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Rhode  Island 

Historical    Society 

Collections 

Vol.  XIII  October,  1920  No.  4 

CONTENTS 


PAGE 


Dogs  in  Early  New  England 

By  Howard  M.  Chapin 105 


Roger  Williams  and  John  Milton 

By  George  R.  Potter,  B.A 113 


Notes 130 


Extracts  from  the  Log  Book  of  the  Private  Armed  Schooner 
Blockade,  Manly  Sweet,  Commander 
Contributed  by  Professor  Wilfred  H.  Munro  .        131 


$  3.00  per  year  Issued  Quarterly  75  cents  per  copy 


v>f 


RHODE 
HISTORICAL 


ISLAND 
SOCIETY 


if 


COLLECTIONS 


Vol.  XIII 


October,  1920 


No.  4. 


Howard  W.  Preston, President      Edward  K.  Aldrich,  Jr. ,Trcasurer 
ERLING  C.  OSTBY,  Secretary  HOWARD  M.  CHAPIN,  Librarian 

Please  address  communications  to  Howard  M.  Chapin,  Librarian, 
68  Waterman  Street,  Providence,  R.  L 

The  Society  assumes  no  responsibility  for  the  statements  or  the 
opinions  of  contributors. 

Dogs  in  Early  New  England 

By  Howard  M.  Chapin. 

Dogs  have  from  the  earhest  times  been  domesticated  even 
by  the  most  primitive  races,  and  have  had  a  marked  influence 
upon  the  thought  and  literature  of  mankind ;  yet  when  one 
thinks  of  Colonial  New  England,  with  its  austere  Puritans, 
one  is  too  apt  to  picture  a  dogless  society,  and  to  forget  that 
even  in  that  harsh  theocracy,  pioneer  dogs  strove,  as  did  their 
masters,  with  the  rough  hardships  of  a  struggling  civilization. 

Even  before  the  Pilgrims  came  to  New  England,  two  English 
dogs,^  "Foole"  and  "Gallant"  by  name,  "great  and  fearefuU 
mastives,"  the  chronicler  tells  us,  landed  in  1603  upon  the 
shores  of  southern  Massachusetts,  where  they  nosed  and 
smelled  about  the  beach  and  shrubbery,  exploring  and  investi- 
gating unknown  scents  and  smells.  After  the  false  alarm  of 
an  Indian  attack,  in  which  turmoil  "Foole"  grabbed  up  a  half- 
pike  in  his  mouth,  the  dogs  with  their  human  companions 
returned  to  Martin  Pring's  bark,  the  "Discoverer,"  and  sailed 
away.  These  were,  as  far  as  we  know,  the  first  European 
dogs  to  set  foot  upon  New  England. 

iPurchas  his  pilgrimes,  Edit,  of  1625,  vol.  IV,  p.  1656. 


I06  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

The  "Mayflower,"  on  her  famous  voyage  in  1620,  brought 
two  dogs,  a  mastiff  and  a  spaniel,-  to  New  England.  These 
two  dogs  were  permanent  settlers,  not  transient  explorers  like 
"Foole"  and  "Gallant."  As  dog  pedigrees  and  stud  books  go 
back,  unfortunately,  only  to  the  early  nineteenth  century,  none 
of  the  blooded  dogs  of  today  are  able  to  trace  their  descent 
from  the  dogs  that  came  over  in  the  Mayflower. 

Mourt  recounts  some  of  the  hardships  of  these  four-footed 
Pilgrims  as  follows : 

"These  two  (John  Goodman  and  Peter  Browne)  that  were 
missed,  at  dinner  time  tooke  their  meate  in  their  hand,  and 
would  goe  walke  and  refresh  themselves,  so  going  a  little  off 
they  finde  a  lake  of  water,  and  having  a  great  MastifTe  bitch 
with  them  and  a  Spannell ;  by  the  water  side  they  found  a 
great  Deare,  the  Dogs  chased  him,  and  they  followed  so  farre 
as  they  lost  themselves  and  could  not  finde  the  way  backe, 
they  wandred  all  that  after  noone  being  wett,  and  at  night 
it  did  freeze  and  snow,  .  .  .  and  another  thing  did  very  much 
terrific  them,  they  heard  as  they  thought  two  Lyons^  roar- 
ing ...  so  they  stoode  at  the  trees  roote,  that  when  the 
Lyons  came  they  might  take  their  opportunitie  of  climbing 
up,  the  bitch  they  were  faine  to  hold  by  the  necke,  for  she 
would  have  been  gone  at  the  Lyon,"*  and  under  the  date  of 
January  19,  1620-1  : 

"This  day  in  the  evening,  John  Goodman  went  abroad  to 
use  bis  lame  feete,  that  were  pittifully  ill  with  the  cold  he  had 
got,  having  a  little  Spannell  with  him,  a  little  way  from  the 
Plantation,  two  great  Wolves  ran  after  the  Dog,  the  Dog  ran 
to  him  and  betwixt  his  leggs  for  succour,  he  had  nothing  in 
his  hand  but  tooke  up  a  sticke,  and  threw  at  one  of  them  and 
hit  him,  and  they  presently  ran  both  away,  .  .  ."' 

It  appears  that  previous  to  the  arrival  of  the  English,  the 
Indian  has  domesticated  the  dog,  for  in  November,  1620, 
Governor  Bradford  notes  that  Captain  Myles  Standish,  on  his 
reconnoitring  expedition  on  Cape  Cod,  met  a  party  of  Indians 

-Mourt's  Relation,  1622,  pp.  27,  28  and  29. 

^i.  e.,  wild  cats. 

*Mourt,  pp.  27  and  28,  under  date  of  January  13,  1620-21. 

^Mourt,  p.  29. 


Doctor  Hunter's  Dogs  bv  Gilbert  Stuart 

This  is  considered  Stuart's  earliest  work  extant.   It  is  now  owned  by  Mrs.  William  E.  Glyn  of 
Mayfield,  Newport,  a  descendant  of  Dr.  Hunter.     Reproduced  through  the  courtesy  of  Mrs.  Glyn. 


Copper  hair  ornament,  found  in  the  Indian  graves  at  Charlestown, 
R.  I.     Now  in  the  Museum  of  the  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society. 


DOGS  IN  EARLY  NEW  ENGLAND  IO7 

with  a  dog.®  Roger  Williams  in  his  "Key''  gives  the  Indian 
name  for  the  dog  as  Anum,  with  the  accent  on  the  last  syllable. 
He  adds  that  this  is  the  pronunciation  in  the  Coweset  dialect, 
but  that  it  varies  as  Ayim,  Arum,  and  Alum  in  the  Narragan- 
sett,  Quinnippiuck,  and  Nipmuc  dialects  respectively.  In 
Woods'  "New  England  Prospect"  we  are  told  that  the  Indians 
believed  that  "at  the  portall  of  their  Elysian  Hospitall,  lies  a 
great  Dogge,  whose  churlish  snarlings  deny  a  Pax  intrantibus 
to  unworthy  intruders.'' 

An  Indian  dog  gave  the  alarm  of  the  English  attack  on  the 
Pequot  Fort  in  1637;  Mason's  description  of  the  incident  being 
as  follows  -J 

"There  being  two  Entrances  into  the  Fort,  intending  to 
enter  both  at  once :  Captain  Mason  leading  up  to  that  on  the 
North  East  Side ;  who  approaching  within  one  Rod,  heard  a 
Dog  bark  and  an  Indian  crying  Owanux !  Owanux !  which  is 
Englishmen !  Englishmen !  We  called  up  our  Forces  with  all 
expedition,  give  Fire  upon  them  through  the  Pallizado;  .  .  ." 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  dogs  were  serving  with  the  Indian 
forces  in  1637,  and  although  not  as  highly  trained  perchance 
as  the  canine  warriors  of  the  great  World  War,  yet  these 
early  dogs  were  doubtless  as  diligent  and  serviceable  as  the 
times  and  circumstances  permitted.  A  somewhat  similar 
instance  occurred  at  Cocheco  in  1689  when  the  barking  of  a 
dog  aroused  Elder  William  Wentworth  just  in  time  to  prevent 
a  surprise  Indian  attack.  This  dog's  warning  saved  the  Went- 
worth garrison,  the  other  four  garrisons  at  Cocheco  being 
taken  by  the  savages.® 

Nothing  has  been  discovered  to  show  that  the  English  used 
dogs  in  the  earlier  Indian  wars,  but  by  the  time  of  Queen 
Anne's  war,  they  used  dogs  as  regular  auxiliary.  A  report  in 
regard  to  the  operations  of  the  English  in  Hampshire  County, 
Massachusetts,  in  August,  1706,  reads: 

^Bradford's  History  of  Plymouth,  p.  48,  also  see  Glover  M.  Allen's 
"Dogs  of  the  American  Aborigines." 

Williams'  Key,  ch.  XXXII;  Woods'  N.  E.  Prospect,  pt.  3,  ch.  19. 

"Mason's  Pequot  War. 

^Wentworth  genealogy,  vol.  1,  pp.  97  and  98. 


I08  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

"We  are  just  sendinj^  out  50  Men  with  Dogs,  who  are  to 
divide  into  small  parties,  and  range  the  Woods  on  both  sides 
the  River  (near  Hartford),  if  possible  to  discover  and  annoy 
the  Enemy."^ 

But  to  return  to  the  subject  of  Indian  dogs,  we  find  specific 
references  to  the  dogs  of  the  Connecticut  and  Narragansett 
Indians^"  in  1658  and  1661,  respectively,  and  also  we  find  that 
the  Narragansett  Indians  used  rough  drawings  of  dogs  as  per- 
sonal signature  marks  in  1644"  and  1660."  They  also  had 
implements  ornamented  with  figures  of  dogs.  A  stone  pipe 
ornamented  with  a  dog  carved  in  relief  was  found  in  an 
Indian  grave  at  Burr's  Hill,  Warren,  Rhode  Island,^^  and  a 
copper  hair  ornament,  with  two  dogs  in  relief  as  the  chief 
decorative  design,  was  found  in  an  Indian  grave  at  Charles- 
town,  Rhode  Island.'*  The  latter  may  be  of  a  foreign  design 
and  received  in  trade.  The  killing  of  noncombatant  Indian 
dogs  in  Queen  Anne's  war  only  serves  to  illustrate  the 
brutality  of  human  beings.^^ 

Dog  laws  were  enacted  at  an  early  date  in  New  England, 
Salem  having  passed  one  in  1635.'''  The  dogs'  chief  offences 
were  killing  sheep'^  and  swine,^^  biting  horses^''  and  cattle,-" 

^Boston  News-Letter,  August  12-19,  1706. 

^°Prov.  Town  Papers  0121;  Prov.  Town  Records,  vol.  3,  p.  7;  and 
New  Haven  Town  Records,  p.  358. 

^^Gorton's  Simplicities  Defence,  p.  160,  mark  of  Tomanick. 

^2R.  I.  Land  Evidence,  vol.  1,  p.  88,  mark  of  Towasibban. 

^^Now  in  Museum  of  the  American  Indian,  Heye  Foundation,  New 
York. 

^*Now  in  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society  Museum,  Providence. 

^^Boston  News-Letter,  February  10-17,  1706. 

i^Salem  Records,  p.  40;  Jamestown  Proprietors'  Records,  vol.  1,  p.  66; 
Portsmouth  Records,  vol.  1,  p.  223. 

^^Mass.  Col.  Records,  vol.  2,  p.  252;  New  Haven  Town  Records, 
p.  233;  R.  I.  Col.  Records,  p.  22,  mss. 

i^New  Haven  Town  Records,  pp.  170,  171,  246 ;  Prov.  Town  Records, 
vol.  3,  p.  125 ;  Essex  County  Court  Records,  vol.  7,  p.  273. 

^^New  Haven  Town  Records,  pp.  470  and  471. 

20Prov,  Town  Records,  vol.  3,  p.  7;  Prov.  Town  Papers  0121;  Salem 
Court  Records,  vol.  1,  p.  19;  Essex  County  Court  Records,  vol.  1, 
p.  174;  New  Haven  Town  Records,  p.  358;  Austin's  Geneal.  Diet,  of 
R.  I.,  p.  85. 


u 


Indian  pewter  pipe  found  in  excavations  at  Montague,  N.  J.    Reproduced 
through  the  courtesy  of  the  Museum  of  the  American  Indian,  New  York. 


Roger  Williams  in  Chapter  6  of  his  "Key"  says  of  the  Indians  that  "They 
have  an  excellant  Art  to  cast  our  Pewter  and  Brasse  into  very  neate  and 
artificial!  Pipes." 


no  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

spoiling?  fish-'  and  entering  Meeting  Houses"  during  service. 
The  latter  offence  being  explained  by  the  fact  that  they  could 
not  understand  the  sermons  and  simply  wanted  to  find  their 
masters. 

Their  attacks  on  other  animals  were  often  directly  insti- 
gated by  human  beings,  as  when  Mr.  Verin's  maid  set  her  dog 
on  Mr.  Brown's  goats  ;-^  when  Samuel  set  his  dogs  "to  the 
pullinge  of  the  tayles"  of  John  Leech's  cows;-*  when  Mrs. 
Rowden  hunted  cattle  with  her  dog-^ ;  when  Joseph  Billington 
hunted  Edward  Gray's  ox  with  a  dog,-^  and  when  Thomas 
Langden  and  his  dog  killed  Mr.  Prudden's  hog.-^  Even  the 
drastic  ^^lassachusetts  dog  law-*  of  1648  recognized  the  fact 
that  the  dogs  were  not  always  really  to  blame,  but  were  often 
"set  on"  to  such  acts  by  human  beings. 

Dog  derivatives  served  as  ship-names  and  place-names  in 
New  England,^''  and  also  the  words^''  "dog"  and  "puppy"  were 
used  as  terms  of  reproach,  as  they  are  today. 

Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  part  that  dogs 
played  in  military  service.  We  find  that  their  usefulness  in 
other  lines  was  also  recognized  legally,  even  by  our  self- 
centcred  Calvinistic  ancestors.  In  1648  the  Colony  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay^'  authorized  each  town  to  purchase  hounds  for 
use  in  the  destruction  of  wolves.  The  town  of  New  Haven 
voted  in  1656  to  purchase  some  mastiffs^-  from  "Stratford  or 

2iSalem  Records,  p.  130. 

22Salem  Records,  vol.  2,  p.  210;  New  Haven  Town  Records,  p.  233, 
vol.  2,  pp.  l.'jf)  and  355. 

2^Salem  Court  Records,  vol.  1,  p.  19. 

2*Essex  County  Court  Records,  vol.  1,  p.  174. 

25Essex  County  Court  Records,  vol.  2,  p.  101. 

-^Austin's  Geneal.  Diet,  of  R.  I.,  p.  85. 

2^New  Haven  Town  Records,  pp.  170  and  171. 

28Mass.  Col.  Rec,  vol.  2,  p.  252. 

29Salem  Records,  p.  163;  Plymouth  Colony  Records,  July  6,  1640; 
Commerce  of  Rhode  Island,  vol.  1,  p.  47. 

^^Essex  County  Court  Records,  vol.  1.  p.  256 ;  Steuart's  "Some  Ob- 
servations," etc.,  p.  64;  New  Haven  Town  Records,  p.  46;  Narragansett 
Hist.  Reg.  IX.  p.  63. 

2^Mass.  Col.  Records,  vol.  2,  pp.  252  and  253. 

2-New  Haven  Town  Records,  p.  291. 


DOGS  IN  EARLY  NEW  ENGLAND  III 

Long  Island,  where  they  here  (hear)  is  some,"  to  be  used  as 
auxihary  to  the  miHtia.  During  the  interim  before  these  dogs 
arrived,  twelve  local  dogs  were  drafted  temporarily  into  the 
service  of  the  town.  The  names  of  the  owners  of  these  dogs 
are  given. ^^  This  is  the  first  recorded  list  of  dog-owners  in 
New  England.  Governor  John  Winthrop^*  and  Governor  John 
Endicott^^  were  both  dog  owners.  Roger  Williams  wrote  in 
i66g  in  regard  to  Governor  Winthrop's  dog,  "I  have  no  tidings 
(upon  my  enquiry)  of  that  poore  dog  (about  which  you  sent 
to  me.  I  feare  he  is  run  wild  into  the  woods,  though  tis 
possible  that  English  or  Indians  have  him.  Oh,  Sir,  what  is 
that  word  that  sparrows  and  hairs  are  provided  for  &  num- 
bered by  God  ?  then  certainly  your  dog  &  all  dogs  &  beasts." 

In  1644  a  Medford  dog  rescued  Mrs.  Dalkin  from  drown- 
ing.^*^     Governor  Winthrop  wrote  in  regard  to  this : 

"One  Dalkin  and  his  wife  dwelling  near  Medford  coming 
from  Cambridge,  where  they  had  spent  their  Sabbath,  and 
being  to  pass  over  the  river  at  a  ford,  the  tide  not  being  fallen 
enough,  the  husband  adventured  over,  and  finding  it  too  deep, 
persuaded  his  wife  to  stay  a  while,  but  it  was  raining  very 
sore,  she  would  needs  adventure  over,  and  was  carried  away 
with  the  stream  past  her  depth.  Her  husband  not  daring  to 
go  help  her,  cried  out,  and  thereupon  his  dog,  being  at  his 
house  nearby,  came  forth,  and  seeing  something  in  the  water, 
swam  to  her,  and  she  caught  hold  on  the  dog's  tail,  so  he  drew 
her  to  the  shore  and  saved  her  life." 

The  abuse  and  maltreatment  of  dogs  by  human  beings  was 
of  course  common  in  early  New  England.  Two  cases  due  to 
religious  fanaticism  are  worthy  of  notice.  In  1644  at  Salem, ^^ 
John  and  Stephen  Talbie  were  admonished  for  "unbecoming 
speeches"  about  a  dog  in  the  water,  but  "the  baptizing  of  him" 

^^Mr.  Gilbert,  Jer  Osborne,  Edwa  Parker,  John  Cooper,  William 
Bradley,  Will  Tompson,  Fran.  Newman,  Phill  Leeke,  Mr.  Gibbard, 
Edwa  Perkins,  John  Vincom. 

2*Mass.  Hist.  See.  Col.,  series  5,  vol.  1,  p.  414;  Narragansett  Club 
Publications,  vol.  6,  p.  332. 

=55Mass.  Col.  Rec,  vol.  1,  p.  197. 

s^Winthrop's  Journal  under  date  of  1,  21,  1643-4;  vol.  2,  p.  163. 

^''Essex  County  Court  Records,  vol.  1,  p.  65. 


112  RHtDE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

was  "not  proved,"  although  apparently  charged  by  the  authori- 
ties. 

On  Tuesday,  April  2^,  1706,  somebody  fastened  a  cross  on 
the  head  of  a  dog,  and  for  such  a  flagrant  display  of  papist 
sympathies,  the  poor  dog  was  beaten  and  killed  by  Captain 
Dudley's  boatswain.^^ 

On  the  other  hand  we  have  instances  of  persons  being  tried 
for  abusing  and  killing  dogs.^^ 

The  first  case  of  rabies*"  in  New  England  was  observed  in 
1763,  according  to  Ezra  Stiles. 

In  the  realm  of  art  we  find  that  the  earliest  extant  work  of 
Gilbert  Stuart  is  the  picture*^  of  two  of  Dr.  Hunter's  dogs. 
In  1729  a  seal  engraved  with  the  design*-  of  a  running  dog 
and  the  word  "Canis,"  was  in  use  in  Providence. 

Hannah  Robinson's  spaniel  "Marcus"*^  figures  in  the  sad 
romance  of  that  ill-fated  South  County  beauty. 

In  this  connection,  one  is  reminded  of  Shepherd  Tom's** 
remarkable  account*^  of  the  barking  of  South  County  dogs 
which  could  be  heard  for  four  miles.    He  wrote : 

"What  seemed  stranger  to  the  old  man  than  all  was  the 
barking  of  a  big  watch-dog  some  two  miles  away,  across  the 
river,  at  the  old  brick  house  then  owned  and  occupied  by  Amos 
Gardiner,  and  which  is  yet  standing.  Nichols  said  that  the 
watch-dog  to  the  east  of  the  hill,  apparently,  never  barked 
but  in  response  to  the  baying  of  a  foxhound  that  was  roam- 
ing in  a  big  wood  lying  not  less  than  two  miles  to  the  west- 
ward and  northward  of  where  he  stood,  making  a  distance 
between  the  two  animals  some  four  miles,  with  the  McSparran 
elevated  hill  intervening.    Of  this  fact  he  felt  tolerably  sure, 

3«Samuel  Sewell's  Diary  in  M.  H.  S.  C.  5,  VI,  159. 

3"Essex  County  Court  Records,  vol.  2,  p.  6;  vol.  7,  p.  424;  Mass.  Col. 
Rec,  vol.  1,  p.  197. 

^•'Stiles'  Itineries,  p.  487. 

*^Mason's  "Stuart,"  pp.  5  and  6. 

*=Manuscript  deeds  in  Library  of  Col.  George  L.  Shepley  at  Provi- 
dence. 

^^Hazard's  "Recollections  of  Olden  Times,"  Chapter  VI. 

^^Thomas  R.  Hazard. 

^^Hazard's  "Recollections  of  Olden  Times,"  Chap.  XVI. 


ROGER   WILLIAMS    AND   JOHN    MILTON  II3 

as  there  were  occasionally  lengthy  intervals  when  both  dogs 
were  quiet,  which  were  never  broken  until  the  hound  uttered 
his  howl,  which  was  on  the  instant  replied  to  by  the  hoarse 
bark  of  the  distant  watch-dog." 

The  Providence  Gazette  for  November  7,  1772,  informs  us 
that  Nathaniel  Wheaton  on  Williams  street,  in  Providence, 
used  a  greyhound  as  his  shop  sign,  and  gives  us  a  picture  of 
it.  Ten  years  later  the  same  newspaper  contains  a  curious 
advertisement  which  reads : 

"A  DOG  LOST  ' 

Strayed  away,  or  more  likely  to  have  been  seduced  to  fol- 
low some  persons,  or  stolen,  a  Spaniel  DOG,  of  about  a 
middling  Size,  pyed  with  a  white  and  brownish  Colour,  with 
shaggy  Hair,  hanging  Ears,  and  docked  Tail ;  particularly  he 
had  a  white  Strip  in  his  Face,  a  white  Ring  around  his  Neck, 
and  about  an  Inch  of  the  Stump  of  his  Tail  white ;  he  answers 
to  the  Name  of  SPRING,  is  very  good-natured,  and  easy  to 
be  seduced  by  those  who  use  him  kindly  to  follow  them  or 
their  Horses. — Whoever  will  bring  or  send  back  the  Dog  to 
me,  his  Master,  in  Providence,  shall  be  very  handsomely  re- 
warded. 

TERENCE  REILY 

Providence,  February  22,  1782." 

These  few  references  from  the  fragmentary  and  meagre 
records  of  early  New  England  serve  to  show  that  dogs  played 
no  small  part  in  the  lives  and  thoughts  of  our  Colonial  ances- 
tors. 

Roger  Williams  and  John  Milton 

By  George  R.  Potter,  B.  A.,  North  Woodstock,  N.  H. 

A  study  of  the  relations  between  Roger  Williams  and  John 
Milton  is  interesting  in  regard  to  the  known  facts  in  the 
matter,  important  in  its  bearing  on  the  work  of  both  men, 
and  fascinating  in  its  possibilities.  There  is  as  a  basis  for 
investigation  the  undeniable  fact  that  Roger  Williams  did 
know  Milton.  Beyond  this  there  is  little  definite  record ;  but 
there  are  almost  endless  chains  of  circumstances  which  lead 


114  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

one  on  in  hopes  of  finding  something  really  definite,  chains 
which  are  broken  just  where  the  final  link  should  be.  I  do 
not  pretend  to  have  exhausted  the  subject,  or  to  have  supplied 
these  final  links.  My  purpose  in  this  discussion  is  to  state  the 
known  facts  of  the  matter,  criticize  some  conjectures  and 
statements  made  by  bioj^^raphers  of  Williams  and  Milton,  and 
other  writers  about  them — some  of  the  statements  are  greatly 
in  need  of  criticism — and  add  some  conjectures  of  my  own, 
which  bear  on  the  question. 

The  evidence  that  Williams  was  acquainted  with  Milton  and 
his  work  is  definite  enough,  though  there  is  not  a  great  deal 
of  it.  Most  important  is  the  statement  in  one  of  Williams' 
letters  to  the  younger  John  Winthrop,  dated  July  12,  1654, 
after  Williams'  return  to  Providence  from  his  second  trip  to 
England  :^  "It  pleased  the  Lord  to  call  me  for  some  time,  and 
with  some  persons,  to  practice  the  Hebrew,  the  Greek,  Latin, 
French,  and  Dutch.  The  Secretary  of  the  Council,  (Mr.  Mil- 
ton) for  my  Dutch  I  read  him,  read  me  many  more  languages. 
Grammar  rules  begin  to  be  esteemed  a  tyranny.  I  taught  two 
young  gentlemen,  a  Parliament  man's  sons,  as  we  teach  our 
children  English,  by  words,  phrases,  and  constant  talk,  &c. 
I  have  begun  with  mine  own  three  boys,  who  labor  besides ; 
others  are  coming  to  me." 

This  passage  I  quote  at  length,  because  it  is  all  important  in 
connection  with  various  conjectures  based  on  its  different 
parts.  The  main  fact  is,  of  course,  that  during  Williams'  stay 
in  England,  which  lasted  from  the  early  part  of  1652  to  the 
spring  or  early  summer  of  1654,  he  knew  Milton  intimately 
enough  for  the  two  to  have  "read"  dififerent  languages  to  each 
other. 

There  is  only  one  statement  in  all  the  writings  of  Williams, 
so  far  as  I  can  discover,  where  he  mentions  directly  a  work 
of  Milton ;  that  is  in  a  postscript  to  the  second  letter  to  Mrs. 
Sadleir  (undated,  but  probably  written  in  the  winter  of 
1652-32)  :    'T  also  humbly  wish  that  you  may  please  to  read 

^Narr.  Club  Pub.,  Vol.  6,  pp.  258-262. 

=This  general  date  is  derived  chiefly  from  references  to  various 
books  and  events  in  the  letters,  and  is  agreed  upon  by  all  who  have 
referred  to  the  letters. 


ROGER   WILLIAMS    AND   JOHN    MILTON  II5 

over  impartially  Mr.  Milton's  answer  to  the  King's  Book." 
Williams  then  had  certainly  read  the  Eikonoklastes.  It  is  incon- 
ceivable, of  course,  that  he  had  not  read  other  works  of  Milton. 
But  at  this  point  I  am  setting  down  simply  proved  facts. 

These  two  passages  in  Williams'  letters,  so  far  as  I  can  find, 
are  the  only  direct  references  by  Williams  to  Milton.  Nowhere 
in  Milton  do  I  find  any  reference  to  Williams,  nor  is  there  any 
reference  to  the  relations  between  the  two  men  in  any  contem- 
porary writer  I  have  been  able  to  find. 

Masson  in  his  biography  of  Milton,^  with  his  usual  extreme 
thoroughness,  does  not  neglect  Roger  Williams,  but  gives  a 
pretty  complete  biography  of  him  up  to  the  end  of  his  second 
trip  to  England.  Most  of  Masson's  material  is  aside  from  my 
immediate  purpose.  But  some  statements  he  makes  are  impor- 
tant. He  says  in  one  nassage:*  "Milton's  acquaintance  with 
Roger  Williams,  at  all  events,  is  almost  certainly  to  be  dated 
from  Williams'  visit  to  England  in  1643-4,  when  he  was 
writing  his  'Bloody  Tenent.'  "  Masson  does  not  give  his  rea- 
sons for  this  belief ;  and  "almost  certainly"  is  a  rather  strong 
phrase  to  use  in  a  doubtful  matter  like  this,  without  giving 
reasons  for  its  use.  Milton  was  turning  in  belief  from  Pres- 
byterianism  to  Independency  and  "V^oluntaryism,"  as  Masson 
terms  belief  in  liberty  of  conscience,  at  the  precise  time  that 
Roger  Williams  was  in  London  on  his  first  visit  to  England ; 
the  date  of  Milton's  "The  Reason  of  Church-Government," 
1641,  and  that  of  his  "Areopagitica,"  1644 — the  former  tract 
upholding  Presbyterianism,  the  latter  religious  liberty — illus- 
trate this.  It  is  certainly  possible,  even  probable,  that  Milton 
might  have  met  Williams  in  1643-4,  and  it  is  a  tempting  pos- 
sibility that  Williams  may  have  had  something  to  do  with  the 
change  in  Milton's  beliefs.  But  of  all  this  there  is  no  proof ; 
and  so  Masson's  "almost  certainly,"  without  any  definite 
proof  adduced,  seems  hardly  warranted. 

In  regard  to  Roger  Williams'  second  trip  to  England,  in 
1652-54,  Masson  suggests  other  interesting  possibilities,  though 
here  again  he  makes  some  unguarded  statements.     When  he 

^Masson,  David:     The  Life  of  John  Milton,  etc. 
*Masson,  vol.  3,  p.  189. 


Il6  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

writes:^  "No  sooner  had  he  (Wilhams)  returned  on  his  new 
mission  in  1652  than  Milton,  now  a  douhly  important  man  to 
Wilhams  hecause  of  his  public  position,  must  have  been  one 
of  the  first  of  his  old  London  acquaintances  that  he  sought 
out,"  all  his  statements  hanj^  on  his  belief  that  Williams  and 
Milton  were  acquainted  in  1643-4.  Wlien  he  writes:  "He 
had  found  him  in  March  or  April,  1652,  in  the  first  threaten- 
ing^s  and  anxieties  of  his  total  blindness ;  and  all  throus^h  the 
rest  of  that  year,  and  the  whole  of  1653,  W^illiams  .  .  .  had 
varied  his  intimacy  with  Sir  Henry  Vane,  his  calls  on  Law- 
rence, Harrison,  and  Huj^h  Peters,  and  his  occasional  inter- 
views with  Cromwell  himself,  by  visits  to  the  blind  Latin  Sec- 
retary" ; — well,  either  Masson  had  some  source  material  no 
one  else  ever  studying  Roger  Williams  has  had,  or  he  is  dan- 
gerously near  to  building  air  castles.  H  he  had  any  founda- 
tion for  his  statements  that  Williams  called  on  Milton  in 
March  or  April,  1652,  and  kept  on  all  through  1652  and  165^ 
he  certainly  has  not  given  them  to  us.  It  is  all  probable 
enough;  but  where  the  evidence  is  to  ascertain  whether 
Williams  "read  Dutch"  to  Milton  in  1652,  or  in  1653,  or  in 
1654,  I  do  not  see;  nor  do  I  see  what  authority  Masson  has 
for  saying :«  "Certain  it  is  that  Roger  Williams,  not  troubling 
Mrs.  Sadleir  any  more,  drew  closer  and  closer  to  Milton  during 
the  rest  of  his  stay."  Williams'  letter  telling  of  his  acquaint- 
ance with  Milton,  on  which  Masson  evidently  bases  this  state- 
ment, for  he  quotes  it  immediately  after,  certainly  says  nothing 
about  his  "drawing  closer  to  Milton  during  the  rest  of  his 
stay." 

Masson  makes  two  more  very  interesting  suggestions.  One 
is  in  connection  with  the  Sadleir  letters,  where  he  notes  the 
fact  that  Mrs.  Sadleir  was  the  aunt  of  Cyriack  Skinner,  one 
of  Milton's  old  pupils,  and  always  thereafter  a  close  friend  to 
Milton.  Milton  knew  Cyriack  Skinner.  Skinner  was  a  grand- 
son of  Sir  Edward  Coke  and  nephew  to  Mrs.  Sadleir.  Roger 
Williams  was  under  the  patronage  of  Coke  in  early  life,  Tnd 
corresponded  with  Mrs.  Sadleir  on  his  second  visit  to  England. 


^Masson,  vol.  4,  p.  528,  etc. 
^Masson,  vol.  4,  p.  531. 


ROGER    WILLIAMS    AND   JOHN    MILTON  II7 

The  final  links  in  the  chain  are  missing — did  Williams  know 
Cyriack  Skinner,  and  if  so  how  did  that  affect  Williams'  rela- 
tions with  Milton?  The  possibilities  are  interesting.  Again/ 
Masson  conjectures  that  the  reason  why  Milton  was  glad  to 
learn  Dutch  was  because  "the  war  with  the  Dutch,  it  is  to  be 
remembered,  was  then  at  its  height,  and  some  knowledge  of 
Dutch  was  particularly  desirable  for  official  purposes  round 
the  Council."  This  is,  in  my  opinion,  the  only  sensible  theory 
in  regard  to  Williams'  teaching  Milton  Dutch,  although  there 
have  been  other  more  or  less  wild  conjectures  on  that  point 
by  various  writers,  which  I  shall  bring  up  a  little  further  on. 
Milton  was  Secretary  for  Foreign  Languages  for  the  Council 
of  State  at  the  time.  An  extract  from  the  Council  Order 
Book,  June  26,  1650,  is  significant :  "That  the  Declaration 
of  the  Parliament  be  translated  into  Latin  by  Mr.  Milton, 
into  Dutch  by  Mr.  Haak,  and  into  French  by  M.  Augier."^ 
While  this  does  not  prove  that  Milton  was  entirely  ignorant 
of  Dutch  at  the  time,  any  more  than  it  proves  his  ignorance 
of  French,  nevertheless  it  shows  that  there  was  Dutch  trans- 
lating to  be  done  for  the  Council  in  1650,  and  that  Milton's 
knowledge  of  Dutch  was  not  perfect,  at  least.  A  similar 
entry,  July  13.  1652,^  shows  that  Dutch  would  have  been  just 
as  useful  to  a  Secretary  for  Foreign  Languages  at  the  time 
when  Roger  Williams  was  in  England :  "That  Mr.  Thurlowe 
do  appoint  fit  persons  to  translate  the  Parliament's  Declara- 
tion into  Latin,  French,  and  Dutch."  What  more  natural,  as 
Masson  suggests,  than  that  Milton,  discovering  in  some  man- 
ner,  say  a  conversation,  that  Roger  Williams   knew   Dutch. 

^Masson,  vol.  4,  p.  532. 

^Extracts  from  the  order  books  are  given  by  Masson  and  by  Ivimey, 
the  latter  stating  he  takes  them  from  Todd.  By  checking  Masson 
against  Ivimey  I  have  tried  to  get  as  accurate  transcripts  as  possible 
without  seeing  the  original  order  books,  no  printed  copy  of  which  I 
have  been  able  to  find.  I\amey  transcribes  the  extract :  "That  the 
Declaration  of  the  Parliament  against  the  Dutch  be  transcribed,"  etc. 
Masson  differs,  transcribing  the  entry  as  I  have  quoted  it  above,  and 
remarks  in  connection  with  it,  'This  was  the  Declaration  of  the  Causes 
of  the  War  with  the  Scotch."  Masson  probably  is  correct,  as  the  dates 
of  the  Scotch  expedition  correspond  with  the  entry,  and  those  of  the 
War  with  the  Dutch  do  not.  However,  the  point  is  of  no  particular 
consequence  as  regards  the  purpose  of  my  quotation. 

^Ivimey  has  "July  13,  1672,"  an  obvious  misprint.  Masson  dates  it 
correctly,  1652. 


Il8  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

should  seize  the  opportunity  to  learn  something  more  of  the 
lanf^age  from  him.  in  return  helping  him  in  other  languages 
which  he  knew  better  than  Williams  ? 

Masson's  conjectures,  where  he  acknowledges  them  to  be 
conjectures,  are  very  thoughtful  and  suggestive.  But  when 
he  tries  to  state  his  own  conjectures  as  facts,  he  is  clouding 
the  question.  If  they  are  facts,  his  readers  have  a  right  to 
know  whence  he  received  his  information.  If  they  are  only 
conjectures,  they  should  have  been  given  as  conjectures,  not 
as  certainties. 

Gammell,  in  his  biography  of  Williams,^"  like  Knowles  is 
silent  in  regard  to  Milton  till  he  reaches  Williams'  second 
English  trip.  Then  he  writes  that  Williams^^  "formed  an  inti- 
mate acquaintance  with  Milton" — a  slight,  but  pardonable, 
exaggeration.  In  commenting  on  the  fact  he  makes  the  deduc- 
tion that  Williams  must  have  talked  liberty  of  conscience  to 
Milton,  and  have  had  an  important  influence  on  him;  a  per- 
fectly sound  conjecture.  He  also  remarks^-  that  it  was  a  proof 
of  Williams'  "extensive  scholarship,"  "that  he  thus  taught  the 
Hebrew,  Greek,  Latin,  French,  and  Dutch,  some  of  them  at 
least,  'not  by  grammar  rules,'  but,  as  he  says  himself,  by  words, 
phrases,  and  constant  talk,  as  we  teach  our  children  English."^^ 
This  is  a  somewhat  doubtful  proof  of  "Williams'  extensive 
scholarship,"  but  it  is  an  indication  of  a  far  more  interesting 
and  important  fact,  which  James  Russell  Lowell  has  pointed 
out,  and  which  I  shall  note  presently. 

Strauss^*  takes  most  of  his  statements  about  Williams'  rela- 
tions with  Milton,  from  Masson,  so  it  is  unnecessary  to  com- 
ment on  them,  except  in  one  case'^  where  he  disagrees  with  a 
statement  of  Masson  that  Williams  learned  his  Dutch  in 
America,^^  and  says  Williams  probably  learned  it,  "and  with 
It  some  of  the  principles  which  characterize  his  life's  work, 

i^Gammell,  Wm. :     Life  of  R.  W. 

^^Gammell,  p.  150. 

^-Gammell,  p.  152. 

'^The  italics  are  Gammell's. 

^♦Strauss,  O.  S. :     R.  W.  the  Pioneer  of  Religious  Liberty. 

^•'btrauss,  p.  181. 

_  ^«Masson  vol.  4,  p.  531.  "Williams'  useful  stock  of  Dutch  acquired 
in  America. 


ROGER    WILLIAMS    AND   JOHN    MILTON  II9 

from  the  Dutch  colonists  who  were  scattered  throughout  the 
southern  and  eastern  counties  of  England,  and  in  London." 
On  the  whole,  Strauss'  conjecture  seems  more  plausihle  than 
Masson's,  in  this  instance. 

Carpenter,  in  his  biography,^^  confines  his  comments  to  the 
1652-54  trip,  not  mentioning  the  possibility  of  Williams'  having 
known  Milton  in  1643-4.  He  is  of  the  same  opinion  as  Strauss 
in  conjecturing  that  Williams  learned  Dutch  in  England  rather 
than  America,  though  he  says,  "It  is  impossible  to  determine 
with  certainty."  As  to  Williams'  teaching  Milton  Dutch,  he 
makes  a  conjecture  of  his  own,  which  is  interesting,  but  unfor- 
tunately entirely  impossible.  He  writes  :^^  "At  this  time 
Salmasius,  a  Dutch  professor,  published  a  defence  of  Charles 
I,  and  the  Council  of  State  applied  to  Milton  to  write  a  reply. 
It  was  at  this  point  of  time,  as  seems  probable,  that  Williams 
formed  his  intimacy  with  Milton.  In  a  letter  to  John  Win- 
throp,  written  after  Williams'  return  to  New  England,  in  the 
summer  of  1654,  the  latter  wrote:  'The  Secretary  of  the 
Council  (Mr.  Milton)  for  my  Dutch  I  read  him,  read  me 
many  more  languages.'  From  this  passage,  it  may  be  inferred 
that  Williams,  having  naturally  formed  the  acquaintance  of 
the  Council's  secretary,  and  being  familiar  with  the  Dutch 
language,  translated  for  Milton  the  treatise  of  Salmasius."  A 
single  glance  at  the  title  page  of  the  "treatise  of  Salmasius"  to 
which  Carpenter  refers,  disposes  of  this  conjecture  ;  its  title 
is:  "Defensio  Regia  pro  Carolo  I,"  etc.  In  other  words,  the 
treatise  is  not  in  Dutch,  but  in  Latin.  Again,  this  treatise  of 
Salmasius — who,  by  the  way,  was  a  Frenchman,  although  pro- 
fessor at  Leyden,  his  delatinized  name  being  Claude  de  Sau- 
maise — was  published  in  1649;  on  January  8,  1649-50,^''  the 
Council  of  State  ordered  Milton  to  "prepare  something  in 
answer  to  the  Book  of  Salmasius"  ;  on  December  23,  1650.-*' 
Milton  was  ordered  to  print  "the  Treatise  he  hath  written  in 
answer  to  a  late  Book  written  by  Salmasius" ;  and  Milton's 


i^Carpenter.  E.  J.:     Roger  Williams. 

i^'Carpenter,  p.  201. 

i^Order  Books  of  Council  of  State,  as  quoted  by  Masson  and  Ivimey. 

2fOrder  books  of  the  Council  of  State. 


120  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

answer,  "Pro  Populo  Anglicano  Defensio,"  etc.,  was  published 
in  1 65 1,  probably  before  March  25,  and  certainly  before  April 
6,  when  a  copy  was  in  the  hands  of  the  collector  Thomason.^^ 
Rosier  Williams  did  not  even  come  to  England  before  the  very 
end  of  1 65 1  at  least,  probably  not  until  early  in  1652.-^  It  is 
hardly  necessary  to  point  out  that  Milton  did  not  need  to  have 
Rofj^er  Williams  translate  for  him  from  the  Dutch  a  treatise 
which  was  written  in  Latin,  and  to  which  Milton  had  already 
written  an  elaborate  answ^er  in  Latin,  a  whole  year  before 
Williams  had  ever  arrived  in  England. 

All  the  biographers  of  Williams  have  a  strong  tendency  to 
make  rash  statements,  without  full  knowledge  of  the  facts,  or 
to  pad  out  meager  facts  "by  more  or  less  harmless  rhetoric. 
Perhaps  the  best  is  that  by  Strauss,  though  even  Strauss  is 
not  very  admirable  in  his  treatment  of  the  relations  between 
Williams  and  Milton.  Roger  Williams  is  not  by  any  means 
fully  understood  yet ;  and  there  seems  to  me  to  be  room  for 
some  profitable  work  in  compiling  an  adequate  and  really 
reliable  life  of  this  man,  so  important  in  American  history  and 
literature,  and  far  more  important  in  English  seventeenth 
century  history  than  is  generally  recognized. 

A  few  other  interesting  statements  and  conjectures  are 
found,  outside  the  biographies  of  Williams  and  Milton.  In 
the  Introduction  to  Volume  III  of  the  Narragansett  Club 
Publications,  S.  L.  Caldwell  makes  a  very  sane  statement  in 
connection  with  the  possibility  of  Williams'  having  known 
Milton  in  164.V4,  which  is  worth  quoting:"  "There  is  no 
evidence  that  W'illiams  was  then  known  to  Milton,  although 
the  acquaintance  may  have  then  begun  of  which  he  writes  as 
existing  during  his  second  visit  to  England." 

James  Russell  Lowell  makes  a  very  valuable  suggestion,  in 
his  essay,  "New  England  Two  Centuries  Ago,"^*  a  discussion 
2'The  data  about  Thomason  comes  from  Masson 

"Narr.  Club  Pub.  Ill,  Intro,  x. 
'■'*ln  "Among  My  Books." 


ROGER    WILLIAMS    AND    JOHN    MILTON  121 

of  the  Winthrop  papers,  among  which  is  WilHams'  letter  of 
1654  in  which  Milton  is  mentioned.  Lowell  quotes  this  pas- 
sage, and  with  his  usual  brilliancy  and  breadth  of  knowledge^ 
writes :  "It  is  plain  that  Milton  had  talked  over  with  Williams 
the  theory  put  forth  in  his  tract  on  Education,  (it  was  Mon- 
taigne's also)  and  made  a  convert  of  him."  The  part  of  the 
passage  Lowell  refers  to  is  of  course :  "Grammar  rules  begin 
to  be  esteemed  a  tyranny.  I  taught  two  young  gentlemen,  a 
Parliament  man's  sons,  as  we  teach  our  children  English,  by 
words,  phrases,  and  constant  talk,  &c.  I  have  begun  with  mine 
own  three  boys,  who  labor  besides ;  others  are  coming  to  me." 
While  Williams  does  not  say  that  Milton  did  teach  him  the 
theories  of  education  he  expresses  in  this  passage,  he  men- 
tions them  almost  in  the  same  breath  with  Milton,  as  if  writing 
of  Milton  reminded  him  of  the  theories  of  education.  Lowell's 
conjecture  appears  to  me  sound,  although  the  words  Williams 
uses  in  describing  the  theory  of  education  make  me  wonder 
whether  he  did  not  become  a  convert  to  the  theories  of  Come- 
nius  and  Hartlib  themselves  rather  than  to  those  of  Milton. 
Milton,  in  the  theories  which  he  expressed  in  his  tract,  "Of 
Education,"  followed  in  a  very  broad,  general  way  the  theories 
of  Comenius,  about  which  his  friend  Hartlib  was  so  enthu- 
siastic ;  but  Milton  differed  from  those  theories  in  many  ways, 
usually  differing  in  being  more  conservative  than  Comenius. 
Of  course,  it  is  impossible  to  tell  precisely  what  theory  Roger 
Williams  was  following,  from  two  sentences  or  so  in  a  single 
letter.  But  the  phrase,  "Grammar  rules  begin  to  be  esteemed 
a  tyranny,"  sounds,  to  my  mind,  more  like  the  doctrine  of 
Comenius  than  that  of  Milton.  Milton  was  more  conservative, 
and  would  hardly,  I  believe,  have  "esteemed  grammar  rules  a 
tyranny" ;  in  the  tract,  "Of  Education"  itself  he  writes,  "For 
their  Studies,  First  they  should  begin  with  the  chief  and 
necessary  rules  of  some  good  Grammar."  On  the  whole,  the 
passage  in  Williams'  letter  makes  me  suspect  that  while  he 
very  likely,  as  Lowell  says,  had  talked  over  theories  of  educa- 
tion with  Milton,  he  did  not  become  a  thorough  convert  to 
Milton's  ideas,  but  with  his  characteristic  leaning  toward  the 
radical  rather  than  the  conservative,  took  up  the  more  dis- 


122  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

tinctly  Comenian  ideas.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  also  very 
possible  that  from  the  time  the  tract,  "Of  Education,"  was 
pubUshed,  1644,  to  the  period  within  which,  according-  to 
Lowell,  Milton  made  a  convert  of  Williams,  1652-54,  Milton's 
ideas  on  education  may  have  changed^  and  the  theories  he 
talked  about  with  Williams  may  have  been  different  from 
those  expressed  in  the  1644  tract. 

Another  conjecture  I  include  not  because  of  its  importance, 
but  because  it  is  at  least  ori.^inal.  Margaret  L.  Bailey,  in  a 
published  doctoral  dissertation,  "Milton  and  Jakob  Boehme," 
writes  of*^  "Milton's  friend,  Roger  Williams,  with  whom  he 
may  have  read  Boehme's  writings  in  Dutch,  since  most  of  them 
were  published  very  early  in  that  language.  Todd  suggests, 
as  an  explanation  of  the  change  of  view  in  ^Milton's  later 
writings,  that  'he  drank  largely,  perhaps,  from  the  turbid 
streams  of  the  Arian  and  Socinian  pieces  published  in  Holland 
and  dispersed  in  England.'  "  That  this  conjecture  is  theo- 
retically possible  I  do  not  suppose  could  be  denied.  But  the 
possibility  seems  rather  small,  when  there  is  taken  into  account 
the  fact,  that  by  the  time  Roger  Williams  was  in  England  at 
least  half  of  Boehme's  writings  had  been  translated  into 
English,  to  say  nothing  of  the  Latin  and  German  editions 
that  were  floating  round  the  country,  and  the  fact  that  the 
books  were  originally  written,  not  in  Dutch,  but  in  German. 
And  nowhere  in  the  dissertation  is  it  proved  that  Milton  was 
reading  Boehme  at  the  time,  though  of  course  the  supposition 
that  he  might  have  been  is  probable  enough. 

In  a  recent  article  published  in  the  Rhode  Island  Historical 
Society  Collections,^^  H.  M.  Chapin  has  brought  to  light  some 
facts  which  are  fascinating  in  their  possibilities, — though 
again,  the  connecting  link  is  missing.  One  of  Roger  Williams' 
good  friends  was  Gregory  Dexter,  a  London  printer,  who 
moved  to  New  England  after  the  return  of  Williams  in  1644, 
possibly  coming  to  New  England  with  Williams  himself.  He 
printed  the  "Key  to  the  Language  of  America"  for  Williams, 
and   (according  to  Isaiah  Thomas)   also  an  "Almanack   for 

25Bailey,  p.  133. 

2«Rhode  Island  Hist.  Soc.  Collections,  Vol.  XII,  No.  4,  Oct.,  1919. 


ROGER    WILLIAMS    AND    JOHN    MILTON  I23 

Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Plantations  in  New  England 
for  1644,"  no  copy  of  which  is  now  known  to  exist.  Now 
Gregory  Dexter  also  printed  for  Milton  his  tract,  "Of  Pre- 
latical  Episcopacy,"  1641 ;  and  as  the  relations  between  author 
and  printer  were  apt  to  be  close  in  those  times,  it  is  fair  to 
assume  that  Milton  knew  Dexter  personally.  Gregory  Dexter, 
then,  was  closely  connected  with  Roger  Williams,  and  pretty 
certainly  known  personally  by  Milton.  If  only  there  were 
some  fact  that  would  complete  the  chain  and  connect  Williams 
with  Milton  through  Dexter!  If  this  could  be  found,  it 
might  be  possible  to  show  that  Williams  did  meet  Milton  on 
his  first  trip  to  England  in  1643-4.  Mr.  Chapin  makes  no 
such  deduction,  however,  recognizing  that  at  present  there  is 
no  warrant  for  any  such  conclusion. 

Mr.  Chapin  has  kindly  suggested  to  me  another  possible 
connection  between  Williams  and  Milton,  which  is  obscure  at 
present,  but  upon  which  investigation  may  some  day  bring 
more  light.  This  is  Roger  Williams'  relations  to  the  family  of 
Sir  Henry  Cromwell.  A  series  of  letters  is  extant  between 
Williams  and  Lady  Joan  Harrington, -'  showing  that  he  had 
asked  a  niece  of  Lady  Harrington  to  marry  him.  Williams 
was  at  that  time  chaplain  in  the  household  of  Sir  William 
Masham,  son-in-law  of  Lady  Barrington ;  among  the  members 
of  this  family  which  occupied  such  a  large  place  in  Williams' 
early  life,  were  Goffe  and  Whalley,  the  regicides,  and  Oliver 
Cromwell.  It  is  known  that  Williams  was  personally  acquainted 
with  Cromwell  on  his  visit  to  England  in  1652-54;  and  the 
whole  family  were  of  the  strong  Puritan  party  with  which 
Milton  was  associated.  Here  we  strike  a  rather  wide  gap,  for 
there  still  is  no  evidence  that  Williams  knew  Milton  through 
this  family,  nor  even  any  proof  that  Milton  knew  the  family 
except  politically.  But  the  line  of  inquiry  is  at  least  suggestive, 
and  might  reveal  something  more  definite  on  further  investiga- 
tion. 

It  is  plain,  therefore,  that  Williams  was  connected  with  two 
families,  both  of  which  were  connected  with  Milton ;  the  Crom- 
well   family,    whose    relation    to    Milton    comes    through    his 


-'N.  E.  Hist,  and  Genealog.  Reg.,  Vol.  43,  p.  315. 


124  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

political  and  relij,nous  beliefs  ;  and  the  Coke  family,  one  mem- 
ber of  which,  Cyriack  Skinner,  was  one  of  Milton's  pupils, 
and  a  close  friend  and  helper  in  his  blindness.  Skinner  was 
one  of  the  friends  who  enabled  Milton  to  keep  in  touch  with 
the  literature  he  loved,  by  reading  aloud  to  him  when  Milton 
himself  could  no  lonsj^er  see  to  read;  and  the  affection  which 
Milton  had  for  his  former  pupil  is  shown  in  the  two  famous 
sonnets  addressed  to  him.  Whether  Roger  Williams  knew 
Cyriack  Skinner  is  a  question  as  yet  unanswered.  But  he  at 
least  knew  Mrs.  Sadleir,  Skinner's  aunt,  and  Chief  Justice 
Coke,  Skinner's  grandfather.  To  be  sure,  Mrs.  Sadleir,  an 
ardent  Church  of  England  lady  and  a  firm  Royalist,  must  have 
had  little  more  sympathy  for  her  nephew's  friendship  with 
Milton  than  she  had  for  Milton  himself ;  and  that  Roger 
Williams  exchanged  some  two  letters  with  the  aunt  does  not 
imply  necessarily  that  he  knew  the  nephew.  There  the  matter 
stands  now, — giving  no  definite  conclusions,  but  offering  many 
possibilities. 

Another  figure  which  naturally  presents  itself  as  a  possible, 
even  very  probable,  connecting  link  between  Williams  and 
Milton,  is  the  younger  Sir  Henry  Vane.  It  is  hardly  necessary 
to  dwell  on  the  close  relations  between  Williams  and  Vane, 
they  are  so  well  known.  A  good  share  of  Williams'  stay  in 
1652-54  was  spent  either  at  Vane's  Whitehall  lodgings  or  at  his 
estate  in  Lincolnshire.  It  is  also  obvious  that  Vane  was  closely 
associated  politically  with  Milton,  possibly  as  early  as  1642.-® 
Whether  he  and  Milton  were  close  personal  friends  is  more 
doubtful.  Milton's  sonnet  to  Vane  has  none  of  the  personal 
feeling  in  it  which  characterizes  those  to  Cyriack  Skinner,  for 
example.  But  that  Milton  and  Vane  were  closely  associated 
in  their  aims  and  in  their  political  activities  is  beyond  doubt ; 
during  Williams'  second  trip  to  England,  Vane  and  Milton  were 
both  prominent  members  of  the  Council  of  State,  for  example. 
Vane's  biographers  comment  on  the  extensive  influence  which 
Roger  Williams  exerted  on  his  religious  and  political  opinions, 
an  influence  which  I  think  is  beyond  question,  particularly  so 
m  that  Vane  was  young  and  impressionable  when  he  first  knew 


^^Willcock :     Sir  Henry  Vane,  p.  113. 


ROGER    WILLIAMS    AND   JOHN    MILTON  125 

Williams.  To  me  it  seems  exceedingly  probable  that  it  was 
Vane  who  formed  the  actual  connecting  link  between  Williams 
and  Milton,  and  was  responsible  for  their  acquaintance; — 
though  as  there  is  no  direct  proof  of  the  matter,  this  must  also 
remain  for  the  present  simply  a  conjecture. 


Appendix 

In  connection  with  an  attempt  to  find  any  possible  references  to  Mil- 
ton in  Williams'  writings,  I  have  collected  the  various  books  to  which 
Williams  refers  in  his  writings,  or  which  he  is  otherwise  known  to  have 
owned  or  read  ;  these  may  be  listed  in  three  general  groups,  as  follows : 

I.    Books  surely  owned  by  Williams. 

Parliament's  Declarations;  at  least,  "one  of  them."  (Letters,  N.  C. 
P.,  vol.  6,  p.  195.)  In  this  letter  he  speaks  of  lending  the  volume  to 
"a  Long  Island  Englishman." 

Eliot's  Indian  Bible;  still  extant,  in  John  Hay  Library,  Brown  Uni- 
versity, Providence. 

A  Book  on  Gospel  Lectures  (title  page  missing)  ;  still  extant,  in 
Rhode  Island  Historical  Soc.  library.  Providence. 

Greek  New  Testament;  (Bloody  Tenent  of  Persecution,  N.  C.  P., 
p.  89,  and  many  other  places).  He  quotes  so  often  from  the  Greek 
Testament  that  he  must  obviously  have  owned  one. 

Dutch  Testament;  (Letters,  R.  I.  Hist.  Tracts,  No.  14,  p.  44)  "Giving 
him  my  Dutch  Testament." 

Hebrew  Old  Testament;  in  many  places  he  quotes  from  the  Hebrew 
version  of  the  Old  Testament,  and  must  obviously  have  owned  one. 
II.    Books  surely  read,  though  not  surely  ow^ned. 

Eikon  Basilikc;  "The  Portraiture"  (Letters,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  199).  Also, 
called  "The  King's  Book"  (Letters,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  241). 

Hooker's  Ecclesiastical  Polity;  (Letters,  N.  C.  P.,  pp.  241,  242,  246). 

Bishop  Andrew's  Sermons,  "and  his  other  divine  meditations.'' 
(Letters,  N.  C.  P.,  pp.  241,  242,  246.) 

Jeremy  Taylor's  Works;  (Letters,  N.  C.  P.,  pp.  241,  242,  246.  On 
p.  249  particularly  mentions  "The  Liberty  of  Prophesying.") 

Dr.  Thomas  Jackson  upon  the  Creed;  (Letters,  N.  C.  P.,  pp.  241,  242, 
246). 

Milton's  Eikonoklastcs;  (Letters,  N.  C  P.,  p.  249).  "Mr.  Milton's 
answer  to  the  King's  book." 

Morton's  Memorial;  (Letters,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  333).  Pointed  out  in  foot- 
note. 

Daniel  Cazvdrey's  "Contradictions  of  Mr.  Cotton  (about  church  dis- 
cipline)."    (Letters,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  354.)     Pointed  out  in  footnote. 


126  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

Sir  Francis  Bacon's  Essays,  at  least  that  on  Unity  in  Religion. 
(Bloody  Tencnt  of  Persecution,  N.  C.  P..  p.  8.)  Pointed  out  in  foot- 
note. 

S.  Hilarius.  Contra  Anarios  vel  Auxentium.  "Hilarie  against  Auxen- 
tius."  (Bloody  Tenent  of  Persecution,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  34)  pointed  out  in 
footnote.     Williams  quotes  from  the  work. 

Tcrtullian  ad  Scapulam;  (Bloody  Tenent  of  Persecution,  N.  C.  P., 
p.  35).    Pointed  out  in  footnote. 

Jerome,  in  Jeremiam;  (Bloody  Tenent  of  Persecution,  N.  C.  P.,  p. 
35).     Pointed  out  in  footnote. 

Brentius;  (Bloody  Tenent  of  Persecution,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  35).  Pointed 
out  in  footnote. 

Luther's  Book  of  the  Civil  Magistrate;  (Bloody  Tenent  of  Persecu- 
tion, N.  C.  P.,  p.  35).     Pointed  out  in  footnote. 

Cah'iti's  Commentaries;  (Bloody  Tenent  of  Persecution,  N.  C.  P., 
p.  153).    Pointed  out  in  footnote. 

Beza:  Nov.  Test,  in  loco;  (Bloody  Tenent  of  Persecution,  N.  C.  P., 
p.  155).     Pointed  out  in  footnote. 

Sozovien,  "lib.  1,  Eccles.  hist.  cap.  19,  20";  (Bloody  Tenent  of  Per- 
secution, N.  C.  P.,  p.  179). 

Augustine's  Epistles;  (Bloody  Tencnt  of  Persecution,  N.  C.  P.,  p. 
179). 

John  Cotton's  Pouring  out  of  the  Seven  Vials;  (Bloody  Tenent  of 
Persecutions,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  189).     Pointed  out  in  footnote. 

Church  Government,  and  Church  Covenant  discussed,  in  an  answer 
of  the  elders  of  the  several  Churches  in  N.  E.  to  two  and  thirty  ques- 
tions, etc.  London,  1643;  (Bloody  Tenent  of  Persecution,  N.  C.  P., 
p.  215).     Pointed  out  in  footnote. 

An  Apologetical  Narration,  1643,  (By  "some  of  the  Independents")  ; 
OBloody  Tenent  of  Persecution,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  282.  Also  Williams  pub- 
lished this  tract  in  his  "Queries").     Pointed  out  in  footnote. 

Josse  Hondius'  Map  of  the  Christian  World;  (Bloody  Tenent  of 
Persecution,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  320,  spelled  "Hundius"  by  Williams;  in 
"Christenings  make  not  Christians,"  N.  C.  P.,  p.  4,  he  spells  the  name 
"Herdious").     Pointed  out  in  footnote. 

Martial:  De  Spectaculis  Libellus ;  (Bloody  Tenent  of  Persecution,  N. 
C.  P.,  p.  371).  Martial's  Epigrams;  (Bloody  Tenent  of  Persecution, 
N.   C.   P.,   pp.   34-5).     Both  pointed  out  in   footnote. 

Canne's  A  Stay  against  Staying,  1639;  (Mr.  Cotton's  Letter  answered, 
N.  C.  P.,  p.  102).     Pointed  out  in  footnote. 

John  Cotton's  answer  to  John  Ball's  Defence  of  Set  Forms  of 
Prayer,  1642;  (Bloody  Tenent  yet  more  Bloody,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  66). 
Pointed  out  in  footnote. 

John  Goodixnn's  Fighting  against  God;  (Bloody  Tenent  yet  more 
Bloody,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  93,  a  marginal  note  by  R.  W.).  Pointed  out  in 
footnote. 


ROGER    WILLIAMS    AND   JOHN    MILTON  127 

John  Foxc's  "Book  of  Alartyrs"  or  "Book  of  Acts  and  Monuments"; 
(Bloody  Tenent  yet  more  Bloody,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  115,  and  various  other 
passages).     Pointed  out  in  footnote. 

Henry  Ardier:  The  Personal  Reign  of  Christ  upon  Earth,  1642; 
(Bloody  Tenent  yet  more  Bloody  N.  C.  P.,  p.  221).  Pointed  out  in 
footnote. 

John  Speed:  The  History  of  Great  Britain  under  the  Conquests  of 
the  Romans,  Saxons,  Danes,  Normans,  etc.,  1632;  (Bloody  Tenent  yet 
more  Bloody,  N.  C.  P.,  pp.  232-3).  Williams  quotes  at  length  from 
this  book  the  Edict  of  Antoninus.     Pointed  out  in  footnote. 

John  Cotton's  Abstract  of  the  Laws  of  N.  E.,  1641;  (Bloody  Tenent 
yet  more  Bloody,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  287).  Conjectures  made  by  editor  in 
footnote  is  so  probable  as  to  amount  practically  to  a  certainty  that 
Williams  read  this  book. 

Thomas  Shepherd's  "book  of  their  (Indians')  Conversion";  (Bloody 
Tenent  yet  more  Bloody,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  373). 

Bishop  Hall's  "Contemplation  on  Michae's  Idolatrie,"  1621;  (Bloody 
Tenent  yet  more  Bloody,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  488).     Pointed  out  in  footnote. 

Conrad  Gesner's  works,  probably  (says  footnote)  his  History  of 
Animals;  (Bloody  Tenent  yet  more  Bloody,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  523).  A  ref- 
erence made  on  p.  469  of  the  same  work  to  "the  Naturalist"  very  likely 
refers  also  to  Gesner. 

Clark's  111  News  from  New  England;  (Bloody  Tenent  yet  more 
Bloody,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  524).     Pointed  out  in  footnote. 

George  Fox's  The  Great  Mystery  of  the  Great  Whore  unfolded,  1659; 
(Geo.  Fox  Digg''d,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  1).     Pointed  out  in  footnote. 

Humphrey  Norton's  "book  printed  at  London  after  his  return  from 
hence";  (Geo.  Fox  Digg'd,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  70). 

James  Parnel:  work  undetermined;  (Geo.  Fox  Digg'd,  N.  C.  P.,  p. 
147).  "It  is  true  (in  print)  J.  Parnel  spake  like  a  Papist  and  Atheist 
and  a  Quaker,  of  the  holy  Martyrs  or  Witnesses  of  Jesus  Christ  and 
of  the  book  of  Martyrs  itself."  On  p.  241,  same  work,  Williams  quotes 
from   Parnel's  "Watcher." 

Christopher  Houldsworth's  "Book";  (Geo.  Fox  Digg'd,  N.  C.  P., 
p.  164). 

George  Willington:  work  undetermined;  (Geo.  Fox.  Digg'd,  N.  C. 
P.,  p.  191). 

Edward  Burrozve's  "large  Epistle  to  G.  Fox  his  Booke  in  Folio"; 
(Geo.  Fox  Digg'd,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  268). 

"I  have  read  Nichols,  and  Nailor,  and  Howgel,  and  Burrowes,  and 
Parnel,  and  Farnsworth,  and  Fox,  and  Dewsbury,  and  Pennington,  and 
Whitehead,  and  Bishop,  &c." ;   (Geo.  Fox  Digg'd,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  277). 

III.    Books  probably  or  possibly  read,  mektioned  by  Williams. 
Carpenter's  Geography,  1625.  2d  ed.,  1635;   (Letters,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  192). 
Asks  for  loan  of  the  book.     Mentioned  in  footnote. 


128  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

The  Jesuits'  Maxims;  (Letters,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  289).  Says  he  will  "be 
thankful  for"  the  above. 

"Luther  and  Erasmus  to  the  Emperor,  Charles  V,  and  the  Duke  of 
Saxony";   (Letters,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  374). 

Magnalia  Dei;  (Letters,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  234).  "We  live,  and  behold  the 
wonders,  the  Magnalia  and  Miracula  Dei  in  England."  Possible  indica- 
tion of  Williams'  having  read  the  book. 

Hakluyt's  translation  of  Verrazano's  letter;  conjecture  given  by 
H.  M  Chapin,  from  the  fact  that  Williams  called  Rhode  Island  by  that 
name  as  early  as  1637,  and  probably  gave  it  the  name. 

Sir  Thomas  Browne's  works,  or  some  of  them.  A  possibility,  from 
the  fact  that  Browne  is  the  only  other  writer  known  who  used  the 
word  "tenent"  at  that  time.  (Bloody  Tenent  of  Persecution  N.  C  P., 
p.  iv,  note). 

The  Works  of  the  Most  High  and  Mighty  Prince  James,  1616; 
(Bloody  Tenent  of  Persecution,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  31).  Williams  quotes 
from  a  speech  of  King  James,  given  in  that  book.  Pointed  out  in  foot- 
note. 

Henry  Ainsworth,  Annotations  of  the  Five  Books  of  Moses,  etc.; 
(Bloody  Tenent  of  Persecution,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  308).  Williams  praises  the 
book,  but  not  in  such  a  way  as  to  prove  he  read  it.  Pointed  out  in  foot- 
note. 

Chamier,  Daniel,  de  Eccles. ;  (Bloody  Tenent  of  Persecution,  N.  C. 
P.,  p.  233).  Mentioned  in  marginal  note  by  Williams  referring  to  a 
quotation  of  Cotton.     Pointed  out  in  footnote. 

Robert  Parker,  De  Politica  Ecclesiastica,  etc.;  (Bloody  Tenent  of 
Persecution,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  233).     Marginal  note  by  Williams. 

John  Robinson  s  On  the  Lawfulness  of  Hearing  of  the  Ministers  in 
the  Church  of  England,  Leyden,  1634:  (Mr.  Cotton's  Letter  answered, 
N.  C.  P.,  p.  102).  Williams  mentions  the  book,  but  only  in  connection 
with  Canne's  answer  to  it.  (For  Canne,  see  books  surely  read.)  Also 
in  the  Bloody  Tenent  yet  more  Bloody  (N.  C.  P.,  pp.  316-17)  Williams 
speaks  of  "Mr.  John  Robinson  his  testimony  in  a  manuscript  from 
Holland."  A  footnote  by  the  editor  conjectures  this  is  probably  a  letter 
to  some  of  Williams'  Plymouth  friends.  In  all  probability,  Williams 
would  have  read  the  above  mentioned  book,  on  these  grounds. 

Ma-cchiavelli's  Prince;  (Letters,  R.  I.  Hist.  Tracts,  No.  14,  p.  44). 
"According  to  W.  Har:  his  Machivillyan  Maxim." 

John  Ball's  Defence  of  Set  Forms  of  Prayer,  1640;  (Bloody  Tenent 
yet  more  Bloody.  N.  C.  P.,  p.  66).  Probably  Williams  read  this;  cer- 
tainly he  read  John  Cotton's  answer  to  it.     (See  books  surely  read.) 

Henry  VIII:  "A  blasphemous  writing  against  Christ  Jesus  in  his 
holy  truth  proclaimed  by  Luther";  (Bloody  Tenent  yet  more  Bloody, 
N.  C.  P.,  p.  163).    This  work  I  have  not  been  able  to  determine. 

Antoninus  Pius'  Letters  for  the  Christians;  (Bloody  Tenent  yet  more 


ROGER    WILLIAMS    AND   JOHN    MILTON  I29 

Bloody,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  233).  Possible  Williams  may  have  read  these  in 
Speede's  History.     (See  books  surely  read.) 

Parens;  (Bloody  Tenent  yet  more  Bloody.  N.  C.  P.,  p.  283).  Williams 
speaks  of  this  authority,  quoted  by  Cotton,  as  if  he  knew  him,  at  first 
hand,  though  there  is  not  any  definite  indication  that  he  did. 

Johannes  Marianus'  De  Rege  et  Regis  Institutione;  (Bloody  Tenent 
yet  more  Bloody,  N.  C.  P.,  pp.  310-11).  Williams  speaks  indefinitely, 
but  somewhat  as  if  he  had  a  first  hand  knowledge  of  the  book.  Pointed 
out  by  footnote. 

BeUarmine's  Tractatus  de  potestate  summi  Pontificis,  Rome,  1610; 
(Bloody  Tenent  yet  more  Bloody,  N.  C.  P.,  pp.  310-11).  Williams 
speaks  indefinitely,  but  somewhat  as  if  he  had  a  first  hand  knowledge 
of  the  book.     Pointed  out  by  footnote. 

"Crede  of  Piers  Ploughmayi,  and  Chaucer,  some  of  his  works,  at 
least;  (Bloody  Tenent  yet  more  Bloody,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  423).  Williams 
gives  a  story  as  coming  from  "old  Chaucer,"  but  the  editor  in  a  foot- 
note says  it  comes  not  from  Chaucer  but  from  the  Creed  of  Piers 
Ploughman.  Makes  it  very  probable  in  this  case  that  Williams  had 
read  both  authors. 

Book  of  Common  Prayer;  (Bloody  Tenent  yet  more  Bloody,  N.  C. 
P.,  p.  510).  Williams  speaks  as  if  he  were  acquainted  with  it.  Pointed 
out  by  footnote. 

"Having  read  ...  as  I  think,  above  six  score  Books  and  papers 
(written  by  pious  and  able  pens  against  them)"  (i.  e.,  the  Quakers)  ; 
(Geo.  Fox  Digg'd,  N.  C.  P.,  p.l). 

"That  Turkish  History  tells  us  of  a  Woman  appearing  in  the  Heavens 
with  a  Book  open  in  her  hand";  (Geo.  Fox  Digg'd,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  145). 

Ravins;  (Geo.  Fox  Digg'd,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  201).  "Though  Ravius 
(that  famous  Oriental  Hebraician,  &c.)  proclaims  above  a  thousand 
Faults,  and  some  gross,  in  our  last  Translation"   (i.  e.,  of  the  Bible). 

"That  as  blessed  John  Bradford  said  to  God";  (Geo.  Fox  Digg'd, 
N.  C.  P.,  p.  236). 

Joseph  Chandler;   (Geo.  Fox  Digg'd,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  277). 

Theora  John;  (Geo.  Fox  Digg'd,  N.  C.  P.,  p.  277). 

(N.  B.  Wherever  a  book  I  have  noted  has  been  mentioned  in  any 
footnote  by  the  editor  of  the  work  of  Williams  referred  to,  I  have 
noted  the  fact.) 


130  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Notes 

An  oil  portrait  of  Gen.  William  Barton,  painted  upon  wood, 
has  been  presented  to  the  Society  by  the  late  Mrs.  Martin 
Wilniarth  Kern  and  Mr.  George  Coit  Barton.  It  is  on  exhi- 
bition in  the  Portrait  Gallery. 

Mr.  George  Allen  Chandler  of  Bethlehem,  Pa.,  Mr.  Edward 
Denham  of  New  Bedford,  Mass.,  and  Mr.  James  Elgar  of 
Providence  have  been  elected  to  membership  in  the  Society. 

In  1913  the  Society  obtained  the  then  only  known  copy  of  the 
"Calendrier  Francais  pour  I'annee  1781,"  which  was  printed 
at  Newport.  Another  copy  has  been  discovered  this  year 
which  contains  four  leaves  not  in  our  copy,  but  which  lacks 
the  title  page  which  is  perfect  in  our  copy.  The  second  Calen- 
drier has  been  purchased  by  Col.  George  L.  Shepley. 

The  most  important  of  our  manuscript  accessions  are  three 
revolutionary  muster  rolls,  which  are  the  gift  of  Mrs.  Franklyn 
Hallett  Lovell  of  Washington,  D.  C. 

Two  of  the  inscribed  rocks  have  been  removed  from 
Sachuest  and  placed  on  the  lawn  of  the  Society,  by  the  special 
committee  on  inscribed  rocks,  which  consists  of  Professor 
Delabarre,  Judge  Rathbun  and  Livingstone  Ham,  Esq. 

The  Society  has  published  this  autumn  two  volumes  of  his- 
torical interest.  One  is  a  "List  of  the  Rhode  Island  Soldiers 
and  Sailors  in  King  George's  War,  1740- 1748."  It  is  an  octavo 
of  32  pages,  bound  in  cloth,  and  is  the  second  volume  of  the 
series  entitled  "Rhode  Island  in  the  Colonial  W^ars."  The 
other  is  the  first  volume  of  the  "Rhode  Island  Court  Records." 
It  is  an  octavo  of  80  pages,  bound  in  cloth,  and  covers  the 
period  from  1647  to  1663.  The  edition  of  each  of  these  books 
has  been  limited  to  150  copies.  A  special  discount  is  given  to 
members  of  the  Society. 

The  first  volume  of  "Rhode  Island  Land  Evidences"  is  now 
in  the  printer's  hands. 

Bulletin  number  33  of  the  Newport  Historical  Society  con- 
tains an  article  on  the  old  Hazard  House  by  Maud  Lyman 
Stevens. 

Miss  Lena  Clark's  paper  on  "Old  Houses  in  Jamestown"  has 


EXTRACTS    FROM  A  PRIVATEER  S  LOG  I3I 

been  issued  as  number  I  of  the  Bulletin  of  the  Jamestown  His- 
torical Society. 

We  have  received  requests  for  the  following  numbers  of 
the  "Collections":  Vol.  XI,  No.  4;  Vol.  XII,  Nos.  i  and  3; 
Vol.  XIII,  No.  2.  As  our  supply  of  these  numbers  is  ex- 
hausted, we  can  only  fill  these  requests  through  the  generosity 
of  some  of  our  members. 

Extracts  from    the  Log  Book  of    the   Private 

Armed  Schooner  Blockade,  Manly  Sweet, 

Commander 

Contributed  by  Professor  Wilfred  H.  Munro. 

He  who  reads  the  breezy  pages  of  the  Log  book  of  the  sec- 
ond cruise  of  the  Yankee  as  given  in  the  "Tales  of  an  Old 
Seaport"  is  likely  to  gain  an  impression  that  a  voyage  on  a 
private  armed  ship  of  war  was  a  very  enjoyable  as  well  as 
profitable  experience.  A  perusal  of  the  extracts  from  the 
Log  book  of  the  Blockade  which  follow  will  give  a  very 
different  idea  of  a  privateersman's  life.  The  more  one  reads 
about  the  American  privateers  the  more  is  one  impressed  with 
the  fact  that  the  Yankee  was  in  a  class  by  herself.  The  Block- 
ade belonged  to  the  same  owners ;  her  Commander,  Manly 
Sweet,  had  been  a  Lieutenant  of  the  Yankee  on  her  first  cruise. 
Yet  while  the  Yankee  was  more  profitable  than  a  gold  mine 
the  other  vessel  proved  to  be  only  a  continual  bill  of  expense. 
The  first,  escaping  a  thousand  perils,  made  six  voyages  as  a 
ship  of  war  and  continued  to  earn  money  for  her  owners  in 
the  days  of  peace  that  followed.  The  second  was  lost  on  her 
second  cruise,  only  three  of  her  crew  surviving  to  return  to 
her  home  port.  Perhaps  the  fault  was  with  her  officers.  She 
carried  a  remarkably  tough  crew  and  stern  discipline  rather 
than  Sweetness  was  needed,  as  the  reader  will  judge  from  the 
extracts  that  follow. 

The  officers  w^ho  signed  the  paper  conferring  a  power  of 
attorney  upon  her  owners  were  Manly  Sweet,  Benjamin 
Bowen,  Paul  Florence,  John  French,  Jr.,  Stephen  Simmons, 


132 


RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 


Moses  Deane,  John  Carpenter,  George  Phillips  and  Obed  B. 
Hussey.  To  these  should  be  added  the  names  of  Lieutenant 
Russell  and  Sailing  Master  Avery,  which  appear  in  the 
extracts. 

The  protest  made  on  December  4th  while  in  Dutch  Island 
harbor  would  appear  to  have  been  put  forward  with  reason. 
Judging  from  the  size  of  the  Yankee's  crew  the  Blockade 
should  have  carried  at  least  twice  fifty-eight  men.  Ten  sea- 
men could  easily  sail  the  privateer,  but  a  hundred  were  needed 
to  make  her  a  successful  fighting  machine,  and  to  provide 
crews  for.  possible  prizes.  That  the  cruise  was  not  started 
properly  is  evidenced  by  the  fact  that  in  the  list  of  protestants 
appear  the  names  of  three  officers,  namely — Paul  Florence, 
John  Carpenter  and  George  Phillips.  No  wonder  the  Captain 
went  back  to  Bristol  to  consult  with  the  owners. 

Extracts  from  the  Log  book  of  the  private  armed  schooner 
Blockade,  Manly  Sweet  Commander,  that  sailed  from  Bristol, 
on  a  cruise,  Thursday,  November  19,  1812: 

"Sunday,  Nov.  22d.  At  Newport.  At  9  A.  M.  got  under 
way  and  ran  out  to  Newport  Light  in  company  with  a  Revenue 
Cutter  on  trial  and  beat  her.  At  i  P.  M.  came  to  at  Newport. 
At  3  got  under  way  and  ran  up  as  far  as  Prudence.*  Half 
past  4  P.  M.  came  to  anchor  at  Newport." 

"Saturday,  Nov.  28th.  At  6  A.  M.,  with  fresh  breeze,  ran 
out  of  Newport  for  the  Vineyard  after  men.  At  10  A.  M.,  it 
blowing  fresh  with  a  rough  sea,  we  lost  our  jolly  boat  from 
the  davits.    At  3  in  the  afternoon  came  to  at  Holmes'  Hole." 

"Monday,  Nov.  30th.  At  half  past  8  P.  M.,  a  boat  full  of 
men  was  discovered  passing  under  our  stern,  which  was  hailed 
by  the  commanding  officer  on  deck.  She  answered  the  hail  by 
inquiring  in  an  authoritative  manner  who  we  were.  We  had 
heard  that  the  "New  Liverpool"  (an  English  armed  vessel) 
was  cruising  between  this  place  and  Chatham,  that  she  had 
pilots  from  Cape  Cod  and  had  taken  a  large  number  of  prizes 
bound  from  the  southward  and  eastward.  This  information 
and  the  singular  circumstance  of  an  armed  vessel  being  hailed 
by  a  boat  in  the  manner  the  Blockade  was,  excited  suspicions 

*i.  e.,  Prudence  Island. 


EXTRACTS  FROM  A  privateer's  LOG  133 

that  the  boat  belonged  to  the  "New  Liverpool,"  and  these 
suspicions  were  strengthened  by  discovering  (when  they  were 
ordered  alongside)  ten  men  armed  with  cutlasses,  pistols,  &c. 
Immediately  all  hands  were  ordered  to  quarters,  the  decks 
were  cleared,  guns  loaded,  matches  lighted,  and  every  prepara- 
tion made  to  repel  the  enemy,  should  he  think  proper  to  com- 
mence the  attack.  We  were  in  momentary  expectation  of 
receiving  a  shot  from  the  vessel  to  which  the  boat  belonged, 
as  a  signal  for  action.  She  lay  at  a  short  distance  from  us,  but 
it  being  dark  w^e  could  not  discover  what  she  was.  During  this 
time  the  officers  and  boat's  crew  w^ere  detained  while  the  ist 
Lieutenant  was  sent  on  board,  who  ascertained  her  to  be  a 
packet,  bound  to  New  York  from  Boston,  with  recruits  for  the 
United  States.  The  officers  who,  it  seems,  came  alongside  for 
a  frolic,  deserved  punishment  for  their  presumption,  and  may 
thank  heaven,  and  Captain  Sweet's  humanity  for  their  lives, 
as  it  was  extremely  difficult  for  him  to  prevent  the  men  on 
board  the  Blockade  from  firing  into  the  boat." 

"Friday,  Dec.  4th.  In  Dutch  Island  Harbor.  This  day  the 
following  men  (petty  officers  on  board)  protested  against 
going  to  sea  in  the  Blockade  without  more  men  (our  crew 
consisting  of  58  including  officers),  viz.:  Henry  Verney, 
Charles  S.  Beverly,  Oliver  Norton,  Paul  Florence,  Charles 
Cotter,  Lewis  Cooper,  John  Kelly,  William  Mathews,  John 
Johnson  (boatswain's  mate),  George  Phillips,  James  Brown, 
John  Carpenter,  and  Johan  Fausbery.  In  consequence  of  this 
measure  Captain  Sweet  went  to  Bristol  to  consult  with  the 
owners." 

"Wednesday,  Dec.  9.  This  day  a  paper  was  handed  to  the 
Captain,  as  a  protest  against  going  in  the  Blockade,  of  which 
the  following  is  a  transcript,  which,  as  a  curiosity  I  enter  into 
this  journal — 'We  the  subscribers  due  wish  to  go  Jioaui  as  we 
the  subscribers  has  been  on  bord  sometime  and  expected  to 
gone  to  sea  but  as  we  have  not  ben  we  wish  for  a  dismission 
for  we  are  not  wilin  to  go  in  the  vessel!.'  Several  of  the  'sub- 
scribers' having  received  bounty.  Captain  Sweet  thought 
proper  to  treat  the  petition  with  that  contempt  which  it 
deserved.     In  the  mean  time  the  discontent  which  had  pre- 


134 


RHODE   ISLAND    HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 


vailed  several  days  still  continued  and  in  the  evening  the  dis- 
affected part  of  the  crew  became  clamorous  and  two  of  the 
gentlemen  'subscribers'  who  were  discovered  to  have  been  the 
most  active  in  exciting  the  mutiny,  refused  to  do  their  duty 
when  ordered,  and  treated  the  officers  with  impertinent 
language.  To  'cool  their  courage'  and  'bring  them  to  repent- 
ance, and  a  knowledge  of  the  truth,'  Captain  Sweet  had  them 
(Dizley  and  Mumford)  put  in  irons.  After  this  peace  was 
restored  and  those  who  had  threatened  to  'eat  the  devil  and 
drink  his  broth,'  became  quiet  as  lambs."  (Bristol  Phoenix, 
Nov.  25,  1871.) 

"Saturday,  Dec.  12.  At  6  P.  M.,  got  under  way  and  stood 
out  for  sea.  Mumford  and  Dizley  were  taken  out  of  irons 
and  ordered  to  their  duty." 

"Saturday,  Dec.  19th.  At  2  P.  M.,  John  Scott  discovered 
a  sail  from  the  mast  head,  bearing  from  us  N.  N.  E.,  distant 
about  four  leagues.  Hauled  our  wind  and  gave  chace.  At  4 
P.  M.,  (being  within  one  league  of  her)  gave  her  a  shot  from 
the  Long  Tom,  when  she  rounded  to ;  but  neglecting  to  show 
her  colors  we  gave  her  another  shot  when  she  displayed  the 
Sweedish  flag.  Boarded  her  and  found  her  to  be  the  brig 
Betsey,  Captain  Lane,  12  days  from  Bath,  (Kenebeck,)  with 
lumber,  bound  to  Cayenne,  with  a  Sweedish  passport.  Had 
sprung  a  leak  in  the  late  gales.    Lat.  by  ob.  31,  56." 

"Tuesday,  Dec.  29th.  Finding  the  vessel  by  tJie  head  the 
provisions  in  the  hold  were  this  day  shifted  to  get  her  in  trim, 
and  for  that  purpose  stowed  part  of  the  bread  aft  in  the 
lazaretto.  This  day  Neptune  and  w^fe  came  on  board  and 
gave  a  principal  part  of  the  crew  a  terrible  shaving.  Lat.  by 
ob.  21,  35." 

"Saturday,  January  2d,  1813.  About  10  A.  M.,  William 
Chapman,  the  armorer,  having  heated  the  barrels  of  a  pistol, 
for  the  purpose  of  blueing  it  with  horn,  which  was  loaded  with 
ball,  probably  unknown  to  him,  it  went  off  and  killed  him 
instantly.  On  examination  by  the  Surgeon,  it  was  found  that 
the  ball  passed  through  the  right  eye  and  went  out  at  the  back 
part  of  his  head,  which  broke  all  the  bones  in  the  right  and 
upper  part  of  his  scull.    He  was  sewed  up  in  a  hammock,  with 


EXTRACTS  FROM  A  PRIVATEEr's  LOG  135 

weig:hts  at  his  feet,  and  after  prayers  had  been  read,  at  the 
discharo^e  of  a  cannon  his  body  was  committed  to  the  deep 
with  proper  respect.  He  was  a  native  of  Massachusetts  but 
had  resided  some  time  in  Providence,  where  he  married  a 
short  time  previous  to  his  sailing  the  Blockade.  Lat.  by  ob. 
12,  30  N. 

"Monday,  January  4th.  At  3  P.  M.,  came  up  with  our  chase 
(discovered  yesterday)  and  fired  a  shot  from  the  Long  Tom 
which  she  did  not  answer,  but  kept  away.  At  our  second  shot 
she  fired  a  gun  to  the  leeward,  rounded  to  and  hauled  up  her 
courses,  when  we  fired  a  third  and  fourth  shot  which  she 
returned  with  her  stern  chacer.  During  the  whole  of  this  time 
she  showed  American  colors  and  made  signals  and  it  was 
thought  proper  to  send  our  boat  on  board  to  ascertain  her 
character.  Our  ist  Lieutenant,  on  his  return  reported  her  to 
be  the  privateer  brig  Revenge,  of  Norfolk,  out  forty-two  days, 
bound  on  a  cruise,  and  commanded  by  Captain  Langdon.  On 
receiving  this  information  we  ran  down  and  spoke  her.  Cap- 
tain Sweet  had  an  invitation  on  board,  which  he  accepted.  It 
was  fortunate  for  both  vessels  that  Captain  Sweet  sent  the 
Lieutenant  on  board,  as  it  was  probably  the  means  of  prevent- 
ing a  battle,  which  doubtless  would  have  taken  place  but  for 
the  adoption  of  this  measure.    Lat.  by  ob.  10,  43." 

"Saturday,  January  i6th.  During  the  latter  part  of  these 
24  hours  a  quarrel  took  place  between  John  Hill  and  Nath. 
Barney  concerning  a  tin  pot  which  belonged  to  Hill  but  which 
Barney  used  without  Hill's  liberty  for  which  Hill  threatened 
and  indeed  attempted  to  whip  him.    On  the  officers  interfering. 

Hill  abused  the  whole  by  saying  that  he  did  not  'care  a ' 

for  any  one  on  board  the  vessel.  Lieutenant  Russell  and  Mr. 
Avery,  the  sailing  master,  took  the  matter  up  when  Lewis 
Durfee,  John  Scott,  and  several  of  the  forecastle  men  (to 
which  Hill  belonged)  took  Hill's  part  and  insulted  the  officers 
with  abusive  language.  Captain  Sweet  went  forward  with  a 
determination  to  punish  the  mutineers,  who  among  other 
things  which  they  asserted,  complained  of  their  living.  From 
humanity  or  policy  Captain  Sweet  determined  to  pass  over 
their  present  conduct  and  gave  them  liberty  to  leave  the  vessel 


136  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

at  the  first  port  which  we  should  make  (which  Hill  threatened 
to  do)  but  c^ave  them  to  understand  that  he  was  determined 
to  put  up  with  their  insolence  no  longer.  After  which  peace 
was  restored."    From  Phoenix  Dec.  2,  1871. 

"Wednesday,  January  20th,  181 3.  At  six  o'clock  A.  M., 
stood  in  shore  for  food  and  water,  and  at  nine  came  to  anchor 
in  three  fathoms  within  one  mile  of  the  land.  Captain  Avery 
with  a  boat's  crew  went  ashore  and  obtained  permission  of  an 
officer,  who  had  repaired  to  the  landing  with  a  number  of 
soldiers,  to  procure  what  we  wanted.  The  inhabitants  having 
observed  the  Blockade  and  the  Revenge  standing  off  and  on 
shore  for  several  days  past,  two  pieces  of  cannon  were  brought 
down  and  planted  at  a  short  distance  from  the  beach.  Signals 
of  smoke  were  observed  along  the  shore  from  the  first  moment 
of  approaching  the  land,  which  still  continue  to  be  observed 
as  far  as  the  sight  extends.  The  point  about  four  miles  to  the 
windward  of  the  watering  place  is  called  by  the  natives  Point 
Agiberon,  and  the  shore  extending  to  the  northeast  from  it  is 
called  Terra  Firma.  It  is  a  high  and  steep  bank  variegated 
with  red  and  yellow  clay,  which  at  a  short  distance  from  shore 
appears  like  rock  and  resembles  in  its  color  Gay  Head  at  the 
Vineyard.  It  extends  for  several  miles  with  now  and  then  an 
interruption  of  sand  hills  and  forms  a  sort  of  bay  which  is  by 
no  means  safe  to  lie  at  anchor  in,  by  reason  of  sudden  squalls 
which,  while  we  were  here,  struck  us  adrift  and  drove  us  in 
shore.  From  the  sea  the  land  has  an  agreeable  and  a  fertile 
appearance,  but  on  landing  it  proves  a  dreary  and  sterile  coast 
nearly  as  barren  as  the  'Wilderness  of  Sin.'  The  inhabitants 
appear  as  meagre  as  their  soil."  (The  privateer  had  reached 
the  coast  of  Brazil.) 

"Thursday,  January  21st.  Lying  at  anchor  at  Point  Agi- 
beron in  order  to  wood  and  water.  At  6  P.  M.,  got  under  way 
and  put  to  sea.    Lat.  by  ob.  3,  57  South." 

"Thursday,  February  4th.  At  half  past  eight  this  morning 
a  quarrel  took  place  between  John  Cotell  and  Nath.  Mumford 
which  promises  serious  consequences.  The  circumstances 
were  as  follows :  Cotell  and  Mumford  were  in  the  hold  when 
Cotell  quarrelled  with   Nath.   Barney   (a  good   natured  and 


EXTRACTS  FROM  A  PRIVATEER's  LOG  137 

peaceable  man)  and  threatened  to  whip  him.  Mumford 
espoused  Barney's  cause  and  some  harsh  words  passing 
between  him  and  Cotell,  Mumford  drew  his  hand  across  Cotell's 
mouth  upon  which  Cotell  struck  him  several  blows  with  a 
heaver  (a  heavy  billet  of  wood)  one  of  which  laid  his  head 
open  on  the  left  side  of  the  upper  part  of  the  skull,  three 
fourths  of  an  inch  in  length.  Another  blow  struck  him  on 
the  inferior  part  of  the  osfrontis,  directly  over  the  left  eye, 
which  caused  the  eye-brow  to  swell  to  the  size  of  a  half  a  hen's 
egg,  which  in  the  opinion  of  the  Surgeon  involves  much 
danger.    Cotell  was  put  in  irons  for  trial." 

"Monday,  February  15th.  At  8  P.  M.,  got  under  way  and 
stood  out  to  sea,  leaving  the  Revenge  to  take  in  the  remainder 
of  her  provisions  and  water.  At  6  A.  M.,  tacked  ship  and 
stood  in  for  land.  While  lying  at  Seara  this  day  our  cable 
chafed  so  as  to  render  lying  at  anchor  dangerous."  (Ceara 
is  on  the  north  coast  of  Brazil.) 

"Tuesday.  February  i6th.  In  the  afternoon  while  running 
into  Seara  the  Blockade  was  fired  at  five  times  from  the  Fort. 
We  brought  to  a  fishing  smack  and  Captain  Sweet  sent  a 
letter  to  the  governor,  demanding  an  explanation,  but  before 
he  received  an  answer  we  received  another  shot  from  the 
garrison,  which  was  returned  from  our  long  twelve  pounder. 
The  shot  struck  near  the  Portugi.iese  battery  and  passing  over 
the  town  struck  a  butcher's  shop,  but  did  no  other  damage. 
In  the  evening  Captain  Langdon  (who  was  ashore  when  we 
fired)  stated  that  the  governor  accused  us  of  a  breach  of  neu- 
trality which  prohibits  any  vessel  from  standing  ofif  and  on  a 
neutral  port  in  the  manner  we  did.  In  answer  to  a  message 
from  the  governor.  Captain  Sweet  explained  the  necessity 
he  was  under  for  so  doing,  to  avoid  the  danger  of  drifting 
ashore,  which  the  state  of  our  cable  could  not  prevent.  Thus 
the  affair  ended." 

"Friday,  March  19th.  At  daylight  discovered  and  gave 
chace  to  a  brig  ahead  about  ten  miles  distant.  At  11  A.  M., 
came  up  with  and  boarded  her.  She  proved  to  be  the  Cos- 
mopolite, of  New  York,  thirty-five  days  from  Cadiz  with  salt, 
John  Smith  master,  bound  to  Charleston,  S.  C.    Captain  Smith 


138  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

informed  that  news  had  arrived  at  Cadiz  a  few  days  previous 
to  his  sailin.cj  that  Bonaparte  had  been  defeated  by  the  Rus- 
sians with  the  loss  of  175,000  men  and  forty  generals.  Cap- 
tain Smith  further  informs  that  a  fleet  of  fifteen  sail  of  the 
line  and  five  large  frigates  from  England  (which  were 
expected  to  arrive  sometime  in  March)  had  sailed  from 
America.  He  was  boarded  by  the  brig  Revenge,  of  Warren, 
R.  I.,  near  the  Canaries — had  taken  nothing.  Lat.  by  ob.  28, 
30."     (Phoenix,  Dec.  16,  1871.) 

Friday,  July  23d,  181 3 — Commences  fine  clear  weather,  and 
moderate  breezes.  At  six  o'clock,  sail  set  in  chace  of  the  vessel 
seen  on  the  22  inst.  at  half  past  ii,  a.  m.,  distance  20  miles. 
At  5  p.  m.,  drawing  on  her  fast  and  within  a  gun  shot  and  a 
half ;  fired  a  bow  gun  with  powder  and  wad  only ;  at  half  past 
5,  she  not  heaving  to  or  showing  colors  gave  her  a  second  gun  ; 
but  she  still  proceeded.  Gave  her  long  tom  with  round,  and 
hoisted  American  ensign  and  pennant ;  she  then  lufifed,  brought 
her  stern  to  bear  on  us,  and  gave  us  one  of  her  stern  chasers, 
and  hoisted  Spanish  colors.  We  then  fired  long  tom  the  second 
time,  with  round.  She  returned  the  compliment  with  one  of 
her  stem  chasers,  by  this  time  being  pretty  near.  She  hove 
shot  over  us,  but  her  grape  fell  short ;  the  action  became  warm ; 
we  gave  her  our  broadside,  and  endeavored  to  close  with  her 
as  fast  as  possible ;  our  colors  at  this  time  were  distinctly 
seen  by  those  on  board  of  her,  and  she  kept  up  her  Spanish 
colors,  and  a  regular  fire  when  after  six  or  seven  broadsides, 
perceiving  her  main  topsail  to  be  on  the  cap,  and  the  lee  clue 
cut  away,  the  Spanish  flag  was  hauled  down,  and  she  hove  to. 
We  lowered  our  boat,  boarded  her,  and  found  her  to  be  the 
Spanish  ship.  New  Constitution,  Captain  Dr.  Damian  Garcia 
from  Havana,  bound  to  Alicant,  out  30  days,  loaded  with  sugar 
and  coffee — mounting  six  gims,  carrying  42  pound  shot  and 
two  double  fortified  six  pounders;  brought  the  Captain  on 
board  with  his  papers,  and  after  examining  him  very  minutely, 
and  his  papers,  and  reprimanding  him  for  his  conduct,  per- 
mitted him  to  proceed.  She  was  much  injured  in  hull,  rigging 
and  sails.    At  12,  midnight,  made  sail. 

N.  B.     The  Spanish  ship  had  had  a  dust  between  Bermuda 


Indian  stone  pipe,  unearthed  at  Burr's  Hill,  Warren,  and  now  preserved  at 
the  Museum  of  the  American  Indian,  Heye  Foundation,  New  York.  Repro- 
duced through  the  courtesy  of  the  Museum. 


At  the  Sign  of  the  Greyhound,  near 
the  church,  in  Williams  Street,  Provi- 
dence, 1772. 


Signature  mark  of  the  Indian 
Tomanick,  1644. 


Richard  Waterman's  Seal. 
1729. 


EXTRACTS  FROM  A  PRIVATEER's  LOG  139 

and  Havana,  with  a  schooner  privateer,  of  three  hours  action 
and  after  cutting^  away  the  tiller  of  the  schooner,  and  killing 
the  man  at  the  helm,  the  privateer  hauled  down  the  American 
flag  she  had  fought  under,  hoisted  a  French  flag,  and  stood 
from  her.  No  one  was  injured  on  board  the  Spanish  ship,  or 
the  Yankee.    Lat.  by  ob.  39,  29  West. 

Thursday,  August  5. — At  quarter  to  one  P.  M.,  saw  a  sail 
bearing  N.  W.  distance  5  leagues.  At  4,  spoke  the  chase ;  she 
hoisted  Sweedish  colors  at  half  mast,  the  Captain  informing 
us  that  he  had  been  out  26  days,  from  Savannah  and  that  he 
had  lost  three  men  by  the  fever,  and  that  three  more  were 
then  in  the  stern  boat  very  sick.  Our  doctor,  with  his  usual 
humanity,  went  on  board,  and  rendered  them  every  assistance 
in  his  power.  The  Captain,  informed  us  that  the  frigate 
Chesapeake,  same  day  out  of  New  York  was  taken  by  an 
English  frigate,  which  we  much  doubt.  At  5  made  sail ;  the 
Sweede  was  bound  to  Gottenburgh.  Lat.  by  ob.  39,  16  W. 
(Alas!  The  Shannon  did  capture  the  Chesapeake.) 
Friday,  August  6. — Commences  with  fresh  gales  and 
squally ;  at  3  lost  lee  lower  swinging  boom  overboard ;  hove 
to  and  got  it.  At  6  P.  M.,  doubled  reef  mainsail  and  single 
reefed  fore  topsail.  At  9  P.  M.,  blowing  fresh,  took  in  the 
foresail.  At  10  P.  M.,  blowing  a  gale;  took  in  the  foretopsail, 
and  the  mainsail,  and  kept  her  away  under  foretopmast  stay- 
sail until  daylight,  then  set  the  lug  foresail  with  the  bonnet  off ; 
saw  two  ships  to  windward,  which  appeared  to  be  suspicious 
of  us,  by  their  keeping  as  near  each  other  as  possible ;  as  they 
were  standing  to  the  S.  and  E.  under  close  reefed  sails,  we 
could  no  way  speak  them.  At  10  A.  M.,  blowing  a  hard 
gale,  and  a  heavy  sea.  Balanced  reefed  the  lug  foresail,  and 
hove  her  to,  at  ii  A.  M.,  a  heaving  gust  kept  her  leeside  of 
the  deck  under  water  for  some  minutes ;  put  up  the  helm, 
eased  off  the  fore  sheet  and  kept  her  away  North  before  it. 
Got  down  the  eight  after  gims  in  the  ward  room.  At  1-2  11, 
threw  over  board  the  4  cannondes  which  were  amidships :  got 
in  the  jibboom.  Ends  thick,  rainy  weather  and  the  gale 
increasing  went  in  the  forehole  and  fastened  down  the  casks, 
&c.     No  observation. 

(The  Bristol  Phenix,  February  24,  1872.) 


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Vol.  XIV                       January,  1921 

No.  1 

CONTENTS 

■9 

Ninigret's  Fort 

By  Leicester  Bradner 

PAGE 
1 

The  Ancestry  of  John  Greene    .... 

5 

Early  Sessions  of  the  General  Assembly  . 

7 

The  Inscribed  Rocks  of  Narragansett  Bay 

By  Edmund  B.  Delabarre     .... 

10 

Muster  Roll  of  Sloop  Providence 

.       22 

Notes      .        .        .        .        .        . 

.     .24 

List  of  Members  of  the  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society        27 
William  Coddington's  Seals 32 

K     $ 3.00  per  year  Issued  Quarterly  75  cents  perxopy 


RHODE 
HISTORICAL 


ISLAND 
SOCIETY 


COLLECTIONS 


Vol.  XIV 


January,  1921 


No.  1. 


HOW/VRD  W.  Preston, President      Edward  K.  ALDRICH,  Jr. ,Treaturer 
GEORGE  T.  SPICER,  Secretary  HOWARD  M.  CHAPIN,  Librarian 

Please  address  communications  to  Howard  M.  Chapin,  Librarian, 
68  Waterman  Street,  Providence,  R.  I. 

The  Society  assumes  no  responsibility  for  the  statements  or  the 
opinions  of  contributors. 

Ninigret's  Fort 

A  Refutation  of  the  Dutch  Theory 

By  Leicester  Bradner. 

With  the  naive  creduHty  of  old  style  historians,  Mr.  S.  G. 
Arnold,  in  a  note  to  page  155  of  his  "History  of  the  State  of 
Rhode  Island,"  states  that  "the  Dutch  had  two  fortified  trading 
posts  on  the  south  shore  of  Narragansett,  in  what  is  now 
Charlestown."  No  proof  presented,  no  references  given.  So 
far  as  I  have  been  able  to  discover,  this  is  the  first  occurrence 
in  print  of  the  theory  that  the  Dutch  owned  the  fort  popularly 
known  as  Ninigret's.  All  later  historians  have  trustingly  fol- 
lowed Arnold's  lead  in  this  particular  and  the  comparative 
insignificance  of  the  subject  has  preserved  it  from  the  cold 
eye  of  historical  research.  Where  this  theory  originated,  I 
have  not  been  able  to  discover,  unless  it  sprang  full-fledged, 
like  Pallas  Athene,  from  the  head  of  Mr.  Arnold.  The  dis- 
covery of  Dutch  implements  in  the  graves  of  the  Niantic 
sachems  in  1863  gave  plausible  authority  to  it  and  it  grew  and 
flourished  mightily  until,  in  1902,  it  found  its  most  vigorous 
champion  in  the  redoubtable  Sidney  S.  Rider. 


2  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Mr.  Rider  bases  his  argument  on  the  belief  that  the  Indians 
would  not  have  built  a  fort  on  the  lines  of  this  one  and  on  the 
not  sufficiently  proved  claim  that  the  Indians  never  used  it.  He 
heightens  the  effect  of  his  thesis  by  passing  over  the  reliable 
history  of  Elisha  R.  Potter  and  pouring  his  satire  on  the  sen- 
timental and  romantic  inaccuracies  of  the  Rev.  Frederic 
Denison.  (Cf.  Rider's  "Lands,"  p.  295,  where  he  accuses 
Denison  of  being  responsible  for  the  Indian  theory.  Potter, 
p.  22),  evidently  had  no  idea  that  the  origin  of  the  fort  was 
other  than  Indian.)  Denison  had  no  historical  sense  and,  like 
all  local  historians,  was  prone  to'  embroider  facts  according  to 
his  taste.  Consequently,  he  left  ample  opportunity  for  the 
sharp-eyed  and  sharp-tongued  Rider.  The  latter  pricks  Deni- 
son's  toy  balloon  in  several  places  and  leaves  it  in  a  very 
deflated  condition.  The  real  essence  of  the  matter  remained, 
however,  as  I  shall  endeavor  to  show,  unharmed  by  Rider's 
caustic  attacks. 

The  propounders  of  the  Dutch  theory  have  omitted  one 
very  important  aspect  of  the  case.  They  make  no  reference 
to  the  Dutch  sources,  published  by  the  New  York  Historical 
Society  and  the  State  of  New  York.  It  is  from  these  sources 
and  not  from  guess-work  or  tradition  that  any  reliable  history 
of  the  Dutch  activities  in  Rhode  Island  must  be  formulated. 
In  1614  Adrian  Block  sailed  along  the  New  England  coast 
and  was  the  first  Dutchman  to  explore  Rhode  Island.  By  1622, 
as  we  learn  in  DeLaet's  "New  World,"  the  "Dutch  shallops 
trafficked  with  the  Indians  as  far  east  as  Narragansett  and 
Buzzard's  Bay."  This  trade  was  already  so  considerable  that 
when  the  Plymouth  colonists  made  a  trip  to  Narragansett  Bay 
the  next  year  they  had  no  success  in  trading  with  the  Indians 
because  the  Dutch  were  already  supplying  them  with  more 
desirable  goods  than  they  could  ofifer.  In  1636  the  Dutch 
obtained  formal  possession  of  Quotenis  (Now  Dutch  Island) 
and  maintained  a  permanent  trading  post  there  (Doc.  Col. 
Hist.  N.  Y.,  I,  p.  565).  All  this  these  historians  are  acquainted 
with  and  use,  but  next  they  make  a  jump  which  I  cannot  fol- 
low.    Because  the  Dutch  had  a  large  trade  in  Rhode  Island 


NINIGRET  S    FORT  3 

and  because  two  forts  are  found  in  Charlestown,  they  state 
the  conclusion  that  these  forts  were  Dutch.  Now,  such  a 
conclusion  would  be  quite  justified  in  the  case  of  anyone 
but  a  historian.  He,  however,  is  supposed  to  back  up  his 
statements  with  facts  and  not  imagination.  It  so  happens 
that  in  all  the  available  Dutch  sources  there  is  no  mention 
of  any  fort  located  on  the  south  shore  of  Rhode  Island. 
In  fact,  the  statement,  made  in  1652,  that  "the  subsequent 
circumstances  of  the  country  alone  prevented  the  occu- 
pation by  forts  of  Pequatoos  focket  (Pawcatuck  River)  and 
Marinkansick  (Narragansett),  otherwise  called  Sloops  Bay" 
(Doc.  Col.  Hist.  N.  Y.,  I,  p.  565),  makes  it  seem  that  even 
Quotenis  was  unfortified,  in  spite  of  Rider's  unproved  state- 
ment to  the  contrary.  Furthermore,  in  1649  the  West  India 
Company,  protesting-  to  the  States  General  in  Holland  that  the 
English  were  occupying  Dutch  territory,  presented  a  list  of 
all  "Forts  and  Hamlets"  by  which  they  laid  claim  to  the  pos- 
session of  the  New  England  coast  (Doc.  Col.  Hist.  N.  Y.,  I, 
pp.  543,  544).  In  this  list,  which  was  undoubtedly  the  most 
inclusive  they  could  prepare,  there  is  no  mention  of  any  place 
within  the  present  Rhode  Island  boundaries  except  Quotenis. 
After  1649  the  Dutch  trade  waned  rapidly  under  the  spread 
of  English  colonization  in  New  England  and  it  is  not  likely 
that  any  new  forts  were  built  after  that  date. 

Besides  omitting  reference  to  Dutch  records,  it  seems  to  me 
that  the  followers  of  this  theory  have  failed  to  note  the  signifi- 
cance of  certain  passages  in  the  English  sources.  Mason,  in 
the  account  of  his  campaign  against  the  Pequots  in  1637,  tells 
that  in  marching  westward  from  Narragansett  Bay  he  spent 
the  night  "at  a  place  called  Nyantic,  about  eighteen  or  twenty 
miles  distant,  where  another  of  those  Narragansett  sachems 
lived  in  a  fort,  it  being  a  frontier  to  the  Pequots."  The  loca- 
tion of  Nyantic  is  settled  by  a  letter  from  Roger  Williams  to 
Governor  Winthrop,  written  in  the  preceding  year,  in  which 
he  advises  "that  Niantick  be  thought  on  for  the  riding  and 
retiring  to  of  vessels,  which  place  is  faithful  to  the  Narra- 
gansetts  and  at  present  enmity  with  the  Pequods."    This  fort, 


4  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

therefore,  was  at  a  point  on  the  shore,  where  vessels  could 
ride,  some  twenty  miles  from  Narrag-ansett  Bay.    This  leaves 
no  doubt  that  it  was  at  the  head  of  Charlestown  inlet,  where 
the  remains  of  "Ninigret's  Fort"  are  now  to  be  found.    Neither 
can   anyone   doubt   that   Mason's   "sachem,"   whom   Williams 
declared  "faithful  to  the  Narragansetts,"  was  either  Ninij^ret 
or  his    father,   chief   of   the   Niantics,   a   tribe   subsidiary  to 
Canonicus.     In  1637,  then,  we  find  an  Indian  sachem  occupy- 
ing- his  fort  at  the  same  place  where  the  remains  of  a  fort  now 
exist  and  no  mention  made  of  any  Dutch  fort  there  or  else- 
where on  the  southern  coast.    As  for  the  fort  on  Chemunga- 
nuck   Hill,   Rider   says   it  was   a   Dutch   outpost  against   the 
Pequots.    This  is  pure  imagination,  for  the  Dutch  were  never 
at  war  with  the  Pequots  and  traded  with  them  as  well  as  with 
the  Niantics.     The  latter,  on  the  other  hand,  were  perenially 
fighting  with  their  neighbors  to  the  west  and  had  good  use 
for  such  an  outpost.     It  is  also  to  be  noticed  that  there  is  no 
mention  of  any  Dutch  fort,  in  the  location  under  discussion, 
in  any  English  document  or  record.    This,  taken  in  connection 
with  the  similar  silence  of  the  Dutch  sources,  should  be  con- 
vincing proof  of  the  nonentity  of  this  imaginary  station. 

In  denying  that  the  Dutch  owned  or  occupied  these  forts, 
I  have  no  intention  of  omitting  the  fact  that  the  Dutch  were 
in  close  relations  with  the  Niantics  and  carried  on  a  busy  trade 
with  them.  The  Charlestown  inlet  (with  no  name  attached) 
appears  on  two  Dutch  maps  (DeLaet's  and  Fischer's),  which 
would  indicate  that  Dutch  traders  stopped  there  often  enough 
to  know  its  location  but  maintained  no  post.  The  quantity  of 
Dutch  articles  found  in  the  Indian  graves  there  shows  that 
the  Niantics  were  well  supplied  by  the  Dutch.  That  Ninigret 
himself  was  in  close  relations  with  the  government  of  New 
Netherlands  is  well  known.  These  relations  culminated  in 
his  spending  the  winter  of  1652-1653  in  New  Amsterdam  (cf. 
Potter,  p.  50).  Cromwell's  war  with  Holland  began  in  1652 
and  Governor  Stuyvesant  received  directions  to  make  use  of 
the  Indians  against  the  English  colonists  if  necessary  (Doc. 
Col.  Hist.  N.  Y.).     As  a  result,  we  learn  that  in  the  spring 


THE  ANCESTRY  OF  JOHN  GREENE  5 

Nini^ret  returned  with  arms  and  ammunition  in  a  Dutch  sloop 
(Potter,  p.  50).  It  may  be  that  on  this  visit  Ninigret  observed 
Dutch  fortifications  and  remodelled  his  fort  with  bastions, 
although  the  Niantics  may  quite  possibly  have  learned  these 
engineering  improvements  through  earlier  contact  with  Euro- 
peans. Rider's  objection  to  the  Indians  using  "rifle  pits"  may 
be  met  with  Roger  Williams'  statement  that  the  Indians  were 
"filled  with  artillery  by  the  Dutch."  In  1664  New  Amsterdam 
was  captured  and  held  by  the  English.  The  Dutch  trade  in 
Rhode  Island,  however,  must  have  ceased  before  this — the 
greater  part  of  it,  at  least — for  the  Indians  re-sold  Dutch 
Island  to  Benedict  Arnold  and  his  partners  in  1658. 

The  facts  I  have  presented  are  conclusive  and  their  impor- 
tance can  only  be  altered  by  the  discovery  of  new  sources.  On 
the  present  evidence,  I  consider  it  impossible  that  the  Dutch 
ev,er  owned  or  occupied  the  forts  in  Charlestown. 


Seal  of  John  Greene,  Jr. 
The  Ancestry  of  John  Greene 

George  Sears  Greene,  in  "The  Greenes  of  Rhode  Island," 
page  30,  traces  the  ancestry  of  John  Greene  of  Warwick  back 
to  Richard  Greene  and  his  wife,  Mary  Hooker,  daughter  of 
John  Hooker  alias  Vowell,  chamberlain  of  Exeter  and  uncle 
of  Richard  Hooker,  Prebendary  of  Salisbury. 

In  Westcote's  Devonshire  the  ancestry  of  this  chamberlain 
John  Hooker  is  given  as  follows,  page  326 : 


5  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

John  Hooker,  alias  Vowel,  chamberlain  of  Exeter,  was  son 
of  Robert  Hooker  and  his  wife  Agnes,  daughter  of  John  Doble 
of  Woodbridge  in  Suffolk.  This  Robert  Hooker  was  son  of 
John  Vowel  and  his  wife,  Alice  Drewel,  daughter  and  heiress 
of  Richard  Drewel  of  Exeter  and  his  wife,  Joan  Kelly,  daugh- 
ter and  heiress  of  John  Kelly  and  his  wife  Julyan,  daughter 
and  co-heiress  of  Robert  Wilford  of  Oxton. 

John  Hooker  had  three  wives,  but  his  daughter  Mary  is 
not  mentioned.  It  would  seem  probable  that  she  was  his 
daughter  by  his  second  wife,  Anstice,  daughter  of  Edmund 
Bridgman  of  Exeter. 

John  Keble  in  his  edition  of  the  works  of  Richard  Hooker, 
volume  I,  appendix  to  preface  I,  folding  plate  opposite  page 
cvi,  gives  the  pedigree  of  John  Hooker  as  follows : 

John  Vowel  alias  Hooker  was  son  of  Robert  Vowell  alias 
Hooker  and  his  wife  Agnes  daughter  of  John  Doble  of  Wood- 
bridge  in  Suffolk.  This  Robert  was  son  of  John  Voell  alias 
Hooker  by  Alice  daughter  and  heir  of  Richard  Druitt  and  his 
wife  Joan  Kelly  daughter  and  heir  of  John  Kelly  and  his  wife 
Julian  daughter  and  co-heir  of  Robert  Wilforde  of  Oxenham 
in  Devon. 

John  Voell  alias  Hooker  was  son  of  Robert  Voell  alias 
Hooker  of  Hants  gent  and  his  wife  Margery  daughter  and 
heir  of  Roger  Bolter  of  Bolterscombe,  Devon. 

Robert  Voell  alias  Hooker  was  son  of  John  Voell  alias 
Hooker  who  was  son  of  Jago  Voell  and  his  wife  Alice  daugh- 
ter and  the  heir  of  Richard  Hooker,  of  Hurst  Castle,  Hants. 

Jago  Voell  was  son  of  Gevaph  Voell  of  Pembroke  in  South 
Wales.    No  mention  is  made  of  John  Hooker's  daughter  Mary. 

It  will  be  noted  that  the  two  pedigrees  differ  only  in  the 
spelling  of  names  and  such  minor  details.  A  slight  amount  of 
research  work  in  England  would  probably  settle  all  of  the 
questions  raised  by  the  pedigrees  and  also  disclose  additional 
information. 


EARLY   SESSIONS    OF    THE    GENERAL    ASSEMBLY 


Early  Sessions  of  the  General  Assembly 

The  first  meeting  of  the  General  Assembly  of  Providence 
Plantations  (Rhode  Island),  under  the  Charter  of  1643  un- 
doubtedly took  place  soon  after  the  arrival  of  Roger  Williams 
with  the  Charter  in  September,  1644. 

Inasmuch  as  both  Richard  Scott  and  Samuel  Gorton  record 
that  the  Charter  was  received  with  jubilation,  it  would  seem 
probable  that  a  meeting  under  it  was  soon  held,  and  according 
to  Edward  Winslow,  John  Brown  was  on  November  8,  1644,. 
ordered  to  go  to  Rhode  Island  to  prevent  any  meetings  under 
the  Charter,  and  that  when  he  got  to  Rhode  Island,  pre- 
sumably in  November,  1644,  he  found  "a.  publique  meeting 
was  appointed  for  your  new  Magistrates  and  people."  It 
would  seem  natural  for  them  to  choose  Williams  as  chief 
officer  at  this  time,  and  in  confirmation  of  this  view,  we  find 
that  WilHams  was  "Chief  Officer"  in  August,  1645.  Williams 
was  still  Chief  Officer  in  December,  1646,  for  at  that  time, 
acting  as  Chief  Officer,  he  issued  a  warrant.  Henry  Walton 
was  Secretary  of  the  Colony  in  August,  1645,  and  Samuel 
Gorton  was  a  Magistrate,  probably  Assistant,  previous  to 
going  to  England  in  1645. 

The  most  reasonable  deduction  from  the  fragmentary  evi- 
dence is  that  the  first  General  Assembly  was  held  on  Rhode 
Island  (probably  Portsmouth,  for  the  second  or  third  was  held 
at  Newport  in  August,  1645);  and  that  Roger  Williams  was 
elected  Chief  Officer;  Gorton,  Assistant;  and  Walton,  Sec- 
retary. 

It  is  possible  that  a  second  General  Assembly  was  held  in 
May  at  which  these  officers  were  re-elected,  or  at  which 
Williams  was  re-elected  and  Gorton  and  Walton  elected.  The 
only  reasons  for  assuming  that  an  Assembly  was  held  in  May 
is  the  subsequent  choice  of  May  as  the  beginning  of  the 
political  year,  and  the  reference  under  the  date  of  May  14, 
1645,  in  Winthrop's  Journal  to  John  Brown's  visit  to  Aquid- 
neck  to  oppose  Williams'  authority  there.     Brown  may  have 


8  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

made  two  trips,  one  in  November,  1644,  and  the  other  in  May, 
164S,  or  Winthrop's  entry  may  be  the  delayed  account  of  the 
November,  1644,  trip. 

Another  General  Assembly  (the  second  or  third)  was  held 
at  Newport  on  August  9,  1645. 

It  would  certainly  seem  probable  that  another  annual  Gen- 
eral Assembly  must  have  been  held  either  in  November,  1645, 
or  more  probably  in  May,  1646  (the  third  or  fourth).  Williams 
must  have  been  re-elected,  for  he  was  still  serving  as  chief 
officer  in  December,  1646.  Gorton,  having  gone  to  Europe, 
was  probably  superseded  by  someone  else. 

In  May,  1647,  the  so-called  "First  General  Assembly"  was 
held,  which  must  in  reality  have  been  the  fourth  or  fifth  assem- 
bly. John  Coggeshall  was  chosen  President.  The  records  of 
this  meeting  have  been  printed  by  Bartlett  in  the  Rhode  Island 
Colonial  Records  and  in  pamphlet  form  by  Staples,  and  so  are 
easily  accessible.  The  Providence  Commissioners'  names  are 
given  in  Providence  Town  Papers,  09. 

The  next  General  Assembly  of  which  we  have  record  was 
held  at  Providence  on  May  16,  1648.  John  Coggeshall,  the 
President,  had  died  since  the  last  session.  Nicholas  Easton 
was  chosen  Moderator  and  Coddington  was  elected  President, 
but  failed  to  qualify.  The  records  of  the  meeting  are  printed 
by  Bartlett. 

The  next  meeting  of  the  General  Assembly  (the  sixth  or 
seventh)  was  a  special  session  held  at  Portsmouth,  March  10, 
to  14th,  1648/9.  John  Warner  acted  as  clerk  of  the  Assembly, 
charters  were  issued  to  Providence,  Warwick,  Portsmouth  and 
probably  to  Newport.  The  act  was  passed,  by  which  the 
colony  seized  a  supposed  gold  mine,  an  act  of  oblivion  was 
passed,  and  Roger  Williams  was  chosen  Deputy  Governor 
(i.  e.,  Acting  Governor).  The  Warwick  and  Providence  Char- 
ters are  extant,  and  have  been  reprinted  in  The  Documentary 
History  of  Rhode  Island,  vol.  I,  252  &  269,  the  gold  mine  act 
is  printed  in  Providence  Town  Papers  012,  and  the  oblivion 
act  in  Providence  Town  Papers  010. 

The  annual  General  Assembly  was  held  at  Warwick,  May 


EARLY   SESSIONS    OF   THE    GENERAL    ASSEMBLY  9 

22,  1649.  Roger  Williams  acted  as  Moderator  and  John  Smith 
was  chosen  President.  The  records  are  printed  by  Bartlett  in 
the  Rhode  Island  Colonial  Records. 

A  special  session  of  the  General  Assembly  was  held  at  Ports- 
mouth in  October,  1649.  No  records  of  this  meeting  are 
extant,  but  Williams  wrote  that  it  was  held  on  account  of  the 
riotous  conduct  of  some  Dutch  sailors. 

The  1650  General  Assembly  was  held  at  Newport  on  May 

23.  Nicholas  Easton  was  chosen  Moderator.  The  records  are 
printed  by  Bartlett  in  The  Rhode  Island  Colonial  Records. 
The  names  of  the  Commissioners  are  not  given,  but  the  Ports- 
mouth Commissioners  are  named  in  the  Portsmouth  records 

(P-49)- 

A  special  session  of  the  General  Assembly  (the  tenth  or 
eleventh)  was  held  October  26,  1650.  The  records  are  printed 
by  Bartlett  in  The  Rhode  Island  Colonial  Records,  and  the 
Warwick  commissioners  are  named  in  the  Warwick  records 
(typewritten  copy,  p.  91). 

The  annual  General  Assembly  was  held  in  May,  1651.  No 
records  of  this  meeting  are  extant.  Nicholas  Easton  was 
re-elected  President.  The  Portsmouth  and  Warwick  Commis- 
sioners are  named  in  the  town  records. 

The  next  session  of  the  General  Assembly  (the  twelfth  or 
thirteenth)  was  a  special  session  called  on  October  8,  1651,  at 
Providence  (Warwick  Records,  typewritten  copy,  page  98). 
No  records  of  this  meeting  are  extant.  It  may  have  been 
postponed  until  November  4th.  The  records  of  the  meeting 
of  November  4,  1651,  are  printed  by  Bartlett  in  The  Rhode 
Island  Colonial  Records. 

Table  of  Early  General  Assemblies. 

Date  Place  Records 

Nov.,  1644  Aquidneck  No  records 

May,  1645  Aquidneck  Inferred  from 

Winthrop 
Aug.,  164s  Newport  Walton's  letter 

May,  1646  No  records 

May,  1647  Portsmouth  Bartlett 


10  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Dale                              Place  Records 

May,  1648  Providence  Bartlett 

Mar.,  1648/9  Portsmouth  Fragments 

May,  1649  Warwick  Bartlett 

Oct.,  1649  Portsmouth  No  records 

May,  1650  Newport  Bartlett 

Oct.,  1650  Bartlett 

May,  1 65 1  No  records 

Oct.,  1651  Providence  No  records 

perhaps  same  as 

Nov.,  165 1  Providence  Bartlett                    .' 

The  Inscribed  Rocks  of  Narragansett  Bay 

III.    The  Arnold's  Point  Cup  Stone  and  the 
Fogland  Ferry  Rock  in  Portsmouth 

By  Edmund  B.  Delabarre. 

Besides  the  rocks  that  were  described  in  our  last  paper, 
there  is  another  stone  in  Portsmouth  with  curious  and 
puzzlinjT  artificial  markings,  and  formerly  at  least  there  was 
one  in  still  a  third  locality  in  the  same  town.  We  know  of 
the  latter  only  through  notes  by  Dr.  Stiles,  no  one  else  having 
mentioned  it.  In  the  fourth  volume  of  his  manuscript 
"Itineraries,"  on  page  215,  under  date  of  September  15,  1788, 
is  written  the  following:  "Mem°.  Take  off  a  new  copy  of 
the  characters  on  the  Dighton  Rock,  &  those  at  Fogland  &  on 
Col°  Almys  Fann."  He  shortly  carried  out  this  intention 
with  respect  to  all  three  localities.  Concerning  the  second  he 
remarks,  October  6,  1788,  on  page  255:  "Visited  &  copied  a 
markt  Rock  about  half  a  m.  above  Fogland  Ferry  on  Rh.  I. 
on  shore  ag^  or  just  below  M"^  M<^Corys  Farm." 

There  can  be  little  question  as  to  the  approximate  position 
of  this  marked  rock.  Fogland  Ferry  ran  from  Fogland  Point 
in  Tiverton  across  to  the  island  of  Rhode  Island.  On  the 
Portsmouth  side,  its  landing  place  was  probably  about  half  a 
mile  to  the  south  of  McCurry  Point,  shown  on  the  upper  chart 


THE    INSCRIBED    ROCKS    OF    NARRAGANSETT    BAY  II 

on  our  Plate  XIV.  This  Point  is  part  of  an  estate  still  known 
as  the  McCorrie  Farms.  The  diversity  of  spelling  does  not 
obscure  the  fact  that  here  was  doubtless  the  "Mr.  McCorys 
Farm"  referred  to  by  Dr.  Stiles ;  and  since  the  rock  was 
"against  or  just  below"  this  farm,  it  was  probably  situated 
just  to  the  south  of  the  first  division  line  shown  on  the  chart 
south  of  McCurry  Point,  this  being  the  southerly  border  of 
the  property. 

On  May  5,  1920,  I  made  a  careful  search  of  the  shore  not 
only  at  the  place  thus  indicated  but  for  half  a  mile  both  to  the 
south  and  to  the  north  of  McCurry  Point,  examining  each 
promising  rock  and  boulder.  In  the  vicinity  of  the  probable 
location  of  Stiles's  "markt  Rock,"  I  saw  a  few  small  boulders 
with  shallow  scratches,  probably  not  artificial.  On  one  of 
them,  the  scratches  were  somewhat  in  the  form  of  a  letter  Z ; 
on  another,  roughly  like  an  S.  It  is  not  very  likely  that  either 
of  these  was  the  one  that  drew  Stiles's  attention.  Mr.  George 
Peirce,  owner  of  the  McCorrie  Farms,  writes  me  that  he  has 
never  heard  of  an  inscribed  rock  in  that  vicinity.  It  is  prob- 
able, therefore,  that  this  one,  like  those  at  Melville  Station, 
has  disappeared.  Since  Stiles's  drawing  has  not  been  pre- 
served, we  cannot  know  what  its  markings  were  like  unless 
some  later  search  for  it  proves  successful. 

The  other  stone  lies  on  the  shore  near  one  of  the  Ports- 
mouth coal  mines,  a  little  to  the  south  of  Arnold's  Point.  Its 
position  can  be  found  easily  on  the  lower  chart  of  our  Plate 
XIV,  and  its  appearance  is  shown  in  the  two  photographs 
of  Plate  XV.  To  reach  it,  follow  the  road  that  leads  west- 
ward near  the  lower  centre  of  the  chart,  crossing  the  railroad 
tracks  to  the  Portsmouth  railroad  station ;  thence  walk  along 
a  lane  or  path  north  of  the  "stack"  indicated  on  the  chart, 
westerly  to  the  dilapidated  wharf  shown  just  above  the 
figure  2.  North  of  this,  about  opposite  or  a  little  south  of 
figure  3  on  the  chart,  lies  the  rock.  Its  exact  position  is 
indicated  by  a  child  sitting  upon  it  in  our  upper  photograph, 
which  was  taken  looking  northward   from  the  wharf.     The 


12  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Other  photograph  shows  its  nearer  appearance  and  that  of  the 
markino^s  upon  it. 

The  rock  is  of  sandstone,  merging  somewhat  into  con- 
glomerate at  the  in-shore  end.  It  is  near  the  edge  of  the 
beach  at  low  tide,  and  is  covered  by  high  water.  It  measures 
about  3  feet  in  width,  4^/2  in  length,  and  in  thickness  from 
16  to  22  inches.  It  is  nearly  flat  and  smooth  on  top,  with 
rounded  edges,  and  a  slight  lateral  inclination  shoreward.  Its 
long  axis  is  directed  about  N.  50°  E.  Its  artificial  markings 
are  unique  among  the  inscribed  rocks  of  this  region.  They 
consist  of  six  relatively  deep  holes  or  cups,  connected  together 
by  shallow  channels.  The  holes  vary  in  depth  from  23/2  to 
3%  inches.  Beginning  in-shore  and  following  the  channels, 
their  distances  apart  from  centre  to  centre  are  respectively 
9^2,  8,  9,  10^  and  9^4  inches ;  and  of  the  second  from  the 
sixth,  15  inches.  They  appear  to  have  been  drilled,  and  are 
not  circular,  but  more  like  triangles  with  rounded  angles. 
Their  diameter  at  the  top  is  i^  to  i%  inches,  narrowing 
slightly  below.  The  top  edges  are  not  smooth-cut,  but  broken 
and  roughly  beveled.  The  channels  are  pecked  in,  and  like 
the  crudely  pecked  lines  of  other  rocks  of  this  region,  are 
very  irregular  in  width  and  depth.  Their  typical  width  is 
y?,  to  'yh  inch,  narrowing  rarely  to  ]/&,  and  widening  rarely  to 
^  or  I  inch.  Their  depth  is  usually  3/16  to  y&  inch,  with 
extremes  from  >4  down  to  a  mere  trace. 

In  the  more  conglomerate  portion  of  the  surface,  near  the 
first  and  second  holes,  the  stone  is  roughly  and  irregularly 
much  pocked  and  scaled,  and  here  it  is  doubtful  whether  or 
not  there  was  another  shallow  curved  channel  leading  off 
from  the  one  between  these  two  holes  to  a  seventh  very 
shallow  depression,  and  whether  or  not  there  Avas  a  shallow 
irregular  half-ring  about  hole  number  2.  The  marks  so 
described  might  be  either  natural  or  artificial,  but  are  prob- 
ably natural. 

The  history  of  this  stone  is  unknown  earlier  than  1910, 
when  it  was  shown  by  a  native  of  Portsmouth  to  Mr.  David 
Hutcheson  of  Washington,  D.  C.     He  writes  me  concerning 


THE    INSCRIBED    ROCKS    OF    NARRAGANSETT    BAY  I3 

it :  "At  first  sight  I  thought,  from  the  arrangement  of  the 
holes,  that  it  was  an  attempt  to  represent  The  Dipper,  but 
the  seventh  star  was  missing.  On  a  sheet  of  paper  I  drew  a 
rough  outUne  of  the  face  of  the  stone  showing  the  position 
of  the  holes.  I  sent  this  to  Mr.  Babcock  and  he  showed  it  to 
some  of  the  Washington  anthropologists,  and  they  thought  it 
was  an  Indian  Cup  Stone."  In  1913  it  was  mentioned  by- 
William  H.  Babcock  in  his  Early  Norse  Visits  to  America, 
on  page  44.  We  have  quoted  his  belief  that  the  inscription 
near  Mount  Hope  was  "almost  certainly  Wampanoag  work ;" 
and  he  remarks  that  "the  same  may  be  said  with  less  con- 
fidence" of  this  Portsmouth  stone. 

Before  considering  the  probable  origin  of  these  markings, 
it  will  be  profitable  to  discuss  first  the  peculiar  shape  of  the 
drill-holes,  and  then  the  general  nature  of  cup-stones.  Since 
observing  these,  I  have  seen  and  examined  with  interest  many 
other  isolated  drill-holes  in  rocks  along  shore.  At  other  places 
in  Portsmouth  and  on  Assonet  Neck,  and  probably  abundantly 
enough  elsewhere,  they  can  be  seen  here  and  there.  Those 
that  I  have  observed  occur  singly,  in  boulders  often  near  low- 
water  mark,  sometimes  near  the  edge  of  high  water.  Some 
of  them  are  circular,  but  more  often  they  are  round-triangular 
like  those  of  the  cup-stone,  and  very  often  identical  with  the 
latter  in  diameter,  but  usually  deeper.  Some  of  them  may 
have  been  made  to  hold  ringbolts  or  stakes  for  boat  moorings, 
some  for  attaching  the  nets  of  fish-weirs.  One  or  two  near 
Dighton  Rock  probably  held  ringbolts  for  the  guy-ropes  of  a 
surveying  standard  that  was  placed  there  when  Taunton 
River  was  surveyed  by  Capt.  A.  M.  Harrison  of  the  Coast 
Survey  in  1875.  These  are  examples  of  the  fact  that  isolated 
drill-holes  of  both  circular  and  round-triangular  shape  are 
apparently  not  uncommon  along  shore,  and  may  have  had 
commonplace  uses.  But  no  such  use  can  be  attributed  to  this 
constellation  of  six  holes  connected  by  channels. 

A  drill-hole  in  Minnesota  similar  to  these  in  Portsmouth 
has  recently  attracted  attention  in  an  interesting  connection. 
Some  years  ago  a  stone,  on  which  was  engraved  an  extensive 


14  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

record  in  runic  letters,  was  found  at  Kensington  in  that  State. 
It  speaks  of  a  journey  of  exploration  westward  from  Vinland 
in  the  year  1362,  and  says  that  the  men  left  their  vessel 
yarded  by  the  sea,  made  camp  by  a  lake  with  two  small  bare 
islands  or  skerries  in  it  a  day's  journey  distant  from  the  stone, 
went  fishing  there,  and  one  day  found  ten  men  of  their  party 
slaughtered.  No  one  questions  the  fact  that  the  letters  are 
runic  and  form  an  intelligible  record,  but  there  has  been  much 
debate  as  to  whether  the  inscription  dates  really  from  the 
year  mentioned  or  is  a  hoax  of  modern  manufacture. 
Recently,  H.  R.  Holand  has  defended  its  historical  authenticity, 
and  has  discovered  new  evidence  that  an  expedition  from 
Norway,  under  Paul  Knutson,  was  actually  in  America  at  the 
time.  He  has  also  sought  for  and  found  the  lake  with  two 
skerries,  Lake  Cormorant,  75  miles  north  of  Kensington — the 
only  lake  with  skerries  in  that  region,  and  the  required  stand- 
ard "day's  journey"  distant.  On  its  shore  was  a  boulder  with 
a  hole  drilled  in  it,  triangular  in  shape  with  rounded  angles, 
1%  inch  in  diameter  and  7  inches  deep.  He  believes  that 
the  explorers  of  1362  made  a  raft  near  this  point  on  which  to 
go  fishing,  and  fastened  it  to  the  shore  by  means  of  a  flexible 
withy  wedged  into  the  triangular  hole.^  The  similarity  in 
size  and  shape  between  this  far  away  drill-hole  and  those  that 
we  are  discussing  is  worthy  of  remark ;  but  they  cannot  have 
had  the  same  use,  and  there  is  no  reason  to  attribute  these  at 
Portsmouth  to  Norsemen. 

While  this  peculiar  triangular  shape  may  at  first  sight  sug- 
gest crude  implements  and  unskilled  workmanship,  and  hence 
perhaps  great  age  and  primitive  workmen,  yet  after  all  it 
turns  out  to  be  in  no  way  remarkable.  On  trial,  I  have  found 
that  with  a  drill  having  one  cutting  edge  only,  like  a  cold 
chisel,  it  is  exceedingly  difficult  to  make  a  true  circular  hole. 
As  the  drill  is  turned,  the  cutting  edge  rarely  crosses  an 
exact  centre,  but  constantly  deviates  somewhat  to  one  side 
or  another.     The  result  is  that  one  end  of  the  edge  tends  to 


j^>r^'  J^°'^"d'  i"  Wisconsin  Magazine  of  History,  December,  1919. 
and  March,  1920,  vol.  iii,  pp.  153-183,  332-338. 


THE    INSCRIBED    ROCKS    OF    NARRAGANSETT    BAY  1 5 

remain  relatively  fixed  in  position  for  several  strokes  while 
the  other  end  swings  more  widely.  The  easiest  kind  of  a  hole 
to  make  is  one  in  which  this  tendency  is  followed  and  empha- 
sized. One  end  of  the  edge  is  held  fixed  in  position  while 
the  other  swings  gradually  through  about  a  third  of  the 
circumference,  thus  making  three  well  defined  corners ;  then 
the  fixed  edge  is  transferred  to  one  of  the  other  corners 
while  the  swinging  edge  cuts  a  second  side ;  and  in  this  man- 
ner three  fixed  points  or  corners  are  used  in  succession,  and 
the  resulting  hole  is  triangular  with  rounded  corners  and 
somewhat  curving  sides.  Even  when  the  intention  is  to  make 
a  round  hole,  it  is  nevertheless  likely  to  turn  out  triangular 
or  otherwise  irregular.  When  a  stake  or  bolt  is  to  be  wedged 
into  the  hole,  there  is  some  advantage  in  making  the  latter 
deliberately  triangular.  So  the  mystery  of  the  shape  of  these 
holes  disappears,  and  no  conclusion  can  be  drawn  from  it  as 
to  their  age  or  their  makers. 

Since  one  of  the  possibilities  concerning  this  boulder  at 
Portsmouth  is  that  it  is  a  genuine  cup-stone  of  considerable 
antiquity,  it  will  not  be  amiss  to  look  briefly  into  the  distribu- 
tion, character  and  significance  of  stones  so  marked.^  Cup- 
like excavations,  usually  in  irregular  groups,  are  among  the 
most  primitive  of  markings  on  stone,  are  found  widely  dis- 
tributed over  nearly  the  entire  world,  and  are  nearly  every- 
where similar.  They  are  exceedingly  numerous  in  the  British 
Isles  and  in  Brittany,  where  they  are  closely  associated  with 

ipor  best  sources  of  information,  see: 

James  Y.  Simpson,  On  Ancient  Sculpturings  of  Cups  and  Concentric 
Rings.  In  Proc.  Soc.  of  Antiq.  of  Scotland,  1867,  Appendix  to  vol.  vi, 
pp.   1-147. 

Archaic  Rock  Inscriptions;  an  Account  of  the  Cup  and  Ring  Mark- 
ings on  the  Sculptured  Stones  of  the  Old  and  New  Worlds.  Published 
by  A.  Reader,  1891. 

Alexander  MacBain,  Celtic  Mythology  and  Religion,  1917. 

Garrick  Mallery,  chapter  on  Cup  Sculptures,  in  10th  Ann.  Rep.  Bureau 
of  Amer.  Ethnol.  for  1888-89   (1893),  pp.  189-200. 

Handbook  of  Amer.  Indians,  Bur.  of  Amer.  Ethnol.  Bulletin  30,  vol. 
i,  p.  372,  article  Cupstones. 

T.  Eric  Peet,  Rough  Stone  Monuments  and  Their  Builders,  1912, 
pp.  127f. 

Encyc.  Brit.,  11th  ed.,  vol.  xxv,  pp.  964f,  article  Stone  Monuments. 


l6  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

cromlechs,  stone  circles  and  other  primitive  stone  monuments. 
They  occur  less  numerously  in  other  parts  of  Europe,  in 
Africa  and  Australia,  and  frequently  in  India.  Many 
examples  of  them  have  been  reported  from  both  North  and 
South  America.  Usually  they  are  shallow  depressions,  from 
1/2  to  I  inch  deep  and  i  to  3  inches  in  diameter.  Larj^er  ones 
occur  rarely,  extending  up  to  basins  nearly  3  feet  in  diameter 
and  9  inches  in  depth.  A  few  of  the  common  narrow  type  are 
of  unusual  depth,  thus  resembling  more  nearly  those  at  Ports- 
mouth. Thus,  on  the  shore  in  Scotland  they  have  been  found 
23/2  inches  in  depth,  always  more  than  one,  irregularly  placed; 
and  the  Handbook  of  American  Indians  speaks  of  many  cups 
prolonged  below  by  a  secondary  pit  as  though  made  with  a 
flint  drill  or  gouge.  The  cups  occasionally  occur  singly,  more 
often  in  constellation-like  groups,  most  often  irregularly  dis- 
tributed over  the  surface,  in  number  often  up  to  20,  in  rare 
instances  up  to  50,  100  or  even  200  on  one  rock  or  ledge. 
Very  commonly,  but  not  always,  they  are  surrounded  by  from 
one  to  seven  concentric  rings,  which  sometimes  have  a  straight 
radial  groove  running  out  through  them.  Not  infrequently 
the  cups,  whether  with  or  without  rings,  are  connected 
together  by  grooved  lines.  In  Scotland,  France,  Switzerland 
and  Germany,  cups  alone  are  found  as  a  general  rule ;  in 
England,  Ireland  and  Sweden,  rings  and  grooves  are  almost 
always  associated  with  them. 

The  variety  of  theories  that  have  been  advanced  to  account 
for  the  meaning  of  these  simplest,  most  primitive  and  most 
wide-spread  of  sculptured  marks  recalls  the  similar  confusion 
of  tongues  and  opinions  that  has  attended  the  attempt  to 
explain  Dighton  Rock.  Among  views  that  have  little  impor- 
tance, but  nevertheless  are  of  a  deep  psychological  interest  as 
showing  the  inexhaustible  budding-out  process  of  man's 
speculations  about  things  that  are  mysterious,  are  these:  they 
are  natural,  not  artificial;  there  is  no  clue  to  their  purpose; 
they  are  plans  of  neighboring  camps,  or  maps  of  neighboring 
peaks;  enumeration  of  families  or  tribes;  representations  of 
sun,  moon  and  constellations;  a  primitive  form  of  writing; 


■t^ 


■?«*ite-«',?  "1 


L 


?.>!*  ^ 


PETROGLYPHS  OF  NARRAGANSETT  BAY— PLATF.  XIV 


(Chait  of    \inold\  Pt    and  MCinit\ ) 


(Chart  of  Fogland  Pt.  and  vicinily) 
Sections  of  Chart  of  Narragansett  Bay.     See  text  for  exact  location  of 
Portsmouth  Cup  Stone,  Fogland  Ferry  Rock,  and  Rocks  in  Tiverton. 


Pi:rKO(iI.VPIIS  OF  NARUAGANSETr  BAY— Platk  XV 


-•\ 


/«••'.< 
•;**". 


->t%r--''- 


Distant  \ie\\"  of  Rock) 


\ 


-''^_-.* 


«-■ 


(Near  \  iew  ol  Kock) 
The  Portsmouth  Cup  Stone. 


THE    INSCRIBED    ROCKS   OF    NARRAGANSETT   BAY  I7 

tables  for  some  gambling  game;  moulds  for  casting  rings; 
representations  of  shields ;  totems ;  small  wine-presses  or  grain 
mortars ;  depressions  for  cracking  nuts,  or  grinding  paint,  or 
for  steadying  drills,  spindles  or  fire-sticks,  or  for  collection 
of  water;  sun-dials;  relics  of  sun-worship  of  the  Phoeni- 
cians, or  of  Roman  Mithras-worship ;  basins  for  holding  the 
blood  of  sacrifice  or  libations  to  spirits  or  to  the  dead ;  objects 
for  the  practice  of  magic  and  necromancy. 

The  most  widely  accepted  view  of  them,  so  far  at  least  as 
their  occurrence  in  Europe  is  concerned,  is  that  they  are 
symbols  connected  with  the  religious  rites  or  beliefs  of  the 
Druids,  the  philosophers  and  priests  of  the  Celtic  tribes.  This 
is  a  natural  consequence  of  their  close  association  with  the 
numerous  stone  circles  and  other  crude  stone  monuments 
which  popular  opinion  still  connects  with  the  Druids.  This 
belief,  however,  was  invented  by  Stukely  and  other  antiquaries 
of  the  i8th  century,  has  no  confirmation,  and  is  now  unani- 
mously opposed  by  well  informed  students.  MacBain  says 
that  these  monuments  are  all  pre-Celtic.  He  tells  of  at  least 
two  races  in  Great  Britain  who  preceded  the  Celts,  and 
believes  that  one  of  these  built  the  oval  barrows  or  burial 
mounds,  the  other  the  round  barrows,  the  circles,  dolmens 
and  cromlechs,  and  perhaps  also  made  the  rock-carvings. 
The  circles  were  used  both  for  burial  and  worship,  especially 
the  latter;  and  the  only  worship  appropriate  at  the  grave  is 
that  of  deceased  ancestors,  which  is  about  the  earliest  shape 
in  which  religion  manifests  itself.  "Our  own  memorial  stones 
over  graves  are  but  descendants  of  the  old  menhirs  and  dol- 
mens." These  matters  are  still  too  controversial  to  permit 
confident  agreement  or  disagreement  with  these  views ;  but 
MacBain  seems  at  least  to  have  decisively  disproven  the  Druid 
hypothesis.  Many  authorities  point  out  the  fact  that  the  cups, 
rings  and  grooves  could  not  have  served  as  attachments  to 
Druid  or  other  altars,  since  they  are  often  found  on  the  verti- 
cal or  under  surface  of  the  stones. 

A  more  fruitful  hypothesis  than  the  Druidical,  and  one  that 
certainly  applies  to  these  small  excavations  in  some  parts  of 


1 8  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

the  world,  is  that  they  are  phallic  symbols.  Mallery's  exposi- 
tion of  this  explanation  is  lucid.  "These  cupels  are  corre- 
lated with  the  worship  of  Mahadeo,  one  of  the  many  names 
given  to  Siva,  the  third  god  of  the  Hindu  triad,  whose  emblem 
is  the  serpent.  *  *  *  At  this  very  day  one  may  see  the 
Hindu  women  carrying  the  water  of  the  Ganges  all  the  way 
to  the  mountains  of  the  Punjab,  to  pour  into  the  cupules  and 
thus  obtain  from  the  divinity  the  boon  of  motherhood 
earnestly  desired.  Mahadeo,  more  accurately  Mahadiva,  is 
the  god  of  generation.  *  *  *  It  is  suggested  that  in  a 
common  form  of  the  sculptures  the  inner  circle  represents 
the  Mahadeo  or  lingam,  and  the  outer  or  containing  circle  the 
yoni.  No  idea  of  obscenity  occurs  from  this  representation 
to  the  Hindus,  who  adore  under  this  form  the  generative 
power  in  nature."  The  book  on  "Archaic  Rock  Inscriptions" 
also  regards  the  phallic  explanation — the  worship  of  the 
creative  and  regenerative  forces  of  nature — as  the  most  prob- 
able. "It  is  not  to  the  gross  forms  of  the  Priapus  used  in 
ancient  Greek,  Roman,  or  Egyptian  festivals  that  we  allude, 
but  to  the  much  more  refined,  or,  if  we  may  so  call  it,  modest 
lingam  worship  of  India.  This  explanation  is  natural  when 
we  consider  the  vast  extent  to  which  phallic  worship  pre- 
vailed, and  the  disposition  of  men  everywhere  to  represent 
in  the  sculptured  form  the  organs,  male  and  female,  to  which 
they  rendered  obeisance.  The  symbolism  was  very  much 
veiled,  and  often  unrecognizable — mysterious  and  unmeaning 
to  all  not  in  the  secret." 

If  this  must  be  accepted  as  the  true  explanation  of  these 
carvings  in  India,  does  it  follow  that  the  same  symbolism 
must  be  attributed  to  them  in  Europe  and  in  America? 
Mallery  says  that  a  large  number  of  stones  with  typical  cup 
markings  have  been  found  in  the  United  States;  and  the 
Handbook  of  American  Indians  tells  us  that  cupstones  are 
the  most  abundant  and  widespread  of  the  larger  relics. 
According  to  A.  C.  Lawson,^  the  Indians  of  the  present  day 
have  no  traditions  about  these  inscriptions  beyond  the  suppo- 

^American  Naturalist,  1885. 


THE    INSCRIBED    ROCKS    OF    NARRAGANSETT    BAY  I9 

sition  that  they  must  have  been  made  by  the  "old  people  long 
ago."  Mallery  makes  a  similar  statement,  and  continues  with 
what  we  must  probably  accept  as  the  true  solution  of  the 
problem.  "Inquiries  have  often  been  made,"  he  says,  "whether 
the  North  -  Ajmerican  Indians  have  any  superstitious  or 
religious  practices  connected  with  the  markings  under  con- 
sideration, e.  g.,  in  relation  to  the  desire  for  offspring,  which 
undoubtedly  is  connected  with  the  sculpturing  of  cup  depres- 
sions and  furrows  in  the  eastern  hemisphere.  No  evidence 
is  yet  produced  of  any  such  correspondence  of  practice  or 
tradition  relating"  to  it.  In  the  absence  of  any  extrinsic 
explanation  the  prosaic  and  disappointing  suggestion  intrudes 
that  circular  concentric  rings  are  easy  to  draw  and  that  the 
act  of  drawing  them  suggests  the  accentuation  of  depressions 
or  hollows  within  their  curves.  Much  stress  is  laid  upon  the 
fact  that  the  characters  are  found  in  so  many  parts  of  the 
earth,  with  the  implication  that  all  the  sculptors  used  them 
with  the  same  significance,  thus  affording  ground  for  the 
hypothesis  that  anciently  one  race  of  people  penetrated  all  the 
regions  designated.^  But  in  such  an  implication  the  history 
of  the  character  formed  by  two  intersecting  straight  lines  is 
forgotten.  The  cross  is  as  common  as  the  cup-stone  and  has, 
or  anciently  had,  a  different  signification  among  the  different 
people  who  used  it,  beginning  as  a  mark  and  ending  as  a 
symbol.  Therefore,  it  may  readily  be  imagined  that  the  rings 
in  question,  which  are  drawn  nearly  as  easily  as  the  cross, 
were  at  one  time  favorite  but  probably  meaningless  designs, 
perhaps,  in  popular  expression,  "instinctive"  commencements 
of  the  artistic  practice,  as  was  the  earliest  delineation  of  the 
cross  figure.  Afterward  the  rings,  if  employed  as  symbols  or 
emblems,  would  naturally  have  a  different  meaning  applied 
to  them  in  each  region  where  they  now  appear." 

We  are  now  in  a  position  to  discuss  the  probable  nature  of 
the  Portsmouth   Cup   Stone  as   intelligently   as  the   available 

^Mallery  omits  mention  of  an  alternative  hypothesis  which  has  often 
been  suggested,  that  the  sculptures  symbolize  some  simple  religious 
idea  common  to  all  primitive  races. 


20  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

facts  concerning  it  permit.  Before  considering  the  really 
probable  theories,  however,  it  will  be  worth  while  to  mention 
one  fanciful  speculation  that  would  undoubtedly  have  been 
applied  to  it  if  the  authors  of  the  suggestion  had  ever  heard 
of  these  cup-sculptures.  It  is  probably  not  widely  known, 
and  at  any  rate  is  likely  to  become  wholly  forgotten,  that  the 
Druid  theory  has  been  advanced  in  explanation  of  American 
mounds  and  monuments.  Impossible  as  the  theory  is,  never- 
theless it  is  one  of  the  most  picturesque  fancies  that  have 
been  devised  concerning  the  class  of  relics  that  we  are  dis- 
cussing, and  it  should  not  be  allowed  to  pass  wholly  into 
oblivion.  Its  first  advocate  appears  to  have  been  John  Finch, 
who  claimed  in  1824  that  the  aborigines  of  America  originated 
from  the  Celts  or  Scythians,  whose  Druidical  monuments  are 
to  be  found  in  every  part  of  America. ■*  He  gave  instances 
of  various  types,  including  Indian  "stones  of  memorial  or 
sacrifice,"  numerous  examples  of  which  had  been  described 
by  Kendall,^  in  which  class  he  placed  the  "figured  rock  at 
Dighton"  and  also  other  sculptured  rocks  at  Tiverton,  Rut- 
land, Newport  and  other  places  in  the  list  first  compiled  by 
Dr.  Stiles  and  later  published  by  Kendall.  The  theory  was 
greatly  and  interestingly  elaborated  by  James  N.  Arnold  in 
1888,  with  particular  application  to  this  region.^  His  free- 
soaring  imagination  pictured  not  only  the  Dighton  and  Tiver- 
ton rocks,  but  also  the  Hills  of  South  County,  the  Wolf  Rocks 
in  Exeter,  the  soapstone  ledge  in  Johnston,  and  many  rocks 
besides,  as  monuments  of  Druid  worship  mingled  with 
influences  from  Atlantis.  Holding  such  beliefs,  there  can  be 
no  doubt  that,  had  he  known  of  the  Cup  Stone  in  Portsmouth, 
he  would  have  welcomed  it  as  a  striking  and  convincing 
example  of  Druid  workmanship. 

*0n  the  Celtic  Antiquities  of  America.     In  the  American  Journal  of 
Science  and  Arts,  1824,  vii.  149-161. 

2 Edward  A.  Kendall,  Travels,  1809. 

3 Four  papers  in  the  Narragansett  Historical  Register,  1888,  vi,  1-24, 
97-110,  205-222,  317-330. 


THE    INSCRIBED    ROCKS    OF    NARRAGANSETT    BAY  21 

Among  serious  possibilities,  there  seem  to  be  three  plausible 
alternatives.  The  first  of  these  is  that  it  is  an  example  of 
Indian  cup-stone,  which  Mallery  and  the  Handbook  describe 
as  so  numerous,  and  which  the  latter  authority  says  some- 
times have  drilled  pits  at  the  bottom  of  the  cups.  If  so,  it 
may  be  of  almost  any  period  down  to  and  into  Colonial  times. 
As  to  its  meaning,  it  may  or  may  not  have  had  one.  Mallery 
makes  it  veny  clear  that  such  cuttings  may  often  have  been 
the  result  of  a  mere  aimless  desire  for  activity,  or  a  crude 
attempt  to  fabricate  something  ornamental.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  may  have  symbolized  something  to  the  individual 
who  made  it,  and  which,  of  course,  no  one  uninstructed  by 
him  could  possibly  decipher.  Such  private  symbolism  must 
have  been  the  first  step  beyond  the  activity-impulse  and  the 
ornament-urge  already  alluded  to ;  and  the  further  step,  to  a 
commonly  accepted  symbolism  for  such  figures,  had  appar- 
ently not  been  taken  by  the  American  Indians. 

There  are  two  arguments  against  its  being  an  Indian 
product :  the  fact  that  no  one  ever  reported  its  existence 
before  1910,  and  the  fact  that  its  holes  are  deeply  drilled  and 
are  not  typical  cups.  It  may  therefore  seem  more  probable 
that  the  holes  were  drilled  by  miners  in  idle  moments,  or  by 
their  children  at  play.  Coal  mines  were  opened  at  Portsmouth 
apparently  as  early  as  1808,  and  have  been  worked  frequently 
at  intervals  since  then.^  The  longest  continuous  period  of 
operation  was  by  the  Taunton  Copper  Company,  from  about 
i860  until  1883.  They  built  a  dock,  railroad  connections,  and 
a  copper  smelter,  and  mined  about  ten  thousand  tons  a  year. 
There  was  plenty  of  opportunity,  therefore,  for  the  idle  drill- 
ing of  these  holes  at  a  relatively  recent  date  by  white  workmen. 
But  while  the  holes  may  incline  one  strongly  to  the  belief 
that  they  were  hollowed  out  by  these  miners'  drills,  yet  the 
connecting  grooves,  crudely  pecked  between  them  and  unques- 
tionably of  considerable  age,  are  distinctly  characteristic  of 
more   primitive    races   who   made   cup-stones    and    inscribed 

^George  H.  Ashley,  Rhode  Island  Coal.     In  U.  S.  Geol.  Survey,  Bul- 
letin 615,  1915. 


22  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

rocks  habitually.  The  pecking  exactly  resembles  the  known 
examples  of  Indian  rock-carving  in  this  region.  Though 
possible,  it  does  not  seem  likely  that  white  men  equipped  with 
drills  and  hammers  would  have  made  them  as  additions  to 
the  holes.  With  the  holes  arguing  against  the  Indians  and 
the  grooves  against  more  recent  white  men,  we  have  neverthe- 
less a  third  or  combination  alternative  as  a  possible  solution. 
The  rock  may  have  been  originally  a  typical  Indian  cup-stone, 
devoid  of  any  important  symbolism ;  and  the  miners  or  miners' 
children,  seated  there  at  play  or  on  an  idle  day,  with  drills 
accidentally  at  hand,  may  have  deepened  the  original  cups. 
This  hypothesis  is  certainly  not  at  all  unlikely.  But  it  is  not 
probable  that  we  can  ever  be  sure  which  of  the  three  hypothe- 
ses is  the  true  one. 

Muster  Roll  of  Sloop  Providence 

A  Muster  Roll  of  all  the  Officers  Seamen  &  Marines  belong- 
ing to  the  Continental  armed  Sloop  Providence  Commanded 
by  John  Peck  Rathbun  Esqr.  dated  June  19  1777.  From 
original  manuscript  now  in  the  collection  of  Col.  George  L. 
Shepley. 

Names  Stations  Promotions 

John  Peck  Rathbun  Captain 

Joseph  Vesey  ist  Lieutenant 

Daniel  pjears  2d  ditto 

George  Sinkins  Master 

John  Trevett  Capt  Marines 
William  P.  Thurston  ist  Mastrs  Mate 

William  Gregory  2d  ditto  do 
3d  do 

Richmond  Surgeon 

James  Rogers  Purser 

Saml  Bailey  Clerk  from  Clerk  to  Purser 

Oliver  Whitwell  ist  Midshipmn 

Joseph  Deveber  2d  ditto 


MUSTER 

ROLL    OF    SLOOP    PROVIDENCE 

Names 

Stations                   Promotions 

Thomas  Pain 

Steward 

Lillibridge  Worth 

Gunner 

John  Webster 

Boatswain 

Thomas  Brewer 

Carpenter 

Amos  Potter 

Gunnr  M[ate] 

Boatsn  do 

Andrew  Brewer 

Carpnr  do 

Surgs  do 

Andrew  Burnet 

Cook 

Richard  Grinnell 

Ar[mo]rer 

Peleg  Swe[et] 

Coxswain 

James  Bridges 

Cooper 

John  Willson 

Sail  maker 

Joseph  Claghorn 

do  mate 

Joseph  Stewart 

Gunr  Yeoman 

Francis  Simons 

Mastr  at  Arms 

Alexr  Ballingall 

Qur  Master 

Dowty  Randall 

do 

James  Clarke 

Serjt  Marines 

Toby  Jacobs 

Seaman 

Anabony 

ditto 

Thomas  Perfect 

ditto 

William  Nichols 

ditto 

John  Nichols 

ditto 

Isaac  Read 

ditto 

Edward  Clanning 

Marine                      Promoted  to  S 

Joseph  Weeden 

do 

James  Vial 

Marine 

Barzillai  Luce 

ditto 

Danl  Paddock 

Seaman 

Niccols  Stoddard 

do                          reduced  to  a  IV 

Thomas  Allen 

Marine 

Thomas  Collens 

ditto 

John  Tinckom 

ditto 

Esek  Whipple 

ditto 

Joseph  Shaw 

ditto 

23 


24 


RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 


Names 

Stations 

Saml  Browning 

ditto 

Seth  Baker 

ditto 

Thomas  Bailey 

Boy 

John  Shaw 

Seaman 

Andrew  Burnet 

Boy 

Samuel  Wood 

Seaman 

Samuel  Woggs 

do 

Thomas  Hay 

do 

Thomas  Connant 

do 

Zaccheus  Hinckley 

do 

Benj  Harding 

Marine 

Nathl  Arnold 

do 

Joshua  Joy 

Seaman 

Elnathan  Lake 

Marine 

Stephen  Read 

do 

Michael  Wiser 

Coxswain 

Tristam  Luce 

Pilot 

Henry  Stoddard 

Marine 

William  Howell 

ditto 

Solomon  Hallet 

ditto 

Thomas  Hawes 

Landsman 

James  Blossom 

ditto 

James  Morton 

Seaman 

Richard  Sampson 

ditto 

Robert  Falle 

ditto 

William  Sinnett 

Boy 

Imml  Dusnaps 

Seaman 

Joseph  Allen 

Marine 

Promotions 


Reduced  to  a  marine 


Notes 

Col.  George  L.  Shepley  has  presented  the  Society  with  a 
new  Remington  typewriter. 

The  volume  of  photographs  illustrating  the  work  done  by 
the  National  Society  of  Colonial  Dames  in  America,  which  is 


! 


NOTES 


25 


being  sent  from  state  to  state,  has  been  on  exhibition  at  the 
Society  during  the  autumn. 

An  exhibition  of  early  Rhode  Island  broadsides  from  the 
collection  of  Col.  George  L.  Shepley  was  held  in  the  Society's 
rooms  during  October.  Accounts  of  this  exhibition  were  pub- 
lished in  the  Providence  Journal  and  the  Boston  Evening 
Transcript. 

During  November  and  December  a  loan  exhibition  of  ship 
pictures  and  log  books  was  held,  over  100  pictures  being  ex- 
hibited. On  Tuesday  evening,  December  7,  1920,  Professor 
Wilfred  H.  Munro  delivered  an  instructive  lecture  on  "The 
Romance  of  Old-Time  Shipping"  in  connection  with  the  exhi- 
bition. 

A  List  of  the  Donors  of  Ship  Pictures,  Log  Books,  Etc. 


Mrs.  Clarence  A.  Brouwer 

Miss  M.  Frances  Dunham 

Miss  Mary  F.  Salisbury 

Mr.  F.  B.  Taylor 

Brown  &  Ives 

Mr.  T.  H.  D'Arcy 

Miss  Ida  H.  Spencer 

Mr.  S.  F.  Babbitt 

Miss  Jane  W.  Bucklin 

Mr.  Edward  Carrington 

J.  A.  Whaley  &  Company 

Dr.  H.  G.  Partridge 

Col.  George  L.  Shepley 

Mr.  S.  N.  Sherman 

Mr.  H.  Ross  Matthews 

Dr.  &  Mrs.  Charles  V.  Chapin 

Mr.  W.  R.  McDowall 

Mr.  A.  H.  Fiske 

Mr.  Thomas  F.  McCarthy 

Mr.  Thomas  Amos 

Mr.  William  A.  Chandler 

Miss  Mary  L.  Brown 

Mr.  Frederick  Nordstrom 

Mr.  James  De  Kay 

Mr.  John  F.  Street 


Mr.  T.  G.  Hazard,  Jr. 

Mr.  George  Stevens 

Mr.  E.  F.  Gray 

Mr.  L.  M.  Robinson 

Miss  L.  W.  Reynolds 

Mr.  Albert  W.  Claflin 

Mr.  Richard  B.  Comstock 

Dr.  M.  H.  Merchant 

Mr.  L.  Earle  Rowe 

Mr.  Benjamin  M.  Jackson 

Mr.  Albert  Fenner 

Mr.  J.  K.  H.  Nightingale,7r. 

Mr.  Frank  Douglas 

Mr.  A.  R.  Madden 

Dr.  W.  Louis  Chapman 

Mr.  Richard  W.  Comstock,  Jr. 

Mr.  Harald  W.  Ostby 

Mr.  F.  W.  Arnold 

Mr.  H.  M.  C.  Skinner 

Mr.  Duncan  Hazard 

Mr.  Lawrence 

Mr.  Paul  C.  Nicholson 

Mr.  Robert  V.  S.  Reed 

Dr.  Peter  P.  Chase 

Mrs.  Gardner  T.  Swarts 


26  RHODE   ISLAND    HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

Rev.  Henry  I.  Cushman  Mr.  W.  M.  Murdie 
Mr.  Edward  K.  Aldrich,  Jr.  Mr.  Clarence  A.  Mathewson 
Mr.  S.  H.  Brower  Mrs.  Hugh  Williamson  Kelly- 
Mr.  Willliam  McCreery  Miss  M.  F.  Babcock 
Mrs.  John  W.  Vernon  Mr.  Edward  Aborn  Greene 
Mrs.  H.  E.  Newell  Mr.  George  A.  Smith 
Mr.  George  L.  Miner  Mr.  Joseph  McCoid 

The  following  persons  have  been  elected  to  membership: 
Miss  Isabel  Eddy  Mr.  Hugh  F.  MacColl 

Miss  Mary  Olcott  Mr.  Victor  H.  King 

Miss  Mary  Elliott  Davis  Prof.  Verner  W.  Crane 

Mrs.  W.  E.  Heathcote  H.  G.  Partridge,  M.  D. 

Mr.  George  C.  Dcmpsey  Frank  T.  Calef ,  M.  D. 

Dr.  George  T.  Spicer  was  elected  Secretary  of  the  Society 
at  the  October  meeting. 

Mr.  Walter  N.  Buffum  presented  to  the  Society  a  manu- 
script genealogy  of  the  Buffum  family.  Manuscript  genealo- 
gies of  this  type  are  of  great  use  to  persons  making  out  papers 
for  patriotic  societies. 

Among  the  more  interesting  of  the  museum  accessions  are 
a  snuff  box  which  formerly  belonged  to  Samuel  Slater,  which 
was  presented  by  Mr.  Thomas  Durfee  and  Miss  Dorothy 
Durfee ;  a  cane  formerly  the  property  of  Thomas  W.  Dorr, 
which  was  presented  by  Mr.  Edward  Carrington ;  and  a  cane 
made  out  of  a  narwhal's  tooth,  which  was  presented  by  Pro- 
fessor Wilfred  JL  Munro. 

Mr.  J.  N.  Kimball  of  New  York  gave  to  the  Society  one  of 
the  political  banners  that  was  carried  in  the  Dorr  War.  This 
makes  the  ninth  Dorr  War  banner  in  our  museum. 

Mile.  Marie  Louise  Bonier's  "Debuts  de  la  Colonic  Franco- 
Americaine  de  Woonsocket"  is  a  very  valuable  contribution  to 
Rhode  Island  history. 

The  Netopian  for  September,  1920,  published  a  reproduc- 
tion of  the  Society's  oil  painting  of  the  "September  Gale,"  and 
in  the  October  number  published  a  reproduction  of  Col.  Shep- 
ley's  rare  lithograph  of  the  same  subject. 

An  illustrated  monograph  on  the  "Ships  and  Shipmasters  of 


ACTIVE    MEMBERS 


27 


Old  Providence"  has  been  issued  by  the  Providence  Institu- 
tion for  Savings. 

The  October  Bulletin  of  the  Newport  Historical  Society  con- 
tains a  paper  by  Dr.  Terry  on  "The  Early  Relations  between 
the  Colonies  of  New  Plymouth  and  Rhode  Island." 

Governor  Bourn's  "Rhode  Island  Addresses"  has  been  print- 
ed as  an  attractive  volume. 


List  of  Members  of  the 
Rhode  Island  Historical  Society 

Active  Members. 

No  list  of  members  of  the  Society  has  been  printed  for  sev- 
eral years,  and  as  we  have  had  numerous  requests  for  such  a 
list,  we  have  decided  to  include  it  in  this  number  of  the  Col- 
lections. 


Abbot,  Gen.  Charles  W.,  Jr. 
Adams,  Mr.  Benjamin  B. 
Addeman,  Hon.  Joshua 'M. 
Aldred,  Mr.  Frederick  W. 
Aldrich,  Mr.  Charles  T. 
Aldrich,  Mr.  Edward  K.,  Jr. 
Aldrich,  Mr.  Richard  S. 
Allen,  Mrs.  Crawford  C. 
Allen,  Mr.  Francis  O. 
Allen,  Mr.  Frederick  W. 
Allen,  Mr.  Philip 
Angell,  Mr.  Walter  F. 
Anthony,  Mr.  Albert  L. 
Anthony,  Mr.  Edwin  P. 
Armour,  Mr.  William 
Arnold,  Mrs.  Arthur  H. 
Arnold,  Mr.  Christopher  B. 
Arnold,  Mr.  Edward  E. 
Arnold,  Mr.  Fred  A. 
Arnold,  Mr.  Frederick  W. 
Arnold,  Mrs.  Howard  C. 
Austin,  Mr.  Leonard  N. 
Atwood,  Mr.  James  A.,  Jr. 


Babcock,  Mr.  Albert 
Babcock,  Mrs.  Albert 
Bacon,  Mrs.  Nathaniel  T. 
Baker,  Mr.  Albert  A. 
Baker,  Miss  Esther  H. 
Balch,  Miss  Mary  H. 
Baldwin,  Mr.  Luther  C. 
Ballou,  Mr.  Frederick  D. 
Barker,  Mr.  Henry  A. 
Barnes,  Harry  Lee,  M.  D. 
Barnes,  Mrs.  Nellie  A. 
Barrows,  Mr.  Arthur  C. 
Barrows,  Hon.  Chester  W. 
Bates,  Mr.  Francis  E. 
Bates,  W.  Lincoln,  M.  D. 
Beckwith,  Mrs.  Daniel 
Beeckman,  Hon.  R.  Livington 
Belcher,  Mr.  Horace  G. 
Bennett,  Mr.  Mark  N. 
Binney,  Mr.  William,  Jr. 
Blanding,  Mr.  William  O. 
Blumer,  G.  Alder,  M.  D. 
Bogert,  Mrs.  Theodore  P. 


28 


RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 


Bosworth,  Hon.  Orrin  L. 
Bourn,  Hon.  Augustus  O. 
Bowen,  Mr.  Henry 
Bowen,  Mr.  Richard  M. 
Brayton,  Miss  Elizabeth  H. 
Bridgham,  Miss  Ida  F. 
Briggs,  Mrs.  Annie  M. 
Brigham,  Mr.  Herbert  O. 
Brightman,  Miss  Eva  St.  C. 
Brouwer,  Mrs.  Clarence  A. 
Brown,  Mr.  Clarence  Irving 
Brown,  Col.  Cyrus  P. 
Brown,  Mr.  Frank  Hail 
Brown,  Mrs.  Frank  Hail 
Brown,  Hon.  George  T. 
Brown,  Col.  H.  Martin 
Brown,  Col.  Robert  P. 
Bubier,  Mr.  Charles  W. 
Bucklin,  Mr.  Edward  C. 
Bucklin,  Mr.  Harris  H. 
Bucklin,  Miss  Jane  W. 
Buffum,  Miss  Clara 
Buffum,  Mr.  Frederick  H. 
Burchard,  Hon.  Roswell  B. 
Burlingame,  Mr.  Edwin  A. 
Buxton,  G.  Edward,  M.  D. 
Cady,  Mr.  John  H. 
Calder,  Mr.  Albert  L.,  2nd 
Calef,  Frank  T.,  M.  D. 
Calef,  Mr.  Herbert  C. 
Callender.'Mr.  Walter  R. 
Callender,  Mr.  Walter 
Capwell,  Miss  Caroline  E. 
Carpenter,  Mr.  Francis  W. 
Carr,  Mr.  Frederick  D. 
Carr,  Mrs.  George  W. 
Carrington,  Mr.  Edward 
Carrington,  Mrs.  Edward 
Carroll,  Mr.  William 
Case,  Mr.  Norman  S. 
Chace,  Miss  Anna  H. 
Chace,  Mrs.  Henry  R. 
Chace,  Mr.  James  H. 


Chace,  Mr.  Malcolm  G. 
Chandler,  Mr.  George  Allen 
Chapin,  Charles  V.,  M.  D. 
Chapin,  Mrs.  Charles  V, 
Chapin,  Mr.  Howard «M. 
Chapin,  Mrs.  Howard  M. 
Chapin,  Mr.  William  W. 
Chapman,  W.  Louis,  M.  D. 
Chase,  Julian  A.,  M.  D. 
Chase,  Rev.  Loring  B. 
Cheesman,  Mr.  Merton  A. 
Claflin,  Mr.  Albert  W. 
Claflin,  Mr.  Arthur  W. 
Clark,  Mr.  Harry  C. 
Coggeshall,  Mrs.  James  H. 
Collier,  Prof.  Theodore 
Collins,  Mrs.  Clarkson  A.,  Jr. 
Collins,  George  L.,  M.  D. 
Colt,  Hon.  LeBaron  B. 
Colt,  Col.  Samuel  P. 
Comstock,  Mr.  Andrew  B. 
Comstock,  Mr.  Louis  H. 
Comstock,  Mr.  Richard  B. 
Comstock,  Mr.  Richard  W.,  Jr. 
Comstock,  Mrs.  W.  A.  H. 
Comstock,  Mr.  Walter  J. 
Conant,  Mr.  Samuel  M. 
Cook,  Mr.  C.  D. 
Craig,  Mr.  Ernest  S. 
Crane,  Prof.  Verner  W. 
Cranston,  Mr.  Frank  H. 
Cross,  Mr.  Harry  Parsons 
Curtis,  Mr.  Harold  R. 
Danf orth,  Murray  S.,  M.  D. 
Dart,  Mr.  William  C. 
Davis,  Mr.  Jeffrey 
Davis,  Miss  Mary  Elliott 
Davol,  Mr.  Charles  J. 
Day,  Frank  L.,  M.  D. 
Delabarre,  Prof.  Edmund  B. 
Dempsey,  Mr.  George  C. 
Denham,  Mr.  Edward 
Dexter,  Mr.  George  W. 


ACTIVE    MEMBERS 


29 


Dexter,  Mr.  Henry  C. 
Diman,  Miss  Louise 
Dooley,  Mr.  Michael  F. 
Douglas,  Hon.  William  W. 
Downes,  Mrs.  Louis  W. 
Doyle,  Miss  Sarah  E. 
Draper,  Mr.  William  Henry 
Drown,  Mr.  Charles  L. 
Dunlop,  Mr.  Charles  D. 
Dyer,  Col.  H.  Anthony 
Easton,  Mr.  Charles  G. 
Easton,  Mr.  Frederick  W. 
Eddy,  Miss  Isabel 
Edgren,  Mr.  J.  Urban 
Edwards,  Miss  Edith 
Edwards,  Mr.  Walter  A. 
Elgar,  Mr.  James 
Ely,  Mr.  William 
Emerson,  Mr.  Frank  W. 
Estes,  Mr.  William  W. 
Fanning,  Mr.  Martin  S. 
Faunce,  Pres.  William  H.  P. 
Fifield,  Mr.  Henry  A. 
Fiske,  Mr.  Augustus  H. 
Fiske,  Rev.  George  McC. 
Fletcher,  Mrs.  Charles 
Flint,  Mr.  Dutee  Wilcox 
Flint,  Mr.  Elliot 
Ford,  Mr.  William  H. 
Foster,  Mr.  Charles  S. 
Foster,  Mr.  Theodore  W. 
Foster,  Mr.  William  E. 
Freeman,  Hon.  James  F. 
Freeman,  Mr.  John  R. 
Freeman,  Hon.  Joseph  W. 
Fuller,  Mr.  Frederick  H. 
Gainer,  Hon.  Joseph  H. 
Gammell,  Mr.  William 
Gammell,  Mr.  William.,  Jr. 
Gamwell,  Mr.  William  A. 
Gardner,  Prof.  Henry  B. 
Gardner,  Hon.  Rathbone 
Gibson,  Mr.  S.  Ashley 


Gillespie,  Mr.  Lawrence  L. 
Goddard,  Mr.  Robert  H.  L 
Goddard,  Mrs.  William 
Goodwin,  Rev.  Daniel 
Goss,  Mr.  Harry  Hale 
Green,  Hon.  Theodore  Francis 
Greene,  Mr.  Edward  Aborn 
Greene,  Mr.  William  C. 
Greenough,  Hon.  William  B. 
Gross,  Col.  Harold  J. 
Guild,  Miss  Georgiana 
Hadley,  Mrs.  Ralph  V. 
Hallett,  Rev.  Frank  T. 
Ham,  Mr.  Livingston 
Harrington,  Mr.  Ernest  S. 
Harrington,  Mr.  Gilbert  A. 
Harris,  Mr.  Robert 
Harrison,  Mr.  George  A. 
Hatch,  Mr.  Willard  T. 
Hathaway,  Mr.  William  A. 
Hazard,  Miss  Caroline 
Hazard,  Mr.  Rowland 
Hazard,  Mr.  Thomas  G.,  Jr. 
Healy,  Mr.  Frank 
Healy,  Mrs.  Frank 
Heathcote,  Mrs.  W.  E. 
Henius,  Mr.  Arthur 
Henshaw,  Mr.  John 
Hodgman,  Mr.  William  L. 
Holden,  Mr.  George  J. 
Horton,  Mr.  Charles  A. 
Horton,  Mr.  Walter  E. 
Howard,  Mr.  Elisha  H. 
Howe,  Mr.  M.  A.  DeWolfe 
Hoyt,  Mr.  David  W. 
Hunt,  Mr.  Horatio  A. 
Hurley,  Mr.  Richard  A. 
Hyde,  Mr.  James  Hazen 
Isham,  Mr.  Norman  M. 
Jackson,  Mr.  Benjamin  A. 
Jackson,  Mr.  Benjamin  M. 
Jepherson,  Mr.  George  A. 
Johnson,  Mrs.  Edward  L. 


30 


RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 


Joyce,  Mr.  Edward  C. 
Kimball,  Hon.  Charles  D. 
Kimball,  Mrs.  Charles  D. 
King,  Eugene  P.,  M.  D. 
King,  Mr.  George  Gordon 
King,  Col.  H.  Irving 
King,  Mr.  Victor  H. 
Kingsley,  Mr.  Nathan  G. 
Knight,  Miss  Amelia  S. 
Knight,  Mr.  Robert  L. 
Knight,  Mrs.  Robert  L. 
Knight,  Mr.  Russell  W. 
Koopman,  Prof.  Harry  L. 
Lawton,  Hon.  George  R. 
Lee,  Hon.  Thomas  Z. 
Lenz,  Mrs.  Sarah  G. 
Leonard,  Charles  H.,  M.  D. 
Leonard,  Miss  Grace  F. 
Lewis,  Mr.  George  H. 
Lewis,  Mr.  Joseph  W. 
Lincoln,  Mr.  Ferdinand  A. 
Lippitt,  Hon.  Charles  Warren 
Lippitt,  Mrs.  Charles  Warren 
Lippitt,  Mr.  Charles  Warren,  Jr. 
Lipiiitt,  Mr.  Gorton  T. 
Lippitt,  Hon.  Henry  F. 
Lisle,  Mr.  Arthur  B. 
Littlefield,  Mr.  Charles  W. 
Littlefield,  Hon.  Nathan  W. 
Lord,  Rev.  Augustus  M. 
Loring,  Mr.  W.  C. 
Luther,  Mr.  Frederick  N. 
Lyman,  Mr.  Richard  E. 
MacColl,  Mr.  Hugh  F. 
Mackinney,  Mr.  Charles  B. 
Maine,  Afr.  Herbert  E. 
Marshall,  Mr.  Charles  C. 
Mason,  Mr.  Fletcher  S. 
Mason,  Mr.  Harold 
Mason,  IMr.  John  H. 
Matteson,  Mr.  Frank  W. 
McAuslan,  Mr.  William  A. 
McDonnell,  Mr.  T.  F.  L 


McDonnell,  Mrs.  T.  F.  I. 
Meader,  Mr.  Lewis  H. 
Merriman,  Mr.  Isaac  B. 
Metcalf,  Harold,  M.  D. 
Metcalf,  Mr.  Jesse  H. 
Metcalf,  Mrs.  Jesse  H. 
Metcalf,  Mrs.  Stephen  O. 
Miller,  Mr.  William  Davis 
Miner,  Mr.  George  L. 
Moriarty,  Mr.  G.  A.,  Jr. 
M'owry,  Mr.  Wendell  A. 
Mulchahey,  Mr.  Edward  I. 
Munroe,  Hon.  Addison  P. 
Munro,  Walter  L.,  M.  D. 
Munro,  Prof.  Wilfred  H. 
Muncy,  William  M.,  M.  D. 
Murdie,  Mr.  Walter  M. 
Newell,  Mr.  James  S. 
Newhall,  Mr.  George  H. 
Newman,  Mr.  Louis  C. 
Nicholson,  Mr.  Paul  C. 
Nicholson,  Col.  Samuel  M. 
Nightingale,  Mr.  George  C,  Jr. 
Nightingale,  Mr.  George  C. 
Noyes,  Mr.  Charles  P. 
Olcott,  Miss  Mary 
Olney,  Mrs.  Frank  F. 
Ostbv,  Mr.  Erling  C. 
Ostby,  Mr.  Harald  W. 
Over,  Mr.  Spencer  H. 
Paddock,  Mr.  Miner  H. 
Parsons,  Mr.  G.  Richmond 
Partridge,  H.  G.,  M.  D. 
Peck,  Miss  Elizabeth  A. 
Peck,  Mr.  Frederick  S. 
Peck,  Mrs.  Frederick  S. 
Peck,  Mrs.  Leander  R. 
Peck,  Mr.  Stephen  I. 
Peckham,  Charles  F.,  M.  D. 
Peirce,  Mr.  George  E. 
Peirce,  Mrs.  George  E. 
Peirce,  Mr.  Thomas  A. 
Perry,  Mr.  Charles  M. 


ACTIVE    MEMBERS 


31 


Perry,  Rt.  Rev.  James  DeWolf ,  Jr. 
Perry,  Mr.  Marsden  J. 
Peters,  John  M.,  M.  D. 
Philbrick,  Mr.  Charles  H. 
Phillips,  Mrs.  Gilbert  A. 
Pierce,  Mr.  Augustus  R. 
Pierce,  Mr.  Byron  A. 
Pierce,  Mr.  Frank  L. 
Pitts,  Hermon  C,  M.  D. 
Poland,  Prof.  William  C. 
Porter,  Lewis  B.,  M.  D. 
Potter,  Mrs.  Dexter  B. 
Powel,  Mrs.  Samuel 
Preston,  Mr.  Howard  W. 
Preston,  Mrs.  Howard  W. 
Quinn,  Mr.  Patrick  H. 
Radeke,  Mrs.  Gustav 
Ranger,  Mr.  Walter  E. 
Raps,  Mrs.  Henry  G. 
Rathbun,  Hon.  Elmer  J. 
Rathom,  Mr.  John  R. 
Rawson,  Mr.  Thomas  B. 
Remington,  Mr.  Charles  C. 
Remington,  Mr.  John  A. 
Rhode  Island  State  College 
Rice,  Hon.  Herbert  A. 
Richmond,  Mr.  Henry  Isaac 
Richmond,  Mrs.  Howard 
Robinson,  Mr.  Louis  E. 
Rockwell,  Mr.  Charles  B. 
Rodman,  Mr.  Robert 
Roelker,  Mr.  William  G. 
Rogers,  Rev.  Arthur 
Sabre,  Mr.  George  W. 
■Sackett,  Mr.  Henry  W. 
Seabury,  Miss  Irene  T. 
Sharpe,  Mr.  Henry  D. 
Sharpe,  Mr.  L. 
Shaw,  Mrs.  Frederick  E. 
Shepley,  Col.  George  L. 
Sioussat,  Prof.  St.  George  L. 
Sisson,  Mrs.  Charles 
Slade,  Mr.  William  A. 


Slader,  Mr.  Henry  L. 
Smith,  Mr.  Charles  Morris,  Jr. 
Smith,  R.  Morton,  M.  D. 
Smith,  Mr.  Nathaniel  W. 
Smith,  Mr.  Walter  B. 
Spicer,  George  T.,  M.  D. 
Sprague,  Mr.  Henry  S. 
Stark,  Mr.  Charles  R. 
Staton,  Mrs.  James  G. 
Stearns,  Hon.  Charles  F. 
Steedman,  Mrs.  Charles  J. 
Steere,  Mr.  Thomas  E. 
Stevens,  Miss  Maud  Lyman 
Stillman,  Mr.  Elisha  C. 
Stiness,  Mr.  Edward  Clinton 
Stites,'Mr.  Henry  Y. 
Stockwell,  Mr.  George  A. 
Stone,  Mr.  William  S. 
Straight,  Mr.  Charles  T. 
Street,  Mr.  John  F. 
Studley,  Hon.  J.  Edward 
Sturgess,  Mr.  Rush 
Swan,  Mr.  Frank  H. 
Swarts,  Gardner  T.,  M'.  D. 
Sumner,  Hon.  Arthur  P. 
Sweeney,  Hon.  John  W. 
Taft,  Mr.  Royal  C. 
Taft,  Mr.  Robert  W. 
Thornley,iMr.  William  H. 
Tillinghast,  Mr.  William  R. 
Tower,  Mr.  James  H. 
Tripp,  Mr.  Frederick  E. 
Tully,  Mr.  William  J. 
Updike,  Mr.  D.  Berkeley 
Viall,  Mr.  William  A. 
Vincent,  Hon.  Walter  B. 
Wall,  Mr.  A.  Tingley 
Warner,  Mr.  Clarance  M. 
Warren,  Mr.  Charles  H. 
Washburn,  Rev.  Arthur  L. 
Waterman,  Mr.  Lewis  A. 
Watrous,  Hon.  Ralph  C. 
Watson,  Col.  Byron  S. 


32 


RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 


Watson,  Mr.  John  J. 
Weeden,  Mrs.  William  B. 
Welling,  Mr.  Richard 
West,  Mr.  Thomas  H.,  Jr. 
Westcott,  Mr.  Charles  E. 
Westcott,  Mrs.  Charles  E. 
Wetmore,  Hon.  George  Peabody 
White,  Mr.  Hunter  C 
White,  Mr.  Willis  H. 


Wilbour,  Mr.  Victor 
Wilder,  Mr.  Frank  J. 
Wilkinson,  Mrs.  E.  K. 
Williams,  W.  Fred,  M.  D. 
Willson,  Miss  Amey  L. 
Wing,  Mr.  William  A. 
Winship,  Mrs.  George  P. 
Woods,  Hon.  John  Carter  Browa 


William  Coddington's  Seals 


William  Coddington  used  two  seals  while  residing  in  New  England, 
One  of  these  seals  bears  the  Belliugham  armorial  shield.  This  seal 
appears  on  several  of  Coddington's  letters  which  are  preserved  in  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society  and  differs  slightly  from  a  similar  ar- 
morial seal  used  by  Gov.  Bellingham.  The  other  seal  used  by  Coddington 
bears  the  initials  "R.C."  These  seals  may  serve  as  genealogical  clews ; 
The  latter  seal  Coddington  may  have  inherited  from  his  father  or  grand- 
father and  the  former  one  may  have  come  from  his  maternal  grand- 
father. Coddington  was  a  close  friend  of  Bellingham  and  may  have 
been  a  relative. 


Form  of  Legacy 


*'  I  give  and  bequeath  to  the  Rhode  Island 
Historical  Society  the  sum  of 
dollars.** 


Rhode  Island 

Historical    Society 

Collections 

Vol.  XIV  July,  1921  No .  3 

CONTENTS 


PAGB 


Roger  Williams'  Tablet  in  the  Hall  of  Fame  65 

An  Account  of  the  English  Homes  of  Three  Early 
"Proprietors"  of  Providence 

By  Fred  A.  Arnold 68 

Addenda  to  Imprint  List 87 


Notes ^^ 


$  3.00  per  year  Issued  Quarterly  75  cents  per  copy 


Bronze  Tablet  to  the  Memory  of  Roger  Williams  un- 
veiled in  the  Hall  of  Fame,  New  York  on  May  21, 1921. 


Reproduction  of  thumb  print  made  by  Roger  Williams 
in  sealing  wax  in  1654,  from  original  now  in  the  Massa- 
chusetts Historical  Society  Library,  Winthrop  2,  122. 


)^^j^ 


'i>fc^ 


NATURAL   SIZE 


ENLARGED 


Reproductions  of  the  thumb  prints  of  Roger  Williams 
made  by  him  in  sealing  wax,  from  original  seals 
now  in  The  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Library, 
Winth.  2,  120,  1650;  and  2,  124,  1664. 


ift 


RHODE 
HISTORICAL 


ISLAND 
SOCIETY 


COLLECTIONS 


Vol.  XIV 


July,  1921 


No.  3 


Howard  W.  Preston,  President    Edward  K.  AlDRICH, Jr.,  Treasurer 
George  T.  Spicer,  Secretary         Howard  M.ChAPIN,  Librarian 


The  Society  assumes   no   responsibility  for  the  statements  or  the 
opinions  of  contributors. 


Roger  Williams'  Tablet  in  the  Hall  of  Fame 

On  May  21,  1921,  a  bronze  tablet  in  honor  of  Roger  Wil- 
liams was  unveiled  in  the  Hall  of  Fame  in  New  York. 

The  tablet  bears  the  following  inscription : 
"ROGER  WILLIAMS 
1 607- 1 684 

TO  PROCLAIM  A  TRUE  AND  ABSOLUTE  SOUL  FREEDOM  TO 
ALL  THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  LAND  IMPARTL\LLY  SO  THAT  NO  PER- 
SON BE  FORCED  TO  PRAY  NOR  PAY  OTHERWISE  THAN  AS  HIS 
SOUL  BELIEVETH   AND  CONSENTETH/' 

That  Roger  Williams  was  the  pioneer  of  Religious  Liberty 
in  America,  and  that  Providence  is  the  first  town  in  the  New 
World  founded  upon  that  principle,  with  a  complete  separa- 
tion of  the  church  and  state,  is  so  universally  known,  that  it 


66  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

seems  scarcely  to  need  emphasis  again.  Yet  it  may  be  well 
to  call  attention  to  a  few  salient  facts. 

Roger  Williams  was  banished  from  Massachusetts  in  1635 
on  four  counts.  The  first  was  for  maintaining  "that  the  mag- 
istrate ought  not  to  punish  the  breach  of  the  first  table,  other- 
wise than  in  such  cases  as  did  disturb  the  civil  peace;"  (Win- 
throp  I,  162).  By  the  first  table  is  meant  the  four  command- 
ments, those  which  deal  only  with  religious  matters.  Here 
then  is  a  clear  cut  statement  of  Williams'  views  in  1635,  the 
principle  of  religious  liberty,  qualified  carefully  so  that  it 
might  not  be  used  as  a  cloak  to  cover  civil  disorders. 

In  1644,  Williams,  in  writing  of  his  trials  in  1635,  said 
that  he  was  justly  accused  of  holding,  "that  the  Civill  Magis- 
trates power  extends  only  to  the  Bodies  and  Goods,  and  out- 
ward state  of  men,  &c."     (Cotton's  Letter  Examined,  p.  4.) 

In  a  letter  written  21  July.  1637  to  Governor  Winthrop, 
W' illiams  said :  "I  know  and  am  persuaded  that  your  mis- 
guidings  are  great  and  lamentable,  and  the  further  you  pass 
in  your  way.  the  further  you  wander,  and  have  the  further 
to  come  back,  and  the  end  of  one  vexation,  will  be  but  the 
beginning  of  another,  till  Conscience  be  permitted  (though 
erroneous)  to  be  free  Amongst  you."  (N.  C.  6,  51.) 

That  religious  liberty  then  known  as  liberty  of  conscience 
was  established  at  Providence  in  1636  is  shown  by  Winthrop's 
comment  made  in  1638.  viz: 

"...at  their  first  coming  thither,  Mr.  Williams  and  the 
r.est  did  make  an  order,  that  no  man  should  be  molested  for 
his  conscience...,"  (Winthrop  i,  283)  and  William  Arnold's 
statement  in  May,  1638.  "...and  their  order  was,  that  no 
man  should  be  censured  for  his  conscience."  (Winthrop  i, 
283.)  Roger  Williams'  own  statements  in  regard  to  the 
founding  of  Providence,  made  later  in  1661  that,  "I... called 
the  place  Providence ;  I  desired  it  might  be  for  a  shelter  for 
persons  distressed  for  conscience,"  and  in  1677.  that  it  was 
"agreed  that  the  place  should  be  for  such  as  were  destitute 
(especially  for  Conscience  Sake)"  substantiate  this  fact. 

Richard   Scott,    who     like     William    Arnold,   mentioned 


ROGER  WILLIAMS'  TABLET  IN  THE  HALL  OF  FAME    6^ 

.above,  was  a  bitter  enemy  of  Williams,  wrote  in  regard  to 
Williams;  "Though  he  professed  Liberty  of  Conscience  and 
was  so  zealous  for  it  at  the  first  coming  home  of  the  Charter 
that  nothing  in  Government  must  be  acted,  till  that  was 
granted,. .  ."  (Fox  2,  248). 

Williams'  writings,  Williams'  friends  and  Williams'  enc 
mies  all  testify  to  his  advocacy  of  Liberty  of  Conscience  and 
to  its  establishment  at  Providence.  The  Verin  case  of  May, 
1638,  proves  it  to  be  in  effect  at  that  time  and  previously. 
Verin  was  disenfranchised  for  not  allowing  Liberty  of  Con- 
science to  his  wife.  The  "Combination"  of  July  27,  1640, 
states,  "we  agree  as  formerly  hath  been  the  libertyes  of  the 
towne;  so  still  to  hold  forth  Liberty  of  Conscience."  (P.  T. 
P.  02.) 

To  sum  up:  We  have  the  statements  of  Williams,  that 
when  Providence  was  founded.  Liberty  of  Conscience  was 
established  there;  we  have  the  statement  of  Gov.  Winthrop, 
written  in  1638,  that  Liberty  of  Conscience  was  established 
at  "their  first  coming"  to  Providence ;  we  have  the  statement 
of  Arnold,  made  in  1638,  that  that  order  existed  previous  to 
this  time ;  the  Verin  case  in  1638  proves  that  the  order  in 
regard  to  Liberty  of  Conscience  was  enforced;  and  the  Com- 
bination of  1640,  which  recognizes  the  fact  that  Liberty  of 
Conscience  is  one  of  the  regulations  of  the  town. 


68  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

An  Account  of  the  English  Homes  of  Three 
Early  "Proprietors"  of  Providence 

Fred  A.  Arnold 

(Coftilutied  from  April  Issu^) 

No  public  record  had  been  found  of  the  birth  or  marriaj^e 
of  WilHam  Arnold,  nor  of  the  birth  or  baptism  of  any  of  his 
children,  until  the  Ilchester  transcript  of  1622,  signed  by  him 
as  church  warden,  giving  the  baptism  there  of  his  youngest 
son  Stephen,  as  of  Dec.  26,  1622  (four  days  later  than  his 
birth  as  given  in  the  family  record),  and  the  burial  of  his 
father  Nicholas.  This  is  of  course  easily  explained  by  the 
entire  loss  of  all  the  earlier  Ilchester  registers,  but  the  Well's 
transcript  of  1596,  giving  the  record  of  the  burial  at  Ilchester 
of  "Alice  wife  of  Nicholas  Arnold  taller."  is  like  a  flash 
from  a  light  house  illuminating  the  whole  situation.  It  is  the 
key  that  explains  why  the  name  of  Nicholas  Arnold  appears 
and  disappears  from  the  Northover  records,  with  the  one 
entry  of  the  Birth  of  his  daughter  Thomasine  in  1572,  shows- 
where  he  went,  and  the  reason  of  his  removal.  The  explana- 
tion is  that  at  the  time  of  his  marriage  he  was  working  at 
Northover  as  a  journeyman  tailor,  having  already  served 
seven  years  as  an  apprentice,  and  desiring  to  go  into  business 
as  a  merchant,  he  moved  across  the  river  half  a  mile  into  a 
larger  community,  the  compact  part  of  Ilchester,  established 
himself  as  a  merchant  tailor  and  carried  on  that  business  there 
from  about  1575  until  his  death  in  1623.  It  was  the  common 
usage  at  this  period  for  men,  on  legal  documents,  to  add  their 
title  or  occupation,  but  it  was  unusual  if  not  unique  to  do  this 
in  case  of  a  wife  as  was  done  by  the  Rector  Joseph  Collier 
A.  M.,  in  recording  the  burial  of  Alice  as  the  wife  of  Nicho- 
las Arnold  tailer  in  1596.  John  Raven  A.  M.,  who  wrote  and 
witnessed  his  will  in  1622/3  ^^^o  called  him  tailer.  It  could 
only  mean  that  he  had  become  and  remained  an  influential 
merchant,  and  a  member  of  the  Gild  of  Taylors  in  Ilchester 
nearly  50  years. 


ENGLISH  HOMES  OF  THREE  EARLY  "PROPRIETORS"    69 

In  this  period  the  trade  ^Id  was  an  important  feature, 
formed  for  the  association  of  all  the  members  of  a  given 
trade,  for  its  regulation  and  support.  No  person  could  work 
at  any  trade  in  any  capacity  unless  he  belonged  to  its  gild. 
These  trade  gilds  grew  to  be  very  influential  in  local  politics 
taking  to  a  great  extent  the  place  that  political  parties  do,  at 
the  present  time.  From  their  ranks  were  taken  the  mayors, 
burgesses  and  aldermen,  both  in  small  towns  and  large  cities ; 
they  became  very  wealthy,  and  built  magnificent  gild  houses, 
in  all  the  great  cities,  those  of  London,  Bristol,  Exeter,  and 
many  other  places  remain  to-day,  next  to  the  great  cathe- 
drals and  churches,  the  finest  buildings  in  England.  These 
trade  gilds  should  not  be  confounded  with  the  older  church 
gilds,  devoted  entirely  to  religious  work,  that  disappeared 
with  the  destruction  of  the  monasteries  and  nunnerys  under 
the  edict  of  Edward  VI.  Nor  should  they  be  compared  with 
the  labor  unions  of  to-day,  organized  as  a  class,  to  fight 
against  their  employers,  another  class,  like  an  army  of  pri- 
vates clashing  against  their  officers  for  control.  In  the  trade 
gild,  master,  journeyman,  and  apprentice  were  banded  to- 
gether for  the  protection  of  his  trade,  not  his  class.  They 
were  chartered  by  the  Sovereign,  with  many  privileges,  recog- 
nized by  the  church ;  each  had  its  patron  saint,  that  of  the 
tailors  being  St.  John  the  Baptist,  whose  feast  day  was  their 
election  day,  and  celebrated  with  great  displays.  A  curious 
account  of  one  of  their  festival  occasions  at  Wells  is  found 
in  Phelp's  History  of  Somerset,  on  the  occasion  of  a  visit  of 
Queen  Anne  the  wife  of  James  I  in  1613.  As  Nicholas 
Arnold  was  living,  and  an  active  member  of  his  gild  at  that 
time,  he  may  have  been  present  as  a  participant  or  spectator, 
and  this  description  gives  us  some  idea,  of  the  manner  of  the 
man,  and  under  what  conditions  and  surroundings  he  lived 
at  Northover  and  Ilchester  from  about  1575  to  1623. 

"The  order  and  manner  of  the  shews  by  the  masters  and 
wardens  of  every  trade  and  occupac'on  within  the  citie  or 
huroughe  of  Welles,  as  it  was  presented  before  the  Queenes 


70  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

Matie  in  Welles,   upon   Fridaie  the   XX°    daie  of   Auguste,. 
Anno  D'ni  1613. 

"It  is  ordered  that  the  Mayor  and  his  brethren  shall  attend 
in  their  scarlet  gownes  neere  about  Brownes  Gate,  and  the 
residue  of  the  XXiiij  or  to  attend  likewise  in  person  in  blacke 
gownes,  and  the  residue  of  the  burgesses  to  attend  likewise 
in  their  gownes  and  best  apparell;  and  this  be  done  by  the 
oversight  of  Mr.  Mayor,  Mr.  Baron,  and  Mr.  Smyth. 

"The  Hammer-men,  which  were  the  carpenters,  joyners, 
cowpers,  masons,  tylers  and  blackesmthes.  And  they  pre- 
sented a  streamer  with  their  armes ;  and  Noath  building  the 
arke ;  Vulcan  workinge  at  the  fforge ;  Venus  carried  in  a  char- 
riot,  and  Cupid  sittinge  in  her  lapp  with  his  bowe  bent ;  a 
Morrice  daunce ;  the  Dragon  which  devoured  the  virgins. 

"The  Shermen  and  Tuckers,  and  they  presented  a  streamer 
with  their  armes. 

"The  Tanners,  Chaundlers,  and  Butchers  and  they  pre- 
sented a  carte  of  old  virgins,  the  carte  covered  with  hides 
and  homes,  and  the  Virgins  with  their  attires  made  of  cow- 
tayles,  and  braceletts  for  their  attires  made  of  cowtayles,  and 
braceletts  for  their  neckes  of  homes  sawed  and  hanged  about 
their  neckes  for  rich  Jewelles.  Their  charriot  was  drawne 
by  men  and  boys  in  oxe  skins,  calves  skins,  and  other  skins. 

"St.  Clement  their  St,  rode  allsoe  with  his  booke.  And  his 
Frier  rode  allsoe,  who  dealt  his  almes  out  of  Mrs's  bagge 
(which  he  carried  very  full  of  graynes)  verie  plentifullie. 
Acteon  with  his  huntsmen. 

"The  Cordyners,  who  presented  St.  Crispian  and — 

both  of  them  sonnes  to  a  kinge,  and  the  youngest  a  shoemaker, 
who  married  his  master's  daughter.  They  allsoe  presented  a 
morris  daunce,  and  a  streamer  with  their  arms. 

"The  Taylors,  who  presented  a  streamer,  Herod  and 
Herodias,  and  the  daughter  of  Herodias  who  dannced  for 
St.  John  the  Baptists  hedd ;  St.  John  Baptiste  beheaded. 

"The  Mercers,  who  presented  a  streamer;  a  morris 
daunce  of  young  children;  The  giant  and  the  giantesse; 
Kinge  Ptolemeus,  with  his  Queene  and  daughter  which  was 


ENGLISH  HOMES  OF  THREE  EARLY  "PROPRIETORS"    7I 

to  be  devoured  by  the  Dragon ;  St.  George  with  his 
knightes,  who  slew  the  Dragon  and  rescued  the  Virgin ; 
Diana  and  her  nymphes  carried  in  a  charriot,  who  tured 
Acteon  to  a  Harte." 

I  have  here  shown  where  Nicholas  Arnold  was,  and  what 
he  was  doing  from  the  time  he  disappeared  from  North- 
over,  soon  after  the  birth  of  his  daughter  Thomasine  until 
we  find  the  record  of  her  marriage,  at  Ilchester,  and  the 
next  year  1596,  the  death  there  of  his  wife.  He  had  now 
been  established  there  as  a  merchant  tailor  for  about  20 
years,  and  the  sudden  death  of  his  wife  and  her  infant  child 
was  not  only  a  sad  blow  to  him,  but  out  of  it  grew  some 
great  changes  in  the  future  plans  of  his  children. — He  was  now 
left  with  a  family  of  four  children,  the  oldest  of  which  was 
Joane,  just  of  marriageable  age  18,  Margery  14,  William  8,  and 
Robert  2.  Joane  remained  with  her  father  until  she  was  36 
years  of  age,  and  although  he  married  later  a  young  wife 
Grace,  Joane  was  indeed  the  foster  mother  of  his  young  sons, 
William  and  Robert. 

Between  William  and  Joane  there  grew  up  a  most  tender 
relationship.  They  were  both  married  about  the  same  time, 
as  is  shown  by  the  birth  dates  of  their  children,  Joane  died 
suddenly,  early  in  the  same  year  1622,  with  their  father 
Nicholas,  leaving  three  small  children  between  the  ages  of 
2  and  7.  She  was  buried  at  Yeovilton  the  home  of  the 
family  of  her  husband  William  Hopkins.  William  Arnold 
now  the  head  of  the  Arnold  family  at  Ilchester,  seems  to 
have  taken  her  children  into  his  own  family  of  little  ones 
of  about  the  same  age,  and  when  he  emigrated  in  1635, 
they  accompanied  him  to  New  England. 

What  has  been  accomplished  since  1902,  by  Mr.  Jones 
and  Mr.  Dwelly  is  the  finding  at  Northover  of  the  early 
parish  register  giving  the  date  of  baptism  of  Alice  Gulley 
the  mother,  and  Thomasine  Arnold  the  oldest  sister  of  Wil- 
liam, as  the  daughter  of  Nicholas  Arnold,  fully  confirming 
the  "family  record"  and  giving  us  for  the  first  time  the  true 
name  of  their  father.     Next  the  finding  at  Wells  of  the  II- 


72  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Chester  transcript  of  1595/6  showing  that  Nicholas  Arnold 
and  his  family  had  been  living  at  Ilchester,  where  he  had 
been  in  business  as  a  Merchant  tailor  since  about  1575,  the 
date  of  their  removal  from  Northover,  and  that  all  his  chil- 
dren except  Thomasine  were  born  there.  Next  the  Ilches- 
ter "transcript"  of  1622,  with  the  autograph  signature  of 
William  Arnold  as  church  warden,  showing  that  he  was 
there,  a  child  8  years  old,  when  his  mother  Alice  died  in 
1596,  and  in  1622  when  his  youngest  son  Stephen  was  born. 
The  very  fact  of  his  election  as  warden  in  1622,  is  sufficient 
to  show  that  he  must  have  been  long  there  and  well  known, 
and  as  all  his  four  children  were  born  in  the  11  years  between 
161 1  and  1622,  it  follows  that  they  were  all  born  there,  al- 
though the  records  of  all  but  one,  Stephen,  have  disap- 
peared. 

To  connect  these  three  generations  of  the  Arnold  and 
Gulley  families  for  about  127  years,  from  John  Gulley's 
birth  about  1508,  to  William  Arnold's  emigration  in  1635, 
with  the  English  history  of  their  time,  we  note,  that  John 
Gulley's  life,  beginning  in  the  last  year  of  the  reign  of 
Henry  VII,  lasted  through  that  of  Henry  VIII,  38  years, 
Edward  VI,  6  years,  Mary  Tudor  5  years,  and  33  years  of 
t^e  reign  of  Q.  Elizabeth,  until  his  death  in  1591,  about  83 
years  of  age.  His  daughter  Alice  Arnold  born  in  1553  the 
first  year  of  Mary  Tudor's  reign,  lasted  through  that,  and 
48  years  of  the  reign  of  her  sister  Q.  Elizabeth.  Her  hus- 
band Nicholas  Arnold  born  about  1550,  lived  through 
those  reigns,  and  to  the  20th  of  James  I.,  while  William 
Arnold  born  the  29th  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  lived  through  the 
reign  of  James  I.,  22  years  and  emigrated  1635  in  the  loth  of 
Charles  I.  All  of  William  Arnold's  children  were  born  in 
the  reign  of  James  I. 

Going  back  to  the  William  Arnold  "family  record,"  let  us 
examine  some  of  its  peculiarities.  He  does  not  mention  his 
father,  or  give  any  marriages  or  burials.  He  gives  the  bap- 
tisms, or  christenings  of  his  mother,  and  all  her  children  except 


ENGLISH  HOMES  OF  THREE  EARLY  "PROPRIETORS"    73 

himself  and  the  infant  sister  Elizabeth,  and  then  in  his  own 
case  gives  only  the  birtlis  of  himself  and  his  children.  Why 
does  he  make  this  difference?  In  1622,  he  served  one  year  as 
church  warden,  under  the  tutelage  of  John  Ravens,  A.  M.,  an 
educated  man,  and  Rector  at  Ilchester,  and  it  was  to  him  a 
school  in  which  he  learned  not  only  the  system  of  parish  reg- 
isters and  diocesan  returns,  but  also  to  realize  the  great  value 
to  himself  of  keeping  a  family  record  as  he  was  contemplating 
the  possibility  of  emigration.  His  father  had  not  kept  a  rec- 
ord himself  and  so  the  son  went  to  the  two  registers  of  Il- 
chester now  lost,  and  Northover  close  by,  and  accessible  to  him, 
for  he  could  have  found  them  nowhere  else,  and  copied  the 
baptisms.  Then  he  took  a  step  in  advance  of  his  times,  and 
began  to  keep  a  family  record,  beginning  with  his  own  birth, 
1587,  which  was  continued  in  one  line  of  his  family  for  four 
generations.  Here  we  see  in  the  case  of  his  son  Stephen, 
listed  in  the  family  record  as  born  22  Dec.  1622,  and  on  the 
transcript,  as  baptised,  four  days  later,  26  Dec.  1622  (the  rule 
being  that  all  children  should  be  baptised  three  days  after  birth 
or  on  the  succeeding  Sunday).  Comparing  these  two  records 
and  those  given  of  the  baptism  of  his  mother  and  sister  in  the 
family  record  and  on  the  Northover  register,  agreeing  as  they 
do  so  exactly,  gives  us  the  greatest  confidence  in  the  reliability 
of  the  entire  family  record.  While  some  records  supporting  it 
are  still  missing,  not  one  has  been  found  which  weakens 
or  disproves  a  single  statement  in  it,  the  one  record  explaining 
and  showing  the  connections  with  the  other.  Taken  together 
they  compleftely  prove  that  WilHam  Arnold  and  all  his  children 
were  born  in  Ilchester,  Somersetshire,  and  lived  there  until 
their  departure  for  New  England  in  1635.  Just  as  surely  and 
completely,  it  disproves  all  the  fables  and  errors  of  family 
tradition,  that  have  grown  up  and  been  spread  broadcast  be- 
tween that  date  and  1850,  seeming  to  show  that  they  were 
born  and  lived  elsewhere.  Savage  thought  that  they  were 
born  in  Co.  Nottingham,  but  offers  no  evidence  to  support  his 
opinion.  Mr.  H.  G.  Somerby  says  that  William  Arnold  was 
the  son  of  Thomas  Arnold  of  Cheselbourne,  Co.     Dorset,  by 


74  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

his  first  wife  Alice,  daughter  of  John  Galley  of  North  Over, 
in  the  parish  of  Tolpuddle,  a  short  distance  from  Chesel- 
bourne,  gives  him  a  brother  John,  and  makes  Elizabeth,  the 

youngest  daughter  of  Alice  Gully,  the  daughter  of  Grace , 

the  second  wife  of  Nicholas  Arnold,  and  marries  her  to  John 
Sayles,  Jr.  No  record  evidence  is  given  to  support  these  state- 
ments. None  exist.  He  did  not  go  to  Northover,  Somer- 
setshire, where  he  would  have  found  the  Gully  records,  there 
then,  and  there  now.  There  is  no  place  called  North  Over 
in  Dorset,  or  in  any  other  county  in  England,  excepting 
Somerset.  There  is  no  record  showing  that  Alice  Gully  mar- 
ried Thomas  Arnold,  or  had  a  son  John  born  in  1585.  Mr. 
Somerby  carried  with  him  from  America  the  W.  A.  "family 
record"  then  printed,  with  instructions  to  find  a  father  Thomas 
for  him.  The  most  regrettable  feature  in  Somerby's  work  is, 
that  in  the  absence  of  any  English  record,  known  here  to  dis- 
prove it,  so  reliable  a  genealogist,  as  Mr.  John  O.  Austin  was 
lead  to  accept  and  use  it  in  his  dictionary,  although  neither 
give  any  record  evidence.  Very  rarely  has  Mr.  Austin 
accepted  another's  statement,  unless  he  has  himself  seen  evi- 
dence to  support  it. 

The  Rev.  Charles  T.  Brooks,  in  his  "Old  Stone  Mill  at  New- 
port," suggests  still  another  birthplace  for  the  Arnolds,  namely, 
Leamington,  Warwickshire.  This  pamphlet  was  published  at 
Newport,  by  Charles  E.  Hammett,  Jr.,  in  1851.  It  is  an  ac- 
count of  a  controversy  between  certain  "Antiquarians"  at 
Brown  University,  Providence,  and  "one  of  the  oldest  inhabi- 
tants of  Newport,"  as  to  whether  the  old  mill  was  built  by  the 
Northmen,  or  by  Gov.  Arnold,  and  has  been  commonly  called 
the  Mill  Hoax.  Both  sides  of  this  controversy  accuse  the 
other  of  filling  their  communications  "with  fabulous  stories, 
founded  on  deceptions,  entirely  without  foundation."  These 
accusations  were  true,  and  about  the  only  truth  in  the  pam- 
phlet. Mr.  Brooks  only  suggests  that  Gov.  Arnold  inay  have 
seen  mills  of  this  kind  in  his  youth,  as  he  was  living  in  Eng- 
land at  the  precise  period  with  Inig  o  Jones  who  designed  the 


ENGLISH    HOMES    OF   THREE    EARLY    "PROPRIETORS"        75 

■"Leamington  Mill,"  and  again  page  84,  he  says,  "The  Chester- 
ton Mill  is  only  5  miles  from  Leamington  in  the  west  of  Eng- 
land from  which  part  we  have  ascertained  the  Arnold's  came." 
The  Arnolds  did  come  from  the  west  of  England,  but  War- 
wick is  in  the  centre.  Mr.  Hammett,  who  printed  this  book 
in  1851,  in  his  Bibliography  of  Newport  of  1887,  says,  "At 
the  time  of  writing  this  book  much  labor  was  bestowed  on  an 
attempt  to  ascertain  the  exact  birthplace  of  Gov.  Arnold,  but 
without  result.  About  20  years  later  (1871)  Dr.  David  King 
visited  England  and  found  satisfactory  proof  that  he  was 
•born  in  Warwickshire."  Neither  Brooks,  Hammett  nor  King 
have  given  a  single  record  to  substantiate  their  statements, 
.•and  yet  there  is  not  a  Newport  historian  to-day  that  ever 
mentions  the  Stone  Mill  or  Gov.  Arnold  in  connection  with 
it,  but  what  repeats  the  old  hoax,  that  he  was  born  in  Leaming- 
ton, Warwickshire,  because  in  his  will  he  mentions  his  Lem- 
mington  farm.  The  record  evidence  I  have  given  that  he 
-was  born  in  Ilchester  near  Limington  shows  this  Warwick- 
shire story  to  be  pure  fiction. 

Stukeley  Westcott  whose  initials  S.  W.  stand  first  on  the 
■proprietors  deed  of  1637,  at  Providence,  was  in  Salem  where 
he  was  received  in  1636,  and  in  1637  had  a  one  acre  house  lot 
laid  out  to  him,  the  record  showing  that  his  family  then  con- 
sisted of  eight  persons.  And  as  the  names  of  only  five  of 
"his  children  appear  later  on  Rhode  Island  records,  he  must 
have  lost  one  by  death,  perhaps  Samuel,  after  1636.  At 
Providence,  he  signed  the  agreement  of  1640.  for  a  form  of 
civil  government,  and  about  1645,  ^^  removed  to  Warwick  ; 
and  in  1651  his  daughter  Damaris  went  with  her  husband 
Benedict  Arnold  to  Newport.  His  oldest  son  Robert  bought 
land  soon  at  Quidnessett.  and  was  killed  there,  during  King 
Philips  War,  the  other  children  all  dying  at  Warwick.  We 
cannot  without  further  research  say  with  certainty  where  he 
was  born,  or  lived  before  coming  to  New  England  in  1635. 
Hon.  Jonathan  Russell  Bullock,  who  published  in  1886,  "The 
life  and  times   of   Stuckley  Westcott,"   says— "He  was  born 


76  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

in  England  about  1592,  proliably  in  Co.  Devon,  and  died  at 
Portsmouth,  R.  I..  12  Jan.  1676/7,  aged  about  85."  These  dates 
are  taken  from  the  unsigned  will,  made  the  day  of  Westcott's 
death.  Judge  Bullock  gave  much  time  himself  to  the  work 
of  investigation  and  had  the  co-operation  of  more  than  a  score 
of  persons,  both  here  and  in  England,  who  had  done  more  or 
less  work  in  the  same  line,  before  him,  among  whom  was  Sir 
George  Stuckley,  of  Stuckley.  Baronet,  the  present  owner,  by 
succession  of  Hartland  Abbey  and  Affeton  Castle,  West 
Worlington,  Devon,  the  seat  of  the  Stuckleys  in  England. 
He  suggested  that  the  name  implied  that  he  was  a  descendant 
of  St.  Ledger  Westcot  who  about  the  year  1300  married  a 
daughter  of  the  Stuckleys  of  AfTeton.  This  place  is  on  a 
stream  called  the  Lesser  Dart,  about  10  miles  W.  of  Tiverton 
and  15  miles  N.  W.  of  Exeter  in  Devonshire. 

Thomas  Westcott  Gent.,  in  his  "View  of  Devonshire  1630."' 
says  p.  271.  Aiifton,  the  seat  of  the  Worshipful  family  of 
Stuckeley  stands  between  the  two  Worlingtons  East  and  West. 
It  came  to  Stuckeley  grand  son  of  St.  Leger  who  also  owned 
Westcot  wherein  lived  a  tribe  of  the  name.  A  grand  son  Sir 
Hugh  Stuckeley  lived  here  in  36th  of  Henry  VHL  (1545), 
owned  "Westcot,"  and  had  two  grand  daughters  named  Da- 
maris.  His  Arms — Argent,  a  chevron  between  3  escalops 
sable,  a  crescent.  The  arms  here  given,  describe  the  arms 
on  the  tombstone  of  Benedict  Arnold,  Jr.  The  oldest  son 
of  Gov.  Benedict  at  Newport,  whose  mother  was  Damaris 
Westcott,  except  that  the  crescent  has  been  changed  to  a  5 
pointed  star,  one  appearing  at  the  top  of  the  chevron  and 
another  at  the  top  of  a  helmet  on  the  crest.  The  Arms  on  this 
stone  have  always  been  called  ''Arnold  Arms"  by  those  who 
have  seen  it.  but  it  seems  more  likely  to  have  been  "Westcott." 
The  Arnold  arms  on  the  tomb  of  Hon.  Oliver  Arnold  in  the 
North  burying  ground  in  Providence,  as  well  those  found  by 
Gov.  Samuel  G.  Arnold  in  the  Herald's  College  in  London, 
are  described  thus  Gules,  a  chevron  ermine,  between  3  pheons 
Or. 

Before  1900,  every  county  in  England  had  been  combed  to 


ENGLISH  HOMES  OF  THREE  EARLY  "PROPRIETORS'    "J"] 

■find  the  name  of  Stukeley  Westcott,  without  success,  until  in 
1902,  Mr.  Edson  S.  Jones  found  the  name  at  Yeovil,  as  the 
father  of  a  son  Samuel,  baptized  there  March  31,  1622.  This, 
without  support  of  record,  does  not  prove  that  he  was  the 
Stukeley  who  came  in  1635  to  New  England,  but  circumstan- 
tial evidence  very  stronj^ly  favors  that  conclusion.  The  name 
of  Stukeley,  and  of  Westcott  is  common  in  Devon  and  Somer- 
set, but  the  combination  of  these  names  has  so  far  been  found 
nowhere,  before  1622  at  Yeovil,  and  so  far  as  we  know  is 
unique,  and  the  name  of  his  daughter  Damaris  is  also  very 
unusual.  In  Westcott's  "Devonshire."  containing  thousands 
of  family  names,  Damaris  appears  but  twice,  and  both  times 
in  Stuckley  families  near  Afifton.  At  the  time  of  the  Yeovil 
record,  Damaris  was  about  two  years  of  age  and  of  course  with 
her  father  there.  About  five  miles  down  the  river  Ivel,  at 
Ilchester,  was  living  her  future  husband  Benedict  Arnold  a 
lad  of  7.  Both  came  to  New  England  in  1635  and  to  Provi- 
dence in  1636  or  37,  where  they  were  married  in  1640.  In 
165 1,  with  five  small  children  born  in  Providence,  they  re- 
moved to  Newport.  Here  Benedict  was  chosen  President,  the 
highest  office  in  the  gift  of  the  Colony,  under  the  first  Charter, 
iDcfore  1663  ;  and  that  year  under  the  second  Charter  granted 
by  King  Charles  II.  he  was  chosen  the  first  Governor,  which 
office,  he  contined  to  hold,  with  the  exception  of  6  years,  until 
his  death  19  June  1678.  His  wife  Damaris  survived  him,  and 
both  lie  buried  in  the  plot  appointed  in  his  will,  as  "lieing  be- 
tween my  dwelling  house  and  my  stone  built  wind-mill."  Dur- 
ing the  progress  of  the  Indian  war  of  1675/6  Stukeley  West- 
cott now  84  years  old,  wifeless  and  infirm,  was  carried  to  the 
house  of  his  grand  son  Dr.  Caleb  Arnold  in  Portsmouth,  while 
two  of  his  sons,  Amos  and  Jeremiah,  were  granted  temporary 
lots  of  land  on  the  nearby  island  of  Prudence  for  the  support 
of  their  families,  as  were  many  of  the  refugees  from  the  main- 
land. On  the  12  of  January  1677;  seeing  his  end  approaching 
the  aged  man  attempted  the  making  of  his  ^\•'ill,  which  was 
drawn  up  under  his  direction,  but  never  signed  ;  night  approach- 
ing, he  was  persuaded  by  his  g.  s.  Caleb  Arnold  to  wait  until 


y8  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

morning,  expecting  his  sons  from  Prudence,  but  before  their 
arrival  he  had  passed  away  and  his  remains  were  carried 
across  the  bay,  the  war  now  over,  and  laid  beside  his  wife  at 
their  old  Warwick  homestead. 

William    Arnold    whose    name    appears    second    upon    the 
"Initial  deed"  at  Providence,  upon  his  arrival  in  Massachusetts 
Bay,  June  24,  1635,  found  a  party  from  Hingham,  Co.  Suffolk, 
lately  arrived,  and  about  to  establish  a  new  township  to  be 
called  Hingham  which  was  done  September  18,  William  Arnell 
appears   as    No.    13.   on    the   first   list   of   those   who   "drew 
house  lots  from  the  Cove  on  the  north  side  of  the  road  to  Fort 
Hill."     H  he  really  intended  to  settle  here,  he  soon  changed  his 
plan  for  in  1636  we  find  him  in  Providence  where  he  was  as- 
signed a  home  lot  in  the  row  of  lots  on  North  Main  St.,  north, 
of  Star  St.,  the  east  end  of  this  lot  is  now  covered  by  a  part 
of  Hope  reservoir.     Here  he  probably  built  and  lived  a  short 
time    for   a    contemporary   deed    of    land    in    this    vicinity    is 
bounded  on  William  Arnold's  "Wolf  trap"  evidently  built  by^ 
him   for  protection  of  his  cattle.     The  initial  deed  of    1637,. 
which  made  him  one  of  13  proprietors  of  Providence  was  fol- 
lowed by  another  which  divided  all  the  meadow  ground  on  the 
Pawtuxet  river  between  the  same  13  persons  and  about  1638 
William   Arnold  and  William   Carpenter  with  their   families 
settled  here  at  the   ford  or  Indian   wading  place,   where   the 
Pequot  trail  crossed  the  Pawtuxet  river.     This  ford  is  quite 
a  distance  up  the  river  from  the  present  centre  at  the  falls  and 
the  bridge,  and  lies  a  few  rods  only  below  the  present  bridge 
on  Warwick  Ave.    From  this  ford  northerly  the  "Pequot  road 
was  made  the  dividing  line  between  William  Carpenter's  home- 
stead extending  from  it,  west  to  Pauchasset  river,  and  that  of 
William  Arnold  extending  from  it,  easterly  to  the  salt  water. 
Later  Arnold's  son  Stephen,  and  son-in-Law  Zachery  Rhodes 
settled  at  the  falls,  where  with  Joseph  Carpenter  they  built  a 
corn  mill  and  laid  out  to  it  a  road  through  the  woods  northerly 
(now  Broad  St.)  which  joined  the  Pequot  Path,  near  the  pres- 
ent  Junction   of    Broad   St.   and   Warwick   Ave.      Upon   this 
homestead,  situated  very  much  as  was  his  old  home  at  Ilches- 


ENGLISH  HOMES  OF  THREE  EARLY  "PROPRIETORS"    79 

ter  at  the  Roman  Ford  on  the  Ivil,  WilHam  Arnold  passed  37 
years,  until  July  1675,  when  the  horrors  of  King  Phillip's 
burst  in  all  its  fury  upon  the  Colony.  The  story  of  what  hap- 
pened to  him,  is  best  told  by  an  affidavit  made  by  his  young 
nephew  Major  William  Hopkins,  the  original  of  which  is  pre- 
served in  Prov.  Town  papers,  0268.  "Oct.  16,  1678  William 
Hopkins  aged  31,  testified  before  John  Whipple,  Asst.  that  at 
the  beginning  of  the  war,  and  at  the  desire  of  some  neighbors, 
he  went  to  Pawtuxet  to  try  to  persuade  William  Arnold  to  go 
to  some  garrison  or  down  to  his  son  Benedict's,  at  Newport, 
on  account  of  the  danger  he  was  in.  That  he,  William  Arnold, 
refused  to  go  to  Newport,  but  would  go  to  Providence,  but 
afterwards  said  that  that  was  too  far,  but  he  would  go  to  his 
son  Stephen's  garrison,  so  presently  his  son  Stephen  went  to 
his  father  and  desired  his  father  to  goe  to  his  garrison,  and 
the  sayd  William  Arnold  did  goe  along  with  his  son  Stephen 
and  this  deponent  to  his  son  Stephen's  Garrison." 

The  "garrison"  to  which  Wilham  Arnold  was  carried  in  such 
a  feeble  condition,  and  now  88  years  old,  and  where  he  prob- 
ably died,  was  the  Mansion  house  of  his  son  Stephen,  whose 
homestead  covered  nearly  all  the  land  west  of  Broad  St.  to  the 
Pawtuxet  river,  and  from  the  falls,  north  to  the  swamp  where 
the  brook  from  the  east  runs  under  Broad  St.  to  the  river 
The  driveway  to  his  house  from  Broad  St.  is  now  Lockwood 
St.,  and  behind  it  now  stands  the  Rhodes'  Casino,  and  the 
canoe  club  houses.  On  the  blufif  at  the  north  end  of  this  home- 
stead farm,  overlooking  the  swamp  was  the  burial  lot  of 
Stephen  Arnold's  family.  This  burial  lot  has  now  been  built 
upon,  the  only  grave  stones  upon  the  lot  those  of  Stephen  and 
Sarah  (Smith)  Arnold,  were  removed  about  i860,  to  Swan 
Point  Cemetery.  As  this  Stephen  was  the  last  survivor  of  the 
emigrant  party  of  1635,  I  give  the  inscription: 

"Here  Lies  the  Body  of 

Stephen  Arnold. 

Aged  77  Years 

Deceased  15TH  Nov 

1699. 


So  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Durin,£^  the  summer  and  fall  of  1675,  nothing  of  a  serious 
nature  occurred  at  Pawtuxet,  until  in  December,  detachments 
of  the  Massachusetts  troops  under  Gen.  Winslow,  on  their  way 
to  the  "Swamp  Fig-ht"  at  Kingston,  encamped  at  the  gar- 
rison, and  were  supplied  by  Stephen  Arnold  with  provisions, 
the  requisitions  made  by  Gen.  Winslow  were  paid  by  Mass. 
some  years  later.  January  2y,  1676,  after  the  Kingston  fight, 
300  Indians  attacked  Pawtuxet,  burning  William  Carpenter's 
outbuildings,  corn  and  hay,  and  drove  away  180  sheep,  50  head 
of  neat  cattle,  and  15  horses.  William  Harris,  whose  farm 
adjoined  Carpenter  on  the  west  at  Blackamore  Pond,  in  a 
letter  (Vol.  10,  171,  R.  I.  His.  Soc.  Collection),  describes  this 
attack  as  following  one  on  Rehoboth  and  Providence,  "And 
then  went  to  patuxet  &  ther  burnt  some  houses  and  an  empty 
garrison  and  fought  against  another,  and  shott  fire  upon  ar- 
rows forty  or  fifty  but  ye  English  put  them  out,  and  in  ye 
night  time  went  ther  way."  This  attack  did  not  drive  away 
the  Stephen  Arnold  garrison,  but  in  March  a  still  larger  party 
of  Indians  swept  through  this  part,  and  Harris  writes  again 
"the  enemy  hath  burnt  all  ye  houses  in  Warwick  all  in  patuxet 
and  almost  all  in  Providence  and  the  inhabitants  are  gone 
some  to  one  place  and  some  to  another." 

During  one  or  the  other  of  these  attacks  all  the  buildings  on 
the  Harris  farm  were  burnt,  his  son  Tolleration,  and  a  servant 
were  killed,  and  Wm.  Carpenter  lost  his  son  William  Jr.  and  a 
servant ;  Carpenter  and  Thomas  Hopkins  probably  going  to 
Oyster  Bay,  Long  Island,  where  both  had  children  living.  No 
hint  has  been  discovered  as  to  where  Stephen  Arnold  went  at 
this  time,  with  his  wife  and  seven  children.  It  seems  probable 
that  his  father  William,  in  his  great  age  and  feeble  condition 
had  died  and  been  buried  by  the  side  of  his  wife  Christian  and 
grand-son  William,  at  Pawtuxet,  as  his  name  is  not  men- 
tioned among  the  refugees  at  Newport  or  Long  Island  but 
this  is  conjecture.  Callender  refers  to  his  death  as  about  40 
years  after  the  settlement  of  1636. 

Nov.  3,  1677,  Gov.  Arnold  at  Newport,  calling  himself 
"Benedict    Arnold    Senr.    Eldest    son    and    heire   to    William 


o 


Church  oi  St.  Mar'i  Major,  Ilchester 

Nicholas  Arnold  and  wife  Alice,  parents  of  William  Arnold,  are  buried 
in  this  yard.      William  Arnold  and  all  his  children  were  baptized   here. 


ENGLISH  HOMES  OF  THREE  EARLY  "PROPRIETORS"    8l 

Arnold  late  of  paiituxett,"  made  a  warrantee  deed,  on  the 
nominal  condition  of  one  hundred  Pounds  to  his  "Brother 
Stephen  Arnold  of  Pawtuxett  afore  sayed,"  of  all  Land  of  our 
sayd  father  lieing-  within  the  Bounds  of  patuxett,  between 
patuxett  river  and  Providence  bounds"  &c. 

This  was  not  an  uncommon  way  at  this  period  of  settling  an 
intestate  estate,  and  shows  that  as  soon  as  the  war  was  ended 
and  civil  government  restored,  a  mutual  agreement  between 
William  Arnold  while  living,  and  his  two  sons,  was  honorably 
carried  into  effect  by  the  legal  heir  under  English  law,  after 
his  death. 

We  do  not  know  with  certainty  the  birthplace  or  age  of  Wil- 
liam Carpenter  the  third  member  of  our  party  who  was  as  the 
head  of  a  family  named  in  the  initial  deed  as  one  of  13  propri- 
etors of  Providence.  Assuming  that  he  was  about  the  same 
age  as  his  wife,  Elizabeth  Arnold  and  born  before  161 1,  he  was 
about  60  years  of  age  and  had  l:)een  living  at  Pawtuxet  more 
than  30  years  when  14  Dec,  1671  he  made  a  deed  of  free  gift 
to  his  sister  Fridgswith  Vincent  of  "my  dwelling  house  and  all 
what  land  belongith  to  me  adjoining  to  the  said  house  the 
which  said  house  is  standing  in  the  town  of  Amesbury  in  Wilt- 
shire and  in  a  street  commonly  called  Frogg  lane,  my  sister 
being  an  inhabitant  of  the  said  town,  the  which  said  house  did 
in  the  original  belong  to  my  father  Richard  Carpenter  now  de- 
ceased, but  fell  to  my  right  as  I  was  the  son  and  heir  of  my  said 
father."  It  does  not  necessarily  follow  that  Richard  was  in 
Amesbury  in  1611,  or  that  William  was  born  there,  although 
possible.  Fridgswith  Carpenter  married  Thomas  Vincent  be- 
fore 1635,  s"d  had  children: — Thomas,  bap  Oct  18,  1635.  2. 
William,  bap  June  17,  1638.  and  3.  Joan.  William  and  Joan 
Vincent  came  to  Providence  about  1660,  where  Joan,  married 
John  Sheldon  that  year,  and  received  a  deed  of  land  from  her 
uncle  William  Carpenter  Aug.  2.  1660 — May  31,  1670.  Wil- 
liam Vincent  was  married  to  Priscilla  Carpenter  his  cousin  by 
her  father  William  Carpenter,  assistant.  Jan.  20,  1676,  his 
house  was  attacked  by  about  300  Indians,  his  son  William,  and 
a  servant  killed,  two  hundred   sheep.   50  neat   cattle  and    15 


82  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

horses  carried  off.  and  his  buildini^s  left  in  flames,  but  saved 
by  the  defenders. 

April  25,  1683,  he  made  a  confirmatory  deed  to  the  heirs  of 
the  13  orij^nnal  proprietors  of  Pawtuxet  lands,  calling  himself 
the  last  survivor  and  ownins^  three  shares.  His  will,  Feb.  10, 
1670,  was  proved  Oct.  i,  1685.  He  died  Sept.  7,  1685,  and  was 
buried  on  his  homestead  by  the  side  of  his  wife  Elizabeth 
Arnold. 

In  Dwellys"  Wells  parish  transcripts.  Vol.  H.,  at  Nettle- 
combe,  15  miles  west  of  Taunton,  I  find  some  records  that  seem, 
to  connect  in  some  way  with  a  John  and  Richard  at  Salisbury^ 
7  miles  from  Amesbury.  I  give  it,  hoping  to  assist  further 
search. 

Married,  Sept.  i,  1606,  Mr.  Richard  Carpenter  and  Mrs. 
Susanna  Trevelian. 

Oiristened,  Oct.  28,  1607,  Susanna,  dau.  of  Mr.  Richard 
Carpenter.    Clarke,  (i  e.  Minister.) 

On  the  same  register  occurs  the  unusual  names  of  Fridiswade 
Clark,  1607,  and  Frediswade  Davis,  1640. 

In  Somerset  Wills,  11. 109.  I  find  the  will  of  Richard  Car- 
penter, Pastor  of  Sheviock  Devenport  (near  Plymouth),  Aug- 
ust 9,  1625.  Proved  Feb.  17,  1627/8,  by  the  relict.  Susan 
Carpenter  daughter  of  John  Trevelian  Esq.  of  Nettlecombe, 
mentions,  son  John  Carpenter,  student  at  Exeter  College,. 
Oxon,  eldest  dau.  Susan,  dau.  Mary,  my  son  Richard.  3d.  dau. 
Ann,  4th  dau.  Elizabeth,  3d.  son  Edward,  5th  dau.  Sarah.  4th' 
son,  and  youngest  child  Thomas,  my  brother  John  Carpenter  of 
Salisbury  (1628),  and  3  sisters  Jane,  Ann  &  Agness. 

The  Rev.  A.  W.  Phelps,  Rector  of  the  church  at  Amesbury, 
Wilts,  writes  Oct.  25,  1800,  "The  register  has— 18.  Oct.  1635 
baptised — Thomas  son  of  Thomas  and  Frittisweed  Vincent.  17 
June  William  son  of  Thomas  and  Frittisweed  Vincent.  The 
first  book  of  Amesbury  records  begin  1610  and  end  1638,  has 
Elizabeth  d.  of  John  Carpenter  bap.  Nov.  30,  1628.  John,  son 
of  John  Carpenter  bap.  Aug.  5,  1632.  Margaret,  dau.  of  John 
and  Joan  Carpenter  bap.  March  2,  1635;  and  Richard  Car- 
penter buried  Sept.  21,  1625. 


ENGLISH    HOMES    OF    THREE    EARLY    "PROPRIETORS"        83 

William  Alan,  who  came  with  his  wife  Frances  Hopkins  in 
1635,  was  town  clerk  of  Providence  in  1646,  (see  Prov.  town 
papers  07),  and  died  before  1650.  His  son  Abraham,  was 
wounded  in  the  Indian  war,  and  was  allowed  by  the  Colony 
Oct.  29,  1684,  £3  for  the  curing  of  his  wound.  His  widow 
Frances  Man  removed  to  the  home  of  her  daughter  Mary,  who 
had  married  John  Lapham  at  Dartmouth,  Mass.,  where  she 
died  26  Feb.  1700  aged  84. 

The  parishes  whose  records  prove  them  to  have  been  the 
homes  of  our  emigrants,  are  situated  on  the  little  river  Ivel  or 
Yeo,  a  branch  of  the  Parret.  The  valley  of  the  Ivel  is  de- 
scribed in  Camden's  Brittania,  Edition  of  1610 — (about  the 
date  of  Wm.  Arnold's  marriage)  as  follows:  "The  river  Ivel 
springeth  in  Dorsetshire  and  no  sooner  entereth  Somerset  but 
he  giveth  name  to  Evil  (Yeovil)  a  great  market  town,  which 
rose  by  the  decay  of  Ilchester,  and  taketh  into  him  a  rill,  near 
which  is  Camelet  a  steep  hill,  hard  to  get  up :  on  the  top  whereof 
be  tokens  of  a  decayed  castle,  surrounded  by  triple  rampires  of 
earth  and  ditches,  enclosing  many  acres  of  ground.  The  in- 
habitants name  it,  King  Arthur's  Palace :  Near  by  is  Cadbury 
where  K.  Arthur  defeated  Saxons  in  battle.  At  the  junction  of 
these  two  rills,  lie  Yeovilton  on  the  north  bank,  and  Liming- 
ton  on  the  south,  and  runneth  on  a  mile  to  Northover,  and 
Ilchester,  called  Ischalis  by  Ptlomee,  and  Ivelcestre  by  Nin- 
nius,  and  by  others  Pontavel-coit  (Ivel  bridge  in  the  Wood), 
and  Givelcestre.  at  this  day  of  small  account  for  its  antiquity. 
At  the  time  of  the  Normans  coming  in.  it  was  well  populated, 
at  one  time  having  107  Burgesses.  A  little  beneath  by  Lang- 
port  the  rivers  Ivel  and  Pedrcd  (Parret)  running  together, 
make  between  them  the  island  called  Mulcheney  that  is  to  say 
the  Great  Island.  Wherein  are  to  be  seen  the  defaced  wall  and 
ruins  of  an  old  Abbey."  The  map  accompanying  this  article  is 
from  Camden  1610. 

Muchelney.  the  island  at  the  junction  of  the  rivers  Ivel  and 
Parret,  was  the  home  of  Christian  Peak,  William  Arnold's 
wife.  Retracing  our  steps  up  the  Ivel  five  miles  is  Northover, 
the  home  and  burial  place  of  John  and  Alice  Gully,  and  just 


84  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

across  on  the  south  bank,  Ilchester,  where  Nicholas  Arnold  was 
a  Merchant  tailor  about  47  years,  and  where  he  and  his  wife 
Alice  are  buried,  and  where  William  Arnold  and  all  his  children 
were  born.  A  mile  further  up  the  river  on  the  north  bank  is 
Yeovilton  the  home  of  William  Hopkins,  where  his  wife  Joane 
was  buried  in  1622,  the  sister  and  foster-mother  of  William 
Arnold.  Across  the  river  on  the  south  side  is  Limington  with 
its  parish  church,  "St.  Mary  Virginis."  and  its  ancient  Free 
Grammar  School,  where  Thomas  Wolsey,  afterward  Lord 
Cardinal,  and  Primate  of  England,  was  both  curate  and  school- 
master from  1500  to  1509,  and  where  the  children  of  the  Gully, 
Arnold,  Hopkins  and  other  families  of  the  neighborhood  were 
probably  educated. 

In  his  will  Gov.  Arnold  mentions  his  Lemmington  farm, 
named  evidently  from  some  place  near  his  English  home. 
When  he  wrote  this  word  Lemmington,  in  its  broad  Wessex 
pronunciation,  he  meant  Limington  in  Somerset,  and  not  Leam- 
mgton  in  Warwickshire,  or  Lymington  in  Hants,  places  that  it 
is  not  at  all  likely  that  he  or  his  father  William,  ever  saw. 

From  the  date  1623,  of  Nicholas  Arnold's  will,  until  his  de- 
parture in  the  spring  of  1635  for  New  England,  William  Ar- 
nold's name  does  not  appear  on  any  Somerset  record.  On  his 
own  "family  record"  the  latest  English  date  he  gives  is  that  of 
the  baptism  of  Nicholas,  the  son  of  his  half  brother  Thomas, 
Jan  1627/8. 

We  can  only  conjecture  when  and  where  he  gathered  his 
large  party  together  with  their  baggage  and  supplies,  or  the 
route  they  took  from  the  valley  of  the  Ivel,  to  their  point  of  de- 
parture. The  nearest  and  most  practicable  route  would  be 
from  Ilchester  through  Yeovil,  Crewkerne,  and  Axminster  to 
Exeter,  and  then  turning  south,  down  the  Devonshire  coast,  by 
Te.ignmouth  and  Torquay  to  Dartmouth,  a  seaport  about  25 
miles  east  of  Plymouth  and  the  same  distance  south  of  Exeter. 
A  modern  writer  Mr.  Charles  G.  Harper  in  "A  summer  tramp 
from  London  to  Landsend"  thus  pleasantly  describes  it.  "A 
waft  of  more  spacious  times  has  come  down  to  us.  and  lingers 
yet  about  the  steep  streets  and  strange  stairways,  the  broad 


ENGLISH  HOMES  OF  THREE  EARLY  "PROPRIETORS' 


85 


eaves  and  bowed  and  bent  frontages  of  Dartmouth.  An  air  in 
essence  salty,  and  ringing  with  the  strange  oaths  and  stranger 
tales  of  the  doughty  hearts  who  adventured  hence  to  unknown 
or  unfrequented  seas,  or  went  forth  to  do  battle  with  the 
Spaniards. 

"The  mouth  of  the  river  widens  into  a  deep,  land-locked  har- 
bour with  an  entrance  to  the  English  Channel  through  a  narrow 
opening  between  tall  clififs.  Here  to  guard  it  there  were  built 
in  ancient  times,  the  twin-towers  of  Dartmouth  and  Kingswear 


Ancient  ironwork,  south  door  of  St.  Saviour's 
Church,  Dartmouth,  Devon. 


Castles,  facing  one  another  across  the  water,  and  between  thera 
was  stretched  an  iron  chain  drawn  taut  by  windlasses  in  time 
of  peril. 

"The  parish  church  of  St.  Saviour,  is  old  and  decrepit  and 
rendered  dusky  by  wooden  galleries,  a  wonderful  and  almost 


86  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

inconceivably  picturesque  building,  without  and  within  and 
what  is  not  often  seen  nowadays  a  very  much  unrestored 
church.  It  is  closely  girdled  with  steep  streets,  paved  with 
painful  but  romanic  looking  cobbles,  and  the  churchyard  rears 
itself  high  above  the  heads  of  wayfarers  in  its  narrow  lanes. 
The  doorway  of  the  south  porch  has  a  gate  or  grille  of 
wrought  iron  dated  1631." 

In  this  quaint  old  seaport,  some  of  our  party  must  have 
spent  several  days,  in  the  process  of  collecting  their  goods,  and 
loading  their  vessel,  and  although  they  were  strangers,  here 
only  for  a  few  days,  I  cannot  help  fancying  that  the  steep 
streets  of  Dartmouth  the  last  spot  of  English  earth  upon  which 
their  feet  were  to  tread,  its  ancient  St.  Saviour  church  with  its 
then  new  gate,  the  beautiful  harbour  where  had  lain  only  a  few 
years  before  them,  the  ships  of  Drake  and  Raleigh,  and  the  May- 
flower and  Speedwell  of  the  Pilgrims,  never  faded  entirely  from 
their  memory.  While  their  eyes  rested  upon  these  last  scenes 
in  the  home  land,  the  minds  of  the  young  people,  Joane  Arnold, 
soon  to  become  the  mother  of  all  the  Rhodes'  of  Rhode  Island, 
Damaris  Westcott  later  to  be  the  first  lady  in  the  Colony,  as 
the  wife  of  Gov.  Benedict  Arnold,  and  their  younger  brothers 
and  sisters  were  perhaps  thinking  more  of  the  village  greens  of 
Ilchester  and  Yeovil,  remembering  that  it  was  the  first  of  May. 
Mayday,  "the  maddest,  merriest  day  of  all  the  glad  new  year" 
in  England,  and  that  their  playmates  from  whom  they  were 
now  separated  were  engaged  in  the  happy  songs  and  dances  so 
dear  to  their  young  hearts ;  while  the  older  ones  were  more 
likely  turning  their  thoughts  toward  the  unknown  sea  with 
some  doubts  and  misgivings  mayhap,  but  yet  with  stout  hearts 
and  strong  hopes  facing  the  great  adventure  that  lay  before 
them  in  a  new  world. 


ADDENDA    TO    IMPRINT    LIST  87 

Addenda  to  Rhode  Island  Imprint  List 

Imprints  not  included  in  the  list. 

1730  NEWPORT 
-A  Perpetual  Almanack.  Shepley 

1734  NEWPORT 
Auchmuty.     The  Copy  of  Some  Queries.  Rosenbach 

1739  NEWPORT 
•Governor's  Proclamation  in  regard  to  Counterfeiting. 

( News-Letter) 
1742  or  1743  NEWPORT 

Short  Narrative  of  Unjust  Proceeding  of   George  Gardner. 

Mass  HS 
General  Assembly.    An  Act  in  addition  to  an  Act. .  .Fire. .  . 

Terry 
1759  NEWPORT 
The  Strange  and  Wonderful  Predictions  of  Mr.  Christopher 
Love.  (Evans) 

1762  NEWPORT 

Reflections  on  Governor  Hopkins'  Vindication,  April  17. 

Terry 

General   Asserrtbly.     An   Act    in    Addition   to... Manner   of 

admitting  Freemen.  RISL 

1763  NEWPORT 

Wanton,  J.  Observations  and  reflections  on  the  present  state 
of  the  Colony.  Shepley 

1764  NEWPORT 

To  the  Public,   Newport,    i6  April    (signed   Samuel   Ward) 

Shepley 

Peter  Mumford,  Post  Rider,  doth  upon  oath  declare  (signed) 

Henry  Ward,   (dated)   August  9.  LCP 

1764  PROVIDENCE 

To  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Colony  of  Rhode  Island   (signed) 
Stephen  Hopkins,   (dated)  April  12.  LCP 

1765  PROVIDENCE 

A  Table  of  Value.  .  .Law full  Money.  Shepley 

1769  NEWPORT 
Rhode  Island  College  (Subscription  List)  Terry 


88  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

1770  NEWPORT 
The  Prodigal  Daughter  Shepley 

1771  PROVIDENCE 
A  Word  of  Counsel  and  Warning  Shepley 

Providence  Fire  Rules  RIHS 

The  Sum  of  Religion  Terry 

1773  NEWPORT 

Blakes,  James,  Jun.     A  Sermon.  Terry 

1774  NEWPORT 

The  first  book  of  American  Chronicles  RIHS 

Genera]  Assembly.  October.  An  Act  for  Assessing  £4000. 

Shepley 
1774  PROVIDENCE 
General  Assembly,  December.  RIHS 

1775  NEWTORT 

The  Crisis  No.  VIII  RIHS 

The  following  was  received  by  a  Vessel  arrived  at  New  York, 
last  week,  September  12,  1775.  RIHS 

1777  PROVIDENCE 
General  Assembly.    July  21     By  an  Express  Shepley 

The  Death  of  General  Montgomery  (Printed  by  McDougall) 


General  Assembly,  October.  Whereas,  owing  to  Divers 
Causes ...  Town  Councils. .  .have  not  yet  collected  the 
Monies  due.  RISL 

General   Assembly.     March,   2nd    Session.     List   of   Persons. 

Shepley 

General  Assembly.  September  Session.  An  Act  in  regard  to 
drafting  militia.  RIHS 

1778  PROVIDENCE 

General  Assembly,  May,  2nd  Session,  Resolved  that  all  Per- 
sons. .  .equip  themselves.  Shepley 
Greene,  William  Thanksgiving  Proclamation.  RISL 

1779  PROVIDENCE 

Providence  Gazette,  February  2"],   1779,  Supplement,  variant 

edition.  RISL 

General    Assembly    March    20.     Attack    on    Rhode     Island. 

Shepley 


ADDENDA    TO    IMPRINT    LIST  89 

1780  NEWPORT 
Fresh  Intelligence,  Weeden  NHS 

Announcement  of  N.  A.  Calendar  for  1781  Shepley 

Calendrier  Francais  pour  1781   (with  eight  additional  pages) 

Sheplev 

1780  PROVIDENCE 

Return  of  2nd  Rhode  Island  Regiment.  Shepley 

1781  PROVIDENCE 

A  Poetical  Epistle  to  George  Washington.  Wheeler 

(Amer.  Journal) 
Three  o'clock   (Surrender  of  Cornwallis).  Carter  MHS 

1782  NEWPORT 
Letter  from  Sir  Guy  Carleton.    Barber.  Terry 

1783  PROVIDENCE 

Varnum,  J.  M.     Oration  on  Masonry  delivered  in  1782. 

Shepley 
Proposals  for  printing  the  United  States  Chronicle. 

H.  R.  Drowne 
Important  Intelligence.    Carter.  Shepley 

1784  PROVIDENCE 

Goldsmith,  Oliver.     The  Deserted  Village.  RIHS 

1785  PROVIDENCE 

Scheme  of  a  Lottery.  RIHS 

To  the  Editor  of  the  Providence  Gazette,  "Fair  Play." 

Shepley 

General  Assembly.     February.     Whereas     certain  classes . . . 

recruits.  Terry 

1786  NEWPORT 

Champlin,  Christopher.     Cargo  of   Ship  Hydra  Shepley 

Verses  for  the  New  Year,  1787.  Shepley 

1786  PROVIDENCE 

Pool,  Equestrian  Feats  of  Horsemanship.  Shepley 

General  Assembly.     May  Session  iioo.ooo  RISL 

General  Assembly.     August  Session  £100.000  RIHS 

1787  PROVIDENCE 

General  A-ssemblj.     Four  per  cent,  notes  Shepley 


go  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

1788  PROVIDENCE 

Mr.  John  Brown.    Invitation  for  a  dance.  JCB- 

1789  PROVIDENCE 

Webster,  Noah     American  Spelling  Book.     Carter  A  AS 

Drawbacks  on  duties.  RIHS 

1792  PROVIDENCE 

Thornton's  R.  I.  Almanac  for  1793  printed  "for  Richardson"" 

Arnold 

1793  NEWPORT 

Wells,   Elizabeth.     Some    Melancholy    Heartfelt   Reflections. 

Shepley 

1793  PROVIDENCE 

Fenner,  Arthur.  Proclamation  in  regard  to  Small  Pox,  21' 
September  1793  Carter  .... 

Proceedings  of  seven  gentlemen  sitting  themselves  an  Eccle- 
siastical Council.  RIHS 

New  Year's  Address  January  i,  1793.  "Now  our  Grandame 
Earth."  Shepley 

Whitefield,  George.   The  Knowledge  of  Jesus  Christ.     Carter 

Shepley 

1794  NEWPORT 

Murder.     Narrative  of  the  trial  of  William  Corran     Shepley 

1794  PROVIDENCE 

General  Assembly,  March.  Act  to  repair  highways  in  Scituate. 

Terry 
General  Assembly.    June  16.    Condition  on  which  Non  Cc«n- 

missioned  Officers Shepley 

Rhode  Island  Register  for  1795  Shepley 

1795  NEWPORT 

Rhode  Island  Bank,  Charter  of  Terry 

1795  PROVIDENCE 

Street  Lottery  RIHS 

An  Essay  on  the  Fall  of  Angels  &  Men.     Wheeler        Sheple5 

1795  WARREN 
Patten,  William.    Reminiscences  of  Samuel  Hopkins 

(Bartlett)' 


ADDENDA    TO    IMPRINT    LIST 


91 


1796  PROVIDENCE 

Whitney,  Josiah.  Sermon  on  the  death  of  Rev.  Noadiah 
Russell.     Carter  &  Wilkinson  RIHS 

1797  PROVIDENCE 

Adams,  John.    "President's  Answer."  Shepley 

New  Year  Verses  of  the  Carrier  of  the  Gazette  Jan.  i,  1798. 

RIHS 

1798  NEWPORT 

Interesting.     By  Capt.  Earl  Shepley 

Adams,  John.    President's  Speech.    Farnsworth  Terry 

1798  PROVIDENCE 

Life  of  Zilpha  Smith.    Wheeler  (U.  S.  Chronicle) 

Pawtucket  Cannon  Factory  5  Dec.  1798    (Broadside)      

Adams,  John.     President's  speech  C  &  W  RIHS 

1799  NEWPORT 

The  Gentlemen  &  Lady's  Companion,  containing  the  Newest 
Cotillions  and  Country  Dances.     O.  Farnsworth.     Terry 

The  Affecting  History  of  the  Children  in  the  Wood.  H.  & 
O.  Farnsworth.  A.  C.  Bates 

Newport  Insurance  Company.  Terry 

The  Travels  of    Rdbinson    Crusoe.     H.    &  O.   Farnsworth. 

Terry 

The  Trifle  Hunters.     O.   Farnsworth.  Terry 

1799  PROVIDENCE 

The  Companion  :  being  a  Selection  of  the  Beauties  of  the 
Most  Celebrated  Authors.  RIHS 

1800  NEWPORT 

Beckley,   John  James.    Address   to   the   People.    Second   Ed. 

H.  B.  Tompkins 
A  Law  to  establish  a  Uniform  System  of  Bankruptcy.  Barber. 

Shepley 

UNDATED 
Champlin.  Christopher.     Goods  for  sale.     Providence   (about 
1790).  Shepley 

Champlin,  Christopher.     Ship  Hydra.     See  1786 


Q2  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

An  Exposition  of  the  Emblems   of  the   Providence   Associa- 
tion  of    Merchants   and    Manufacturer's    Certificate. 

Shepley 

Engraved   Certificate  referred  to   in  above  Table  of   Values 
see  1765  Shepley 

Phillis.    An  Elegiac  poem  to  George  Whitefield.    Southwick. 

NHS 

Advertisement  of  Nathaniel  Croade  of  Pawtucket   (Warren 
1797?)  RIHS 

The  Bride's  Burial  Penn.  HS 

Unlocated  Listed  Imprints  now  located,  and  Imprints  located 
outside  of   Providence   in    the    List    of    191 5.   of   which 
copies  are  now  in  Providence. 
1728 

Webb,  John.     The  Believer's  Redemption.  Shepley 

1731 

Fo.N,,  John.     The  Door  of  Heaven.  Shepley 

1733 
Hale,  Sir  Matthew.     Some  Necessary  and  Important  Consid- 
erations.    (Only  copy  located)  Shepley 

1750 
The  Case  and  Complaint  of  Samuel  Maxwell.  JCB 

1751 
Williams,  Solomon.    The  Sad  Tendency.  Shepley 

1752 
MacSparren.   The  Sacred  Dignity.  Shepley 

1754 
The  111  Policy  of .  .  .  .Imprisoning  Insolvent  Debtors.     Shepley 

1759 

By  the  Governor.    Thanksgiving  Proclamation.      (Only  copy 

located)  Shepley 

1760 

Tweedy.     A  Catalogue  of  Drugs.  Shepley 

1762  PROVIDENCE 
Prospectus  of   Providence  Gazette  Shepley 


ADDENDA    TO    IMPRINT    LIST 

1765  PROVIDENCE 
Davies.   A  Sermon. 

1766  NEWPORT 
Hymns  and  Spiritual  Songs. 

1770  NEWPORT 
Trial  of   Sir  Richard  Rum. 

1775  NEWPORT 
Mr.  Samuel  Adams.     Portrait. 

1776  PROVIDENCE 
Paine.    Common  Sense.    loth  ed. 


93 

Shepley 
Shepley 

Shepley 
Shepley 
Shepley 
RISL 


1777  PROVIDENCE 
General  Assembly.    December  4.   An  Act. 

1780  PROVIDENCE 

General  Assembly,  July,  2nd  Session.     An  Act  for  assessing 

10,000  Pounds.  Terry 

General  Assembly,  July,  2nd  Session.    An  Act  for  assessing 

£400,000.  RISL 

General  Assembly  July  7,  1780.    Act  Shepley 

General  Assembly.    May,  Act.  80,000  Pounds  Terry 

1781 

General  Assembly,  May,  2nd  Session.    An  Act  for  granting 

£6000.  RISL 

1782  NEWPORT 

General  Assembly.  Oct.   An  Act  for  granting  $20,000    Terry 

Verses  Made  on  the  Death.  Shepley 

1782  PROVIDENCE 

General  Assembly.  January.  An  Act  for  numbering  the  Fam- 
ilies. RISL 

General  Assembly.  February.  An  Act  for  granting  Tax  of 
£6000.  RISL 


1784  NEWPORT 
The  Instructive  Fables  of  Pilpay. 

1785  NEWPORT 
Laws  of  the  Marine  Society. 


Shepley 
Shepley 


94 


RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

1786  PROVIDENCE 


Backus,  Testimony  Shepley 

General  Assembly.  June.    An  Act... 20,000  pounds         Terry 

1787  NEWPORT 

Gessner.     The  Death  of  Abel.  Shepley 

1787  PROVIDENCE 

Wheeler's  North  American  Calendar  for  1788  Shepley 

1788  NEWPORT 

Cutler,  Manasseh.     An  Explanation.  Shepley 

Articles  of  Agreement.  Ohio  Company.  Shepley 

1788  PROVIDENCE 

Griffith.    Collection  of  Dances.  Shepley 

1789  PROVIDENCE 

Webster.    An  American  Selection.  Shepley 

1 791  PROVIDENCE 

United  States  Inspector  General  Regulations  for  Troops. 

RIHS 

1792  PROVIDENCE 

Goldsmith.  The  Vicar  of  Wakefield.  Shepley 

1792  WARREN 
Lines  on  the  last  and  dying  Words  of  Rev.  Oliver  Williams. 

Shepley 

1793  PROVIDENCE 

Rhode  Island  College.    Laws.  Shepley 

1794  NEWPORT 
An  Address  of  the  Democratic  Society  RIHS 

1794  PROVIDENCE 

Dodsley.   The  Toy  Shop.  Shepley 

1795  PROVIDENCE 

Dodsley.    OEconomy  of  Human  Life.  Shepley 

1796  PROVIDENCE 

Holman.    Funeral  Oration.  RIHS 

1796  WARREN 
General  Assembly.   June  Session.    That  Two  Representatives 
...be  elected.  RISL 


ADDENDA    TO    IMPRINT    LIST  95 

1797  PROVIDENCE 
Rhode  Island  College.    Commencement.  Shepley 

Rhode  Island  College.   Illustrissimo  Jabez  Bowen.  BU 

1800  NEWPORT 
Beckley,  J.  J.  Address.  H.  B.  Tompkins 

Briggs,  J.    Oration.  Terry 

Burroughs,  Peleg.   Oration  H.  B.  Tompkins 

Undated,  pages  74  and  75 
The  Justly  celebrated  Mrs.  Sophie  Hume's  advice.     Shepley 
A  List  of  Names  of  Family  of  John  Carter  1785.  Shepley 

In  Memory  of  Capt.  John  Crawford  1774.  Shepley 

Located  Imprints  not  listed  in  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society 
in  191 5,  but  now  in  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society. 

1750 
Frothingham.    The  Articles  of  Faith.  RIHS 

1754 
G.  G.   The  Divinity  and  Humanity  of  Our  Lord.  RIHS 

1758 
Pollen.  The  Duty  of  Defending  our  Countrymen.  RIHS 

1763  PROVIDENCE 
Aplin.    Both  editions  with  and  without  "lyre"  at  end.     RIHS 

1773 
Fothergill.    A  Sermon  at  Horsley  Downs.  RIHS 

1776  NEWPORT 
In  Congress.   A  Declaration  June  (for  July)   13  RIHS 

1778  PROVIDENCE 

Orders  of  the  Council  of  War.  RIHS 

1779  PROVIDENCE 

Resolves  and  Orders  of  the  Council  of  War.  RIHS 

1783  PROVIDENCE 
Thacher,  Peter.    Prayer  The  Breath  of  Rev.  Habijah  Weld 

RIHS 

1793  PROVIDENCE 
Rhode  Island  College.    Catalogue  of  Books  RIHS 

1796  PROVIDENCE 
Holman.    Funeral  Oration.  RIHS 


g6  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

1797  PROVIDENCE 

Thompson.    Funeral  Oration  on  Kingman.  RIHS 

1798  PROVIDENCE 

Rhode  Island  College  Catalogue.  RIHS 

1799  PROVIDENCE 

Congress  of  the  United  States.  RIHS 

1800  NEWPORT 
Dehon,  T.    Discourse.  RIHS 

CORRECTIONS. 
1736,  Page  10 

Beavan's  essay  should  be  under  date  of  1754,  Page  14. 
Anthony  or  Osborne  should  be  Anthony  and  Osborne. 

1777  PROVIDENCE,  Page  35 
Add   McDougall's  name    after    John    Carter  as   Providence 
printers  for  that  year. 

1779  NEWPORT,  Page  38 

Vol.  I,  No.  35  of  the  American  Journal  was  printed  at  New- 
port. RIHS 

1780  NEWPORT,  Page  40 
Add  the  name  of  J.  Weeden  to  list  of  printers. 

1781  PROVIDENCE,  Page  43 
American  Journal  should  he  No.  157  instead  of  1507. 

1782  NEWPORT,  Page  45 
Add  H.  &  O.  Farnsworth  to  list  of  printers. 

1782  PROVIDENCE,  Page  45 

Thacher  item  should  be  under  1783.  RIHS 

1787  PROVIDENCE,  Page  51 

Emmons.    "On"  Franklin  instead  of   "in"  Franklin. 
1791  PROVIDENCE,  Page  58 

R.  I.  College.    "Illustrissimo"  should  be  "Honoratissimo." 
1800  NEWPORT,  Page  72 

Omit  "The  R.  I.  Republican  Farnsworth." 


NOTES  97 


Notes 


The  manuscript  plat  of  the  original  layout  of  Block 
Island  has  been  given  to  the  Society  by  the  late  Mr.  Nathaniel 
Ray  Greene  of  Narragansett  Pier. 

The  Providence  Mutual  Fire  Insurance  Company  has 
given  to  the  Society  a  large  num])er  of  manuscript  books  cov- 
ering the  activities  of  that  organization  up  to  the  year  1850. 

The  following  persons  have  been  elected  to  membership 
in  the  Society.* 

Mr.  Harvey  A.  Baker,  Miss  Anna  L.  Lestrade, 

Mr.  Raymond  E.  Ostby,  Mr.  Arthur  James, 

Mr.  Harry  C.  Owen,  Mrs.  Arthur  N.  Sheldon. 

Mrs.  Charles  Bradley  presented  to  the  Society  an  inter- 
esting and  valuable  collection  of  newspapers  and  manuscripts 
of  local  historical  interest. 

An  oil  portrait  of  Stephen  Dexter,  who  was  born  in  1764, 
was  given  to  the  Society  by  Miss  Abigail  Dexter  of  East 
Providence. 

Mr.  Charles  B.  Whipple  presented  to  the  Society  an 
autograph  letter  of  Governor  Nicholas  Cooke  written  Febru- 
ary 24,  1777. 

Two  Honorary  members  of  the  Society,  Mr.  David  W. 
Hoyt  and  Mr.  James  Phinney  Baxter  died  in  May. 

The  January  Bulletin  of  the  Newport  Historical  Society 
contains  a  paper  on  "Newport  Artists,"  by  Mrs.  Maud  Howe 
Elliott. 

The  "Honor  Roll — Rhode  Island  Masons  who  served  in 
the  World  War"  has  been  issued  in  attractive  form. 

The  Rhode  Island  State  Board  of  Agriculture  has  pub- 
lished D.  J.  Lambert's  "History  of  the  R.  I.  Reds." 

Through  the  generosity  of  Col.  George  L.  Shepley,  the 
Society  now  has  two  new  and  attractive  exhibition  cases  which 
have  been  placed  in  the  Portrait  Gallery. 

In   the  October,    1920,   number  of   the  Collections   is  an 


98  RHODE   ISLAND  HISTOKICAL  SOCIE'JV 

article  on  Roger  Williams  and  John  Milton.     The  author,  Mr. 
Potter,  has  contrihuted  the  following  additional  note: 

In  running  over,  recently,  the  files  of  Modern  Language 
A'otcs,  I  ohserve  that  the  criticism  of  Dr.  Carpenter's  conjec- 
ture about  Roger  Williams's  "reading"  Milton  Dutch,  which 
I  made  in  my  discussion  of  Williams  and  Milton  (R.  I.  His- 
torical Society  Collections,  Vol.  XIII,  No.  4,  pp.  119-20),  had 
already  been  made  by  Professor  G.  L.  Kittredge  in  1910. 
(Modern  Language  Notes,  \'ol.  XX\\_  p.  159;  May,  1910. j 
May  I  take  this  opportunity  of  acknowledging  the  p,riority 
of  Professor  Kittredge's  note  on  the  matter,  and  stating  that 
at  the  time  of  writing  my  discussion  of  the  subject,  I  l\ad  no 
knowledge  of  the  existence  of  his  note,  or  I  should  of  course 
have  mentioned  it  in  that  connection. 

One  additional  comment  on  the  list  of  books  read  by  Wil- 
liams, which  I  gave  as  an  appendix  to  my  discussion,  may  be 
worth  mentioning.  On  page  128,  I  stated  of  Henry  VIII's 
"blasphemous  writing  against  Christ  Jesus  in  his  holy  truth 
proclaimed  by  Luther"  (Bloody  Tenent  yet  more  Bloody,  N. 
C.  P.,  p.  163)  that  ''this  work  I  have  not  been  able  to  deter- 
mine." The  book  referred  to  by  Williams  is  obviously 
Henry's  Defence  of  the  Seven  Sacraments,  "Assertio  Septeni 
Sacramentorum,"  1521,  which  caused  the  Pope  to  give  Henry 
the  title  of  "Defender  of  the  Faith." 

George  R.  Potter. 


The  only  known  impression  of  Rhode  Island's  first 
seal.  From  the  Charter  of  the  Town  of  Warwick,  1648, 
now  in  the  Shepley  Library,  Providence. 


L-^^ 


BEAVERTAIL  LIGHT    IN    179-; 


Engraved  by  William  Hamlin  of  Providence  for  The 
Certificate  of  the  Providence  Marine  Society.  From  origi- 
nal in  the  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society  Library. 


Form  of  Legacy 


**I  give  and  bequeath  to  the  Rhode  Island      .i 

Historical  Society  the  sum  oj 

dollars.'' 


j 


Rhode  Island 

Historical   Society 

Collections 

Vol.  XIV  October,  1921  No.  4 

CONTENTS 


hi 


PAGE 


The  Commerce  of  Rhode  Island  with  the  Southern 
Continental  Colonies  in  the  Eighteenth  Century 

By  Walter  Freeman  Crawford  ...         99 

The  Jamestown  and  Newport  Ferries 

By  Charles  V.  and  Anna  Augusta  Chapin     .        .        Ill 

Notes  121 

Rhode  Island  in  1768 

By  John  Lees 122 


$  3.00  per  year  Issued  Quarterly  75  cents  per  copy 


RHODE 
HISTORICAL 


ISLAND 
SOCIETY 


COLLECTIONS 


Vol.  XIV 


October,  1921 


No.  4 


Howard  W.  Preston,  President    Edward  K.  ALDRICH, Jr.,  Treasurer 
George  T.  SpiceR,  Secretary  HOWARD  M.CHAPIN,  Librarian 


The  Society  assumes   no   responsibility   for  the  statements  or  the 
opinions  of  contributors. 


The    Commerce    of    Rhode    Island    with    the 

Southern  Continental  Colonies  in  the 

Eighteenth  Century* 

By  Walter  Freeman  Crawford. 

In  few  respects  does  the  Rhode  Island  of  to-day  resemble 

the  Rhode  Island  of  colonial  times.    Many  of  the  customs  and 

institutions  which  occupied  prominent  places  in  the  activities 

of  an  earlier  day  have  now  been  superseded.     Commerce,  for 

instance,  which  was  highly  important  to  the  colonial  merchant 

has  been  displaced  alinost  entirely  by  manufacturing;  where 

capital  was  once  utilized  in  building  ships  and   carrying  on 

trade,  we  to-day  find  it  invested  largely  in  mills  and  machinery. 

*The  Society  of  Colonial  Dames'  Prize  Essay  in  American  History 
for  1920-21.  This  paper  is  based  largely  upon  contemporary  materials 
drawn  from  the  following:  The  Commerce  of  Rhode  Island,  1726- 
1800,  2  vols.,  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  7th  series,  vols.  IX,  X,  1914-1915; 
Newport  Commercial  Papers,  MSS.,  in  the  library  of  Col.  George  L. 
Shepley,  Providence;  and  Outward  Entries  and  Manifests,  MSS.,  in 
State  Archives. 


100  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

It  is  interesting,  however,  in  view  of  the  recent  attempts  to 
make  the  Narragansett  Bay  once  more  the  scene  of  commer- 
cial activities,  to  study  the  early  development  and  growth  of 
trade  in  Rhode  Island. 

Commerce,  in  the  eighteenth  century,  has  somewhere  been 
designated  the  "backbone"  of  Rhode  Island  in  its  life  as  a 
colony.  Certainly  in  the  days  immediately  preceding  and 
following  the  Revolution,  trade  came  to  be  the  one  cen- 
tral, dominating  interest,  and  the  number  of  prominent 
colonists  who  had  no  direct  connection  with  some  phase 
of  these  maritime  ventures  was  limited.  It  is  now  recog- 
nized that,  in  at  least  three  diiTerent  ways,  the  commerce 
of  these  early  colonial  days  had  an  important  relationship  to 
the  later  development  of  the  colony.  In  the  first  place,  from 
a  purely  financial  point  of  view,  commerce  was  largely  instru- 
mental in  the  establishment  of  many  Rhode  Island  fortunes. 
In  the  second  place,  trade  with  her  neighbors  and  with  foreign 
countries  fostered  that  spirit  of  independence  in  thought  and 
action  which  was  especially  characteristic  of  the  colony  in 
the  Revolutionary  period,  and  has  even  descended  to  the 
present  generation.  Finally,  it  was  out  of  the  commercial 
activities  of  Rhode  Island  in  colonial  times  that  the  manufac- 
turing interests  of  the  modern  era  were  to  spring;  the  founda- 
tion of  the  present  day  industrial  enterprises  is  to  be  found 
in  the  maritime  ventures  of  the  colony. 

There  is  always  a  tendency,  in  studying  a  particular  phase 
of  a  given  subject  to  over-emphasize  its  importance.  This 
must  be  especially  guarded  against  in  considering  the  origin, 
nature  and  results  of  the  commerce  of  Rhode  Island  with  the 
southern  continental  colonies.  Colonial  trade  in  the  eighteenth 
century  was  a  complicated  network  of  routes ;  ships  doubled, 
redoubled  and  turned  again  on  their  tracks ;  they  made  trian- 
gular voyages  on  the  slightest  excuses ;  seldom  indeed 
were  two  voyages  made  from  and  to  exactly  the 
same  ports.  For  this  reason,  the  trade  of  Rhode  Island  with 
the  South  cannot  in  any  strict  sense  be  isolated  from  the  other 
phases  of  colonial  commerce  which  are  tangled  about  it ;  and, 


COMMERCE    OF    RHODE    ISLAND  Id 

consequently,  an  understanding  of  the  nature  of  this  com- 
merce as  a  whole  is  necessary  before  the  true  importance  of 
this  relationship  can  be  appreciated.  We  must  have  some 
idea  of  the  whole  before  we  can  study  subdivisions. 

To  comprehend  the  trade  in  its  entirety,  it  must  first  be  re- 
membered that  the  American  continental  colonies  were  regarded 
by  England  as  a  part — and  a  rather  unimportant  part,  as  a 
matter  of  fact — of  her  Colonial  Empire.  From  an  economic 
point  of  view,  which  was  the  one  most  widely  adopted  in 
the  eighteenth  century,  when  Great  Britain  was  dominated 
by  the  policy  of  mercantiUsm,  the  continental  colonies  were 
generally  admitted  to  be  far  less  valuable  to  the  mother-coun- 
try than  the  West  Indian  sugar-producing  colonies.  It  is  only 
in  the  light  of  this  policy  that  the  purpose  underlying  the 
passage  of  the  Navigation  Acts  can  be  appreciated. 

Moreover,  as  a  part  of  this  same  economic  principle,  all 
colonies  were  thought  of  as  secondary  to  the  mother-country. 
The  needs  and  the  interests  of  the  citizens  at  home  were 
always  the  primary  considerations  of  the  British  government, 
and  it  was  believed  that  prosperity  in  England  would  naturally 
be  reflected  in  the  subject  countries.  Consequently,  at  least 
in  the  earlier  years  of  the  century,  all  the  English  colonies 
were  viewed  chiefly  as  sources  of  raw-materials ;  and  it  was 
probably  not  until  after  the  American  Revolution  that  these 
colonies  were  generally  looked  upon  as  the  markets  for  Eng- 
lish goods.  England  could  see  the  wisdom  of  encouraging 
Hiese  colonies  as  sources  of  supplies ;  but,  while  she  was  fos- 
tering the  development  of  British  commerce,  it  was  always 
the  domestic  merchants  and  the  British-built  ships  which  were 
especially  favored. 

The  whole  system  of  American  commerce  in  this  century, 
grew  up  with  little  direct  encouragement  from  the  mother 
country.  It  was  remarkable,  for  this  reason,  then,  that  trade 
should  become  so  widespread  before  the  Revolution,  and 
surprising  that  the  volume  of  intercolonial  trade  should  be 
so  large.  It  was  natural  that  the  home  country  should  main- 
tain  intimate   relations   with   all   of   her   colonial  possessions 


102  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

along  the  coast,  but  whatever  intercourse  developed  between 
the  colonies  themselves  was  the  direct  result  of  their  own 
initiative  and  individual  activity.  Some  of  the  settlements 
along  the  coast  were  especially  favored  by  physical  conditions 
in  the  development  of  trade,  as  Charleston,  Philadelphia,  New- 
port and  Boston ;  and  these  places  early  assumed  the  leader- 
ship in  commercial  enterprises.  The  West  Indies  had  become 
the  favorite  markets  for  New  England  vessels  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  seventeenth  and  in  the  early  years  of  the  eighteenth 
centuries,  while  Charleston  and  Philadelphia  shared  the  trans- 
atlantic trade  with  Boston.  Triangular,  quadrangular,  and 
even  more  complicated  routes  became  popular ;  vessels  were 
sent  wherever  a  cargo  might  be  purchased  or  sold  to  advan- 
tage. As  capital  accumulated  greater  and  more  extensive 
voyages  were  made,  until,  l)y  the  latter  half  of  the  eighteenth 
century — the  period  which  will  receive  the  preponderance  of 
attention  in  this  paper — an  intricate  maze  of  trade-routes 
had  developed. 

From  the  point  of  view  of  Rhode  Island,  the  commerce 
with  the  southern  continental  colonies  was  less  in  extent 
than  with  the  West  Indies  and  even  that  with  European 
countries,  throughout  practically  the  entire  century.  The  route 
from  Newport  to  Africa  to  the  West  Indies — the  famous  tri- 
angular voyage — was  always,  after  about  1730,  the  most  popu- 
lar and  the  most  lucrative ;  and  in  the  number  of  vessels 
engaged,  the  voyage  to  the  Southern  colonies  can  scarcely  be 
compared  with  it.  One  finds  difficulty,  however,  in  compiling 
statistics  in  support  of  this  conviction,  due  in  the  first  place 
to  the  lack  of  accurate  records,  and  secondly,  to  the  fact  that 
one  leg  of  the  voyage  from  Providence  or  Newport  to  a 
southern  port  was  frequently  extended  to  the  West  Indies — ^or 
even  farther. 

Moreover,  Rhode  Island  vessels  were  not  the  only  ones  to 
visit  the  southern  colonies.  A  few  colonial  vessels  were  engaged 
solely  in  going  to  and  from  the  West  Indies ;  many  more  were 
occupied  in  carrying  rice  and  tobacco  to  Europe  and  the 
mother  country ;  and  still  others,  owned  in  Philadelphia,  New 


COMMERCE    OF    RHODE    ISLAND  IO3 

York  and  Boston,  carried  on  an  intermittent  commerce  with 
these  southern  ports.  Toward  the  middle  of  the  century  com- 
petition was  particularly  keen  between  Newport  and  Boston, 
and,  while  the  vessels  from  the  latter  port  usually  out-num- 
bered those  from  the  former  in  the  principal  markets  of  the 
South,  such  as  Charleston,  Newbern  and  Norfolk,  the  mer- 
chants and  captains  of  the  Rhode  Island  ships  were  generally 
more  aggressive.  It  might  be  well  at  this  time  to  point  out 
the  double  aspect,  or  two-fold  function,  of  this  trade  with 
the  south :  in  the  first  place,  the  Rhode  Island  merchants 
served  as  collectors  and  distributors  of  local  or  native  prod- 
ucts ;  and  secondly,  they  acted  as  middlemen  in  gathering 
goods  to  be  re-exported,  or  in  distributing  goods  which  had 
already  been  imported.  When  functioning  in  their  first  ca- 
pacity, the  Rhode  Islanders  seem  to  have  had  almost  a  com- 
plete monopoly  in  their  field ;  in  their  second  capacity,  the 
competition  of  the  Boston  merchants  appears  to  have  been 
much  keener. 

The  rivalry  of  individual  merchants  of  the  same  town, 
however,  was  just  as  effective  a  means  of  regulating  the 
prices  as  the  competition  between  traders  of  different  colonies. 
No  individual,  in  any  phase  of  commercial  activitiy.  was, 
apparently,  ever  able  to  corner  a  market  and  so  dictate  prices : 
the  field  was  too  large,  commerce  was  too  complex,  and  the 
most  powerful  merchants  were  usually  too  far — in  distance 
and  in  time — from  the  scene  of  operations.  Finally,  there 
was  practically  no  one  who  was  interested  in  only  one  phase 
of  commerce;  combinations  of  voyages  and  of  interests  (such 
as  manufacturing  and  retailing  as  well  as  trade)  seem  to  b.ave 
been  the  rule  rather  than  the  exception  in  the  commercial 
world  of  the  eighteenth  century. 

The  earliest  beginnings  of  a  coastwise  trade  from  Rhode 
Island  are  difficult  to  trace.  Certainly,  voyages  to  \nrginia 
and  the  Carolinas  were  fairly  common  by  the  close  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  for  Governor  Cranston  in  his  answers 
to  queries  of  the  Board  of  Trade  submitted  December  5th, 
1708,  reported  the  exportation  of  a  cargo  of  rum,  sugar,  mo- 


104  RHODE    ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

lasses,  butter  and  cheese  to  the  Carolinas  in  1703,  and  another 
voyage  of  similar  t3-pe  made  the  following  year  to  Maryland 
and  Virginia  in  which  the  goods  carried  were  exactly  the 
same  except  for  the  omission  of  sugar.  Without  doubt,  this 
commerce  developed  as  a  concomitant  to  the  trade  with  the 
West  Indies ;  as  vessels  began  more  and  more  frequently  to 
make  trips  to  Antigua  and  the  other  lesser  ports  on  these 
islands,  the  advantages  of  a  direct  intercourse  with  the  con- 
tinental colonies  became  more  and  more  apparent.  The  six- 
fold increase  of  Rhode  Island  trade  in  general  between  the 
years  of  1688-1708  was  naturally  reflected  in  this  trade. 

^Moreover,  besides  the  gradual  development  which  was 
due  to  the  widening  of  interests  of  the  local  merchants  through 
the  accumulation  of  capital,  there  were  other  factors  which 
influenced  the  growtli  of  this  trade  and  caused  it  to  occupy 
a  fairly  prominent  place  in  Rhode  Island  commerce  after  the 
first  quarter  of  the  eighteenth  century.  For  one  thing,  the 
Southern  colonies  were  steadily  becoming  more  and  more  cen- 
tralized about  a  single  staple  product.  In  Virginia,  tobacco 
came  to  be  cultivated  to  the  exclusion  of  all  other  commodi- 
ties ;  in  North  Carolina,  tar  and  lumber  were  most  empha- 
sized ;  in  South  Carolina,  rice  was  most  important ;  and  later, 
toward  the  end  of  the  century,  Georgia  was  becoming  the 
recognized  center  of  the  cotton-growing  interests.  It  was 
natural  that  these  plantation  provinces  as  they  ceased  to  be 
even  relatively  self-supporting,  should  turn  to  the  northern 
continental  colonies  for  supplies  and  provisions.  That  the 
Southerners  recognized  their  growing  dependence  upon  Bos- 
ton and  Newport  is  partially  shown  by  such  acts  of  the  colo- 
nial legislatures  as  those  of  the  assembly  of  South  Carolina 
in  1 71 7  and  1721  in  which  discriminations  were  made  in 
favor  of  local  shipping. 

The  development  of  this  commercial  intercourse  be- 
tween the  north  and  south,  however,  was  slow  and 
somewhat  spasmodic.  Governor  Johnson  in  1708  reported 
that  South  Carolina  in  addition  to  a  trade  with  England  and 
the  West  Indies  also  had  "a  commerce  with  Boston,  Rhode 


COMMERCE    OF    RHODE    ISLAND  IO5 

Island,  Pennsylvania,  New  York  and  Virginia,"  and  a  year 
earlier  there  is  a  record  that  "saddles  and  bridles  were  sent 

from  New  England  [to  Virginia]  to  be  exchanged for 

pork,  pitch,  tar,  wheat,  Indian  corn,  or  whatever  else  the 
country  produceth."  In  1732  this  trade  indirectly  benefited 
by  the  removal  of  certain  restrictions  on  the  exportation  of 
rice  from  the  Carolinas,  and  it  is  fairly  certain  that  by  1735, 
when  the  famous  triangular  voyages  were  becoming  popular, 
the  trade  with  the  southern  provinces  was  firmly  established. 
Nevertheless,  compared  with  the  commerce  with  other  places, 
it  was  still  rather  insignificant,  for,  in  1747,  the  amount  of 
rice  exported  to  Europe  was  nearly  eighteen  times  the  amount 
carried  to  the  northern  colonies,  and  even  the  exports  to  the 
West  Indies  were  approximately  four  times  as  great  as  those 
to  all  the  other  colonies  in  America.  The  ratio  between  the 
number  of  vessels  employed,  however,  was  not  as  high ;  86 
ships  were  bound  out  of  Charleston  for  Europe  during  the 
year  to  48  for  the  northern  colonies.  Moreover,  before  ac- 
cepting these  figures  as  a  criterion,  it  should  be  remembered 
that  there  were  other  conditions  involved  not  taken  into  ac- 
count in  these  statistics ;  that  only  a  small  percentage  of  the 
New  England  trade  was  centered  in  Charleston,  while,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  great  bulk  of  the  English  trade  with  the 
southern  continental  colonies  was  with  that  port ;  and  that 
this  estimate  does  not  include  the  illegal  trade  which  even 
by  this  time  was  already  flourishing. 

The  period  from  the  middle  of  the  century  to  the  begm- 
ning  of  the  Revolutionary  War  saw  the  greatest  development 
in  this  trade,  though  it  was  interfered  with,  in  part,  by  the 
increase  in  privateering  during  the  wars  with  France  and 
Spain  which  not  only  withdrew  many  ships  from  the  coast- 
wise trade,  but  also  made  commerce  of  any  sort  dangerous. 
The  restraints  upon  commercial  enterprises,  however,  result- 
ing from  the  scarcity  of  capital  before  this  time,  were  being 
raised  by  means  of  a  multitude  of  successful  maritime  ven- 
tures with  their  accompanying  profits ;  and  the  immigration 
to   Newport   of    some   sixty   families   of   wealthy   Portuguese 


106  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Jews  after  the  great  earthquake  in  Lisbon  in  1755  still  further 
lessened  the  numl)er  of  voyages  which  had  to  be  cancelled  for 
fniancial  reasons.  Among  these  arrivals  from  Lisbon  seems 
to  have  been  the  Lopez  family,  which  was  destined  to  become 
widely  known  through  its  activity  in  the  commercial  field. 
Trade  between  Rhode  Lsland  and  the  southern  colonies  was 
reasonably  free  from  the  restrictive  regulations  of  the  mother 
country,  and  as  Weeden  points  out,  "rarely  did  any  colony 
break  the  course  of  this  magnificent  interchange  by  any  foolish 
acts  of  legislation."  In  1764  there  were  some  252  vessels 
engaged  in  the  coastwise  trade  of  Rhode  Island  from  New- 
foundland to  Georgia,  the  great  preponderance  of  which  was 
with  the  South.  This  is  the  more  remarkable,  inasmuch  as 
there  was  a  general  depression  in  trade  during  that  year,  due 
to  the  fact  that  Parliament  then  for  the  first  time  attempted 
to  raise  an  appreciable  revenue  in  America.  With  the  more- 
stringent  enforcements  of  the  old  Molasses  Act  in  1763,  and 
with  the  passage  of  measures  providing  additional  duties  in 
the  following  year,  and  of  the  Stamp  Act  in  1765,  trade  began 
to  dwindle.  George  Champlin  wrote  his  brother  Christo]:)her, 
the  Newport  merchant,  from  Baltimore,  October  29th,  1765. 
that  "Markitts  are  Extream  low  principally  Accation'd  by  the 
Stamp  Acct,  as  there  are  a  number  of  Vessels  here  a  driving 
to  load  by  the  time  the  Acct  takes  place,  selling  their  Cargoes 
at  any  rates  which  has  nock'd  down  the  markitts  to  nothing.'" 
The  depression  was  neither  lasting,  nor  very  severe, 
however,  for  in  1769  Newport  was  flourishing;  at  this 
time  the  town  was  said  to  be  at  the  height  of  its  pros- 
perity. Providence,  during  this  same  period  was  second  in 
size  and  in  commercial  activity  to  the  port  at  the  foot  of 
Narragansett  Bay,  but  her  merchants  and  shopkeepers  were 
laying  the  foundation  in  trade  and  manufacturing  so  well  that 
it  was  to  be  onH-  a  few  years  before  she  surpassed  her  rival. 
The  Revolutionary  War  had  a  most  pronounced  effect 
upon  Rhode  Island  commerce ;  it  was  necessarily  almost  wholly 
suspended.  The  interruptions  of  trade  occasioned  by  the  occu- 
pation of  Newport  harbor  by  the  British  fleet,  and  by  the  cap- 


COMMERCE    OF    RHODE    ISLAND  107 

tures  by  enemy  privateersmen,  interfered  decidedly  with  the 
hitherto  comparatively  steady  supply  of  products  from  the 
southern  colonies.  One  positive  effect  which  the  war  did  have, 
however,  was  to  bring  the  foreign  commerce  of  Rhode  Island 
under  French  influence.  Hitherto  transatlantic  trade  had  been 
largely  confined  to  England  and  the  Mediterranean  ports,  but- 
after  the  Revolution  voyages  were  made  to  more  distant 
markets ;  for  it  was  at  this  time  that  commerce  with  China  and 
the  East  Indies  began  to  develop.  Offices  of  American  mer- 
chants were  opened  in  France,  due  chiefly  to  the  appreciaton 
of  the  services  rendered  by  the  soldiers  of  that  country  during 
the  War,  not  only  in  Rhode  Island,  but  in  the  other  colonies  as 
well. 

After  1783,  the  coastwise  trade  was  resumed  again  much 
as  before  the  War,  and  it  was  not  long  before  it  was 
practically  as  great  in  volume  as  it  previously  had  been.  The 
bulk  of  the  commerce,  however,  was  beginning  to  shift  to  New 
York,  and,  though  trade  with  the  southern  colonies  was  once 
more  sufficient  to  merit  serious  attention,  it  was  not  proportion- 
ately as  large  when  compared  to  the  trade  as  a  whole.  In  1786, 
by  which  time  the  coastwise  trade  was  once  more  normal,  there 
were  272  clearances  registered  from  the  port  of  Providence. 
Of  these,  33  vessels  signified  their  intention  of  going  to  some 
southern  market,  32  were  bound  for  Connecticut,  and  44  had 
New  York  for  their  destination.  Probably  these  figures  in- 
cluded a  number  of  duplicate  voyages ;  two  vessels  were  each 
listed  several  times  as  they  made  periodic  trips  to  New  York, 
and  at  least  one  other  ship  of  19  tons  was  making  regular 
visits  to  Norwich,  Connecticut.  Moreover,  it  is  not  too  much 
of  an  assumption  to  include  approximately  one-third  of  the 
vessels  which  cleared  for  New  Jersey  and  Connecticut  during 
the  year,  in  the  number  which  ultimately  reached  the  Southern 
markets,  making  about  forty  odd  vessels  in  all.  This  figure 
does  not  compare  unfavorably  with  the  fourteen  coasters 
which  Moses  Brown  reported  as  belonging  to  the  port  of 
Providence  in  1764,  but  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  in- 
crease in  other  commerce  was  proportionately  even  greater. 


I08  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

The  outstanding  feature  of  the  trade  with  the  South  after 
the  Revolution,  which  was  already  becoming  noticeable  by  the 
close  of  the  century  was  the  shifting  of  the  commercial  center 
of  Rhode  Island  from  Newport  to  Providence.  The  popula- 
tion of  the  latter  town  was  making  rapid  gains,  while  Newport 
lost  more  than  a  third  of  her  inhabitants  during  the  War  due 
to  the  occupation  of  the  harbor  by  the  British.  Many  of  the 
wealthy  Jewish  families  removed  to  other  places  and  failed  to 
return  after  1783.  Not  for  thirty  years,  however,  was  the 
leadership  of  Providence  to  become  marked ;  meantime 
Newport  made  a  strong,  though  futile,  effort  to  regain  her 
former  position  in  the  commercial  world.  With  the 
beginning  of  the  new  century,  the  European  wars  seem  to  have 
had  some  effect  in  strengthening  and  widening  the  commerce 
of  Rhode  Island,  but  it  was  not  until  the  rise  of  manufacturing 
and  the  development  of  railroads  a  little  later,  that  any  notable 
decline  in  the  old  coasting  exchange  took  place.  In  fact,  this 
trade  never  did  actually  die  out  completely;  to  some  extent, 
at  least,  the  commerce  with  the  south — but  for  the  slight  in- 
terruption during  the  Civil  War —  has  survived  to  the  present 
day. 

The  general  nature  of  the  trade  of  Rhode  Island  with  the 
southern  provinces  changed  very  little  during  the  entire  cen- 
tury; the  differences  between  the  voyages  themselves,  the 
goods  carried,  and  the  markets  visited,  in  1700  and  eighty 
years  later  were  so  slight,  comparatively,  that  the  subject  may 
be  considered  on  the  whole  as  static,  for  the  chief  fluctuation 
— in  volume  of  trade — has  already  received  sufficient  atten- 
tion. 

Perhaps  the  most  outstanding  feature  of  colonial  com- 
merce, and  the  one  which  most  appeals  to  the  modern  reader, 
concerns  the  nature  of  the  ships  themselves,  and  this  may  well 
be  studied  first.  The  kind  of  vessels  employed  was  primarily 
determined  by  the  nature,  or  physical  conditions,  of  the  country 
which  they  visited.  The  southern  plantation  districts  are  broken 
by  numerous  rivers,  running  almost  parallel  to  each  other,  up 


COMMERCE    OF    RHODE    ISLAND  IO9 

which  it  was  almost  impossible  for  large  vessels  to  travel  far. 
Moreover,  as  Joseph  Boone  and  John  Bornwell  pointed  out  in 
their  memorial  to  the  Board  of  Trade,  November  23,  1720,  ex- 
plaining the  peculiar  physiography  of  the  Carolina  coast,  there 
also  existed  a  "chain  of  sand  banks  with  barrs  so  shifting  and 
shallow  that  sloops  of  5  feet  water  runs  great  risqs,"  and  "this 
renders  the  place  uncapable  of  a  Trade  to  great  Brittain  and 
what  is  carryed  on  is  by  small  sloops  from  New  England  who 
brings  them  cloathing  and  Iron  Wear  and  exports  Pork  and 
Corn."  These  "small  sloops"  of  between  20  to  80  tons  burden 
were  also  especially  desirable  because  a  small  crew  reduced 
the  overhead  expense  of  a  voyage ;  small  cargoes  were  pur- 
chased, transported,  and  sold  with  much  less  delay  than  larger 
ones  required ;  and  the  amount  of  the  initial  capital  needed  to 
finance  a  small  vessel  and  collect  a  cargo  for  her  was  more 
easily  available — so  that  the  risk  of  a  given  amount  was  scat- 
tered over  a  number  of  enterprises,  instead  of  being  limited  to  a 
single  one,  if  the  larger  types  of  brigs  and  schooners  had  been 
used.  This  last  factor,  in  particular,  influenced  the  merchants 
in  the  early  development  of  the  trade,  when  money  were  scarce 
and  had  to  be  expended  with  great  care.  Usually,  in  a  sloop 
of  about  30  or  40  tons — which  seems  to  have  been  the  most 
popular  size  throughout  this  whole  period — there  would  be, 
besides  the  captain,  four  or  five  or  six  sailors,  depending  some- 
what on  the  nature  of  the  cargo  and  the  rigging  of  the  vessels. 
The  average  pay  in  colonial  currency  about  the  middle  of  the 
century  was  £50  per  month  for  a  trained  sailor,  and  £55  ^ 
month  for  the  captain.  £3  sterling  for  the  captain,  £2  sterl- 
ing for  the  first  mate,  were  wages  frequently  named  in  agree- 
ments. 

The  voyage  from  Providence  or  Newport,  required  on 
the  average,  from  three  to  four  weeks.  Occasionally  it  was 
made  in  less  time ;  more  often,  with  shifting  winds  and  rough 
weather,  the  time  consumed  was  greater  than  this.  Capt.  James 
Brown  in  a  letter  to  his  brother  Nicholas,  dated  February, 
1749,  wrote  that  he  had  "undergon  many  hardships  and  Difi- 


no  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

culties  Which  I  shall  give  you  a  few  of  the  Perticulers  But  to 
Whrite  the  Whole  It  Would  take  a  quire  of  Paper.  I  had  a 
Passage  of  31  days.  .  .  .  Jhere  is  Vessels  hear  that  have 
had  30-35  and  40-45  Days  Passage  and  Vessels  are  Lucked 
for  that  have  Been  out  of  Boston  and  York  six  and  seven 
Weeks."  Again,  in  1784,  John  Burgwin,  a  merchant  of  Wil- 
mington, North  Carolina,  reported  to  Christopher  Champlin 
of  Newport,  "the  long  and  disagreeable  passage  I  had  from 
your  place  of  30  days  put  it  out  of  my  power  to  give  you  that 
early  intelligence  you  wished  to  receive  respecting  the  Cargo 
you  depended  on  my  house  preparing  for  your  Brigantine." 
Usually  it  required  about  three  months  to  dispose  of  the  goods 
brought  from  Rhode  Island  and  to  collect  a  cargo  for  the  re- 
turn voyage.  If  the  captains  were  extraordinarily  keen  bar- 
gainers, however,  two  voyages  might  be  made  during  a  year, 
but  the  great  majority  of  traders  made  only  one,  and  that  in 
the  fall,  since  just  after  harvest  time  the  staple  products  were 
most  plentiful  and  generally  cheapest.  In  1786,  for  instance, 
November  was  the  month  during  which  the  largest  number  of 
ships  cleared  for  southern  ports. 

Though  a  large  proportion  of  the  Rhode  Island  vessels 
which  visited  the  southern  colonies  carried  on  a  direct  barter 
with  the  plantation  owners,  there  were,  nevertheless,  in  each 
province  some  town  which  was  the  chief  center  of  commercial 
activity  for  the  surrounding  districts.  Baltimore  in  Mary- 
land, Norfolk  in  Virginia,  Wilmington  and  Newbern  in  North 
Carolina,  Charleston  in  South  Carolina,  and  Savannah  in 
Georgia,  were  the  principal  ports  south  of  Philadelphia. 
There  were  very  few  good  roads,  however,  connecting  these 
trade-centers  with  the  upcountry  regions,  especially  in  the 
first  half  of  the  century;  consequently,  it  was  found  to  be 
more  profitable  for  the  merchant-carriers  to  deal  directly  with 
the  ultimate  consumers,  or  "primary  producers.  "  It  was 
usually  easier  for  the  small  sloops  to  sail  up  the  rivers 
of  the  plantation  country,  than  for  the  owners  of  the 
(Concluded  on  Page  124) 


OLD     SHOP     SIGN 

Formerlv  suspended  over  Waterman's  Shoe-Shop  on  Cheapside 

(now  North  Main  Street) 

The  Rhode  Islan.l  Historical  Society  will  hold  a  loan  exhibition  of  ol<l  signs  in 

December.      Members  are  requested    to  assist  the   Committee  .n  obtammg  s.gns, 

for  this  exhibition. 


THE   JAMESTOWN    AND    NEWPORT    FERRIES  III 

The  Jamestown  and  Newport  Ferries 

By  Charles  V.  and  Anna  Augusta  Chapin. 

The  opposite  sides  of  most  Rhode  Island  ferries  were 
owned  by  different  persons  and  were  considered  different 
ferries.  Thus  at  Newport,  the  ferry  which  ran  from  the 
present  ferry  wharf  in  Newport  to  Jamestown  was  long 
owned  by  the  Carr  family.  The  ferry  which  ran  in  the  oppo- 
site direction,  from  Jamestown  to  Carr's  wharf  in  Newport, 
had  a  succession  of  owners  and  was  considered  another  ferry. 
The  title  of  this  paper,  following  the  colonial  usage  of  the  word 
ferry,  refers  only  to  the  ferries  from  Jamestown  to  Newport 
and  not  to  those  in  the  opposite  direction,  of  which  there  were 
several. 

Ferries  were  usually  called  after  the  names  of  the  owners, 
and,  as  there  was  much  early  legislation,  fixing  rates  of 
ferriage  and  otherwise  regulating  traffic,  much  information  can 
be  derived  from  this  source  as  to  ownership,  location  and  other 
matters.  Unfortunately,  most  of  the  acts  relating  to  the  ferries 
under  consideration  were  not  so  specific,  but  simply  mentioned 
the  Ferries  from  Jamestown  to  Newport.  This  is  one  reason 
why  the  history  of  these  ferries  is  not  so  complete  as  could  be 
wished. 

It  is  uncertain  when  ferries  were  first  operated  between  the 
islands  of  Conanicut  and  Rhode  Island.  At  the  earliest  period 
the  towns  seemed  to  have  licensed  ferries.  At  least  Ports- 
mouth did  so  as  early  as  1640.  Unfortunately  the  Newport 
records  have  been  lost,  and  the  earliest  Jamestown  records  are 
not  very  full  so  that  ferries  are  not  mentioned  until  the 
eighteenth  century.  By  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century 
the  General  Assembly  had  assumed  control  of  ferries  and 
thereafter  information  is  to  be  sought  in  its  records. 

The  first  license  for  a  ferry  from  Jamestown  to  Newport, 
of  which  there  is  record,  was  granted  by  the  General  Assembly 
in  1700,  but  it  is  very  probable  that  ferries  had  been  operated 
between  Jamestown  and  Rhode  Island  and  between  James- 
town and  the  mainland  for  many  years.     In  1675,  when  Capt. 


112  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Church  was  summoned  from  Rehoboth  to  Wickford,  just 
before  the  Great  Swamp  Fight,  he  states  that  he  went  the 
nearest  way  over  the  ferries  and,  the  wind  being  fair,  he 
arrived  safe  in  the  evening/  This  would  seem  to  mean  that 
he  went  over  Bristol  ferry  and  the  Newport — Jamestown — 
Narragansett  ferries,  for  if  he  had  gone  over  the  Providence 
ferries  the  wind  would  have  made  no  difference.  There  is  a 
tradition  that  Gov.  Carr  owned  a  ferry  from  Newport  to 
Jamestown  at  about  this  time.  The  ferry  between  Narragan- 
sett and  Jamestown  was  set  up  by  the  Smiths  in  1695.  In 
September,  1699,  Joseph  Mowry  of  Jamestown  carried  over 
Judge  Sewall  to  Newport  and  entertained  him  at  his  house, 
after  the  manner  of  ferrymen.^  The  licenses  which  were 
granted  in  1700  for  ferries  from  Jamestown  to  Newport  and 
from  Jamestown  to  Narragansett,  refer  to  them  as  "the" 
ferries,  as  if  they  were  already  in  operation,  and  not  licensed 
for  the  first  time. 

The  oldest  ferry  to  Newport  was  for  many  years  in  the 
possession  of  Samuel  Clarke  and  may  be  conveniently  desig- 
nated in  this  connection  as 

Clarke's  Ferry. 

The  first  license  which  was  granted  for  this  ferry  was  on 
4  May  1700  to  Thomas  Winterton  of  Jamestown.  The  ferry 
was  settled  on  Winterton  for  a  period  of  seven  years. ^  Win- 
terton had  a  license  to  keep  a  house  of  entertainment  in  1696, 
but  the  records,  which  appear  to  be  far  from  complete  have 
no  reference  to  such  a  license  this  year.*  Winterton  did  not 
long  continue  to  be  the  proprietor  of  the  ferry,  for  we  find 
that  in  April  1703  Jonathan  Marsh  had  the  franchise.^  Marsh 
died  in  1704  and  his  will  gave  to  his  son  William  his   ferry 


^The  History  of  King  Philip's  War,  Church   (Dexter)   Boston,  1865, 
49.    143,    156. 
'Mass.  His.  Coll.  5th  ser.  V.  Sewall  Papers  I,  502. 
•■'R.  I.  Col.  Rec.  ni,  415. 
•Jamestown,  Proprietors  Rec.  I,  15. 
5R.  I.  Col.  Rec.  HI.  192. 


THE   JAMESTOWN    AND    NEWPORT    FERRIES  1 13 

boats  on  the  east  side  of  Jamestown  and  to  his  son  Jonathan 
his  ferry  boat  on  the  west  side  of  the  Island,  (i.  copy  79)/ 
There  is  no  evidence  that  Marsh  ever  operated  a  ferry  on  the 
west  side  of  Conanicut  though  he  might  readily  have  done  so, 
or  he  might  have  had  his  boat  there  temporarily  for  some  other 
purpose. 

No  record  has  been  found  to  show  whether  the  sons  of 
Jonathan  Marsh  operated  the  ferry,  as  there  is  no  record  of 
a  license  granted  until  August  1709,  when  Robert  Barker  had 
the  franchise.-  Robert  Barker  had  married,  7  October  1705, 
Phebe,  the  widow  of  Jonathan  Marsh  who  was  previously  the 
widow  of  Oliver  Arnold  and  the  daughter  of  Thomas  and 
Mary  Cook  of  Portsmouth.^  It  is  not  improbable  that  Phebe 
Marsh  operated  the  ferry  until  her  marriage  with  Robert 
Barker, 

The  next  official  reference  to  this  ferry  that  has  been  found, 
v/as  in  an  action  of  the  General  Assembly  on  the  last  Tuesday 
in  February  1728.*  It  was  then  voted  that  Mr.  Samuel  Clarke, 
of  Conanicut,  provide  and  keep  one  other  good  ferry  boat  and 
ferry  man  more  than  he  now  hath,  to  ply  and  tend  the  ferry 
from  Jamestown  to  Newport  to  answer  the  Point  boat  during 
his  lease ;  and  to  be  ready  in  four  months  time. 

And  that  the  said  ferry  man  and  boat  be  under  the  same 
regulation  as  the  other  ferrymen  and  boats  are;  and  if  said 
boat  comes  in  to  the  old  ferry  place  of  the  town  she  shall  be 
obliged  to  call  at  the  Point  to  take  in  passengers  if  the  Point 
boat  is  out  of  the  way. 

Evidently  Samuel  Clarke  had  operated  the  ferry  for  some 
years.  It  is  possible  that  Joseph  Mowry  may  have  had  the 
ferry  for  a  while.  William  Brenton  was  the  owner  of  all  that 
large  tract  in  Jamestown  lying  south  of  the  present  Narra- 
gansett  Avenue  and  east  of  Mackerel  Cove  and  the  road  to 


^Figures  in  brackets  refer  to  volume  and  page  of  Jamestown  Land 
Evidence. 
2R.  I.  Col.  Rec.  IV,  144. 

^Genealogical  Dictionary  of  Rhode  Island,  Austin,  Albany,  1897,  130 
*R.  I.  Col.  Rec.  IV,  400. 


114  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

Beaver  Tail.  Joseph  Movvry  was  a  tenant  of  this  property 
and  later  purchased  it.  In  his  inventory,  which  was  filed  31 
May  1716  was  mentioned  "one  boat  ^50,  the  boat  which  was 
Phebe  Barker's  and  ye  old  boat,  all  ^76.  (i.  Copy  150).  His 
granddaughter  Mary,  the  daughter  of  Daniel  Coggeshall,  was 
the  wife  of  Samuel  Clarke  and  to  her  he  left  the  north  part 
of  his  Rock  Hall  farm  bounded  north  and  west  on  the  high- 
way, and  east  on  the  sea  or  harbor,  together  with  buildings 
and  wharf.  Perhaps  it  was  the  possession  of  the  property 
which  induced  Samuel  Clarke  to  go  into  the  ferry  business, 
in  which  he  remained  until  1751.  It  is  in  the  highest  degree 
probable  that  the  first  ferry  was  located  on  the  southerly  side 
of  the  eastern  terminus  of  the  present  Narragansett  Avenue, 
for  from  very  early  times  this  highway  was  called  the  road 
from  ferry  to  ferry,  and  it  was  located  here  when  on  6  April 
1751  Samuel  Clarke  and  his  wife  Mary  deeded  it  to  their  son 
Joseph  for  love  and  affection  and  £500  current  money  and  he 
on  the  same  day,  for  £3000  old  tenor,  deeded  it  to  John  Rem- 
ington ferryman.     (3.91,  92) 

The  action  of  the  General  Assembly  in  1728,  referred  to 
above,  would  indicate  that  previous  to  that  time,  Clarke  ran 
his  ferry  boat  presumably  from  Narragansett  Avenue  to  Carr's 
wharf  in  Newport  and  that  the  General  Assembly  required 
him  to  run  another  boat  to  the  Point.  Nothing  was  said  about 
his  having  another  landing  place  in  Jamestown,  but  it  is  prob- 
able that  he  was  later  required  to  do  this,  for  in  May  1736,  he 
presented  a  petition  about  it  to  the  General  Assembly  then 
sitting  in  Newport.^  In  this  petition  he  alleges  that  he  finds  the 
charge  of  keeping  two  houses  and  families  too  great  and  he 
asks  that  he  be  required  to  keep  only  one  house  and  family. 
It  was  ordered  that  he  need  not  keep  more  than  one  house  and 
family  for  the  use  of  the  ferry  "And  that  he  keep  two  boats 
and  attend  as  heretofore  as  has  been  customary.  One  of  said 
boats  to  come  to  the  Point  and  attend  there  and  the  other  to 
the  other  part  of  the  town."     In  another  petition  to  the  Gen- 


iR.  I.  Acts  and  Resolves  May  1736  Ms.  37  (R.  I.  H.  S.)- 


THE   JAMESTOWN    AND    NEWPORT    FERRIES 

eral  Assembly  in  October  1745  Clarke  refers  to  the  fact  that, 
when  requested,  he  built  another  boat  and  house  at  a  cost  of 
over  £300.^  Where  the  second  ferry  house  was  located  has 
not  been  determined.  On  13  March  1729  Clarke  purchased 
85  acres  on  the  southerly  side  of  Taylor's  Point  but  this  would 
seem  to  be  too  near  the  old  ferry  for  a  second  landing  place. 
(1-513) 

When  the  Clarkes  sold  the  ferry  to  John  Remington  in  1751, 
as  stated  above,  the  deeds  described  the  lot  with  pier  and  wharf 
as  being  i^  feet  east  of  Clarke's  screw  house  and  this  refer- 
ence to  the  screw  house  appears  in  all  the  transfers  of  the 
property  up  to  the  time  of  its  sale  to  Wm.  H.  Knowles  in  1871. 
For  a  long  time  we  had  no  idea  what  this  "screw  house"  was. 
The  manufacture  of  spermaceti  was  a  flourishing  industry  of 
the  Point  in  Newport  during  the  period  in  which  Samuel 
Clarke  ran  his  ferry  boat  to  that  place.  An  important  part 
of  a  spermaceti  manufactory  is  a  powerful  screw  press,  but 
that  this  was  commonly  called  "a  screw"  we  did  not  know  until 
we  came  across  an  advertisement  of  the  sale  of  one  in  the 
Newport  Mercury  for  November  12,  1784.  It  seems  probable 
therefore  that  Clarke's  screw  house  was  a  place  for  the  manu- 
facture of  spermaceti.  The  wharf  and  pier  above  referred  to, 
occupied  substantially  the  site  of  Caswell's  wharf  which  may 
now  be  seen  on  the  southerly  side  of  the  eastern  terminus  of 
Narragansett  Avenue.  Caswell's  pier  is  shown  in  Fig.  3. 
Samuel  Clarke's  deed  to  his  son  included  "a  certain  lot  of  land 
and  one  mesuage  thereon  standing"  the  lot  containing  one  acre 
and  47  rods.  In  a  later  deed  this  is  called  "a  certain  mesuage 
or  dwelling  house"  and  was  situated  a  little  west  of  the  screw 
house  and  at  the  southwest  corner  of  what  is  now  Narragan- 
sett Avenue  and  Canonicus  Avenue.  The  deed  also  included 
the  "ferry  boat  called  the  wall  boat  with  mast,  bowsprit,  boom, 
sails  and  rigging." 

After  the  death  of  John  Remington  the  ferry  property  came 
into  the  hands  of  his  sons,  Stephen  and  Gershom.  and  10  of 


^Petitions  to  General  Assembly,  Ms. 


Il6  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

March  1775  was  sold  by  them  to  Samuel  Slocum  for  $1600 
silver  (3.479)-  Samuel  Slocum  was  the  son  of  Ebenezer 
Slocum  who,  in  the  early  part  of  the  century,  had  been  the 
proprietor  of  the  Conanicut  side  of  the  North  ferry  to  North 
Kingstown.  On  19  of  March  1785  Samuel  Slocum,  ferryman, 
sold  the  estate,  with  dwelling,  wharf  and  boat,  to  Benjamin 
Reynolds  for  $1900  silver  (3.503).  On  13  of  March  1792 
Benjamin  and  Sarah  Reynolds  sold  the  same  property  to 
Jonathan  Hopkins  for  $1900  silver  (3.622).  On  19  May  1794 
Jonathan  Hopkins  sold  it  to  Christy  Potter  for  $1800  (3.646) 
and  the  next  year  Potter  sold  it  to  Jonathan  J.  Hazard  (3.650). 
On  28  of  May  1802  Hazard  sold  it  to  Freeman  Mayberry  of 
Newport  for  $1600  (4.267).  It  then  passed  through  the  hands 
of  Thomas  Dennis  and  Gold  S.  Silliman  who  disposed  of  it, 
28  July  1806  to  Thomas  R.  Congdon  for  $1000,  but  no  boat 
is  mentioned  in  the  deed  (4.226,  349,  352,  355).  Congdon 
had,  in  1804  purchased  from  Joseph  Allen  the  Ellery  ferry  to 
the  Point  in  Newport  and  he  had  also  come  into  possession 
of  the  site  of  the  Hull  ferry.  On  9  March  1833  the  ferry 
property  was  purchased  by  Caleb  F.  Weaver  for  $7000  (5.248). 
This  sale  included  the  Clarke  ferry  property,  the  Ellery  ferry 
and  the  Hull  ferry  site. 

The  Ellery  Ferry. 

David  Greene,  during  the  early  part  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury, was  the  owner  of  land  on  the  east  side  of  Jamestown, 
comprising  a  part  of  what  is  now  known  as  the  Greene  Farm. 
He  was  anxious  to  become  a  ferry  owner  and  several  times 
petitioned  the  General  Assembly  for  a  license,  but  was  refused, 
probably  through  the  influence  of  Samuel  Clarke,  proprietor 
of  the  existing  ferry,  who  frequently  represented  Jamestown 
in  the  General  Assembly  and  was  for  a  time  speaker  of  the 
House. ^ 

On  10  March  1745-6,  when  Clarke  was  no  longer  in  the 
General  Assembly,  Greene  again  petitioned  the  Assembly,  say- 
ing that  he  had  a  good  house  on  the  east  side  of  Jamestown 


1  Samuel  Clarke's  Petition  to  General  .Assembly,  October  1745,  Ms. 


THE   JAMESTOWN    AND    NEWPORT    FERRIES  l\J 

for  the  accommodation  of  travelers  and  a  good  wharf  for 
landing  passengers  and  for  laying  a  boat,  that  it  was  con- 
veniently situated  and  that  if  he  should  be  granted  a  license 
he  would  provide  a  sufficient  boat  and  keep  the  ferry  equal  to 
any  in  the  Colony.  It  was  thereupon  voted  that  he  be  per- 
mitted to  set  up  a  ferry  from  Jamestown  to  Newport  and  to 
begin  at  the  expiration  of  Mr.  Samuel  Clarke's  present  lease 
of  said  other  ferry. ^ 

On  6  of  July  1752  David  and  Sarah  Greene  sold  their  ferry 
to  William  Martin  (3.1 10)  who  just  previously,  had  been  in 
possession  of  one  of  the  ferries  on  the  west  side  of  the  island 
running  to  South  Kingstown.  The  purchase  price  was  iiooo 
bills  of  credit.  The  property  consisted  of  a  four  acre  lot  at 
the  northwest  corner  of  the  road  leading  from  ferry  to  ferry 
and  the  four  rod  road  leading  to  the  watering  place.  This  is 
the  site  now  occupied  by  the  Bay  View  House,  and  at  that 
time  contained  the  ferry  house,  a  blacksmith  shop  and  hen 
house.  The  sale  included  a  beach  lot  situated  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  four  rod  road  along  which  it  extended  42  feet. 
There  was  also  a  ferry  boat  with  mast,  bowsprit,  boom,  sail 
and  rigging.  Greene  drove  a  shrewd  bargain,  for  he  required 
Martin  to  give  a  bond  that  he  would  always  transport  ferriage 
free,  David  Greene,  his  wife  and  family  and  what  they  may 
have  occasion  to  transport  over  the  ferry  and  also  all  his  chil- 
dren and  the  respective  husbands  and  vyives  of  all  his  children, 
that  they  now  have,  or  may  hereafter  marry,  and  the  riding 
horses  of  his  said  children  (3.348). 

On  16  April  1770  William  Martin  and  his  wife  Eunice  con- 
veyed this  property  to  Benjamin  Ellery  of  Newport,  merchant. 
Ellery  had,  for  a  long  time,  owned  the  ferry  in  Newport  which 
ran  to  this  landing  and  by  this  purchase  became  proprietor  of 
both  terminals  (3-377) • 

While  the  British  fleet  was  in  Newport  in  the  summer  of 
1775,  the  passage  of  the  ferry  boats  was  a  good  deal  inter- 
fered with,  though  they  continued  to  run,  with  more,  or  less, 


iR.  I.  Col.  Rec.  V,  159. 


Il8  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

regularity,  but  on  lo  December  a  party  of  British  landed  on 
Conanicut  and  burnt  fifteen  houses,  including  two  belonging 
to  Benjamin  Ellery  and  two  belonging  to  the  widow  Franklin 
who  kept  the  ferry  on  the  west  side.  They  also  seriously 
wounded  John  Martin,  80  years  old,  who  was  standing  in  his 
door  way  unarmed.'  He  was  the  father  of  the  William  Martin 
referred  to  above.  It  is  probable  that  after  this  date  none  of 
these  ferries  were  operated  during  the  war  except  the  Ellery 
ferry  which  seems  to  have  been  re-established  for  a  short  time 
in  1776.  When  Benjamin  Ellery  died,  12  of  December  1797, 
the  ferry  passed  to  his  son  Abraham  Redwood  Ellery  and  his 
daughter  Martha  Redwood  Champlain,  wife  of  Christopher 
Grant  Champlain.  On  7  November  1798  Abraham  Redwood 
Ellery  transferred  his  share  in  the  property  to  his  sister 
Martha  (4.58).  On  2  September  1799  the  Champlains  sold  to 
Joseph  Allen  of  Newport  the  "Ellery  Conanicut"  ferry  as  pre- 
viously described  (4.65). 

On  16  of  April  1804  Joseph  and  Mary  Allen  of  Jamestown 
sold  this  ferry  property  for  $4600  to  Thomas  R.  Congdon  of 
North  Kingstown  (4.304). 

A  portion  of  the  wharf  was  sold  by  Congdon  18  June  1829 
to  the  Narragansett  Bay  Company  (5.222),  the  company  which 
was  preparing  to  operate  a  horse  boat.  At  this  period  there 
were  a  number  of  places  where  ferry  boats  were  operated  by 
horse  power.  There  was  such  a  boat  at  Bristol  Ferry  and  at 
Slades  Ferry.  The  horse  boat  between  Newport  and  James- 
town was  not  operated  much  over  a  year.  Mr.  Henry  B. 
Tucker  of  Jamestown,  recalls  that  his  mother  made  several 
trips  on  this  boat,  but  that  his  father  predicted  its  failure  and 
stood  by  the  sloops.  The  wharf  where  the  horse  boat  landed 
was  about  where  the  bath  houses  begin  on  the  northerly  side 
of  Narragansett  Avenue.  On  the  failure  of  the  horse  boat 
the  wharf  was  reconveyed  to  Congdon  and  with  his  other 
ferry  property  sold  to  Caleb  F.  Weaver  9  March  1833  (5.248). 


iThe  Literary  Diary  of  Ezra  Stiles,  New  York  1901,  I,  642. 


Fig.   1.     Capt.  Job  S.  Ellis 


V 


li '.  4.      THl-   PZHli'x-   FLrr\    House 


Old  /^Kr   h,  ^trry  Bout 
Junes  tvLvrL 


-vfV/e/  fier  tf.  Fer/y  ffocit .  Jar/! est o urn. 

Fig.   3.      From  a   ma|,  ..I    ConaniVul,   !,ul)lishcd   l)y    Dani^M    Watson,    1S75.      The    upper   pa 
shows  the  ol<I  i)iLT  wliich,  in  the  lower   portion,  is  concealed  1)\-  tht'  new  jiier. 


part 


THE   JAMESTOWN    AND    NEWPORT    FERRIES  1 19 

Weaver  left  it  to  his  wife  Phebe  R.^  She  married  James 
Hamilton  Clarke  and  26  March  i860  they  sold  the  property  to 
Philip  Caswell  Jr.  (6.164)  and  Philip  and  El'izabeth  Caswell 
sold  it  to  William  H.  Knowles  25  March  1871  (6.346). 
Knowles  raised  the  price  of  ferriage  to  such  an  exorbitant 
figure  that  the  agitation  for  a  steam  ferry  was  renewed  and 
the  present  company  was  organized. and  the  steamer  James- 
town made  her  first  trip  12  May  1873. 

Hull's  Ferry. 

In  1756  Captain  John  Hull  of  Jamestown,  in  a  petition  to 
the  General  Assembly,  stated  that  there  was  a  ferry  from 
Long  Wharf  in  Newport  for  which  there  was  no  mate  boat 
and  he  prayed  for  the  liberty  of  setting  up  a  ferry  from  his 
wharf  in  Jamestown  to  Newport.  The  petition  was  granted.- 
This  ferry  was  located  just  south  of  the  watering  place.  Be- 
fore the  island  was  cleared  and  drained  there  were  springs  and 
perhaps  a  rivulet  just  north  of  the  end  of  the  present  board 
walk.  This  was  reserved  as  a  watering  place  by  the  pro- 
prietors, and  a  four  rod  road  was  laid  out  northward,  along 
the  shore,  from  the  road  leading  across  the  island  from  ferry 
to  ferry. 

J^ohn  Hull  and  his  wife  Damaris  sold  this  property  to  Wil- 
liam Hazard  13  December  1760  for  £1500  (3.206)  and  29 
January  1761  William  Hazard  sold  the  property  to  Oliver 
Hazard  for  iioooo  lawful  money  (3.210).  On  18  of  Novem- 
ber 1773  Oliver  Hazard  sold  to  William  Tuck  of  Newport 
the  land,  dwelling,  wharf  and  ferry  boat  (3.415).  Undoubt- 
edly this  ferry  was  suspended  during  the  revolution  and  we 
have  found  no  evidence  that  it  was  ever  re-established.  The 
property  had  passed  through  several  hands  and  was  finally  pur- 
chased by  Thomas  R.  Congdon  who  was  the  owner  of  both 
the  Clarke  and  Ellery  ferries  and  perhaps  feared  that  the 
Hull  property  was  too  good  a  location  for  a  competitor. 


ijamestown  Probate,  3.399. 
2R.  I.  Col.  Rec.  V,  543. 


120  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Often  the  owners  of  the  old  ferries  sailed  the  boats  them- 
selves and  often  they  hired  others  to  help  them,  or  perhaps  to 
do  all  the  navigating.  Captain  Job  S.  Ellis,  now  living  in 
Jamestown,  for  many  years  sailed  a  boat  for  Philip  Caswell 
and  later  for  William  H.  Knowles,  as  long  as  his  ferry  was 
in  operation.     His  likeness  is  shown  in  Fig.  i. 

Ever  since  the  first  Rhode  Island  ferry  at  Portsmouth  in 
1640  until  the  introduction  of  steam,  ferry  boats  plying  on 
the  bay  have  been  of  the  same  general  type  and  have  probably 
not  varied  much  in  size,  for  the  earliest  boats  were  intended 
to  transport  horses  and  cattle  as  well  as  persons.  The  ferry 
boats  running  between  Jamestown  and  Newport  during  the 
nineteenth  century  were  about  35  ft.  long,  14  ft.  wide  and  drew 
from  43/2  to  5  feet  of  water.  They  were  very  heavy  and 
planked  with  two-inch  oak.  There  was  a  place  for  passengers 
in  the  stern,  the  animals  were  in  the  middle  of  the  boat  and  a 
vehicle  could  be  carried  on  the  little  deck  forward.  They 
were  rigged  with  a  main  sail  and  jib.  One  of  these  boats, 
belonging  to  the  Carr  Ferry,  is  shown  in  Fig.  2. 

An  important  part  of  the  ferry  establishment  was  the  ferry 
house,  where  travelers  could  be  entertained  over  night  and 
where  a  waiting  room  was  provided  and  very  often  a  bar.  It 
is  suspected  that  much  of  the  profit  of  the  ferry  business  came 
from  the  latter  and  that  the  opportunity  to  obtain  this  was  the 
principal  reason  why  there  was  so  much  rivalry  in  seeking 
ferry  franchises.  The  ferry  houses  belonging  to  the  Clarke 
and  Hull  ferries  have  long  since  disappeared,  but  the  EUery 
ferry  house  is  still  standing.  It  shows  evidence  of  having 
been  built  at  a  period  not  long  after  the  Revolution  and  is 
very  probably  the  house  built  to  replace  the  one  destroyed  by 
the  British  at  that  time.  Fig.  3  shows  the  old  ferry  wharf 
and  also  the  ferry  house  on  the  corner  where  now  stands  the 
Bay  View  Hotel.  Fig.  4  shows  the  house  where  it  now 
stands  some  two  or  three  hundred  feet  to  the  northwest.  The 
lower  riffht  hand  room  was  the  waiting  room. 


NOTES  121 


Notes 


Miss  Louise  B.  Bowen  presented  to  the  Society  a  collec- 
tion of  Eighteenth  Century  account  books  and  manuscripts 
including  an  interesting  account  book  of  the  "Codfishery  Com- 
pany  of    1784." 

Mr.  Hermon  Carey  Bumpus  has  been  elected  to  member- 
ship in  the  Society. 

F.  J.  Allen,  M.  D.,  read  before  the  Cambridge  Antiquarian 
Society,  a  paper  entitled  "The  Ruined  Mill,  or  Round  Church 
of  the  Norsemen  at  Newport,  Rhode  Island,  U.  S.  A.,  com- 
pared with  the  Round  Church  at  Cambridge  and  others  in 
Europe,"  which  has  been  issued  in  pamphlet  form. 

The  July  Bulletin  of  the  Newport  Historical  Society  con- 
tains the  annual  reports  of  the  Society  and  historical  notes. 

On  page  11  of  the  Imprint  List  under  1737  is  the  entry, 
"Fox,  George  Instructions  for  right  spelling  N.  Y.  P.  L." 

The  original  volume  contains  neither  place  nor  date  of 
imprint,  although  it  has  been  ascribed  to  Newport  on  account 
of  the  type  ornaments  and  a  pencil  note  "(Newport?)  1737" 
has  been  added.  A  close  comparison  of  the  type  ornaments 
used  with  those  used  on  other  books  printed  by  Franklin 
indicate  that  this  book  was  probably  not  printed  at  Newport 
for  eight  pointed  stars  of  the  size  used  on  the  Fox  book  do 
not  appear  to  have  been  used  by  Franklin  on  any  books  known 
to  have  been  printed  by  him. 

"A  Friendly  Address"  printed  in  Providence  by  Bennett 
Wheeler  in  1794  as  a  broadside  has  recently  been  obtained  by 
Col.  George  L.  Shepley.  It  differs  from  the  copy  in  the 
Library  of  the  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society  which  is  men- 
tioned on  page  62  of  the  Imprint  List. 

The  original  manuscript  journal  of  John  Lees  of  Quebec, 
Merchant,  is  preserved  in  the  British  Museum  (Add.  Mss. 
Ivlo.  28,  605),  and  was  published  in  191 1  by  the  Society  of 
Colonial  Wars  in  the  State  of  Michigan.  That  part  which 
relates  to  Rhode  Island  is  reprinted  from  this  publication. 


122  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Rhode  Island  in  1768 

By  John  Lees. 

Set  out  from  Boston  loth  June  in  a  Stage  Coach,  that 
goes  to  Providence,  distance  42  mils.  The  land  along  this 
road,  is  but  very  poor,  being  a  light  Sandy  Soil,  not  much 
Grain  is  raised  here  about,  the  Country  being  chiefly  covered 
with  Orchards ;  a  few  miles  from  Providence  there  is  a  Con- 
siderable Iron  work  belonging  to 

At  this  work  a  good  many  Potts,  Pans,  Anchors,  and  such 
work  is  manufactured,  which  they  send  to  New  York  for 
sale.  The  Cheif  Trade  from  Providence  is  in  Lumber,  and 
stock  for  the  West  Indies,  their  principall  return  is  Molasses, 
great  part  of  which  is  made  into  Rum,  and  sent  to  New  York ; 
from  which  place  they  have  the  Cheif  of  their  Dry  goods,  as 
they  have  only  one  Vessell  yearly  from  London,  in  that  Trade 
a  good  deal  of  Connecticut  Tobacco  is  also  sent  from  this  place 
to  New  York,  from  which  it  is  afterwards  exported  to  New- 
foundland etc.  The  names  of  the  principall  Merchants  in 
the  place  were  Ward,  Levy,  Arnot  etc. 

There  is  water  in  coming  up  this  River  for  pretty  large 
Vessells.  Close  by  the  Town  is  a  Bridge  over  the  River,  built 
of  Wood  with  stone  Pillars,  it  Draws  up  in  one  part  to  lett 
Vessells  pass,  as  there  is  a  good  deal  of  shipping  built  above 
it.  The  River  is  called  Providence  River.  There  is  divers 
Sects  of  Riligion  here,  The  People  are  not  reckoned  so  strict 
as  in  Boston  Gouvernment.  There  is  a  Chapel  for  the  Church 
of  England  People;  Presbeterians,  Anabaptists,  Quakers,  and 
Methodists  are  all  to  be  found  here.  At  Seven  o  Clock  in  the 
morning  of  the  nth  June,  set  out  in  a  passage  Sloop  down 
the  River  to  Newport,  the  Country  extreamly  pleasant  as  you 
go  down,  but  very  little  Corn  land  and  the  Soil  seems  light 
and  sandy,  the  Cheif  Grain  they  raise  is  Rye,  and  Indian 
Corn.  It  is  reckoned  30  miles  to  Newport,  many  Shoals  are 
in  this  River,  particularly  about  3  Leagues  from  the  Town, 
two  sand  Banks  run  across  from  each  side,  and  leave  a  pas- 
sage only  of  half  a  mile,  which  makes  the  pilotage  very  dan- 
gerous to  Strangers.     This  River  is  generally  frose  up  for  6 


RHODE    ISLAND    IN    I768  123 

Weeks  in  the  Winter,  vast  Bodies  of  Ice  flotting  on  the  shoals 
along  the  Coast.  About  5  leagues  below  Providence  lye  three 
Islands,  called  Prudence,  Patience  and  Hope,  they  seem  ex- 
treamly  beautifull,  the  first  is  the  largest  being  about  8  miles 
long,  on  the  North  side  is  the  Town  of  Bristol,  being  about 
4>4  leagues  from  Providence,  almost  opposite  to  it,  is  War- 
wick Town,  and  Greenick.  Within  about  2  leagues  of  New- 
port is  a  fine  large  Island  called  Norragancet,  has  a  most 
beautifull  appearance,  and  raises  a  vast  deal  of  Stock,  and 
Indian  Corn,  is  about  8  miles  long.  About  4  o  Clock  arrived 
at  Newport,  on  the  Starboard  hand  in  coming  in,  is  a  small 
Fort  and  Battery  of  30,  18  and  24  pounders,  it  looks  ex- 
treamly  well  but  is  said  to  be  of  no  strength;  a  number  of 
Shipping  belongs  to  this  Port,  and  is  cheifly  employed  in  the 
West  India  Trade,  a  vast  quantity  of  Molasses  is  here  dis- 
tilled into  Rum,  and  sent  in  large  quantities  to  the  Coast  of 
Africa,  and  all  over  the  Continent  of  America,  Canada,  and 
Newfoundland.  They  have  severall  Vessells  in  the  Guinea 
Trade,  most  of  their  Dry-Goods  they  have  from  New  York ; 
a  few  Vessells  are  built  at  this  place,  a  great  many  Horses, 
Sheep,  &  oyr  Stock  is  shipped  from  this  Island,  to  the  W. 
Indies ;  but  their  Lumber  for  that  Trade  is  generally  sent 
them  from  Providence.  The  Island  is  about  12  miles  long. 
&  2  Broad.  There  is  many  hatters  in  this  place,  as  they  Carry 
on  a  good  deal  of  Counterband  Trade  in  that  branch  to  the 
West  Indies.  They  are  supplied  with  their  Beaver  cheifly 
from  N.  York.  There  is  a  vast  number  of  Jews  in  this  place, 
the  Country  people  through  the  Island  are  in  general  Quakers. 
Their  last  Gouvernor  was  a  Quaker,  one  Hopkins,  their  pres- 
ent one  is  an  Anabaptist — 

Their  whole  Civill  officers  are  elective,  and  commonly, 
(Parties  running  so  high),  they  are  totally  changed  with 
their  Gouvernor;  his  Salary  is  very  triftling;  but  being  naval 
Officer  ex  officio,  that  employment  is  of  some  value  to  him  ; 
of  about  1000  Dr.s  a  year,  the  Judge  of  Admirality  and  Cus- 
tom house  Officers  are  those  only  named  from  home.  The 
people  here  are  very  jealous  about  their  Charter  Privileges, 


124  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

and  complain  greatly  of  the  decline  of  Trade,  and  say  it  is 
owing  to  the  large  Value  of  Cash,  that  is  sent  out  of  the 
Province  for  duties  on  Molasses,  however  I  believe  much 
Contraband  Trade  is  carried  on  here,  indeed  the  Kings  offi- 
cers dust  not  venture  to  do  their  duty  with  Strictness ;  they 
send  a  great  deal  of  their  returns  from  the  West  Indies  to 
N.  York  for  Sale,  and  in  payment  of  English  Manufactures 
sent  them  from  that  place.  Their  most  considerable  Mer- 
chants, are  Mr.  Joseph  Wanton,  :\lr.  Lopes,  a  Jew,  Mr.  Thurs- 
ton, Messrs.  Pollock  and  Hayes,  The  Beaver  stood  their  Hat- 
ters lately  from  6/6  to  7/ — York  Currency.  One  Mr.  Wil- 
liam M.  Campbell  an  Attorney  at  Greenwich  appeared  to  be 
the  most  able  Speaker  in  the  house  of  Assembly.  One  Samuel 
Bowers  was  their  Speaker. 

Sett  off  from  Newport  for  New  York  in  a  passage  Sloop, 
on  the  15th  of  June,  in  Company  with  Mr.  Bridges  and  Cap- 
tain Thomson  of  New  York,  and  one  Mr.  Monroe  from  Scot- 
land;  by  Contrary  winds  and  Calms,  were  3  days  in  getting 
down  the  Sound  to  N.  York,  it  was  extream  pleasant  sailing 
along  this  Cost,  and  long-Island  on  the  left,  appeared  like  an 
intire  Garden  near  it  is  Fisher's  Island. 

Commerce  of  Rhode  Island 

{.Concluded  from  Page  no) 

products  to  be  exported  to  transfer  them  by  ferry  several 
times  until  they  finally  reached  Charleston  or  Norfolk,  as  tl^e 
case  might  be.  The  emphasis  which  the  manac:ers  of  the 
large  plantations  placed  upon  their  staple  product  during  prac- 
tically this  whole  period  preventing,  as  it  did,  these  colonies 
from  being  agriculturally  self-supporting,  had  a  profound  m- 
fluence  upon  the  nature  of  the  goods  which  were  exported 
from  Rhode  Island. 

We  find  that  the  commodities  which  were  carried  from 
Providence  and  Newport  to  the  southern  markets  were  many 
and  varied.  Within  a  period  of  about  eighten  months,  for  m- 
stance,  the  S^oop  "Polly",  John  Martin,  master,  made  three 


COMMERCE    OF    RHODE    ISLAND  12$ 

trips  to  Virginia.  On  the  first  voyage,  the  "Polly"  cleared  out 
of  the  port  of  Providence,  October  8th,  1785;  on  the  second, 
February  3rd,  1786;  and  on  the  third,  October  23rd  of  the 
same  year.  Out  of  thirty  different  commodities  which  were 
carried  by  this  vessel  (which  was  only  of  average  size,  30 
tons),  only  seven, — molasses,  rum,  butter,  cider,  leather  shoes, 
chocolate  and  cheese — were  common  to  each  of  the  three 
cargoes.  Nine  other  varieties  of  merchandise  and  produce 
were  taken  on  two  of  the  three  voyages,  as  follows:  candles, 
lime,  sugar,  "calves"  skins,  hay,  potatoes,  onions,  cranberries 
and  coffee.  Boards,  shingles,  fish,  beef,  oil,  apples,  tea,  axes, 
desks,  riding  carriages,  cotton  cards,  "boots  and  legs"',  sole 
leather,  and  a  hogshead  and  barrel  of  general  merchandise 
complete  the  items  listed  in  the  exportations  of  this  one  vessel. 
The  bulk  of  the  cargo  in  each  case  was  made  up  of  rum, 
molasses,  shoes  and  cheese.  In  addition  to  these  articles, 
which,  however,  seem  to  have  been  characteristic  of  the  ordi- 
nary voyage  to  the  South,  one  might  name  flour,  oats,  pork, 
salt,  cotton  cloth,  iron-ware,  saddles,  chairs,  hoes,  bricks,  hoops 
and  staves,  medical  supplies  and  drugs,  brandy,  lemons  and 
cedar  pails  as  products  which  were  occasionally  carried  to 
these  provinces.*  The  nature  of  the  commodities  sent  out 
from  Rhode  Island  depended  upon  the  local  merchant's 
surplus ;  or  upon  what  the  merchant  believed  might  be  most 
needed,  and  hence  most  readily  sold,  in  the  particular  region 
which  he  was  accustomed  to  visit. 

In  general,  the  exports  of  the  colony  were  of  two  kinds : 
those  v/hich  had  been  previously  imported  from  England  or 
from  the  West  Indies  ;  and  those  which  were  drawn  from  the 
neighboring  country  about  Providence  or  Newport.  The 
greater  part  of  the  goods  carried  to  the  southern  continental 
colonies  seems  to  have  belonged  to  the  former  class,  and  the 
extent  to  which  the  distilling  of  West-Indian  molasses  into 
rum  was  carried  on  in  Newport  during  the  century  shows  the 
importance    of    this    re-exporting  business.      But    the    purely 


frontward  Entries  and  Manifests  in  State  Archives. 


126  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

domestic  goods — chiefly  agricultural  products — are  perhaps 
more  interesting.  It  is  said  of  Capt.  James  Brown  of  Provi- 
dence that  he  "drew  on  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  as  well 
as  Rhode  Island  for  his  cargoes  of  provisions  and  lumber," 
Candles  and  hemp  came  from  the  immediate  neighborhood ; 
butter  and  cheese  were  purchased  from  the  farms  of  the  in- 
terior of  the  colony ;  cattle  and  horses  were  frequently  driven 
down  from  Worcester  and  Uxbridge  in  Massachusetts,  and 
from  Plainfield  and  Killingly  in  Connecticut ;  "boards,  shingles, 
staves  and  hoops  were  collected  from  Taunton  and  Green- 
wich ;''  oil.  fish  and  soap  were  brought  in  by  sloops  from  Nan- 
tucket ;  lumber  and  shingles  came  from  the  shores  of  the 
Kennebec  in  Maine ;  and  dry  goods  and  ship  supplies  were 
often  purchased  in  New  York.  Practically  the  whole  of  the 
surrounding  country  were  called  upon  to  supply  some  kind  of 
goods  or  provisions  to  be  sent  to  the  southern  colonies. 

Similarly,  many  of  the  products  which  were  imported 
from  the  southern  colonies  in  exchange  were  further  distrib- 
uted after  reaching  Rhode  Island.  The  traders,  who  were 
frequently  shop-keepers  and  manufacturers  as  well,  were 
usually  careful  to  load  their  vessels  for  the  return  voyage  with 
such  products  only  as  were  most  salable  at  home.  The  bulk 
of  these  cargoes  naturally  consisted  of  the  staple  products  of 
the  colony  or  colonies  which  they  visited.  In  a  few  cases  the 
raw  materials  were  sent  to  Rhode  Island,  there  manufactured 
into  the  finished  products,  which  were  then  brought  back  to 
the  southern  market  again.  A  notable  example  of  this  was 
the  wheat  which  was  rather  frequently  sent  to  Rhode  Island 
from  the  Carolinas,  only  to  be  later  returned  in  the  form  of 
flour.  Besides  wheat,  other  southern  agricultural  products 
which  sometimes  found  their  way  to  Rhode  Island  shops,  were 
corn,  potatoes,  peas,  beans,  and  bacon;  while  references  to 
shipments  of  feathers,  live  hogs,  and  other  varieties  of  stock, 
deer  skins  and  ox-hides  are  occasionally  found.  The  chief 
imports,  throughout  the  century,  however,  seem  to  have  been 
rice   and    indigo    from    South    Carolina ;   tar,    turpentine    and 


COMMERCE    OF    RHODE    ISLAND  127 

lumber    from   North    Carolina;  and  flour  and    tobacco   from 
Virginia  and  Maryland. 

In  addition  to  the  numerous  merchant-traders  who  had 
little  capital  beyond  what  was  invested  in  a  single  vessel  and 
its  cargo — the  true  "peddlers''  in  coastwise  commerce — there 
were  a  number  of  outstanding  families  who  owned  several 
vessels  and  carried  on  a  regular  trade.  Tlie  most  prominent 
seem  to  have  been  the  Champlin  and  Lopez  families  in  New- 
port and  the  Brown  family  of  Providence.  The  members  of 
these  three  families  alone  apparently  controlled  a  major  por- 
tion of  the  capital  invested  in  the  coastwise  commerce  just  be- 
fore the  Revolution ;  there  are  records  of  three  different 
sloops — the  "Dolphin",  the  "Richmond"  and  the  "Industry" — ■ 
all  belonging  to  the  Lopez  family,  setting  out  for  North 
Carolina  within  a  period  of  some  ten  days,  which  shows  how 
extensive  were  the  interests  of  this  one  group  in  the  coastwise 
commerce.  William  Minturn,  James  Robinson,  Philip  Wilk- 
inson, Henry  Collins,  Sueton  Grant,  John  Channing  and  the 
Hopkins  and  Malbone  brothers  are  some  of  the  other  names 
associated  with  the  commercial  activities  of  Newport ; 
Stephen  Dexter,  Ebenezer  Knight,  Esek  Hopkins,  and  the  two 
Russells  were  among  the  best  known  shop-keepers  of  Provi- 
dence. It  was  customary  for  these  "entrepreneurs"  in  the 
coastwise  commerce  to  allow  the  greatest  freedom  to  their 
captains  in  the  matter  of  selling  their  cargoes,  and  in  collect- 
ing and  purchasing  goods  for  the  return  voyages,  although 
many  of  them  maintained  correspondents  in  the  chief  ports  of 
the  South  to  look  further  after  their  afifairs.  For  ex- 
ample, John  Scott  in  Charleston  occupied  a  similar  position  to 
that  which  Christopher  Champlin  held  in  Newport,  and  each 
frequently  acted  as  the  agent  for  the  other  in  his  respective 
town.  Josiah  Hewes  in  Philadelphia,  Josiah  Watson  in  Alex- 
andria, and  the  firm  of  Burgwin,  Jenkes  and  London  in  Wil- 
mington occupied  similar  positions. 

It  was  not  unusual  for  several  vessels  to  arrive  in  a  single 
port,  or  district,  at  one  time.     In  1768  George  Champlin  re- 


128  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

ported  to  his  brother  Christopher  that  on  the  same  day  on 
which  he  reached  Charleston,  a  ship  and  a  sloop  from  Boston 
and  only  eight  days  before  the  sloop  "Scammehorne"  from 
New  York  had  entered  the  same  port.     Competition  between 
these  various  traders  was  frequently  keen;  those  who  were 
the  first  to  arrive  naturally  sought  to  secure  for  themselves 
the  cheapest  and   most  accessible  goods,  leaving  the   higher 
priced  grades  for  the  late-comers.     George  Champlin,  whose 
voyages  to  Baltimore   were  quite  regular  during  this  period 
wrote  his  brother  on  November  30th,  1767,  that  he  had  "been 
50  Miles  in  the  back  Woods  Endeavouring  to  buy  Cheaper, 
but  all  to  no  purpose."     Most  of  the  complaints  as  to  the 
market,  however,  cannot  be  uniformly  accepted  at  their  face 
value ;  it  is  astonishing  that  any  successful  voyages  could  have 
been  made  when  the  number  of  complaints  of  poor  markets 
and  bad  weather  in  the  letters  of  these  captains  is  considered. 
The  situation  was  further  complicated  by  the  method  ,of  buy- 
ing and  selling  in  small  quantities,  by  the  general  lack  of  means 
of  communication,  and  by  the  instability  of  the  markets  and 
their    decentralization.      Admittedly    wasteful    and    inefficient, 
the  only  possible  excuse  for  existence  of  this  system  was  that 
apparently  there  was  no  better  method  of  trading  which  could 
be  substituted.     For  example,  Governor  Burrington  of  North 
Carolina,  as  early  as  1730  saw  the  disadvantages  of  the  sys- 
tem of  barter,  and  he  advocated  the  establishment  of  a  new 
town  and  custom  house  to  be  located  on  Ocacock  Island,  which 
was  said  to  have  an  exceUent  harbor,  but  nothing  ever  came  of 
the  plan.     This  peculiar  kind  of   trading,  as  it  developed  in 
the  plantation  provinces,  was  probably  as  well  adapted  to  the 
nature  of  the  country  as  any  other  which  might  have  been 
devised,  and  it  had  some  compensations— prices  were  usually 
kept  at  a  minimum. 

The  questions  of  governmental  protection,  of  in- 
surance on  vessels  and  their  cargoes,  of  the  influence  of  colo- 
nial finance,  of  the  development  of  manufacturing  in  its  rela- 
tion to  commerce,  and  of  the  early  attempts  to  establish  a 


COMMERCE    OF    RHODE    ISLAND  129 

monoply  by  the  candle  manufacturers,  all  fascinatinj?  topics, 
unfortunately  must  be  omitted  in  this  discussion  of  the  coast- 
wise trade. 

Other  matters  having  a  more  or  less  vital  influence  upon 
the  coastwise  trade  can  only  be  superficially  pointed  out  at 
this  time.  The  rapid  development  of  privateering  toward 
the  middle  of  the  century  had  a  tendency  to  retard  all 
commerce  for  a  few  years  ;  on  the  other  hand,  the  popularity 
of  smuggling  acted  as  a  stimulus  to  the  coasting  exchange. 
The  use  of  tobacco,  as  well  as  rum  for  money  on  the  Guinea 
coast  brought  the  trade  with  the  southern  colonies  into  a  close 
relationship  with  the  triangular  voyages. 

In  the  contemporary  accounts  by  travellers  and  others  of 
the  nature  and  extent  of  Rhode  Island  commerce  in  the 
eighteenth  century,  the  importance  of  the  coastwise  trade 
seems  to  have  ,been  more  frequently  under-estimated  than 
exaggerated.  Only  the  Duke  of  La  Rochefonucauld  Lian- 
court  in  1800  mentions  the  fact  that  "the  coasting-trade  is 
that  which  the  people  of  this  town  [Newport]  chiefly  prefer," 
and  "the  ships  from  Providence  carry  it  [barley]  chiefly  into 
the  southern  states,  from  which  they  bring,  in  return,  other 
cargoes. 

A  modern  consideration  of  the  question  would  seem 
to  demonstrate  that  this  coastwise  trade  was  of  somewhat 
greater  importance  than  the  judgment  of  contemporary 
writers  would  indicate.  In  general,  its  effect  seems  to  have 
been  out  of  proportion  to  its  volume.  The  partial  dependence 
of  the  South  upon  the  northern  colonies  made  the  final  break- 
ing off  of  relations  with  England  during  the  Revolution  less 
pronounced;  and  through  this  intercourse  between  the  two 
sections,  sympathetic  ties  were  to  develop  which  were  later  to 
bind  the  colonies  in  one  unit,  and  to  solidify  them  finally  into 
a  single,  unified  nation. 


130  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

In  1918  a  report  on  the  burial  place  of  Roger  Williams 
was  published  by  the  Society.  Since  then  a  manuscript  in 
the  handwriting  of  Samuel  Austin  has  come  to  light  which 
further  sul)stantiates  the  findings  in  the  report.  It  is  as  fol- 
lows : 

"RoGKR  Williams 

E.  M.  Stone  says  that  Rd  Brown  who  lived  in  a  gambrel- 
roofed  house  opposite  gate  to  Butler  Hospital  &  attained  the 
age  of  100  ys,  related  to  John  Howland.  who  was  accustomed 
to  call  there,  that  he  was  10  ys  old  when  R.  Williams  died, 
that  his  parents  attended  the  funeral  which  he  well  remem- 
bered, that  he  was  buried  in  his  home  lot  which  included  S. 
Dorrs  present  orchard,  that  he.  Brown,  was  in  the  habit  of 
passing  it  by  a  path  which  led  over  or  around  the  hill.  It 
seems  R.  W.  &  wife  &  a  descendant,  Ashton,  were  all  there 
buried.  S.  Dorr  has  the  stone  from  the  grave  of  the  latter 
broken  but  preserved  &  the  former  had  only  a  rough  unlet- 
tered stone  R.  Williams  house  was  in  Humphrey  Almys  yard 
on  Howlands  Alley  and  R.  Ws  spring  was  under  the  corner 
of  the  large  brick  house  opposite  built  by  A.  Dodge  and  the 
water  is  thence  led  into  a  reservoir  whence  it  is  now  pumped 
in  the  lane  extending  from  Benefit  to  Canal  St.  The  R.  Wil- 
liams home  lot  embracing  (as  perhaps  was  usual)  six  acres 
extended  from  the  water  eastward  probably  including  this 
lot." 

Note— Rd  Brown  is  Richard  Brown,  son  of  Henry  Brown  and 
Waite.  daughter  of  Richard  Waterman.  He  was  born  in  Newport  in 
IG7G  and  died  in  Providence  in  1774. 


Form  of  Legacy 


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