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Rhode Island 

Historical Society 


Vol. XIII October, 1920 No. 4 



Dogs in Early New England 

By Howard M. Chapin 105 

Roger Williams and John Milton 

By George R. Potter, B.A 113 

Notes 130 

Extracts from the Log Book of the Private Armed Schooner 
Blockade, Manly Sweet, Commander 
Contributed by Professor Wilfred H. Munro . 131 

$ 3.00 per year Issued Quarterly 75 cents per copy 






Vol. XIII 

October, 1920 

No. 4. 

Howard W. Preston, President Edward K. Aldrich, Jr. ,Trcasurer 
ERLING C. OSTBY, Secretary HOWARD M. CHAPIN, Librarian 

Please address communications to Howard M. Chapin, Librarian, 
68 Waterman Street, Providence, R. L 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the 
opinions of contributors. 

Dogs in Early New England 

By Howard M. Chapin. 

Dogs have from the earhest times been domesticated even 
by the most primitive races, and have had a marked influence 
upon the thought and literature of mankind ; yet when one 
thinks of Colonial New England, with its austere Puritans, 
one is too apt to picture a dogless society, and to forget that 
even in that harsh theocracy, pioneer dogs strove, as did their 
masters, with the rough hardships of a struggling civilization. 

Even before the Pilgrims came to New England, two English 
dogs,^ "Foole" and "Gallant" by name, "great and fearefuU 
mastives," the chronicler tells us, landed in 1603 upon the 
shores of southern Massachusetts, where they nosed and 
smelled about the beach and shrubbery, exploring and investi- 
gating unknown scents and smells. After the false alarm of 
an Indian attack, in which turmoil "Foole" grabbed up a half- 
pike in his mouth, the dogs with their human companions 
returned to Martin Pring's bark, the "Discoverer," and sailed 
away. These were, as far as we know, the first European 
dogs to set foot upon New England. 

iPurchas his pilgrimes, Edit, of 1625, vol. IV, p. 1656. 


The "Mayflower," on her famous voyage in 1620, brought 
two dogs, a mastiff and a spaniel,- to New England. These 
two dogs were permanent settlers, not transient explorers like 
"Foole" and "Gallant." As dog pedigrees and stud books go 
back, unfortunately, only to the early nineteenth century, none 
of the blooded dogs of today are able to trace their descent 
from the dogs that came over in the Mayflower. 

Mourt recounts some of the hardships of these four-footed 
Pilgrims as follows : 

"These two (John Goodman and Peter Browne) that were 
missed, at dinner time tooke their meate in their hand, and 
would goe walke and refresh themselves, so going a little off 
they finde a lake of water, and having a great MastifTe bitch 
with them and a Spannell ; by the water side they found a 
great Deare, the Dogs chased him, and they followed so farre 
as they lost themselves and could not finde the way backe, 
they wandred all that after noone being wett, and at night 
it did freeze and snow, . . . and another thing did very much 
terrific them, they heard as they thought two Lyons^ roar- 
ing ... so they stoode at the trees roote, that when the 
Lyons came they might take their opportunitie of climbing 
up, the bitch they were faine to hold by the necke, for she 
would have been gone at the Lyon,"* and under the date of 
January 19, 1620-1 : 

"This day in the evening, John Goodman went abroad to 
use bis lame feete, that were pittifully ill with the cold he had 
got, having a little Spannell with him, a little way from the 
Plantation, two great Wolves ran after the Dog, the Dog ran 
to him and betwixt his leggs for succour, he had nothing in 
his hand but tooke up a sticke, and threw at one of them and 
hit him, and they presently ran both away, . . ."' 

It appears that previous to the arrival of the English, the 
Indian has domesticated the dog, for in November, 1620, 
Governor Bradford notes that Captain Myles Standish, on his 
reconnoitring expedition on Cape Cod, met a party of Indians 

-Mourt's Relation, 1622, pp. 27, 28 and 29. 

^i. e., wild cats. 

*Mourt, pp. 27 and 28, under date of January 13, 1620-21. 

^Mourt, p. 29. 

Doctor Hunter's Dogs bv Gilbert Stuart 

This is considered Stuart's earliest work extant. It is now owned by Mrs. William E. Glyn of 
Mayfield, Newport, a descendant of Dr. Hunter. Reproduced through the courtesy of Mrs. Glyn. 

Copper hair ornament, found in the Indian graves at Charlestown, 
R. I. Now in the Museum of the Rhode Island Historical Society. 


with a dog.® Roger Williams in his "Key'' gives the Indian 
name for the dog as Anum, with the accent on the last syllable. 
He adds that this is the pronunciation in the Coweset dialect, 
but that it varies as Ayim, Arum, and Alum in the Narragan- 
sett, Quinnippiuck, and Nipmuc dialects respectively. In 
Woods' "New England Prospect" we are told that the Indians 
believed that "at the portall of their Elysian Hospitall, lies a 
great Dogge, whose churlish snarlings deny a Pax intrantibus 
to unworthy intruders.'' 

An Indian dog gave the alarm of the English attack on the 
Pequot Fort in 1637; Mason's description of the incident being 
as follows -J 

"There being two Entrances into the Fort, intending to 
enter both at once : Captain Mason leading up to that on the 
North East Side ; who approaching within one Rod, heard a 
Dog bark and an Indian crying Owanux ! Owanux ! which is 
Englishmen ! Englishmen ! We called up our Forces with all 
expedition, give Fire upon them through the Pallizado; . . ." 

Thus it will be seen that dogs were serving with the Indian 
forces in 1637, and although not as highly trained perchance 
as the canine warriors of the great World War, yet these 
early dogs were doubtless as diligent and serviceable as the 
times and circumstances permitted. A somewhat similar 
instance occurred at Cocheco in 1689 when the barking of a 
dog aroused Elder William Wentworth just in time to prevent 
a surprise Indian attack. This dog's warning saved the Went- 
worth garrison, the other four garrisons at Cocheco being 
taken by the savages.® 

Nothing has been discovered to show that the English used 
dogs in the earlier Indian wars, but by the time of Queen 
Anne's war, they used dogs as regular auxiliary. A report in 
regard to the operations of the English in Hampshire County, 
Massachusetts, in August, 1706, reads: 

^Bradford's History of Plymouth, p. 48, also see Glover M. Allen's 
"Dogs of the American Aborigines." 

Williams' Key, ch. XXXII; Woods' N. E. Prospect, pt. 3, ch. 19. 

"Mason's Pequot War. 

^Wentworth genealogy, vol. 1, pp. 97 and 98. 


"We are just sendinj^ out 50 Men with Dogs, who are to 
divide into small parties, and range the Woods on both sides 
the River (near Hartford), if possible to discover and annoy 
the Enemy."^ 

But to return to the subject of Indian dogs, we find specific 
references to the dogs of the Connecticut and Narragansett 
Indians^" in 1658 and 1661, respectively, and also we find that 
the Narragansett Indians used rough drawings of dogs as per- 
sonal signature marks in 1644" and 1660." They also had 
implements ornamented with figures of dogs. A stone pipe 
ornamented with a dog carved in relief was found in an 
Indian grave at Burr's Hill, Warren, Rhode Island,^^ and a 
copper hair ornament, with two dogs in relief as the chief 
decorative design, was found in an Indian grave at Charles- 
town, Rhode Island.'* The latter may be of a foreign design 
and received in trade. The killing of noncombatant Indian 
dogs in Queen Anne's war only serves to illustrate the 
brutality of human beings.^^ 

Dog laws were enacted at an early date in New England, 
Salem having passed one in 1635.''' The dogs' chief offences 
were killing sheep'^ and swine,^^ biting horses^'' and cattle,-" 

^Boston News-Letter, August 12-19, 1706. 

^°Prov. Town Papers 0121; Prov. Town Records, vol. 3, p. 7; and 
New Haven Town Records, p. 358. 

^^Gorton's Simplicities Defence, p. 160, mark of Tomanick. 

^2R. I. Land Evidence, vol. 1, p. 88, mark of Towasibban. 

^^Now in Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, New 

^*Now in Rhode Island Historical Society Museum, Providence. 

^^Boston News-Letter, February 10-17, 1706. 

i^Salem Records, p. 40; Jamestown Proprietors' Records, vol. 1, p. 66; 
Portsmouth Records, vol. 1, p. 223. 

^^Mass. Col. Records, vol. 2, p. 252; New Haven Town Records, 
p. 233; R. I. Col. Records, p. 22, mss. 

i^New Haven Town Records, pp. 170, 171, 246 ; Prov. Town Records, 
vol. 3, p. 125 ; Essex County Court Records, vol. 7, p. 273. 

^^New Haven Town Records, pp. 470 and 471. 

20Prov, Town Records, vol. 3, p. 7; Prov. Town Papers 0121; Salem 
Court Records, vol. 1, p. 19; Essex County Court Records, vol. 1, 
p. 174; New Haven Town Records, p. 358; Austin's Geneal. Diet, of 
R. I., p. 85. 


Indian pewter pipe found in excavations at Montague, N. J. Reproduced 
through the courtesy of the Museum of the American Indian, New York. 

Roger Williams in Chapter 6 of his "Key" says of the Indians that "They 
have an excellant Art to cast our Pewter and Brasse into very neate and 
artificial! Pipes." 


spoiling? fish-' and entering Meeting Houses" during service. 
The latter offence being explained by the fact that they could 
not understand the sermons and simply wanted to find their 

Their attacks on other animals were often directly insti- 
gated by human beings, as when Mr. Verin's maid set her dog 
on Mr. Brown's goats ;-^ when Samuel set his dogs "to the 
pullinge of the tayles" of John Leech's cows;-* when Mrs. 
Rowden hunted cattle with her dog-^ ; when Joseph Billington 
hunted Edward Gray's ox with a dog,-^ and when Thomas 
Langden and his dog killed Mr. Prudden's hog.-^ Even the 
drastic ^^lassachusetts dog law-* of 1648 recognized the fact 
that the dogs were not always really to blame, but were often 
"set on" to such acts by human beings. 

Dog derivatives served as ship-names and place-names in 
New England,^'' and also the words^'' "dog" and "puppy" were 
used as terms of reproach, as they are today. 

Reference has already been made to the part that dogs 
played in military service. We find that their usefulness in 
other lines was also recognized legally, even by our self- 
centcred Calvinistic ancestors. In 1648 the Colony of Massa- 
chusetts Bay^' authorized each town to purchase hounds for 
use in the destruction of wolves. The town of New Haven 
voted in 1656 to purchase some mastiffs^- from "Stratford or 

2iSalem Records, p. 130. 

22Salem Records, vol. 2, p. 210; New Haven Town Records, p. 233, 
vol. 2, pp. l.'jf) and 355. 

2^Salem Court Records, vol. 1, p. 19. 

2*Essex County Court Records, vol. 1, p. 174. 

25Essex County Court Records, vol. 2, p. 101. 

-^Austin's Geneal. Diet, of R. I., p. 85. 

2^New Haven Town Records, pp. 170 and 171. 

28Mass. Col. Rec, vol. 2, p. 252. 

29Salem Records, p. 163; Plymouth Colony Records, July 6, 1640; 
Commerce of Rhode Island, vol. 1, p. 47. 

^^Essex County Court Records, vol. 1. p. 256 ; Steuart's "Some Ob- 
servations," etc., p. 64; New Haven Town Records, p. 46; Narragansett 
Hist. Reg. IX. p. 63. 

2^Mass. Col. Records, vol. 2, pp. 252 and 253. 

2-New Haven Town Records, p. 291. 


Long Island, where they here (hear) is some," to be used as 
auxihary to the miHtia. During the interim before these dogs 
arrived, twelve local dogs were drafted temporarily into the 
service of the town. The names of the owners of these dogs 
are given. ^^ This is the first recorded list of dog-owners in 
New England. Governor John Winthrop^* and Governor John 
Endicott^^ were both dog owners. Roger Williams wrote in 
i66g in regard to Governor Winthrop's dog, "I have no tidings 
(upon my enquiry) of that poore dog (about which you sent 
to me. I feare he is run wild into the woods, though tis 
possible that English or Indians have him. Oh, Sir, what is 
that word that sparrows and hairs are provided for & num- 
bered by God ? then certainly your dog & all dogs & beasts." 

In 1644 a Medford dog rescued Mrs. Dalkin from drown- 
ing.^*^ Governor Winthrop wrote in regard to this : 

"One Dalkin and his wife dwelling near Medford coming 
from Cambridge, where they had spent their Sabbath, and 
being to pass over the river at a ford, the tide not being fallen 
enough, the husband adventured over, and finding it too deep, 
persuaded his wife to stay a while, but it was raining very 
sore, she would needs adventure over, and was carried away 
with the stream past her depth. Her husband not daring to 
go help her, cried out, and thereupon his dog, being at his 
house nearby, came forth, and seeing something in the water, 
swam to her, and she caught hold on the dog's tail, so he drew 
her to the shore and saved her life." 

The abuse and maltreatment of dogs by human beings was 
of course common in early New England. Two cases due to 
religious fanaticism are worthy of notice. In 1644 at Salem, ^^ 
John and Stephen Talbie were admonished for "unbecoming 
speeches" about a dog in the water, but "the baptizing of him" 

^^Mr. Gilbert, Jer Osborne, Edwa Parker, John Cooper, William 
Bradley, Will Tompson, Fran. Newman, Phill Leeke, Mr. Gibbard, 
Edwa Perkins, John Vincom. 

2*Mass. Hist. See. Col., series 5, vol. 1, p. 414; Narragansett Club 
Publications, vol. 6, p. 332. 

=55Mass. Col. Rec, vol. 1, p. 197. 

s^Winthrop's Journal under date of 1, 21, 1643-4; vol. 2, p. 163. 

^''Essex County Court Records, vol. 1, p. 65. 


was "not proved," although apparently charged by the authori- 

On Tuesday, April 2^, 1706, somebody fastened a cross on 
the head of a dog, and for such a flagrant display of papist 
sympathies, the poor dog was beaten and killed by Captain 
Dudley's boatswain.^^ 

On the other hand we have instances of persons being tried 
for abusing and killing dogs.^^ 

The first case of rabies*" in New England was observed in 
1763, according to Ezra Stiles. 

In the realm of art we find that the earliest extant work of 
Gilbert Stuart is the picture*^ of two of Dr. Hunter's dogs. 
In 1729 a seal engraved with the design*- of a running dog 
and the word "Canis," was in use in Providence. 

Hannah Robinson's spaniel "Marcus"*^ figures in the sad 
romance of that ill-fated South County beauty. 

In this connection, one is reminded of Shepherd Tom's** 
remarkable account*^ of the barking of South County dogs 
which could be heard for four miles. He wrote : 

"What seemed stranger to the old man than all was the 
barking of a big watch-dog some two miles away, across the 
river, at the old brick house then owned and occupied by Amos 
Gardiner, and which is yet standing. Nichols said that the 
watch-dog to the east of the hill, apparently, never barked 
but in response to the baying of a foxhound that was roam- 
ing in a big wood lying not less than two miles to the west- 
ward and northward of where he stood, making a distance 
between the two animals some four miles, with the McSparran 
elevated hill intervening. Of th is fact he felt tolerably sure, 

3«Samuel Sewell's Diary in M. H. S. C. 5, VI, 159. 

3"Essex County Court Records, vol. 2, p. 6; vol. 7, p. 424; Mass. Col. 
Rec, vol. 1, p. 197. 

^•'Stiles' Itineries, p. 487. 

*^Mason's "Stuart," pp. 5 and 6. 

*=Manuscript deeds in Library of Col. George L. Shepley at Provi- 

^^Hazard's "Recollections of Olden Times," Chapter VI. 

^^Thomas R. Hazard. 

^^Hazard's "Recollections of Olden Times," Chap. XVI. 


as there were occasionally lengthy intervals when both dogs 
were quiet, which were never broken until the hound uttered 
his howl, which was on the instant replied to by the hoarse 
bark of the distant watch-dog." 

The Providence Gazette for November 7, 1772, informs us 
that Nathaniel Wheaton on Williams street, in Providence, 
used a greyhound as his shop sign, and gives us a picture of 
it. Ten years later the same newspaper contains a curious 
advertisement which reads : 


Strayed away, or more likely to have been seduced to fol- 
low some persons, or stolen, a Spaniel DOG, of about a 
middling Size, pyed with a white and brownish Colour, with 
shaggy Hair, hanging Ears, and docked Tail ; particularly he 
had a white Strip in his Face, a white Ring around his Neck, 
and about an Inch of the Stump of his Tail white ; he answers 
to the Name of SPRING, is very good-natured, and easy to 
be seduced by those who use him kindly to follow them or 
their Horses. — Whoever will bring or send back the Dog to 
me, his Master, in Providence, shall be very handsomely re- 


Providence, February 22, 1782." 

These few references from the fragmentary and meagre 
records of early New England serve to show that dogs played 
no small part in the lives and thoughts of our Colonial ances- 

Roger Williams and John Milton 

By George R. Potter, B. A., North Woodstock, N. H. 

A study of the relations between Roger Williams and John 
Milton is interesting in regard to the known facts in the 
matter, important in its bearing on the work of both men, 
and fascinating in its possibilities. There is as a basis for 
investigation the undeniable fact that Roger Williams did 
know Milton. Beyond this there is little definite record ; but 
there are almost endless chains of circumstances which lead 


one on in hopes of finding something really definite, chains 
which are broken just where the final link should be. I do 
not pretend to have exhausted the subject, or to have supplied 
these final links. My purpose in this discussion is to state the 
known facts of the matter, criticize some conjectures and 
statements made by bioj^^raphers of Williams and Milton, and 
other writers about them — some of the statements are greatly 
in need of criticism — and add some conjectures of my own, 
which bear on the question. 

The evidence that Williams was acquainted with Milton and 
his work is definite enough, though there is not a great deal 
of it. Most important is the statement in one of Williams' 
letters to the younger John Winthrop, dated July 12, 1654, 
after Williams' return to Providence from his second trip to 
England :^ "It pleased the Lord to call me for some time, and 
with some persons, to practice the Hebrew, the Greek, Latin, 
French, and Dutch. The Secretary of the Council, (Mr. Mil- 
ton) for my Dutch I read him, read me many more languages. 
Grammar rules begin to be esteemed a tyranny. I taught two 
young gentlemen, a Parliament man's sons, as we teach our 
children English, by words, phrases, and constant talk, &c. 
I have begun with mine own three boys, who labor besides ; 
others are coming to me." 

This passage I quote at length, because it is all important in 
connection with various conjectures based on its different 
parts. The main fact is, of course, that during Williams' stay 
in England, which lasted from the early part of 1652 to the 
spring or early summer of 1654, he knew Milton intimately 
enough for the two to have "read" dififerent languages to each 

There is only one statement in all the writings of Williams, 
so far as I can discover, where he mentions directly a work 
of Milton ; that is in a postscript to the second letter to Mrs. 
Sadleir (undated, but probably written in the winter of 
1652-32) : 'T also humbly wish that you may please to read 

^Narr. Club Pub., Vol. 6, pp. 258-262. 

=This general date is derived chiefly from references to various 
books and events in the letters, and is agreed upon by all who have 
referred to the letters. 


over impartially Mr. Milton's answer to the King's Book." 
Williams then had certainly read the Eikonoklastes. It is incon- 
ceivable, of course, that he had not read other works of Milton. 
But at this point I am setting down simply proved facts. 

These two passages in Williams' letters, so far as I can find, 
are the only direct references by Williams to Milton. Nowhere 
in Milton do I find any reference to Williams, nor is there any 
reference to the relations between the two men in any contem- 
porary writer I have been able to find. 

Masson in his biography of Milton,^ with his usual extreme 
thoroughness, does not neglect Roger Williams, but gives a 
pretty complete biography of him up to the end of his second 
trip to England. Most of Masson's material is aside from my 
immediate purpose. But some statements he makes are impor- 
tant. He says in one nassage:* "Milton's acquaintance with 
Roger Williams, at all events, is almost certainly to be dated 
from Williams' visit to England in 1643-4, when he was 
writing his 'Bloody Tenent.' " Masson does not give his rea- 
sons for this belief ; and "almost certainly" is a rather strong 
phrase to use in a doubtful matter like this, without giving 
reasons for its use. Milton was turning in belief from Pres- 
byterianism to Independency and "V^oluntaryism," as Masson 
terms belief in liberty of conscience, at the precise time that 
Roger Williams was in London on his first visit to England ; 
the date of Milton's "The Reason of Church-Government," 
1641, and that of his "Areopagitica," 1644 — the former tract 
upholding Presbyterianism, the latter religious liberty — illus- 
trate this. It is certainly possible, even probable, that Milton 
might have met Williams in 1643-4, and it is a tempting pos- 
sibility that Williams may have had something to do with the 
change in Milton's beliefs. But of all this there is no proof ; 
and so Masson's "almost certainly," without any definite 
proof adduced, seems hardly warranted. 

In regard to Roger Williams' second trip to England, in 
1652-54, Masson suggests other interesting possibilities, though 
here again he makes some unguarded statements. When he 

^Masson, David: The Life of John Milton, etc. 
*Masson, vol. 3, p. 189. 


writes:^ "No sooner had he (Wilhams) returned on his new 
mission in 1652 than Milton, now a douhly important man to 
Wilhams hecause of his public position, must have been one 
of the first of his old London acquaintances that he sought 
out," all his statements hanj^ on his belief that Williams and 
Milton were acquainted in 1643-4. Wlien he writes: "He 
had found him in March or April, 1652, in the first threaten- 
ing^s and anxieties of his total blindness ; and all throus^h the 
rest of that year, and the whole of 1653, W^illiams . . . had 
varied his intimacy with Sir Henry Vane, his calls on Law- 
rence, Harrison, and Huj^h Peters, and his occasional inter- 
views with Cromwell himself, by visits to the blind Latin Sec- 
retary" ; — well, either Masson had some source material no 
one else ever studying Roger Williams has had, or he is dan- 
gerously near to building air castles. H he had any founda- 
tion for his statements that Williams called on Milton in 
March or April, 1652, and kept on all through 1652 and 165^ 
he certainly has not given them to us. It is all probable 
enough; but where the evidence is to ascertain whether 
Williams "read Dutch" to Milton in 1652, or in 1653, or in 
1654, I do not see; nor do I see what authority Masson has 
for saying :« "Certain it is that Roger Williams, not troubling 
Mrs. Sadleir any more, drew closer and closer to Milton during 
the rest of his stay." Williams' letter telling of his acquaint- 
ance with Milton, on which Masson evidently bases this state- 
ment, for he quotes it immediately after, certainly says nothing 
about his "drawing closer to Milton during the rest of his 

Masson makes two more very interesting suggestions. One 
is in connection with the Sadleir letters, where he notes the 
fact that Mrs. Sadleir was the aunt of Cyriack Skinner, one 
of Milton's old pupils, and always thereafter a close friend to 
Milton. Milton knew Cyriack Skinner. Skinner was a grand- 
son of Sir Edward Coke and nephew to Mrs. Sadleir. Roger 
Williams was under the patronage of Coke in early life, Tnd 
corresponded with Mrs. Sadleir on his second visit to England. 

^Masson, vol. 4, p. 528, etc. 
^Masson, vol. 4, p. 531. 


The final links in the chain are missing — did Williams know 
Cyriack Skinner, and if so how did that affect Williams' rela- 
tions with Milton? The possibilities are interesting. Again/ 
Masson conjectures that the reason why Milton was glad to 
learn Dutch was because "the war with the Dutch, it is to be 
remembered, was then at its height, and some knowledge of 
Dutch was particularly desirable for official purposes round 
the Council." This is, in my opinion, the only sensible theory 
in regard to Williams' teaching Milton Dutch, although there 
have been other more or less wild conjectures on that point 
by various writers, which I shall bring up a little further on. 
Milton was Secretary for Foreign Languages for the Council 
of State at the time. An extract from the Council Order 
Book, June 26, 1650, is significant : "That the Declaration 
of the Parliament be translated into Latin by Mr. Milton, 
into Dutch by Mr. Haak, and into French by M. Augier."^ 
While this does not prove that Milton was entirely ignorant 
of Dutch at the time, any more than it proves his ignorance 
of French, nevertheless it shows that there was Dutch trans- 
lating to be done for the Council in 1650, and that Milton's 
knowledge of Dutch was not perfect, at least. A similar 
entry, July 13. 1652,^ shows that Dutch would have been just 
as useful to a Secretary for Foreign Languages at the time 
when Roger Williams was in England : "That Mr. Thurlowe 
do appoint fit persons to translate the Parliament's Declara- 
tion into Latin, French, and Dutch." What more natural, as 
Masson suggests, than that Milton, discovering in some man- 
ner, say a conversation, that Roger Williams knew Dutch. 

^Masson, vol. 4, p. 532. 

^Extracts from the order books are given by Masson and by Ivimey, 
the latter stating he takes them from Todd. By checking Masson 
against Ivimey I have tried to get as accurate transcripts as possible 
without seeing the original order books, no printed copy of which I 
have been able to find. I\amey transcribes the extract : "That the 
Declaration of the Parliament against the Dutch be transcribed," etc. 
Masson differs, transcribing the entry as I have quoted it above, and 
remarks in connection with it, 'This was the Declaration of the Causes 
of the War with the Scotch." Masson probably is correct, as the dates 
of the Scotch expedition correspond with the entry, and those of the 
War with the Dutch do not. However, the point is of no particular 
consequence as regards the purpose of my quotation. 

^Ivimey has "July 13, 1672," an obvious misprint. Masson dates it 
correctly, 1652. 


should seize the opportunity to learn something more of the 
lanf^age from him. in return helping him in other languages 
which he knew better than Williams ? 

Masson's conjectures, where he acknowledges them to be 
conjectures, are very thoughtful and suggestive. But when 
he tries to state his own conjectures as facts, he is clouding 
the question. If they are facts, his readers have a right to 
know whence he received his information. If they are only 
conjectures, they should have been given as conjectures, not 
as certainties. 

Gammell, in his biography of Williams,^" like Knowles is 
silent in regard to Milton till he reaches Williams' second 
English trip. Then he writes that Williams^^ "formed an inti- 
mate acquaintance with Milton" — a slight, but pardonable, 
exaggeration. In commenting on the fact he makes the deduc- 
tion that Williams must have talked liberty of conscience to 
Milton, and have had an important influence on him; a per- 
fectly sound conjecture. He also remarks^- that it was a proof 
of Williams' "extensive scholarship," "that he thus taught the 
Hebrew, Greek, Latin, French, and Dutch, some of them at 
least, 'not by grammar rules,' but, as he says himself, by words, 
phrases, and constant talk, as we teach our children English."^^ 
This is a somewhat doubtful proof of "Williams' extensive 
scholarship," but it is an indication of a far more interesting 
and important fact, which James Russell Lowell has pointed 
out, and which I shall note presently. 

Strauss^* takes most of his statements about Williams' rela- 
tions with Milton, from Masson, so it is unnecessary to com- 
ment on them, except in one case'^ where he disagrees with a 
statement of Masson that Williams learned his Dutch in 
America,^^ and says Williams probably learned it, "and with 
It some of t he principles which characterize his life's work, 

i^Gammell, Wm. : Life of R. W. 

^^Gammell, p. 150. 

^-Gammell, p. 152. 

'^The italics are Gammell's. 

^♦Strauss, O. S. : R. W. the Pioneer of Religious Liberty. 

^•'btrauss, p. 181. 

_ ^«Masson vol. 4, p. 531. "Williams' useful stock of Dutch acquired 
in America. 


from the Dutch colonists who were scattered throughout the 
southern and eastern counties of England, and in London." 
On the whole, Strauss' conjecture seems more plausihle than 
Masson's, in this instance. 

Carpenter, in his biography,^^ confines his comments to the 
1652-54 trip, not mentioning the possibility of Williams' having 
known Milton in 1643-4. He is of the same opinion as Strauss 
in conjecturing that Williams learned Dutch in England rather 
than America, though he says, "It is impossible to determine 
with certainty." As to Williams' teaching Milton Dutch, he 
makes a conjecture of his own, which is interesting, but unfor- 
tunately entirely impossible. He writes :^^ "At this time 
Salmasius, a Dutch professor, published a defence of Charles 
I, and the Council of State applied to Milton to write a reply. 
It was at this point of time, as seems probable, that Williams 
formed his intimacy with Milton. In a letter to John Win- 
throp, written after Williams' return to New England, in the 
summer of 1654, the latter wrote: 'The Secretary of the 
Council (Mr. Milton) for my Dutch I read him, read me 
many more languages.' From this passage, it may be inferred 
that Williams, having naturally formed the acquaintance of 
the Council's secretary, and being familiar with the Dutch 
language, translated for Milton the treatise of Salmasius." A 
single glance at the title page of the "treatise of Salmasius" to 
which Carpenter refers, disposes of this conjecture ; its title 
is: "Defensio Regia pro Carolo I," etc. In other words, the 
treatise is not in Dutch, but in Latin. Again, this treatise of 
Salmasius — who, by the way, was a Frenchman, although pro- 
fessor at Leyden, his delatinized name being Claude de Sau- 
maise — was published in 1649; on January 8, 1649-50,^'' the 
Council of State ordered Milton to "prepare something in 
answer to the Book of Salmasius" ; on December 23, 1650.-*' 
Milton was ordered to print "the Treatise he hath written in 
answer to a late Book written by Salmasius" ; and Milton's 

i^Carpenter. E. J.: Roger Williams. 

i^'Carpenter, p. 201. 

i^Order Books of Council of State, as quoted by Masson and Ivimey. 

2fOrder books of the Council of State. 


answer, "Pro Populo Anglicano Defensio," etc., was published 
in 1 65 1, probably before March 25, and certainly before April 
6, when a copy was in the hands of the collector Thomason.^^ 
Rosier Williams did not even come to England before the very 
end of 1 65 1 at least, probably not until early in 1652.-^ It is 
hardly necessary to point out that Milton did not need to have 
Rofj^er Williams translate for him from the Dutch a treatise 
which was written in Latin, and to which Milton had already 
written an elaborate answ^er in Latin, a whole year before 
Williams had ever arrived in England. 

All the biographers of Williams have a strong tendency to 
make rash statements, without full knowledge of the facts, or 
to pad out meager facts "by more or less harmless rhetoric. 
Perhaps the best is that by Strauss, though even Strauss is 
not very admirable in his treatment of the relations between 
Williams and Milton. Roger Williams is not by any means 
fully understood yet ; and there seems to me to be room for 
some profitable work in compiling an adequate and really 
reliable life of this man, so important in American history and 
literature, and far more important in English seventeenth 
century history than is generally recognized. 

A few other interesting statements and conjectures are 
found, outside the biographies of Williams and Milton. In 
the Introduction to Volume III of the Narragansett Club 
Publications, S. L. Caldwell makes a very sane statement in 
connection with the possibility of Williams' having known 
Milton in 164.V4, which is worth quoting:" "There is no 
evidence that W'illiams was then known to Milton, although 
the acquaintance may have then begun of which he writes as 
existing during his second visit to England." 

James Russell Lowell makes a very valuable suggestion, in 
his essay, "New England Two Cen turies Ago,"^* a discussion 
2'The data about Thomason comes from Masson 

"Narr. Club Pub. Ill, Intro, x. 
'■'*ln "Among My Books." 


of the Winthrop papers, among which is WilHams' letter of 
1654 in which Milton is mentioned. Lowell quotes this pas- 
sage, and with his usual brilliancy and breadth of knowledge^ 
writes : "It is plain that Milton had talked over with Williams 
the theory put forth in his tract on Education, (it was Mon- 
taigne's also) and made a convert of him." The part of the 
passage Lowell refers to is of course : "Grammar rules begin 
to be esteemed a tyranny. I taught two young gentlemen, a 
Parliament man's sons, as we teach our children English, by 
words, phrases, and constant talk, &c. I have begun with mine 
own three boys, who labor besides ; others are coming to me." 
While Williams does not say that Milton did teach him the 
theories of education he expresses in this passage, he men- 
tions them almost in the same breath with Milton, as if writing 
of Milton reminded him of the theories of education. Lowell's 
conjecture appears to me sound, although the words Williams 
uses in describing the theory of education make me wonder 
whether he did not become a convert to the theories of Come- 
nius and Hartlib themselves rather than to those of Milton. 
Milton, in the theories which he expressed in his tract, "Of 
Education," followed in a very broad, general way the theories 
of Comenius, about which his friend Hartlib was so enthu- 
siastic ; but Milton differed from those theories in many ways, 
usually differing in being more conservative than Comenius. 
Of course, it is impossible to tell precisely what theory Roger 
Williams was following, from two sentences or so in a single 
letter. But the phrase, "Grammar rules begin to be esteemed 
a tyranny," sounds, to my mind, more like the doctrine of 
Comenius than that of Milton. Milton was more conservative, 
and would hardly, I believe, have "esteemed grammar rules a 
tyranny" ; in the tract, "Of Education" itself he writes, "For 
their Studies, First they should begin with the chief and 
necessary rules of some good Grammar." On the whole, the 
passage in Williams' letter makes me suspect that while he 
very likely, as Lowell says, had talked over theories of educa- 
tion with Milton, he did not become a thorough convert to 
Milton's ideas, but with his characteristic leaning toward the 
radical rather than the conservative, took up the more dis- 


tinctly Comenian ideas. On the other hand, it is also very 
possible that from the time the tract, "Of Education," was 
pubUshed, 1644, to the period within which, according- to 
Lowell, Milton made a convert of Williams, 1652-54, Milton's 
ideas on education may have changed^ and the theories he 
talked about with Williams may have been different from 
those expressed in the 1644 tract. 

Another conjecture I include not because of its importance, 
but because it is at least ori.^inal. Margaret L. Bailey, in a 
published doctoral dissertation, "Milton and Jakob Boehme," 
writes of*^ "Milton's friend, Roger Williams, with whom he 
may have read Boehme's writings in Dutch, since most of them 
were published very early in that language. Todd suggests, 
as an explanation of the change of view in ^Milton's later 
writings, that 'he drank largely, perhaps, from the turbid 
streams of the Arian and Socinian pieces published in Holland 
and dispersed in England.' " That this conjecture is theo- 
retically possible I do not suppose could be denied. But the 
possibility seems rather small, when there is taken into account 
the fact, that by the time Roger Williams was in England at 
least half of Boehme's writings had been translated into 
English, to say nothing of the Latin and German editions 
that were floating round the country, and the fact that the 
books were originally written, not in Dutch, but in German. 
And nowhere in the dissertation is it proved that Milton was 
reading Boehme at the time, though of course the supposition 
that he might have been is probable enough. 

In a recent article published in the Rhode Island Historical 
Society Collections,^^ H. M. Chapin has brought to light some 
facts which are fascinating in their possibilities, — though 
again, the connecting link is missing. One of Roger Williams' 
good friends was Gregory Dexter, a London printer, who 
moved to New England after the return of Williams in 1644, 
possibly coming to New England with Williams himself. He 
printed the "Key to the Language of America" for Williams, 
and (according to Isaiah Thomas) also an "Almanack for 

25Bailey, p. 133. 

2«Rhode Island Hist. Soc. Collections, Vol. XII, No. 4, Oct., 1919. 


Rhode Island and Providence Plantations in New England 
for 1644," no copy of which is now known to exist. Now 
Gregory Dexter also printed for Milton his tract, "Of Pre- 
latical Episcopacy," 1641 ; and as the relations between author 
and printer were apt to be close in those times, it is fair to 
assume that Milton knew Dexter personally. Gregory Dexter, 
then, was closely connected with Roger Williams, and pretty 
certainly known personally by Milton. If only there were 
some fact that would complete the chain and connect Williams 
with Milton through Dexter! If this could be found, it 
might be possible to show that Williams did meet Milton on 
his first trip to England in 1643-4. Mr. Chapin makes no 
such deduction, however, recognizing that at present there is 
no warrant for any such conclusion. 

Mr. Chapin has kindly suggested to me another possible 
connection between Williams and Milton, which is obscure at 
present, but upon which investigation may some day bring 
more light. This is Roger Williams' relations to the family of 
Sir Henry Cromwell. A series of letters is extant between 
Williams and Lady Joan Harrington, -' showing that he had 
asked a niece of Lady Harrington to marry him. Williams 
was at that time chaplain in the household of Sir William 
Masham, son-in-law of Lady Barrington ; among the members 
of this family which occupied such a large place in Williams' 
early life, were Goffe and Whalley, the regicides, and Oliver 
Cromwell. It is known that Williams was personally acquainted 
with Cromwell on his visit to England in 1652-54; and the 
whole family were of the strong Puritan party with which 
Milton was associated. Here we strike a rather wide gap, for 
there still is no evidence that Williams knew Milton through 
this family, nor even any proof that Milton knew the family 
except politically. But the line of inquiry is at least suggestive, 
and might reveal something more definite on further investiga- 

It is plain, therefore, that Williams was connected with two 
families, both of which were connected with Milton ; the Crom- 
well family, whose relation to Milton comes through his 

-'N. E. Hist, and Genealog. Reg., Vol. 43, p. 315. 


political and relij,nous beliefs ; and the Coke family, one mem- 
ber of which, Cyriack Skinner, was one of Milton's pupils, 
and a close friend and helper in his blindness. Skinner was 
one of the friends who enabled Milton to keep in touch with 
the literature he loved, by reading aloud to him when Milton 
himself could no lonsj^er see to read; and the affection which 
Milton had for his former pupil is shown in the two famous 
sonnets addressed to him. Whether Roger Williams knew 
Cyriack Skinner is a question as yet unanswered. But he at 
least knew Mrs. Sadleir, Skinner's aunt, and Chief Justice 
Coke, Skinner's grandfather. To be sure, Mrs. Sadleir, an 
ardent Church of England lady and a firm Royalist, must have 
had little more sympathy for her nephew's friendship with 
Milton than she had for Milton himself ; and that Roger 
Williams exchanged some two letters with the aunt does not 
imply necessarily that he knew the nephew. There the matter 
stands now, — giving no definite conclusions, but offering many 

Another figure which naturally presents itself as a possible, 
even very probable, connecting link between Williams and 
Milton, is the younger Sir Henry Vane. It is hardly necessary 
to dwell on the close relations between Williams and Vane, 
they are so well known. A good share of Williams' stay in 
1652-54 was spent either at Vane's Whitehall lodgings or at his 
estate in Lincolnshire. It is also obvious that Vane was closely 
associated politically with Milton, possibly as early as 1642.-® 
Whether he and Milton were close personal friends is more 
doubtful. Milton's sonnet to Vane has none of the personal 
feeling in it which characterizes those to Cyriack Skinner, for 
example. But that Milton and Vane were closely associated 
in their aims and in their political activities is beyond doubt ; 
during Williams' second trip to England, Vane and Milton were 
both prominent members of the Council of State, for example. 
Vane's biographers comment on the extensive influence which 
Roger Williams exerted on his religious and political opinions, 
an influence which I think is beyond question, particularly so 
m that Vane was young and impressionable when he first knew 

^^Willcock : Sir Henry Vane, p. 113. 


Williams. To me it seems exceedingly probable that it was 
Vane who formed the actual connecting link between Williams 
and Milton, and was responsible for their acquaintance; — 
though as there is no direct proof of the matter, this must also 
remain for the present simply a conjecture. 


In connection with an attempt to find any possible references to Mil- 
ton in Williams' writings, I have collected the various books to which 
Williams refers in his writings, or which he is otherwise known to have 
owned or read ; these may be listed in three general groups, as follows : 

I. Books surely owned by Williams. 

Parliament's Declarations; at least, "one of them." (Letters, N. C. 
P., vol. 6, p. 195.) In this letter he speaks of lending the volume to 
"a Long Island Englishman." 

Eliot's Indian Bible; still extant, in John Hay Library, Brown Uni- 
versity, Providence. 

A Book on Gospel Lectures (title page missing) ; still extant, in 
Rhode Island Historical Soc. library. Providence. 

Greek New Testament; (Bloody Tenent of Persecution, N. C. P., 
p. 89, and many other places). He quotes so often from the Greek 
Testament that he must obviously have owned one. 

Dutch Testament; (Letters, R. I. Hist. Tracts, No. 14, p. 44) "Giving 
him my Dutch Testament." 

Hebrew Old Testament; in many places he quotes from the Hebrew 
version of the Old Testament, and must obviously have owned one. 
II. Books surely read, though not surely ow^ned. 

Eikon Basilikc; "The Portraiture" (Letters, N. C. P., p. 199). Also, 
called "The King's Book" (Letters, N. C. P., p. 241). 

Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity; (Letters, N. C. P., pp. 241, 242, 246). 

Bishop Andrew's Sermons, "and his other divine meditations.'' 
(Letters, N. C. P., pp. 241, 242, 246.) 

Jeremy Taylor's Works; (Letters, N. C. P., pp. 241, 242, 246. On 
p. 249 particularly mentions "The Liberty of Prophesying.") 

Dr. Thomas Jackson upon the Creed; (Letters, N. C. P., pp. 241, 242, 

Milton's Eikonoklastcs; (Letters, N. C P., p. 249). "Mr. Milton's 
answer to the King's book." 

Morton's Memorial; (Letters, N. C. P., p. 333). Pointed out in foot- 

Daniel Cazvdrey's "Contradictions of Mr. Cotton (about church dis- 
cipline)." (Letters, N. C. P., p. 354.) Pointed out in footnote. 


Sir Francis Bacon's Essays, at least that on Unity in Religion. 
(Bloody Tencnt of Persecution, N. C. P.. p. 8.) Pointed out in foot- 

S. Hilarius. Contra Anarios vel Auxentium. "Hilarie against Auxen- 
tius." (Bloody Tenent of Persecution, N. C. P., p. 34) pointed out in 
footnote. Williams quotes from the work. 

Tcrtullian ad Scapulam; (Bloody Tenent of Persecution, N. C. P., 
p. 35). Pointed out in footnote. 

Jerome, in Jeremiam; (Bloody Tenent of Persecution, N. C. P., p. 
35). Pointed out in footnote. 

Brentius; (Bloody Tenent of Persecution, N. C. P., p. 35). Pointed 
out in footnote. 

Luther's Book of the Civil Magistrate; (Bloody Tenent of Persecu- 
tion, N. C. P., p. 35). Pointed out in footnote. 

Cah'iti's Commentaries; (Bloody Tenent of Persecution, N. C. P., 
p. 153). Pointed out in footnote. 

Beza: Nov. Test, in loco; (Bloody Tenent of Persecution, N. C. P., 
p. 155). Pointed out in footnote. 

Sozovien, "lib. 1, Eccles. hist. cap. 19, 20"; (Bloody Tenent of Per- 
secution, N. C. P., p. 179). 

Augustine's Epistles; (Bloody Tencnt of Persecution, N. C. P., p. 

John Cotton's Pouring out of the Seven Vials; (Bloody Tenent of 
Persecutions, N. C. P., p. 189). Pointed out in footnote. 

Church Government, and Church Covenant discussed, in an answer 
of the elders of the several Churches in N. E. to two and thirty ques- 
tions, etc. London, 1643; (Bloody Tenent of Persecution, N. C. P., 
p. 215). Pointed out in footnote. 

An Apologetical Narration, 1643, (By "some of the Independents") ; 
OBloody Tenent of Persecution, N. C. P., p. 282. Also Williams pub- 
lished this tract in his "Queries"). Pointed out in footnote. 

Josse Hondius' Map of the Christian World; (Bloody Tenent of 
Persecution, N. C. P., p. 320, spelled "Hundius" by Williams; in 
"Christenings make not Christians," N. C. P., p. 4, he spells the name 
"Herdious"). Pointed out in footnote. 

Martial: De Spectaculis Libellus ; (Bloody Tenent of Persecution, N. 
C. P., p. 371). Martial's Epigrams; (Bloody Tenent of Persecution, 
N. C. P., pp. 34-5). Both pointed out in footnote. 

Canne's A Stay against Staying, 1639; (Mr. Cotton's Letter answered, 
N. C. P., p. 102). Pointed out in footnote. 

John Cotton's answer to John Ball's Defence of Set Forms of 
Prayer, 1642; (Bloody Tenent yet more Bloody, N. C. P., p. 66). 
Pointed out in footnote. 

John Goodixnn's Fighting against God; (Bloody Tenent yet more 
Bloody, N. C. P., p. 93, a marginal note by R. W.). Pointed out in 


John Foxc's "Book of Alartyrs" or "Book of Acts and Monuments"; 
(Bloody Tenent yet more Bloody, N. C. P., p. 115, and various other 
passages). Pointed out in footnote. 

Henry Ardier: The Personal Reign of Christ upon Earth, 1642; 
(Bloody Tenent yet more Bloody N. C. P., p. 221). Pointed out in 

John Speed: The History of Great Britain under the Conquests of 
the Romans, Saxons, Danes, Normans, etc., 1632; (Bloody Tenent yet 
more Bloody, N. C. P., pp. 232-3). Williams quotes at length from 
this book the Edict of Antoninus. Pointed out in footnote. 

John Cotton's Abstract of the Laws of N. E., 1641; (Bloody Tenent 
yet more Bloody, N. C. P., p. 287). Conjectures made by editor in 
footnote is so probable as to amount practically to a certainty that 
Williams read this book. 

Thomas Shepherd's "book of their (Indians') Conversion"; (Bloody 
Tenent yet more Bloody, N. C. P., p. 373). 

Bishop Hall's "Contemplation on Michae's Idolatrie," 1621; (Bloody 
Tenent yet more Bloody, N. C. P., p. 488). Pointed out in footnote. 

Conrad Gesner's works, probably (says footnote) his History of 
Animals; (Bloody Tenent yet more Bloody, N. C. P., p. 523). A ref- 
erence made on p. 469 of the same work to "the Naturalist" very likely 
refers also to Gesner. 

Clark's 111 News from New England; (Bloody Tenent yet more 
Bloody, N. C. P., p. 524). Pointed out in footnote. 

George Fox's The Great Mystery of the Great Whore unfolded, 1659; 
(Geo. Fox Digg''d, N. C. P., p. 1). Pointed out in footnote. 

Humphrey Norton's "book printed at London after his return from 
hence"; (Geo. Fox Digg'd, N. C. P., p. 70). 

James Parnel: work undetermined; (Geo. Fox Digg'd, N. C. P., p. 
147). "It is true (in print) J. Parnel spake like a Papist and Atheist 
and a Quaker, of the holy Martyrs or Witnesses of Jesus Christ and 
of the book of Martyrs itself." On p. 241, same work, Williams quotes 
from Parnel's "Watcher." 

Christopher Houldsworth's "Book"; (Geo. Fox Digg'd, N. C. P., 
p. 164). 

George Willington: work undetermined; (Geo. Fox. Digg'd, N. C. 
P., p. 191). 

Edward Burrozve's "large Epistle to G. Fox his Booke in Folio"; 
(Geo. Fox Digg'd, N. C. P., p. 268). 

"I have read Nichols, and Nailor, and Howgel, and Burrowes, and 
Parnel, and Farnsworth, and Fox, and Dewsbury, and Pennington, and 
Whitehead, and Bishop, &c." ; (Geo. Fox Digg'd, N. C. P., p. 277). 

III. Books probably or possibly read, mektioned by Williams. 
Carpenter's Geography, 1625. 2d ed., 1635; (Letters, N. C. P., p. 192). 
Asks for loan of the book. Mentioned in footnote. 


The Jesuits' Maxims; (Letters, N. C. P., p. 289). Says he will "be 
thankful for" the above. 

"Luther and Erasmus to the Emperor, Charles V, and the Duke of 
Saxony"; (Letters, N. C. P., p. 374). 

Magnalia Dei; (Letters, N. C. P., p. 234). "We live, and behold the 
wonders, the Magnalia and Miracula Dei in England." Possible indica- 
tion of Williams' having read the book. 

Hakluyt's translation of Verrazano's letter; conjecture given by 
H. M Chapin, from the fact that Williams called Rhode Island by that 
name as early as 1637, and probably gave it the name. 

Sir Thomas Browne's works, or some of them. A possibility, from 
the fact that Browne is the only other writer known who used the 
word "tenent" at that time. (Bloody Tenent of Persecution N. C P., 
p. iv, note). 

The Works of the Most High and Mighty Prince James, 1616; 
(Bloody Tenent of Persecution, N. C. P., p. 31). Williams quotes 
from a speech of King James, given in that book. Pointed out in foot- 

Henry Ainsworth, Annotations of the Five Books of Moses, etc.; 
(Bloody Tenent of Persecution, N. C. P., p. 308). Williams praises the 
book, but not in such a way as to prove he read it. Pointed out in foot- 

Chamier, Daniel, de Eccles. ; (Bloody Tenent of Persecution, N. C. 
P., p. 233). Mentioned in marginal note by Williams referring to a 
quotation of Cotton. Pointed out in footnote. 

Robert Parker, De Politica Ecclesiastica, etc.; (Bloody Tenent of 
Persecution, N. C. P., p. 233). Marginal note by Williams. 

John Robinson s On the Lawfulness of Hearing of the Ministers in 
the Church of England, Leyden, 1634: (Mr. Cotton's Letter answered, 
N. C. P., p. 102). Williams mentions the book, but only in connection 
with Canne's answer to it. (For Canne, see books surely read.) Also 
in the Bloody Tenent yet more Bloody (N. C. P., pp. 316-17) Williams 
speaks of "Mr. John Robinson his testimony in a manuscript from 
Holland." A footnote by the editor conjectures this is probably a letter 
to some of Williams' Plymouth friends. In all probability, Williams 
would have read the above mentioned book, on these grounds. 

Ma-cchiavelli's Prince; (Letters, R. I. Hist. Tracts, No. 14, p. 44). 
"According to W. Har: his Machivillyan Maxim." 

John Ball's Defence of Set Forms of Prayer, 1640; (Bloody Tenent 
yet more Bloody. N. C. P., p. 66). Probably Williams read this; cer- 
tainly he read John Cotton's answer to it. (See books surely read.) 

Henry VIII: "A blasphemous writing against Christ Jesus in his 
holy truth proclaimed by Luther"; (Bloody Tenent yet more Bloody, 
N. C. P., p. 163). This work I have not been able to determine. 

Antoninus Pius' Letters for the Christians; (Bloody Tenent yet more 


Bloody, N. C. P., p. 233). Possible Williams may have read these in 
Speede's History. (See books surely read.) 

Parens; (Bloody Tenent yet more Bloody. N. C. P., p. 283). Williams 
speaks of this authority, quoted by Cotton, as if he knew him, at first 
hand, though there is not any definite indication that he did. 

Johannes Marianus' De Rege et Regis Institutione; (Bloody Tenent 
yet more Bloody, N. C. P., pp. 310-11). Williams speaks indefinitely, 
but somewhat as if he had a first hand knowledge of the book. Pointed 
out by footnote. 

BeUarmine's Tractatus de potestate summi Pontificis, Rome, 1610; 
(Bloody Tenent yet more Bloody, N. C. P., pp. 310-11). Williams 
speaks indefinitely, but somewhat as if he had a first hand knowledge 
of the book. Pointed out by footnote. 

"Crede of Piers Ploughmayi, and Chaucer, some of his works, at 
least; (Bloody Tenent yet more Bloody, N. C. P., p. 423). Williams 
gives a story as coming from "old Chaucer," but the editor in a foot- 
note says it comes not from Chaucer but from the Creed of Piers 
Ploughman. Makes it very probable in this case that Williams had 
read both authors. 

Book of Common Prayer; (Bloody Tenent yet more Bloody, N. C. 
P., p. 510). Williams speaks as if he were acquainted with it. Pointed 
out by footnote. 

"Having read ... as I think, above six score Books and papers 
(written by pious and able pens against them)" (i. e., the Quakers) ; 
(Geo. Fox Digg'd, N. C. P., p.l). 

"That Turkish History tells us of a Woman appearing in the Heavens 
with a Book open in her hand"; (Geo. Fox Digg'd, N. C. P., p. 145). 

Ravins; (Geo. Fox Digg'd, N. C. P., p. 201). "Though Ravius 
(that famous Oriental Hebraician, &c.) proclaims above a thousand 
Faults, and some gross, in our last Translation" (i. e., of the Bible). 

"That as blessed John Bradford said to God"; (Geo. Fox Digg'd, 
N. C. P., p. 236). 

Joseph Chandler; (Geo. Fox Digg'd, N. C. P., p. 277). 

Theora John; (Geo. Fox Digg'd, N. C. P., p. 277). 

(N. B. Wherever a book I have noted has been mentioned in any 
footnote by the editor of the work of Williams referred to, I have 
noted the fact.) 



An oil portrait of Gen. William Barton, painted upon wood, 
has been presented to the Society by the late Mrs. Martin 
Wilniarth Kern and Mr. George Coit Barton. It is on exhi- 
bition in the Portrait Gallery. 

Mr. George Allen Chandler of Bethlehem, Pa., Mr. Edward 
Denham of New Bedford, Mass., and Mr. James Elgar of 
Providence have been elected to membership in the Society. 

In 1913 the Society obtained the then only known copy of the 
"Calendrier Francais pour I'annee 1781," which was printed 
at Newport. Another copy has been discovered this year 
which contains four leaves not in our copy, but which lacks 
the title page which is perfect in our copy. The second Calen- 
drier has been purchased by Col. George L. Shepley. 

The most important of our manuscript accessions are three 
revolutionary muster rolls, which are the gift of Mrs. Franklyn 
Hallett Lovell of Washington, D. C. 

Two of the inscribed rocks have been removed from 
Sachuest and placed on the lawn of the Society, by the special 
committee on inscribed rocks, which consists of Professor 
Delabarre, Judge Rathbun and Livingstone Ham, Esq. 

The Society has published this autumn two volumes of his- 
torical interest. One is a "List of the Rhode Island Soldiers 
and Sailors in King George's War, 1740- 1748." It is an octavo 
of 32 pages, bound in cloth, and is the second volume of the 
series entitled "Rhode Island in the Colonial W^ars." The 
other is the first volume of the "Rhode Island Court Records." 
It is an octavo of 80 pages, bound in cloth, and covers the 
period from 1647 to 1663. The edition of each of these books 
has been limited to 150 copies. A special discount is given to 
members of the Society. 

The first volume of "Rhode Island Land Evidences" is now 
in the printer's hands. 

Bulletin number 33 of the Newport Historical Society con- 
tains an article on the old Hazard House by Maud Lyman 

Miss Lena Clark's paper on "Old Houses in Jamestown" has 


been issued as number I of the Bulletin of the Jamestown His- 
torical Society. 

We have received requests for the following numbers of 
the "Collections": Vol. XI, No. 4; Vol. XII, Nos. i and 3; 
Vol. XIII, No. 2. As our supply of these numbers is ex- 
hausted, we can only fill these requests through the generosity 
of some of our members. 

Extracts from the Log Book of the Private 

Armed Schooner Blockade, Manly Sweet, 


Contributed by Professor Wilfred H. Munro. 

He who reads the breezy pages of the Log book of the sec- 
ond cruise of the Yankee as given in the "Tales of an Old 
Seaport" is likely to gain an impression that a voyage on a 
private armed ship of war was a very enjoyable as well as 
profitable experience. A perusal of the extracts from the 
Log book of the Blockade which follow will give a very 
different idea of a privateersman's life. The more one reads 
about the American privateers the more is one impressed with 
the fact that the Yankee was in a class by herself. The Block- 
ade belonged to the same owners ; her Commander, Manly 
Sweet, had been a Lieutenant of the Yankee on her first cruise. 
Yet while the Yankee was more profitable than a gold mine 
the other vessel proved to be only a continual bill of expense. 
The first, escaping a thousand perils, made six voyages as a 
ship of war and continued to earn money for her owners in 
the days of peace that followed. The second was lost on her 
second cruise, only three of her crew surviving to return to 
her home port. Perhaps the fault was with her officers. She 
carried a remarkably tough crew and stern discipline rather 
than Sweetness was needed, as the reader will judge from the 
extracts that follow. 

The officers w^ho signed the paper conferring a power of 
attorney upon her owners were Manly Sweet, Benjamin 
Bowen, Paul Florence, John French, Jr., Stephen Simmons, 



Moses Deane, John Carpenter, George Phillips and Obed B. 
Hussey. To these should be added the names of Lieutenant 
Russell and Sailing Master Avery, which appear in the 

The protest made on December 4th while in Dutch Island 
harbor would appear to have been put forward with reason. 
Judging from the size of the Yankee's crew the Blockade 
should have carried at least twice fifty-eight men. Ten sea- 
men could easily sail the privateer, but a hundred were needed 
to make her a successful fighting machine, and to provide 
crews for. possible prizes. That the cruise was not started 
properly is evidenced by the fact that in the list of protestants 
appear the names of three officers, namely — Paul Florence, 
John Carpenter and George Phillips. No wonder the Captain 
went back to Bristol to consult with the owners. 

Extracts from the Log book of the private armed schooner 
Blockade, Manly Sweet Commander, that sailed from Bristol, 
on a cruise, Thursday, November 19, 1812: 

"Sunday, Nov. 22d. At Newport. At 9 A. M. got under 
way and ran out to Newport Light in company with a Revenue 
Cutter on trial and beat her. At i P. M. came to at Newport. 
At 3 got under way and ran up as far as Prudence.* Half 
past 4 P. M. came to anchor at Newport." 

"Saturday, Nov. 28th. At 6 A. M., with fresh breeze, ran 
out of Newport for the Vineyard after men. At 10 A. M., it 
blowing fresh with a rough sea, we lost our jolly boat from 
the davits. At 3 in the afternoon came to at Holmes' Hole." 

"Monday, Nov. 30th. At half past 8 P. M., a boat full of 
men was discovered passing under our stern, which was hailed 
by the commanding officer on deck. She answered the hail by 
inquiring in an authoritative manner who we were. We had 
heard that the "New Liverpool" (an English armed vessel) 
was cruising between this place and Chatham, that she had 
pilots from Cape Cod and had taken a large number of prizes 
bound from the southward and eastward. This information 
and the singular circumstance of an armed vessel being hailed 
by a boat in the manner the Blockade was, excited suspicions 

*i. e., Prudence Island. 

EXTRACTS FROM A privateer's LOG 133 

that the boat belonged to the "New Liverpool," and these 
suspicions were strengthened by discovering (when they were 
ordered alongside) ten men armed with cutlasses, pistols, &c. 
Immediately all hands were ordered to quarters, the decks 
were cleared, guns loaded, matches lighted, and every prepara- 
tion made to repel the enemy, should he think proper to com- 
mence the attack. We were in momentary expectation of 
receiving a shot from the vessel to which the boat belonged, 
as a signal for action. She lay at a short distance from us, but 
it being dark w^e could not discover what she was. During this 
time the officers and boat's crew w^ere detained while the ist 
Lieutenant was sent on board, who ascertained her to be a 
packet, bound to New York from Boston, with recruits for the 
United States. The officers who, it seems, came alongside for 
a frolic, deserved punishment for their presumption, and may 
thank heaven, and Captain Sweet's humanity for their lives, 
as it was extremely difficult for him to prevent the men on 
board the Blockade from firing into the boat." 

"Friday, Dec. 4th. In Dutch Island Harbor. This day the 
following men (petty officers on board) protested against 
going to sea in the Blockade without more men (our crew 
consisting of 58 including officers), viz.: Henry Verney, 
Charles S. Beverly, Oliver Norton, Paul Florence, Charles 
Cotter, Lewis Cooper, John Kelly, William Mathews, John 
Johnson (boatswain's mate), George Phillips, James Brown, 
John Carpenter, and Johan Fausbery. In consequence of this 
measure Captain Sweet went to Bristol to consult with the 

"Wednesday, Dec. 9. This day a paper was handed to the 
Captain, as a protest against going in the Blockade, of which 
the following is a transcript, which, as a curiosity I enter into 
this journal — 'We the subscribers due wish to go Jioaui as we 
the subscribers has been on bord sometime and expected to 
gone to sea but as we have not ben we wish for a dismission 
for we are not wilin to go in the vessel!.' Several of the 'sub- 
scribers' having received bounty. Captain Sweet thought 
proper to treat the petition with that contempt which it 
deserved. In the mean time the discontent which had pre- 



vailed several days still continued and in the evening the dis- 
affected part of the crew became clamorous and two of the 
gentlemen 'subscribers' who were discovered to have been the 
most active in exciting the mutiny, refused to do their duty 
when ordered, and treated the officers with impertinent 
language. To 'cool their courage' and 'bring them to repent- 
ance, and a knowledge of the truth,' Captain Sweet had them 
(Dizley and Mumford) put in irons. After this peace was 
restored and those who had threatened to 'eat the devil and 
drink his broth,' became quiet as lambs." (Bristol Phoenix, 
Nov. 25, 1871.) 

"Saturday, Dec. 12. At 6 P. M., got under way and stood 
out for sea. Mumford and Dizley were taken out of irons 
and ordered to their duty." 

"Saturday, Dec. 19th. At 2 P. M., John Scott discovered 
a sail from the mast head, bearing from us N. N. E., distant 
about four leagues. Hauled our wind and gave chace. At 4 
P. M., (being within one league of her) gave her a shot from 
the Long Tom, when she rounded to ; but neglecting to show 
her colors we gave her another shot when she displayed the 
Sweedish flag. Boarded her and found her to be the brig 
Betsey, Captain Lane, 12 days from Bath, (Kenebeck,) with 
lumber, bound to Cayenne, with a Sweedish passport. Had 
sprung a leak in the late gales. Lat. by ob. 31, 56." 

"Tuesday, Dec. 29th. Finding the vessel by tJie head the 
provisions in the hold were this day shifted to get her in trim, 
and for that purpose stowed part of the bread aft in the 
lazaretto. This day Neptune and w^fe came on board and 
gave a principal part of the crew a terrible shaving. Lat. by 
ob. 21, 35." 

"Saturday, January 2d, 1813. About 10 A. M., William 
Chapman, the armorer, having heated the barrels of a pistol, 
for the purpose of blueing it with horn, which was loaded with 
ball, probably unknown to him, it went off and killed him 
instantly. On examination by the Surgeon, it was found that 
the ball passed through the right eye and went out at the back 
part of his head, which broke all the bones in the right and 
upper part of his scull. He was sewed up in a hammock, with 


weig:hts at his feet, and after prayers had been read, at the 
discharo^e of a cannon his body was committed to the deep 
with proper respect. He was a native of Massachusetts but 
had resided some time in Providence, where he married a 
short time previous to his sailing the Blockade. Lat. by ob. 
12, 30 N. 

"Monday, January 4th. At 3 P. M., came up with our chase 
(discovered yesterday) and fired a shot from the Long Tom 
which she did not answer, but kept away. At our second shot 
she fired a gun to the leeward, rounded to and hauled up her 
courses, when we fired a third and fourth shot which she 
returned with her stern chacer. During the whole of this time 
she showed American colors and made signals and it was 
thought proper to send our boat on board to ascertain her 
character. Our ist Lieutenant, on his return reported her to 
be the privateer brig Revenge, of Norfolk, out forty-two days, 
bound on a cruise, and commanded by Captain Langdon. On 
receiving this information we ran down and spoke her. Cap- 
tain Sweet had an invitation on board, which he accepted. It 
was fortunate for both vessels that Captain Sweet sent the 
Lieutenant on board, as it was probably the means of prevent- 
ing a battle, which doubtless would have taken place but for 
the adoption of this measure. Lat. by ob. 10, 43." 

"Saturday, January i6th. During the latter part of these 
24 hours a quarrel took place between John Hill and Nath. 
Barney concerning a tin pot which belonged to Hill but which 
Barney used without Hill's liberty for which Hill threatened 
and indeed attempted to whip him. On the officers interfering. 

Hill abused the whole by saying that he did not 'care a ' 

for any one on board the vessel. Lieutenant Russell and Mr. 
Avery, the sailing master, took the matter up when Lewis 
Durfee, John Scott, and several of the forecastle men (to 
which Hill belonged) took Hill's part and insulted the officers 
with abusive language. Captain Sweet went forward with a 
determination to punish the mutineers, who among other 
things which they asserted, complained of their living. From 
humanity or policy Captain Sweet determined to pass over 
their present conduct and gave them liberty to leave the vessel 


at the first port which we should make (which Hill threatened 
to do) but c^ave them to understand that he was determined 
to put up with their insolence no longer. After which peace 
was restored." From Phoenix Dec. 2, 1871. 

"Wednesday, January 20th, 181 3. At six o'clock A. M., 
stood in shore for food and water, and at nine came to anchor 
in three fathoms within one mile of the land. Captain Avery 
with a boat's crew went ashore and obtained permission of an 
officer, who had repaired to the landing with a number of 
soldiers, to procure what we wanted. The inhabitants having 
observed the Blockade and the Revenge standing off and on 
shore for several days past, two pieces of cannon were brought 
down and planted at a short distance from the beach. Signals 
of smoke were observed along the shore from the first moment 
of approaching the land, which still continue to be observed 
as far as the sight extends. The point about four miles to the 
windward of the watering place is called by the natives Point 
Agiberon, and the shore extending to the northeast from it is 
called Terra Firma. It is a high and steep bank variegated 
with red and yellow clay, which at a short distance from shore 
appears like rock and resembles in its color Gay Head at the 
Vineyard. It extends for several miles with now and then an 
interruption of sand hills and forms a sort of bay which is by 
no means safe to lie at anchor in, by reason of sudden squalls 
which, while we were here, struck us adrift and drove us in 
shore. From the sea the land has an agreeable and a fertile 
appearance, but on landing it proves a dreary and sterile coast 
nearly as barren as the 'Wilderness of Sin.' The inhabitants 
appear as meagre as their soil." (The privateer had reached 
the coast of Brazil.) 

"Thursday, January 21st. Lying at anchor at Point Agi- 
beron in order to wood and water. At 6 P. M., got under way 
and put to sea. Lat. by ob. 3, 57 South." 

"Thursday, February 4th. At half past eight this morning 
a quarrel took place between John Cotell and Nath. Mumford 
which promises serious consequences. The circumstances 
were as follows : Cotell and Mumford were in the hold when 
Cotell quarrelled with Nath. Barney (a good natured and 


peaceable man) and threatened to whip him. Mumford 
espoused Barney's cause and some harsh words passing 
between him and Cotell, Mumford drew his hand across Cotell's 
mouth upon which Cotell struck him several blows with a 
heaver (a heavy billet of wood) one of which laid his head 
open on the left side of the upper part of the skull, three 
fourths of an inch in length. Another blow struck him on 
the inferior part of the osfrontis, directly over the left eye, 
which caused the eye-brow to swell to the size of a half a hen's 
egg, which in the opinion of the Surgeon involves much 
danger. Cotell was put in irons for trial." 

"Monday, February 15th. At 8 P. M., got under way and 
stood out to sea, leaving the Revenge to take in the remainder 
of her provisions and water. At 6 A. M., tacked ship and 
stood in for land. While lying at Seara this day our cable 
chafed so as to render lying at anchor dangerous." (Ceara 
is on the north coast of Brazil.) 

"Tuesday. February i6th. In the afternoon while running 
into Seara the Blockade was fired at five times from the Fort. 
We brought to a fishing smack and Captain Sweet sent a 
letter to the governor, demanding an explanation, but before 
he received an answer we received another shot from the 
garrison, which was returned from our long twelve pounder. 
The shot struck near the Portugi.iese battery and passing over 
the town struck a butcher's shop, but did no other damage. 
In the evening Captain Langdon (who was ashore when we 
fired) stated that the governor accused us of a breach of neu- 
trality which prohibits any vessel from standing ofif and on a 
neutral port in the manner we did. In answer to a message 
from the governor. Captain Sweet explained the necessity 
he was under for so doing, to avoid the danger of drifting 
ashore, which the state of our cable could not prevent. Thus 
the affair ended." 

"Friday, March 19th. At daylight discovered and gave 
chace to a brig ahead about ten miles distant. At 11 A. M., 
came up with and boarded her. She proved to be the Cos- 
mopolite, of New York, thirty-five days from Cadiz with salt, 
John Smith master, bound to Charleston, S. C. Captain Smith 


informed that news had arrived at Cadiz a few days previous 
to his sailin.cj that Bonaparte had been defeated by the Rus- 
sians with the loss of 175,000 men and forty generals. Cap- 
tain Smith further informs that a fleet of fifteen sail of the 
line and five large frigates from England (which were 
expected to arrive sometime in March) had sailed from 
America. He was boarded by the brig Revenge, of Warren, 
R. I., near the Canaries — had taken nothing. Lat. by ob. 28, 
30." (Phoenix, Dec. 16, 1871.) 

Friday, July 23d, 181 3 — Commences fine clear weather, and 
moderate breezes. At six o'clock, sail set in chace of the vessel 
seen on the 22 inst. at half past ii, a. m., distance 20 miles. 
At 5 p. m., drawing on her fast and within a gun shot and a 
half ; fired a bow gun with powder and wad only ; at half past 
5, she not heaving to or showing colors gave her a second gun ; 
but she still proceeded. Gave her long tom with round, and 
hoisted American ensign and pennant ; she then lufifed, brought 
her stern to bear on us, and gave us one of her stern chasers, 
and hoisted Spanish colors. We then fired long tom the second 
time, with round. She returned the compliment with one of 
her stem chasers, by this time being pretty near. She hove 
shot over us, but her grape fell short ; the action became warm ; 
we gave her our broadside, and endeavored to close with her 
as fast as possible ; our colors at this time were distinctly 
seen by those on board of her, and she kept up her Spanish 
colors, and a regular fire when after six or seven broadsides, 
perceiving her main topsail to be on the cap, and the lee clue 
cut away, the Spanish flag was hauled down, and she hove to. 
We lowered our boat, boarded her, and found her to be the 
Spanish ship. New Constitution, Captain Dr. Damian Garcia 
from Havana, bound to Alicant, out 30 days, loaded with sugar 
and coffee — mounting six gims, carrying 42 pound shot and 
two double fortified six pounders; brought the Captain on 
board with his papers, and after examining him very minutely, 
and his papers, and reprimanding him for his conduct, per- 
mitted him to proceed. She was much injured in hull, rigging 
and sails. At 12, midnight, made sail. 

N. B. The Spanish ship had had a dust between Bermuda 

Indian stone pipe, unearthed at Burr's Hill, Warren, and now preserved at 
the Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, New York. Repro- 
duced through the courtesy of the Museum. 

At the Sign of the Greyhound, near 
the church, in Williams Street, Provi- 
dence, 1772. 

Signature mark of the Indian 
Tomanick, 1644. 

Richard Waterman's Seal. 


and Havana, with a schooner privateer, of three hours action 
and after cutting^ away the tiller of the schooner, and killing 
the man at the helm, the privateer hauled down the American 
flag she had fought under, hoisted a French flag, and stood 
from her. No one was injured on board the Spanish ship, or 
the Yankee. Lat. by ob. 39, 29 West. 

Thursday, August 5. — At quarter to one P. M., saw a sail 
bearing N. W. distance 5 leagues. At 4, spoke the chase ; she 
hoisted Sweedish colors at half mast, the Captain informing 
us that he had been out 26 days, from Savannah and that he 
had lost three men by the fever, and that three more were 
then in the stern boat very sick. Our doctor, with his usual 
humanity, went on board, and rendered them every assistance 
in his power. The Captain, informed us that the frigate 
Chesapeake, same day out of New York was taken by an 
English frigate, which we much doubt. At 5 made sail ; the 
Sweede was bound to Gottenburgh. Lat. by ob. 39, 16 W. 
(Alas! The Shannon did capture the Chesapeake.) 
Friday, August 6. — Commences with fresh gales and 
squally ; at 3 lost lee lower swinging boom overboard ; hove 
to and got it. At 6 P. M., doubled reef mainsail and single 
reefed fore topsail. At 9 P. M., blowing fresh, took in the 
foresail. At 10 P. M., blowing a gale; took in the foretopsail, 
and the mainsail, and kept her away under foretopmast stay- 
sail until daylight, then set the lug foresail with the bonnet off ; 
saw two ships to windward, which appeared to be suspicious 
of us, by their keeping as near each other as possible ; as they 
were standing to the S. and E. under close reefed sails, we 
could no way speak them. At 10 A. M., blowing a hard 
gale, and a heavy sea. Balanced reefed the lug foresail, and 
hove her to, at ii A. M., a heaving gust kept her leeside of 
the deck under water for some minutes ; put up the helm, 
eased off the fore sheet and kept her away North before it. 
Got down the eight after gims in the ward room. At 1-2 11, 
threw over board the 4 cannondes which were amidships : got 
in the jibboom. Ends thick, rainy weather and the gale 
increasing went in the forehole and fastened down the casks, 
&c. No observation. 

(The Bristol Phenix, February 24, 1872.) 

The Society will hold a 

Free Public Exhibition 


Ship Pictures and Log Books 

During the month of November 

Persons having Ship Pictures or Log Books will please 
bring them to the Library or communicate with the 


Form of Legacy 

*' J give and bequeath to the Rhode Island 

Historical Society the sum oj 


Rhode Island 

Historical Society 


Vol. XIV January, 1921 

No. 1 



Ninigret's Fort 

By Leicester Bradner 


The Ancestry of John Greene .... 


Early Sessions of the General Assembly . 


The Inscribed Rocks of Narragansett Bay 

By Edmund B. Delabarre .... 


Muster Roll of Sloop Providence 

. 22 

Notes . . . . . . 

. .24 

List of Members of the Rhode Island Historical Society 27 
William Coddington's Seals 32 

K $ 3.00 per year Issued Quarterly 75 cents perxopy 




Vol. XIV 

January, 1921 

No. 1. 

HOW/VRD W. Preston, President Edward K. ALDRICH, Jr. ,Treaturer 
GEORGE T. SPICER, Secretary HOWARD M. CHAPIN, Librarian 

Please address communications to Howard M. Chapin, Librarian, 
68 Waterman Street, Providence, R. I. 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the 
opinions of contributors. 

Ninigret's Fort 

A Refutation of the Dutch Theory 

By Leicester Bradner. 

With the naive creduHty of old style historians, Mr. S. G. 
Arnold, in a note to page 155 of his "History of the State of 
Rhode Island," states that "the Dutch had two fortified trading 
posts on the south shore of Narragansett, in what is now 
Charlestown." No proof presented, no references given. So 
far as I have been able to discover, this is the first occurrence 
in print of the theory that the Dutch owned the fort popularly 
known as Ninigret's. All later historians have trustingly fol- 
lowed Arnold's lead in this particular and the comparative 
insignificance of the subject has preserved it from the cold 
eye of historical research. Where this theory originated, I 
have not been able to discover, unless it sprang full-fledged, 
like Pallas Athene, from the head of Mr. Arnold. The dis- 
covery of Dutch implements in the graves of the Niantic 
sachems in 1863 gave plausible authority to it and it grew and 
flourished mightily until, in 1902, it found its most vigorous 
champion in the redoubtable Sidney S. Rider. 


Mr. Rider bases his argument on the belief that the Indians 
would not have built a fort on the lines of this one and on the 
not sufficiently proved claim that the Indians never used it. He 
heightens the effect of his thesis by passing over the reliable 
history of Elisha R. Potter and pouring his satire on the sen- 
timental and romantic inaccuracies of the Rev. Frederic 
Denison. (Cf. Rider's "Lands," p. 295, where he accuses 
Denison of being responsible for the Indian theory. Potter, 
p. 22), evidently had no idea that the origin of the fort was 
other than Indian.) Denison had no historical sense and, like 
all local historians, was prone to' embroider facts according to 
his taste. Consequently, he left ample opportunity for the 
sharp-eyed and sharp-tongued Rider. The latter pricks Deni- 
son's toy balloon in several places and leaves it in a very 
deflated condition. The real essence of the matter remained, 
however, as I shall endeavor to show, unharmed by Rider's 
caustic attacks. 

The propounders of the Dutch theory have omitted one 
very important aspect of the case. They make no reference 
to the Dutch sources, published by the New York Historical 
Society and the State of New York. It is from these sources 
and not from guess-work or tradition that any reliable history 
of the Dutch activities in Rhode Island must be formulated. 
In 1614 Adrian Block sailed along the New England coast 
and was the first Dutchman to explore Rhode Island. By 1622, 
as we learn in DeLaet's "New World," the "Dutch shallops 
trafficked with the Indians as far east as Narragansett and 
Buzzard's Bay." This trade was already so considerable that 
when the Plymouth colonists made a trip to Narragansett Bay 
the next year they had no success in trading with the Indians 
because the Dutch were already supplying them with more 
desirable goods than they could ofifer. In 1636 the Dutch 
obtained formal possession of Quotenis (Now Dutch Island) 
and maintained a permanent trading post there (Doc. Col. 
Hist. N. Y., I, p. 565). All this these historians are acquainted 
with and use, but next they make a jump which I cannot fol- 
low. Because the Dutch had a large trade in Rhode Island 


and because two forts are found in Charlestown, they state 
the conclusion that these forts were Dutch. Now, such a 
conclusion would be quite justified in the case of anyone 
but a historian. He, however, is supposed to back up his 
statements with facts and not imagination. It so happens 
that in all the available Dutch sources there is no mention 
of any fort located on the south shore of Rhode Island. 
In fact, the statement, made in 1652, that "the subsequent 
circumstances of the country alone prevented the occu- 
pation by forts of Pequatoos focket (Pawcatuck River) and 
Marinkansick (Narragansett), otherwise called Sloops Bay" 
(Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., I, p. 565), makes it seem that even 
Quotenis was unfortified, in spite of Rider's unproved state- 
ment to the contrary. Furthermore, in 1649 the West India 
Company, protesting- to the States General in Holland that the 
English were occupying Dutch territory, presented a list of 
all "Forts and Hamlets" by which they laid claim to the pos- 
session of the New England coast (Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., I, 
pp. 543, 544). In this list, which was undoubtedly the most 
inclusive they could prepare, there is no mention of any place 
within the present Rhode Island boundaries except Quotenis. 
After 1649 the Dutch trade waned rapidly under the spread 
of English colonization in New England and it is not likely 
that any new forts were built after that date. 

Besides omitting reference to Dutch records, it seems to me 
that the followers of this theory have failed to note the signifi- 
cance of certain passages in the English sources. Mason, in 
the account of his campaign against the Pequots in 1637, tells 
that in marching westward from Narragansett Bay he spent 
the night "at a place called Nyantic, about eighteen or twenty 
miles distant, where another of those Narragansett sachems 
lived in a fort, it being a frontier to the Pequots." The loca- 
tion of Nyantic is settled by a letter from Roger Williams to 
Governor Winthrop, written in the preceding year, in which 
he advises "that Niantick be thought on for the riding and 
retiring to of vessels, which place is faithful to the Narra- 
gansetts and at present enmity with the Pequods." This fort, 


therefore, was at a point on the shore, where vessels could 
ride, some twenty miles from Narrag-ansett Bay. This leaves 
no doubt that it was at the head of Charlestown inlet, where 
the remains of "Ninigret's Fort" are now to be found. Neither 
can anyone doubt that Mason's "sachem," whom Williams 
declared "faithful to the Narragansetts," was either Ninij^ret 
or his father, chief of the Niantics, a tribe subsidiary to 
Canonicus. In 1637, then, we find an Indian sachem occupy- 
ing- his fort at the same place where the remains of a fort now 
exist and no mention made of any Dutch fort there or else- 
where on the southern coast. As for the fort on Chemunga- 
nuck Hill, Rider says it was a Dutch outpost against the 
Pequots. This is pure imagination, for the Dutch were never 
at war with the Pequots and traded with them as well as with 
the Niantics. The latter, on the other hand, were perenially 
fighting with their neighbors to the west and had good use 
for such an outpost. It is also to be noticed that there is no 
mention of any Dutch fort, in the location under discussion, 
in any English document or record. This, taken in connection 
with the similar silence of the Dutch sources, should be con- 
vincing proof of the nonentity of this imaginary station. 

In denying that the Dutch owned or occupied these forts, 
I have no intention of omitting the fact that the Dutch were 
in close relations with the Niantics and carried on a busy trade 
with them. The Charlestown inlet (with no name attached) 
appears on two Dutch maps (DeLaet's and Fischer's), which 
would indicate that Dutch traders stopped there often enough 
to know its location but maintained no post. The quantity of 
Dutch articles found in the Indian graves there shows that 
the Niantics were well supplied by the Dutch. That Ninigret 
himself was in close relations with the government of New 
Netherlands is well known. These relations culminated in 
his spending the winter of 1652-1653 in New Amsterdam (cf. 
Potter, p. 50). Cromwell's war with Holland began in 1652 
and Governor Stuyvesant received directions to make use of 
the Indians against the English colonists if necessary (Doc. 
Col. Hist. N. Y.). As a result, we learn that in the spring 


Nini^ret returned with arms and ammunition in a Dutch sloop 
(Potter, p. 50). It may be that on this visit Ninigret observed 
Dutch fortifications and remodelled his fort with bastions, 
although the Niantics may quite possibly have learned these 
engineering improvements through earlier contact with Euro- 
peans. Rider's objection to the Indians using "rifle pits" may 
be met with Roger Williams' statement that the Indians were 
"filled with artillery by the Dutch." In 1664 New Amsterdam 
was captured and held by the English. The Dutch trade in 
Rhode Island, however, must have ceased before this — the 
greater part of it, at least — for the Indians re-sold Dutch 
Island to Benedict Arnold and his partners in 1658. 

The facts I have presented are conclusive and their impor- 
tance can only be altered by the discovery of new sources. On 
the present evidence, I consider it impossible that the Dutch 
ev,er owned or occupied the forts in Charlestown. 

Seal of John Greene, Jr. 
The Ancestry of John Greene 

George Sears Greene, in "The Greenes of Rhode Island," 
page 30, traces the ancestry of John Greene of Warwick back 
to Richard Greene and his wife, Mary Hooker, daughter of 
John Hooker alias Vowell, chamberlain of Exeter and uncle 
of Richard Hooker, Prebendary of Salisbury. 

In Westcote's Devonshire the ancestry of this chamberlain 
John Hooker is given as follows, page 326 : 


John Hooker, alias Vowel, chamberlain of Exeter, was son 
of Robert Hooker and his wife Agnes, daughter of John Doble 
of Woodbridge in Suffolk. This Robert Hooker was son of 
John Vowel and his wife, Alice Drewel, daughter and heiress 
of Richard Drewel of Exeter and his wife, Joan Kelly, daugh- 
ter and heiress of John Kelly and his wife Julyan, daughter 
and co-heiress of Robert Wilford of Oxton. 

John Hooker had three wives, but his daughter Mary is 
not mentioned. It would seem probable that she was his 
daughter by his second wife, Anstice, daughter of Edmund 
Bridgman of Exeter. 

John Keble in his edition of the works of Richard Hooker, 
volume I, appendix to preface I, folding plate opposite page 
cvi, gives the pedigree of John Hooker as follows : 

John Vowel alias Hooker was son of Robert Vowell alias 
Hooker and his wife Agnes daughter of John Doble of Wood- 
bridge in Suffolk. This Robert was son of John Voell alias 
Hooker by Alice daughter and heir of Richard Druitt and his 
wife Joan Kelly daughter and heir of John Kelly and his wife 
Julian daughter and co-heir of Robert Wilforde of Oxenham 
in Devon. 

John Voell alias Hooker was son of Robert Voell alias 
Hooker of Hants gent and his wife Margery daughter and 
heir of Roger Bolter of Bolterscombe, Devon. 

Robert Voell alias Hooker was son of John Voell alias 
Hooker who was son of Jago Voell and his wife Alice daugh- 
ter and the heir of Richard Hooker, of Hurst Castle, Hants. 

Jago Voell was son of Gevaph Voell of Pembroke in South 
Wales. No mention is made of John Hooker's daughter Mary. 

It will be noted that the two pedigrees differ only in the 
spelling of names and such minor details. A slight amount of 
research work in England would probably settle all of the 
questions raised by the pedigrees and also disclose additional 


Early Sessions of the General Assembly 

The first meeting of the General Assembly of Providence 
Plantations (Rhode Island), under the Charter of 1643 un- 
doubtedly took place soon after the arrival of Roger Williams 
with the Charter in September, 1644. 

Inasmuch as both Richard Scott and Samuel Gorton record 
that the Charter was received with jubilation, it would seem 
probable that a meeting under it was soon held, and according 
to Edward Winslow, John Brown was on November 8, 1644,. 
ordered to go to Rhode Island to prevent any meetings under 
the Charter, and that when he got to Rhode Island, pre- 
sumably in November, 1644, he found "a. publique meeting 
was appointed for your new Magistrates and people." It 
would seem natural for them to choose Williams as chief 
officer at this time, and in confirmation of this view, we find 
that WilHams was "Chief Officer" in August, 1645. Williams 
was still Chief Officer in December, 1646, for at that time, 
acting as Chief Officer, he issued a warrant. Henry Walton 
was Secretary of the Colony in August, 1645, and Samuel 
Gorton was a Magistrate, probably Assistant, previous to 
going to England in 1645. 

The most reasonable deduction from the fragmentary evi- 
dence is that the first General Assembly was held on Rhode 
Island (probably Portsmouth, for the second or third was held 
at Newport in August, 1645); and that Roger Williams was 
elected Chief Officer; Gorton, Assistant; and Walton, Sec- 

It is possible that a second General Assembly was held in 
May at which these officers were re-elected, or at which 
Williams was re-elected and Gorton and Walton elected. The 
only reasons for assuming that an Assembly was held in May 
is the subsequent choice of May as the beginning of the 
political year, and the reference under the date of May 14, 
1645, in Winthrop's Journal to John Brown's visit to Aquid- 
neck to oppose Williams' authority there. Brown may have 


made two trips, one in November, 1644, and the other in May, 
164S, or Winthrop's entry may be the delayed account of the 
November, 1644, trip. 

Another General Assembly (the second or third) was held 
at Newport on August 9, 1645. 

It would certainly seem probable that another annual Gen- 
eral Assembly must have been held either in November, 1645, 
or more probably in May, 1646 (the third or fourth). Williams 
must have been re-elected, for he was still serving as chief 
officer in December, 1646. Gorton, having gone to Europe, 
was probably superseded by someone else. 

In May, 1647, the so-called "First General Assembly" was 
held, which must in reality have been the fourth or fifth assem- 
bly. John Coggeshall was chosen President. The records of 
this meeting have been printed by Bartlett in the Rhode Island 
Colonial Records and in pamphlet form by Staples, and so are 
easily accessible. The Providence Commissioners' names are 
given in Providence Town Papers, 09. 

The next General Assembly of which we have record was 
held at Providence on May 16, 1648. John Coggeshall, the 
President, had died since the last session. Nicholas Easton 
was chosen Moderator and Coddington was elected President, 
but failed to qualify. The records of the meeting are printed 
by Bartlett. 

The next meeting of the General Assembly (the sixth or 
seventh) was a special session held at Portsmouth, March 10, 
to 14th, 1648/9. John Warner acted as clerk of the Assembly, 
charters were issued to Providence, Warwick, Portsmouth and 
probably to Newport. The act was passed, by which the 
colony seized a supposed gold mine, an act of oblivion was 
passed, and Roger Williams was chosen Deputy Governor 
(i. e., Acting Governor). The Warwick and Providence Char- 
ters are extant, and have been reprinted in The Documentary 
History of Rhode Island, vol. I, 252 & 269, the gold mine act 
is printed in Providence Town Papers 012, and the oblivion 
act in Providence Town Papers 010. 

The annual General Assembly was held at Warwick, May 


22, 1649. Roger Williams acted as Moderator and John Smith 
was chosen President. The records are printed by Bartlett in 
the Rhode Island Colonial Records. 

A special session of the General Assembly was held at Ports- 
mouth in October, 1649. No records of this meeting are 
extant, but Williams wrote that it was held on account of the 
riotous conduct of some Dutch sailors. 

The 1650 General Assembly was held at Newport on May 

23. Nicholas Easton was chosen Moderator. The records are 
printed by Bartlett in The Rhode Island Colonial Records. 
The names of the Commissioners are not given, but the Ports- 
mouth Commissioners are named in the Portsmouth records 


A special session of the General Assembly (the tenth or 
eleventh) was held October 26, 1650. The records are printed 
by Bartlett in The Rhode Island Colonial Records, and the 
Warwick commissioners are named in the Warwick records 
(typewritten copy, p. 91). 

The annual General Assembly was held in May, 1651. No 
records of this meeting are extant. Nicholas Easton was 
re-elected President. The Portsmouth and Warwick Commis- 
sioners are named in the town records. 

The next session of the General Assembly (the twelfth or 
thirteenth) was a special session called on October 8, 1651, at 
Providence (Warwick Records, typewritten copy, page 98). 
No records of this meeting are extant. It may have been 
postponed until November 4th. The records of the meeting 
of November 4, 1651, are printed by Bartlett in The Rhode 
Island Colonial Records. 

Table of Early General Assemblies. 

Date Place Records 

Nov., 1644 Aquidneck No records 

May, 1645 Aquidneck Inferred from 

Aug., 164s Newport Walton's letter 

May, 1646 No records 

May, 1647 Portsmouth Bartlett 


Dale Place Records 

May, 1648 Providence Bartlett 

Mar., 1648/9 Portsmouth Fragments 

May, 1649 Warwick Bartlett 

Oct., 1649 Portsmouth No records 

May, 1650 Newport Bartlett 

Oct., 1650 Bartlett 

May, 1 65 1 No records 

Oct., 1651 Providence No records 

perhaps same as 

Nov., 165 1 Providence Bartlett .' 

The Inscribed Rocks of Narragansett Bay 

III. The Arnold's Point Cup Stone and the 
Fogland Ferry Rock in Portsmouth 

By Edmund B. Delabarre. 

Besides the rocks that were described in our last paper, 
there is another stone in Portsmouth with curious and 
puzzlinjT artificial markings, and formerly at least there was 
one in still a third locality in the same town. We know of 
the latter only through notes by Dr. Stiles, no one else having 
mentioned it. In the fourth volume of his manuscript 
"Itineraries," on page 215, under date of September 15, 1788, 
is written the following: "Mem°. Take off a new copy of 
the characters on the Dighton Rock, & those at Fogland & on 
Col° Almys Fann." He shortly carried out this intention 
with respect to all three localities. Concerning the second he 
remarks, October 6, 1788, on page 255: "Visited & copied a 
markt Rock about half a m. above Fogland Ferry on Rh. I. 
on shore ag^ or just below M"^ M<^Corys Farm." 

There can be little question as to the approximate position 
of this marked rock. Fogland Ferry ran from Fogland Point 
in Tiverton across to the island of Rhode Island. On the 
Portsmouth side, its landing place was probably about half a 
mile to the south of McCurry Point, shown on the upper chart 


on our Plate XIV. This Point is part of an estate still known 
as the McCorrie Farms. The diversity of spelling does not 
obscure the fact that here was doubtless the "Mr. McCorys 
Farm" referred to by Dr. Stiles ; and since the rock was 
"against or just below" this farm, it was probably situated 
just to the south of the first division line shown on the chart 
south of McCurry Point, this being the southerly border of 
the property. 

On May 5, 1920, I made a careful search of the shore not 
only at the place thus indicated but for half a mile both to the 
south and to the north of McCurry Point, examining each 
promising rock and boulder. In the vicinity of the probable 
location of Stiles's "markt Rock," I saw a few small boulders 
with shallow scratches, probably not artificial. On one of 
them, the scratches were somewhat in the form of a letter Z ; 
on another, roughly like an S. It is not very likely that either 
of these was the one that drew Stiles's attention. Mr. George 
Peirce, owner of the McCorrie Farms, writes me that he has 
never heard of an inscribed rock in that vicinity. It is prob- 
able, therefore, that this one, like those at Melville Station, 
has disappeared. Since Stiles's drawing has not been pre- 
served, we cannot know what its markings were like unless 
some later search for it proves successful. 

The other stone lies on the shore near one of the Ports- 
mouth coal mines, a little to the south of Arnold's Point. Its 
position can be found easily on the lower chart of our Plate 
XIV, and its appearance is shown in the two photographs 
of Plate XV. To reach it, follow the road that leads west- 
ward near the lower centre of the chart, crossing the railroad 
tracks to the Portsmouth railroad station ; thence walk along 
a lane or path north of the "stack" indicated on the chart, 
westerly to the dilapidated wharf shown just above the 
figure 2. North of this, about opposite or a little south of 
figure 3 on the chart, lies the rock. Its exact position is 
indicated by a child sitting upon it in our upper photograph, 
which was taken looking northward from the wharf. The 


Other photograph shows its nearer appearance and that of the 
markino^s upon it. 

The rock is of sandstone, merging somewhat into con- 
glomerate at the in-shore end. It is near the edge of the 
beach at low tide, and is covered by high water. It measures 
about 3 feet in width, 4^/2 in length, and in thickness from 
16 to 22 inches. It is nearly flat and smooth on top, with 
rounded edges, and a slight lateral inclination shoreward. Its 
long axis is directed about N. 50° E. Its artificial markings 
are unique among the inscribed rocks of this region. They 
consist of six relatively deep holes or cups, connected together 
by shallow channels. The holes vary in depth from 23/2 to 
3% inches. Beginning in-shore and following the channels, 
their distances apart from centre to centre are respectively 
9^2, 8, 9, 10^ and 9^4 inches ; and of the second from the 
sixth, 15 inches. They appear to have been drilled, and are 
not circular, but more like triangles with rounded angles. 
Their diameter at the top is i^ to i% inches, narrowing 
slightly below. The top edges are not smooth-cut, but broken 
and roughly beveled. The channels are pecked in, and like 
the crudely pecked lines of other rocks of this region, are 
very irregular in width and depth. Their typical width is 
y?, to 'yh inch, narrowing rarely to ]/&, and widening rarely to 
^ or I inch. Their depth is usually 3/16 to y& inch, with 
extremes from >4 down to a mere trace. 

In the more conglomerate portion of the surface, near the 
first and second holes, the stone is roughly and irregularly 
much pocked and scaled, and here it is doubtful whether or 
not there was another shallow curved channel leading off 
from the one between these two holes to a seventh very 
shallow depression, and whether or not there Avas a shallow 
irregular half-ring about hole number 2. The marks so 
described might be either natural or artificial, but are prob- 
ably natural. 

The history of this stone is unknown earlier than 1910, 
when it was shown by a native of Portsmouth to Mr. David 
Hutcheson of Washington, D. C. He writes me concerning 


it : "At first sight I thought, from the arrangement of the 
holes, that it was an attempt to represent The Dipper, but 
the seventh star was missing. On a sheet of paper I drew a 
rough outUne of the face of the stone showing the position 
of the holes. I sent this to Mr. Babcock and he showed it to 
some of the Washington anthropologists, and they thought it 
was an Indian Cup Stone." In 1913 it was mentioned by- 
William H. Babcock in his Early Norse Visits to America, 
on page 44. We have quoted his belief that the inscription 
near Mount Hope was "almost certainly Wampanoag work ;" 
and he remarks that "the same may be said with less con- 
fidence" of this Portsmouth stone. 

Before considering the probable origin of these markings, 
it will be profitable to discuss first the peculiar shape of the 
drill-holes, and then the general nature of cup-stones. Since 
observing these, I have seen and examined with interest many 
other isolated drill-holes in rocks along shore. At other places 
in Portsmouth and on Assonet Neck, and probably abundantly 
enough elsewhere, they can be seen here and there. Those 
that I have observed occur singly, in boulders often near low- 
water mark, sometimes near the edge of high water. Some 
of them are circular, but more often they are round-triangular 
like those of the cup-stone, and very often identical with the 
latter in diameter, but usually deeper. Some of them may 
have been made to hold ringbolts or stakes for boat moorings, 
some for attaching the nets of fish-weirs. One or two near 
Dighton Rock probably held ringbolts for the guy-ropes of a 
surveying standard that was placed there when Taunton 
River was surveyed by Capt. A. M. Harrison of the Coast 
Survey in 1875. These are examples of the fact that isolated 
drill-holes of both circular and round-triangular shape are 
apparently not uncommon along shore, and may have had 
commonplace uses. But no such use can be attributed to this 
constellation of six holes connected by channels. 

A drill-hole in Minnesota similar to these in Portsmouth 
has recently attracted attention in an interesting connection. 
Some years ago a stone, on which was engraved an extensive 


record in runic letters, was found at Kensington in that State. 
It speaks of a journey of exploration westward from Vinland 
in the year 1362, and says that the men left their vessel 
yarded by the sea, made camp by a lake with two small bare 
islands or skerries in it a day's journey distant from the stone, 
went fishing there, and one day found ten men of their party 
slaughtered. No one questions the fact that the letters are 
runic and form an intelligible record, but there has been much 
debate as to whether the inscription dates really from the 
year mentioned or is a hoax of modern manufacture. 
Recently, H. R. Holand has defended its historical authenticity, 
and has discovered new evidence that an expedition from 
Norway, under Paul Knutson, was actually in America at the 
time. He has also sought for and found the lake with two 
skerries, Lake Cormorant, 75 miles north of Kensington — the 
only lake with skerries in that region, and the required stand- 
ard "day's journey" distant. On its shore was a boulder with 
a hole drilled in it, triangular in shape with rounded angles, 
1% inch in diameter and 7 inches deep. He believes that 
the explorers of 1362 made a raft near this point on which to 
go fishing, and fastened it to the shore by means of a flexible 
withy wedged into the triangular hole.^ The similarity in 
size and shape between this far away drill-hole and those that 
we are discussing is worthy of remark ; but they cannot have 
had the same use, and there is no reason to attribute these at 
Portsmouth to Norsemen. 

While this peculiar triangular shape may at first sight sug- 
gest crude implements and unskilled workmanship, and hence 
perhaps great age and primitive workmen, yet after all it 
turns out to be in no way remarkable. On trial, I have found 
that with a drill having one cutting edge only, like a cold 
chisel, it is exceedingly difficult to make a true circular hole. 
As the drill is turned, the cutting edge rarely crosses an 
exact centre, but constantly deviates somewhat to one side 
or another. The result is that one end of the edge tends to 

j^>r^' J^°'^"d' i" Wisconsin Magazine of History, December, 1919. 
and March, 1920, vol. iii, pp. 153-183, 332-338. 


remain relatively fixed in position for several strokes while 
the other end swings more widely. The easiest kind of a hole 
to make is one in which this tendency is followed and empha- 
sized. One end of the edge is held fixed in position while 
the other swings gradually through about a third of the 
circumference, thus making three well defined corners ; then 
the fixed edge is transferred to one of the other corners 
while the swinging edge cuts a second side ; and in this man- 
ner three fixed points or corners are used in succession, and 
the resulting hole is triangular with rounded corners and 
somewhat curving sides. Even when the intention is to make 
a round hole, it is nevertheless likely to turn out triangular 
or otherwise irregular. When a stake or bolt is to be wedged 
into the hole, there is some advantage in making the latter 
deliberately triangular. So the mystery of the shape of these 
holes disappears, and no conclusion can be drawn from it as 
to their age or their makers. 

Since one of the possibilities concerning this boulder at 
Portsmouth is that it is a genuine cup-stone of considerable 
antiquity, it will not be amiss to look briefly into the distribu- 
tion, character and significance of stones so marked.^ Cup- 
like excavations, usually in irregular groups, are among the 
most primitive of markings on stone, are found widely dis- 
tributed over nearly the entire world, and are nearly every- 
where similar. They are exceedingly numerous in the British 
Isles and in Brittany, where they are closely associated with 

ipor best sources of information, see: 

James Y. Simpson, On Ancient Sculpturings of Cups and Concentric 
Rings. In Proc. Soc. of Antiq. of Scotland, 1867, Appendix to vol. vi, 
pp. 1-147. 

Archaic Rock Inscriptions; an Account of the Cup and Ring Mark- 
ings on the Sculptured Stones of the Old and New Worlds. Published 
by A. Reader, 1891. 

Alexander MacBain, Celtic Mythology and Religion, 1917. 

Garrick Mallery, chapter on Cup Sculptures, in 10th Ann. Rep. Bureau 
of Amer. Ethnol. for 1888-89 (1893), pp. 189-200. 

Handbook of Amer. Indians, Bur. of Amer. Ethnol. Bulletin 30, vol. 
i, p. 372, article Cupstones. 

T. Eric Peet, Rough Stone Monuments and Their Builders, 1912, 
pp. 127f. 

Encyc. Brit., 11th ed., vol. xxv, pp. 964f, article Stone Monuments. 


cromlechs, stone circles and other primitive stone monuments. 
They occur less numerously in other parts of Europe, in 
Africa and Australia, and frequently in India. Many 
examples of them have been reported from both North and 
South America. Usually they are shallow depressions, from 
1/2 to I inch deep and i to 3 inches in diameter. Larj^er ones 
occur rarely, extending up to basins nearly 3 feet in diameter 
and 9 inches in depth. A few of the common narrow type are 
of unusual depth, thus resembling more nearly those at Ports- 
mouth. Thus, on the shore in Scotland they have been found 
23/2 inches in depth, always more than one, irregularly placed; 
and the Handbook of American Indians speaks of many cups 
prolonged below by a secondary pit as though made with a 
flint drill or gouge. The cups occasionally occur singly, more 
often in constellation-like groups, most often irregularly dis- 
tributed over the surface, in number often up to 20, in rare 
instances up to 50, 100 or even 200 on one rock or ledge. 
Very commonly, but not always, they are surrounded by from 
one to seven concentric rings, which sometimes have a straight 
radial groove running out through them. Not infrequently 
the cups, whether with or without rings, are connected 
together by grooved lines. In Scotland, France, Switzerland 
and Germany, cups alone are found as a general rule ; in 
England, Ireland and Sweden, rings and grooves are almost 
always associated with them. 

The variety of theories that have been advanced to account 
for the meaning of these simplest, most primitive and most 
wide-spread of sculptured marks recalls the similar confusion 
of tongues and opinions that has attended the attempt to 
explain Dighton Rock. Among views that have little impor- 
tance, but nevertheless are of a deep psychological interest as 
showing the inexhaustible budding-out process of man's 
speculations about things that are mysterious, are these: they 
are natural, not artificial; there is no clue to their purpose; 
they are plans of neighboring camps, or maps of neighboring 
peaks; enumeration of families or tribes; representations of 
sun, moon and constellations; a primitive form of writing; 


■?«*ite-«',? "1 


?.>!* ^ 


(Chait of \inold\ Pt and MCinit\ ) 

(Chart of Fogland Pt. and vicinily) 
Sections of Chart of Narragansett Bay. See text for exact location of 
Portsmouth Cup Stone, Fogland Ferry Rock, and Rocks in Tiverton. 





Distant \ie\\" of Rock) 




(Near \ iew ol Kock) 
The Portsmouth Cup Stone. 


tables for some gambling game; moulds for casting rings; 
representations of shields ; totems ; small wine-presses or grain 
mortars ; depressions for cracking nuts, or grinding paint, or 
for steadying drills, spindles or fire-sticks, or for collection 
of water; sun-dials; relics of sun-worship of the Phoeni- 
cians, or of Roman Mithras-worship ; basins for holding the 
blood of sacrifice or libations to spirits or to the dead ; objects 
for the practice of magic and necromancy. 

The most widely accepted view of them, so far at least as 
their occurrence in Europe is concerned, is that they are 
symbols connected with the religious rites or beliefs of the 
Druids, the philosophers and priests of the Celtic tribes. This 
is a natural consequence of their close association with the 
numerous stone circles and other crude stone monuments 
which popular opinion still connects with the Druids. This 
belief, however, was invented by Stukely and other antiquaries 
of the i8th century, has no confirmation, and is now unani- 
mously opposed by well informed students. MacBain says 
that these monuments are all pre-Celtic. He tells of at least 
two races in Great Britain who preceded the Celts, and 
believes that one of these built the oval barrows or burial 
mounds, the other the round barrows, the circles, dolmens 
and cromlechs, and perhaps also made the rock-carvings. 
The circles were used both for burial and worship, especially 
the latter; and the only worship appropriate at the grave is 
that of deceased ancestors, which is about the earliest shape 
in which religion manifests itself. "Our own memorial stones 
over graves are but descendants of the old menhirs and dol- 
mens." These matters are still too controversial to permit 
confident agreement or disagreement with these views ; but 
MacBain seems at least to have decisively disproven the Druid 
hypothesis. Many authorities point out the fact that the cups, 
rings and grooves could not have served as attachments to 
Druid or other altars, since they are often found on the verti- 
cal or under surface of the stones. 

A more fruitful hypothesis than the Druidical, and one that 
certainly applies to these small excavations in some parts of 


the world, is that they are phallic symbols. Mallery's exposi- 
tion of this explanation is lucid. "These cupels are corre- 
lated with the worship of Mahadeo, one of the many names 
given to Siva, the third god of the Hindu triad, whose emblem 
is the serpent. * * * At this very day one may see the 
Hindu women carrying the water of the Ganges all the way 
to the mountains of the Punjab, to pour into the cupules and 
thus obtain from the divinity the boon of motherhood 
earnestly desired. Mahadeo, more accurately Mahadiva, is 
the god of generation. * * * It is suggested that in a 
common form of the sculptures the inner circle represents 
the Mahadeo or lingam, and the outer or containing circle the 
yoni. No idea of obscenity occurs from this representation 
to the Hindus, who adore under this form the generative 
power in nature." The book on "Archaic Rock Inscriptions" 
also regards the phallic explanation — the worship of the 
creative and regenerative forces of nature — as the most prob- 
able. "It is not to the gross forms of the Priapus used in 
ancient Greek, Roman, or Egyptian festivals that we allude, 
but to the much more refined, or, if we may so call it, modest 
lingam worship of India. This explanation is natural when 
we consider the vast extent to which phallic worship pre- 
vailed, and the disposition of men everywhere to represent 
in the sculptured form the organs, male and female, to which 
they rendered obeisance. The symbolism was very much 
veiled, and often unrecognizable — mysterious and unmeaning 
to all not in the secret." 

If this must be accepted as the true explanation of these 
carvings in India, does it follow that the same symbolism 
must be attributed to them in Europe and in America? 
Mallery says that a large number of stones with typical cup 
markings have been found in the United States; and the 
Handbook of American Indians tells us that cupstones are 
the most abundant and widespread of the larger relics. 
According to A. C. Lawson,^ the Indians of the present day 
have no traditions about t hese inscriptions beyond the suppo- 

^American Naturalist, 1885. 


sition that they must have been made by the "old people long 
ago." Mallery makes a similar statement, and continues with 
what we must probably accept as the true solution of the 
problem. "Inquiries have often been made," he says, "whether 
the North - Ajmerican Indians have any superstitious or 
religious practices connected with the markings under con- 
sideration, e. g., in relation to the desire for offspring, which 
undoubtedly is connected with the sculpturing of cup depres- 
sions and furrows in the eastern hemisphere. No evidence 
is yet produced of any such correspondence of practice or 
tradition relating" to it. In the absence of any extrinsic 
explanation the prosaic and disappointing suggestion intrudes 
that circular concentric rings are easy to draw and that the 
act of drawing them suggests the accentuation of depressions 
or hollows within their curves. Much stress is laid upon the 
fact that the characters are found in so many parts of the 
earth, with the implication that all the sculptors used them 
with the same significance, thus affording ground for the 
hypothesis that anciently one race of people penetrated all the 
regions designated.^ But in such an implication the history 
of the character formed by two intersecting straight lines is 
forgotten. The cross is as common as the cup-stone and has, 
or anciently had, a different signification among the different 
people who used it, beginning as a mark and ending as a 
symbol. Therefore, it may readily be imagined that the rings 
in question, which are drawn nearly as easily as the cross, 
were at one time favorite but probably meaningless designs, 
perhaps, in popular expression, "instinctive" commencements 
of the artistic practice, as was the earliest delineation of the 
cross figure. Afterward the rings, if employed as symbols or 
emblems, would naturally have a different meaning applied 
to them in each region where they now appear." 

We are now in a position to discuss the probable nature of 
the Portsmouth Cup Stone as intelligently as the available 

^Mallery omits mention of an alternative hypothesis which has often 
been suggested, that the sculptures symbolize some simple religious 
idea common to all primitive races. 


facts concerning it permit. Before considering the really 
probable theories, however, it will be worth while to mention 
one fanciful speculation that would undoubtedly have been 
applied to it if the authors of the suggestion had ever heard 
of these cup-sculptures. It is probably not widely known, 
and at any rate is likely to become wholly forgotten, that the 
Druid theory has been advanced in explanation of American 
mounds and monuments. Impossible as the theory is, never- 
theless it is one of the most picturesque fancies that have 
been devised concerning the class of relics that we are dis- 
cussing, and it should not be allowed to pass wholly into 
oblivion. Its first advocate appears to have been John Finch, 
who claimed in 1824 that the aborigines of America originated 
from the Celts or Scythians, whose Druidical monuments are 
to be found in every part of America. ■* He gave instances 
of various types, including Indian "stones of memorial or 
sacrifice," numerous examples of which had been described 
by Kendall,^ in which class he placed the "figured rock at 
Dighton" and also other sculptured rocks at Tiverton, Rut- 
land, Newport and other places in the list first compiled by 
Dr. Stiles and later published by Kendall. The theory was 
greatly and interestingly elaborated by James N. Arnold in 
1888, with particular application to this region.^ His free- 
soaring imagination pictured not only the Dighton and Tiver- 
ton rocks, but also the Hills of South County, the Wolf Rocks 
in Exeter, the soapstone ledge in Johnston, and many rocks 
besides, as monuments of Druid worship mingled with 
influences from Atlantis. Holding such beliefs, there can be 
no doubt that, had he known of the Cup Stone in Portsmouth, 
he would have welcomed it as a striking and convincing 
example of Druid workmanship. 

*0n the Celtic Antiquities of America. In the American Journal of 
Science and Arts, 1824, vii. 149-161. 

2 Edward A. Kendall, Travels, 1809. 

3 Four papers in the Narragansett Historical Register, 1888, vi, 1-24, 
97-110, 205-222, 317-330. 


Among serious possibilities, there seem to be three plausible 
alternatives. The first of these is that it is an example of 
Indian cup-stone, which Mallery and the Handbook describe 
as so numerous, and which the latter authority says some- 
times have drilled pits at the bottom of the cups. If so, it 
may be of almost any period down to and into Colonial times. 
As to its meaning, it may or may not have had one. Mallery 
makes it veny clear that such cuttings may often have been 
the result of a mere aimless desire for activity, or a crude 
attempt to fabricate something ornamental. On the other 
hand, it may have symbolized something to the individual 
who made it, and which, of course, no one uninstructed by 
him could possibly decipher. Such private symbolism must 
have been the first step beyond the activity-impulse and the 
ornament-urge already alluded to ; and the further step, to a 
commonly accepted symbolism for such figures, had appar- 
ently not been taken by the American Indians. 

There are two arguments against its being an Indian 
product : the fact that no one ever reported its existence 
before 1910, and the fact that its holes are deeply drilled and 
are not typical cups. It may therefore seem more probable 
that the holes were drilled by miners in idle moments, or by 
their children at play. Coal mines were opened at Portsmouth 
apparently as early as 1808, and have been worked frequently 
at intervals since then.^ The longest continuous period of 
operation was by the Taunton Copper Company, from about 
i860 until 1883. They built a dock, railroad connections, and 
a copper smelter, and mined about ten thousand tons a year. 
There was plenty of opportunity, therefore, for the idle drill- 
ing of these holes at a relatively recent date by white workmen. 
But while the holes may incline one strongly to the belief 
that they were hollowed out by these miners' drills, yet the 
connecting grooves, crudely pecked between them and unques- 
tionably of considerable age, are distinctly characteristic of 
more primitive races who made cup-stones and inscribed 

^George H. Ashley, Rhode Island Coal. In U. S. Geol. Survey, Bul- 
letin 615, 1915. 


rocks habitually. The pecking exactly resembles the known 
examples of Indian rock-carving in this region. Though 
possible, it does not seem likely that white men equipped with 
drills and hammers would have made them as additions to 
the holes. With the holes arguing against the Indians and 
the grooves against more recent white men, we have neverthe- 
less a third or combination alternative as a possible solution. 
The rock may have been originally a typical Indian cup-stone, 
devoid of any important symbolism ; and the miners or miners' 
children, seated there at play or on an idle day, with drills 
accidentally at hand, may have deepened the original cups. 
This hypothesis is certainly not at all unlikely. But it is not 
probable that we can ever be sure which of the three hypothe- 
ses is the true one. 

Muster Roll of Sloop Providence 

A Muster Roll of all the Officers Seamen & Marines belong- 
ing to the Continental armed Sloop Providence Commanded 
by John Peck Rathbun Esqr. dated June 19 1777. From 
original manuscript now in the collection of Col. George L. 

Names Stations Promotions 

John Peck Rathbun Captain 

Joseph Vesey ist Lieutenant 

Daniel pjears 2d ditto 

George Sinkins Master 

John Trevett Capt Marines 
William P. Thurston ist Mastrs Mate 

William Gregory 2d ditto do 
3d do 

Richmond Surgeon 

James Rogers Purser 

Saml Bailey Clerk from Clerk to Purser 

Oliver Whitwell ist Midshipmn 

Joseph Deveber 2d ditto 




Stations Promotions 

Thomas Pain 


Lillibridge Worth 


John Webster 


Thomas Brewer 


Amos Potter 

Gunnr M[ate] 

Boatsn do 

Andrew Brewer 

Carpnr do 

Surgs do 

Andrew Burnet 


Richard Grinnell 


Peleg Swe[et] 


James Bridges 


John Willson 

Sail maker 

Joseph Claghorn 

do mate 

Joseph Stewart 

Gunr Yeoman 

Francis Simons 

Mastr at Arms 

Alexr Ballingall 

Qur Master 

Dowty Randall 


James Clarke 

Serjt Marines 

Toby Jacobs 




Thomas Perfect 


William Nichols 


John Nichols 


Isaac Read 


Edward Clanning 

Marine Promoted to S 

Joseph Weeden 


James Vial 


Barzillai Luce 


Danl Paddock 


Niccols Stoddard 

do reduced to a IV 

Thomas Allen 


Thomas Collens 


John Tinckom 


Esek Whipple 


Joseph Shaw 







Saml Browning 


Seth Baker 


Thomas Bailey 


John Shaw 


Andrew Burnet 


Samuel Wood 


Samuel Woggs 


Thomas Hay 


Thomas Connant 


Zaccheus Hinckley 


Benj Harding 


Nathl Arnold 


Joshua Joy 


Elnathan Lake 


Stephen Read 


Michael Wiser 


Tristam Luce 


Henry Stoddard 


William Howell 


Solomon Hallet 


Thomas Hawes 


James Blossom 


James Morton 


Richard Sampson 


Robert Falle 


William Sinnett 


Imml Dusnaps 


Joseph Allen 



Reduced to a marine 


Col. George L. Shepley has presented the Society with a 
new Remington typewriter. 

The volume of photographs illustrating the work done by 
the National Society of Colonial Dames in America, which is 




being sent from state to state, has been on exhibition at the 
Society during the autumn. 

An exhibition of early Rhode Island broadsides from the 
collection of Col. George L. Shepley was held in the Society's 
rooms during October. Accounts of this exhibition were pub- 
lished in the Providence Journal and the Boston Evening 

During November and December a loan exhibition of ship 
pictures and log books was held, over 100 pictures being ex- 
hibited. On Tuesday evening, December 7, 1920, Professor 
Wilfred H. Munro delivered an instructive lecture on "The 
Romance of Old-Time Shipping" in connection with the exhi- 

A List of the Donors of Ship Pictures, Log Books, Etc. 

Mrs. Clarence A. Brouwer 

Miss M. Frances Dunham 

Miss Mary F. Salisbury 

Mr. F. B. Taylor 

Brown & Ives 

Mr. T. H. D'Arcy 

Miss Ida H. Spencer 

Mr. S. F. Babbitt 

Miss Jane W. Bucklin 

Mr. Edward Carrington 

J. A. Whaley & Company 

Dr. H. G. Partridge 

Col. George L. Shepley 

Mr. S. N. Sherman 

Mr. H. Ross Matthews 

Dr. & Mrs. Charles V. Chapin 

Mr. W. R. McDowall 

Mr. A. H. Fiske 

Mr. Thomas F. McCarthy 

Mr. Thomas Amos 

Mr. William A. Chandler 

Miss Mary L. Brown 

Mr. Frederick Nordstrom 

Mr. James De Kay 

Mr. John F. Street 

Mr. T. G. Hazard, Jr. 

Mr. George Stevens 

Mr. E. F. Gray 

Mr. L. M. Robinson 

Miss L. W. Reynolds 

Mr. Albert W. Claflin 

Mr. Richard B. Comstock 

Dr. M. H. Merchant 

Mr. L. Earle Rowe 

Mr. Benjamin M. Jackson 

Mr. Albert Fenner 

Mr. J. K. H. Nightingale,7r. 

Mr. Frank Douglas 

Mr. A. R. Madden 

Dr. W. Louis Chapman 

Mr. Richard W. Comstock, Jr. 

Mr. Harald W. Ostby 

Mr. F. W. Arnold 

Mr. H. M. C. Skinner 

Mr. Duncan Hazard 

Mr. Lawrence 

Mr. Paul C. Nicholson 

Mr. Robert V. S. Reed 

Dr. Peter P. Chase 

Mrs. Gardner T. Swarts 


Rev. Henry I. Cushman Mr. W. M. Murdie 
Mr. Edward K. Aldrich, Jr. Mr. Clarence A. Mathewson 
Mr. S. H. Brower Mrs. Hugh Williamson Kelly- 
Mr. Willliam McCreery Miss M. F. Babcock 
Mrs. John W. Vernon Mr. Edward Aborn Greene 
Mrs. H. E. Newell Mr. George A. Smith 
Mr. George L. Miner Mr. Joseph McCoid 

The following persons have been elected to membership: 
Miss Isabel Eddy Mr. Hugh F. MacColl 

Miss Mary Olcott Mr. Victor H. King 

Miss Mary Elliott Davis Prof. Verner W. Crane 

Mrs. W. E. Heathcote H. G. Partridge, M. D. 

Mr. George C. Dcmpsey Frank T. Calef , M. D. 

Dr. George T. Spicer was elected Secretary of the Society 
at the October meeting. 

Mr. Walter N. Buffum presented to the Society a manu- 
script genealogy of the Buffum family. Manuscript genealo- 
gies of this type are of great use to persons making out papers 
for patriotic societies. 

Among the more interesting of the museum accessions are 
a snuff box which formerly belonged to Samuel Slater, which 
was presented by Mr. Thomas Durfee and Miss Dorothy 
Durfee ; a cane formerly the property of Thomas W. Dorr, 
which was presented by Mr. Edward Carrington ; and a cane 
made out of a narwhal's tooth, which was presented by Pro- 
fessor Wilfred JL Munro. 

Mr. J. N. Kimball of New York gave to the Society one of 
the political banners that was carried in the Dorr War. This 
makes the ninth Dorr War banner in our museum. 

Mile. Marie Louise Bonier's "Debuts de la Colonic Franco- 
Americaine de Woonsocket" is a very valuable contribution to 
Rhode Island history. 

The Netopian for September, 1920, published a reproduc- 
tion of the Society's oil painting of the "September Gale," and 
in the October number published a reproduction of Col. Shep- 
ley's rare lithograph of the same subject. 

An illustrated monograph on the "Ships and Shipmasters of 



Old Providence" has been issued by the Providence Institu- 
tion for Savings. 

The October Bulletin of the Newport Historical Society con- 
tains a paper by Dr. Terry on "The Early Relations between 
the Colonies of New Plymouth and Rhode Island." 

Governor Bourn's "Rhode Island Addresses" has been print- 
ed as an attractive volume. 

List of Members of the 
Rhode Island Historical Society 

Active Members. 

No list of members of the Society has been printed for sev- 
eral years, and as we have had numerous requests for such a 
list, we have decided to include it in this number of the Col- 

Abbot, Gen. Charles W., Jr. 
Adams, Mr. Benjamin B. 
Addeman, Hon. Joshua 'M. 
Aldred, Mr. Frederick W. 
Aldrich, Mr. Charles T. 
Aldrich, Mr. Edward K., Jr. 
Aldrich, Mr. Richard S. 
Allen, Mrs. Crawford C. 
Allen, Mr. Francis O. 
Allen, Mr. Frederick W. 
Allen, Mr. Philip 
Angell, Mr. Walter F. 
Anthony, Mr. Albert L. 
Anthony, Mr. Edwin P. 
Armour, Mr. William 
Arnold, Mrs. Arthur H. 
Arnold, Mr. Christopher B. 
Arnold, Mr. Edward E. 
Arnold, Mr. Fred A. 
Arnold, Mr. Frederick W. 
Arnold, Mrs. Howard C. 
Austin, Mr. Leonard N. 
Atwood, Mr. James A., Jr. 

Babcock, Mr. Albert 
Babcock, Mrs. Albert 
Bacon, Mrs. Nathaniel T. 
Baker, Mr. Albert A. 
Baker, Miss Esther H. 
Balch, Miss Mary H. 
Baldwin, Mr. Luther C. 
Ballou, Mr. Frederick D. 
Barker, Mr. Henry A. 
Barnes, Harry Lee, M. D. 
Barnes, Mrs. Nellie A. 
Barrows, Mr. Arthur C. 
Barrows, Hon. Chester W. 
Bates, Mr. Francis E. 
Bates, W. Lincoln, M. D. 
Beckwith, Mrs. Daniel 
Beeckman, Hon. R. Livington 
Belcher, Mr. Horace G. 
Bennett, Mr. Mark N. 
Binney, Mr. William, Jr. 
Blanding, Mr. William O. 
Blumer, G. Alder, M. D. 
Bogert, Mrs. Theodore P. 



Bosworth, Hon. Orrin L. 
Bourn, Hon. Augustus O. 
Bowen, Mr. Henry 
Bowen, Mr. Richard M. 
Brayton, Miss Elizabeth H. 
Bridgham, Miss Ida F. 
Briggs, Mrs. Annie M. 
Brigham, Mr. Herbert O. 
Brightman, Miss Eva St. C. 
Brouwer, Mrs. Clarence A. 
Brown, Mr. Clarence Irving 
Brown, Col. Cyrus P. 
Brown, Mr. Frank Hail 
Brown, Mrs. Frank Hail 
Brown, Hon. George T. 
Brown, Col. H. Martin 
Brown, Col. Robert P. 
Bubier, Mr. Charles W. 
Bucklin, Mr. Edward C. 
Bucklin, Mr. Harris H. 
Bucklin, Miss Jane W. 
Buffum, Miss Clara 
Buffum, Mr. Frederick H. 
Burchard, Hon. Roswell B. 
Burlingame, Mr. Edwin A. 
Buxton, G. Edward, M. D. 
Cady, Mr. John H. 
Calder, Mr. Albert L., 2nd 
Calef, Frank T., M. D. 
Calef, Mr. Herbert C. 
Callender.'Mr. Walter R. 
Callender, Mr. Walter 
Capwell, Miss Caroline E. 
Carpenter, Mr. Francis W. 
Carr, Mr. Frederick D. 
Carr, Mrs. George W. 
Carrington, Mr. Edward 
Carrington, Mrs. Edward 
Carroll, Mr. William 
Case, Mr. Norman S. 
Chace, Miss Anna H. 
Chace, Mrs. Henry R. 
Chace, Mr. James H. 

Chace, Mr. Malcolm G. 
Chandler, Mr. George Allen 
Chapin, Charles V., M. D. 
Chapin, Mrs. Charles V, 
Chapin, Mr. Howard «M. 
Chapin, Mrs. Howard M. 
Chapin, Mr. William W. 
Chapman, W. Louis, M. D. 
Chase, Julian A., M. D. 
Chase, Rev. Loring B. 
Cheesman, Mr. Merton A. 
Claflin, Mr. Albert W. 
Claflin, Mr. Arthur W. 
Clark, Mr. Harry C. 
Coggeshall, Mrs. James H. 
Collier, Prof. Theodore 
Collins, Mrs. Clarkson A., Jr. 
Collins, George L., M. D. 
Colt, Hon. LeBaron B. 
Colt, Col. Samuel P. 
Comstock, Mr. Andrew B. 
Comstock, Mr. Louis H. 
Comstock, Mr. Richard B. 
Comstock, Mr. Richard W., Jr. 
Comstock, Mrs. W. A. H. 
Comstock, Mr. Walter J. 
Conant, Mr. Samuel M. 
Cook, Mr. C. D. 
Craig, Mr. Ernest S. 
Crane, Prof. Verner W. 
Cranston, Mr. Frank H. 
Cross, Mr. Harry Parsons 
Curtis, Mr. Harold R. 
Danf orth, Murray S., M. D. 
Dart, Mr. William C. 
Davis, Mr. Jeffrey 
Davis, Miss Mary Elliott 
Davol, Mr. Charles J. 
Day, Frank L., M. D. 
Delabarre, Prof. Edmund B. 
Dempsey, Mr. George C. 
Denham, Mr. Edward 
Dexter, Mr. George W. 



Dexter, Mr. Henry C. 
Diman, Miss Louise 
Dooley, Mr. Michael F. 
Douglas, Hon. William W. 
Downes, Mrs. Louis W. 
Doyle, Miss Sarah E. 
Draper, Mr. William Henry 
Drown, Mr. Charles L. 
Dunlop, Mr. Charles D. 
Dyer, Col. H. Anthony 
Easton, Mr. Charles G. 
Easton, Mr. Frederick W. 
Eddy, Miss Isabel 
Edgren, Mr. J. Urban 
Edwards, Miss Edith 
Edwards, Mr. Walter A. 
Elgar, Mr. James 
Ely, Mr. William 
Emerson, Mr. Frank W. 
Estes, Mr. William W. 
Fanning, Mr. Martin S. 
Faunce, Pres. William H. P. 
Fifield, Mr. Henry A. 
Fiske, Mr. Augustus H. 
Fiske, Rev. George McC. 
Fletcher, Mrs. Charles 
Flint, Mr. Dutee Wilcox 
Flint, Mr. Elliot 
Ford, Mr. William H. 
Foster, Mr. Charles S. 
Foster, Mr. Theodore W. 
Foster, Mr. William E. 
Freeman, Hon. James F. 
Freeman, Mr. John R. 
Freeman, Hon. Joseph W. 
Fuller, Mr. Frederick H. 
Gainer, Hon. Joseph H. 
Gammell, Mr. William 
Gammell, Mr. William., Jr. 
Gamwell, Mr. William A. 
Gardner, Prof. Henry B. 
Gardner, Hon. Rathbone 
Gibson, Mr. S. Ashley 

Gillespie, Mr. Lawrence L. 
Goddard, Mr. Robert H. L 
Goddard, Mrs. William 
Goodwin, Rev. Daniel 
Goss, Mr. Harry Hale 
Green, Hon. Theodore Francis 
Greene, Mr. Edward Aborn 
Greene, Mr. William C. 
Greenough, Hon. William B. 
Gross, Col. Harold J. 
Guild, Miss Georgiana 
Hadley, Mrs. Ralph V. 
Hallett, Rev. Frank T. 
Ham, Mr. Livingston 
Harrington, Mr. Ernest S. 
Harrington, Mr. Gilbert A. 
Harris, Mr. Robert 
Harrison, Mr. George A. 
Hatch, Mr. Willard T. 
Hathaway, Mr. William A. 
Hazard, Miss Caroline 
Hazard, Mr. Rowland 
Hazard, Mr. Thomas G., Jr. 
Healy, Mr. Frank 
Healy, Mrs. Frank 
Heathcote, Mrs. W. E. 
Henius, Mr. Arthur 
Henshaw, Mr. John 
Hodgman, Mr. William L. 
Holden, Mr. George J. 
Horton, Mr. Charles A. 
Horton, Mr. Walter E. 
Howard, Mr. Elisha H. 
Howe, Mr. M. A. DeWolfe 
Hoyt, Mr. David W. 
Hunt, Mr. Horatio A. 
Hurley, Mr. Richard A. 
Hyde, Mr. James Hazen 
Isham, Mr. Norman M. 
Jackson, Mr. Benjamin A. 
Jackson, Mr. Benjamin M. 
Jepherson, Mr. George A. 
Johnson, Mrs. Edward L. 



Joyce, Mr. Edward C. 
Kimball, Hon. Charles D. 
Kimball, Mrs. Charles D. 
King, Eugene P., M. D. 
King, Mr. George Gordon 
King, Col. H. Irving 
King, Mr. Victor H. 
Kingsley, Mr. Nathan G. 
Knight, Miss Amelia S. 
Knight, Mr. Robert L. 
Knight, Mrs. Robert L. 
Knight, Mr. Russell W. 
Koopman, Prof. Harry L. 
Lawton, Hon. George R. 
Lee, Hon. Thomas Z. 
Lenz, Mrs. Sarah G. 
Leonard, Charles H., M. D. 
Leonard, Miss Grace F. 
Lewis, Mr. George H. 
Lewis, Mr. Joseph W. 
Lincoln, Mr. Ferdinand A. 
Lippitt, Hon. Charles Warren 
Lippitt, Mrs. Charles Warren 
Lippitt, Mr. Charles Warren, Jr. 
Lipiiitt, Mr. Gorton T. 
Lippitt, Hon. Henry F. 
Lisle, Mr. Arthur B. 
Littlefield, Mr. Charles W. 
Littlefield, Hon. Nathan W. 
Lord, Rev. Augustus M. 
Loring, Mr. W. C. 
Luther, Mr. Frederick N. 
Lyman, Mr. Richard E. 
MacColl, Mr. Hugh F. 
Mackinney, Mr. Charles B. 
Maine, Afr. Herbert E. 
Marshall, Mr. Charles C. 
Mason, Mr. Fletcher S. 
Mason, Mr. Harold 
Mason, IMr. John H. 
Matteson, Mr. Frank W. 
McAuslan, Mr. William A. 
McDonnell, Mr. T. F. L 

McDonnell, Mrs. T. F. I. 
Meader, Mr. Lewis H. 
Merriman, Mr. Isaac B. 
Metcalf, Harold, M. D. 
Metcalf, Mr. Jesse H. 
Metcalf, Mrs. Jesse H. 
Metcalf, Mrs. Stephen O. 
Miller, Mr. William Davis 
Miner, Mr. George L. 
Moriarty, Mr. G. A., Jr. 
M'owry, Mr. Wendell A. 
Mulchahey, Mr. Edward I. 
Munroe, Hon. Addison P. 
Munro, Walter L., M. D. 
Munro, Prof. Wilfred H. 
Muncy, William M., M. D. 
Murdie, Mr. Walter M. 
Newell, Mr. James S. 
Newhall, Mr. George H. 
Newman, Mr. Louis C. 
Nicholson, Mr. Paul C. 
Nicholson, Col. Samuel M. 
Nightingale, Mr. George C, Jr. 
Nightingale, Mr. George C. 
Noyes, Mr. Charles P. 
Olcott, Miss Mary 
Olney, Mrs. Frank F. 
Ostbv, Mr. Erling C. 
Ostby, Mr. Harald W. 
Over, Mr. Spencer H. 
Paddock, Mr. Miner H. 
Parsons, Mr. G. Richmond 
Partridge, H. G., M. D. 
Peck, Miss Elizabeth A. 
Peck, Mr. Frederick S. 
Peck, Mrs. Frederick S. 
Peck, Mrs. Leander R. 
Peck, Mr. Stephen I. 
Peckham, Charles F., M. D. 
Peirce, Mr. George E. 
Peirce, Mrs. George E. 
Peirce, Mr. Thomas A. 
Perry, Mr. Charles M. 



Perry, Rt. Rev. James DeWolf , Jr. 
Perry, Mr. Marsden J. 
Peters, John M., M. D. 
Philbrick, Mr. Charles H. 
Phillips, Mrs. Gilbert A. 
Pierce, Mr. Augustus R. 
Pierce, Mr. Byron A. 
Pierce, Mr. Frank L. 
Pitts, Hermon C, M. D. 
Poland, Prof. William C. 
Porter, Lewis B., M. D. 
Potter, Mrs. Dexter B. 
Powel, Mrs. Samuel 
Preston, Mr. Howard W. 
Preston, Mrs. Howard W. 
Quinn, Mr. Patrick H. 
Radeke, Mrs. Gustav 
Ranger, Mr. Walter E. 
Raps, Mrs. Henry G. 
Rathbun, Hon. Elmer J. 
Rathom, Mr. John R. 
Rawson, Mr. Thomas B. 
Remington, Mr. Charles C. 
Remington, Mr. John A. 
Rhode Island State College 
Rice, Hon. Herbert A. 
Richmond, Mr. Henry Isaac 
Richmond, Mrs. Howard 
Robinson, Mr. Louis E. 
Rockwell, Mr. Charles B. 
Rodman, Mr. Robert 
Roelker, Mr. William G. 
Rogers, Rev. Arthur 
Sabre, Mr. George W. 
■Sackett, Mr. Henry W. 
Seabury, Miss Irene T. 
Sharpe, Mr. Henry D. 
Sharpe, Mr. L. 
Shaw, Mrs. Frederick E. 
Shepley, Col. George L. 
Sioussat, Prof. St. George L. 
Sisson, Mrs. Charles 
Slade, Mr. William A. 

Slader, Mr. Henry L. 
Smith, Mr. Charles Morris, Jr. 
Smith, R. Morton, M. D. 
Smith, Mr. Nathaniel W. 
Smith, Mr. Walter B. 
Spicer, George T., M. D. 
Sprague, Mr. Henry S. 
Stark, Mr. Charles R. 
Staton, Mrs. James G. 
Stearns, Hon. Charles F. 
Steedman, Mrs. Charles J. 
Steere, Mr. Thomas E. 
Stevens, Miss Maud Lyman 
Stillman, Mr. Elisha C. 
Stiness, Mr. Edward Clinton 
Stites,'Mr. Henry Y. 
Stockwell, Mr. George A. 
Stone, Mr. William S. 
Straight, Mr. Charles T. 
Street, Mr. John F. 
Studley, Hon. J. Edward 
Sturgess, Mr. Rush 
Swan, Mr. Frank H. 
Swarts, Gardner T., M'. D. 
Sumner, Hon. Arthur P. 
Sweeney, Hon. John W. 
Taft, Mr. Royal C. 
Taft, Mr. Robert W. 
Thornley,iMr. William H. 
Tillinghast, Mr. William R. 
Tower, Mr. James H. 
Tripp, Mr. Frederick E. 
Tully, Mr. William J. 
Updike, Mr. D. Berkeley 
Viall, Mr. William A. 
Vincent, Hon. Walter B. 
Wall, Mr. A. Tingley 
Warner, Mr. Clarance M. 
Warren, Mr. Charles H. 
Washburn, Rev. Arthur L. 
Waterman, Mr. Lewis A. 
Watrous, Hon. Ralph C. 
Watson, Col. Byron S. 



Watson, Mr. John J. 
Weeden, Mrs. William B. 
Welling, Mr. Richard 
West, Mr. Thomas H., Jr. 
Westcott, Mr. Charles E. 
Westcott, Mrs. Charles E. 
Wetmore, Hon. George Peabody 
White, Mr. Hunter C 
White, Mr. Willis H. 

Wilbour, Mr. Victor 
Wilder, Mr. Frank J. 
Wilkinson, Mrs. E. K. 
Williams, W. Fred, M. D. 
Willson, Miss Amey L. 
Wing, Mr. William A. 
Winship, Mrs. George P. 
Woods, Hon. John Carter Browa 

William Coddington's Seals 

William Coddington used two seals while residing in New England, 
One of these seals bears the Belliugham armorial shield. This seal 
appears on several of Coddington's letters which are preserved in the 
Massachusetts Historical Society and differs slightly from a similar ar- 
morial seal used by Gov. Bellingham. The other seal used by Coddington 
bears the initials "R.C." These seals may serve as genealogical clews ; 
The latter seal Coddington may have inherited from his father or grand- 
father and the former one may have come from his maternal grand- 
father. Coddington was a close friend of Bellingham and may have 
been a relative. 

Form of Legacy 

*' I give and bequeath to the Rhode Island 
Historical Society the sum of 

Rhode Island 

Historical Society 


Vol. XIV July, 1921 No . 3 



Roger Williams' Tablet in the Hall of Fame 65 

An Account of the English Homes of Three Early 
"Proprietors" of Providence 

By Fred A. Arnold 68 

Addenda to Imprint List 87 

Notes ^^ 

$ 3.00 per year Issued Quarterly 75 cents per copy 

Bronze Tablet to the Memory of Roger Williams un- 
veiled in the Hall of Fame, New York on May 21, 1921. 

Reproduction of thumb print made by Roger Williams 
in sealing wax in 1654, from original now in the Massa- 
chusetts Historical Society Library, Winthrop 2, 122. 





Reproductions of the thumb prints of Roger Williams 
made by him in sealing wax, from original seals 
now in The Massachusetts Historical Society Library, 
Winth. 2, 120, 1650; and 2, 124, 1664. 





Vol. XIV 

July, 1921 

No. 3 

Howard W. Preston, President Edward K. AlDRICH, Jr., Treasurer 
George T. Spicer, Secretary Howard M.ChAPIN, Librarian 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the 
opinions of contributors. 

Roger Williams' Tablet in the Hall of Fame 

On May 21, 1921, a bronze tablet in honor of Roger Wil- 
liams was unveiled in the Hall of Fame in New York. 

The tablet bears the following inscription : 
1 607- 1 684 


That Roger Williams was the pioneer of Religious Liberty 
in America, and that Providence is the first town in the New 
World founded upon that principle, with a complete separa- 
tion of the church and state, is so universally known, that it 


seems scarcely to need emphasis again. Yet it may be well 
to call attention to a few salient facts. 

Roger Williams was banished from Massachusetts in 1635 
on four counts. The first was for maintaining "that the mag- 
istrate ought not to punish the breach of the first table, other- 
wise than in such cases as did disturb the civil peace;" (Win- 
throp I, 162). By the first table is meant the four command- 
ments, those which deal only with religious matters. Here 
then is a clear cut statement of Williams' views in 1635, the 
principle of religious liberty, qualified carefully so that it 
might not be used as a cloak to cover civil disorders. 

In 1644, Williams, in writing of his trials in 1635, said 
that he was justly accused of holding, "that the Civill Magis- 
trates power extends only to the Bodies and Goods, and out- 
ward state of men, &c." (Cotton's Letter Examined, p. 4.) 

In a letter written 21 July. 1637 to Governor Winthrop, 
W' illiams said : "I know and am persuaded that your mis- 
guidings are great and lamentable, and the further you pass 
in your way. the further you wander, and have the further 
to come back, and the end of one vexation, will be but the 
beginning of another, till Conscience be permitted (though 
erroneous) to be free Amongst you." (N. C. 6, 51.) 

That religious liberty then known as liberty of conscience 
was established at Providence in 1636 is shown by Winthrop's 
comment made in 1638. viz: 

" their first coming thither, Mr. Williams and the 
r.est did make an order, that no man should be molested for 
his conscience...," (Winthrop i, 283) and William Arnold's 
statement in May, 1638. "...and their order was, that no 
man should be censured for his conscience." (Winthrop i, 
283.) Roger Williams' own statements in regard to the 
founding of Providence, made later in 1661 that, "I... called 
the place Providence ; I desired it might be for a shelter for 
persons distressed for conscience," and in 1677. that it was 
"agreed that the place should be for such as were destitute 
(especially for Conscience Sake)" substantiate this fact. 

Richard Scott, who like William Arnold, mentioned 


.above, was a bitter enemy of Williams, wrote in regard to 
Williams; "Though he professed Liberty of Conscience and 
was so zealous for it at the first coming home of the Charter 
that nothing in Government must be acted, till that was 
granted,. . ." (Fox 2, 248). 

Williams' writings, Williams' friends and Williams' enc 
mies all testify to his advocacy of Liberty of Conscience and 
to its establishment at Providence. The Verin case of May, 
1638, proves it to be in effect at that time and previously. 
Verin was disenfranchised for not allowing Liberty of Con- 
science to his wife. The "Combination" of July 27, 1640, 
states, "we agree as formerly hath been the libertyes of the 
towne; so still to hold forth Liberty of Conscience." (P. T. 
P. 02.) 

To sum up: We have the statements of Williams, that 
when Providence was founded. Liberty of Conscience was 
established there; we have the statement of Gov. Winthrop, 
written in 1638, that Liberty of Conscience was established 
at "their first coming" to Providence ; we have the statement 
of Arnold, made in 1638, that that order existed previous to 
this time ; the Verin case in 1638 proves that the order in 
regard to Liberty of Conscience was enforced; and the Com- 
bination of 1640, which recognizes the fact that Liberty of 
Conscience is one of the regulations of the town. 


An Account of the English Homes of Three 
Early "Proprietors" of Providence 

Fred A. Arnold 

(Coftilutied from April Issu^) 

No public record had been found of the birth or marriaj^e 
of WilHam Arnold, nor of the birth or baptism of any of his 
children, until the Ilchester transcript of 1622, signed by him 
as church warden, giving the baptism there of his youngest 
son Stephen, as of Dec. 26, 1622 (four days later than his 
birth as given in the family record), and the burial of his 
father Nicholas. This is of course easily explained by the 
entire loss of all the earlier Ilchester registers, but the Well's 
transcript of 1596, giving the record of the burial at Ilchester 
of "Alice wife of Nicholas Arnold taller." is like a flash 
from a light house illuminating the whole situation. It is the 
key that explains why the name of Nicholas Arnold appears 
and disappears from the Northover records, with the one 
entry of the Birth of his daughter Thomasine in 1572, shows- 
where he went, and the reason of his removal. The explana- 
tion is that at the time of his marriage he was working at 
Northover as a journeyman tailor, having already served 
seven years as an apprentice, and desiring to go into business 
as a merchant, he moved across the river half a mile into a 
larger community, the compact part of Ilchester, established 
himself as a merchant tailor and carried on that business there 
from about 1575 until his death in 1623. It was the common 
usage at this period for men, on legal documents, to add their 
title or occupation, but it was unusual if not unique to do this 
in case of a wife as was done by the Rector Joseph Collier 
A. M., in recording the burial of Alice as the wife of Nicho- 
las Arnold tailer in 1596. John Raven A. M., who wrote and 
witnessed his will in 1622/3 ^^^o called him tailer. It could 
only mean that he had become and remained an influential 
merchant, and a member of the Gild of Taylors in Ilchester 
nearly 50 years. 


In this period the trade ^Id was an important feature, 
formed for the association of all the members of a given 
trade, for its regulation and support. No person could work 
at any trade in any capacity unless he belonged to its gild. 
These trade gilds grew to be very influential in local politics 
taking to a great extent the place that political parties do, at 
the present time. From their ranks were taken the mayors, 
burgesses and aldermen, both in small towns and large cities ; 
they became very wealthy, and built magnificent gild houses, 
in all the great cities, those of London, Bristol, Exeter, and 
many other places remain to-day, next to the great cathe- 
drals and churches, the finest buildings in England. These 
trade gilds should not be confounded with the older church 
gilds, devoted entirely to religious work, that disappeared 
with the destruction of the monasteries and nunnerys under 
the edict of Edward VI. Nor should they be compared with 
the labor unions of to-day, organized as a class, to fight 
against their employers, another class, like an army of pri- 
vates clashing against their officers for control. In the trade 
gild, master, journeyman, and apprentice were banded to- 
gether for the protection of his trade, not his class. They 
were chartered by the Sovereign, with many privileges, recog- 
nized by the church ; each had its patron saint, that of the 
tailors being St. John the Baptist, whose feast day was their 
election day, and celebrated with great displays. A curious 
account of one of their festival occasions at Wells is found 
in Phelp's History of Somerset, on the occasion of a visit of 
Queen Anne the wife of James I in 1613. As Nicholas 
Arnold was living, and an active member of his gild at that 
time, he may have been present as a participant or spectator, 
and this description gives us some idea, of the manner of the 
man, and under what conditions and surroundings he lived 
at Northover and Ilchester from about 1575 to 1623. 

"The order and manner of the shews by the masters and 
wardens of every trade and occupac'on within the citie or 
huroughe of Welles, as it was presented before the Queenes 


Matie in Welles, upon Fridaie the XX° daie of Auguste,. 
Anno D'ni 1613. 

"It is ordered that the Mayor and his brethren shall attend 
in their scarlet gownes neere about Brownes Gate, and the 
residue of the XXiiij or to attend likewise in person in blacke 
gownes, and the residue of the burgesses to attend likewise 
in their gownes and best apparell; and this be done by the 
oversight of Mr. Mayor, Mr. Baron, and Mr. Smyth. 

"The Hammer-men, which were the carpenters, joyners, 
cowpers, masons, tylers and blackesmthes. And they pre- 
sented a streamer with their armes ; and Noath building the 
arke ; Vulcan workinge at the fforge ; Venus carried in a char- 
riot, and Cupid sittinge in her lapp with his bowe bent ; a 
Morrice daunce ; the Dragon which devoured the virgins. 

"The Shermen and Tuckers, and they presented a streamer 
with their armes. 

"The Tanners, Chaundlers, and Butchers and they pre- 
sented a carte of old virgins, the carte covered with hides 
and homes, and the Virgins with their attires made of cow- 
tayles, and braceletts for their attires made of cowtayles, and 
braceletts for their neckes of homes sawed and hanged about 
their neckes for rich Jewelles. Their charriot was drawne 
by men and boys in oxe skins, calves skins, and other skins. 

"St. Clement their St, rode allsoe with his booke. And his 
Frier rode allsoe, who dealt his almes out of Mrs's bagge 
(which he carried very full of graynes) verie plentifullie. 
Acteon with his huntsmen. 

"The Cordyners, who presented St. Crispian and — 

both of them sonnes to a kinge, and the youngest a shoemaker, 
who married his master's daughter. They allsoe presented a 
morris daunce, and a streamer with their arms. 

"The Taylors, who presented a streamer, Herod and 
Herodias, and the daughter of Herodias who dannced for 
St. John the Baptists hedd ; St. John Baptiste beheaded. 

"The Mercers, who presented a streamer; a morris 
daunce of young children; The giant and the giantesse; 
Kinge Ptolemeus, with his Queene and daughter which was 


to be devoured by the Dragon ; St. George with his 
knightes, who slew the Dragon and rescued the Virgin ; 
Diana and her nymphes carried in a charriot, who tured 
Acteon to a Harte." 

I have here shown where Nicholas Arnold was, and what 
he was doing from the time he disappeared from North- 
over, soon after the birth of his daughter Thomasine until 
we find the record of her marriage, at Ilchester, and the 
next year 1596, the death there of his wife. He had now 
been established there as a merchant tailor for about 20 
years, and the sudden death of his wife and her infant child 
was not only a sad blow to him, but out of it grew some 
great changes in the future plans of his children. — He was now 
left with a family of four children, the oldest of which was 
Joane, just of marriageable age 18, Margery 14, William 8, and 
Robert 2. Joane remained with her father until she was 36 
years of age, and although he married later a young wife 
Grace, Joane was indeed the foster mother of his young sons, 
William and Robert. 

Between William and Joane there grew up a most tender 
relationship. They were both married about the same time, 
as is shown by the birth dates of their children, Joane died 
suddenly, early in the same year 1622, with their father 
Nicholas, leaving three small children between the ages of 
2 and 7. She was buried at Yeovilton the home of the 
family of her husband William Hopkins. William Arnold 
now the head of the Arnold family at Ilchester, seems to 
have taken her children into his own family of little ones 
of about the same age, and when he emigrated in 1635, 
they accompanied him to New England. 

What has been accomplished since 1902, by Mr. Jones 
and Mr. Dwelly is the finding at Northover of the early 
parish register giving the date of baptism of Alice Gulley 
the mother, and Thomasine Arnold the oldest sister of Wil- 
liam, as the daughter of Nicholas Arnold, fully confirming 
the "family record" and giving us for the first time the true 
name of their father. Next the finding at Wells of the II- 


Chester transcript of 1595/6 showing that Nicholas Arnold 
and his family had been living at Ilchester, where he had 
been in business as a Merchant tailor since about 1575, the 
date of their removal from Northover, and that all his chil- 
dren except Thomasine were born there. Next the Ilches- 
ter "transcript" of 1622, with the autograph signature of 
William Arnold as church warden, showing that he was 
there, a child 8 years old, when his mother Alice died in 
1596, and in 1622 when his youngest son Stephen was born. 
The very fact of his election as warden in 1622, is sufficient 
to show that he must have been long there and well known, 
and as all his four children were born in the 11 years between 
161 1 and 1622, it follows that they were all born there, al- 
though the records of all but one, Stephen, have disap- 

To connect these three generations of the Arnold and 
Gulley families for about 127 years, from John Gulley's 
birth about 1508, to William Arnold's emigration in 1635, 
with the English history of their time, we note, that John 
Gulley's life, beginning in the last year of the reign of 
Henry VII, lasted through that of Henry VIII, 38 years, 
Edward VI, 6 years, Mary Tudor 5 years, and 33 years of 
t^e reign of Q. Elizabeth, until his death in 1591, about 83 
years of age. His daughter Alice Arnold born in 1553 the 
first year of Mary Tudor's reign, lasted through that, and 
48 years of the reign of her sister Q. Elizabeth. Her hus- 
band Nicholas Arnold born about 1550, lived through 
those reigns, and to the 20th of James I., while William 
Arnold born the 29th of Queen Elizabeth, lived through the 
reign of James I., 22 years and emigrated 1635 in the loth of 
Charles I. All of William Arnold's children were born in 
the reign of James I. 

Going back to the William Arnold "family record," let us 
examine some of its peculiarities. He does not mention his 
father, or give any marriages or burials. He gives the bap- 
tisms, or christenings of his mother, and all her children except 


himself and the infant sister Elizabeth, and then in his own 
case gives only the birtlis of himself and his children. Why 
does he make this difference? In 1622, he served one year as 
church warden, under the tutelage of John Ravens, A. M., an 
educated man, and Rector at Ilchester, and it was to him a 
school in which he learned not only the system of parish reg- 
isters and diocesan returns, but also to realize the great value 
to himself of keeping a family record as he was contemplating 
the possibility of emigration. His father had not kept a rec- 
ord himself and so the son went to the two registers of Il- 
chester now lost, and Northover close by, and accessible to him, 
for he could have found them nowhere else, and copied the 
baptisms. Then he took a step in advance of his times, and 
began to keep a family record, beginning with his own birth, 
1587, which was continued in one line of his family for four 
generations. Here we see in the case of his son Stephen, 
listed in the family record as born 22 Dec. 1622, and on the 
transcript, as baptised, four days later, 26 Dec. 1622 (the rule 
being that all children should be baptised three days after birth 
or on the succeeding Sunday). Comparing these two records 
and those given of the baptism of his mother and sister in the 
family record and on the Northover register, agreeing as they 
do so exactly, gives us the greatest confidence in the reliability 
of the entire family record. While some records supporting it 
are still missing, not one has been found which weakens 
or disproves a single statement in it, the one record explaining 
and showing the connections with the other. Taken together 
they compleftely prove that WilHam Arnold and all his children 
were born in Ilchester, Somersetshire, and lived there until 
their departure for New England in 1635. Just as surely and 
completely, it disproves all the fables and errors of family 
tradition, that have grown up and been spread broadcast be- 
tween that date and 1850, seeming to show that they were 
born and lived elsewhere. Savage thought that they were 
born in Co. Nottingham, but offers no evidence to support his 
opinion. Mr. H. G. Somerby says that William Arnold was 
the son of Thomas Arnold of Cheselbourne, Co. Dorset, by 


his first wife Alice, daughter of John Galley of North Over, 
in the parish of Tolpuddle, a short distance from Chesel- 
bourne, gives him a brother John, and makes Elizabeth, the 

youngest daughter of Alice Gully, the daughter of Grace , 

the second wife of Nicholas Arnold, and marries her to John 
Sayles, Jr. No record evidence is given to support these state- 
ments. None exist. He did not go to Northover, Somer- 
setshire, where he would have found the Gully records, there 
then, and there now. There is no place called North Over 
in Dorset, or in any other county in England, excepting 
Somerset. There is no record showing that Alice Gully mar- 
ried Thomas Arnold, or had a son John born in 1585. Mr. 
Somerby carried with him from America the W. A. "family 
record" then printed, with instructions to find a father Thomas 
for him. The most regrettable feature in Somerby's work is, 
that in the absence of any English record, known here to dis- 
prove it, so reliable a genealogist, as Mr. John O. Austin was 
lead to accept and use it in his dictionary, although neither 
give any record evidence. Very rarely has Mr. Austin 
accepted another's statement, unless he has himself seen evi- 
dence to support it. 

The Rev. Charles T. Brooks, in his "Old Stone Mill at New- 
port," suggests still another birthplace for the Arnolds, namely, 
Leamington, Warwickshire. This pamphlet was published at 
Newport, by Charles E. Hammett, Jr., in 1851. It is an ac- 
count of a controversy between certain "Antiquarians" at 
Brown University, Providence, and "one of the oldest inhabi- 
tants of Newport," as to whether the old mill was built by the 
Northmen, or by Gov. Arnold, and has been commonly called 
the Mill Hoax. Both sides of this controversy accuse the 
other of filling their communications "with fabulous stories, 
founded on deceptions, entirely without foundation." These 
accusations were true, and about the only truth in the pam- 
phlet. Mr. Brooks only suggests that Gov. Arnold inay have 
seen mills of this kind in his youth, as he was living in Eng- 
land at the precise period with Inig o Jones who designed the 


■"Leamington Mill," and again page 84, he says, "The Chester- 
ton Mill is only 5 miles from Leamington in the west of Eng- 
land from which part we have ascertained the Arnold's came." 
The Arnolds did come from the west of England, but War- 
wick is in the centre. Mr. Hammett, who printed this book 
in 1851, in his Bibliography of Newport of 1887, says, "At 
the time of writing this book much labor was bestowed on an 
attempt to ascertain the exact birthplace of Gov. Arnold, but 
without result. About 20 years later (1871) Dr. David King 
visited England and found satisfactory proof that he was 
•born in Warwickshire." Neither Brooks, Hammett nor King 
have given a single record to substantiate their statements, 
.•and yet there is not a Newport historian to-day that ever 
mentions the Stone Mill or Gov. Arnold in connection with 
it, but what repeats the old hoax, that he was born in Leaming- 
ton, Warwickshire, because in his will he mentions his Lem- 
mington farm. The record evidence I have given that he 
-was born in Ilchester near Limington shows this Warwick- 
shire story to be pure fiction. 

Stukeley Westcott whose initials S. W. stand first on the 
■proprietors deed of 1637, at Providence, was in Salem where 
he was received in 1636, and in 1637 had a one acre house lot 
laid out to him, the record showing that his family then con- 
sisted of eight persons. And as the names of only five of 
"his children appear later on Rhode Island records, he must 
have lost one by death, perhaps Samuel, after 1636. At 
Providence, he signed the agreement of 1640. for a form of 
civil government, and about 1645, ^^ removed to Warwick ; 
and in 1651 his daughter Damaris went with her husband 
Benedict Arnold to Newport. His oldest son Robert bought 
land soon at Quidnessett. and was killed there, during King 
Philips War, the other children all dying at Warwick. We 
cannot without further research say with certainty where he 
was born, or lived before coming to New England in 1635. 
Hon. Jonathan Russell Bullock, who published in 1886, "The 
life and times of Stuckley Westcott," says— "He was born 


in England about 1592, proliably in Co. Devon, and died at 
Portsmouth, R. I.. 12 Jan. 1676/7, aged about 85." These dates 
are taken from the unsigned will, made the day of Westcott's 
death. Judge Bullock gave much time himself to the work 
of investigation and had the co-operation of more than a score 
of persons, both here and in England, who had done more or 
less work in the same line, before him, among whom was Sir 
George Stuckley, of Stuckley. Baronet, the present owner, by 
succession of Hartland Abbey and Affeton Castle, West 
Worlington, Devon, the seat of the Stuckleys in England. 
He suggested that the name implied that he was a descendant 
of St. Ledger Westcot who about the year 1300 married a 
daughter of the Stuckleys of AfTeton. This place is on a 
stream called the Lesser Dart, about 10 miles W. of Tiverton 
and 15 miles N. W. of Exeter in Devonshire. 

Thomas Westcott Gent., in his "View of Devonshire 1630."' 
says p. 271. Aiifton, the seat of the Worshipful family of 
Stuckeley stands between the two Worlingtons East and West. 
It came to Stuckeley grand son of St. Leger who also owned 
Westcot wherein lived a tribe of the name. A grand son Sir 
Hugh Stuckeley lived here in 36th of Henry VHL (1545), 
owned "Westcot," and had two grand daughters named Da- 
maris. His Arms — Argent, a chevron between 3 escalops 
sable, a crescent. The arms here given, describe the arms 
on the tombstone of Benedict Arnold, Jr. The oldest son 
of Gov. Benedict at Newport, whose mother was Damaris 
Westcott, except that the crescent has been changed to a 5 
pointed star, one appearing at the top of the chevron and 
another at the top of a helmet on the crest. The Arms on this 
stone have always been called ''Arnold Arms" by those who 
have seen it. but it seems more likely to have been "Westcott." 
The Arnold arms on the tomb of Hon. Oliver Arnold in the 
North burying ground in Providence, as well those found by 
Gov. Samuel G. Arnold in the Herald's College in London, 
are described thus Gules, a chevron ermine, between 3 pheons 

Before 1900, every county in England had been combed to 


■find the name of Stukeley Westcott, without success, until in 
1902, Mr. Edson S. Jones found the name at Yeovil, as the 
father of a son Samuel, baptized there March 31, 1622. This, 
without support of record, does not prove that he was the 
Stukeley who came in 1635 to New England, but circumstan- 
tial evidence very stronj^ly favors that conclusion. The name 
of Stukeley, and of Westcott is common in Devon and Somer- 
set, but the combination of these names has so far been found 
nowhere, before 1622 at Yeovil, and so far as we know is 
unique, and the name of his daughter Damaris is also very 
unusual. In Westcott's "Devonshire." containing thousands 
of family names, Damaris appears but twice, and both times 
in Stuckley families near Afifton. At the time of the Yeovil 
record, Damaris was about two years of age and of course with 
her father there. About five miles down the river Ivel, at 
Ilchester, was living her future husband Benedict Arnold a 
lad of 7. Both came to New England in 1635 and to Provi- 
dence in 1636 or 37, where they were married in 1640. In 
165 1, with five small children born in Providence, they re- 
moved to Newport. Here Benedict was chosen President, the 
highest office in the gift of the Colony, under the first Charter, 
iDcfore 1663 ; and that year under the second Charter granted 
by King Charles II. he was chosen the first Governor, which 
office, he contined to hold, with the exception of 6 years, until 
his death 19 June 1678. His wife Damaris survived him, and 
both lie buried in the plot appointed in his will, as "lieing be- 
tween my dwelling house and my stone built wind-mill." Dur- 
ing the progress of the Indian war of 1675/6 Stukeley West- 
cott now 84 years old, wifeless and infirm, was carried to the 
house of his grand son Dr. Caleb Arnold in Portsmouth, while 
two of his sons, Amos and Jeremiah, were granted temporary 
lots of land on the nearby island of Prudence for the support 
of their families, as were many of the refugees from the main- 
land. On the 12 of January 1677; seeing his end approaching 
the aged man attempted the making of his ^\•'ill, which was 
drawn up under his direction, but never signed ; night approach- 
ing, he was persuaded by his g. s. Caleb Arnold to wait until 


morning, expecting his sons from Prudence, but before their 
arrival he had passed away and his remains were carried 
across the bay, the war now over, and laid beside his wife at 
their old Warwick homestead. 

William Arnold whose name appears second upon the 
"Initial deed" at Providence, upon his arrival in Massachusetts 
Bay, June 24, 1635, found a party from Hingham, Co. Suffolk, 
lately arrived, and about to establish a new township to be 
called Hingham which was done September 18, William Arnell 
appears as No. 13. on the first list of those who "drew 
house lots from the Cove on the north side of the road to Fort 
Hill." H he really intended to settle here, he soon changed his 
plan for in 1636 we find him in Providence where he was as- 
signed a home lot in the row of lots on North Main St., north, 
of Star St., the east end of this lot is now covered by a part 
of Hope reservoir. Here he probably built and lived a short 
time for a contemporary deed of land in this vicinity is 
bounded on William Arnold's "Wolf trap" evidently built by^ 
him for protection of his cattle. The initial deed of 1637,. 
which made him one of 13 proprietors of Providence was fol- 
lowed by another which divided all the meadow ground on the 
Pawtuxet river between the same 13 persons and about 1638 
William Arnold and William Carpenter with their families 
settled here at the ford or Indian wading place, where the 
Pequot trail crossed the Pawtuxet river. This ford is quite 
a distance up the river from the present centre at the falls and 
the bridge, and lies a few rods only below the present bridge 
on Warwick Ave. From this ford northerly the "Pequot road 
was made the dividing line between William Carpenter's home- 
stead extending from it, west to Pauchasset river, and that of 
William Arnold extending from it, easterly to the salt water. 
Later Arnold's son Stephen, and son-in-Law Zachery Rhodes 
settled at the falls, where with Joseph Carpenter they built a 
corn mill and laid out to it a road through the woods northerly 
(now Broad St.) which joined the Pequot Path, near the pres- 
ent Junction of Broad St. and Warwick Ave. Upon this 
homestead, situated very much as was his old home at Ilches- 


ter at the Roman Ford on the Ivil, WilHam Arnold passed 37 
years, until July 1675, when the horrors of King Phillip's 
burst in all its fury upon the Colony. The story of what hap- 
pened to him, is best told by an affidavit made by his young 
nephew Major William Hopkins, the original of which is pre- 
served in Prov. Town papers, 0268. "Oct. 16, 1678 William 
Hopkins aged 31, testified before John Whipple, Asst. that at 
the beginning of the war, and at the desire of some neighbors, 
he went to Pawtuxet to try to persuade William Arnold to go 
to some garrison or down to his son Benedict's, at Newport, 
on account of the danger he was in. That he, William Arnold, 
refused to go to Newport, but would go to Providence, but 
afterwards said that that was too far, but he would go to his 
son Stephen's garrison, so presently his son Stephen went to 
his father and desired his father to goe to his garrison, and 
the sayd William Arnold did goe along with his son Stephen 
and this deponent to his son Stephen's Garrison." 

The "garrison" to which Wilham Arnold was carried in such 
a feeble condition, and now 88 years old, and where he prob- 
ably died, was the Mansion house of his son Stephen, whose 
homestead covered nearly all the land west of Broad St. to the 
Pawtuxet river, and from the falls, north to the swamp where 
the brook from the east runs under Broad St. to the river 
The driveway to his house from Broad St. is now Lockwood 
St., and behind it now stands the Rhodes' Casino, and the 
canoe club houses. On the blufif at the north end of this home- 
stead farm, overlooking the swamp was the burial lot of 
Stephen Arnold's family. This burial lot has now been built 
upon, the only grave stones upon the lot those of Stephen and 
Sarah (Smith) Arnold, were removed about i860, to Swan 
Point Cemetery. As this Stephen was the last survivor of the 
emigrant party of 1635, I give the inscription: 

"Here Lies the Body of 

Stephen Arnold. 

Aged 77 Years 

Deceased 15TH Nov 



Durin,£^ the summer and fall of 1675, nothing of a serious 
nature occurred at Pawtuxet, until in December, detachments 
of the Massachusetts troops under Gen. Winslow, on their way 
to the "Swamp Fig-ht" at Kingston, encamped at the gar- 
rison, and were supplied by Stephen Arnold with provisions, 
the requisitions made by Gen. Winslow were paid by Mass. 
some years later. January 2y, 1676, after the Kingston fight, 
300 Indians attacked Pawtuxet, burning William Carpenter's 
outbuildings, corn and hay, and drove away 180 sheep, 50 head 
of neat cattle, and 15 horses. William Harris, whose farm 
adjoined Carpenter on the west at Blackamore Pond, in a 
letter (Vol. 10, 171, R. I. His. Soc. Collection), describes this 
attack as following one on Rehoboth and Providence, "And 
then went to patuxet & ther burnt some houses and an empty 
garrison and fought against another, and shott fire upon ar- 
rows forty or fifty but ye English put them out, and in ye 
night time went ther way." This attack did not drive away 
the Stephen Arnold garrison, but in March a still larger party 
of Indians swept through this part, and Harris writes again 
"the enemy hath burnt all ye houses in Warwick all in patuxet 
and almost all in Providence and the inhabitants are gone 
some to one place and some to another." 

During one or the other of these attacks all the buildings on 
the Harris farm were burnt, his son Tolleration, and a servant 
were killed, and Wm. Carpenter lost his son William Jr. and a 
servant ; Carpenter and Thomas Hopkins probably going to 
Oyster Bay, Long Island, where both had children living. No 
hint has been discovered as to where Stephen Arnold went at 
this time, with his wife and seven children. It seems probable 
that his father William, in his great age and feeble condition 
had died and been buried by the side of his wife Christian and 
grand-son William, at Pawtuxet, as his name is not men- 
tioned among the refugees at Newport or Long Island but 
this is conjecture. Callender refers to his death as about 40 
years after the settlement of 1636. 

Nov. 3, 1677, Gov. Arnold at Newport, calling himself 
"Benedict Arnold Senr. Eldest son and heire to William 


Church oi St. Mar'i Major, Ilchester 

Nicholas Arnold and wife Alice, parents of William Arnold, are buried 
in this yard. William Arnold and all his children were baptized here. 


Arnold late of paiituxett," made a warrantee deed, on the 
nominal condition of one hundred Pounds to his "Brother 
Stephen Arnold of Pawtuxett afore sayed," of all Land of our 
sayd father lieing- within the Bounds of patuxett, between 
patuxett river and Providence bounds" &c. 

This was not an uncommon way at this period of settling an 
intestate estate, and shows that as soon as the war was ended 
and civil government restored, a mutual agreement between 
William Arnold while living, and his two sons, was honorably 
carried into effect by the legal heir under English law, after 
his death. 

We do not know with certainty the birthplace or age of Wil- 
liam Carpenter the third member of our party who was as the 
head of a family named in the initial deed as one of 13 propri- 
etors of Providence. Assuming that he was about the same 
age as his wife, Elizabeth Arnold and born before 161 1, he was 
about 60 years of age and had l:)een living at Pawtuxet more 
than 30 years when 14 Dec, 1671 he made a deed of free gift 
to his sister Fridgswith Vincent of "my dwelling house and all 
what land belongith to me adjoining to the said house the 
which said house is standing in the town of Amesbury in Wilt- 
shire and in a street commonly called Frogg lane, my sister 
being an inhabitant of the said town, the which said house did 
in the original belong to my father Richard Carpenter now de- 
ceased, but fell to my right as I was the son and heir of my said 
father." It does not necessarily follow that Richard was in 
Amesbury in 1611, or that William was born there, although 
possible. Fridgswith Carpenter married Thomas Vincent be- 
fore 1635, s"d had children: — Thomas, bap Oct 18, 1635. 2. 
William, bap June 17, 1638. and 3. Joan. William and Joan 
Vincent came to Providence about 1660, where Joan, married 
John Sheldon that year, and received a deed of land from her 
uncle William Carpenter Aug. 2. 1660 — May 31, 1670. Wil- 
liam Vincent was married to Priscilla Carpenter his cousin by 
her father William Carpenter, assistant. Jan. 20, 1676, his 
house was attacked by about 300 Indians, his son William, and 
a servant killed, two hundred sheep. 50 neat cattle and 15 


horses carried off. and his buildini^s left in flames, but saved 
by the defenders. 

April 25, 1683, he made a confirmatory deed to the heirs of 
the 13 orij^nnal proprietors of Pawtuxet lands, calling himself 
the last survivor and ownins^ three shares. His will, Feb. 10, 
1670, was proved Oct. i, 1685. He died Sept. 7, 1685, and was 
buried on his homestead by the side of his wife Elizabeth 

In Dwellys" Wells parish transcripts. Vol. H., at Nettle- 
combe, 15 miles west of Taunton, I find some records that seem, 
to connect in some way with a John and Richard at Salisbury^ 
7 miles from Amesbury. I give it, hoping to assist further 

Married, Sept. i, 1606, Mr. Richard Carpenter and Mrs. 
Susanna Trevelian. 

Oiristened, Oct. 28, 1607, Susanna, dau. of Mr. Richard 
Carpenter. Clarke, (i e. Minister.) 

On the same register occurs the unusual names of Fridiswade 
Clark, 1607, and Frediswade Davis, 1640. 

In Somerset Wills, 11. 109. I find the will of Richard Car- 
penter, Pastor of Sheviock Devenport (near Plymouth), Aug- 
ust 9, 1625. Proved Feb. 17, 1627/8, by the relict. Susan 
Carpenter daughter of John Trevelian Esq. of Nettlecombe, 
mentions, son John Carpenter, student at Exeter College,. 
Oxon, eldest dau. Susan, dau. Mary, my son Richard. 3d. dau. 
Ann, 4th dau. Elizabeth, 3d. son Edward, 5th dau. Sarah. 4th' 
son, and youngest child Thomas, my brother John Carpenter of 
Salisbury (1628), and 3 sisters Jane, Ann & Agness. 

The Rev. A. W. Phelps, Rector of the church at Amesbury, 
Wilts, writes Oct. 25, 1800, "The register has— 18. Oct. 1635 
baptised — Thomas son of Thomas and Frittisweed Vincent. 17 
June William son of Thomas and Frittisweed Vincent. The 
first book of Amesbury records begin 1610 and end 1638, has 
Elizabeth d. of John Carpenter bap. Nov. 30, 1628. John, son 
of John Carpenter bap. Aug. 5, 1632. Margaret, dau. of John 
and Joan Carpenter bap. March 2, 1635; and Richard Car- 
penter buried Sept. 21, 1625. 


William Alan, who came with his wife Frances Hopkins in 
1635, was town clerk of Providence in 1646, (see Prov. town 
papers 07), and died before 1650. His son Abraham, was 
wounded in the Indian war, and was allowed by the Colony 
Oct. 29, 1684, £3 for the curing of his wound. His widow 
Frances Man removed to the home of her daughter Mary, who 
had married John Lapham at Dartmouth, Mass., where she 
died 26 Feb. 1700 aged 84. 

The parishes whose records prove them to have been the 
homes of our emigrants, are situated on the little river Ivel or 
Yeo, a branch of the Parret. The valley of the Ivel is de- 
scribed in Camden's Brittania, Edition of 1610 — (about the 
date of Wm. Arnold's marriage) as follows: "The river Ivel 
springeth in Dorsetshire and no sooner entereth Somerset but 
he giveth name to Evil (Yeovil) a great market town, which 
rose by the decay of Ilchester, and taketh into him a rill, near 
which is Camelet a steep hill, hard to get up : on the top whereof 
be tokens of a decayed castle, surrounded by triple rampires of 
earth and ditches, enclosing many acres of ground. The in- 
habitants name it, King Arthur's Palace : Near by is Cadbury 
where K. Arthur defeated Saxons in battle. At the junction of 
these two rills, lie Yeovilton on the north bank, and Liming- 
ton on the south, and runneth on a mile to Northover, and 
Ilchester, called Ischalis by Ptlomee, and Ivelcestre by Nin- 
nius, and by others Pontavel-coit (Ivel bridge in the Wood), 
and Givelcestre. at this day of small account for its antiquity. 
At the time of the Normans coming in. it was well populated, 
at one time having 107 Burgesses. A little beneath by Lang- 
port the rivers Ivel and Pedrcd (Parret) running together, 
make between them the island called Mulcheney that is to say 
the Great Island. Wherein are to be seen the defaced wall and 
ruins of an old Abbey." The map accompanying this article is 
from Camden 1610. 

Muchelney. the island at the junction of the rivers Ivel and 
Parret, was the home of Christian Peak, William Arnold's 
wife. Retracing our steps up the Ivel five miles is Northover, 
the home and burial place of John and Alice Gully, and just 


across on the south bank, Ilchester, where Nicholas Arnold was 
a Merchant tailor about 47 years, and where he and his wife 
Alice are buried, and where William Arnold and all his children 
were born. A mile further up the river on the north bank is 
Yeovilton the home of William Hopkins, where his wife Joane 
was buried in 1622, the sister and foster-mother of William 
Arnold. Across the river on the south side is Limington with 
its parish church, "St. Mary Virginis." and its ancient Free 
Grammar School, where Thomas Wolsey, afterward Lord 
Cardinal, and Primate of England, was both curate and school- 
master from 1500 to 1509, and where the children of the Gully, 
Arnold, Hopkins and other families of the neighborhood were 
probably educated. 

In his will Gov. Arnold mentions his Lemmington farm, 
named evidently from some place near his English home. 
When he wrote this word Lemmington, in its broad Wessex 
pronunciation, he meant Limington in Somerset, and not Leam- 
mgton in Warwickshire, or Lymington in Hants, places that it 
is not at all likely that he or his father William, ever saw. 

From the date 1623, of Nicholas Arnold's will, until his de- 
parture in the spring of 1635 for New England, William Ar- 
nold's name does not appear on any Somerset record. On his 
own "family record" the latest English date he gives is that of 
the baptism of Nicholas, the son of his half brother Thomas, 
Jan 1627/8. 

We can only conjecture when and where he gathered his 
large party together with their baggage and supplies, or the 
route they took from the valley of the Ivel, to their point of de- 
parture. The nearest and most practicable route would be 
from Ilchester through Yeovil, Crewkerne, and Axminster to 
Exeter, and then turning south, down the Devonshire coast, by 
Te.ignmouth and Torquay to Dartmouth, a seaport about 25 
miles east of Plymouth and the same distance south of Exeter. 
A modern writer Mr. Charles G. Harper in "A summer tramp 
from London to Landsend" thus pleasantly describes it. "A 
waft of more spacious times has come down to us. and lingers 
yet about the steep streets and strange stairways, the broad 



eaves and bowed and bent frontages of Dartmouth. An air in 
essence salty, and ringing with the strange oaths and stranger 
tales of the doughty hearts who adventured hence to unknown 
or unfrequented seas, or went forth to do battle with the 

"The mouth of the river widens into a deep, land-locked har- 
bour with an entrance to the English Channel through a narrow 
opening between tall clififs. Here to guard it there were built 
in ancient times, the twin-towers of Dartmouth and Kingswear 

Ancient ironwork, south door of St. Saviour's 
Church, Dartmouth, Devon. 

Castles, facing one another across the water, and between thera 
was stretched an iron chain drawn taut by windlasses in time 
of peril. 

"The parish church of St. Saviour, is old and decrepit and 
rendered dusky by wooden galleries, a wonderful and almost 


inconceivably picturesque building, without and within and 
what is not often seen nowadays a very much unrestored 
church. It is closely girdled with steep streets, paved with 
painful but romanic looking cobbles, and the churchyard rears 
itself high above the heads of wayfarers in its narrow lanes. 
The doorway of the south porch has a gate or grille of 
wrought iron dated 1631." 

In this quaint old seaport, some of our party must have 
spent several days, in the process of collecting their goods, and 
loading their vessel, and although they were strangers, here 
only for a few days, I cannot help fancying that the steep 
streets of Dartmouth the last spot of English earth upon which 
their feet were to tread, its ancient St. Saviour church with its 
then new gate, the beautiful harbour where had lain only a few 
years before them, the ships of Drake and Raleigh, and the May- 
flower and Speedwell of the Pilgrims, never faded entirely from 
their memory. While their eyes rested upon these last scenes 
in the home land, the minds of the young people, Joane Arnold, 
soon to become the mother of all the Rhodes' of Rhode Island, 
Damaris Westcott later to be the first lady in the Colony, as 
the wife of Gov. Benedict Arnold, and their younger brothers 
and sisters were perhaps thinking more of the village greens of 
Ilchester and Yeovil, remembering that it was the first of May. 
Mayday, "the maddest, merriest day of all the glad new year" 
in England, and that their playmates from whom they were 
now separated were engaged in the happy songs and dances so 
dear to their young hearts ; while the older ones were more 
likely turning their thoughts toward the unknown sea with 
some doubts and misgivings mayhap, but yet with stout hearts 
and strong hopes facing the great adventure that lay before 
them in a new world. 


Addenda to Rhode Island Imprint List 

Imprints not included in the list. 

-A Perpetual Almanack. Shepley 

Auchmuty. The Copy of Some Queries. Rosenbach 

•Governor's Proclamation in regard to Counterfeiting. 

( News-Letter) 
1742 or 1743 NEWPORT 

Short Narrative of Unjust Proceeding of George Gardner. 

Mass HS 
General Assembly. An Act in addition to an Act. . .Fire. . . 

The Strange and Wonderful Predictions of Mr. Christopher 
Love. (Evans) 


Reflections on Governor Hopkins' Vindication, April 17. 


General Asserrtbly. An Act in Addition to... Manner of 

admitting Freemen. RISL 


Wanton, J. Observations and reflections on the present state 
of the Colony. Shepley 


To the Public, Newport, i6 April (signed Samuel Ward) 


Peter Mumford, Post Rider, doth upon oath declare (signed) 

Henry Ward, (dated) August 9. LCP 


To the Inhabitants of the Colony of Rhode Island (signed) 
Stephen Hopkins, (dated) April 12. LCP 


A Table of Value. . .Law full Money. Shepley 

Rhode Island College (Subscription List) Terry 


The Prodigal Daughter Shepley 

A Word of Counsel and Warning Shepley 

Providence Fire Rules RIHS 

The Sum of Religion Terry 


Blakes, James, Jun. A Sermon. Terry 


The first book of American Chronicles RIHS 

Genera] Assembly. October. An Act for Assessing £4000. 

General Assembly, December. RIHS 


The Crisis No. VIII RIHS 

The following was received by a Vessel arrived at New York, 
last week, September 12, 1775. RIHS 

General Assembly. July 21 By an Express Shepley 

The Death of General Montgomery (Printed by McDougall) 

General Assembly, October. Whereas, owing to Divers 
Causes ... Town Councils. . .have not yet collected the 
Monies due. RISL 

General Assembly. March, 2nd Session. List of Persons. 


General Assembly. September Session. An Act in regard to 
drafting militia. RIHS 


General Assembly, May, 2nd Session, Resolved that all Per- 
sons. . .equip themselves. Shepley 
Greene, William Thanksgiving Proclamation. RISL 


Providence Gazette, February 2"], 1779, Supplement, variant 

edition. RISL 

General Assembly March 20. Attack on Rhode Island. 



Fresh Intelligence, Weeden NHS 

Announcement of N. A. Calendar for 1781 Shepley 

Calendrier Francais pour 1781 (with eight additional pages) 



Return of 2nd Rhode Island Regiment. Shepley 


A Poetical Epistle to George Washington. Wheeler 

(Amer. Journal) 
Three o'clock (Surrender of Cornwallis). Carter MHS 

Letter from Sir Guy Carleton. Barber. Terry 


Varnum, J. M. Oration on Masonry delivered in 1782. 

Proposals for printing the United States Chronicle. 

H. R. Drowne 
Important Intelligence. Carter. Shepley 


Goldsmith, Oliver. The Deserted Village. RIHS 


Scheme of a Lottery. RIHS 

To the Editor of the Providence Gazette, "Fair Play." 


General Assembly. February. Whereas certain classes . . . 

recruits. Terry 


Champlin, Christopher. Cargo of Ship Hydra Shepley 

Verses for the New Year, 1787. Shepley 


Pool, Equestrian Feats of Horsemanship. Shepley 

General Assembly. May Session RISL 

General Assembly. August Session £100.000 RIHS 


General A-ssemblj. Four per cent, notes Shepley 



Mr. John Brown. Invitation for a dance. JCB- 


Webster, Noah American Spelling Book. Carter A AS 

Drawbacks on duties. RIHS 


Thornton's R. I. Almanac for 1793 printed "for Richardson"" 



Wells, Elizabeth. Some Melancholy Heartfelt Reflections. 



Fenner, Arthur. Proclamation in regard to Small Pox, 21' 
September 1793 Carter .... 

Proceedings of seven gentlemen sitting themselves an Eccle- 
siastical Council. RIHS 

New Year's Address January i, 1793. "Now our Grandame 
Earth." Shepley 

Whitefield, George. The Knowledge of Jesus Christ. Carter 



Murder. Narrative of the trial of William Corran Shepley 


General Assembly, March. Act to repair highways in Scituate. 

General Assembly. June 16. Condition on which Non Cc«n- 

missioned Officers Shepley 

Rhode Island Register for 1795 Shepley 


Rhode Island Bank, Charter of Terry 


Street Lottery RIHS 

An Essay on the Fall of Angels & Men. Wheeler Sheple5 

1795 WARREN 
Patten, William. Reminiscences of Samuel Hopkins 





Whitney, Josiah. Sermon on the death of Rev. Noadiah 
Russell. Carter & Wilkinson RIHS 


Adams, John. "President's Answer." Shepley 

New Year Verses of the Carrier of the Gazette Jan. i, 1798. 



Interesting. By Capt. Earl Shepley 

Adams, John. President's Speech. Farnsworth Terry 


Life of Zilpha Smith. Wheeler (U. S. Chronicle) 

Pawtucket Cannon Factory 5 Dec. 1798 (Broadside) 

Adams, John. President's speech C & W RIHS 


The Gentlemen & Lady's Companion, containing the Newest 
Cotillions and Country Dances. O. Farnsworth. Terry 

The Affecting History of the Children in the Wood. H. & 
O. Farnsworth. A. C. Bates 

Newport Insurance Company. Terry 

The Travels of Rdbinson Crusoe. H. & O. Farnsworth. 


The Trifle Hunters. O. Farnsworth. Terry 


The Companion : being a Selection of the Beauties of the 
Most Celebrated Authors. RIHS 


Beckley, John James. Address to the People. Second Ed. 

H. B. Tompkins 
A Law to establish a Uniform System of Bankruptcy. Barber. 


Champlin. Christopher. Goods for sale. Providence (about 
1790). Shepley 

Champlin, Christopher. Ship Hydra. See 1786 


An Exposition of the Emblems of the Providence Associa- 
tion of Merchants and Manufacturer's Certificate. 


Engraved Certificate referred to in above Table of Values 
see 1765 Shepley 

Phillis. An Elegiac poem to George Whitefield. Southwick. 


Advertisement of Nathaniel Croade of Pawtucket (Warren 
1797?) RIHS 

The Bride's Burial Penn. HS 

Unlocated Listed Imprints now located, and Imprints located 
outside of Providence in the List of 191 5. of which 
copies are now in Providence. 

Webb, John. The Believer's Redemption. Shepley 


Fo.N,, John. The Door of Heaven. Shepley 

Hale, Sir Matthew. Some Necessary and Important Consid- 
erations. (Only copy located) Shepley 

The Case and Complaint of Samuel Maxwell. JCB 

Williams, Solomon. The Sad Tendency. Shepley 

MacSparren. The Sacred Dignity. Shepley 

The 111 Policy of . . . .Imprisoning Insolvent Debtors. Shepley 


By the Governor. Thanksgiving Proclamation. (Only copy 

located) Shepley 


Tweedy. A Catalogue of Drugs. Shepley 

Prospectus of Providence Gazette Shepley 


Davies. A Sermon. 

Hymns and Spiritual Songs. 

Trial of Sir Richard Rum. 

Mr. Samuel Adams. Portrait. 

Paine. Common Sense. loth ed. 




General Assembly. December 4. An Act. 


General Assembly, July, 2nd Session. An Act for assessing 

10,000 Pounds. Terry 

General Assembly, July, 2nd Session. An Act for assessing 

£400,000. RISL 

General Assembly July 7, 1780. Act Shepley 

General Assembly. May, Act. 80,000 Pounds Terry 


General Assembly, May, 2nd Session. An Act for granting 

£6000. RISL 


General Assembly. Oct. An Act for granting $20,000 Terry 

Verses Made on the Death. Shepley 


General Assembly. January. An Act for numbering the Fam- 
ilies. RISL 

General Assembly. February. An Act for granting Tax of 
£6000. RISL 

The Instructive Fables of Pilpay. 

Laws of the Marine Society. 





Backus, Testimony Shepley 

General Assembly. June. An Act... 20,000 pounds Terry 


Gessner. The Death of Abel. Shepley 


Wheeler's North American Calendar for 1788 Shepley 


Cutler, Manasseh. An Explanation. Shepley 

Articles of Agreement. Ohio Company. Shepley 


Griffith. Collection of Dances. Shepley 


Webster. An American Selection. Shepley 


United States Inspector General Regulations for Troops. 



Goldsmith. The Vicar of Wakefield. Shepley 

1792 WARREN 
Lines on the last and dying Words of Rev. Oliver Williams. 



Rhode Island College. Laws. Shepley 

An Address of the Democratic Society RIHS 


Dodsley. The Toy Shop. Shepley 


Dodsley. OEconomy of Human Life. Shepley 


Holman. Funeral Oration. RIHS 

1796 WARREN 
General Assembly. June Session. That Two Representatives elected. RISL 


Rhode Island College. Commencement. Shepley 

Rhode Island College. Illustrissimo Jabez Bowen. BU 

Beckley, J. J. Address. H. B. Tompkins 

Briggs, J. Oration. Terry 

Burroughs, Peleg. Oration H. B. Tompkins 

Undated, pages 74 and 75 
The Justly celebrated Mrs. Sophie Hume's advice. Shepley 
A List of Names of Family of John Carter 1785. Shepley 

In Memory of Capt. John Crawford 1774. Shepley 

Located Imprints not listed in Rhode Island Historical Society 
in 191 5, but now in Rhode Island Historical Society. 

Frothingham. The Articles of Faith. RIHS 

G. G. The Divinity and Humanity of Our Lord. RIHS 

Pollen. The Duty of Defending our Countrymen. RIHS 

Aplin. Both editions with and without "lyre" at end. RIHS 

Fothergill. A Sermon at Horsley Downs. RIHS 

In Congress. A Declaration June (for July) 13 RIHS 


Orders of the Council of War. RIHS 


Resolves and Orders of the Council of War. RIHS 

Thacher, Peter. Prayer The Breath of Rev. Habijah Weld 


Rhode Island College. Catalogue of Books RIHS 

Holman. Funeral Oration. RIHS 



Thompson. Funeral Oration on Kingman. RIHS 


Rhode Island College Catalogue. RIHS 


Congress of the United States. RIHS 

Dehon, T. Discourse. RIHS 

1736, Page 10 

Beavan's essay should be under date of 1754, Page 14. 
Anthony or Osborne should be Anthony and Osborne. 

1777 PROVIDENCE, Page 35 
Add McDougall's name after John Carter as Providence 
printers for that year. 

1779 NEWPORT, Page 38 

Vol. I, No. 35 of the American Journal was printed at New- 
port. RIHS 

1780 NEWPORT, Page 40 
Add the name of J. Weeden to list of printers. 

1781 PROVIDENCE, Page 43 
American Journal should he No. 157 instead of 1507. 

1782 NEWPORT, Page 45 
Add H. & O. Farnsworth to list of printers. 

1782 PROVIDENCE, Page 45 

Thacher item should be under 1783. RIHS 

1787 PROVIDENCE, Page 51 

Emmons. "On" Franklin instead of "in" Franklin. 
1791 PROVIDENCE, Page 58 

R. I. College. "Illustrissimo" should be "Honoratissimo." 
1800 NEWPORT, Page 72 

Omit "The R. I. Republican Farnsworth." 



The manuscript plat of the original layout of Block 
Island has been given to the Society by the late Mr. Nathaniel 
Ray Greene of Narragansett Pier. 

The Providence Mutual Fire Insurance Company has 
given to the Society a large num])er of manuscript books cov- 
ering the activities of that organization up to the year 1850. 

The following persons have been elected to membership 
in the Society.* 

Mr. Harvey A. Baker, Miss Anna L. Lestrade, 

Mr. Raymond E. Ostby, Mr. Arthur James, 

Mr. Harry C. Owen, Mrs. Arthur N. Sheldon. 

Mrs. Charles Bradley presented to the Society an inter- 
esting and valuable collection of newspapers and manuscripts 
of local historical interest. 

An oil portrait of Stephen Dexter, who was born in 1764, 
was given to the Society by Miss Abigail Dexter of East 

Mr. Charles B. Whipple presented to the Society an 
autograph letter of Governor Nicholas Cooke written Febru- 
ary 24, 1777. 

Two Honorary members of the Society, Mr. David W. 
Hoyt and Mr. James Phinney Baxter died in May. 

The January Bulletin of the Newport Historical Society 
contains a paper on "Newport Artists," by Mrs. Maud Howe 

The "Honor Roll — Rhode Island Masons who served in 
the World War" has been issued in attractive form. 

The Rhode Island State Board of Agriculture has pub- 
lished D. J. Lambert's "History of the R. I. Reds." 

Through the generosity of Col. George L. Shepley, the 
Society now has two new and attractive exhibition cases which 
have been placed in the Portrait Gallery. 

In the October, 1920, number of the Collections is an 


article on Roger Williams and John Milton. The author, Mr. 
Potter, has contrihuted the following additional note: 

In running over, recently, the files of Modern Language 
A'otcs, I ohserve that the criticism of Dr. Carpenter's conjec- 
ture about Roger Williams's "reading" Milton Dutch, which 
I made in my discussion of Williams and Milton (R. I. His- 
torical Society Collections, Vol. XIII, No. 4, pp. 119-20), had 
already been made by Professor G. L. Kittredge in 1910. 
(Modern Language Notes, \'ol. XX\\_ p. 159; May, 1910. j 
May I take this opportunity of acknowledging the p,riority 
of Professor Kittredge's note on the matter, and stating that 
at the time of writing my discussion of the subject, I l\ad no 
knowledge of the existence of his note, or I should of course 
have mentioned it in that connection. 

One additional comment on the list of books read by Wil- 
liams, which I gave as an appendix to my discussion, may be 
worth mentioning. On page 128, I stated of Henry VIII's 
"blasphemous writing against Christ Jesus in his holy truth 
proclaimed by Luther" (Bloody Tenent yet more Bloody, N. 
C. P., p. 163) that ''this work I have not been able to deter- 
mine." The book referred to by Williams is obviously 
Henry's Defence of the Seven Sacraments, "Assertio Septeni 
Sacramentorum," 1521, which caused the Pope to give Henry 
the title of "Defender of the Faith." 

George R. Potter. 

The only known impression of Rhode Island's first 
seal. From the Charter of the Town of Warwick, 1648, 
now in the Shepley Library, Providence. 



Engraved by William Hamlin of Providence for The 
Certificate of the Providence Marine Society. From origi- 
nal in the Rhode Island Historical Society Library. 

Form of Legacy 

**I give and bequeath to the Rhode Island .i 

Historical Society the sum oj 



Rhode Island 

Historical Society 


Vol. XIV October, 1921 No. 4 




The Commerce of Rhode Island with the Southern 
Continental Colonies in the Eighteenth Century 

By Walter Freeman Crawford ... 99 

The Jamestown and Newport Ferries 

By Charles V. and Anna Augusta Chapin . . Ill 

Notes 121 

Rhode Island in 1768 

By John Lees 122 

$ 3.00 per year Issued Quarterly 75 cents per copy 




Vol. XIV 

October, 1921 

No. 4 

Howard W. Preston, President Edward K. ALDRICH, Jr., Treasurer 
George T. SpiceR, Secretary HOWARD M.CHAPIN, Librarian 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the 
opinions of contributors. 

The Commerce of Rhode Island with the 

Southern Continental Colonies in the 

Eighteenth Century* 

By Walter Freeman Crawford. 

In few respects does the Rhode Island of to-day resemble 

the Rhode Island of colonial times. Many of the customs and 

institutions which occupied prominent places in the activities 

of an earlier day have now been superseded. Commerce, for 

instance, which was highly important to the colonial merchant 

has been displaced alinost entirely by manufacturing; where 

capital was once utilized in building ships and carrying on 

trade, we to-day find it invested largely in mills and machinery. 

*The Society of Colonial Dames' Prize Essay in American History 
for 1920-21. This paper is based largely upon contemporary materials 
drawn from the following: The Commerce of Rhode Island, 1726- 
1800, 2 vols., Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 7th series, vols. IX, X, 1914-1915; 
Newport Commercial Papers, MSS., in the library of Col. George L. 
Shepley, Providence; and Outward Entries and Manifests, MSS., in 
State Archives. 


It is interesting, however, in view of the recent attempts to 
make the Narragansett Bay once more the scene of commer- 
cial activities, to study the early development and growth of 
trade in Rhode Island. 

Commerce, in the eighteenth century, has somewhere been 
designated the "backbone" of Rhode Island in its life as a 
colony. Certainly in the days immediately preceding and 
following the Revolution, trade came to be the one cen- 
tral, dominating interest, and the number of prominent 
colonists who had no direct connection with some phase 
of these maritime ventures was limited. It is now recog- 
nized that, in at least three diiTerent ways, the commerce 
of these early colonial days had an important relationship to 
the later development of the colony. In the first place, from 
a purely financial point of view, commerce was largely instru- 
mental in the establishment of many Rhode Island fortunes. 
In the second place, trade with her neighbors and with foreign 
countries fostered that spirit of independence in thought and 
action which was especially characteristic of the colony in 
the Revolutionary period, and has even descended to the 
present generation. Finally, it was out of the commercial 
activities of Rhode Island in colonial times that the manufac- 
turing interests of the modern era were to spring; the founda- 
tion of the present day industrial enterprises is to be found 
in the maritime ventures of the colony. 

There is always a tendency, in studying a particular phase 
of a given subject to over-emphasize its importance. This 
must be especially guarded against in considering the origin, 
nature and results of the commerce of Rhode Island with the 
southern continental colonies. Colonial trade in the eighteenth 
century was a complicated network of routes ; ships doubled, 
redoubled and turned again on their tracks ; they made trian- 
gular voyages on the slightest excuses ; seldom indeed 
were two voyages made from and to exactly the 
same ports. For this reason, the trade of Rhode Island with 
the South cannot in any strict sense be isolated from the other 
phases of colonial commerce which are tangled about it ; and, 


consequently, an understanding of the nature of this com- 
merce as a whole is necessary before the true importance of 
this relationship can be appreciated. We must have some 
idea of the whole before we can study subdivisions. 

To comprehend the trade in its entirety, it must first be re- 
membered that the American continental colonies were regarded 
by England as a part — and a rather unimportant part, as a 
matter of fact — of her Colonial Empire. From an economic 
point of view, which was the one most widely adopted in 
the eighteenth century, when Great Britain was dominated 
by the policy of mercantiUsm, the continental colonies were 
generally admitted to be far less valuable to the mother-coun- 
try than the West Indian sugar-producing colonies. It is only 
in the light of this policy that the purpose underlying the 
passage of the Navigation Acts can be appreciated. 

Moreover, as a part of this same economic principle, all 
colonies were thought of as secondary to the mother-country. 
The needs and the interests of the citizens at home were 
always the primary considerations of the British government, 
and it was believed that prosperity in England would naturally 
be reflected in the subject countries. Consequently, at least 
in the earlier years of the century, all the English colonies 
were viewed chiefly as sources of raw-materials ; and it was 
probably not until after the American Revolution that these 
colonies were generally looked upon as the markets for Eng- 
lish goods. England could see the wisdom of encouraging 
Hiese colonies as sources of supplies ; but, while she was fos- 
tering the development of British commerce, it was always 
the domestic merchants and the British-built ships which were 
especially favored. 

The whole system of American commerce in this century, 
grew up with little direct encouragement from the mother 
country. It was remarkable, for this reason, then, that trade 
should become so widespread before the Revolution, and 
surprising that the volume of intercolonial trade should be 
so large. It was natural that the home country should main- 
tain intimate relations with all of her colonial possessions 


along the coast, but whatever intercourse developed between 
the colonies themselves was the direct result of their own 
initiative and individual activity. Some of the settlements 
along the coast were especially favored by physical conditions 
in the development of trade, as Charleston, Philadelphia, New- 
port and Boston ; and these places early assumed the leader- 
ship in commercial enterprises. The West Indies had become 
the favorite markets for New England vessels in the latter 
part of the seventeenth and in the early years of the eighteenth 
centuries, while Charleston and Philadelphia shared the trans- 
atlantic trade with Boston. Triangular, quadrangular, and 
even more complicated routes became popular ; vessels were 
sent wherever a cargo might be purchased or sold to advan- 
tage. As capital accumulated greater and more extensive 
voyages were made, until, l)y the latter half of the eighteenth 
century — the period which will receive the preponderance of 
attention in this paper — an intricate maze of trade-routes 
had developed. 

From the point of view of Rhode Island, the commerce 
with the southern continental colonies was less in extent 
than with the West Indies and even that with European 
countries, throughout practically the entire century. The route 
from Newport to Africa to the West Indies — the famous tri- 
angular voyage — was always, after about 1730, the most popu- 
lar and the most lucrative ; and in the number of vessels 
engaged, the voyage to the Southern colonies can scarcely be 
compared with it. One finds difficulty, however, in compiling 
statistics in support of this conviction, due in the first place 
to the lack of accurate records, and secondly, to the fact that 
one leg of the voyage from Providence or Newport to a 
southern port was frequently extended to the West Indies — ^or 
even farther. 

Moreover, Rhode Island vessels were not the only ones to 
visit the southern colonies. A few colonial vessels were engaged 
solely in going to and from the West Indies ; many more were 
occupied in carrying rice and tobacco to Europe and the 
mother country ; and still others, owned in Philadelphia, New 


York and Boston, carried on an intermittent commerce with 
these southern ports. Toward the middle of the century com- 
petition was particularly keen between Newport and Boston, 
and, while the vessels from the latter port usually out-num- 
bered those from the former in the principal markets of the 
South, such as Charleston, Newbern and Norfolk, the mer- 
chants and captains of the Rhode Island ships were generally 
more aggressive. It might be well at this time to point out 
the double aspect, or two-fold function, of this trade with 
the south : in the first place, the Rhode Island merchants 
served as collectors and distributors of local or native prod- 
ucts ; and secondly, they acted as middlemen in gathering 
goods to be re-exported, or in distributing goods which had 
already been imported. When functioning in their first ca- 
pacity, the Rhode Islanders seem to have had almost a com- 
plete monopoly in their field ; in their second capacity, the 
competition of the Boston merchants appears to have been 
much keener. 

The rivalry of individual merchants of the same town, 
however, was just as effective a means of regulating the 
prices as the competition between traders of different colonies. 
No individual, in any phase of commercial activitiy. was, 
apparently, ever able to corner a market and so dictate prices : 
the field was too large, commerce was too complex, and the 
most powerful merchants were usually too far — in distance 
and in time — from the scene of operations. Finally, there 
was practically no one who was interested in only one phase 
of commerce; combinations of voyages and of interests (such 
as manufacturing and retailing as well as trade) seem to b.ave 
been the rule rather than the exception in the commercial 
world of the eighteenth century. 

The earliest beginnings of a coastwise trade from Rhode 
Island are difficult to trace. Certainly, voyages to \nrginia 
and the Carolinas were fairly common by the close of the 
seventeenth century, for Governor Cranston in his answers 
to queries of the Board of Trade submitted December 5th, 
1708, reported the exportation of a cargo of rum, sugar, mo- 


lasses, butter and cheese to the Carolinas in 1703, and another 
voyage of similar t3-pe made the following year to Maryland 
and Virginia in which the goods carried were exactly the 
same except for the omission of sugar. Without doubt, this 
commerce developed as a concomitant to the trade with the 
West Indies ; as vessels began more and more frequently to 
make trips to Antigua and the other lesser ports on these 
islands, the advantages of a direct intercourse with the con- 
tinental colonies became more and more apparent. The six- 
fold increase of Rhode Island trade in general between the 
years of 1688-1708 was naturally reflected in this trade. 

^Moreover, besides the gradual development which was 
due to the widening of interests of the local merchants through 
the accumulation of capital, there were other factors which 
influenced the growtli of this trade and caused it to occupy 
a fairly prominent place in Rhode Island commerce after the 
first quarter of the eighteenth century. For one thing, the 
Southern colonies were steadily becoming more and more cen- 
tralized about a single staple product. In Virginia, tobacco 
came to be cultivated to the exclusion of all other commodi- 
ties ; in North Carolina, tar and lumber were most empha- 
sized ; in South Carolina, rice was most important ; and later, 
toward the end of the century, Georgia was becoming the 
recognized center of the cotton-growing interests. It was 
natural that these plantation provinces as they ceased to be 
even relatively self-supporting, should turn to the northern 
continental colonies for supplies and provisions. That the 
Southerners recognized their growing dependence upon Bos- 
ton and Newport is partially shown by such acts of the colo- 
nial legislatures as those of the assembly of South Carolina 
in 1 71 7 and 1721 in which discriminations were made in 
favor of local shipping. 

The development of this commercial intercourse be- 
tween the north and south, however, was slow and 
somewhat spasmodic. Governor Johnson in 1708 reported 
that South Carolina in addition to a trade with England and 
the West Indies also had "a commerce with Boston, Rhode 


Island, Pennsylvania, New York and Virginia," and a year 
earlier there is a record that "saddles and bridles were sent 

from New England [to Virginia] to be exchanged for 

pork, pitch, tar, wheat, Indian corn, or whatever else the 
country produceth." In 1732 this trade indirectly benefited 
by the removal of certain restrictions on the exportation of 
rice from the Carolinas, and it is fairly certain that by 1735, 
when the famous triangular voyages were becoming popular, 
the trade with the southern provinces was firmly established. 
Nevertheless, compared with the commerce with other places, 
it was still rather insignificant, for, in 1747, the amount of 
rice exported to Europe was nearly eighteen times the amount 
carried to the northern colonies, and even the exports to the 
West Indies were approximately four times as great as those 
to all the other colonies in America. The ratio between the 
number of vessels employed, however, was not as high ; 86 
ships were bound out of Charleston for Europe during the 
year to 48 for the northern colonies. Moreover, before ac- 
cepting these figures as a criterion, it should be remembered 
that there were other conditions involved not taken into ac- 
count in these statistics ; that only a small percentage of the 
New England trade was centered in Charleston, while, on the 
other hand, the great bulk of the English trade with the 
southern continental colonies was with that port ; and that 
this estimate does not include the illegal trade which even 
by this time was already flourishing. 

The period from the middle of the century to the begm- 
ning of the Revolutionary War saw the greatest development 
in this trade, though it was interfered with, in part, by the 
increase in privateering during the wars with France and 
Spain which not only withdrew many ships from the coast- 
wise trade, but also made commerce of any sort dangerous. 
The restraints upon commercial enterprises, however, result- 
ing from the scarcity of capital before this time, were being 
raised by means of a multitude of successful maritime ven- 
tures with their accompanying profits ; and the immigration 
to Newport of some sixty families of wealthy Portuguese 


Jews after the great earthquake in Lisbon in 1755 still further 
lessened the numl)er of voyages which had to be cancelled for 
fniancial reasons. Among these arrivals from Lisbon seems 
to have been the Lopez family, which was destined to become 
widely known through its activity in the commercial field. 
Trade between Rhode Lsland and the southern colonies was 
reasonably free from the restrictive regulations of the mother 
country, and as Weeden points out, "rarely did any colony 
break the course of this magnificent interchange by any foolish 
acts of legislation." In 1764 there were some 252 vessels 
engaged in the coastwise trade of Rhode Island from New- 
foundland to Georgia, the great preponderance of which was 
with the South. This is the more remarkable, inasmuch as 
there was a general depression in trade during that year, due 
to the fact that Parliament then for the first time attempted 
to raise an appreciable revenue in America. With the more- 
stringent enforcements of the old Molasses Act in 1763, and 
with the passage of measures providing additional duties in 
the following year, and of the Stamp Act in 1765, trade began 
to dwindle. George Champlin wrote his brother Christo]:)her, 
the Newport merchant, from Baltimore, October 29th, 1765. 
that "Markitts are Extream low principally Accation'd by the 
Stamp Acct, as there are a number of Vessels here a driving 
to load by the time the Acct takes place, selling their Cargoes 
at any rates which has nock'd down the markitts to nothing.'" 
The depression was neither lasting, nor very severe, 
however, for in 1769 Newport was flourishing; at this 
time the town was said to be at the height of its pros- 
perity. Providence, during this same period was second in 
size and in commercial activity to the port at the foot of 
Narragansett Bay, but her merchants and shopkeepers were 
laying the foundation in trade and manufacturing so well that 
it was to be onH- a few years before she surpassed her rival. 
The Revolutionary War had a most pronounced effect 
upon Rhode Island commerce ; it was necessarily almost wholly 
suspended. The interruptions of trade occasioned by the occu- 
pation of Newport harbor by the British fleet, and by the cap- 


tures by enemy privateersmen, interfered decidedly with the 
hitherto comparatively steady supply of products from the 
southern colonies. One positive effect which the war did have, 
however, was to bring the foreign commerce of Rhode Island 
under French influence. Hitherto transatlantic trade had been 
largely confined to England and the Mediterranean ports, but- 
after the Revolution voyages were made to more distant 
markets ; for it was at this time that commerce with China and 
the East Indies began to develop. Offices of American mer- 
chants were opened in France, due chiefly to the appreciaton 
of the services rendered by the soldiers of that country during 
the War, not only in Rhode Island, but in the other colonies as 

After 1783, the coastwise trade was resumed again much 
as before the War, and it was not long before it was 
practically as great in volume as it previously had been. The 
bulk of the commerce, however, was beginning to shift to New 
York, and, though trade with the southern colonies was once 
more sufficient to merit serious attention, it was not proportion- 
ately as large when compared to the trade as a whole. In 1786, 
by which time the coastwise trade was once more normal, there 
were 272 clearances registered from the port of Providence. 
Of these, 33 vessels signified their intention of going to some 
southern market, 32 were bound for Connecticut, and 44 had 
New York for their destination. Probably these figures in- 
cluded a number of duplicate voyages ; two vessels were each 
listed several times as they made periodic trips to New York, 
and at least one other ship of 19 tons was making regular 
visits to Norwich, Connecticut. Moreover, it is not too much 
of an assumption to include approximately one-third of the 
vessels which cleared for New Jersey and Connecticut during 
the year, in the number which ultimately reached the Southern 
markets, making about forty odd vessels in all. This figure 
does not compare unfavorably with the fourteen coasters 
which Moses Brown reported as belonging to the port of 
Providence in 1764, but it must be remembered that the in- 
crease in other commerce was proportionately even greater. 


The outstanding feature of the trade with the South after 
the Revolution, which was already becoming noticeable by the 
close of the century was the shifting of the commercial center 
of Rhode Island from Newport to Providence. The popula- 
tion of the latter town was making rapid gains, while Newport 
lost more than a third of her inhabitants during the War due 
to the occupation of the harbor by the British. Many of the 
wealthy Jewish families removed to other places and failed to 
return after 1783. Not for thirty years, however, was the 
leadership of Providence to become marked ; meantime 
Newport made a strong, though futile, effort to regain her 
former position in the commercial world. With the 
beginning of the new century, the European wars seem to have 
had some effect in strengthening and widening the commerce 
of Rhode Island, but it was not until the rise of manufacturing 
and the development of railroads a little later, that any notable 
decline in the old coasting exchange took place. In fact, this 
trade never did actually die out completely; to some extent, 
at least, the commerce with the south — but for the slight in- 
terruption during the Civil War — has survived to the present 

The general nature of the trade of Rhode Island with the 
southern provinces changed very little during the entire cen- 
tury; the differences between the voyages themselves, the 
goods carried, and the markets visited, in 1700 and eighty 
years later were so slight, comparatively, that the subject may 
be considered on the whole as static, for the chief fluctuation 
— in volume of trade — has already received sufficient atten- 

Perhaps the most outstanding feature of colonial com- 
merce, and the one which most appeals to the modern reader, 
concerns the nature of the ships themselves, and this may well 
be studied first. The kind of vessels employed was primarily 
determined by the nature, or physical conditions, of the country 
which they visited. The southern plantation districts are broken 
by numerous rivers, running almost parallel to each other, up 


which it was almost impossible for large vessels to travel far. 
Moreover, as Joseph Boone and John Bornwell pointed out in 
their memorial to the Board of Trade, November 23, 1720, ex- 
plaining the peculiar physiography of the Carolina coast, there 
also existed a "chain of sand banks with barrs so shifting and 
shallow that sloops of 5 feet water runs great risqs," and "this 
renders the place uncapable of a Trade to great Brittain and 
what is carryed on is by small sloops from New England who 
brings them cloathing and Iron Wear and exports Pork and 
Corn." These "small sloops" of between 20 to 80 tons burden 
were also especially desirable because a small crew reduced 
the overhead expense of a voyage ; small cargoes were pur- 
chased, transported, and sold with much less delay than larger 
ones required ; and the amount of the initial capital needed to 
finance a small vessel and collect a cargo for her was more 
easily available — so that the risk of a given amount was scat- 
tered over a number of enterprises, instead of being limited to a 
single one, if the larger types of brigs and schooners had been 
used. This last factor, in particular, influenced the merchants 
in the early development of the trade, when money were scarce 
and had to be expended with great care. Usually, in a sloop 
of about 30 or 40 tons — which seems to have been the most 
popular size throughout this whole period — there would be, 
besides the captain, four or five or six sailors, depending some- 
what on the nature of the cargo and the rigging of the vessels. 
The average pay in colonial currency about the middle of the 
century was £50 per month for a trained sailor, and £55 ^ 
month for the captain. £3 sterling for the captain, £2 sterl- 
ing for the first mate, were wages frequently named in agree- 

The voyage from Providence or Newport, required on 
the average, from three to four weeks. Occasionally it was 
made in less time ; more often, with shifting winds and rough 
weather, the time consumed was greater than this. Capt. James 
Brown in a letter to his brother Nicholas, dated February, 
1749, wrote that he had "undergon many hardships and Difi- 


culties Which I shall give you a few of the Perticulers But to 
Whrite the Whole It Would take a quire of Paper. I had a 
Passage of 31 days. . . . Jhere is Vessels hear that have 
had 30-35 and 40-45 Days Passage and Vessels are Lucked 
for that have Been out of Boston and York six and seven 
Weeks." Again, in 1784, John Burgwin, a merchant of Wil- 
mington, North Carolina, reported to Christopher Champlin 
of Newport, "the long and disagreeable passage I had from 
your place of 30 days put it out of my power to give you that 
early intelligence you wished to receive respecting the Cargo 
you depended on my house preparing for your Brigantine." 
Usually it required about three months to dispose of the goods 
brought from Rhode Island and to collect a cargo for the re- 
turn voyage. If the captains were extraordinarily keen bar- 
gainers, however, two voyages might be made during a year, 
but the great majority of traders made only one, and that in 
the fall, since just after harvest time the staple products were 
most plentiful and generally cheapest. In 1786, for instance, 
November was the month during which the largest number of 
ships cleared for southern ports. 

Though a large proportion of the Rhode Island vessels 
which visited the southern colonies carried on a direct barter 
with the plantation owners, there were, nevertheless, in each 
province some town which was the chief center of commercial 
activity for the surrounding districts. Baltimore in Mary- 
land, Norfolk in Virginia, Wilmington and Newbern in North 
Carolina, Charleston in South Carolina, and Savannah in 
Georgia, were the principal ports south of Philadelphia. 
There were very few good roads, however, connecting these 
trade-centers with the upcountry regions, especially in the 
first half of the century; consequently, it was found to be 
more profitable for the merchant-carriers to deal directly with 
the ultimate consumers, or "primary producers. " It was 
usually easier for the small sloops to sail up the rivers 
of the plantation country, than for the owners of the 
(Concluded on Page 124) 


Formerlv suspended over Waterman's Shoe-Shop on Cheapside 

(now North Main Street) 

The Rhode Islan.l Historical Society will hold a loan exhibition of ol<l signs in 

December. Members are requested to assist the Committee .n obtammg s.gns, 

for this exhibition. 


The Jamestown and Newport Ferries 

By Charles V. and Anna Augusta Chapin. 

The opposite sides of most Rhode Island ferries were 
owned by different persons and were considered different 
ferries. Thus at Newport, the ferry which ran from the 
present ferry wharf in Newport to Jamestown was long 
owned by the Carr family. The ferry which ran in the oppo- 
site direction, from Jamestown to Carr's wharf in Newport, 
had a succession of owners and was considered another ferry. 
The title of this paper, following the colonial usage of the word 
ferry, refers only to the ferries from Jamestown to Newport 
and not to those in the opposite direction, of which there were 

Ferries were usually called after the names of the owners, 
and, as there was much early legislation, fixing rates of 
ferriage and otherwise regulating traffic, much information can 
be derived from this source as to ownership, location and other 
matters. Unfortunately, most of the acts relating to the ferries 
under consideration were not so specific, but simply mentioned 
the Ferries from Jamestown to Newport. This is one reason 
why the history of these ferries is not so complete as could be 

It is uncertain when ferries were first operated between the 
islands of Conanicut and Rhode Island. At the earliest period 
the towns seemed to have licensed ferries. At least Ports- 
mouth did so as early as 1640. Unfortunately the Newport 
records have been lost, and the earliest Jamestown records are 
not very full so that ferries are not mentioned until the 
eighteenth century. By the close of the seventeenth century 
the General Assembly had assumed control of ferries and 
thereafter information is to be sought in its records. 

The first license for a ferry from Jamestown to Newport, 
of which there is record, was granted by the General Assembly 
in 1700, but it is very probable that ferries had been operated 
between Jamestown and Rhode Island and between James- 
town and the mainland for many years. In 1675, when Capt. 


Church was summoned from Rehoboth to Wickford, just 
before the Great Swamp Fight, he states that he went the 
nearest way over the ferries and, the wind being fair, he 
arrived safe in the evening/ This would seem to mean that 
he went over Bristol ferry and the Newport — Jamestown — 
Narragansett ferries, for if he had gone over the Providence 
ferries the wind would have made no difference. There is a 
tradition that Gov. Carr owned a ferry from Newport to 
Jamestown at about this time. The ferry between Narragan- 
sett and Jamestown was set up by the Smiths in 1695. In 
September, 1699, Joseph Mowry of Jamestown carried over 
Judge Sewall to Newport and entertained him at his house, 
after the manner of ferrymen.^ The licenses which were 
granted in 1700 for ferries from Jamestown to Newport and 
from Jamestown to Narragansett, refer to them as "the" 
ferries, as if they were already in operation, and not licensed 
for the first time. 

The oldest ferry to Newport was for many years in the 
possession of Samuel Clarke and may be conveniently desig- 
nated in this connection as 

Clarke's Ferry. 

The first license which was granted for this ferry was on 
4 May 1700 to Thomas Winterton of Jamestown. The ferry 
was settled on Winterton for a period of seven years. ^ Win- 
terton had a license to keep a house of entertainment in 1696, 
but the records, which appear to be far from complete have 
no reference to such a license this year.* Winterton did not 
long continue to be the proprietor of the ferry, for we find 
that in April 1703 Jonathan Marsh had the franchise.^ Marsh 
died in 1704 and his will gave to his son William his ferry 

^The History of King Philip's War, Church (Dexter) Boston, 1865, 
49. 143, 156. 
'Mass. His. Coll. 5th ser. V. Sewall Papers I, 502. 
•■'R. I. Col. Rec. ni, 415. 
•Jamestown, Proprietors Rec. I, 15. 
5R. I. Col. Rec. HI. 192. 


boats on the east side of Jamestown and to his son Jonathan 
his ferry boat on the west side of the Island, (i. copy 79)/ 
There is no evidence that Marsh ever operated a ferry on the 
west side of Conanicut though he might readily have done so, 
or he might have had his boat there temporarily for some other 

No record has been found to show whether the sons of 
Jonathan Marsh operated the ferry, as there is no record of 
a license granted until August 1709, when Robert Barker had 
the franchise.- Robert Barker had married, 7 October 1705, 
Phebe, the widow of Jonathan Marsh who was previously the 
widow of Oliver Arnold and the daughter of Thomas and 
Mary Cook of Portsmouth.^ It is not improbable that Phebe 
Marsh operated the ferry until her marriage with Robert 

The next official reference to this ferry that has been found, 
v/as in an action of the General Assembly on the last Tuesday 
in February 1728.* It was then voted that Mr. Samuel Clarke, 
of Conanicut, provide and keep one other good ferry boat and 
ferry man more than he now hath, to ply and tend the ferry 
from Jamestown to Newport to answer the Point boat during 
his lease ; and to be ready in four months time. 

And that the said ferry man and boat be under the same 
regulation as the other ferrymen and boats are; and if said 
boat comes in to the old ferry place of the town she shall be 
obliged to call at the Point to take in passengers if the Point 
boat is out of the way. 

Evidently Samuel Clarke had operated the ferry for some 
years. It is possible that Joseph Mowry may have had the 
ferry for a while. William Brenton was the owner of all that 
large tract in Jamestown lying south of the present Narra- 
gansett Avenue and east of Mackerel Cove and the road to 

^Figures in brackets refer to volume and page of Jamestown Land 
2R. I. Col. Rec. IV, 144. 

^Genealogical Dictionary of Rhode Island, Austin, Albany, 1897, 130 
*R. I. Col. Rec. IV, 400. 


Beaver Tail. Joseph Movvry was a tenant of this property 
and later purchased it. In his inventory, which was filed 31 
May 1716 was mentioned "one boat ^50, the boat which was 
Phebe Barker's and ye old boat, all ^76. (i. Copy 150). His 
granddaughter Mary, the daughter of Daniel Coggeshall, was 
the wife of Samuel Clarke and to her he left the north part 
of his Rock Hall farm bounded north and west on the high- 
way, and east on the sea or harbor, together with buildings 
and wharf. Perhaps it was the possession of the property 
which induced Samuel Clarke to go into the ferry business, 
in which he remained until 1751. It is in the highest degree 
probable that the first ferry was located on the southerly side 
of the eastern terminus of the present Narragansett Avenue, 
for from very early times this highway was called the road 
from ferry to ferry, and it was located here when on 6 April 
1751 Samuel Clarke and his wife Mary deeded it to their son 
Joseph for love and affection and £500 current money and he 
on the same day, for £3000 old tenor, deeded it to John Rem- 
ington ferryman. (3.91, 92) 

The action of the General Assembly in 1728, referred to 
above, would indicate that previous to that time, Clarke ran 
his ferry boat presumably from Narragansett Avenue to Carr's 
wharf in Newport and that the General Assembly required 
him to run another boat to the Point. Nothing was said about 
his having another landing place in Jamestown, but it is prob- 
able that he was later required to do this, for in May 1736, he 
presented a petition about it to the General Assembly then 
sitting in Newport.^ In this petition he alleges that he finds the 
charge of keeping two houses and families too great and he 
asks that he be required to keep only one house and family. 
It was ordered that he need not keep more than one house and 
family for the use of the ferry "And that he keep two boats 
and attend as heretofore as has been customary. One of said 
boats to come to the Point and attend there and the other to 
the other part of the town." In another petition to the Gen- 

iR. I. Acts and Resolves May 1736 Ms. 37 (R. I. H. S.)- 


eral Assembly in October 1745 Clarke refers to the fact that, 
when requested, he built another boat and house at a cost of 
over £300.^ Where the second ferry house was located has 
not been determined. On 13 March 1729 Clarke purchased 
85 acres on the southerly side of Taylor's Point but this would 
seem to be too near the old ferry for a second landing place. 

When the Clarkes sold the ferry to John Remington in 1751, 
as stated above, the deeds described the lot with pier and wharf 
as being i^ feet east of Clarke's screw house and this refer- 
ence to the screw house appears in all the transfers of the 
property up to the time of its sale to Wm. H. Knowles in 1871. 
For a long time we had no idea what this "screw house" was. 
The manufacture of spermaceti was a flourishing industry of 
the Point in Newport during the period in which Samuel 
Clarke ran his ferry boat to that place. An important part 
of a spermaceti manufactory is a powerful screw press, but 
that this was commonly called "a screw" we did not know until 
we came across an advertisement of the sale of one in the 
Newport Mercury for November 12, 1784. It seems probable 
therefore that Clarke's screw house was a place for the manu- 
facture of spermaceti. The wharf and pier above referred to, 
occupied substantially the site of Caswell's wharf which may 
now be seen on the southerly side of the eastern terminus of 
Narragansett Avenue. Caswell's pier is shown in Fig. 3. 
Samuel Clarke's deed to his son included "a certain lot of land 
and one mesuage thereon standing" the lot containing one acre 
and 47 rods. In a later deed this is called "a certain mesuage 
or dwelling house" and was situated a little west of the screw 
house and at the southwest corner of what is now Narragan- 
sett Avenue and Canonicus Avenue. The deed also included 
the "ferry boat called the wall boat with mast, bowsprit, boom, 
sails and rigging." 

After the death of John Remington the ferry property came 
into the hands of his sons, Stephen and Gershom. and 10 of 

^Petitions to General Assembly, Ms. 


March 1775 was sold by them to Samuel Slocum for $1600 
silver (3.479)- Samuel Slocum was the son of Ebenezer 
Slocum who, in the early part of the century, had been the 
proprietor of the Conanicut side of the North ferry to North 
Kingstown. On 19 of March 1785 Samuel Slocum, ferryman, 
sold the estate, with dwelling, wharf and boat, to Benjamin 
Reynolds for $1900 silver (3.503). On 13 of March 1792 
Benjamin and Sarah Reynolds sold the same property to 
Jonathan Hopkins for $1900 silver (3.622). On 19 May 1794 
Jonathan Hopkins sold it to Christy Potter for $1800 (3.646) 
and the next year Potter sold it to Jonathan J. Hazard (3.650). 
On 28 of May 1802 Hazard sold it to Freeman Mayberry of 
Newport for $1600 (4.267). It then passed through the hands 
of Thomas Dennis and Gold S. Silliman who disposed of it, 
28 July 1806 to Thomas R. Congdon for $1000, but no boat 
is mentioned in the deed (4.226, 349, 352, 355). Congdon 
had, in 1804 purchased from Joseph Allen the Ellery ferry to 
the Point in Newport and he had also come into possession 
of the site of the Hull ferry. On 9 March 1833 the ferry 
property was purchased by Caleb F. Weaver for $7000 (5.248). 
This sale included the Clarke ferry property, the Ellery ferry 
and the Hull ferry site. 

The Ellery Ferry. 

David Greene, during the early part of the eighteenth cen- 
tury, was the owner of land on the east side of Jamestown, 
comprising a part of what is now known as the Greene Farm. 
He was anxious to become a ferry owner and several times 
petitioned the General Assembly for a license, but was refused, 
probably through the influence of Samuel Clarke, proprietor 
of the existing ferry, who frequently represented Jamestown 
in the General Assembly and was for a time speaker of the 
House. ^ 

On 10 March 1745-6, when Clarke was no longer in the 
General Assembly, Greene again petitioned the Assembly, say- 
ing that he had a good house on the east side of Jamestown 

1 Samuel Clarke's Petition to General .Assembly, October 1745, Ms. 


for the accommodation of travelers and a good wharf for 
landing passengers and for laying a boat, that it was con- 
veniently situated and that if he should be granted a license 
he would provide a sufficient boat and keep the ferry equal to 
any in the Colony. It was thereupon voted that he be per- 
mitted to set up a ferry from Jamestown to Newport and to 
begin at the expiration of Mr. Samuel Clarke's present lease 
of said other ferry. ^ 

On 6 of July 1752 David and Sarah Greene sold their ferry 
to William Martin (3.1 10) who just previously, had been in 
possession of one of the ferries on the west side of the island 
running to South Kingstown. The purchase price was iiooo 
bills of credit. The property consisted of a four acre lot at 
the northwest corner of the road leading from ferry to ferry 
and the four rod road leading to the watering place. This is 
the site now occupied by the Bay View House, and at that 
time contained the ferry house, a blacksmith shop and hen 
house. The sale included a beach lot situated on the opposite 
side of the four rod road along which it extended 42 feet. 
There was also a ferry boat with mast, bowsprit, boom, sail 
and rigging. Greene drove a shrewd bargain, for he required 
Martin to give a bond that he would always transport ferriage 
free, David Greene, his wife and family and what they may 
have occasion to transport over the ferry and also all his chil- 
dren and the respective husbands and vyives of all his children, 
that they now have, or may hereafter marry, and the riding 
horses of his said children (3.348). 

On 16 April 1770 William Martin and his wife Eunice con- 
veyed this property to Benjamin Ellery of Newport, merchant. 
Ellery had, for a long time, owned the ferry in Newport which 
ran to this landing and by this purchase became proprietor of 
both terminals (3-377) • 

While the British fleet was in Newport in the summer of 
1775, the passage of the ferry boats was a good deal inter- 
fered with, though they continued to run, with more, or less, 

iR. I. Col. Rec. V, 159. 


regularity, but on lo December a party of British landed on 
Conanicut and burnt fifteen houses, including two belonging 
to Benjamin Ellery and two belonging to the widow Franklin 
who kept the ferry on the west side. They also seriously 
wounded John Martin, 80 years old, who was standing in his 
door way unarmed.' He was the father of the William Martin 
referred to above. It is probable that after this date none of 
these ferries were operated during the war except the Ellery 
ferry which seems to have been re-established for a short time 
in 1776. When Benjamin Ellery died, 12 of December 1797, 
the ferry passed to his son Abraham Redwood Ellery and his 
daughter Martha Redwood Champlain, wife of Christopher 
Grant Champlain. On 7 November 1798 Abraham Redwood 
Ellery transferred his share in the property to his sister 
Martha (4.58). On 2 September 1799 the Champlains sold to 
Joseph Allen of Newport the "Ellery Conanicut" ferry as pre- 
viously described (4.65). 

On 16 of April 1804 Joseph and Mary Allen of Jamestown 
sold this ferry property for $4600 to Thomas R. Congdon of 
North Kingstown (4.304). 

A portion of the wharf was sold by Congdon 18 June 1829 
to the Narragansett Bay Company (5.222), the company which 
was preparing to operate a horse boat. At this period there 
were a number of places where ferry boats were operated by 
horse power. There was such a boat at Bristol Ferry and at 
Slades Ferry. The horse boat between Newport and James- 
town was not operated much over a year. Mr. Henry B. 
Tucker of Jamestown, recalls that his mother made several 
trips on this boat, but that his father predicted its failure and 
stood by the sloops. The wharf where the horse boat landed 
was about where the bath houses begin on the northerly side 
of Narragansett Avenue. On the failure of the horse boat 
the wharf was reconveyed to Congdon and with his other 
ferry property sold to Caleb F. Weaver 9 March 1833 (5.248). 

iThe Literary Diary of Ezra Stiles, New York 1901, I, 642. 

Fig. 1. Capt. Job S. Ellis 


li '. 4. THl- PZHli'x- FLrr\ House 

Old /^Kr h, ^trry Bout 
Junes tvLvrL 

-vfV/e/ fier tf. Fer/y ffocit . Jar/! est o urn. 

Fig. 3. From a ma|, ..I ConaniVul, !,ul)lishcd l)y Dani^M Watson, 1S75. The upper pa 
shows the ol<I i)iLT wliich, in the lower portion, is concealed 1)\- tht' new jiier. 



Weaver left it to his wife Phebe R.^ She married James 
Hamilton Clarke and 26 March i860 they sold the property to 
Philip Caswell Jr. (6.164) and Philip and El'izabeth Caswell 
sold it to William H. Knowles 25 March 1871 (6.346). 
Knowles raised the price of ferriage to such an exorbitant 
figure that the agitation for a steam ferry was renewed and 
the present company was organized. and the steamer James- 
town made her first trip 12 May 1873. 

Hull's Ferry. 

In 1756 Captain John Hull of Jamestown, in a petition to 
the General Assembly, stated that there was a ferry from 
Long Wharf in Newport for which there was no mate boat 
and he prayed for the liberty of setting up a ferry from his 
wharf in Jamestown to Newport. The petition was granted.- 
This ferry was located just south of the watering place. Be- 
fore the island was cleared and drained there were springs and 
perhaps a rivulet just north of the end of the present board 
walk. This was reserved as a watering place by the pro- 
prietors, and a four rod road was laid out northward, along 
the shore, from the road leading across the island from ferry 
to ferry. 

J^ohn Hull and his wife Damaris sold this property to Wil- 
liam Hazard 13 December 1760 for £1500 (3.206) and 29 
January 1761 William Hazard sold the property to Oliver 
Hazard for iioooo lawful money (3.210). On 18 of Novem- 
ber 1773 Oliver Hazard sold to William Tuck of Newport 
the land, dwelling, wharf and ferry boat (3.415). Undoubt- 
edly this ferry was suspended during the revolution and we 
have found no evidence that it was ever re-established. The 
property had passed through several hands and was finally pur- 
chased by Thomas R. Congdon who was the owner of both 
the Clarke and Ellery ferries and perhaps feared that the 
Hull property was too good a location for a competitor. 

ijamestown Probate, 3.399. 
2R. I. Col. Rec. V, 543. 


Often the owners of the old ferries sailed the boats them- 
selves and often they hired others to help them, or perhaps to 
do all the navigating. Captain Job S. Ellis, now living in 
Jamestown, for many years sailed a boat for Philip Caswell 
and later for William H. Knowles, as long as his ferry was 
in operation. His likeness is shown in Fig. i. 

Ever since the first Rhode Island ferry at Portsmouth in 
1640 until the introduction of steam, ferry boats plying on 
the bay have been of the same general type and have probably 
not varied much in size, for the earliest boats were intended 
to transport horses and cattle as well as persons. The ferry 
boats running between Jamestown and Newport during the 
nineteenth century were about 35 ft. long, 14 ft. wide and drew 
from 43/2 to 5 feet of water. They were very heavy and 
planked with two-inch oak. There was a place for passengers 
in the stern, the animals were in the middle of the boat and a 
vehicle could be carried on the little deck forward. They 
were rigged with a main sail and jib. One of these boats, 
belonging to the Carr Ferry, is shown in Fig. 2. 

An important part of the ferry establishment was the ferry 
house, where travelers could be entertained over night and 
where a waiting room was provided and very often a bar. It 
is suspected that much of the profit of the ferry business came 
from the latter and that the opportunity to obtain this was the 
principal reason why there was so much rivalry in seeking 
ferry franchises. The ferry houses belonging to the Clarke 
and Hull ferries have long since disappeared, but the EUery 
ferry house is still standing. It shows evidence of having 
been built at a period not long after the Revolution and is 
very probably the house built to replace the one destroyed by 
the British at that time. Fig. 3 shows the old ferry wharf 
and also the ferry house on the corner where now stands the 
Bay View Hotel. Fig. 4 shows the house where it now 
stands some two or three hundred feet to the northwest. The 
lower riffht hand room was the waiting room. 

NOTES 121 


Miss Louise B. Bowen presented to the Society a collec- 
tion of Eighteenth Century account books and manuscripts 
including an interesting account book of the "Codfishery Com- 
pany of 1784." 

Mr. Hermon Carey Bumpus has been elected to member- 
ship in the Society. 

F. J. Allen, M. D., read before the Cambridge Antiquarian 
Society, a paper entitled "The Ruined Mill, or Round Church 
of the Norsemen at Newport, Rhode Island, U. S. A., com- 
pared with the Round Church at Cambridge and others in 
Europe," which has been issued in pamphlet form. 

The July Bulletin of the Newport Historical Society con- 
tains the annual reports of the Society and historical notes. 

On page 11 of the Imprint List under 1737 is the entry, 
"Fox, George Instructions for right spelling N. Y. P. L." 

The original volume contains neither place nor date of 
imprint, although it has been ascribed to Newport on account 
of the type ornaments and a pencil note "(Newport?) 1737" 
has been added. A close comparison of the type ornaments 
used with those used on other books printed by Franklin 
indicate that this book was probably not printed at Newport 
for eight pointed stars of the size used on the Fox book do 
not appear to have been used by Franklin on any books known 
to have been printed by him. 

"A Friendly Address" printed in Providence by Bennett 
Wheeler in 1794 as a broadside has recently been obtained by 
Col. George L. Shepley. It differs from the copy in the 
Library of the Rhode Island Historical Society which is men- 
tioned on page 62 of the Imprint List. 

The original manuscript journal of John Lees of Quebec, 
Merchant, is preserved in the British Museum (Add. Mss. 
Ivlo. 28, 605), and was published in 191 1 by the Society of 
Colonial Wars in the State of Michigan. That part which 
relates to Rhode Island is reprinted from this publication. 


Rhode Island in 1768 

By John Lees. 

Set out from Boston loth June in a Stage Coach, that 
goes to Providence, distance 42 mils. The land along this 
road, is but very poor, being a light Sandy Soil, not much 
Grain is raised here about, the Country being chiefly covered 
with Orchards ; a few miles from Providence there is a Con- 
siderable Iron work belonging to 

At this work a good many Potts, Pans, Anchors, and such 
work is manufactured, which they send to New York for 
sale. The Cheif Trade from Providence is in Lumber, and 
stock for the West Indies, their principall return is Molasses, 
great part of which is made into Rum, and sent to New York ; 
from which place they have the Cheif of their Dry goods, as 
they have only one Vessell yearly from London, in that Trade 
a good deal of Connecticut Tobacco is also sent from this place 
to New York, from which it is afterwards exported to New- 
foundland etc. The names of the principall Merchants in 
the place were Ward, Levy, Arnot etc. 

There is water in coming up this River for pretty large 
Vessells. Close by the Town is a Bridge over the River, built 
of Wood with stone Pillars, it Draws up in one part to lett 
Vessells pass, as there is a good deal of shipping built above 
it. The River is called Providence River. There is divers 
Sects of Riligion here, The People are not reckoned so strict 
as in Boston Gouvernment. There is a Chapel for the Church 
of England People; Presbeterians, Anabaptists, Quakers, and 
Methodists are all to be found here. At Seven o Clock in the 
morning of the nth June, set out in a passage Sloop down 
the River to Newport, the Country extreamly pleasant as you 
go down, but very little Corn land and the Soil seems light 
and sandy, the Cheif Grain they raise is Rye, and Indian 
Corn. It is reckoned 30 miles to Newport, many Shoals are 
in this River, particularly about 3 Leagues from the Town, 
two sand Banks run across from each side, and leave a pas- 
sage only of half a mile, which makes the pilotage very dan- 
gerous to Strangers. This River is generally frose up for 6 


Weeks in the Winter, vast Bodies of Ice flotting on the shoals 
along the Coast. About 5 leagues below Providence lye three 
Islands, called Prudence, Patience and Hope, they seem ex- 
treamly beautifull, the first is the largest being about 8 miles 
long, on the North side is the Town of Bristol, being about 
4>4 leagues from Providence, almost opposite to it, is War- 
wick Town, and Greenick. Within about 2 leagues of New- 
port is a fine large Island called Norragancet, has a most 
beautifull appearance, and raises a vast deal of Stock, and 
Indian Corn, is about 8 miles long. About 4 o Clock arrived 
at Newport, on the Starboard hand in coming in, is a small 
Fort and Battery of 30, 18 and 24 pounders, it looks ex- 
treamly well but is said to be of no strength; a number of 
Shipping belongs to this Port, and is cheifly employed in the 
West India Trade, a vast quantity of Molasses is here dis- 
tilled into Rum, and sent in large quantities to the Coast of 
Africa, and all over the Continent of America, Canada, and 
Newfoundland. They have severall Vessells in the Guinea 
Trade, most of their Dry-Goods they have from New York ; 
a few Vessells are built at this place, a great many Horses, 
Sheep, & oyr Stock is shipped from this Island, to the W. 
Indies ; but their Lumber for that Trade is generally sent 
them from Providence. The Island is about 12 miles long. 
& 2 Broad. There is many hatters in this place, as they Carry 
on a good deal of Counterband Trade in that branch to the 
West Indies. They are supplied with their Beaver cheifly 
from N. York. There is a vast number of Jews in this place, 
the Country people through the Island are in general Quakers. 
Their last Gouvernor was a Quaker, one Hopkins, their pres- 
ent one is an Anabaptist — 

Their whole Civill officers are elective, and commonly, 
(Parties running so high), they are totally changed with 
their Gouvernor; his Salary is very triftling; but being naval 
Officer ex officio, that employment is of some value to him ; 
of about 1000 Dr.s a year, the Judge of Admirality and Cus- 
tom house Officers are those only named from home. The 
people here are very jealous about their Charter Privileges, 


and complain greatly of the decline of Trade, and say it is 
owing to the large Value of Cash, that is sent out of the 
Province for duties on Molasses, however I believe much 
Contraband Trade is carried on here, indeed the Kings offi- 
cers dust not venture to do their duty with Strictness ; they 
send a great deal of their returns from the West Indies to 
N. York for Sale, and in payment of English Manufactures 
sent them from that place. Their most considerable Mer- 
chants, are Mr. Joseph Wanton, :\lr. Lopes, a Jew, Mr. Thurs- 
ton, Messrs. Pollock and Hayes, The Beaver stood their Hat- 
ters lately from 6/6 to 7/ — York Currency. One Mr. Wil- 
liam M. Campbell an Attorney at Greenwich appeared to be 
the most able Speaker in the house of Assembly. One Samuel 
Bowers was their Speaker. 

Sett off from Newport for New York in a passage Sloop, 
on the 15th of June, in Company with Mr. Bridges and Cap- 
tain Thomson of New York, and one Mr. Monroe from Scot- 
land ; by Contrary winds and Calms, were 3 days in getting 
down the Sound to N. York, it was extream pleasant sailing 
along this Cost, and long-Island on the left, appeared like an 
intire Garden near it is Fisher's Island. 

Commerce of Rhode Island 

{.Concluded from Page no) 

products to be exported to transfer them by ferry several 
times until they finally reached Charleston or Norfolk, as tl^e 
case might be. The emphasis which the manac:ers of the 
large plantations placed upon their staple product during prac- 
tically this whole period preventing, as it did, these colonies 
from being agriculturally self-supporting, had a profound m- 
fluence upon the nature of the goods which were exported 
from Rhode Island. 

We find that the commodities which were carried from 
Providence and Newport to the southern markets were many 
and varied. Within a period of about eighten months, for m- 
stance, the S^oop "Polly", John Martin, master, made three 


trips to Virginia. On the first voyage, the "Polly" cleared out 
of the port of Providence, October 8th, 1785; on the second, 
February 3rd, 1786; and on the third, October 23rd of the 
same year. Out of thirty different commodities which were 
carried by this vessel (which was only of average size, 30 
tons), only seven, — molasses, rum, butter, cider, leather shoes, 
chocolate and cheese — were common to each of the three 
cargoes. Nine other varieties of merchandise and produce 
were taken on two of the three voyages, as follows: candles, 
lime, sugar, "calves" skins, hay, potatoes, onions, cranberries 
and coffee. Boards, shingles, fish, beef, oil, apples, tea, axes, 
desks, riding carriages, cotton cards, "boots and legs"', sole 
leather, and a hogshead and barrel of general merchandise 
complete the items listed in the exportations of this one vessel. 
The bulk of the cargo in each case was made up of rum, 
molasses, shoes and cheese. In addition to these articles, 
which, however, seem to have been characteristic of the ordi- 
nary voyage to the South, one might name flour, oats, pork, 
salt, cotton cloth, iron-ware, saddles, chairs, hoes, bricks, hoops 
and staves, medical supplies and drugs, brandy, lemons and 
cedar pails as products which were occasionally carried to 
these provinces.* The nature of the commodities sent out 
from Rhode Island depended upon the local merchant's 
surplus ; or upon what the merchant believed might be most 
needed, and hence most readily sold, in the particular region 
which he was accustomed to visit. 

In general, the exports of the colony were of two kinds : 
those v/hich had been previously imported from England or 
from the West Indies ; and those which were drawn from the 
neighboring country about Providence or Newport. The 
greater part of the goods carried to the southern continental 
colonies seems to have belonged to the former class, and the 
extent to which the distilling of West-Indian molasses into 
rum was carried on in Newport during the century shows the 
importance of this re-exporting business. But the purely 

frontward Entries and Manifests in State Archives. 


domestic goods — chiefly agricultural products — are perhaps 
more interesting. It is said of Capt. James Brown of Provi- 
dence that he "drew on Massachusetts and Connecticut as well 
as Rhode Island for his cargoes of provisions and lumber," 
Candles and hemp came from the immediate neighborhood ; 
butter and cheese were purchased from the farms of the in- 
terior of the colony ; cattle and horses were frequently driven 
down from Worcester and Uxbridge in Massachusetts, and 
from Plainfield and Killingly in Connecticut ; "boards, shingles, 
staves and hoops were collected from Taunton and Green- 
wich ;'' oil. fish and soap were brought in by sloops from Nan- 
tucket ; lumber and shingles came from the shores of the 
Kennebec in Maine ; and dry goods and ship supplies were 
often purchased in New York. Practically the whole of the 
surrounding country were called upon to supply some kind of 
goods or provisions to be sent to the southern colonies. 

Similarly, many of the products which were imported 
from the southern colonies in exchange were further distrib- 
uted after reaching Rhode Island. The traders, who were 
frequently shop-keepers and manufacturers as well, were 
usually careful to load their vessels for the return voyage with 
such products only as were most salable at home. The bulk 
of these cargoes naturally consisted of the staple products of 
the colony or colonies which they visited. In a few cases the 
raw materials were sent to Rhode Island, there manufactured 
into the finished products, which were then brought back to 
the southern market again. A notable example of this was 
the wheat which was rather frequently sent to Rhode Island 
from the Carolinas, only to be later returned in the form of 
flour. Besides wheat, other southern agricultural products 
which sometimes found their way to Rhode Island shops, were 
corn, potatoes, peas, beans, and bacon; while references to 
shipments of feathers, live hogs, and other varieties of stock, 
deer skins and ox-hides are occasionally found. The chief 
imports, throughout the century, however, seem to have been 
rice and indigo from South Carolina ; tar, turpentine and 


lumber from North Carolina; and flour and tobacco from 
Virginia and Maryland. 

In addition to the numerous merchant-traders who had 
little capital beyond what was invested in a single vessel and 
its cargo — the true "peddlers'' in coastwise commerce — there 
were a number of outstanding families who owned several 
vessels and carried on a regular trade. Tlie most prominent 
seem to have been the Champlin and Lopez families in New- 
port and the Brown family of Providence. The members of 
these three families alone apparently controlled a major por- 
tion of the capital invested in the coastwise commerce just be- 
fore the Revolution ; there are records of three different 
sloops — the "Dolphin", the "Richmond" and the "Industry" — ■ 
all belonging to the Lopez family, setting out for North 
Carolina within a period of some ten days, which shows how 
extensive were the interests of this one group in the coastwise 
commerce. William Minturn, James Robinson, Philip Wilk- 
inson, Henry Collins, Sueton Grant, John Channing and the 
Hopkins and Malbone brothers are some of the other names 
associated with the commercial activities of Newport ; 
Stephen Dexter, Ebenezer Knight, Esek Hopkins, and the two 
Russells were among the best known shop-keepers of Provi- 
dence. It was customary for these "entrepreneurs" in the 
coastwise commerce to allow the greatest freedom to their 
captains in the matter of selling their cargoes, and in collect- 
ing and purchasing goods for the return voyages, although 
many of them maintained correspondents in the chief ports of 
the South to look further after their afifairs. For ex- 
ample, John Scott in Charleston occupied a similar position to 
that which Christopher Champlin held in Newport, and each 
frequently acted as the agent for the other in his respective 
town. Josiah Hewes in Philadelphia, Josiah Watson in Alex- 
andria, and the firm of Burgwin, Jenkes and London in Wil- 
mington occupied similar positions. 

It was not unusual for several vessels to arrive in a single 
port, or district, at one time. In 1768 George Champlin re- 


ported to his brother Christopher that on the same day on 
which he reached Charleston, a ship and a sloop from Boston 
and only eight days before the sloop "Scammehorne" from 
New York had entered the same port. Competition between 
these various traders was frequently keen; those who were 
the first to arrive naturally sought to secure for themselves 
the cheapest and most accessible goods, leaving the higher 
priced grades for the late-comers. George Champlin, whose 
voyages to Baltimore were quite regular during this period 
wrote his brother on November 30th, 1767, that he had "been 
50 Miles in the back Woods Endeavouring to buy Cheaper, 
but all to no purpose." Most of the complaints as to the 
market, however, cannot be uniformly accepted at their face 
value ; it is astonishing that any successful voyages could have 
been made when the number of complaints of poor markets 
and bad weather in the letters of these captains is considered. 
The situation was further complicated by the method ,of buy- 
ing and selling in small quantities, by the general lack of means 
of communication, and by the instability of the markets and 
their decentralization. Admittedly wasteful and inefficient, 
the only possible excuse for existence of this system was that 
apparently there was no better method of trading which could 
be substituted. For example, Governor Burrington of North 
Carolina, as early as 1730 saw the disadvantages of the sys- 
tem of barter, and he advocated the establishment of a new 
town and custom house to be located on Ocacock Island, which 
was said to have an exceUent harbor, but nothing ever came of 
the plan. This peculiar kind of trading, as it developed in 
the plantation provinces, was probably as well adapted to the 
nature of the country as any other which might have been 
devised, and it had some compensations— prices were usually 
kept at a minimum. 

The questions of governmental protection, of in- 
surance on vessels and their cargoes, of the influence of colo- 
nial finance, of the development of manufacturing in its rela- 
tion to commerce, and of the early attempts to establish a 


monoply by the candle manufacturers, all fascinatinj? topics, 
unfortunately must be omitted in this discussion of the coast- 
wise trade. 

Other matters having a more or less vital influence upon 
the coastwise trade can only be superficially pointed out at 
this time. The rapid development of privateering toward 
the middle of the century had a tendency to retard all 
commerce for a few years ; on the other hand, the popularity 
of smuggling acted as a stimulus to the coasting exchange. 
The use of tobacco, as well as rum for money on the Guinea 
coast brought the trade with the southern colonies into a close 
relationship with the triangular voyages. 

In the contemporary accounts by travellers and others of 
the nature and extent of Rhode Island commerce in the 
eighteenth century, the importance of the coastwise trade 
seems to have ,been more frequently under-estimated than 
exaggerated. Only the Duke of La Rochefonucauld Lian- 
court in 1800 mentions the fact that "the coasting-trade is 
that which the people of this town [Newport] chiefly prefer," 
and "the ships from Providence carry it [barley] chiefly into 
the southern states, from which they bring, in return, other 

A modern consideration of the question would seem 
to demonstrate that this coastwise trade was of somewhat 
greater importance than the judgment of contemporary 
writers would indicate. In general, its effect seems to have 
been out of proportion to its volume. The partial dependence 
of the South upon the northern colonies made the final break- 
ing off of relations with England during the Revolution less 
pronounced; and through this intercourse between the two 
sections, sympathetic ties were to develop which were later to 
bind the colonies in one unit, and to solidify them finally into 
a single, unified nation. 


In 1918 a report on the burial place of Roger Williams 
was published by the Society. Since then a manuscript in 
the handwriting of Samuel Austin has come to light which 
further sul)stantiates the findings in the report. It is as fol- 
lows : 

"RoGKR Williams 

E. M. Stone says that Rd Brown who lived in a gambrel- 
roofed house opposite gate to Butler Hospital & attained the 
age of 100 ys, related to John Howland. who was accustomed 
to call there, that he was 10 ys old when R. Williams died, 
that his parents attended the funeral which he well remem- 
bered, that he was buried in his home lot which included S. 
Dorrs present orchard, that he. Brown, was in the habit of 
passing it by a path which led over or around the hill. It 
seems R. W. & wife & a descendant, Ashton, were all there 
buried. S. Dorr has the stone from the grave of the latter 
broken but preserved & the former had only a rough unlet- 
tered stone R. Williams house was in Humphrey Almys yard 
on Howlands Alley and R. Ws spring was under the corner 
of the large brick house opposite built by A. Dodge and the 
water is thence led into a reservoir whence it is now pumped 
in the lane extending from Benefit to Canal St. The R. Wil- 
liams home lot embracing (as perhaps was usual) six acres 
extended from the water eastward probably including this 

Note— Rd Brown is Richard Brown, son of Henry Brown and 
Waite. daughter of Richard Waterman. He was born in Newport in 
IG7G and died in Providence in 1774. 

Form of Legacy 


**I give and bequeath to the Rhode Island 
Historical Society the sum oj 






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