Burroughs, March 5, 1771.
92 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
site about 1860. There is a maple tree about 15 inches in diam-
eter (1920) growing from the cellar.
The next farm below the Chase lot had been originally laid
out in the right of Stephen Dexter, but was cleared and occupied
by Randall Angell (1767-1855), who kept a hotel there at one
time.
The Porter Place.
In going from ^^'allum Pond toward Thompson, a few rods
after turning into the Buck Hill Road, one passes Daniel Por-
ter's old place. He bought 13 acres of land of Amasa Seamans,
August 24, 1850. He was sometimes called Doctor and was
said to have had a plentiful supply of pills, but is not known to
have practiced here. He worked some at shoemaking ; his son,
IMason W., was also a shoemaker and later lived at the Sanborn
house. Porter cleared some of the land on both sides of the
road, dug the well and built the stone walls which are there
to-day. In digging his well, he found some clear pieces of
quartz which were said to have been hard enough to cut glass a
few times and which he thought were diamonds, a circumstance
that provoked enough neighborhood gossip and amusement to
be remembered by the old timers. Nearly opposite this place is
a wood road leading southwesterly to Round Pond. In 1855,
Porter bought the Samuel Cruff farm and moved away.
The Ward Place.
On the northerly side of the Buck Hill road about a third of
a mile westerly of its junction with the Sanatorium road near a
large flat stone by a bar way is an old cellar and well. This has
always been called the Ward Place, from Eugene, Hiram, and
Wm. \\^ard, who lived there at one time. The only interesting
thing known about the Ward Place is how it came to end^ It
was last occupied, about 1842, by Indians and negroes, who were
guilty of various acts of mischief, including the throwing of a
bull down the well. They did not move when Randall Angell,
the owner, ordered them out, but, somewhat later, went down to
^ Statement to writer by Wm. R. Angell and others.
THE WALLUM POND ESTATES
93
the sea shore for the summer. One night. Randall's son. Esten,
and two neighbors, Hawkins and Ross, went to the Ward house.
A few hours sawing of the beams made the old house collapse,
and they returned to bed. When, the next day, a neighbor told
Randall that the Ward house was flat, the latter appeared sur-
prised and indignant. The lumber of this house went into Ran-
dall Angell's cattle shed.
The Tzi'ist Place.
About half way between the Ward Place and the top of Buck
Hill, on the north side of the highway, is the cellar of a house
once occupied by Asa Twist. The house was probably there
in 1806 on the separation of Burrillville from Glocester, as it is
named in the Burrillville school records as a dividing line be-
tween Wallum Pond and Buck Hill districts and it had probably
disappeared before 1819, as it was not remembered by Esten
AngelP.
The Trask Place.
One who ascends Buck Hill from the east and sees the masses
of boulders which almost cover the ground can but marvel at
the courage of one who would attempt to clear land and Iniild a
house there. Yet we find a good foundation and cellar a few
feet from the north side of the road at the foot of the last pitch,
and partly cleared land to the northward. William Trask, who
claimed to have been a veteran of the War of 1812 and who
lived to be 107 years old, owned this place as early as 1826; the
house was gone and the place grown up to weeds before 1850.
1 Wm. R. Anffell to writer.
94 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Notes
The Rhode Island Society of the Colonial Daughters of the
Seventeenth Century has issued a leaflet entitled "History of
the United States Flag." It is for use in the public schools of
Rhode Island.
The second volume of the Rhode Island Court Records cov-
ering the period. 1662 to 1670, has been printed and placed on
sale by the Rhode Island Historical Society.
The April Bulletin of the Newport Historical Society con-
tains a paper by Mr. Jonas Bergner on "The Old House on
Franklin Street" and one by Mrs. William P. Buffum on "The
Story of the Old Friends' Meeting House."
Antiques for May contains an illustrated article on John God-
dard of Newport and his furniture by Walter A. Dyer.
The following persons have been elected to membership in
the Society:
Mrs. Charles K. Baker Mr. Stephen C. Harris
Mr. Horatio E. Bellows Mr. Charles F. Heartman
Mrs. Charles Bradley Miss Hope K. Hodgman
Mr. Arthur D. Champlin Mr. John S. Holbrook
Mr. William P. Chapin Mrs. Donald E. Jackson
Mrs. Henry G. Clark Mr. Francis B. Kinney
Mrs. Henry I. Cushman Mrs. Webster Knight
Mrs. Murray S. Danforth Mrs. I. Harris Metcalf
Mr. Robert T. Downs Mr. James A. Pirce
Mr. Cyrus T. Eddy Mr. B. Thomas Potter
Mr. W^illiam H. Eddy Mr. Robert L. Spencer
Mr. Preston H. Gardner Miss Louise Tillinghast
Miss Annette M. Ham Mr. William P. Young
Four Sunday afternoon talks were held in March with an
average attendance of about seventy-five persons.
The speakers and subjects were as follows :
March 5— Mr. Donald Cowell, "Rhode Island's Gift to
Telephony."
NOTES
95
March 12— Air. Howard W. Preston, "Rochanilx\au and the
French in Providence."
March 19— Mr. Norman M. Isham, "Dating of Early
Houses."
March 26— Mrs. William H. Eddy, "How to Trace One's
Ancestry."
Prof. Verner W. Crane read, hefore the April meeting, a
paper entitled "Christopher Champlin, Merchant," illustrating
the business customs and trade routes of Rhode Island ship
owners in the period preceding and following the Revolution.
Among the many important accessions to the Library is the
Stukeley Westcott Bible, the gift of Miss Lucetta A. Stone.
This invaluable addition to our Library belonged to one of the
original proprietors of Providence, and is one of four books
remaining of those owned by the early settlers.
Mrs. Louise Lewis Lovell has presented the Society with her
recent publication, "The Biography of Israel Angell." In addi-
tion to the biography, the volume contains over one hundred and
fifty pages of transcription of original contemporary material
dealing with the Revolution, supplementing on a large scale the
"Diary of Israel Angell," published some years ago.
The Massachusetts Society of Colonial Dames has issued a
book on American Samplers, by Bolton and Coe, a copy of which
has been recently presented to the Society by the late Mrs. Sam-
uel Powel.
Other gifts are as follows :
Nine volumes of their Manuscript Record Books, presented by
the Providence Franklin Society.
Two fire buckets, marked "I. Angell," presented by Mrs.
Rebecca F. Bradford.
A steel dye of the seal which belonged to Major General
Ambrose E. Burnside, presented by Mr. William L. Manchester,
of Bristol, Rhode Island.
Index to "Mayflower Descendants and Their Marriages,"
written and presented by Dr. Frank T. Calef.
An Indian corn grinding stone found on Wallum II ill. tlic
gift of Mr. Ernest Singleton.
96 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
View of Providence (oil painting) the bequest of Miss Lucy
A. Metcalf.
A volume of manuscripts, relating to the Ballou family, pre-
sented by Mrs. William Ballou.
One of the four mourning rings for Washington's hair has
been presented by Col. George L. Shepley. It is the Abby Chase
ring. There is an account of these rings and hair in the Provi-
dence Journal of Feb. 9, 1908, ^larch 8, 1908, and July 25, 1920.
A manuscript genealogy of the Davis family consisting of 42
closely typewritten pages has been copied and added to the
Society's Library.
Mr. George F. Dow of Boston has made an index of all the
Rhode Island items which appeared in Boston newspapers
before 1750 and his compilation is of great service to historical
students. It has been purchased by Col. Shepley and can be
consulted at the Shepley Library on Benefit Street.
Dr. Calef is at work on tracing the descendants of Roger
Williams for two generations beyond the ^point that they are
carried in Austin's "Ancestry of Thirty-Three Rhode Island-
ers." He will appreciate any data along these lines.
Colotiial Distinguishing Flags.
A manuscript in the Rhode Island State Archives describes
the distinguishing flags, then called vanes, that were used by the
various contingents in the Canadian expedition of 1746. It is
as follows :
"The Massachusetts Transports to Wear a Broad White Vane
with a blue Ball at the Main Top Gallant Mast head.
"The Connecticut, Rhode Island & New Hampshire Vessells
to Wear a Broad Blue Vane with a White Ball at the Main Top
Gallant Mast head.
"The Transports from England, to wear a Broad Red Vane
at the Main Top Gallant Mast head.
"These are for distinction."
(Letters, 1746, p. 36.)
Rhode Island
Historical Society
Collections
Vol. XV October, 1922 No. 4
CONTENTS
r-
Early Rhode Island Seals .
The Wallum Pond Estates (Continued)
By Harry Lee Barnes .
PAGB
Captain Kidd in Narragansett Bay 97
Recollections of Mount Vernon Bank
By Rachael Knight Budlong, about 1880 . . .98
XT * i*" ^«^<^ -99
Notes K, ■ ^
101
109
$3.00 per year Issued Quarterly 75 cents per copy
RHODE
HISTORICAL
ISLAND
SOCIETY
COLLECTIONS
Vol. XV
October, 1922
No. 4
Howard W. PRESTON,Presiden( EDWARD K. ALDRICH, Jr. Jreaturer
George T. SPICER, Secretary HOWARD M. CHAPIN, Librarian
The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the
opinions of contributors.
Captain Kidd in Narragansett Bay
The following account is from Campbell's manuscript "News-
Letter."
"Boston, June the 19, 1699.
"Last thursday Capt. Kid came into Road Island harber; the
Governour sent the Collector in a boat with about 30 men well
armed in order to goe on board, but Kid shot 2 great Guns,
which caused the Collector to retreat. Kids Sloope has 10
Guns, 8 Patteraroes."^ June 19, 1699, fell on Monday, so that
the preceding Thursday was June 15th. The East Passage of
Narragansett Bay is called Rhode Island Harbour on the Des
Barras chart of 1776. The Capt. Kid mentioned in this item
is William Kidd, alias Robert Kidd, i)erhaps the most famous
pirate. A letter discovered in 1849, dated 1700-1, and signed
Robert Kid, is printed in part in Field's "Rhode Island," vol. 1,
p. 541 ; and in full in the life of Robert Kidd. published ni
Palmer, Mass., in 1850. A deposition of Thomas Paine of
Conanicut in regard to Capt. Kidd's visit to the bay in I6')9 is
printed in the R. I. Hist. Mag., vol. 6. p. 156.
1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. Feb. 1873, p. 422.
98 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Recollections of Mount Vernon Bank
(Written by Rachael Knight Budlong\ about 1880.)
The Mount Vernon Bank was situated in Foster near the
Coventry hne on the Plainfield Pike or stage road about two
miles east of Rice City. The founders of the bank were Col.
Nathaniel Stone, Pardon Holden, Elisha Fish and Peleg Place.
The bank was chartered- about 1824 and commenced operations
in the fall of 1825, with Peleg Place as Cashier and Nathaniel
Stone as President. The bank was kept for a few months in the
west front chamber of the two storied house, which was owned
and occupied by Pardon Holden. It was afterwards removed
to a stone building which had been built by Dr. Thomas Car-
penter and used for a while as a store after which it was sold to
Pardon Holden. This building, together with a shed, stood a
short distance west of his house, and was leased by him to the
bank for as long a time as it should be used for banking purposes
after which it should revert to Holden or his heirs.
Mount Vernon village, called after the bank, was a thriving
village at that time. There were then two stages on the road,
each driver carried a long tin horn which he blew before coming
to a dwelling house. The stage house or tavern was kept by
Elisha Fish, and was later sold to Moses Potter.
Mr. Holden was an enterprising man. He owned a large
country store, which at that time meant to buy and sell every-
thing. He had a plough shop for the manufacture of cast iron
ploughs, the first that were made in Rhode Island. Doct.
Thomas O. H. Carpenter, quite a celebrated doctor, had an office
and boarded in the place. They also had a post office^ and with
all it was a busy, lively village.
1 Sister of Charles Morgan Stone, cashier of the bank.
- The bank was chartered in October, 1823. See Acts & Resolves of
R. I., Oct. 1823, p. 62. Iri Brown was a director. See Bayles Hist, of
Prov. Co., vol. 2, p. 636.
^ The Post Office was called Mount Vernon in 1866, but the village is
now called Vernon.
NOTES
99
Col. Nathaniel Stone was the first president and Pardon
Holden was the second, the latter served until his death, which
occurred in 1831. The next was Samuel Tillinghast.
Peleg Place was the first cashier and a stockholder. He filled
that office for eleven years when, becoming infirm from age,
Charles M. Stone was chosen to take his place, which he held
for eight years, when in the spring of 1844, he removed to Provi-
dence to take charge of an agency^ connected with the bank, a
large amount of the business being done in the city. Raymond
G. Place was the next and last cashier.
The daughter of Pardon Holden remembers distinctly riding
home from Providence with her father, the latter bringing large
sums of money in his breast pocket, often times not arriving
until dark, something never done at the present time. He went
to and fro two or three times a week without molestation
although conipletely unarmed. Mr. Holden was a large and
exceedingly powerful man fully able to cope with any opposition
he was likely to meet in those days. He served the bank in this
and every way in which he could further its interests until his
health failed. Afterwards the packages of money were sent by
the driver of the mail stage or any person considered perfectly
reliable and not a dollar was ever lost in transportation. Fifty-
five years ago there were very few houses this side of the bridge.
The bank some years ago was removed to Providence'- and
consequently, by the terms of the lease, the bank building
reverted to the heirs of Pardon Holden.
1 See Field's Rhode Island, vol. 3, p. 300.
-The Rhode Island Historical Society has on exhibition six of the
Mount Vernon Bank bills issued after the bank moved to Providence.
Joseph Belcher was president in 1857 and 1858. H. G. Place was cashier
in 1857 and S. C. Arnold in 1858.
Notes
Miss Louise C. Hoppin presented to the Society a set of the
books illustrated by Augustus Hoppin.
A number of genealogies have been added to the Library.
100 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The most important of these accessions is a genealogy of the
Cooke family by Albert Welles, New York, 1880.
The Society has recently received several valuable man-
uscripts. The largest collection is the "Utley Papers," original
manuscripts relating to Tiverton and Little Compton, the gift
of Mr. Samuel Utley of Worcester, Mass. Mr. L. H. Austin
presented the original manuscript wilP of Joseph Williams, son
of Roger. The Society was fortunate in obtaining a muster roll
of several companies of the Rhode Island Militia that served
during the War of 1812. Mr. Edwin P. Anthony presented the
royal commission granted to Robert Robinson as Registrar of
the Vice-Admiralty Court in 1714.
When in England last spring, Mr. William Davis Miller took
a photograph of the church at High Lever, Essex, where Roger
Williams was married. He has had an enlargement made of
this photograph and has given it to the Society.
"Rhode Island's Gift to Telephony," the talk which Mr. Don-
ald Cowell gave before the Society last March, has been printed
in the Providence Magazine for May, 1922.
Two new publications of Rhode Island interest have been
recently received. They are the "Records of the Court of
Trials of the Town of Warwick, R. I., 1659-1674," from the
original manuscript in the Shepley Library, and Norman M.
Isham's guide to "Wickford and its Neighborhood."
Mrs. Frederick Allien of Riverdale on Hudson, Mr. George
R. Burgess of Providence and Mrs. Edward S. Moulton of
Providence have been admitted to membership in the Society.
A coat worn by Richard Smith of Cocumscussuc has been
added to the Society's museum, the gift of Mr. Walter Hidden.
An exhibition of Rhode Island State Bank bills has been
arranged in the exhibition cases in the Portrait Gallery. Over
100 specimens are shown. In addition to those owned by the
Society, there are exhibited others loaned by Col. George L.
Shepley and Mr. Edward Aborn Greene. Col. H. Martin Brown
presented the Society with the Pascoag Bank bill. These bank
1 R. I. H. S. Ms. XI, p. 50.
EARLY RHODE ISLAND SEALS
lOI
bills were used during the period between the Revolution and
the Civil War. The exhibition contains not only bills in the
state of circulation, but also cancelled bills, restrikes. unsigned
specimens, and two synthetic bills, apparently to be used as
models by engravers. Some copper and steel plates from which
the bills were struck are also shown. These copper plates were
engraved by the local Providence engraver. William Hamlin
the man who engraved the first published view of Providence'.
"The Charter and By-Laws of the Newport Guards." i^rinted
at Newport by Henry C. Southwick and Co., "Three doors
South of the Cap of Liberty" in 1794 has been added to the
Shepley Library. It is a hitherto unknown Newport imprint-.
1 R. I. H. S. Coll. vol. XII, frontispiece.
- Cf. R. I. H. S. Coll. vol. XIV, p. 94.
Early Rhode Island Seals
Many of the early Rhode Islanders used distinctive seals.
Those of James Sweet, 1662 (XI, p. 100). Gregory De.xter,
which was used by his son in 1716, R. I. H. S. Ms. I., p. 129
(XII, p. 114), Robert Jeoffreys (XIII, p. 52), Richard Water-
man, 1729 (XIII, opp. p. 139), John Greene. Jr. (XIV. p. 5),
and William Coddington (XIV, p. 32), have been illustrated in
our "Collections." W^illiam Ellery's seal is reproduced in the
Newport Historical Magazine, IV, p. 184, with a note on page
259, the Lawton seal is described in the Rhode Island Historical
Magazine, VI, p. 140, and also the seals of other Newport resi-
dents. 1675-1783, VI, pages 67 to 71. Seals of other Rhode
Islanders are reproduced in the Massachusetts Historical Society
Collections, series 4. volumes VI and VII, and series 5, volume
I, and also in the Heraldic Journal, 1865-68.
102
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Governor Benedict Arnold (1615-1678) used two personal
seals. One was a conventional scroll with the letters B, D, and
A, signifying Benedict and Damaris Arnold. There are several
impressions of this seal extant, one of the finest of them being
on a deed dated 1676, and preserved at the Rhode Island His-
torical Society. The other seal is a foul anchor between the
letters B. A. This silver seal is still preserved and is on exhibi-
tion in the museum of the Rhode Island Historical Society.
This seaP may have been the Colony seal of 1660, which was
discarded in 1664 when Benedict Arnold was Governor. He
may have bought the old Colony seal and had his initials added.
It is of course possible that Arnold may have merely copied the
Colony seal and added his initials. In the Rider Collection,
Brown University, there is an impression of this Arnold anchor
seal made in 1800 bv Samuel Chace.
The seal used by John Banister of Newport on a deed dated
1741 in the TiUinghast Papers, vol. I, p. 1, in Rhode Island
Historical Society Library.
' See Chapin's The Seal, the Arms and the Flag of Rhode Island, p. 2.
EARLY RHODE ISLAND SEALS
103
The armorial seal used by John Clarke on his will dated 1676
and preserved at the Newport Historical Society. John Clarke
was Deputy Governor and Agent for the Colony.
The seal of John Coggeshall of Newport, President of the
Colony in 1647. From manuscripts in the Connecticut Archives,
Colonial Boundary, vol. I, pp. 103 and 109.
The seal of John Greene of \A\irwick. This seal appears in
the Warner Papers, vol. I, pages 6 (1659), 8 (1665). 11
(1668), and 62 (1696). It may have been one of the early
Colony seals with the initials I. G. added after the seal had been
discarded by the Colony.
I04
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The seal of Samuel Gorton is a conventional design with his
initials. It appears in the Greene Papers, page 2, the Warner
Papers, vol. I, pages 31, 56. 68, 69, 71, 72, 74, 83, and 84, in the
Rhode Island Historical Society Library; Providence Town
Papers 090 in the City Hall, and on a letter in the Library of
the Massachusetts Historical Society. Their impression of this
seal has been reproduced in M. H. S. C. 4, VII, plate 11.
The seal of Daniel Gould of Newport is somewhat similar to
that of Samuel Gorton. Daniel Gould (1625-1716) was the
son of Jeremiah Gould, one of the early settlers of Newport.
His seal appears in the Warner Papers, vol. 1, p. 57, in the
Rhode Island Historical Society Library.
William Harris was one of the founders of Providence. His
seal appears on a power of attorney, dated 1678, on page 109 of
the Harris Papers at the Rhode Island Historical Society.
CITY OF ROWSEViLLE, R.I.
'K\m- rfl.l'rtitr)/ m.:/.ii'/,.;^'li'.i.l'iil.tii en lli, sprl-tnUi firliMl rf'.'.rrifitii
,... ^^..^ ^ -
(Manuscript note on reverse of lithograph i
This was a celebrated watering place on border of Old Warwick Pond, where there
was an annual outing of 12 to 20 gentlemen for fishing and dinner and sports. They were
largely the merchants on South Water Street and quite a number of them were cotton
buyers, residing South most of the year, but coming home in Summer. Captain Shubaei
Cady, Master of the Brig Rouse usually arranged for the outing at "Rouseville." Among its
members were the Browns, Col. W. W., "Zeph" and "Nat", Allen Mathewson. Jeremiah
Gladding, brother of Ben C. who resided on Arnold St. This cartoon is from the pencil of
E. L. Peckham, better known as "Ned" Peckham, "taken on the spot."
From lithograph at Rhode Island Historical Society
The Forerunner of the Squantum Club
KID. bel & Sc.
CITY OF ROUSEVILLE, R. I.
(Manuscript note on reverse of engraving)
The "Hotel" at this watering place as picture shows was kept by one imaginary "John
Smith", who makes quite an exhibit of "Wet goods ; " and the only food is a fish hanging on
the Hotel, and suggestive of great thrift. The corpulent "gent" at the door requesting him to
"pay up" is the genial Capt. Cady, who usually figured expenses and divided the same among
the members and usually collected same before dinner, a very wise precaution, where some
might forget to settle after a full dinner. The gentlemen on the right, engaged in pitching
cents, are of high character and we don't think they played "for keep" ; they never acquired
the habits of regular gamblers. The "gent" in foreground on the low stool, frying fish, is
recognized by his brother, Benj. C, as Jeremiah Gladding. These gatherings continued for
some years at different places, at last developing into the present Squantum Club.
From engraving at Rhode Island Historical Society
EARLY RHODE ISLAND SEALS
105
The seal of Ezekiel Holliman, who died in 1659, may l)e a
portrait of St. John the Baptist. Holliman spread the Baptist
teachings at Providence, Portsmouth, Newport and Warwick.
The seal appears on pages 1 and 36 in volume III of Manuscript
Deeds, at the Rhode Island Historical Society Library.
The above seal was used by Obadiah Holmes, pastor of the
First Baptist Church of Newport, on his will dated 1682, which
is owned by the Newport Historical Society.
The armorial seal of Samuel Hutchinson is reproduced from
the Heraldic Journal, vol. II, p. 183. Samuel Hutchinson was
son of William and Anne Hutchinson. The above seal appears
on his will, which is dated 1667.
I06 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The seal of Thomas Ohiey, Junior, of Providence, appears
on many papers in the Rhode Island Historical Society Library,
a few of which are : R. L H. S. Ms. I, pages 84, 88, 94, 96, 98,
and 106, Deeds III, pages 2, 5, 6, and 7; and Esten Papers 19,
27 and 29.
The seal of Richard Scott was used by his wife, Katherine,
on a letter dated Providence 17-4-1658, and preserved at the
Massachusetts Historical Society Library. M. H. S. C. 5, I,
96, and plate 2. Richard Scott and Katherine Morbury were
married at Berkhamsted, Co. Herts, England, on June 7, 1632.
The armorial seal used by Richard Smith of Cocumscussuc,
R. I., on a letter preserved in the Connecticut Archives.
EARLY RHODE ISLAND SEALS
107
The above seal was used by Mary Holliman on an agreement
dated Feb. 22, 1668, and now owned by a descendant, Howard
M. Chapin. Mary Holliman married first John Sweet, one of
the early settlers of Providence, and secondly Ezekiel Holliman,
one of the early settlers of Warwick.
This seal was used by Stukely Westcott in 1656, on a man-
uscript now in the Rhode Island Historical Society Library,
Harris Papers, p. 13. Stukely Westcott's son was named Rob-
ert. This seal probably belonged to some earlier member of the
Westcott family with initials R. W.
The armorial seal used by Roger Williams in 1637 and 1638
on letters, now preserved at the Massachusetts Historical Society
Library. These letters are printed in M. H. S. C. 4. VI. 231-3,
I08 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
242-4, 248-9, 252-3, 254-61, 266-7, and the seal illustrated on
plate 3. There is a discussion of these arms in R. I. H. S.
News-sheet, No. 39. It appears probable that they are the arms
of the family of Williams of Llangibby, Monmouthshire, with
the gyronny lines omitted through carelessness or else cut so
lightly that their impression is not now discernible in the wax.
These arms were "Gyronny of eight ermine and ermines, a lion
rampant or," but are given by Burke as ermine and sable instead
of ermine and ermines, and illustrated by Burke as argent and
sable. Roger Williams of Llangibby, the head of that family,
died in 1575.
William Field of Providence was for years a member of the
General Assembly. He died in 1665. His seal appears on pages
6 and 7 of the Field Papers, which are preserved in the Rhode
Island Historical Society Library.
THE WALLUM POND ESTATES IO9
The Wallum Pond Estates
By Harry Lee Barnes
(^Continued from July Number)
Round Pond.
This pond, having an area of about 50 acres, lies deep in tlic
woods about a mile and a half southwest of Walhini Pond and
half a mile south of the Buck Hill road. The outlet on the east
side has been deepened to allow the pond to be drawn down a
little. According to Keech, friendly Mohawks trapped otter on
Round Pond brook in the old days. On the northerly side of
the Pond, about 200 feet from the shore, is a boulder of about
12 feet in heighth and breadth, against which we are told a gang
of counterfeiters once built their work hut. The chimney of this
cabin was still standing 50 years ago, but now only the fireplace
remains. On the northeasterly side of the Pond, near a large
flat ledge, is a swampy ravine about 300 feet wide running
northeasterly. The rocky ridge on the southern side of this
ravine terminates about 1,000 feet from the pond at "Money
Rocks." This small rocky cavern, in which tradition^ says the
counterfeiters hid their tools and money is entered from above
through a triangular opening, measuring 34 by 38 by 49 inches.
The cave is large enough to hold two or three men. but is not
high enough to allow one to stand erect. Formerly the opening
could be completely closed by a triangular flat stone which had
been displaced from and which nicely fitted the aperture, but the
opening has been enlarged in recent years by the action of the
weather. It has always been believed that the tix^ls and other
incriminating evidences of their work were thrown into the
Pond when the nature of the work was suspected. In his iiis-
tory of Burrillville, Keech gives an interesting account of the
detection and trial of these counterfeiters. He states that one of
the counterfeiters became intoxicated at Brandy Hill Tavern in
1 Wm R Angell was shown Money Rocks by his srandfather. Eslon
Angell, and the latter by his father, Randall Angcll.
110 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Thompson and passed so much new counterfeit money as to
arouse suspicion, which lead to his arrest. Among the suspected
were Arnold Hunt and Zadoc Sherman (1783-1870), the latter,
as a boy of 12, caught the men at their work^ and was admitted
to the gang to induce him to hold his tongue. There is a tradi-
tion that Arnold Hunt was put on trial for counterfeiting. No
convictions were ever made, according to Keech, because it
involved too many prominent people, some of whom were related
to the Judge. There is good reason for thinking that part of
their dies and other tools were made by Arnold Sayles (1773-
1860), who was a very able workman. The writer has seen
some of the tools which Sayles is alleged to have made for these
counterfeiters. One of these dies made for a coin about the
size of a quarter is inscribed "Carlos III Dei Gratia 1789."
These counterfeit operations had previously been carried on in
Thompson. The counterfeiting at Round Pond covered a con-
siderable period from about 1786 to 1795. Spanish money was
counterfeited because it was in common use. A tradition per-
sists that some of the dies were made in Canada and that some
of the counterfeit money was put in circulation in that country.
On the south side of this pond, a short distance from the shore,
is the cellar of the Stanfield house. Several acres had once been
cleared about it. About 1840, a man by the name of Robbins
cleared up several acres on the southeast shore, built a cabin and
lived there with his family-. He burned charcoal and carted it
to Providence for sale. The Robbins cabin was a wreck by
1850, but the cellar and stone heaps can be plainly seen to-day in
the thick woods where one would little expect them.
TJic Buck Hill Woods.
The Buck Hill Woods is a wilderness of ridges and hills,
thickly strewn with boulders and covered with scrub oak, broken
by occasional high black oak or scrub pine stumps which have
been charred by forest fires. The wood road, leading westerly
1 Zadoc Sherman to Barton Jacobs to writer.
2 Sylvester Angell to writer.
THE WALLUM POND ESTATES III
from the present Sanatorium pig house, divides at the top of
the first ridge, and the left hand fork, after two or three hun-
dred yards, leads to a high ledge of rocks of unusual appearance
and known from the earliest times as Badger Mountain.
Whether the name came from a supposed resemblance to a
badger or because this animal was at one time found there is
not known. The wood road continues southwesterly about half
a mile beyond Badger Mountain, where, in a depression of land,
is a small pond about 200. feet long by 100 feet wide and 4 to 6
feet deep. This pond is fed by springs and yet is apparently
without an outlet or running off brook. The easterly side of the
pond, about its middle, was the site of William Angell's steam
sawmill, about 1903. Six or seven hundred feet northwesterly
of this pond is Goat Rock, a ledge about 80 feet long, with a
perpendicular face on the easterly side, 15 to 20 feet high. Why
it is called Goat Rock, no one seems to know. It might well have
been called "coon rock," as it seems to have been a favorite
resort for raccoons. At the foot of the northerly end of the
Goat Rock is a brook which in the springtime, is, perhaps, half
the size of Clear River, and this brook is believed to drain the
Angell sawmill pond by an underground passage. After flowing
about 100 feet on the surface, in direction a little west of south-
west, it disappears underground to reappear later on its way to
join the Leeson Brook.
On the Buck Hill highway, six-tenths of a mile southeasterly
of Orrin Whiting's, one crosses a brook which flows southwest-
erly into Ouadick Reservoir in Thompson and in its lower
course, in tTie Buck Hill district, is known as the Lewis Brook.
This brook is formed by the union of several small brooks which
rise in the Buck Hill woods westerly and southwesterly of the
Sanatorium. The Leeson Brook, so named from one Leeson.
who many vears ago had a house and clearing near it. may be
considered the main brook in the sense that it is the longest, rises
about eight-tenths of a mile west of the southern end of Wallum
Pond and flows southerly, receiving branches from the east.
About a third of a mile northerly of the Buck Hill road, a brook
enters from the east called the "Boiling Spring Brook." Follow-
112 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
ing up this brook in an easterly direction, about half a mile
through Boiling Spring Cedar Swamp, one comes to the Boiling
Spring, a circular spring, perhaps 8 feet in diameter, where
the water, which is cold, can be seen to rise or "boil" up from
the ground. A pole can be stuck in the bottom of the spring 10
or 15 feet, without reaching firm bottom. About 300 feet east-
erly of this spring is a brook which comes from a swamp about
20 rods northeasterly of the cellar hole of the William Trask
house. In high water this brook runs overground into the Boil-
ing Spring, but at other times it is lost underground, probably
reappearing in the Boiling Spring Brook. The Trask Swamp
Brook is dry in summer, but, no matter how dry the weather,
the Boiling Spring pours out a generous stream of water. About
half a mile northerly of Goat Rock Brook is another brook which
runs southeasterly into Leeson Brook. This brook starts in a
swamp about half a mile southwesterly of Wallum Pond, dis-
appears for some distance, and then reappears in a spring of
water, very cold from its underground journey and called Cold
Spring Brook. Leeson Brook, like its tributaries, has a trick of
disappearing in some places in the upper part of its course.
Coon Cave lies about half a mile westerly of the southern end
of Wallum Pond in a ledge of rocks about 50 feet long by 10
feet high, facing the west. At the foot of the ledge is an open-
ing in the rocks into which a man can crawl about 15 feet. A
torch shows many crevices and holes extending about 20 feet
farther and large enough to form hiding places for animals.
This small cave has been a favorite place for bats in summer
time and many a coon and fox have here found safe retreat from
hunters. On the westerly side of the ledge is a swampy pond
hole about 200 feet long by 60 feet wide, filled with swamp
huckleberry bushes of unusual height. This swamp drains
northerly into a small pond of clear water of about the same
size. A few rods westerly and in plain sight of this pond, is a
prominent irregular ledge of rocks known as Rattlesnake Ledge.
Over 50 years ago, Reuben Dudley spent 3 or 4 days about here
catching rattlesnakes for a circus. The rattlesnakes were caught
by pinning their heads to the ground with a forked stick and
THE WALLUM POND ESTATES
•13
then seizing the snakes and depositing them in a hag. Dudley'
caught 20 rattlesnakes, for which he was paid $100. On the
easterly side of the pond, hy Rattlesnake Ledge, is tiie running
out or outlet brook, which, after the fashion of Buck Hill
streams, runs underground for a considerable distance. The
water, though out of sight, can be heard on its way to Wallum
Pond. The reason for the disappearance of the brooks in the
Buck Hill woods is found in the enormous number of boulders
so thickly piled together that in many places one may walk for
long distances without touching earth. The water, falling sev-
eral feet through the crevices between these boulders, which, in
some places have a thin covering of moss, leaf mould, or loam,
is often lost to sight and hearing.
The Clear River Reservoir Co.
The value of Wallum Pond as a reservoir for the Bridgeton
mills has always been considerable. These mill owners are said
to have paid Darling to open his gates at the outlet of the pond
until these outlet gates were finally bought by IMarsh and later.
Sept. 18, 1860, by Augustus Hopkins of Bridgeton. The Clear
River Reservoir Co., a chartered corporation, afterward leased
Wilson's Pond, Sept. 20, 1866, and raised the dam 7 feet, thus
enlarging Wilson's Pond. They also built a new dam and gate
and deepened the trench at the outlet of Wallum Pond so that
the pond can be drawn four feet lower than before. The old
log dam at the north outlet was replaced by one of stone. Their
questionable deed to flow the land about Wallum Pond to any
height was never carried out. The right of the Clear River
Reservoir Co. to sell and market ice was sold to Wm. E. Bowen,
March 23, 1900.
O'Neil's Camp.
This land was originally sold from John Howland's farm and
at one time belonged to Howland Kimball. The name of Xche-
1 In a newspaper account a few years before his death, it was stated
that Ddkv, whS frequently hunted in the Douglas and Buck H.Il woods
had cauglU or killed 700 coons, 150 foxes, 21 otter o7 rattlesnakes and
250 swafms of wild bees. This statement is cred.ted by rehable persons
who knew him.
114 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
miah Kimball, who formerly lived on this place, begins to appear
in the deeds as early as 1815. He at first lived in a log house on
the south side of the road^ After a few years, he built a frame
house on the north side of the road, where the cellar hole is still
readily seen. He married Cyrene, daughter of Israel Aldrich, a
farmer on Wallum Pond Hill, and lived on the O'Neil place
until his death in 1849. His wife lived here as late as 1860 and
then lived in Mapleville with her son, Daniel. This house was
bought by a man named Moore, who moved it to Pascoag for a
fish market. Mrs. Kimball sold the place to James Dockery in
1864. John Riley owned the place from 1872 until 1903, when
it was bought by the Pascoag Fishing Club, so called, Thos.
O'Neil and seven other men, each of whom owned two or three-
twentieths of the property. The small cabin built in 1894 was
replaced by the present camp in 1903. ]Mr. O'Neil, who con-
ducted the place, gave clambakes and entertained fishermen and
others.
The Railroad.
The origin of the Providence and Springfield Railroad, which
was built to Pascoag in 1872-1873, was described to the writer
by the late William Tinkham, the Harrisville manufacturer, who
was President of this railroad, substantially as follows : — "The
water furnishing insufficient power for the mills, we had
burned wood largely up to 1872, when the wood was pretty well
cut off and we were so far in the country that it was too expen-
sive to haul coal over the road. I met Albert L. Sayles in the
Arcade in Providence one day and said to him, 'We must build
a railroad up there, and we can't get on without it.' Mr. Sayles
said, 'Yes, but we can't do it alone ; we must get someone to
help.' I went to my office and wrote an article for the Provi-
dence Journal, and Mr. Danielson, the editor, wrote an editorial.
After one month's advertisement and agitation, we tried to sell
stock and got $200,000 easily. The trains started to run in
August, 1873." The plans for the extension from Pascoag to
^ Mrs. Nehemiah Kimball, Jr., to writer.
THE WALLUM POND ESTATES II5
Southbridge, passing by the east and north sides of Walkim
Pond, were made July 11, 1891, and most of the deeds of the
property to the railroad for this extension were made in 1892
and 1893. Service between Pascoag and Southbridge was dis-
continued for a time but was recommenced after the erection
of the State Sanatorium. The Providence to Southbridge line
was sold to the New York, New Haven & Hartford Railroad
Company Oct. 30, 1905, the sum named being $569,195.
The Red House on the Hill.
This house, near the southern end of Wallum Pond Hill with
a commanding view toward Pascoag, was originally part of the
Capt. John Whipple farm and later of the John Howland farm.
It was subsequently bought by the Phillipses, who owned the
factory and who probably used it for their mill employees. On
the division of the Phillips's mill estate by the court, Israel
Aldrich bought this place. Dutee Logee once lived here. While
the mills were running, Daniel Kimball, Aldrich's grandson, had
a good country store in this house, and, at one time, Sabin Mil-
lard had a saloon with a bowling alley in the basement. Jose])h
Bowdish and Lovell Parker lived there for a time. Martin H.
Smith sold the place to James Dockery, July 7, 1860. Dockery
was a big Irishman who had a large family. There is a tradi-
tion that there was once a distillery for moonshine corn whiskey
in the woods about a half mile east of the Wallum Lake Station.
In 1872 this place was sold to John Riley and Alfred .\ngell
(1841-1884), who lived there together until Riley bought out
Angell. Riley sold to the Pascoag Fishing Club, so called. May
7, 1903, from whom it was bought by Mr. Singleton. Since
then, it has been for the most part unoccupied. The barn burned
down about 1907. This place was considered as a site for the
Sanatorium before the present site was purchased.
Quarries.
About a mile from the Wallum Lake Depot, toward Pascoag.
on both sides of the railroad one sees where stone has been (juar-
ried. This work began almost immediately after the builduig of
Il6 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
the railroad. Henry Mathewson, of Providence, took a 50 years
lease of six acres on the southwesterly side of the railroad, Sept.
21, 1893. The land on the opposite side of the track was leased
to John Leavet, who, until 1906, quarried stone there and also
near the Providence Ice Company's spur track at the north end
of the pond, where much building stone had been obtained in the
old days. The quarry near the ice house was in a ledge formerly
called the Snake Den. This stone was said to be a granite good
for foundations, but not good enough for monuments, as it con-
tained mica which fell out and left pits. The granite used in
the construction of the Boston Dry Dock was obtained from
these quarries.
The IVallum Pond School.
In ]May, 1800, the Glocester Town Council appointed a com-
mittee to divide the town into school districts. The Wallum
Pond district was No. 1 and extended south on the Connecticut
line to Henry Pollock's, then eastward by the south side of
James King's, about half a mile south of the Sanatorium, to
Cyrus Logee's, about a mile northeasterly of the Sanatorium
and then northward by Lippitt Eddy's to the Massachusetts line.
Cyrus Logee^ was the first to be given a certificate to teach in the
Wallum Pond district. The old schoolhouse stood on the north
side of the east highway leading from Wallum Pond Hill to Pas-
coag and a little east of the highway leading from the Ezra Stone
or Friery place to the first mentioned highway. When this
schoolhouse became old and badly in need of repair, a new one
was built in the triangular area where the road from Douglas
meets the east road from Wallum Pond to Pascoag, about a
quarter of a mile south of the present Singleton house. While
it was natural that the factory people should prefer the new site,
and Capt. Samuel White and the Logees, the old site, as being
nearer to each neighborhood respectively, the bitterness of the
quarrel over the two sites so near each other seems amusing at
this date. About 1843", the matter was compromised by moving
1 Records of the Glocester Town Council.
- Statement of Sylvester Angell, who saw the schoolhouse moved.
THE WALLUM POND ESTATES II7
the new schoolhouse half way between the two sites, where, on
the side hill, it could hardly have been satisfactory to anyone.
Most of the larger children worked while the mill was running,
when the school sometimes declined in number to two or three
pupils. During slack time at the factory because of shortage of
water, etc., the number of pupils increased to about thirty. This
school, with its rattling windows, many wasps, few children and
a fifteen-year-old school teacher, made a bad impression on Ellen
Wakefield\ in 1856. Sometime in the fifties, James Riley recalls
seeing a man teacher named Kenyon deposited in the woodbox
by Alfred Angell, Emory White and William Green. In later
times, Burrillville changed the district to exclude the Buck Hill
region and extended it southerly to include the A. S. Wells
house. The school census shows the enrollment in later years
to have been as follows: 1885, 11 ; 1886. 11 ; 1887, 9; 1888, 14;
1889, 13; 1890, 13; 1891, 12; 1892, 9; 1893, 6.
In early years the school was taught by Preserved Alger ; and
in the early fifties, and probably earlier, by Emily King, whose
efficiency is still a tradition. In the fifties and sixties, the school
was taught by Sarah Wakefield. Mary Paine, Nancy Paine.
Nancy Rowland, Susan Page and Ellen Paine. In the early
eighties by Grace Blake and Maria L. Ross. In the late eighties
and nineties, some of the teachers were Lillian Bailey. Maggie
Shea and Ella M. Thayer. The school was discontinued in
April 1893. because of the small number of pupils and the school
house burned a few years afterward.
George Stone.
On the right hand side of the road running from the school-
house corner to the Friery farm, there stood, in the old days, a
large two-story gambrel-roof house with two large barns, corn
crib and orchard, owned by George Stone. Mr. Stone operated
a large cooper shop, wheelwright shop and blacksmith shop;
which he bought of Ezra Stone May 17, 1803. On the opposite
side of the road was a horsepower cider mill, and at the school-
1 Statement to writer.
Il8 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
house corner on the south side of the road, near a good spring,
were the tannery vats or tubs, parts of which were seen as late as
1850. Mr. Stone's business had disappeared before 1840, the
house standing perhaps until 1850. Many individuals of the
Stone, Alger and neighboring families were buried in the Stone
burying ground north of the George Stone house, near the
Frierv^ farm.
Tlic Algcrs.
Two brothers, Joshua and Preserved Alger, at one time lived
in a two-family house on the south side of the road, east of
George Stone's corner. The house stood about opposite the
recently disused highway leading to the Duty Logee place. In
later years John Riley and James Riley lived there. Half of the
house was torn down by the latter and the remainder took fire,
from ashes left in a barrel, and burned^ Joshua Alger, who
bought the old school-house which stood on the north side of the
road, and east of the George Stone corner, built an addition to it
and occupied it for some time. When beyond repair, this house
was torn down by Patrick Friery.
Enoch A ng ell's Place.
On the opposite side of the road from the Singleton house and
a short distance southerly, was a small house and barn built by
Ezra Stone for his son, Amos. The latter sold to Arnold Baker,
who lived there in 1834. Baker's mortgage to Randall Angell
was never paid, and the property passed through the hands of
his son, Brown, to Brown's son, Enoch (1832-1865). The lat-
ter removed the foundation wall from one end of the house in
excavating for a new addition, and a heavy wind storm tipped
the house over and it was allowed to rot-. Enoch Angell's only
child and heir, Maria Angell Wood, sold the place to Mr.
Singleton.
1 James Riley to writer.
- Statement to the writer by Sylvester Angell, who at one time owned
the house.
THE WALLUM POND ESTATES I I9
The Si}iglcto)i Farm.
John Howland, a descendant of the John Rowland who came
over on the Mayflower, carried on the farm after his purchase
from Whipple in 1770 until 1802, when he sold to James P.ur-
lingame. Buffum Chase, a tanner, bought of Ikirlingame in
1814. It is not unlikely that Chase conducted or worked in the
old tannery. Chase defaulted a mortgage and gave possession
to John Arnold in 1819. Randall Angell bought the proi)erty
with his son, Brown, in 1827, and the latter became sole owner
in 1833 and lived there until his death. Brown Angell (1801-
1878) was a successful farmer and one of the few in this neigh-
borhood who raised tobacco. His son, Luther, conducted the
farm until his death. The farm was bought of the Angell heirs
by \\'illiam Green, a son-in-law of Brown Angell, who held it
until his sale to James H. Singleton. About 200 yards south-
westerly of the Singleton house is a small burying ground con-
taining field stone monuments without names.
Olncy AngcU's Place.
This farm, the next one north of Singleton's, from which it is
separated by the State line between Rhode Island and Massa-
chusetts, was a part of the "Boston Men's" 1.900-acre tract pre-
viously described. It was laid out to John Binning, whose only
child and heir, Sarah, married Jeremiah Green, a Boston dis-
tiller. Green sold all of this farm east of the Pond, containing
280 acres, to John Hunt, March 2, 1773. John Hunt sol<l 131
acres to Daniel Hunt in 1775. The latter cleared the land and
made his home there until old age, possibly until death. During
the Revolutions he was arrested on suspicion of being a Tory,
but was discharged after satisfying the authorities of his inno-
cence. His widow, Hulda, sold the place to Randall Angell. ni
1813. The latter paid for this farm with the proceeds of tlie
corn and rve, beef and pork, butter and cheese raised on the i)Iace
and carted to Providence by ox-teanr. Brown Angell, as a boy
of 16, carried on this farm alone for months at a time tor his
1 Emerson's History of Douglas, page 75.
2 Randall's statement to grandson. Sylvester Angell.
120 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
father, having his younger sister with him as housekeeper. When
Brown Angell was settled on the present Singleton farm, Olney
(1808-1886), another son of Randall Angell, took the place and
lived there until his death. The Angells tore down the old Hunt
house, which was in bad condition, and built the house now
standing. The old cellar of the Hunt house may be seen about
200 feet north of the present house.
The Alexander Ritchie Place.
Obadiah Brown, afterward associated with Samuel Slater, the
noted manufacturer, who bought the Daniel Hunt place in 1809,
failed to pay off his mortgage to Hunt, and after the latter's
death the court appointed Israel Aldrich and Richard Mowry
to settle the estate. From the northern part of the Hunt place,
a 61 -acre lot was sold to John Rich of Sutton, September 20,
1813. Benjamin Robbins and John Hunt bought this land the
following November and the next April sold to Jonathan Aid-
rich, a son of Israel Aldrich, who built the first house and lived
there until 1849, when he sold to his son-in-law, William Buxton,
and moved to Centerdale, R. I. Subsequent owners were Lovell
Parker (1810-1891), Michael Roberts, who married Mary
Ritchie, aunt of Alexander Ritchie, who bought in 1893. The
house burned in 1901 from a forest fire which started from the
railroad near the pond, and Ritchie replaced the old house with
the present log house.
In the woods on the opposite side of the road, extending a
mile from the State line to the Wallum Pond-Douglas school
house, is a swamp known as Bear Swamp. There is a tradition^
that the last bear in the vicinity was hunted in this swamp.
After killing a dog belonging to one Sherman, the bear took
refuge in a tree and was killed.
Most of the area eastward of Bear Swamp, extending from
the Fairfield road to the Tasseltop road and from the Rhode
Island line northward to the Wallum Pond-Douglas school house
road, was covered with a hemlock forest from early colonial days
1 Statement to the writer by Edwin C. Esten, who received the infor-
mation from his mother, the daughter of Jonathan Marcy.
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IMPLEMENTS USED BY THE NARRAGANSETT INDIANS
From the Museum of the Rhode Island Historical Society
. THE WALLUM POND ESTATES 121
down to perhaps 1860. The brook which drains Bear Swamp
and flows northeasterly nearly to Tasseltop was named Hem-
beck (Hemlock) on Dr. Douglas's map.
TJic Charles Arnold Place.
The cellar hole of this house is the next one north of Ritchie's
log house. November 20, 1779, William Menzies bought what
remained of Katherine Robertson's lot, cleared the farm and
erected buildings. After his death, the administralors sold the
property to Daniel Hunt, April 9, 1795. Jonah lirown, Jr.,
bought part of the property in 1802 and was living there when
he sold to Abbee Brown in 1811. Aaron Benson bought it
November 4, 1813, and, the following January, sold to Otis Bux-
ton (1786-1873). The latter, with his wife. Salome (1787-
1887), and a large family of children, lived there until 1835,
when he sold to his son, Daniel, and bought John Martin's i)lace
west of Wallum Pond. Daniel Buxton (1812-1897), a rather
picturesque and unconventional character, owned, at one time or
another, most of the land on the northern part of Wallum Bond
Hill. In 1851, he sold to his brother, Allen Buxton (1827-
1897), and moved into the Israel Aldrich house. A few feet
westerly of the house was a shoemaker's shop containing half a
dozen benches\ where Charles Arnold employed his neighbors
in the late fifties and early sixties. Later owners or tenants
were Alonzo P. Taft, who operated a sawmill, Lovell Parker,
Dexter Walling and George Walling. The house burned between
1892 and 1898. and the barn fell down sometime in the nineties.
Daniel Buxton, according to his son, William, was a spectator
at the "Battle of Acote's Hill" in Chepachet in 1842. Mr. Syl-
vester Angell recalls hearing the commotion due to the flight of
Dorr's troops over Wallum Pond Hill and across the Massachu-
setts hue during the night after the afifair. Thomas O'Ne.l
quotes Joseph Bowdish as saying that some of Dorr's men spent
the night in Bowdish's barn, located easterly of the school-house.
1 Fred Arnold to writer.
122 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The Vickcrs Place.
The cellar of this house is close to the road and has large lilac
bushes near it. In the old days, the Providence to Southbridge
stage turned into this place, went westward down by the north
end of the pond, across the brook and swamp on a long bridge-
way, and continued westerly over the hill to the Coffee House
four corners. This road is still passable for a horse and wagon
as far as the pond.
The Vickers Place was a part of Andrew Tyler's lot, which
was sold for taxes at an auction, May 29, 1782, to Dr. William
Jennison (1732-1798), who acquired much property in Douglas.
Two years later Dr. Jennison bought 240 acres more of the
Andrew Tyler lot from the latter's granddaughter, Miriam
Tyler Powell of New Haven, Conn. Between 1782 and 1795,
the property passed through the hands of Peter Tyler, Joseph
Chase and Abel and John Robbins. It is likely that the stage
road to the pond was built during the latter's ownership, as it is
mentioned for the first time when he sold to Daniel Aldrich in
1795. The farm had probably been cleared and buildings erected
by that time. Seth Aldrich, who bought of his father, Daniel,
lived here from 1799, until he sold to Dr. Levi Eddy (1776-
1844) in 1810. Dr. Eddy rented the property to David Buxton,
a brother of Otis Buxton, and to Benjamin Green, who had mar-
ried a Buxton and who lived here many years. After Dr. Eddy's
death, the property passed successively through the hands of
Daniel Buxton, Alpheus Humes and Allen Buxton. In 1858,
Ruth Buxton Burbank and Rhoda Buxton Ide bought the place
for their father and mother, Otis and Salome Buxton, specifying
that it should be free from the interference of their husbands, a
clause evidently inserted to make sure that the old couple could
remain as long as they pleased. In 1864, Abigail Vickers, a
woman of Indian blood, who had married Erastus Vickers,
mixed Indian and negro, bought the place and lived there until
Dutee Salisbury bought to erect the summer camp at the north
end of the pond in 1891. The house burned, about 1892.
THE WALLUM POND ESTATES 123
The Israel Aldrich Farm.
The farm is nicely situated on the northern crest of W'allum
Pond Hill with fine views of the Pond, the Douglas W^jods
and Mt. Watchusett. This land was i)r()l)al)ly a part of William
Tyler's share in the 1,900-acre tract which, hy his will, was left
to his son, Joseph Tyler. Lucy Tyler Whitwells and Frances
Tyler sold to Israel Aldrich (1765-1831). March 30, 1787. P.en-
jamin Green heard Mr. Aldrich say^ that he cleared and planted
so much land the first spring after he settled here that it took
him 30 days to do his hoeing. Aldrich was a prosperous farmer.
His son, Asahel, who afterward lived on the next place to the
northward (the Ernest Singleton Place), operated the sawmill
by the railroad, about half a mile northwest of W'allum Pcjnd.
One of Israel's daughters married Capt. Samuel White and
another married a Wallis; and both daughters, with their father
and mother, are buried in the family burying ground about COO
feet northwesterly of the home site. Mr. Tallman, who at one
time operated the W'allum Pond factory, lived in the Israel .Aid-
rich house for some time, about 1851. Daniel liuxton was liv-
ing in it when it burned in 1854.
Religious Services.
Wallum Pond never had a church, but services were frc-
quentlv held in the Douglas school house, which was on the north
side of the road leading easterly from the Israel Aldrich place
on Wallum Pond Hill and about one quarter of a mile therefrom.
Mr. Harvey Wakefield (1808-1889), the Gore minister, occa-
sionallv came up to preach in the school-house. Others who
sometimes conducted services there were Ezra Stone and I'.ras-
tus Vickers. Some of the W^allum Pond Hill ne>ghl,orho...l
attended ^Ir. Wakefield's services in East Thompson ; others
attended church in Tasseltop; and there was a churcli <.t the
Mormons or Latter Day Saints near the Marcy Place, about two
miles east of Wallum Pond Hill.
1 Wm. Green to writer.
124 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Walliim Pond-Douglas School.
The first school-house^ on this site was built by Emer Bowen
in 1799 at an expense of $135. The teacher in this school in
1835- was Augusta Batchelder; and in 1841 Joseph Seagraves.
Other teachers before 1855^ were Malvina Richardson, Sarah
Healey, Clara Holman, Sarah Jefferson, and, in later years,
Sarah Walling and Grace Darling. This school was continued
until the burning of the building, about 1893.
The Summer Camps.
It is not surprising that such a beautiful sheet of water, with
adjoining wooded hills and good fishing, should have proved
attractive to summer campers. Dutee Salisbury, of Pascoag,
camped in a tent with a frame cook house at the north end of
the Pond in 1891 and 1892, and, after the opening of the railroad
in 1893 had made the place more accessible, built two camps
there. He afterwards rented these camps to Horatio Bellows,
to one Hughes and others, who conducted a boarding house,
there being about thirty summer boarders living in the camps
and tents at the north end, where there is a fair beach for bath-
ing. Mr. Oliver Inman at one time had a tent camp north of
the railroad, near the spring. Wm. Inman, of Bridgeton,
camped one season in a tent in the pine grove near the Sana-
torium site and took his meals at the Salisbury Camp. The next
season (1894), he built a camp near Salisbury's and occupied it
several seasons. Dr. E. V. Granger of Pascoag, after camping
in a tent in the pine grove behind Sylvester Angell's house sev-
eral summers, built a camp on the east shore on railroad land
about 1,000 feet south of the north end. Wm. Dyer, of Provi-
dence, bought the two Salisbury camps, about 1908, and sum-
mered there with his family for several seasons. While the
Sanatorium was being built, its architect, Howard Thornton, of
Providence, built a camp on the east shore a little north of the
middle of the pond. This camp burned, about 1906, and the
1 Emerson's History of Douglas, page 9L
- Susan Green Angell ( 1827- ) to writer.
3 Nancy Buxton Anderson to writer.
THE WALLUM POND ESTATES 125
camp afterward built by Clarence King and now owned by Mr.
J. Ernest Singleton, is located on the same site. In the summer
of 1914, Mr. W. E. Gaucher of Harrisville built a camp on the
lower west shore almost opposite the Sanatorium ice house.
Minerals.
It has long been a tradition^ in the Angell family that in early
days hunters about Wallum Tond made bullets from lead-
obtained from rocks. Smith F. Angell states that his father,
George R. Angell, told him that the latter, with .Arnold Stone.
made bullets from lead cut out of seams in the rocks with a
jackknife and that this lead was found near Goat Rock. In the
prospectus of the Gold IMilling & Refining Co.. organized by Syl-
vester Angell and others, it is claimed that three veins of sili-
cious ore have been located on the northwestern side of Wallum
Lake and that four of the assays showed gold valued from $5.15
to $24.92 per ton, silver from 31 cents to $22.04 per ton, and
arsenic, amount unstated.
The Ice Companies.
The Wallum Pond Ice Co. was organized by Richard W.
Smith, formerly a teacher in the Mowry & Goff School of
Providence, who became President of the concern. The cor-
poration bought land of the Knowltons on the west shore of the
pond near the north end. May 12, 1894. An ice house having a
capacity of about eighteen thousand tons, a boarding house for
the men and over 1,000 feet of spur track were constructed and
steam engine and hoisting machinery installed. The company
did not prosper, and after being mortgaged to Fred L. Sayles
and leased to Wm. E. Bowen, the property, following some liti-
gation, was acquired by the Providence Ice Co. in November,
1901. The ice house was filled nearly every year, but rarely
emptied, as this ice was usually kept in reserve until the supply
nearer Providence was exhausted. On Feb. 14. 1915. while a
1 Sylvester Angell from his father. Brown Angell.
2 Israel Aldrich told Benjamin Green that the Indians Rot lead from
rocks in the Douglas woods. A similar account is given in W intiirop s
Journal, Jameson's Ed., Vol. 1, page 108.
126 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
gang of men were preparing to commence ice cutting, the ice
house took fire and burned so rapidly that several men barely
had time to escape from the building. It was believed that the
fire resulted from men smoking in the straw lofts under the roof.
The boarding house burned a few hours later. The Crystal Ice
Co., of Providence, of which David F. Sherwood was President,
on Jan. 23, 1901, bought of Sylvester Angell, three or four acres
of land near the outlet of Wallum Pond, with the ostensible pur-
pose of building an ice house and railroad s[)ur track to the prop-
erty, but this project never materialized and these rights were
afterward sold to John F. Kaufman and later, Nov. 18, 1901, to
the Providence Ice Co. No attempt to utilize this property was
ever made.
Farms West of the Pond.
From the west shore of the pond, the wooded land rises stead-
ily for about a third of a mile to the summit of the Buck Hill
ridge, which runs north and south parallel to the pond and about
150 feet above it. The top of the ridge forms a rolling plateau
about a mile wide from which the land slopes downward and
westward into Connecticut. The ridge extends many miles to
the southward, but to the northward it is severed by the valley
of Rocky Brook, which crosses it in its westerly course. There
have been five farms on this ridge, two in Rhode Island near the
Massachusetts line and three in Massachusetts. Considering
how hilly and stony the land is hereabouts, and how deeply in
the woods the farms are located, one is surprised to see how
smooth this land is and how excellent the farm buildings were
as evident from the large and well built foundations.
The Worsley Place.
South of the Whitman place is what was formerly called the
Hatch lot. This land was laid out in the original right of Daniel
Abbott of Providence, who sold to Estes Hatch, of Dorchester,
THEWALLUM POND ESTATES 127
Mass., Sept. 3, 1726\ A tradition persists that lands in this
vicmity belonging to Hatch and one Menzies. who were Tories,
were confiscated during the Revolution. The tradition is incor-
rect as applied to this land, which was sold by Estes Hatch and
Nathaniel Hatch, of Boston, to John Aldrich and Daniel Abbott.
Nov. 26, 175P. In 1809, Joseph Worsley. of Thompson. bouKdit
112 acres of the Hatch lot of William Joy. The Worsley house
stood about 50 rods southerly of the Whitman house and had
disappeared before 1850. The barn- was then standing and was
used by Serrail Jacobs for his sheep, which were pastured on
the Worsley place.
The Whitman Farm.
Elijah Whitman bought this place. 62 acres, of Elias Joy,
Oct. 28, 1808, cleared the land and. after living for some time in
a log house, built a frame house in Rhode Island, 80 rods from
the Massachusetts line. In 1812, Burrillville accepted a road
leading westward into Thompson. Whitman and Worsley thus
had the unusual experience of running farms in Burrillville,
Rhode Island, and having no highway communication with the
rest of the town unless they previously passed through a section
of either Massachusetts or Connecticut. Wood roads which
lead southeast to the pond and to the present Sanatorium pig-
gery were used for logging in winter. In 1818, Joseph Munyon
sold to Joseph Benson a tract of woodland to the westward of
Whitman's. The highest point of this land has been called Ben-
son Mountain and is 794 feet above the sea level, 16 feet higher
than Wallum Pond Hill and 219 feet above the pond. After
Whitman's death, his wife, Sally, moved to Oxford, and. witli
his children, Elijah, the 2nd, et al, sold the form to Henry
Wheelock, March 7, 1854. The farm was afterward owned by
Lemuel, a son of Ebenezer Starr. The unoccupied house burned
to the ground in the forest fire, about 1911.
1 See deed of Estes and Nathaniel Hatch to John Aldricli and Daniel
Abbott in the Glocester Records.
2 Barton Jacobs to writer.
128 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The Mason, Buxton and Starr Farms.
From the Whitman place, a road leads northward, crossing
the Rhode Island line to the three Massachusetts farms. It has
been a tradition that these farms were the so-called "Boston
Men's Farms," and it is true that the eastern parts of these
farms were originally granted to the "Boston Men." It appears
likely that these lands were cleared and the buildings erected
during the ownership of Abraham Mason (1763-1852). Mason
was a veteran of the Revolution and subsequently a blacksmith
in Thompson. He was a small, wiry man who weighed scarcely
120 pounds but possessed great strength. One of the feats still
related by those who remember him^ was the crossing of an
unfinished room with his body suspended in air, by clinging with
the thumb and fingers of each hand to the overhead joists. The
tract comprising these three farms was bought in one piece by
Abraham Mason of Dr. Timothy Jennison, of Cambridge, in
1799. Dr. Jennison's father, Dr. Wm. Jennison, had previously
bought the tract of Abijah Estes, who bought of John Reed, of
Uxbridge, February 9, 1761. Reed's deed to Estes states that
this land was bounded on the east by the "Boston Men's Farms."
(To be concluded)
lira Wakefield (1837- ) to writer.
Form of Legacy
'*! give and bequeath to the Rhode Island
Historical Society the smn oj
dollars.''