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ELECTED JULY 31, 1835. 

JOHN ROWLAND, President; 

CHRISTOPHER G. CHAMPLIN, First Vice-President; 

MOSES BROWN, Second Vice- President ; 

THOMAS H. WEBB, Secretary; 

JOHN R. BARTLETT, Treasurer; 

ALBERT G. GREENE, Cabinet Keeper of the Northern 

District ; 
STEPHEN GOULD., Cabinet Keeper of the Southern 





Elected by the Trustee, July 19, 1833 


The Society would call the attention of members and correspondents, to 
the following subjects : 

1. Topographical Sketches of towns and villages, including an account of 
their soil, agriculture, manufactures, commerce, natural curiosities and stat- 

2. Sketches of the history of the settlement and rise of such towns and 
villages; and of the introduction and progress of commerce, manufactures, 
and the arts, in them. 

3. Biographical Notices of original settlers, revolutionary patriots, and 
other distinguished men who have resided in this State. 

4. Original letters and documents, and papers illustrating any of these 
subjects; particularly those which shew the private habits, manners or pur- 
suits of our ancestors, or are connected with the general history of this 

5. Sermons, orations, occasional discourses and addresses, books, pam- 
phlets, almanacs and newspapers, printed in this State; and manuscripts, 
especially those written by persons born or residing in this State. 

6. Accounts of the Indian tribes which formerly inhabited any part of 
this State, their numbers and condition when first visited by the whites, their 
general character and peculiar customs and manners, their wars and trea- 
ties, and their original grants to our ancestors. 

7. The Indian names of the towns, rivers, islands, bays, and other re- 
markable places within this State, and the traditional import of those names. 

8. Besides these, the Society will receive donations of uny other books, 
pamphlets, manuscripts and printed documents. 


THE present volume and the one which immediately preceded it in the 
collections of the Society, contain most of the important facts relative to the 
settlements which were first made in two of the counties of this state. The 
Society indulge a hope that they may also, at no very distant time, be en- 
abled to issue other volumes on the early history of the remaining counties; 
and that the portion of the labor which has been already done, may prove 
an inducement to other individuals, to cultivate their aid in fully accomplish- 
ing it. 

Besides the materials for the compilation of original historical works, there 
are a number of ancient volumes illustrative of our colonial history, a re- 
publication of which is rendered necessary, not only on account of their 
value, but of the extreme scarcity of the copies which are now extant. All 
of these, whenever republished, should be accompanied by notes and appen- 
dixes, the preparation of which must be a work of no inconsiderable time 
and labor. There is, certainly, in our community, a sufficient degree of 
ability and information to accomplish this desirable object, if sufficient in- 
ducement can be offered for a devotion to the task. 

As the preparation either of original volumes of history, or of additions 
for the illustration of republished works, must be in almost every instance, 
the labor of an individual, the Society, in embodying any volume in its 
collections, cannot of course, be considered as standing pledged to the en- 
tire correctness of either all which it may contain as facts, or of the conclu- 
sions or inferences which may be drawn from them by its author or editor. 
That integrity of purpose which ought to characterize every such institution, 
would indeed prevent it from willingly becoming an agent in the l ' dissemi- 
nation of error," but for the particular views which may be expressed, tho 
name of the author must alone be considered as pledged. 

The volume which is now offered to the public, has evidently been pre- 
pared with great care, and is the result of a persevering examination of a 
,mass of facts, few of which had been before arranged in any connected or- 


<ler It contains much valuable information relating to a highly interesting 
portion of our early unnals, which cannot fail to prove acceptable, not only 
to the antiquarian, but to every one who feels an interest ;n t'le general his- 
tory of Now-England. 

ALBERT G. GREENE, C Committee 


THOMAS F. CARPENTER, C Publication. 

PROVIDENCE, October, 1835. 







Member of R. I. Historical Society. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1885, 


In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of Rhode-Island. 

Printed by 




There are three sources to which we are to look for onr information re- 
specting the early history of Narragansett. These are the printed or manu- 
script works of writers living at the same time with, or soon after the events 
they describe; the records of the state and towns; and tradition. 

We have much about the early history of Narragansett, scattered here and 
there, through a large number of volumes, but even with all the hints we can 
collect from them, it still remains very incomplete. No one, it is to be ob- 
served, has written professedly on this subject, but it is only introduced when 
connected with the history of Plymouth, Connecticut or Massachusetts. 
True indeed, from their very first settlement, the English were almost con- 
stantly negotiating or at war with the Narragansett Indians : still we have to 
lament the want of material for a perfect and connected history. 

One very important thing to be. kept in remembrance while we are reading 
the history of Narragansett in these old authors is, that wo are reading only 
one side of the question. We not only have no history written by any of 
the native Indians or first colonists of Rhode-Island, but we have none even 
by their friends. The histories we have are chiefly from inhabitants of the 
neighboring colonies, and some of them, persons whose bigotry and super- 
stition disgraced an otherwise glorious era in American history.* It will be 
well to look at some of the causes which have originated and kept alive a 

* To what extent the pilgrims and their immediate descendants were carried 
by superstition and bigotry, may be seen in the following from Hubb. N. E. 26, 
being the opinion of a Mr. Mede, on the manner in which America was peopled: 

" Mr. Mede's opinion about tbe passage of the natives into this remote region 
carries the greatest probability of truth. His conceit is, that when the Devil was 
put out of his throne in the other parts of the world, and that the mouth of all his 
oracles ivere stopped in Europe, Asia and Africa, he seduced a company of silly 
witches to follow his conduct into this unknown part of the world, where he 
might be hid, and not be disturbed in the idolatry and abominable service he ex- 
pected from his followers. For here are no footsteps of any religion before the 
English came, but merely diabolical." [Hubbard's N. E. 26.] 

continued state of ill feeling between the old Puritan settlers of Masssachu- 
setts, Plymouth and Connecticut on the one part, and the Indians and the 
first settlers of Rhode-Island on the other. 

Coming, as the Puritans did, into an Indian country, introducing an entire 
new mode of life, and soon increasing in numbers and power, so as to drive 
before them the original lords of the soil, it could not but happen that the 
most bitter feelings of jealousy and hatred should soon arise between the 
colonists and the natives. The Indians, who had just suffered under a tre- 
mendous pestilence, and now saw this new race prevailing around them, 
cutting down their hunting forests, defeating them battle after battle, could 
not look on their destroyers with favor. The English, on the other hand, 
could never expect to enjoy their possessions in peace while the red men re- 
mained powerful. And it seems to have been a constant policy with them 
to weaken the Indians by confederating them against each other. 

When one man undertakes to convert another to his own opinions and 
fails of success, it is generally with no very friendly feelings towards his in- 
tended convert that he gives up his purpose. His inconvertible friend seems 
to be a sort of standing reproach upon his own powers of argument and per- 
suasion. It was so in the case we are considering. The good old Puritans 
tried hard to convert the Indians to their own faith, no doubt piously believ- 
ing that no one could be saved out of the pale of their own communion. 
But the Indians were not so easily wrought upon. To them, whose prin- 
ciples, though never displayed in books or pompously proclaimed before 
others, were yet written deeply in their hearts and influenced their whole 
character and practice,* it appeared an insuperable objection that the faith 
the white man preached was seldom shown forth except in words. " It will 
be time enough for you to christianize us when you have first christianized 
yourselves." The Indians, therefore, were not converted; the zealots wre 
of course very much offended, and having done all in their power to save 
the souls of the poor natives, could now with a clear conscience quitclaim 
them to the Devil and his burning lake of brimstone, as incorrigible heretics. 

This was one and a powerful cause which excited the minds of the Puri- 
tans, and more especially of the clergy, to which order many of the histo- 
rians belonged, against the Indians. 

The disposition of the English of Massachusetts towards the first settlers 
of Rhode-Island and the Indians, was not rendered at all more favorable by 
the events which took place on the settlement of the latter colony. 

* For their 

general r n-l conduct we have the testimony of Roger Williams. 


The Puritans had fled from England to escape persecution for opinion's 
sake; but as soon as they arrived in this country, they set up for themselves 
and began to persecute all who differed from them. Among the latter, 
Roger Williams was obliged to flee from Massachusetts on account of his 
religious creed, and came, in 1636, into the territory of the Narragansetts, 
who received him with open arms. Williams cultivated the friendship of 
the Indians, and always denied the right of any foreign power to give away 
their lands without their consent. It was a matter of prudence as well as of 
principle with the first settlers of Rhode-Island, to cultivate the good \vill of 
the Indians, as they had no military power wherewith to oppose them in 
case of war, and could procure ammunition only from Boston, and that, the 
jealousy of the sister colony seldom allowed them to do. But that it was 
prudence alone which induced them, is refuted the whole conduct of 
Williams and the first settlers. The colonists and the Narragansetts, being 
thus on the most friendly terms with each other, the enmity felt by the Pu- 
ritans towards Roger Williams was easily transferred to the Indians who 
had protected and supported him under his afflictions and persecutions, and 
both were viewed with equal dislike; they were, one perhaps as much as 
the other, considered heathen and looked upon as the enemies of the Lord 
and his church. 

Another circumstance on which it appears to me sufficient stress has not 
been laid in accounting for the enmity between our ancestors and the na- 
tives, was the difference of their notions as to property.* The latter had 
not yet reached that state of society in which property is apportioned out 
to individuals and made descendible to their heirs. On the contrary, they 
were but little advanced beyond a primitive state. They ordinarily held 
their property in common, subsisting chiefly by the chase and fishing and 
partially by agriculture. They could form no idea of any piece of land be- 
coming so entirely the property of any individual as to make it a crime for 
another to trespass upon it. Thus two different people in two different and 
almost hostile states of social progress were brought in contact and of course 
friendship could not be expected as the result. 

It is doubtful whether in many of the early grants the Indians made, they 

* Roger Williams says the Indians were very particular in the boundaries be- 
tween different tribes: " The natives are very exact and punctual in the bounds 
of their lands, belonging to this or that Prince or People, (even to a River, 
Brooke,) &c. And I have known them make bargain and sale amongst them- 
selves for a small piece or quantity of ground." (Key, 89.) But the division of 
land among individuals was not common. 


intended to transfer more than a present usufructuary right, and that by no 
means an exclusive one. They probably had no idea of yielding up to the 
whites for themselves and their heirs forever, the sole and exclusive owner- 
ship of the land. 

We have Roger Williams' testimony that the common Indians held their 
lands according to the will of the Sachems, and removed themselves when- 
ever required. 

We shall have occasion several times in the course of this work, to men- 
tion instances of disagreements arising from bargains being differently under- 
stood by the English and the Indians, and that too, although they had been 
made with great care and solemnity. Indeed, it would have been very im- 
probable that it should turn out otherwise. Few of the English understood 
well the Indian language, so that all treaties and other arrangements were to 
be made through an interpreter, whose honesty the contracting parties could 
not be sure of, and whose dishonesty they had seldom the means of detecting. 
This was not the only cause of offence between the two nations. The 
English settlers, as before observed, belonged to an advanced state of society, 
and inculcated, if they did not always practice, the rules of a severe and 
rigid morality. The taking of another's property was with them a high 
crime. The Indians also seemed to have abstained from theft among their 
own tribe, as would appear from Roger Williams,* but they do not seem 
to have been able to keep their people from committing depredations on the 
property of the whites. The whites traded the Indians out of their property, 
and the Indians sometimes stole from the whites; and one with about as 
much fairness as the other. 

These considerations necessarily lead us to be cautious as to the degree 
of credit we attach to the accounts of the native English historians. We 
have seen that circumstanced as they were, and almost always at variance 
with the Indians and the first settlers of Rhode-Island, it was hardly possi- 
ble they should be sufficiently disinterested or unprejudiced to give an im- 
partial account of their opponents. Whenever they relate a simple fact and 
upon apparently sufficient evidence, we cannot refuse our assent. But in 
their relation of the manner in which an event took place, arid the share 

*" Commonly they never shut their doors day nor night: and 'tis rare that any 
hurt is done." (Key, 50.) " If any robbery fall out in travel between persona 
of divers states, the offended state sends for justice. If no justice be granted am! 
recompense made, they grant out a kind of letter 'of mart to lake satisfaction 
themselves, yet they are careful nol lo exceed in taking from others, beyond the 
proportion of their own losf." [Key, 76.] 


which the English and the Indians had in bringing it about, and in their ac_ 
counts of the Indian character, &c. we should always look upon them with 
suspicion. For instance, when they tell us that the great Narraganset war 
happened in 1675-6, we must believe them, but when they relate the 
events and the manner in which it arose, and endeavor to throw all the 
blame upon the Indians, they a^ by no means entitled to the same degree 
of credit. But wherever they confess or admit any thing which makes 
against the reputation and honor of their own side, we yield them implicit 
confidence. Nothing but the impossibility of denial would make some of 
those bigotted old writers admit any thing of this sort. 

Notwithstanding the prejudice and partiality of these historians, we find 
often here and there a line which the writer seems to have forgotten to erase, 
which serves to let in a little light on the dark labyrinth of Narragansett 

Whoever has read much in these old historians, need not bo informed that 
the art of puffing is no invention of modern times. Is a man on "our side" 
in religion and politics, if a warrior, he is a brave and valiant captain if 
a divine, he is learned and pious and every thing that is good. But be he 
not our side, no language seems to have been too violent to express their 
contempt and abhorrence of him. 

Prince's N. E. Chronology seems not to have been very popular in his 
own time, because he did not join in the vulgar prejudices of his day. Win- 
throp seems to be very fair, and to have written with more honest inten- 
tions than many of them. But we would suggest a distinction as to the ac- 
counts we have from Winthrop which seems to us of some consequence. 
Whenever he relates any thing as happening in his own presence, this is 
one thing. Whenever he relates any thing which he must have heard from 
other sources, it is a different case. Winthrop was for a long time Gover- 
nor of Massachusetts, many of his accounts were derived from the informa- 
tion he officially received from his subordinate officers. Such accounts 
from inferiors to their government, generally represent only one side of the 

Tradition and the state and town records are also considerable sources of 
information. We cannot expect from records the same sort of knowledge 
we look for from cotemporary historians, but the mere statement of a fact 
often gives us a clue to find out the state of (he country at the time, and by 
comparing our inferences with our knowledge from other sources, may 
serve to throw light on many things which would otherwise be obscure. 

A thorough examination of the Records of Connecticut is indispensable to 
a complete history of Narragansett. 


When the ancient acts of the Rhode-Island Legislature are referred to, it 
should be recollected that those acts were in all probability often drawn out 
by the clerks after the rising of the Assembly, when they had agreed upon 
the substance. This practice was continued down to a late day. 

The records of those settlers in the Narragansett Country who were asso- 
ciated with Major Humphrey Atherton, generally called Fanes' Records, 
from the name of the clerk or recorder who kept them, are preserved in the 
Secretary's office, but are not open to inspection. Owing to the unsettled 
state of land titles in the beginning of the 18th century, the General Assem- 
bly ordered these records to be closed, and they were generally kept by the 
Governor for the time being until about the time of the Revolution. This 
book has always been a great bug-bear, and terrible consequences have 
been predicted from its being laid open. Many of the most important pa- 
pers in it, however, are now printed in the Massachusetts Historical Collec- 
tions. As the persons concerned mostly belonged to the neighboring colo- 
nies, the greater part of the deeds were also recorded in Boston or Connec- 
ticut, as well as in these records. Certified copies of many of them are 
now on file in the Clerk's offices of the several courts, taken before the book 
was closed. It is believed there is not a single deed or paper of any conse- 
quence in these records, which is not accessible in one of the ways before- 

There are no files of papers in the Secretary's office earlier than 1728, 
and for several years after that time, they appear to be incomplete. 

Among the difficulties to be encountered in searching our old records, &,c. 
is the variety of dates, old and new style, &c. Perhaps some errors may 
be found in this work from this source. 

Another difficulty is the variety of names by which we find the same per- 
son designated at different times. Hubbard (I. W. 128) says the Indian 
sachems used to frequently change their names at their great dances or festi- 
vals. King Philip's Indian name was Metacom or Pumetacomb. (L. E. 
1, 272.) Alexander the brother of Philip's names ware Wamsitta, Sepaw- 
quit and Mooanam. (M. M. 1639. L. E. 295.) Massassoit father of 
Philip was also called Oosamequin. Uncas was also known by the name 
of Poquin. (Appendix, 177.) Other instances will be mentioned in the 
Appendix. The word now commonly written Narragansett, was often by 
Roger Williams and others in older time written Nantygansett, Nanhiggon- 
set and Nahiggonsik. 

We sometimes find the Indian chiefs called sachems, sometimes saga- 
mores. These words were of like meaning, but the latter was more used 
by the Indians to the northward of the Narraganeetts. [Hubb. N. E. 60,] 


Some may object that the greater part of the present work is merely a 
book of annals, and that there is but little continued narrative. To have 
made it otherwise would have interfered with the object in view which was 
to collect together all that could be collected relative to the subject, much of 
which, relating to a great variety of topics, could not be better digested. 
Considerable genealogical information kindly communicated by individuals, 
or extracted from former publications, may be found in the latter part of the 

In the Appendix are printed some extracts from Peter's History of Con- 
necticut. These were inserted not with a view of casting any reproach 
upon a neighboring state, but as suggesting subjects for future historical in- 

The letters of Roger Williams in the Appendix were copied for the sake 
of convenience from KnoWles' Life of Roger Williams. The same letters 
are found in the printed Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society. 

It will be observed that there is no continuous description of the antiqui- 
ties of the Narragansett country in any part of the work. Many of them 
are alluded to however in the proper places in the history. Besides those 
there mentioned, there is a very ancient Indian burying ground in Charles- 
town about one mile north of Gen. Joseph Stanton's. It is on a pleasant 
elevation commanding an extensive view of the ocean and surrounding 
country. The collection of graves is very large and covers considerable 
space. There is one row raised above the next, where by tradition their 
sachems, great men and their families were buried. Many of the graves 
are of great length. The hill is now covered with wood. The burying 
ground on Fort Neck is of more modern date. There is also a very ancient 
burying ground near White Pond in the Hills in South-Kingstown. 


Extent, &c. of the Narragansett Country, - - - 1 
Pestilence, small pox, &c., - - - - - - 2,14 

Roger Williams' Deposition, ------ 3 

Coddington's Deposition, ------ -5 

Number and character of the tribe, - - - - 6, 16 

Government and Religion, -------9 

Trade with Indians, 12,18,16,49 

Charters &c. of New-England, 14, 38, 62, 175 

Death of Oldham, 18 

Block Island, - - - - 1,20,29,30,55,72,76,107 

Indian Money, ------- 20, 46, 63 

Indian Treaties, 21, 46, 79, SO, 167, 170, 177 

Origin of name of Rhode-Island, - - - - - 22 

Pequot War, 22 

Boundaries of the Pequot Country, - - 23, 27, 56, 178 
Nyantic tribe, .------ ... 37, 99 

Settlement and family of Richard Smith, 

31, 33, 58, 68, 166, 256, 270, 311 

Warwick Purchase, 33 

Meantonomy put to death, ------ 39 

Death of the great Sachem Canonicus, 47 

Ninigret's war with the Long-Island Indians, - - 50 

Southertowne Incorporated, ------ 53 

Major Atherton's Purchases, - - 58, 60, 77, 100, 101, 104 
Squamicut or Westerly settlement, - - 53, 61, 71, 76, 241 
Hermon Garret or Cashawasset, - - - - 62, 64, 182 

Stanton's Purchase, 66 

Taxes, 68, 72, 102, 112^ 

Commissioners appointed by the King, - 69, 104 

Hall's Purchase, - - 70, 225 

Judicial proceedings, ... 71,78,109 



Sessions of the Council in Narragansett, 73, 102 

Devil's Foot or Fones' Purchase, 76 

Kingstown Incorporated, 78, 113 
King Philip's War; - 

Queen's Fort, - 84 

Swamp Fight, 

Part taken by Rhode-Island in the War, - - - - 93 

Capture of Canonchet, 97 

Remains of the Narragansett tribe, - 99 
East-Greenwich Incorporated, 

French settlements, - - 105, 220, 314 

Settlement of Town Lines, 107-8, 110 

West Boundary of the Colony, . - - 108,113 

Division into Counties, 106, 110 

Highways, 32, 110, 223 
Sale of the Vacant Lands, 110-11-12, 213-14 

Population of the Colony, - 114, 174 

Religious Affairs, - - 115,278 

Lawsuit about the Minesterial land, 123 

Extract from Dr. McSparran's Work, - - 131 

Duke of Hamilton's Claim, 69, 135, 175, 237 


Letters of Roger Williams, 137 

Williams' account of Richard Smith, - 166 

Indian Treaty of 1675, 167 

Account of the Indian Sachems, 171 

Extracts from Peters' History of Connecticut, 175 

Indian Treaty of 1638, 177 

Settlement about the Pequot Country, - 178 

Orders of the King's Commissioners, - 179, 262 
Letters from Rhode-Island to Connecticut, 

54, 183, 188, 190, 193, 195 

Proceedings of the General Assembly, 185, 188, 197-8 

Prohibition against intrusion, 198 

Agreement in 1663 about West Boundary, - 200 

Attempt to settle the line in 1669. - - 201 

Deposition relating to Gov. Andros, 203 

Agreement in 1703 about West Boundary, 204 


Report to the King on the boundary, and his decision, - 206 
Final settlement of the line, - - - - , - - 211 
Report of the Committee on the Vacant Lands, - 110, 218 
List of sales of the Vacant Lands, - 214 

Letter from Massachusetts to Rhode-Island, 219 

Gov. Andros' order to survey Narragansett, - 220 

" " order about French settlers, 220 

Letter respecting court-houses, - 107, 221 

Letter from Smith and Fones, 222 

Laying out of a highway, - - - - - - 223 

Survey of Hall's purchase, -__.__ 225 

Memorial of the Bay purchasers, 226 

Report of Commissioners to the King, - 229 

Order respecting Fones 5 Records, - 238 

Proceedings of Dudley's Court, - - , - .. _ 289 

Documents relating to Westerly, - 241 

Boston Neck and Quidneset purchases, - 269 

Pettiquamscut purchase papers, ----- 275 
Families of the purchasers, viz. Hull, Sewall, Porter, Wil- 
bor, Mumford, Wilson, Hannah, Niles, John Potter, 

Arnold, Brenton and Sanford, 292 

First Patent of Rhode-Island, - - 299 

List of names of places, ______ 303 

Genealogical information, viz: ---.-"-.. 

Bull, - 807 

Gardner, - 308 

Robinson, 308 

Bradford, - - 309 

Case, 309 

Stuart, 309 

Ward, 810 

Whaley, - - - - 311 

Updike, 270, 311 

Hazard, - - - - - - - - 315 

Clark, 313 

Willet, 270, 813 

Mawney, - 314 

Bernon, 314 

Watson, -. - 315 


St. Rec. State Records and proceedings of the Assembly. 

W. J. Savage's edition of Winthrop's Journal. 

P. C. Prince's New-England Chronology, last edition. 

H. N. E. Hubbard's New-England. 

Hubb. I. W. Hubbard's Indian Wars. 

Call. Callendar's Century Sermon delivered 1738-9. 

M. M. Davis' edition of Morton's Memorial. This is sometimes re- 
ferred to by the years. 

Ch. Church's History of Philip's War. 

M. H. C. Massachusetts Historical Collections. 

Key. Roger Williams' Key to the Narragansett language, in vol 1, of 
the R. I. Historical Society's Collections. 

L. E. Three volumes of ancient Land Evidences in the Secretary's 

Trumb. Trumbull's Connecticut. 

D. A small tract, *' The present state of New-England with respect to 
the Indian war," reprinted by Josiah Drake, Boston. 

Knowles. His Life of Roger Williams. 

Ext. Three MSS volumes of Extracts from the records of Massachusetts, 
made for the R. I. Historical Society, and now in their Cabinet. 
Back. Backus' History of the Baptists. 
Huch. Huchinson's History of Massachusetts. 

Haz. Hazard's collection of American State Papers, the second volume 
of which contains the entire records of the Commissioners of the United 
Colonies of New-England. 




THE Narragansett Tribe, occupied the whole of the pres- 
ent county of Washington, excepting the country between 
Pawcatuck river and Wekapaug, the possession of which 
appears to have been a frequent subject of contention be- 
tween them and their western neighbors the Pequots.* 

The Narragansetts, however, appear to have taken final 
and quiet possession of this disputed tract, after the de- 
struction of the Pequots, in 1637. Their possessions al- 
so extended some way into Kent county. North of the 
Narragansetts, were] the Cowesits, occupying the Easter- 
ly part of Kent county; the Shawomet or Warwick tribe, 
and the Nipmucs in the North West part of the State. 
Those tribes were tributary to the Narragansetts, but took 
advantage of the arrival of the English, to shake off their 
dependance. [Letter of Roger Williams, St. R. 1638-70. 
Appen. 11, dated Oct. 27, 1660. ] 

Block Island, (said to have derived its name from a 

*Mason in his Pequot war, says, the Naragansetts told him the Pequot < 
used to fish in Pawcatuck river. See History post Anno, 1637. 


Dutch navigator, Adrian Block; Holmes, 1, 235.) as well 
as all the Islands in the Bay, were tributary to them. 

The name Narragansett, is used by the old writers very 
indefinitely, sometimes to signify only the Narragansett 
tribe properly so called, sometimes including all their trib- 
utary and dependent tribes. 

The present county of Bristol, was occupied by the tribe 
of Wampanoags under a sachem* Ousamequiri or Massasoit. 
A few years previous to the arrival of the English, which 
was in 1620, there had been a terrible pestilence among 
the Eastern Indians which had extended as far West as 
Narragansett Bay, and included the Wampanoags in its 
ravages, (M. M. 69.) This pestilence was accompanied or 
preceded by a comet which the Indians superstitiously con- 
sidered as the cause of the pestilence. The Narragansetts 
being entirely free from its ravages, (M. M. 52. 62.) their 
comparative strength was thus increased, and they were 
able to subjugate many of their neighboring tribes, who were 
so much reduced in numbers, as to be unable to resist. 

Massasoit and his Wampanoags, had also at this time 
been reduced, but on the arrival of the English, he availed 
himself of their assistance to regain his independence. He 
acknowledged to Roger Williams, that he had been sub- 
jected by the Narragansetts, but said that it had been on 
account of the plague and that he had never been reduced 
in war. [Paper of R. W. St. R. 1638-70. App. p. 12.] 

The Wampanoags had formerly possessed Aquedneck, af- 
terwards Rhode-Island. This Island probably passed un- 
der the Narragansetts, at the time of the subjection of 

There is also great reason to believe that the Narragan- 
setts had extended their power over a considerable part 
of the Massachusetts Indians. 

* Another Ousamequin mentioned, W. J. 1, 264, 


"John Sagamore and Chickatabot, were gone with all 
their men; the former with 30, the latter with (blank) to 
Canonicus who had sent for them." [W. J. 1. 72. ] 

Chickatabot lived near Nesponset River, and John Saga- 
more is supposed to have lived near Watertown. 

Jonas, heir of Chickatabot, and Cuchamakin afterwards 
submitted themselves to Massachusetts, for the express pur- 
pose of protection against the power of the JVarragansetts. 
[W. J. 2. 152.] 

We know that Pomham, Sachem of Shawomet, was a sub- 
ject of the Narragansetts. Cuchamakin, a Massachusetts 
Sachem, in his testimony before the general court of Mas- 
sachusetts, where he was summoned to prove Pomham 's in- 
dependence, said, that Pomham, was as independent as he 
was himself. This is easily reconciled with other circum- 
stances, if we suppose them both to have been tributary to the 
Narragansetts. [For this remark, indebted to W. R. Staples.] 

InW. J. Nov. 5, 1634, we find that two of the Nar- 
ragansett Sachems and their men, were out on a hunting 
expedition about Nesponsit. The Indians are known to 
have been very particular as to the boundaries between 
different nations. [Key 89.] 

As Massasoit had been a pretty powerful prince, many of 
the Massachusetts tribes had probably been subject to him 
and had been reduced together with him by the Narragan- 
setts. [P. C. 197.] 

We insert here a deposition of Roger Williams, (L. E. | 
2. 335.) and one of Mr. Coddington. 

I testify, as in the presence of the All-making and all- 
seeing God, that about fifty years since, I, coming into the 
Narragansett country, I found a great contest between 
three Sachems, two (to wit, Cononicus and Meantinomy,) 
were against Ousamaquin, on Plymouth side; I was forced 
to travel between them three, to pacify, [to satisfie all their, 
and their independent's spirits, of my honest intentions to live 


peaceably by them. I testifying it was the general and 
constant declaration, that Cononicus, his father, had three 
sons, Cononicus was the Hiere, and his youngest brother's 
son Meantinomy (because of his youth) was his Marshal and 
Executioner, and did nothing without his uncle Cononi- 
cus consent. And therefore I declare to posterity, that 
were it not for the favor that God gave me with Cononi- 
cus, none of these parts, no, not Rhode-Island had been 
purchased or obtained, for I never got any thing out of Co- 
nonicus but by gift. I also profess, that being inquisitive of 
what root the title or denomination Nahiganset should come, 
I heard that Nahiganset was so named from a little Island, 
between Puttisquomsett and Musquomacuk, on the sea and 
fresh water side. I went on purpose to see it, and about 
the place called Sugarloaf Hill, I saw it, and was within a 
pole of it, but could not learn why it was called Nahiganset. 
I had learnt that the Massachusetts was called so from the 
blue hills, a little Island thereabout; and Cononicus, father 
and anchestors living in those southern parts, transferred and 
brought their authority and name into those northern parts, 
all along by the sea side, as appears by the great destruc- 
tion of wood all along near the sea side: and I desire pos- 
terity to see the gracious hand of the most High, (in whose 
hands is all hearts) that when the hearts of my countrymen 
and friends and brethren failed me, his infinite wisdom and 
merrits stirred up the barbarous heart of Cononicus to love 
me as his son to his last gasp, by which means I had not on- 
ly Meantinomy and all the Coweset Sachems my friends, 
but Ousamaquin also, who because of my great friendship 
with him at Plymouth, and the authority of Cononicus, con- 
sented freely (being also well gratified by me) to the Gov- 
ernor Winthrope's and my enjoyment of Prudence, yea of 
Providence itself, and all the other lands I procured of Co- 
nonicus, which were upon the point, and in effect whatsoev- 
er I desired of him. And I never denyed him nor Meanti- 

whatever they desired of me as to goods and gifts, or 
use of my boats, or pinice and the travels of my own person 
day and night, which though men know not nor care to 
know, yet the All-Seeing Eye hath seen it and his All-pow- 
erful hand hath helped me. . Blessed be his holy name to 
eternity. R. WILLIAMS. 

September 28, 1704, I then being present at the house 
of Mr. Nathaniel Coddington's house, there being present- 
ed with this paper which I attest upon oath to be my Fa- 
ther's own hand writing. 


February 11, 1705. True copy of the original placed to 
record and examined by me. 


" WILLIAM CODDINGTON, Esq. aged about seventy-six 
years old, testifyeth upon his engagement, that when he 
was one of the magistrates of Massachusetts colony, he 
was one of the persons that made a peace with Canonicus 
and Meantinomy, in the colony's behalf, with all the Nara- 
gansett Indians, and by order from the authority of the 
Massachusetts, a little before they made war with the Pe- 
quot Indians. Not long after, this deponent went from Bos- 
ton, to find a plantation to settle upon, came to Aquidneck, 
now called Rhode-Island, where was a Sachem called 
Wonnumetonomey, and this deponent went to buy the Isl- 
and of him; but his answer was that Canonicus and Mean- 
tinomy were the chief Sachems, and he could not sell the 
land, whereupon this deponent with some others went from 
Aquidneck Island into the JNTarragansett, to the said Sa- 
chems, Cononicus and Meantinomy, and bought the Island 
of them, they having, as I understood, the chief command 
both of the Narragansett and Aquidneck Island, and far- 
ther saith not. Taken upon engagement, in Newport, on 


Rhode-Island, the 27th day of September, 1677, before P. 
Sanford; Assistant. 

The above is a true copy of the original, placed to record, 
examined by me February 11, 1705. 

WESTON CLARKE, Recorder. . 
Narragansett, 18 June, 1685 Ut. Vul. 

As to the number of the Narragansett tribe, we have va- 
rious statements. 

Brinley (M. H. C.) says, they number 30,000 men. 

Callender, on the authority of Williams, says, they could 
raise 5000 fighting men. 

Huchinson, (28.) says, they are most numerous of all 
the tribes between Boston and Hudson River. 

Gookin, (M. H. C.) agrees with their estimates, and al- 
so Prince C. 200. and also Winslow, M. M. 75. 

Hubbard, who wrote after the great Indian war of 1676, 
describes the Narragansetts as consisting of many tribes, 
united under one Sachem. "It is said, before they quarrel- 
ed with the English, they hacTabout 2000 fighting men ; of all 
which, there are now but a hundred or two left, belonging 
to Ninicret, who, though he secretly bore the English no 
more good will than the rest, yet being an old man, cun- 
ning, and remembering the destruction of the Pequots, 
maintained friendship &c." [H. N. E. quoted nearly.] 

The ravages of disease, and the defection of their trib- 
utaries, must have greatly diminished their strength, even 
before the w"ar of 167G, and this accounts for the difference 
in the statements. 

Roger Williams (Key 28,) observes: (C In the Narragan- 
sett country, (which are the chief people in the land,) a 
man shall come to many towns, some bigger, some lesser; 
it may be a dozen in twenty miles travel." 

The ancient Indians, were like the present Indians of the 
West; a nation of hunters -depending principally upon 
their forests, and partially upon agriculture for subsistence 

They were not so far advanced in civilization, as the more 
Southerly Indians of Mexico, &c. 

The Narragansetts, living on the sea'shore, had also an- 
other resource in the large quantities of fish, with which 
their waters were supplied. They lived in huts, or rudely 
constructed dwellings, and their clothing was of the sim- 
plest kind. As opportunities for illustrating their manners 
and habits, will occur frequently in these sketches, we will 
not dwell on it at present. 

In forming our opinion of the ancient Indians, we should 
not judge of them by the condition and habits of the present 
Indians. Even those, who are most distant and secluded, in 
the forests and mountains of the West, it should be remem- 
bered, are tinctured with vice and corruption, by their in- 
tercourse with the whites. Still less should we suffer our- 
selves to be prejudiced against the Narragansetts, by the 
degraded state, to which the remains of that once power- 
ful nation are now reduced. 

The Indians of the present day are corrupted and debas- 
ed by all the vices of their civilized white neighbors, with- 
out being improved by any of their good qualities. This is 
also true of the times to which these sketches refer. Many 
of the vices with which our forefathers charged the Indians, 
were vices they would have never known, but for their in- 
tercourse with the whites. 

Real refinement in a nation must be gradual: it must be 
the work of ages: whereas all the vices which are conse- 
quent on civilization, or which are allowed in civilized 
society, are easily adopted by any man or nation; and the 
very circumstance of their having adopted these vices, ren- 
ders it more difficult to advance much in civilization, since 
their character and morals are debased by them. 

Respecting the general character of the Narragansetts, 
their manners, habits and their disposition towards the 
whites, we have abundant evidence. They were not only 


a strong and brave, but a generous people. We have tire 
general testimony of history to their generosity ; the depo- 
sition of Williams, which we have quoted, and other inci- 
dental authorities. Hubbard says, "the Narragansetts 
were always more civil and courteous to the English than 
any of the other Indians;" and when the sanctimonious 
Hubbard allows the Indians any good qualities, we have 
surely no reason to doubt it. 

Callender (102) says, that the Narragansetts were not re- 
markable among the Indians for many vices peculiar to 
them, but that they had more of the common Indian vices, 
inasmuch as they were more populous. 

At a later period, 1674, Gookin in his Historical Collec- 
tions of the Indians in N. E. (ch. 10, M. H. C. 1.) after 
speaking of their not being easily converted; " But yet let 
me add this by way of commendation, of the Narragansett 
and Warwick Indians, who inhabit in the jurisdiction, that 
they are an active, laborious and ingenious people, which 
is demonstrated in their labors they do for the English; of 
whom more are employed, especially in making stone fen- 
ces and many other hard labors, than of any other Indian 
people or neighbors." 

Huchinson (p. 458) says, <{ at the beginning of Philip's 
war, it was generally agreed that the Narragansett tribe con- 
sisted of 2000 fighting men. They were the most curious 
comers of the Wampumpeag, and supplied the other nations 
with many pendants and bracelets, also with tobacco pipes 
of stone, some blue and some white, they furnished the 
earthen vessels and pots for cookery, and other domestic 
uses. They were considered as a commercial people, and 
not only began a trade with the English for goods for their 
own consumption, but soon learned to supply other distant 
nations at an advanced price, and to receive beaver and other 
furs in exchange, upon which they made a profit also. 
The Pequods jeered them for their indisposition to war, 
and called them a nation of women. 3 ' 

Mr. Williams, in his Key, has given abundant testimony to 
the generosity, hospitality and general integrity of the Nar- 
ragansetts. Callender (86) says, Mr. Williams afterwards 
on greater experience of their character, changed his opin- 
ion of them; but he gives no sufficient reason for this asser- 
tion. Williams's Key was written after 5 or 6 years' resi- 
dence among them, and close and intimate acquaintance 
with them; and we have here his opinion of them as ex- 
pressed in his Key. (121.) " I could never discern that 
excess of scandalous sins amongst them, which Europe 
aboundeth with. Drunkenness and gluttony generally they 
know not what sins they be; .and although they have not so 
much to restrain them, (both in respect of knowledge of 
God and laws of men) as the English have, yet a man shall 
never hear of such crimes amongst them of robberies, mur- 
thers, adulteries, &.c." 

There is no doubt, however, that as their intercourse with 
the Indians increased, the English vices spread among 
them, more especially intemperance. If any more testimo- 
ny was desired in favor of the character of the original Nar- 
ragansetts, besides the Key of Williams, we should find it 
in their kind and affectionate reception of him, and in the 
steady protection these noble-minded savages extended to 
the great apostle of toleration, when driven into the wilder- 
ness by the persecutions of his religious opponents. This 
friendship and protection was continued through the sever- 
est trials, and in the war of 1676, when the Narragansetts 
were exasperated against the English, and driven almost to 
madness by the repeated insults and injuries they had suf- 
fered from them; the friend of the Indians found their 
friendship for him still as strong as ever. In the midst of 
war and desolation, he remained uninjured, unmolested. 

The Government of the Narragansetts appears to have 
been nearly a patriarchal despotism. On the arrival of 
the English, there were two chief Sachems, and under then? 


several subordinate ones. The different small tribes com- 
posing the great Narragansett nation, had their separate 
Sachems; as for instance, the Nyantics, who inhabited the 
Southern part of the country, had a Sachem sometimes call- 
ed Ayanemo or Janemoe, and sometimes Ninigret; but all 
these were in subjection to the great Sachems. The sue- 
cession to the chief authority seems not to have been regu- 
lated very precisely, but was however generally preserved 
in the same family. The principal residence of the chief 
Sachems is believed to have been near Wickford. 

Roger Williams describes their government thus: "Their 
government, is monarchical; yet at present, the chiefest 
government in the country is divided between a younger 
Sachem, Miantunnomoh, and an elder Sachem, Canonicus, 
of about fourscore years old, this young man's uncle; and 
their agreement in the government is remarkable. The old 
Sachem will not be offended at what the young Sachem 
doeth ; and the young Sachem will not do what he conceives 
will displease his uncle." (Key 120.) He observes, (122.) 
that when the Sachems had condemned any one to be pun- 
ished, they very often executed the sentence themselves: 
sometimes, however, one of the chief warriors was made 
the executioner. 

With respect to their religious belief, we find much in- 
formation in R. Williams' Key. Speaking of the South 
West wind, he says: " This is the pleasantest, warmest 
wind in the climate; most desired of the Indians; making 
fair weather ordinarily, and therefore they have a tradition 
that to the South West, which they call Sowwainiu, the 
gods chiefly dwell; and hither the souls of all good men 
and women go." [83.] 

Their principal god, seems to have been Kautantowit, or 
the South West god. But they had many other objects of 

They called the soul, Cowwewonck, derived from a word 


meaning sleep; -because, they said it worked and operated 
while the body slept. They also had another name for it; 
signifying "a clear sight or discernment." 

" They believe that the souls of men and women goto 
the South West; their great and good men and women to 
Kautantowits house, where they have hopes, as the Turks 
have, of carnal joys. Murderers, thieves and liars, their 
souls, say they, wander restless abroad." [Key 113.] 

" They have it from their fathers, that Kautantowit made 
one man and one woman of a stone, which disliking, he 
broke them in picies, and made another man and woman of 
a tree, which were the fountains of all mankind." [Key 


In the summer of 1621, Plymouth sent Edward Winslow 
and Stephen Hopkins, to take a view of the condition of Mas- 
sasoit and his country, " who found his people few in 
comparison of what they had been, by reason of the mortal- 
ity among the Indians forementioned. These brought word 
on their return of the Narragansetts, a people that lived 
on the other side of the great Bay, which are a people- 
strong and many in number; living compact together, 
and had not at all been touched by the wasting plague be- 
fore specified." [M. M.] 

This was probably the first intimation that the English 
had of the existence of the Narragansetts: the first inter- 
course between them was of a hostile character, arid omi- 
nous of evil. The Narragansetts sent messengers to Plym- 
outh, with a bundle of arrows tied together with a snakeskin. 
The Indian who served the Colonists as interpreter, told 
them it was a challenge. The Governor returned them a 
" very rough answer, " that they might begin war when 
they pleased. (M. M. 74. P. .C. 200.) Such was the 
fear of Indian hostilities, that in the summer of 1622, the 


Plymouth settlers built a fort for protection against them. 

There is a strong probability that the interpreter deceived 
the English, when he told them this was sent as a chal- 
lenge. It seems that the English afterwards discovered 
that he was not perfectly honest, and that he was acting for 
his own interest alone, and not from any regard for them. 
[P. C. 201.] 

If it was really meant as a challenge, it was probably be- 
cause the Narragansetts considered the English had im- 
properly interfered between them and their tributary Mas- 
sasoit. The English had several times assisted the latter, 
and once when the Narragansetts had taken Massasoit and 
carried him off into their own country had been the cause 
of his deliverance from captivity. (P. C. 194.) This, the 
Narragansetts would very naturally resent. 

Until about 1628, the only arms the Indians used were 
bows and arrows. The French traders first began to sup- 
ply them with guns, and afterwards, the fishermen and tra- 
ders in the English colonies, began the same practice, and 
a proclamation issued by the King, prohibiting this trade, 
seems to have had little effect. In ' New-England's Me- 
morial," mention is made of a Morton, who traded exten- 
sively with the Indians, and supplied them with guns and 
ammunition, and taught them their use. (M. M. 1628. P. 
C. 249.) The Dutch also supplied them with some. [See 
letter of Wms. Hazard's collections 1. 613.] 

The next notice we have of them is as follows: "Ju- 
ly, 1631, Canonicus' son, the great Sachem of Narragansett, 
came to the Governor's house with John Sagamore. After 
they had dined, he gave the Governor a skin, and the Gov- 
ernor requited him with a fair pewter pot, which he took 
very thankfully and staid all night." [W. J.] 

The Narragansetts and Massasoit, were at variance on 
the arrival of the English: JVIassasoit, probably endeavor- 
ing to make use of the aid of the English, to render himself 


independent of the Narragansetts. There were frequent 
broils between them. In 1632, a difference arose between 
them, and the Narragansetts attacked the English house at 
Pokanoket, as was said, tatake Massasoit; but retired 
suddenly to fight the Pequots, with whom they were then 
out. [M. M. 168. P. C. 392.] 

August, 1632. Meantiriomy went to Boston with his 
squaw and twelve Sannups, and while he was attending a 
sermon with the Governor, three of his Sannups broke into 
a dwelling-house. Upon the complaint of the Governor to 
Meantinomy, and at his request, Meantinomy caused them 
to be flogged, and sent them home. But the Governor car- 
ried Meantinomy and the rest of them to his house, where 
they remained until evening. (P/C. 399.) Huch. (28) 
says, "*the Sagamore, who was a very high spirited fellow, 
could hardly be persuaded to order them "any corporal pun- 
ishment; but he was so ashamed of his attendants, that he 
ordered them out of town, and followed them himself soon 

In 1633, "John Oldham and three with him, went over 
land to Connecticut to trade. The Sachems used him 
kindly and gave him some beaver. They brought of the 
hemp which grows there in great abuundance, and is much 
better than the English. He accounted it to be about 160 
miles. He brought some black lead, whereof the Indians 
told him there was a whole rock. He lodged at Indian towns 
all the way." [W. J. 1. 111.] 

Jan. 20, 1633-4. "Hall, and the two others who went 

* The following anecdote is interesting, as relating to Indian manners. 
[W. J. 1632.] "One pleasant thing happened this year; acted by the 
Indians. Mr. Winslow coming in his bark from Connecticut to Narragan- 
sett, went to Ousamequin, the ^Sagamore, his old ally, who offered to con- 
duct him to Plymouth. Ousamequin sent a man to Plymouth to say that 
W. was dead. Being after asked the reason, he said it was their custom 
to make their friends more joyful on seeing them." 


to Connecticut, Nov. 3, came now home, having lost them- 
selves and endured much misery. They informed us that 
the small pox was gone as far as any Indian plantation was 
known, to the West; and many people died of it, by reason 
whereof they could have no trade. At Narragansett, by 
the Indian's report, there died 700; but beyond Piscata- 
quack, none to the Eastward." [W. J.] * 


The English nation haying by right of prior discovery, 
(and in some instances by force,) acquired possession of 
a large extent of coast in North America, thlr Govern- 
ment proceeded to parcel it out to its citizens, and those 
who were adventurous enough to undertake the settlement 
of an almost entirely unexplored wilderness 

In April, 1606, King James I, divided the country in 
America, claimed by England, into two portions. The 
South half he allotted to a London company; the North 
half to a company established at Plymouth, in the West of 
England. (Holmes 1. 124.) In 1620, (Baylies says, Nov. 
3, and gives the patent at length, Trumbull, March 3,) 
he by patent incorporated Lords Lenox, Arundel, Hamil- 
ton, Warwick, and other lords and gentlemen to the number 
of 40, by the name of the "Council established at Plymouth, 
in the county of Devon, for the planting, ruling and govern- 
ing of New-England in America;" granting them all be- 
tween 40 and 48 degrees of latitude from sea to sea. 

March 19, 1631, date of the old Patent of Connecticut. 
Robert, Earl of Warwick, granted to lords Say and Seal, 
Brooks, Rich and others, " all that part of N. E. in Amer- 
ica, which lies and extends itself from a river there called 
Narragansett river, the space of 40 leagues upon a straight 
line near the seashore, towards the South West, West, and 
by South or West, as the coast lieth, &c." This tract had 


been granted to the Earl the year before, by the Plymouth 
Council, and<confirmed to him by patent from Charles I. 
[Trumbull 1. 13.] 

April, 1635. Grant from the Plymouth council, to the- 
Duke of Hamilton, of all the land between Connecticut and 
Narragansett rivers. Hubbard, (N. E. 309.) says, the con- 
ditions of this grant were never fulfilled. [See Dr. Me 
Sparran's work quoted post.] 

According to the international law of Europe, priority of 
discovery gave the nation making the discovery, a right to 
the country, against all the other nations of Europe which 
acknowledged the obligations of the same law. Of course, 
it could give them no right over the independent natives, or 
over the soil, until they had fairly acquired it from its pos- 
sessors. It could amount to nothing more than an under- 
standing or agreement, that if one nation discovered a new 
country, no other nation should attempt to trade or make 
settlements in it, without the consent of the original discov- 
erers, and thus could confer on them no other right than 
that of preemption. 

The territory thus divided by the English, was almost en- 
tirely unexplored. They had no knowledge of the country 
beyond the coast, and a very imperfect knowledge of that. 
How incorrect their ideas of it were, may be seen from the 
old maps, which were drawn long after the country had been 
discovered, and many settlements had been made in it. Be- 
ing thus ignorant of the geography of the country, of 
course they could not describe it accurately in the Charters. 
This has been a copious source of troubles and disputes in 
New-England, even to this day. Of these troubles, the 
Narragansett country has had its full share. For a long se- 
ries of yearsHts jurisdiction was disputed between Connecticut 
and^Rhode Island, and its affairs distracted by the alternate 
prevalence of these two governments. And it was only in 
1728, that this question was finally settled, and Narragan- 
sett allowed to remain in peacable union with Rhode-Island. 



About 1635-6, Roger Williams purchased Providence of 
the Narragansett Sachems, and thus commenced the settle-^ 
ment of the present State of Rhode Island. 

He had been educated in England, and on coming to this 
country, settled in Massachusetts, and was for a time a min- 
ister of a church in Salem. Having taken the liberty to 
think for himself; to differ in opinion from the majority of 
his "brethren" in Massachusetts, he was obliged to leave 
that province, retire into the wilderness, and throw himself 
upon the humanity of savages, for that hospitality and kind 
treatment for which he might seek in vain among those who 
pretended to civilization. He found an asylum and pro- 
tection wi!h the Narragansett Sachems and their tribe, 
then the most powerful of all the Indian tribes in their neigh- 
borhood. Ingratiating himself with these sons of the wil- 
derness, he was able by the influence he acquired over them, 
to heap coals of fire on the heads of his former persecutors, 
by rendering them good for evil. He was often the me- 
diator of peace between the hostile neighbors; and several 
times gave notice to the whites of threatened attacks, and 
thus put them on their guard against surprise from the 

Even at this early period, the English had considerable 
trade with the .Narragansetts, as appears from several no- 
tices in the early authors. "Nov. 5, 1634. The Rebec- 
ca came from Narragansett with 500 bushels of corn, given 
to John Oldham. The Indians had promised him 1000 
bushels, but their store fell out less than they expected. 
They gave him also, an Island in the Narragansett Bay, 
called Chippacursett; containing about 1000 acres. It is 
six miles long, and two broad. This was a very fair bay, 
being about twelve leagues square, with divers great islands 
in it. A deep channel close to the shore, being rocky,' 


Mr. Pierce took the height there, and found it 41 41' being 
not above half a league to the southward of us. The coun- 
try on the west of the bay of Narragansett is all cham- 
pain for many miles, but very stony and full of Indians. 
He saw there above 1000 men, women and children; yet 
the men were many abroad on hunting." [W. J.] 

" The Pinnace being sent about the cape to trade with 
the Narragansetts, gets some good corn and beaver, yet 
makes but a poor voyage; the Dutch having used to furnish 
them with cloth and better commodities, whereas she had 
only beads and knives, which are not there much esteemed." 
[P. C. 222.] 

The Narragansetts were almost continually at variance 
with the Pequots, who lived to the westward of them. 
Winthrop mentions that there was a quarrel between them 
this year, (1634,) and that the Pequots endeavored to ob- 
tain the assistance of the English, "because they were at 
war with the Narragansetts, whom, till now, they had kept 
under; and also with the Dutch, who had killed their old 
Sachem." An alarm was raised in Boston, Nov. 6, that 
the Narragansetts were marching there in great numbers 
to kill the Pequots, who were there, treating about peace 
and alliance. On mustering their soldiers and meeting 
the supposed enemy, they were found to be only two Nar- 
ragansett Saqhems, and about 20 men, who had been a hunt- 
ing, and "came to lodge with the Indians of Cohann, (Ne- 
ponsit) as their manner is. So we treated with them about 
the Pequots, and a tour request, they promised they should 
go and come from us in peace, and they were also content 
to enter into further treaty of peace with them, and in all 
things showed themselves very ready to gratify us. .So 
the Pequots returned home, and the Narragansetts depart- 
ed well satisfied, only they were told in private, that if they 
did make peace with the Pequots, we would give them part 
cvfthat Wampumpeague,whichthey should give us." [W. J.] 


1636. John Oldham, of Massachusetts, the person men- 
tioned above, was killed at Manisses, or Block Island, while 
on a trading expedition. Roger Williams wrote the news 
of it from Providence, to Governor Vane by letter, in July, 
1636. (W. J.) That Oldham was a person of very tur- 
bulent disposition, we have the testimony of M. M. (1624.) 
A trading vessel returning from Connecticut, discovered 
Mr. Oldham's vessel with a number of Indians on board, 
and being hailed, they made off. Several of them jumped 
overboard on being fired upon, and were drowned; one 
was thrown overboard by the English, after his capture. 
Mr. Oldham was found covered with a sail, with his skull 
split open. The English suspected that all the Narragansett 
Sachems, (except Canonicus and Meantonomy,) wereprivy 
to his death, and that the cause was their jealousy,as he was 
a-going to trade with the Pequots. Lt. Gibbon and Mr. 
Higginson,were sent to Canonicus to treat about the murder, 
accompanied by Cuchamakin, the Sachem of Massachu- 
setts. "They were entertained royally in respect of the Ir- 
dian manner. Boiled chestnuts is their white bread, and 
because they would be extraordinary in their feasting, they 
strove for variety after the English manner, boiling pudding 
made of beaten corn, putting therein great store of black- 
berries, something like currants. They having thus nobly 
feasted them, gave them audience in a State House, round, 
about 50 feet wide, made of long poles stuck in the ground, 
like their summer houses in England, and covered round 
about and on top with mats." [Wonder Working Provi- 
dence, 109.] 

tc They observed in the Sachem, much state, great com- 
mand over his men, and marvellous wisdom in his answers; 
and in the carriage of the whole treaty, clearing himself and 
his neighbors of the murder, and offering assistance in re- 
venge of it, yet on very safe and wary terms." (W. J. 
104 M. M. 185.) It is not said to which of the two chief 


Sachems this message was delivered. Probably both were 
present. Johnson, in his Wonder Working Providence, 
B. ii. ch. 6, (quoted by Holmes, i. 236,) describes the 
young Prince Meantinorny, as being of great stature, stern 
and cruel, " causing all his nobility and attendants to trem- 
ble at his speech." " When the messengers began to de- 
liver their message, the Sachem lay extended on a mat, and 
his nobility set round on the ground with their legs doubled 
up, their knees touching their chin. At the close of their 
message, Meantinomy replied, he was willing to have peace 
with the English, but not with the Pequots." 

"The two Indians who were with Oldham, and one other, 
came from Canonicus, the chief Sachem of the Narragan- 
setts, with a letter from Mr. Williams to the Governor, to 
certify him what had befallen Oldham, and how grievously 
they were afflicted; and that Meantinomy was gone with 
17 canoes and 200 men, to take revenge. But upon 
examination of the Indian who was brought prisoner to us, 
we found that all the Sachems of the Narragansetts, except 
Canonicus and Meantinomy, were the contrivers of Mr. 
Oldham's death; and the occasion was, because he went to 
trade and make peace with the Pequots, last year. The 
prisoner said also, that Mr. Oldham's two Indians were ac- 
quainted with it, but because they were sent as messengers 
from Canonicus, we would not imprison them. But the 
Governor wrote back to Mr. Williams, to let the Narragan- 
setts know that we expected they should send us the two 
boys, and take revenge upon the Islanders; and withal, gave 
Mr. Williaris a caution to look to himself, if we should have 
occasion to make war upon the Narragansetts, for Block 
Island was under them." [W. J.] 

" Mr. Oldham's two boys were sent home by one of Me- 
antinomy's men, with a letter from Mr. Williams, signifying 
that Meantinomy had caused the Sachem of Nyantic to send 
to Block Island for them,and that he had nearly 100 fathoms 


of wampum,* and other things of Oldham's which should 
be reserved for us; that three of those who were drown- 
ed, were Sachems. So we wrote back, that we held Ca- 
nonicus and Meantinomy innocent, but the six under Sa- 
chems, guilty." [W. J. ] 

1636. "Meantinomy, Sachem of Narragansett, sent a 
messenger to us with a letter from Mr. Williams, to signify 
to us that they had taken one of the Indians who had escap- 
ed, and had him safe for us; the other he had sent away, 
not knowing he had been our prisoner. But we conceived 
it was rather in love to him, for he had been his servant 

August, 1636. The English of Massachusetts fitted out 
an expedition against Block Island and the Pequots. ' * J 
Endicott and four Captains under him, with twenty men 
apiece, set sail and arrived at Block Island the last of the 
month. There were about forty Indians on the shore ready 
to meet them. As soon as one jumped on shore, they all 
fled. The Island is about ten miles long, and four broad; 
full of small hills, and all overgrown with small brushwood 
of oak, no good timber in it; so that we could not march but 
in one file in the narrow path .There were two plantations, 
three miles asunder, and a'bout sixty wigwams; some very 
large and fair; about 200 acres of corn, some gathered and 

* Wampum was the Indian medium of exchange. It was of two sorts; 
black, made of the Poquauhock on quahaug; the white,made of periwinkles. 
It was made by the Indians on the sea shore, and the inland Indians 
afterwards learned to manufacture it. The English learned the trade in it 
from the Dutch. [See R. Williams's Key, 126. P. C. 249. M. M. 
133. Hubbard's N. E. 100.] 

It seems the Indians got many of the shells for making it on Long Island. 
[Hazard, 2. 388.] 

In 1649, black peage was ordered to pass at four for a penny. [Records.] 

In 1658, peage to bo received, eight for a penny, for all costs of court, 
[Sec also History, post, 1645.] 


laid in heaps, and the rest standing. Not finding the Ind- 
ians, they burned the huts, the mats and corn, and depart- 
ed.". [W. J.] 

From Block Island, the expedition sailed to the Pequot 
country. Plymouth and Connecticut complained greatly 
about it, that it had produced no good effect whatever, but 
had only served to irritate the Indians. [M. M. 186.] 

Canonicus sent us word of some English, whom the Pe- 
quots had killed at Saybrook; Mr. Williams wrote that 
the Pequots and the Narragansetts were at truce, and 
that Meantinomy had told him that the Pequots had labor- 
ed hard to persuade them that the English were minded to 
destroy all the Indians; whereupon we sent for Meantino- 
my." [W. J.] 

Oct. 21, 1636. "Meantinomy, the Sachem of Narragan- 
sett, (being sent for by the Governor,) came to Boston 
with Canonicus 5 son and another Sachem. The Governor 
sent twenty musketeers to meet him at Roxbury. After 
dinner, Meantinomy proposed his terms of peace. In the 
morning, a peace was signed by the Governor, and by the 
Indians by marks. But because we could not make them 
well understand the articles perfectly, we sent a copy to Mr. 
Williams to interpret to them. The Indians were dismiss- 
ed with a volley of shot. The Articles. 1st. A firm peace 
between us and our friends of other plantations, (if they con- 
sent,) and the Indians and their confederates, (if any will 
observe the articles,) and our posterities. 2d. Neither 
party to make peace without the other's consent. 3d. Not 
to harbor the Pequots, &,c. 4th. To put to death, or deliv- 
er over, all murderers. 5th. To return our fugitive ser- 
vants, &c. 6th. We to give notice when we go against 
the Pequots; and they to give us some guides. 7th. Free 
trade between us. 8th. None of them to come near our 
plantations during the Pequot war, without some English 
.man or known Indians. 9th. to continue to the posterity 
of both parties." [W. J.] 


In this treaty between the English of Narragansett, and 
the Indians, we have probably a pretty good instance of the 
manner in which their treaties were generally made. It 
seems the English knew that the other parties did not un- 
derstand the treaty, since they thought necessary to send it 
to Mr. Williams, to be interpreted. Of course, they could 
never be morally bound by any such engagement; yet they 
were often led to sign treaties and promises, in this way, 
without knowing what they were doing; then if they after- 
terwards did not fulfill these promises, which they never 
knew they had made, it was a ground of exaction, or perhaps 
of war against them. 

Feb. 21, 1G3G. "Meantinomy sent twenty-six men, with 
forty fathoms of wampum, and a Pequot's hand. We gave 
four of the chiefs, each a coat of 14 s. price." 

March 24, 1637-8. Canonicus and Meantinomy gave 
Coddington and others a deed of Aquidnecke, or Rhode- 
Island. The settlers soon established a sort of Civil socie- 
ty, and were ruled at first by judge and elder. Coddington, 
first judge. 

The Island of Rhode-Island is said to have received its 
name from the Dutch. They called it Rood Eylandt from 
its red appearance in autumn. [Moulton's New-York. D.] 


We come now to relate the events of the war which end- 
ed in the destruction of the celebrated Pequot tribe. 

The Pequots were a warlike tribe, occupying the neigh- 
borhood of New-London, Groton and Stonington, with the 
Mohegans on their north, a tribe which in all probability 
had been formerly subject to them. There was a tradition, 
that they had come to this place at some riot very remote 
period, from the interior; had dispossessed the ancient inhab- 
tauts by force. They were a powerful people and the name 
Sassacus, their Sachem, was a terror to all the surrounding 


tribes. His principal seat, was a strong fort between New- 
London and Mystic River. 

The causes which led to this war, were various. There 
were no doubt provocations on both sides. The Pequots 
had killed Capt. Stone, Mr. Oldham and others who had 
gone to trade among them. But then on the other hand, we 
do not know but that they fully deserved their fate. Mr. 
Oldham's character has been before referred to. For Capt. 
Stone's dishonest < y , we have the evidence of M. M (old. ed. 
101. 106.) 

The Pequots had, according to some accounts, pushed 
their conquests into the Narragansett country, as far East 
as Wecapaug Brook; and these two tribes were always at 
variance. The great body of the Narrrgansetts were very 
desirous of revenge against the Pequots; many of them 
accordingly joined the English army. But the old Sa- 
chems were desirous of remaining neutral in the war. All 
the old authors give Canonicus the character of being a 
wise and prudent Prince, and although the Pequots were 
his rivals and constant enemies, he was probably fearful 
that by their destruction, the arm of their common oposers 
would be strengthened, to strike a more deadly blow at some 
time not very remote, at the existence of his own people. 
(Callender 70, &c.) In their negotiations with the Narra- 
gansetts at this time, the Massachusetts government em- 
ployed Roger Williams as their agent. 

1637. "Having received intelligence from Meantinomy, 
that the Pequots had sent their women and children to an 
Island for safety, we sent forty men by land to Narragan- 
sett. Meantinomy was to join them with sixteen men, to 
set upon them in the night we also provided to send 160 
men after them to prosecute the war." [W. J.] 

For this war, Massachusetts sent Capt. Stoughton, and 
160 men. Plymouth sent 50 men, and Connecticut sent 
Maj. Mason, with 90 English and 70 Indians, principally 


Mohcgans, with their Sachem Uncas. [Trumbull 1. 71. 
Mason's Pequot War.] 

The Connecticut forces sailed from Connecticut River 
and arrived in Narragansett Bay. " On the Monday, 
the wind blew so hard at N. W. that we could not go on 
shore, as also on Tuesday, until sunset, at which time Capt. 
Mason landed and marched up to the place of the chief 
Sachem's residence, who told the Sachem that we had not 
an opportunity to acquaint him with our coming armed in 
his country sooner; yet not doubting but that it would be 
well accepted by him, there being love betwixt himself and 
us; well knowing also that the Pequots and themselves 
were enemies; that he could not be unacquainted with those 
intolerable wrongs and injuries, these Pequots had lately 
done unto the English; that we were now come, God as- 
sisting, to avenge ourselves upon them, and that we did on- 
ly desire free passage through his country: who returned 
us this answer: c that he did accept of our coming, and did 
also approve of our design; only he thought our numbers 
were much too weak to deal with the enemy, who were (as 
he said) very great Captains, and men skilful in war.' 
Thus he spake somewhat slightingly of us. On Wednes- 
day morning, we marched from there to a place called Ny- 
antic, it being about 18 or 20 miles distant, where another 
of those Narragansett Sachems lived in a fort,* it being a 
frontier to the Pequots. They carried very proudly tow- 
ards us, not permitting any of us to come into the fort." 
(Mason's P. War. M. H. C. 18.) Mason fearing treach- 
ery, set a guard all around the fort during the night they re- 
mained there; allowing no one to go out or in. 

* Mason says it was 12 miles from the fort to Pawcatuck River. It was 
probably at Fort Neck. There are now the remains of an old fort there; 
with traces of ditches and a wall of stone and earth. It is on a point of 
land projecting into a pond, with steep banks. Near it is an ancient bu- 
rying place of the Nyantic Sachems. 


The Connecticut forces now proceeded against the Pe- 
quots. They were joined on their way by many of the Nar- 
ragansetts, who served also as guides and brought them to 
thePequot fort, two hours before light, May 26, 1637. They 
immediately fired the fort, which was easily done, it being 
built with wooden palisadoes. The destruction was terrible, 
but few escaping. " Those that escaped the fire were slain 
by sword, some hewed to pieces, some run through with 
rapiers, &c. The number thus destroyed was about 400. 
At this time it was a fearful sight to see them thus frying in 
the fire and the streams of blood quenching the same, and 
horrible was the stink and the scent thereof; but the victory 
seemed a sweet sacrifice, and they gave the praise thereof to 
God, who had wrought so wonderfully for them; thus to 
enclose their enemies in their hands." [M. M. 189.] 

The English Historians have charged the Narragansetts 
with acting cowardly and deserting them in the fight. In 
a tract in Cambridge Library, " A true relation of the bat- 
tle fought in New England bet ween the English and the Pe- 
quot savages; by P. Vincent, London, 1638; lettered on 
the back, ( 'Battle in New England, 1638," it is said that the 
Narragansetts fled as soon as their powder and shot began 
to fail. This puts the case in a rather more favorable light. 

The place where the battle took place was on the West 
side of the Mystic, on land now or lately (1830,) owned by 
Roswel Fish, Esq. of Groton. Within his recollection, 
spearheads, &c. have been dug up there. No traces of the fort 
are left and the spot is known only by tradition. [See M. 
H. C.vol. 3. Letter of William T. Williams of Lebanon.] 

Sassacus, the great Sachem of the Pequots, fled to the 
Mohawks, who put him to death, as was alleged, by the in- 
stigation of the Narragansetts. [M. M. 195. and N.] 

It seems he was not in the fort at the time of the battle, 
and the Pequots attributing all their misfortunes to him, 
could with difficulty be kept from slaying him. The Pequots 


collected together after the fight, and molested the English 
very much in their retreat. It was estimated that six or 
seven hundred were destroyed in this fire and fight. Seven 
were taken captives, and only seven escaped. 

About a fortnight after the Connecticut forces had reach- 
ed home, the Massachusetts forces arrived in Pequot river. 
In an expedition made shortly after, about 180 were taken 
captives whom the English divided among themselves for 

Many of the Pequots had probably fled for refuge to oth- 
er tribes, and there were now about 180 left in the country, 
These surrendered to the English, and were spared on con- 
dition of their leaving their old country forever. They 
were divided, eighty to Meantinomy, eighty to Uncas and 
twenty to Ninigret. 

In one of their expeditions to drive the Pequots from the 
country to which some of them had returned, they had 
taken several captives whom they intended to put to death. 
Otash, brother of Meantinomy, besought them to spare their 
iivcs, for they were his brother's men and his brother was 
a friend to the English; at his entreaties their lives were 
spared. [Mason.] 

Thus were the Pequots entirely ruined as a nation, and 
thus was brought about a destruction of what in more mod- 
ern times we should call the balance of power. The Eng- 
lish had entirely broken the force of one Indian nation, and 
struck a great terror into the rest. It was unfortunate for the 
Indians that they were never at peace with each other, thus 
giving the whites an opportunity which they did not neglect 
of attacking them singly, and thus effecting what they nev- 
er could have effected, if the Indian tribes had been united 
in resistance. 

The Pequot country, from being thus left open to occu- 
pation, the Narragansetts seem to have extended themselves 
westward, and taken possession of that part of it between 


Wecapaug brook and Pawcatuck river. Some of the Ny- 
antics, a tribe of the Narfagansetts who inhabited the most 
southerly part of Washington county, seem to have gone 
even to the westward of Pawcatuck river. Dr. Styles in 
1761, says-, that besides Ninigret's own Nyantic tribe, which 
then amounted to 248, he had the Mohegans and Nyantics 
of Lyme under his government. (2. M. H. C. 10.) Hence 
the name Nyantic has been by some writers inconsiderately 
appropriated to the town of Lyme, though properly belong- 
ing to the South West part of Rhode-Island. 

The Narragansetts are said to have been dissatisfied that 
no more of the captives were given to them. [M. M. 195.] 

Connecticut and Massachusetts having thus conquered 
the Pequot country, disputed for a long time about its juris- 
diction. They afterwards referred the difference to the Com- 
missioners of the United Colonies, who in 1658, established 
Mystic River as the dividing line, and allotted the portion 
East of it to Massachusetts. After quiet was restored, many 
of the Pequots returned and settled down peaceably under 
the English. (M. M. Haz. 2. 334 359. 382-7. 419. 555.) 
After Connecticut obtained hei last charter, (1663,) they 
again had a difficulty with Massachusetts about the Pequot 
country. [Haz. 2, 509.] 

In setting down Wecapaug as the boundary between the 
Pequots and the Narragansetts, we have followed the gene- 
ral current of the Massachusetts and Connecticut historical 
authorities. But a passage in Roger Williams's letter to 
Maj. Mason, seems rather to contradict the commonly re- 
ceived opinion on this subject. "The bounds of this 
our 1st Charter, I, (having ocular knowledge of persons, 
places and transactions) did honestly and conscientiously, 
as in the holy presence of God, draw up from Pawcatuck 
river, which I then believed and still do, is free from all 
claims and conquests; for although there were some Pe- 
quots on this side the river, who by reason of some Sachem's 


-marriages, with some on this side, lived in a kind of neu- 
trality with both sides, yet upon the breaking out of .the 
war, they relinquished their land to the possession of their 
enemies, the Narragansetts and Nyantics, and their land 
never came into the condition of the lands on the other side, 
which the English by conquest, challenged; so that I must 
still affirm, as in God's holy presence, I tenderly waved to 
touch a foot of land in which I knew the Pequot wars were 
maintained, and were properly Pequot, being a gallant coun- 
try ; and from Pawcatuck river hitherward, being but a patch 
of ground, full of troublesome inhabitants; I did, as I judg- 
ed, inoffensively, draw our poor and inconsiderable line." 

1637. "News came from Mr. Williams, that the Pequots 
had dispersed, and[came in great numbers and submitted 
themselves to the Narragansetts, who refused to receive 
them until they knew the pleasure of the Governor." [W. J.] 

" Ayanemo, Sachem of Nyantic, came to Boston with 17 
men. He made divers propositions. Understanding that 
he had received many of the Pequots since their defeat, we 
demanded the delivery of them, which he at first stuck at, 
but the next morning offered all we desired. He was lov- 
ingly dismissed with some small things given them." [W.J.] 

Captain Stoughton wrote to the Governor, August 14, 
1637, " The Narragansetts do gather beans in abundance, 
and we are silent at it; yet if they should turn enemy, it 
would be to our damage." (W. J. 1, 400.) The Captain 
was looking a great ways a-head. 

" We sent 15 of the boys and 2 women to Bermuda by 
Mr. Pierce; but he missing it, carried them to Providence 
Isle. [W. J.] 

"Meantinomy sent here some Pequot squaws, which had 
run from us. The Narragansetts sent us the hands of three 
Pequots; one, the chief of those who had murdered Capt. 
Stone." [W. J.] 

Sept. 1, 1637. "Meantinomy, the Narragansett Sachem, 


came to Boston. The Governor, Deputy and Treasurer, 
treated with him, and they parted on fair terms. He ac- 
knowledged the Pequot country and Block Island were 
ours, and promised he would not meddle with them, but by 
our leave. We gave him leave to right himself for the 
wrongs Janemo and Wequashcook had done him; and for 
the wrong they had done us, we would right ourselves in our 
own time." [W. J.] 

Jan. 27, 1638. "The Indians of Block Island sent three 
men with ten fathom of wampum, for part of their tribute." 
(W. J.) We are not informed at what precise time, Block 
Island became tributary to the English. Probably not long 

June 3, 1638. A great tempest and flood in New-Eng- 
land. "About Narragansett it raised the tide 14 feet above 
the ordinary spring tides." [W. J. 1, 267.] 

Meantinomy and Canonicus sell Chibbachuweset (Pru- 
dence) Island, to Roger Williams and Gov. John Winthrop 
of Massachusetts, for 20 fathom wampum, and two coats. 
The deed is dated "the 10th of the 9th month of the 1st 
year the Pequots were subdued." (L. E. 1, 243.) The 
Indians had given this island to Mr. Oldham in 1634, but 
on condition that he should come and live among them, 
which he never did. [R. Williams's Letter, 3. M. H. C. 
1, 165.] 

June, 1638. Janemo, Sachem of Nyantic, went to Long 
Island, and plundered some of the Indians who were tribu- 
tary to the English. Their Sachems complained to Con- 
necticut, who sent Capt. Mason with seven men to demand 
satisfaction. Massachusetts also wrote to Williams to treat 
with Meantinomy about satisfaction, or otherwise to threat- 
en them with war. Upon this, Janemo made reparation for 
the injuries. [W. J.] 

July 1st, (Holmes says June 1st,) 1638. Great Earth- 
quake throughout New-England. [M. M. 208.] 


There having been many disputes between Mcantinomy 
and Uncas, the Mohcgan Sachem, they agreed at Hartford 
in 1638, that they would not go to war with each other 
without first appealing to the English. They had made an 
agreement of the same sort with Massachusetts, the year 
previous. [M. M. 232.] 

1639. " The Indians of Block Island sent for their trib- 
ute this year, ten fathom of wampum. The two chief Sa- 
chems of Narragansett sent the Governor a present of thir- 
ty fathom of wampum." [W. J. 295.] 

1640. July 7. Coddington held a treaty with Meanti- 
nomy. [Callender, 71.] 

July, 1640. There having been frequent rumors of In- 
dian conspiracies and intended risings, Massachusetts sent 
Capt. Jenison with three men and an Indian interpreter, to 
discover the intentions of the Narragansett Sachems. The 
Sachems received them kindly, but refused to speak with 
them through their interpreter, because he was "a Pequot, 
and a servant of their enemy." They then procured anoth- 
er interpreter. The Narragansetts denied all participation 
in any conspiracy with the Mohawks, and said they would 
go to Boston if Mr. Williams could be allowed to go with 
them, but this was refused. They declared they intended 
to continue friends to the English, unless the latter began 
the war. " Only Janemo, the Ny antic Sachem, carried 
himself proudly, and refused to come to us or yield to any- 
thing; only he said he would not harm us, except we invad- 
ed him." (W. J. 2, 8.) Morton makes no mention of this 
message, and Trumbull but little. 

Oct. 1640. The General Court of Massachusetts receiv- 
ed a letter from the magistrates of Connecticut, New-Ha- 
ven and Aquidneck, "wherein they declared their dislike of 
such as would have the Indians rooted out, as being the 
cursed race of Ham; and their desire of our mutual accord, 
m socking to gain them by justice and kindness. We re- 


fused to include those of Aquidneck in our answer 3 or to 
have any treaty with them. [W. J.] 

Nov. 1640. Meantinomy, making a visit to Boston, was 
met at Dorchester by some musketeers, and entertained at 
Roxbury. The interpreter being a Pequot, he refused, as 
he had done before, to have any communication with them 
through him; but the Governor, * 'being as obstinate as he," 
refused to yield, " thinking it a dishonor to give so much 
way to them. Whereupon he came from Roxbury to Bos- 
ton, departing in a rude manner, without showing any re- 
spect or sign of thankfulness to the Governor for his enter- 
tainment; whereof the Governor informed the General 
Court, and would show him no countenance, nor admit him 
to dine at our table, as he had formerly done, until he had 
acknowledged his failing, which he readily did, so soon as 
he could be made to understand it. But it was conceived 
by some of the Court, that he kept back such things as he 
accounted secrets of state, and that he would carry home in 
his breast, as an injury, the strict terms he was put to, both 
in this and in the satisfaction he was urged to, for not ob- 
serving our custom in matter of manners; for he told us that 
when our men came to him, they were permitted to use their 
own fashions, and so he expected the same liberty with us." 
A Pequot maid served as interpreter. The articles of the 
former treaty were read over to him, and approved by him. 
[W. J.] 

1641. A misunderstanding arose between the people of 
Aquidneck and the Indians, by some of the latter (if not 
Meantinomy himself) kindling a fire on Easton's land, on 
Aquidneck, whereby his house was burnt, whether design- 
edly or not, unknown. [Callender, 71.] 

1641. " Richard Smith purchased a tract of the Narra- 
gansett Sachems, among the thickest of the Indians, (com- 
puted at 30,000,) erected a house for trade, and gave free 
entertainment to travellers; it being the great road of the 
country." [M. H. C. 1, 216.] 


Mr. Smith, it seems from the account of Roger Williams, 
(See Appendix,) was from Gloucestershire in England, of 
a respectable family; and on coming to this country, settled 
down at Taunton. He remained there but a few years; as 
Taunton was first planted in 1637. [Backus, 1, 241.] 

The house of Smith, stood on the site ofth present Up- 
dike House, in North-Kingstown; and it is said the pres- 
ent house contains (1835) some of the materials of the an- 
cient one, bricks, &c. The very first house built by Smith, 
was probably a block house. 

The great road for all the travel from Boston, and the 
North and East to Connecticut and New-York, passed by 
his house, following the course of the shore, probably very 
near the route of the present post road through Towerhill, 
Wakefield, Charlestown and Westerly. It was a very an- 
cient path, and is often referred to in the oldest deeds, &c. 
as "the country road," "the road to Pequot, "the Pe- 
quot path." , 

Within a few years after this, trading houses were built 
in Narragansett, by Roger Williams and a Wilcox. Roger 
Williams built within seven or eight years after Smith, and 
not far from him; but after keeping it a few years, he, in 
1651, sold out to Smith his trading house, his two big guns, 
and a small island for goats, which had been lent him by the 
Sachems. [Callender. See Hist, of Narragansett, 3. M. 
H. C. vols 1 and 2.1 

For several years, Williams dates his letters from Cocum- 
squssick. [See Knowles.] 

The Smiths, afterwards made additional purchases of the 
Indians. March 8, 1656, Coginiquant leased them for 
sixty years, the land South of their dwelling house, bound- 
ed on the North-west by the common path, South and South 
west by Annaquatucket river, South-east by the bay, and 
North-east and North by Cocumscussut harbor. 

June 8, 1659. The same Sachem leased to them for ono 

thousand years, a tract, bounded as follows: beginning at 
a maple tree by a spring, on the North-west side of the 
trading house; thence straight to a high hill, South-west 
from thence; then West to Annaquatucket river; bounded 
South-west by said river, to the Pequot path; then bounded 
by a great neck on the South-east, and by a path going to 
a small river, Showatucqiiese ; then by the creek to Cocum- 
scussut harbor; and bounded North-east by the harbor, and 
so on, to first bounds. Also, at the same time, he leased 
them the meadows at Sawgoge, and Paquinapaquoge, and 
a neck of land, lying East from the house on the other side 
of the cove. Oct. 12, 1660, Scultob and Quequaganuet 
confirmed these instruments, and absolutely quit-claimed 
to Smith, the neck last mentioned; bounded South-west by 
Annaquatucket river; East by the bay, and North-west by 
Shewatuck creek. [Records of King's Province, 56-59.] 
Smith's was the first purchase, but there was not much 
done towards the settlement of the country by the whites, 
until the Pettiquarnscut purchase, some time after. [Cal- 


Jan. 12,1642. The sale of Warwick, was' made by Mean- 
tinomy, chief Sachem of Narragansett, to Randal Holden, 
John Green, John Wickes, Francis Weston, Samuel Gorton, 
Richard Waterman, John Warner, Richard Carder, Sam- 
son Shotton, Robert Potter, and William Wuddal. It is 
said in the deed to be made with the consent of the present 
inhabitants, and the marks of Meantinorny, and of Pornham, 
Sachem of Showomet, are affixed to it. [L. E. 1. 158.] 

Nawashawsuc, an under Sachem of.Massasoit, also claim- 
ed a right to this tract. Saccononoco. a Sachem of the coun- 
try, had in 1641, made a deed to William Arnold, Robert 
Cole, aiid William Carpenter, and in 1644, he deeded a 
considerable tract, to Benedict Arnold. These four, in 

Sept. 8, 1642, submitted themselves and their lands to 
Massachusetts. [Backus, 1. 119. Drake's Indian Biog- 
raphy, 214. 321.] 

These~sales were a copious source of disputes between 
Massachusetts and Rhode-Island, the Indians, and the set- 
tlers. Gorton and his associates, had previously incurred 
the displeasure of Massachusetts, and they were therefore, 
very ready to interfere. Pomham and Saccononoco, were 
induced to make a formal submission of themselves and 
their lands to Massachusetts, July 22, 1643, which may be 
seen! in, W. J. 2. 123. 3. vols. Extracts R. I. Hist. Soc. 
Hubbard, (N. E. 404.) and Winthrop, (2. 120.) say that 
Pomham, was forced by Meantinomy, to sell, and that he 
(Pomham) refused to receive any share of the present. 

The Whole dispute turned upon the question, whether 
or not, the Shawornet, or Warwick* tribe, was independent. 
If they were independent, the 'sale from Meantinomy, was 

Meantinomy was sent for by Massachusetts, to come to 
Boston, and " being asked whether he had any interest in 
those two Sachems, as his subjeets,he could prove none." 
[W. J. 2. 120.] 

We think it is apparent from all the ancient records and 
histories, that the Warwick tribe, was subject to Meanti- 
nomy, and a component part of the great Narragansett na- 
tion. To this we have the direct testimony of Roger Wil- 
liams, before alluded to. (State Records, 1638-70. App. p. 
11.) In this case, the sale of Meantonomy, was good, and 
the pretended submission of Pomham to Massachusetts, of 
no effect whatever. [Huchinson, 1. 119.] 

Mr. Williams in some of his letters to Massachusetts, re- 
ferring to this business, says, " And that your wisdom may 
see just grounds for your willingness, be pleased to be in- 

? o named by Gorton, in honor of his protector, the earl of Warwick. 


formed of a reality of a solemn covenant between this town 
of Warwick and Pomham, unto which, notwithstanding he 
pleads his being drawn to it by awe of his superior Sachems, 
yet, I humbly offer that what was done, was according to 
the law and tenor of the natives, (I take in all New-England 
and America,) viz. that the inferior Sachems and subjects 
shall plant and remove at the pleasure of the highest and su- 
preme Sachems, &,c." Further extract from the same letter. 
f 'Besides satisfaction to Pomham, and the former inhabitants 
of this neck,there is a competitor who must also be satisfied; 
another Sachem, one Nawwashawsuc, who living with Ou- 
samequin, lays claim to this place, and are at daily fewd 
with Pomham, to my knowledge, about the title and lord- 
ship of it." [Haz. I. 610] 

Massachusetts, in the early times of Rhode-Island, shew- 
ed an evident disposition to injure and retard her prosperity, 
and this pretended submission gave them a good excuse for 
interfering with their neighbor's affairs. In all th'ese dis- 
putes, the people of Rhode-Island naturally took the part 
of their own citizens, to whom the sale had been made, and 
of Meantonomy, who had always been their friend and pro- 

This sale is deserving of more attention, as the hatred 
borne by Massachusetts, towards Meantinomy, for the part 
he took in the affair, was undoubtedly the real cause why 
Meantinomy was afterwards so cooly and cruelly put to 
death, when he fell into their hands, in his war with the 
Mohegans, though other and more sanctimonious reasons 
were outwardly assigned for the deed. Gorton, also suf- 
fered considerably. He was arrested, carried to Boston, 
tried and confined in irons, for a considerable time. 

Sept. 19, 1642. Newport commissions Roger Williams, 
to agree with Meantinomy, for the destruction of the wolves 
on the sland, and also concerning the deer hunt before 
grant^H to them, "provided the Indians shall no more re- 


quire the like curtesy of hunting upon the Island, when as 
this enterprize is effected." [State Records, 1638-1670.] 
Sept. 1642. Connecticut having sent to Massachusetts 
several charges about intended risings, &c. against Mean- 
tinomy; messengers, John Leverett, and Edward Huch- 
inson, (Huch. 113.) were sent to Meantinomy to inform 
him of it. "He carried them apart in the woods, taking 
only one of his chief men with him, and gave them very ra- 
tional answers to all their propositions', and promised also, 
to come over to us, which he did within the time prefixed." 
Meantimony visited Boston according to his promise. ''Be- 
ing called in and mutual salutations passed, he was set 
down at the lower end of the table, over against the Govern- 
or, and had only two or three of his counsellors, and two 
or three of our neighboring Indians, such as he desired, 
but would not speak of any business at any time, before 
some of his counsellors were present, that they might bear 
witness .with him at his return home, of all his sayings. In 
his answers, he was very deliberate, showed good under- 
standing in the principles of justice and equity, and ingenu- 
ity withal." He demanded to have his accusers produced. 
The English answered, the accusers were not in their pow- 
er and that they did not intend to give any credit to their 
charges, until they had informed him of them and given 
him an opportunity to deny them. He then asked them why 
they had disarmed their Indians, if they had not credited 
these charges? They answered, they had done it for their 
own security; some of the Indians at Saco, having robbed 
some of the whites, and with this answer he appeared to be 
satisfied. He gave many reasons why they should hold him 
free of any such conspiracy, alleging it to be a fabrication 
of his enemy, Uncas. He said that being innocent, he 
trusted to the justice of the English, and that he would come 
to them at any time they requested, if they would 9n\y send 
some Indians that he liked. The quarter part of twt> days 


were spent in making arrangements, and all things were 
accommodated. Only some difficulty we had to bring him 
to desert the Ny antics if we had just cause of war with them. 
They were, he said, as his own flesh, being allied by con- 
tinual intermarriages." But at last he agreed that if he 
could not bring them to give satisfaction, he would leave 
them to the English. " Whence should go to dinner, there 
was a table provided for the Indians to dine by themselves, 
and Meantinomy was left to sit with them. This he was 
discontented at, and would eat nothing, till the Governor 
sent him meat from his own table. So at night, and all the 
time he staid, he sat at the lower end of the magistrates ta- 
ble. When he departed, we gave him and his counsellors, 
coats and tobacco, and whea he came to take his leave of 
the Governor and such of the magistrates' as were present, 
he returned, and gave his hand to the Governor, saying, that 
was for the rest of the magistrates who were absent." 
[W. J.] 

May 19, 1643. A confederation of Massachusetts, Ply- 
mouth, Connecticut and New-Haven, for mutual defence. 
The cause assigned was, their fears of an Indian conspira- 
cy, and a general rising against them. They refused to ad- 
mit Rhode-Island into the confederacy; most probably at 
the instigation of Massachusetts, between whom and Rhode- 
Island, there was continual jealousy. The affairs of this 
confederacy, were transacted by a body generally named 
" The Commissioners of the United Colonies." 

1643. Massachusetts procures an order from Crom- 
well, and Earl of Warwick, for government of Narragan- 
sett. (Brinley, M. H. C. 1.) I have not seen this men- 
tioned elsewhere. Probably it arose from the differences 
about Pomham and the Shawomet purchasers. Morton 
(203) mentions, that Gorton, some time after the purchase, 
went to England, and procured from the Earl of Warwick 
an order for the quiet enjoyment of Shawomet; which he 
named Warwick in honor of the Earl. 


March 17, 1643-1. Roger Williams procures a patent 
for Rhode Island, Providence Plantations and Narragan- 
sett, from the Earl of Warwick, Governor and Admiral of 
the Plantations, and the other Lords Commissioners of the 
Plantations, signed by all. They had been appointed by an 
ordinance of the. Lords and Commons, dated Nov. 2, 1643. 
(Records, 1638-70, p. 119. Patent at length in Appendix.) 
It includes to the West, the Narragansett country, "the 
whole tract, extending about 25 English miles unto the Pe- 
quot river and country." Extract from the patent "And 
whereas, divers well-affected English inhabitants of the 
towns of Providence, Portsmouth and JSewport, in the tract 
aforesaid, have adventured to make a nearer neighborhood 
and society to and with the great body of the Narragan- 
setts, which may in time, (by the blessing of God upon their 
endeavors) be a surer foundation of happiness to all Amer- 
ica, and have also purchased and are purchasing of and 
amongst the said natives, some other places which may be 
convenient, both for plantation and also for the building of 
ships, supply of pipe-staves and other merchandize." 
[L. E. 2.] 

1643. The animosity which t had long existed between 
the Narragansetts and Mohegans, this year broke out into 
open war. There had been an attempt made to assassinate 
Uncas, by aPequot, and it was alleged that Meantinomy en- 
couraged it. Meantinomy had promised the Bay folks to 
send this Pequot to Uncas, for punishment; but on his way 
home from a visit to Boston, the Pequot was put to death; 
and it was said that Meantinomy was the author of this also. 
[Hubbard's N. E. 456.] 

A quarrel having arisen between Uncas and Sequasson, 
a Sachem on Connecticut river, and a relative of Meantin- 
omy, Uncas made war upon him, and did him considerable 
injury. Meantinomy took the part of his 1 relative, with 
1000 men; having previously, according to his agreement. 

given notice to Connecticut and Massachusetts, of his in- 
tention to make war on Uncas. The Governor of Massa- 
chusetts answered, "that if Uncas had done him or his 
friends wrong, and would not give satisfaction, we should 
leave him to take his own course." [W. J.] 

They met. Uncas had 400 men. It is highly probable, 
judging from the event, that these numbers are not quite 
correct. A battle ensued, and Meantinomy was taken, it 
is said, by the treachery of two of his Indians. A heavy 
suit of armor which Gorton had lent him, is said to have em- 
barrassed his motions, and rendered his capture less diffi- 
cult. (Hubb. N. E. 450.) " They killed about 30, and 
caused the rest to fly. Amongst -the wounded, were two 
of Canonicus' sons, and a brother of Meantinomy." (Hub. 
N. E. 450.) Hubbard says, that Uncas had'previously to 
the battle, offered to decide the dispute by single combat. 
(457, N. E. ) Winthrop says, that Gorton wrote a letter 
to Uncas, threatening him, in case he did not give up his 

Uncas, after the battle, carried Meantinomy prisoner to 
Hartford; and at his own request, left him in custody of the 
English authorities there. Meantinomy 's conduct while at 
Hartford, seems to show that he indulged an expectation, 
(doomed to end in disappointment,) that he should receive 
more honorable treatment from the English, than he could 
expect from his captor. He gave information to Major 
Haines, the magistrate of Connecticut, of a design of the 
Narragansetts to seize some of the Commissioners, and hold 
them as hostages for his safety. [W. J.] 

Sept. 1643. The Commissioners of the Colonies met at 
Boston, and decided that Meantinomy should be put to 
death. Previous to this, however, they proceeded, as was 
a custom with our Puritan forefathers on all great occa- 
sions, to take the counsel of the elders of the church. Ma- 
ny deeds of very doubtful character, in the history of the 



Colonies, were thus perpetrated under their sanction, and 
the cloak of religion. 

The reasons assigned for his death were these: 1. It was 
clearly discovered there was a general conspiracy among 
the Indians, and Meantinomy was at its head. 2. "He 
was of a turbulent and proud spirit, and would never be at 
rest." 3. Though he had- promised to send to Uncas, the 
Pequot who had attempted to assassinate, him, he had pu-t 
him to death on his way home. 4. He beat one o.f Pom- 
ham's men, took away his wampum, and bid him go and 
complain to Massachusetts. The Commissioners there- 
upon ordered that Uncas should put him to death, and that 
two Englishmen should go with him to see execution done. 
[W. J. 2, 134.] 

It is difficult to imagine how men, much less men pre- 
tending to Christianity, could have satisfied themselves 
with such reasons. The first charge that Meantinomy was 
at the head of an Indian conspiracy against the English, 
can be refuted from their own accounts and admissions. To 
the second, it might have have been good policy to have 
got rid of so turbulent, proud-spirited and restless a rival] 
but we see no justice in it. The third lacks proof, and even 
if proved, admits of explanation. The fourth is absolutely 
too trifling to be noticed at all. 

The Commissioners agreed to stand by Uncas in case 
the iVarragansetts should attack him on account of Mean- 
tinomy 's death; and the Connecticut authorities sent some 
musketeers home with him for his defence, and in order to 
show that the English approved of it. [W. J 2, 134.] 

The Narragansetts had sent various presents to the Com- 
missioners, in order, as they said, to ransom Meantinomy; 
and this was afterwards a new source of embittered feelings 
against the English. [Haz. 2, 15 2c..] 

According to the decision, Uncas carried Meantinomy 
to the spot where he had been taken, supposed to be Sa- 


chem's plain, and the instant they arrived there, one of Un- 
cas' men split his head open from behind, killing him at 
once. The Mohegans buried him at the place of his exe- 
cution, and erected a great heap or pillar on his grave. 
Trumbull relates that " Uncas cut a large piece out of his 
shoulder, and ate it in savage triumph." (1, 135.) Sa- 
chem's Plain is in the East part of Norwich. There was a 
few years ago, a heap of stones there, on a spot pointed out 
by tradition as Meantinomy's grave. [M. IJ. C. 3d ser. 
vol. 3.] 

About the place of this execution, there is some variance. 
Trumbull, (1, 135) giving for his authority "A MSS of Mr. 
Hyde," says it was on Sachem's Plain that place having 
taken its name from this event. Winthrop, (2, 134) says 
that Meantinomy was killed somewhere between Winsor 
and Hartford; and Savage considers- this the most probable. 

We quote a part of Savage's note: "With profound re- 
gret I am compelled to express a suspicion, that means of 
sufficient influence would easily have been found for the se- 
curity of themselves, the pacifying of Uncas, and the pre- 
servation of Meantinomy, had he not encouraged the sale of 
Shawomet and Patuxet to Gorton and his heterodox asso- 
ciates. This idea had been unwillingly entertained, years 
before I knew the comment of Governor Stephen Hopkins, 
(2. M. H. C. 9, 202) with which 1 close this unhappy sub- 
ject. ' The savage soul of Uncas doubted whether he 
ought to take away the life of a great king, who had fallen 
into his hands by misfortune; and to resolve this doubt, he 
appealed to the Christian Commissioners of the four United 
Colonies, who met at Hartford in Sept. 1644, (mistake.) 
They were less scrupulous, and ordered Uncas to carry Me- 
antinomy out of their jurisdiction, and slay him; but kindly 
added, that he should not be tortured. They sent some per- 
sons to see execution done, who had the satisfaction to sec 
the captive king murdered in cold blood. This was tho end 


of Meaiitiuoniy, tlie most potent Indian prince the people of 
New England ever had any concern with; and this was the 
reward he received for assisting them seven years before, 
in their wars with the Pequots. Surely a Rhode-Island 
man may be permitted to mourn his unhappy fate, and drop 
a tear on the ashes of Meantinomy, who, with his uncle 
Canonicus, were the best friends and greatest benefactors, 
the colony ever had : they kindly received, fed arid protect- 
ed the first settlers of it, wlien they were in distress, and were 
strangers arid exiles, and all mankind elsewhere their ene- 
mies ; and by this kindness to them, drew upon themselves the 
resentment of ihe neighboring colonies, and hastened the 
untimely end of the young King.' ' 

The course of the narrative has so fully shown the char- 
acter of Meantinomy, that we need not here make many 
farther remarks upon it. That he was a bold and brave, a 
prudent and skilful prince, even his enemies, from whom 
we have his story, admit. That his ideas of justice and 
honor should be the same as those entertained in the pres- 
ent age, could not be expected: that they were at least as- 
elevated as those of his contemporary English opponents^ 
no one who reads their histories can doubt. 

To the testimony of Winthrop, before given, may be ad- 
ded that of Hubbard, (N. E. 446.) "The Narragansetts 
were animated by the haughty spirit and aspiring mind of 
Meantinomy, the heir-apparent of all the Narragansett peo- 
ple, after the decease of the old Sachem Canonicus, his un- 
cle. This Meantinomy was a very good personage, of tall 
stature, subtil and cunning in his contrivements, as well as 
haughty in his designs." He was suspected of joining a 
conspiracy against the English, but "by his readiness to 
appear, satisfied the English that he was innocent." 

And p. 448. "Meantinomy, when he was at Boston, was 
very deliberate in his answers, showing a good understand- 
ing in the principles of justice and equity, as well as a 
seeming ingenuity withal. But though his words were 


smoother than oil, yet as many conceived, in his heart were 
drawn swords. It was observed also that he would never 
speak but when some of his counsellors were present, that 
they might as he said, bear witness of all his speeches at 
their return home." 

Oct. 1643. The new Sachem, Pessicus, (aged about 20) 
Meantinomy's brother, sent presents to Massachusetts, de- 
siring to be left to make war on Uncas, and the 16th of the 
next March after, another similar message, to both of which, 
negative. answers were returned and his presents were re- 
fused. He was told that they would stand by Uncas if he 
attacked him. [W. J.] 

April 19. (Callendar says Aug.) 1644. Pessicus and 
Canonicus made a formal submission to King Charles, 
which may be seen at length in Gortons Simplicity's De- 
fence. Pessicus signs first as "chief Sachem and suc'cess- 
or of that late deceased "Meantinomy. " Then follows 
" the mark of that ancient Canaunicus, Protector of that 
late deceased Meantinomy during the time of his nonage " 
then "the marke of Mixan, son and heir of that abovesaid 
Canaunicus. " 

May 24, 1644. They send a letter to Massachusetts 
(probably written by some of the English in their neighbor- 
hood.) viz. 

NANHYGANSET, May 24th, 1644. 

We understand your desire is that we should come downe 
into the Massachussetts at the time of your Court now ap- 
proaching; or occasions at this time are very great, and the 
more because of the losse (in that manner) of our late de- 
ceased brother, upon which occasion, if we should not stirr 
ourselves to give testimony unto the cause of that or so un- 
just deprivations of such an, instrument as he was amongst us 
for our coman good, wee should fear his blood would lye 
upon ourselves, so that we desire of you, being we take you 
for a wise people, to let us know your reasons why you 
seeme to advise us as you doc, not to goe out against or so 


inhuman and crueH adversary, who took so great a ran so me 
to release him, and his life also, when that was done; or 
brother was willing to stirr much abroad, to converse with 
men,, and wee see a sad event at the Last thereupon. Take 
it not ill therefore, though wee resolve to keepe at whom 
unlesse some great necessity call us out, and so at this time, 
do not repair unto you according to your request, and the 
rather, because we have subjected ourselves, or lands and 
possessions, with all the rights and inheritances of us and 
our people, either by conquest, voluntary subjection or oth- 
erwise, unto that famous and honorable government of that 
royal King Charles, and that State of Ould England, to be 
ordered and governed according to laws and customs there- 
of; not doubting of the continuance of that former love that 
hath bene betweene you and us, but rather to have it in- 
creased hereby, being subjected now (and that with joynt 
and voluntary consent) unto the same king and state your- 
selves are; so that if any small thing of difference should fall 
out betwixt us, onely the sending of a messenger, may bring it 
to rights again; but if any great matter should fall (which we 
hope and desire will not nor may not) then neither your- 
selves nor wee are to be judges; but both of us are to have 
recourse, and repair unto that honorable and just govern- 
ment; and for the passage of us or our men to and againe 
amongst you, about our or their owne occasions to have com- 
erse with you, wee desire and hope they shall have no 
worse d-ealing or entertainment than formerly wee have had 
amongst you, and do resolve, to give no worse respect un- 
to you or yours, (accordingly) than formerly have found 
amongst us, according to the conditions and manners of our 

PESSICUS, *V i*J* His markc. 
COLLOUNICUS, 5a2 ^" i fs| Hi* marko. 


Upon receiving this letter, the Massachusetts sent mes- 
sengers to Narragansett. " Canonicus would hardly admit 
of any speech with them, except a few froward expressions, 
but referred them to Pessicus, who carrying them into an 
ordinary wigwam, discourse^ a long time: his answers 
were witty and full to the questions. He told them he 
would presently go to war upon Uncas, but not after the 
manner Meantinomy did with a great army, but by sending 
out small parties to catch his men, and prevent their getting 
a livelihood. [W. J. Hubb. N. E. 453.] 

In the unsettled state of the country, and from the dis- 
turbances which ensued after Meantinomy's death, the peo- 
ple of Rhode-Island suffered much, although they general- 
ly had been on the most friendly terms with the Indians. 
They were obliged to request to be taken into the confede- j 
racy of the colonies, but this was haughtily refused. 1 
[Trumbull, 1, 176.] 

^ June 23, 1644. Pomham sent word to Boston that the 
Narragansetts had killed some of Uncas's men, and had tried 
to engage him in the war. 10 men were sent from Boston 
to help Pomham build a fort. [W. J.] 

Sept. 1644. The Commissioners sent Thomas Stanton 
and Nathaniel Willet to the Narragansetts, who in return 
sent messengers to Hartford, where the difference between 
the Narragansetts and Uncas was partly settled. They 
agreed not to make war until after the next planting time, 
and to give the English 30 days notice. [Haz. 2, 26. 
W. J.M. M.] 

1645. The Commissioners sent Benedict Arnold and oth- 
ers, messengers to the Narragansetts, who returned with an 
answer. The Indians afterwards declared that Arnold had 
misrepresented them, and it seems he was afraid to venture 
among them for some time after. Mr. Williams was sent 
for by the Narragansetts, to come and assist theni in their 
troubles, and the Commissioners negotiated with them 


through him. The Commissioners ordered an army raised, 
and put it under Sergeant Major Edward Gibbons. Rhode- 
Island and Aquidneck agreed to preserve a neutrality with 
the Indians. [Hubb. N. E. 461. Haz. 2. 30, 31, &c. 50.] 
Aug. 27, 1645. A treaty was concluded at Boston be- 
tween the English and Pessicus, Maxanno, (eldest son of 
Canonicus) Awashequin, deputy of the Ny antics, and oth- 
ers on the part of the Narragansett Indians. (Treaty at 
length, Haz. 2, 40.) The Indians agreed to pay 2000 fath- 
om white wampum, or one third as much black wampum; 
500 fathom in 20 days, 500 more in four months, 500 more 
at next planting time, and the rest in two years. Uncas and 
the Narragansetts were to make reparation to each other for 
injuries. The Narragansetts agreed to surrender up all In- 
dian fugitives and captives; to pay a yearly sum for the Pe- 
quots, who lived among them, and to give up all right to 
the Pequot country. They also gave hostages, and agreed 
to sell no land without consent of the Commissioners. In^ 
was all on the side of the English.^ 
Trumb. 1, 156. Key7 129. M. M.) 

The value of wampum had probably fallen, from the in- 
creased quantity of it manufactured. 

1646. This year the Narragansetts declared themselves un- 
able pay the wampum, and the Commissioners refused to 
receive any thing less than the whole sum. The whole was 
not collected until 1650, when the Massachusetts sent Capt. 
Atherton with 20 soldiers, to demand payment, and for 
want of payment to seize Pessicus himself. Pessicus at- 
tempted to expostulate with them, but Capt. Atherton seized 
him by the hair, among his Indians who suspected nothing, 
and were probably unprepared for defence, and threatened 
his life. They were so affrighted, that they collected the 
tribute and paid it. Pessicus declared he had been forccd_ 
into the treaty^ [ H uTb^rTlvrir"^ Huch.TTl42. 
ttaz. 2. 76 and 151.1 

Capt. Davis being sent with a troop to put down some 
disturbances among the Nyantics, forced Ninigret to sub- 
mit. [Hubb. N. E. 465.] 

May 19, 1647. ' Meeting of R.-I. General Court. The 
care and government of the trading-houses in Narragansett 
was assigned to Newport. [State Records.] 

August 3, 1647. Ninigret and other Indians went to 
Boston. On being reminded of the treaties, he declared 
himself entirely ignorant of them. [Trumb. 1. 167. Haz.] 
A portrait of the Ninigret of 1647, is preserved at New- 
York, by the descendants of Governor John Winthrop Jr. 
with the interesting tradition, that the life of their ancestor 
was once saved by him. [W. J. n. 2. 308.] . 

June 4. 2647. Canonicus, the great Sachem of Narra- 
gansett died, "being a very old man , leaving the hereditary 
quarrel still entailed upon his successor." Hubbard places 
Canonicus's death a year later, and has misled Dr. Holmes. 
[Hubb. N. E. 464. W. J. n. 308.] 

Canonicus was an old man at the time of the first settle- 
ments in Rhode-Island. He received and protected the 
first settlers, and always continued their friend. He seems 
in his latter years to have had many gloomy fears and fore- 
bodings as to the future fate of his nation, wishing, but 
yet doubting that the English, whom he had cherished until 
they now had grown strong, might return to his posterity 
the kindnesses he so generally bestowed upon them in their 
feeble state.. (R. Williams Key. 64.) " Canonicus, the 
old high Sachim of the Nariganset Bay, (a wise and peac- 
able Prince,) once in a solemn oration to myself in a solemn 
assembly, using this word, (wunnaumwayean, if he speak 
true,) said, I have never suffered any wrong to be offered 
to the English since they landed; nor never will: he often 
repeated this word, if the Englishman speak true, if he meane 
truly, then shall I goeto my grave in peace, and hope that 
the English and my posterity shall live in love and peace 


together. I replied that he had no cause, as I hoped, to ques- 
tion Englishmen's faithfulnesse, he having had long experi- 
ence of their friendlinesse and trustiriesse. He tooke a stick 
and broke it into 10 pieces, and related 10 instances, (lay- 
ing down a stick to every instance) which gave him cause 
thus to fear and say; I satisfied him in some presently, and 
presented the rest to the Governors of the English, who I 
hope will be far from giving just cause to have Barbarians 
to question their faithfulnesse." 

"Their late famous long-lived Caunonicus, so lived and 
died, and in the same most honorable manner and solemni- 
ty (in their way) as you laid to sleep your prudent peace- 
maker, Mr. Winthrop, did they honor this their prudent and 
peaceable prince. His son, Mexam^ inherits his spirit. 
Yea, through all their towns and countries, how frequently 
do many, and oft times our Englishmen, travel alone with 
safety and loving kindness." [R. Williams's Letter in 3d 
vol. of Extracts, R. I. Hist. Soc. 1,65. Haz. 2, 12.] 

John Winthrop, of Pequot, at a meeting of the Commis- 
sioners in July, 1647, laid claim to the western Nyantic or 
Quinnabaug country, (including part of Lyme,) by verbal 
gift from a Nyantic Sachem, Sashions, or Sashyus, but af- 
terwards gave up the greater part of his claim. [Haz. 2, 
93. Trumb. 1, 170.] 

1648. Henry Bull, of Newport, complains to the Com- 
missioners of the Colonies, that the Narragansetts had 
beaten him. He is referred back to the Rhode-Island au- 
thorities. [Haz. 2, 100.] 

The Narragansetts are again pressed hard for their trib- 
ute. In September, the Commissioners of the Colonies 
sent messengers to them; and the Indians, hearing that 
many horsemen were come into their country, were alarm- 
ed. Pessicus fled to Rhode-Island. By Mr. Williams's 
means, they were induced to come to a conference. They 
denied the charge made against them of hiring foreign In- 


dians to fight against Uncas. There had been a little while 
before this a large gathering of Indians in Connecticut, and 
the JVarragansetts had sent a present. This had caused the 
suspicions against them. [Back. 1. 195. W. J.] 

1649. The Colonies alarmed by a report that Sassacus' 
son was to be married to Ninigret's daughter, fearing a gen- 
eral Indian alliance. (Trumb. 1, 186. Haz. 2, 131, 152.) 
Ninigret went to a meeting of the Commissioners of the 
colonies this year at Boston, and had a long talk which re- 
sulted in nothing. [Haz. 2, 131.] 

May 22, 1649, Rhode-Island general Court at Warwick. 
Leave granted to Roger Williams to let his Indian servant 
kill fowl for him about his house at Narragansett. Leave 
granted to Williams to " sell a little wine or strong water to 
some natives in their sicknesse." [St. Rec.] 

May, 1650. Rhode-Island General Court at Newport. 
" Ordered that Pessicus shall have liberty to get so many 
chestnut rynes upon the common of the Island, as may cover 
him a wigwam, provided that no wrong may be done to any 
particular person upon the island." [St. Rec.] 

1651. We have this year a case which goes a great way 
to show that the Indians seldom understood the treaties 
which the historians represent them as having made, or at 
least seldom understood them in the same sense with the 
whites. The annual tribute was required of Uncas, and of 
some of the Ny antics. They paid it, but demanded why it 
was required of them? how long it was to continue, and 
whether it was to be paid by the children yet unborn? Per- 
formance of such treaties, so misunderstood could never have 
been expected of them. [Trumb. 1. 205. Haz. 2. 188, 423.] 

Nov. 1651. Rhode-Island General Court at Providence. 
Order passed that all purchases made of the Indians with- 
out consent of the colony, should be void. [St. Rec.] 

May, 1652. Rhode-Island General Court at Warwick. 

The Dutch forbid to have any trade with our Indians. 

There was at this time a war between the English and the 
Dutch. The prohibition was repealed May, 1657. [St. 

It was reported that Ninigret, (who had spent the winter 
among the Dutch at Manhattoes, and had been sent back in 
the spring in a Dutch sloop with arms and ammunition,) had 
employed a man to poison Uncas, but the attempt failed, and 
the man was put to death. [Hubb. N. E. 546. Holmes 
1. 298. Haz. 2. 21 1, 241,] 

In the spring of 1653, messengers were sent to the Nar- 
ragansett Sachems, by the Commissioners of the Colonies, 
to charge them with conspiring with the Dutch against the 
English. Ninigret, Pessicus and Me x ham, wholly denied 
the charge and sent back explanations of what they had 
done. [Haz. 2. 206.] 

Early in Sept. 1653, messengers were sent to negociate 
with them about their attack on the Long Island Indians. 
The messengers did not bring back such an answer as was 
expected, and so Sept. 20th, the commissioners ordered 250 
men, (Mass. 166. Plym. 30. Conn. 33. New-Haven 21.) 
to be raised against Ninigret, but Massachusetts refusing to 
co-operate, thinking it unjust, the war was never under- 
taken. [Haz. 2. 292. 295. Holmes. 1. 298.] 

1654. The war had broken out again between Ninigret 
and the Long Island Indians. Some of the people of Rhode- 
Island sent word to Massachusetts, that Ninigret had fallen 
upon the Long Island Indians, without any cause whatever; 
but Roger Williams in one of his letters, dated 5th of 8th 
mo. 1654, (3 vols. Extracts.) says, " The cause and root of 
all the present mischief is the pride of two barbarians, Ascas- 
sassotic, the Long Island Sachem, and Ninigret of the Nar- 
ragansett the former is proud and foolish; the latter is 
proud and fierce. I have not seen him these many years, 
yet from their sober men I hear he pleads 1st, that Ascas- 
sassotic, a very inferior Sachem, bearing himself upon the 


English, hath slain 3 or 4 of his people, and since that, sent 
him challenges and darings to fight and mend himself. 2d. 
He (Ninigret,) consulted by solemn messengers with the 
chief of the English governors, Major Endicott, then gov- 
ernor of the Massachusetts, who sent him an implicit con- 
sent to right himself , upon which they all plead, that the En- 
glish have just occasion of displeasure. 3d. After he had 
taken revenge upon the Long Islanders and brought away 
about 14 captives, divers of their chief women, yet he re- 
stored them all again upon the mediation and desire of the 
English. 4th. After this peace made, the Long Islanders, 
pretending to visit Ninigret at Block Island, slaughtered 
of his Narragansetts near 30 persons at midnight, two o 
them of great note, especially Wepiteamoc's son, to whom 
Ninigret was uncle. 5th. In the prosecution of this war, 
although he had drawn down the Islanders to his assistance, 
yet upon protestation of the English against his proceedings, 
he retreated and dissolved his army." 

In this same letter, Williams bears this testimony; "I 
cannot yet learn that even it pleased the Lord to permit the 
Narragansetts to stain their hands with any English blood, 
neither in open hostilities nor secret murders, as both Pe- 
quods and Long Islanders did, and Mohegans also in the 
Pequod war. It is true they are barbarians, but their great - 
est offences against the English have been matters of mon^ 
ey ,or petty revenging of themselves on some Indians, upon 
extreme provocations but God kept them clear of our blood." 
In one of the expeditions made by Ninigrets men to Long 
Island, they took captive the daughter of Wyandance, their 
chief Sachem, who was soon after ransomed by the aid of 
some ofthe English inhabitants. [Wood's Long Island. 66.] 
It appears that Ninigret had charged the Long Island In- 
dians before the Commissioners, with murdering some of his 
people, but no notice was taken of the charge. [Hazard 
2. 359.] 


Connecticut, having taken the Long Island Indians under 
her protection, in September, messengers were sent to Nin- 
igret to demand peace. He answered, that the Long Isl- 
and Indians had begun the war, and killed one of his Sa~ 
chem's sons and 60 men. He desired the English to.let 
him alone. If your governor's son were slain, and several 
other men, would you ask counsel of another nation, how 
and when to right yourselves? He should neither go nor 
send to Hartford. [Haz. 2. 318.] 

The Commissioners then in October, raised 270 foot and 
40 horse, and sent Major Willard against Ninigret; but 
the latter having secured himself and his men in a swamp, 
Willard was obliged to return without doing any thing ef- 
fectual. The Commissioners were very angry with him 
that he had not completely subdued Ninigret. [M. M. 
Trumb. 1. 230-1-2. Haz. 2. 319, 337, &c.-] 

The Council of Massachusetts, in October, previous to the 
expedition, had published a manifesto against Ninigret, ap- 
proving of the attack upon him, and appointing a fast day. 
[3 vols.Extracts.] 

June, 1655. Rhode-Island General Court. A commit- 
tee appointed to treat with the Narragansett Sachems, 
about the grass on Conanicut, and Jet them know we had 
a right to this grass by deed from the deceased Sachems. 
They had bought the right'to this grass or marsh, at the same 
time they bought Aquidneck'Island. [St. Rec.] 

March 17, 1655-6. Pomham summoned before the Gen- 
eral Court of Rhode-Island, for injuries he had done the 
Warwick people. [St. Rec.] 

Sept. 1656. Meaksaw complained to the Commissioners 
ofUncas' abusing him, and jeering about his dead ances- 
tors, which he wished to revenge. The Commissioners said 
they would inquire into it. (Haz. 2. 349.) How great 
an insult this was considered among the Indians, may be 
seen from Key, 161. 


1657. This year was the beginning of the Pettiquamscut 
purchase. [See Appendix.] 

It would appear from many circumstances that after the 
death of the two great Sachems Canonicus and Meantinomy, 
the Narragansetts were much split up by intestine divisions, 
and that none of the Sachems of the family of Canonicus 
and Meantinomy, had been able to maintain the same au- 
thority, over all the tribes. Hence the Pettiquamscut pur- 
chasers were obliged to purchase the same land over again 
from several Sachems, who were claimants and asserted a 
title to it. 

Sept. 1657. Anew message sent by the Commissioners 
to Ninigret, to require him to abstain from hostility with the 
other Indians. Massachusetts dissents from the vote, giv- 
ing for a reason that Uncas' conduct had been very insolent 
and provoking. [Haz. 2, 380, 423.] 

Oct. 1657. Some people who had settled near Pawca- 
tuck river, (probably on the west side) petition Massachu- 
setts for a confirmation of the grants which they had receiv- 
ed from Connecticut. Massachusetts sends a letter to 
Connecticut on the subject. On the petition of George 
Denison and others, Massachusetts sets up officers in that 
country, and the management of their affairs there, was con- 
fided to Capt. George Denison, Mr. Parks, yVilliam Cheese- 
borough and John Minot, Sen. ; and Walter Palmer appoint- 
ed Constable. Connecticut and Massachusetts had dispu- 
ted a long time about the jurisdiction of the conquered Pe- 
quot country; but in Sept. 1653, the Commissioners of the 
colonies settled Mystic as the dividing line. In Oct. 1658, 
the General Court of Massachusetts erected the lands about 
Pawcatuck into a town, by the name of Southertown; and 
added it to Suffolk County. [3 vols. Extracts R. I. Hist. 
Soc. 1. 89, &c. See Hist. Ante. 1637.] 

March 28, 1657. Koskotap, Sachem ofBassokutoquagc 
in Narragansett, sells to Thomas Gould of Newport, Aquo- 
pimokuk or Gould's Island. [L. E. 1. 33.] 


April 17, 1657. Coqinaquaiid for JG100, sells Conani- 
cut to William Coddington and Benedict Arnold, Sen. Quis- 
sucquansh, and other Sachems afterwards confirmed it. 
[L. E. 1, 86.] 

The hostility between the Narragansetts and Mohegans, 
still remained in all its violence. The Narragansetts had 
planned an attack on a fort of Uncas, but some of the En- 
glish gave timely notice of it to Uncas, who thus was ena- 
bled to prevent it. One of the chief Counsellors of the Nar- 
ragansetts complained of this to the General Court of Rhode- 
Island, at Warwick, who wrote a letter on the subject to 
Capt. Denison, Thomas Stanton, and the English inhabitants 
atPequot. [St. Rec. 1638-7.0. p. 160.] 



Beloved Countrymen : 

In the consideration of the great charge that lieth on 
every one, to endeavor the preservation of the peace of 
this country, and every member thereof; we do therefore 
make use of this present occasion to the end premised, 
and you may please to understand, that we have at this 
very instant, a very solemn and serious information from 
the JVarragansett Sachems, by a chief counsellor of theirs, 
that they take it ill of some English who live near Uncas 
his fort, for that (as they say) the English, by their 
scouts, discover to the Moheagans the approach of the Nar- 
ragansets, and thereby do defeat their designs in war against 
Uncas. And further, these Indians do say: that they think 
those English that so do, do not do it by order of any colo- 
ny or court, but for'money given underhand by Uncas. And 
further they tell us, that the islanders called Mocquayes, are 
in great number coming down against Uncas, and these In- 
dians fear that those islanders, finding anv such carriage 


from those English, by making signs or shouting to give 
Uncas notice as aforesaid, of his enemies approach; that 
then those islanders may be enraged, and either take or kill 
such scout or scouts; and now on this information, these 
Narraganset Sachems desire us so to inform you, for that they 
desire a fair correspondency with the English. Thus much 
only we shall add; that is, that you, our loving countrymen, 
do well consider of the matter, and weigh the grounds of 
those actions, so as if possible, the peace of the country and 
therein your safety with ours maybe preserved; for that is 
the utmost extent of our desires, and we only desire to inform 
you, but no way to engage in either part of the Indian 
quarrels one with another. And so we rest your affection- 
ate countrymen ^ind friends. 

From the General Court of Comissioners held for the Col- 
ony of Providence Plantations, at Warwick. 
Per me, 

JOHN SANFORD, General Recorder, 
Dated July 4th, 1657. 

March, 1657-8. Rhode-Island General Court at Ports- 
mouth. Roger Williams presents a petition, and also a 
deed of gift of Hope Island, from Meantinomy, late Sachem. 
A committee appointed to desire his successors to give 
Williams peaceable possession, or they will be proceeded 
against legally. [St. Rec.] 

May 1758. General Court at Warwick. The people of 
Warwick complaining of Pomham, were authorized to af- 
rest him and proceed against him legally. At the next 
October session, a warrant was granted for his arrest. 
[St. Kec.] 

May 22, 1758. Cachanaquant sells Aquidnesuc, Small 
or Dutch Island, Nomsussmuc or Goat Island, and Woon- 
achaset or coasters Harbor Island, to Benedict Arnold and 
others. [L. E. 1. 86, 110.] 

Oct. 19, 1658. The General Court of Massachusetts 
grant all their right to Block Island, to Governor John En- 

56 _ 

dicott, Richard Bellingham, Gen. Daniel Denison, and Maj 
William Hathome. [3 vqls. Extracts. I, 104.] 

JVov. 1758. General Court of Rohde-Island. A law 
passed that no one sbould submit hrs lands to any other 
jurisdiction, on penalty of forfeiture. (A dispute with Plym- 
outh, about Hog Island, was probably the cause of this law.) 
A law also made against purchasing from the Indians with- 
out consent of the colony, on penalty of forfeiture. " Quis- 
sucquansh the chief Sachem of Narragahsett," appeared 
before the Court and engaged to pay 1, 10s, to Robert Grif- 
fin, before the next Court of tryals, and an order passed, that 
if he did not, " there shall be means used to fetch him in 
and cause the said Sachem to makes atisfaction." [St. Rec.] 

The following document belongs property in or about this 

"The 23 of Februarie, 1659. We, whose names are 
underwritten being appointed by the inhabitants of South- 
ern Towne, to set the line at Weakapauge. For to help us 
to understand where Weakapauge is, we desired some Po- 
quatuck Indians to go with us, whose information as folio vv- 
eth, that Hermon Garrett did charge them that they should 
not goe any farther than the east side ofalittle swampe, near 
the east end of the first greate pond where they did pitch 
down a stake, and told us that Hermon Garrett said that, 
that verie place was Weakapauge did, that he said ? it and 
not them and if they should say that Weakapauge did goe 
any further Hermon Garret would be angry, for he was the 
governor. Further they told us that Hermon Garrett said, 
that the land next ajoining, namely, called Muqutak liing 
betwixt the two ponds was Hermon Garrett'sowne land, but 
upon further debate about Weakapaug. How far Eastward it 
did extend, Cassasinamon with the other Indians affirme that 
the lands betwixt the two ponds to their owne knowledge 
was ever accounted Pequit lands, called Weakapauge. Cas- 
sasinamon further says for confirmation of the same, that 


herae to fore there was a whale cast ashore upon this neck of 
land and the Pequit Sachem came with a company of men 
and fetched it away. Further; Thomas Stanton afirmes that 
he heard Hermon Garrett say, that the neck of land called 
Quinicuntauge, was his land. The names of the Indians 
that was with us and gave'us this information, was as fol- 
lows:- Cassasinamon, Wissqunch, Johnequamapatah. 


The whole from Weakapauge to Misticke River is 10 
miles and 23 poles. 

From Weakapauge to Mr Stanton's, is 3 miles and 300 
rods. From Mr. Stanton's to Goodman Cheesebrough's, is 
2 miles and 123 rods. From Goodman Cheesebrough's to 
Misticke River by Capt. Denison's house, is 4 miles." 

May 27, 1659. Cachauaquant, alias Jassarono, sells to 
Randal Holden and Samuel Gorton, on account of losses 
they had met with in the purchases they had made of his de- 
ceased brother, a neck of land called Nannaquokset and a 
small island called Azoiquoneset, over against said neck. 
(The island is now called Fox Island, and the land was be- 
tween Wickford and Annaquatucket river.) "And I am 
greatly provoked to this my free act and deed with respect 
unto that great Sachem of old England, in regard of the 
great fame I have heard of him, which makes my heart to 
bow with great affection towards him when I heare of him, to 
whom, I perceive, these my friends are faithful servants, 
which doth not a little draw my heart unto .them." [L. E . 
1. 164-5.] 

Pessicus, alias Maussup, alias Sucquansh, confirms the 
deed. Appended to it, is the following of a later date. 


" Coganaquant, came before me and owned his hand and 
scale to the deed of gift herein specified, and declares that 
he was not in drink, but sober at the afecting of it, and de- 
nies that it was a sale; and further saith that when he sold 
the land to Maj. Atherton and the rest of the Bay-men, in 
presence of Kichard Smith, he; the said Coganaquant ex- 
cepted the neck of land herein specified, being givento Capt- 
Randal Holden, and Mr. Samue-1 Gorton, Sen., arid fur- 
ther saith that he never made an'y lease thereof to Richard 
Smith, for more time than three years. 

Taken before me, JOHN GREENE, Assistant. 
Warwick, May 13,1668." 

Gorton, (L. E. 1. 190.) gave his share of this purchase 
Nov. 27, 1677, to his daughters, on the express condition 
that they should defend the title against Smith. However, 
they afterwards sold out to the Smiths, Lodowick Updike SLC. 
June 11, 1659. Maj. Humphrey Atherton and his 
partners, purchased Aquitawoset or Quidnesett, of Coqina- 
quand, bounded on the North-east by Mascacowage brook, 
by Cocumscussuc brook on the South-west, the sea on the 
South, and the common path on the North-west; excepting 
what had been sold before to Smith. July 4th. The same 
company bought Namocock or Namcook, (Boston Neck,) 
the North bounds to run West from Cocumsqussut brook, to 
Annaquatucket, and thence Westerly to the North-west 
part of Pausacaco pond. The lands formerly sold to the 
Smith, and the neck sold to Holden were excepted out of 
this purchase. June 14, 1660. These purchases were 
confirmed by Quissucquansh, Scultop, and Quequaquomet. 
[Hist, of Narr. 3. M. H/C. vols. 1 and 2. Records of 
King's Province.] 

Major Atherton had been much employed in the negoci- 
ations between the Indians and the English, and made use of 
the influence he thus acquired to make purchases for himself 
and associates. From 1658 to 1661, he was employed 
as superintendant of the praying Indians as they were call- 


ed. (Gookin.) *It should be recollected when reading the 
account of the subsequent conduct of the Rhode-Island gov- 
ernment towards these men, that their purchases were made 
in contravention of an express law of the colony; and the 
government therefore did not consider them valid, but treat- 
ed him and his company as intruders. Roger Williams in a 
letter to Maj. Mason, (M. H. C. vol. 1.) says that when 
Atherton first came into Narragansett, he informed him that 
his purchasing would be contrary to law, and refused all 
his offers of land which Atherton made, to engage him to as- 
sist and interpret for him. 

May, 1659. General Court at Providence. A commit- 
tee of four appointed to run the colony West line, according 
to the charter, and to prevent intrusions, and notice of it 
ordered to be given to John Winthrop. Considering that 
there was a good place for a settlement at Nianticut, they 
appointed Benedict Arnold, Arthur Fenner, William Baul- 
stori, and Capt. R. Holden, to purchase the land of JNiniciaft 
and sell to those who want it. [St. Rec.] 

Aug. 1659. General Court at Portsmouth. A commit- 
tee appointed to draw up letters to Massachusetts, the Com- 
missioners of the colonies, and Atherton, See. about his ijle- 
gal purchases. The General Court having been informed 
that Richard Smith had made many threats against those 
who should molest his possession of Hog Island, voted that 
they would stand by them and save them harmless. The pur- 
chasing committee appointed at May session, were author- 
ised to make another purchase at Potowomut. Payment 
not having been made by Quissucquansh, according to his 
agreement, he was ordered to be notified. Ordered that the 
articles of agreement made. May 28. 1650, bet ween the col- 
ony and Quissucquansh, the chitf Sachem of the Narragan- 
sett, be recorded. [St. Rec.] 

* In Haz. 2. 393, we find 10 allowed Maj. Humphrey Atherton, for 
keeping Courts amongst the Indians in divers places, and instructing them 
'n their civil conversation." 


Aug. 26, 1639, Tacommanan, (the father,) Wasewkit, 
his son, and Namowish, his grandchild, make a formal sub- 
mission of the Coheassuck lands to the R. I. government. 
Aug. 28, 1660, they deeded to the colony a tract there 
bounded North by Potowomut river, South by Cocum- 
squisset or stony brook, and East by the bay. [Foster pa- 

May, 1660. General Court at Portsmouth. A Committee 
was appointed to "ripen the matter concerning the purchases 
made by the gentlemen of the Bay in Narragansett," and to 
report thereon. Payment ordered to be made to Griffin, 
out of the lands purchased of Quissucquansh. [St. Rec.] 

Oct. 1660. General Court at Warwick. Committee ap- 
pointed to treat with Atherton, &c. about their purchases, 
and to make a settlement with him. If he refuses to treat, 
to prohibit his proceeding. In May, 1661, they were con- 
tinued with power to agree to a reference. [St. Rec.] 

It would seem (hat there had been considerable disturb- 
ance in the country about 1660. Some of the Narragansetts, 
probably while on an expedition against Uncas, attacked a 
house in the Mohegan plantation, and fired several shots into 
it, and did some injury to a Bruster's house and family. The 
Narragansett Sachems excused themselves, declaring that 
they had no hand in the affair, and requested time for con- 
sideration; but the Commissioners of the colonies sent mes- 
sengers to Ninigret, Pesicus, Woquacanoose and the other 
Narragansett Sachems, to demanded four of the chief ag- 
gressors, or else 500 fathoms wampum. If they were de- 
livered up, they were to be sent to Barbadoes and sold for 
slaves. They were directed also to reprove Ninigret, for 
his insolence in surprising and killing six Long-Island In- 
dians on Gull Island. A ft>rce sent by Connecticut, com- 
pelled the Sachems, Sept. 29, 1660, to mortgage the whole 
Narragansett country to the Commissioners of the colonies, 
for a fine of 595 fathoms wampum. The mortgage was 


made by Quisucquous, (Pesicus.) Ninigret and Scutlup, 
was to be satisfied in four months and was recorded in Con- 
necticut and Rhode-Island. Oct. 30, Quissucquansh, 
Ninigret, Scuttup and Wequaqueriiut, mortgage all the 
unsold lands in Narragansett to Atherthon &, Co. on con- 
dition that they should pay the fine due from them to the 
Commissioners of the colonies; the Indians also binding 
themselves not to sell any lands in Narragansett, without 
the consent of Atherton & Co. Atherton paid the fine and 
the Governor of Connecticut gave him a written discharge. 
The Indians not having paid the sum in six months, the 
time which had been agreed upon, Scuttup and Ninigret in 
the spring of 1662, delivered formal possession to the mort- 
gagees, and a certificate of the delivery was made by Smith, 
Hutchinson and other witnesses, before Governor John 
Endicott. [Haz. 2,414, 432. L. E. 2, 189, 190-1-2.] 

The validity of this mortgage and delivery, it will be ob- 
served, turns wholly on the question of jurisdiction. Ifthe 
jurisdiction of Narragansett belonged to Rhode-Island, 
then these proceedings were illegal and void; and they 
were always regarded as such' by the Rhode-Island gov 
ernment. If it had belonged to Connecticut or Plymouth, 
the case would have been different. 

1661. Arrangements where made this year by the 
Rhode-Islanders, for commencing settlement of Squamicut 
or Westerly. [See Appendix.] 

Sept. 1661. Capt. Gookin and others, complaining to 
the Commissioners of the Colonies of the attempt of the 
Rhode-Islanders to settle at Squamicut, they write to 
Rhode-Island concerning it; and again in Sept. 1662, in 
which latter letter they mention the prohibition which had 
been sent to Westerly by Rhode-Island. [Haz. 2. 448, 
467, 486.1 

Sept. 1661. William Cheesebro and his sons complain 
to Massachusetts that Benedict Arnold Sen. Edward Dver, 


Capt. Cunigrave and people of Rhode-Island to the number 
of thirty-six, had laid claim to the lands of Southertown, East 
of Pawcatuck river, and laid out lots there. The Governor 
thereupon, Oct. 25th, issued a warrant to the constable of 
Southertown, upon which Tobias Sanders, Robert Burdet, 
and Joseph Clarke were arrested, Nov. 1.1661. Clarke 
was again set at liberty; the other two were examined at 
Boston, 1661 Nov.. 9, and committed for trial. They were 
afterwards tried and fined ,40, and imprisoned until they 
should pay the fine and find sureties of the peace. They 
complained to England of their treatment. [Ext. 1/149, 
182, 225.] 

1662. The Sachems Quissucquansh and Ninneganit, 
made a formal submission to Charles 2nd, and comfirm ed 
it in 1663. [St. Rec. 1638-70 app. p. 25.] 

Thomas Stanton, Sen. who had bought a tract in Niantic, 
of Hermon Garret, gives up his title before the Commis- 
sioners ofthe Colonies and throws himself on their generos- 
ity for a portion of it. [L. E. 2. 193.] 

April 23, 1662. Connecticut obtains a new charter, 
confirming to them the whole country granted in the Earl of 
Warwick's patent, of 1631, viz: 40 leagues on the shore 
West and South West from Narragansett River. 

The old Rhode-Island patent of 1643, it will be recollect- 
ed, also included the Narragansett country, and the dis- 
putes about the jurisdiction of this tract had been the cause of 
great disputes with Connecticut, and of occasional alterca- 
tions with Plymouth. The Indian power being now consider- 
ably weakened, and the white settlements increasing, this 
question was fast growing into importance. 

The Rhode-Islanders petitioned for anew charter, to in- 
clude Narragansett, and on a dispute between the Colony 
agents in England, Clarke and Winthrop, a reference was 
made to William Breereton, Robert Thomson, Capt. Richard 
Dean, Capt. John Brookhaven and Dr. Benjamin Worsely. 


They fixed on terms which were signed by them and the 
agents. April 7, 1663, as follows: 1st. That Pawcatuck River 
should be the boundary. 2nd. Quinebaug purchase to be- 
long wholly to Connecticut. 3rd. That the inhabitants 
around Smith's trading house should have free liberty to 
choose which Government they would belong to. (Accord- 
ingly, July 3rd, 1663, they made choice of Connecticut.) 
4th. Rights of property to be preserved. 

The charter of Rhode-Island, granted July 8, 1663, men- 
tions and confirms the first article of this agreement, and is 
wholly silent as to the others. This charter was received 
and read publicly before the people, and by them accepted 
in Nov. 1663. [St. Rec. M. H. C. 1. 216. Trumbull. See 
Report to the King on the Rhode-Island Boundary.] 

The charter of Connecticut, in consequence of this dis- 
pute and reference, had been called in by the King, and was 
not re-delivered until the difficulty was settled. [Letter of 
R. Williams.] 

April, 1662. Thomas Minor &c. of Southertown, com- 
plain to Massachusetts that Minor, his wife and son, had 
been assaulted and beaten April 21st, by an Indian, Samat- 
tock, at his fort, while passing through Narragansett. Sam- 
attock was required to make reparation. The Commission- 
ers of the Colonies afterwards took this affair up, arid or- 
dered that if Samattock did not make reparation, any of his 
men that could be found might be seized and sold. [Ext. 1. 
169, 176, Haz. 2. 462.] 

May, 1662. A complaint made to Massachusetts, that one 
John Ashcroft had broken open and robbed an Indian grave 
in Southertown, among other things of two chest locks, a 
bullet &c. [Ext. 1. 174.] 

May, 1662. A prohibition sent from Rhode-Island to the 
intruders at Squamicut. [Ext, 1. 179.} 

May, 1662. Rhode-Island General Court at Warwick. 
Peage having fallen very low, ordered that accounts shall 
hereafter be paid "in corant pay " [St. Rec.] 


May 7, 1662. The General Court of Massachusetts 
granted 8000 acres of land to Cashawasset, alias Hermon 
Garret and his Pequots, to be located by them in the Pequot 

Hermon Garret was also called Wequash, Wequash Cook, 
Wequash Cake, Cushawashe, &c. (Haz. 2. 465.) Nock- 
ewash Cook. (Haz. 2. 64, 66, 38, 302, 106, 152.) In all 
disputes, he generally sided with the English of Massachu- 
sett and Connecticut. It was testified before the Commis- 
sioners of the Colonies in 1662, that Garret's father was "a 
great Sachem and owner of land; and that Ninigret was the 
younger brother of said Sachem, and had married Hermon 
Garret's sister and succeeded to the Sachemdow, to the pre- 
judice of Hermon Garret, who was not of the whole blood. 
[Haz. 2. 464.] 

In September, 1655, the Commissioners of the colonies 
appointed Cashawasset Governor over the Pequots at Pa- 
quatuck and Weakapauge, and Robin Cassassinamon over 
the Pequots at Namyak and Nowpaug. Captain George 
Denison and Thomas Stanton were to assist them .in the 
government. This was continued for several years. (Haz. 
2. 334, 345, 359, 382-7, 447-9, 465.) In Sept. 1658, 
they requested that a quantity of land might be laid out by 
Connecticut to Hermon Garret, in Squamcot neck, on the 
east side of Pawcatuck river, and a tract for Robin near 
Mystic. [Haz. 2. 388, 435, 485.] 

It is believed that Connecticut did accordingly grant the 
land, but the King's Commissioners, in 1664-5, declared 
all their grants void. 

In 1699, there was a lawsuit before the Rhode-Island 
courts, between Joseph Garret, alias Wequash Cook, of 
Stoningtcn, (plaintiff,) and Anquawa,s alias Ninicraft, (de- 
fendant,) respecting a tract of land bounded West on Weak- 
apauge brook, East on the brook on which Joseph D well's 
mill stood, and South on sea. In this case a Peauot Indian 


called Ephraim, aged 66, testifies that when 5 years 
old, he had been taken a prisoner in war and carried to the 
wigwam of Momojoshuck, a great Indian Sachem, who had 
a great deal of land and lived about where Ninigret's fort 
was in 1699: that Momojoshuck had two sons, Wequash 
Cook and Hermon Garret: that Wequash Cook'died soon, 
and Hermon Garret succeeded as Sachem, and took his 
elder brother's name, and when he died he left the country 
to Catapazet, his eldest son; and that Joseph Garret, alias 
Wequash Cook, was eldest son of Catapazet, and then 
Sachem of the country. Robin Cassassinamon testified 
that the bounds of Hermon Garret alias Cashawasset's land 
began at Wecapaug, and thence Eastward to a brook on 
the East side of Ninigret's fort, called Yagunsk, and 
extended seven or eight miles into the country. Two an- 
cient Indians testified that the bounds of Catapazet's land 
had been as follows: From the sea side northerly by the 
East end of along pond near the beach, called Minabauge 
pond, thence to the West end of a small round swamp, called 
Tishcatuck,* which is north of the path that leads to the 
Bay; thence North to a great pond called Puscomattas, near 
the West end of a cedar swamp, thence across said pond to 
an island called Minacommuc, in said cedar swamp; thence 
to Acuntaug Brook, and by said brook through Achagom- 
iconset until the brook falls into the great river; and by the 
river downwards to Quequatage, near where Crandal's mill 
stood, (1681,) and so downwards until it comes to Neshun- 
ganeset brook, and so to;Ashawake river, which is the bound 
unto a place called Wawuttaquatuck, which is the North- 
West corner of the tract. How the lawsuit resulted is not 

In the report of the King's Commissioners, in 1683, (M. 
H. C. vol. 1 .) it is stated that James Noyes and others claim- 

*A farm in Westerly is still known by this name. 



ed lands in Nyantic, by grant from Hermon Garret and son. 
The Commissioners called them " pretended Sachems," and 
rejected the claims the lands having been possessed by 
Ninigret, beyond the memory of man. 

Aug. 22 1662. Date of Wanumachon's deed to Robert 
Stanton and George Gardner of a tract five miles long by one 
mile and a half wide, between the rivers Westototucket and 
Ashuniunck, or adjoining the Pettaquamscut purchase. This 
purchase was located between Beaver and Usquepaug riv- 
ers, and was commonly called Stanton's purchase. [L. E. 
1. 367.] 

Sept. 1662. John Treake and others complain to the Com- 
missioners of the Colonies that they had had a vessel cast 
away on Point Judith shore, which the Narragansetts had 
plundered and claimed as belonging to their Sachem. Nin- 
igret it seems had returned a part of the property. A mes- 
sage was sent to the Sachems about it to request return or 
reparation. [Haz. 2. 466.] 

Sept. 1663. The Commissioners of the Colonies received the 

following letter from England. 

Trusty and well beloved, we greet you well; whereas 
we have been given to understand by our good subjects, 
Thomas Chissick, John Scott, John Winthrop, Daniel Den- 
ison, Symon Bradstreet, Thomas Willet, Richard Smith, 
Edward Huchenson, John Alcock, William Hudson and 
their associates, having in the right of Major Ather- 
ton a just propriety in the Narragansett country in New 
England, by grants from the native inhabitants of that 
country; and being disirous to improve it into an English 
Colony and plantation to the enlarging of our empire and 
the common good of our subjects that are yet daily disturb- 
ed and unjustly molested in their possession, and laudable 
endeavors by certain unreasonable and turbulent spirits of 
Providence Colony in New England aforesaid, to the great 


scandal of justice and government, and the eminent dis- 
couragement of that hopeful plantation; we have therefore 
thought fit hereby effectually to recommend the said pro- 
prietors to your neighborly kindness and protection; willing 
you to be on all occasions assisting to them against such un- 
just\>ppressions and molestations, that so they may be se- 
cured in the full and peaceable enjoyment of their said 
country according to the right and*title they have to it ; where- 
in we will not doubt of your readiness and care, and shall OB 
all good occasions express how graciously we accept of your 
compliance, with this, our recommendation; and so we bid 
you farewell. 
Given at our court at Whitehall, June the 20th, 1663, in 

the 15th year of our reign. 

By his Majesty's Command. 


[Hazard, .2498.] 

July 10, 1663. Since the decision of the Commissioners 
in 1658, Connecticut had quietly yielded to Massachusetts 
the control of the Pequot country East of Pawcatuc river, 
but she now having obtained a new charter, again set up 
her claim to this tract and the whole Narragansett country, 
and appointed officers at Wickford. [Trumb. 1. 268. Haz. 
2. 397, 509.] 

An Act passed by Rhode-Island Assembly this year, to 
prevent illegal and clandestine purchases from the Indians, 
on penalty of forfeiture. [Printed Laws.] 

March, 1663-4. Rhode-Island Assembly. Edward Huch- 
inson, William Hudson, and others, intruders in Narragan- 
sett, ordered to be cited before the Assembly. The people 
of Warwick complaining against Pomham; the Governor is 
requested to try to settle the difference. The Governor is 
requested to write to Block Island to notify them that they 
are in our jurisdiction ; and James Sands appointed consta- 
ble and conservator of the peace there. The Governor is 
also requested to write to Connecticut about "the riotous 


actings done by the men of Southertowne" against one 
Babcock. The disputes between Connecticut and Rhode- 
Island about jurisdiction, had given rise to many riotous 
doings and quarrels between the supporters of the different 
sides. [St. Rec.] 

March 3, 1663-4. Massachusetts commissions Daniel 
Denison and Thomas Danforth to confer with the govern- 
ment of Rhode-Island abbut Block Island and the Pequot 
country. [Ext. 1. 236.] 

May, 1664. Assembly at Newport. R. Smith, Jr. Thom- 
as Gould, John Hix, and John Wood, who had been under 
bonds before, give new bonds for their appearance at the 
next session. These bonds were shortly after released, and 
the Governor requested to write to Smith to come to court. 
John Greene, Sen. of Aquidneesut, pardoned for his adher- 
ence to Connecticut. A number of freemen admitted from 
Block Island. [St. Rec.] 

Oct. 1664. Assembly at Newport. People authorized to 
vote by proxy. Voting in person at Newport was not final- 
ly abolished until Aug. 1760. John Clarke, Capt. John 
Greene, and Lieut. Joseph Torrey, a committee to confer 
with Connecticut and run the West line. A committee was 
appointed on the subject of the intruders into the Narragan- 
sett country, arid their erecting a government there, and 
upon the report ofthis committee, R. Smith, Sen. and Capt. 
William Hudson, ordered to be arrested and brought to 
Newport, or to give bonds to appear there. [St. Rec.] 

Connecticut appointed a committee this year to settle the 
boundary, instructing them however not to give up any of 
their charter limits. This was nearly the same as instruct- 
ing them to make no agreement at all. [Trumb. 1. 284.] 

The small pox this year swept away great numbers of the 
Massachusetts Indians. The disease was almost unknown 
among them bofore. [Hubb. N. E. 194.] 

Oct. 16G4. A tax of 600 assessed, viz: Neuport, 285; 


Providence, 100; Portsmouth, 100; Warwick, 80; Petta- 
quamscut, 20; Block Island, 15. 

Dec. 28, 1664. Scuttop makes a formal submission to the 
English government. (L. E. 2. 194.) This was procured 
by some of Atherton's company. 

This year the King appointed Col. Robert Nichols, Sir 
Robert Carr, George Cartwright, and Samuel Maverick, 
(Nichols to be always one during his life,) Commissioners 
to reduce the Dutch and settle all differences among the 
colonies. They were courteously received in their pro- 
gress through the colonies, and were attended by John 
Pynchon and Thomas Clark, on the part of Massachusetts, 
and Thomas Willet from Plymouth. The officers of Con- 
necticut and Gov. Winthrop also attended them. In Nich- 
ols' absence, the other three took the government of Nar- 
ragansett from both the colonies claiming it, and made it a 
separate Province, by the name of King's Province. Four- 
teen Justices appointed by them, continued in office there 
from March 20, 1664, to May 3, 1666. After that, they 
appointed the Governor and Assistants of Rhode-Island to 
be ex-officio Magistrates of the King's Province. They 
declared all the Massachusetts and Connecticut grant at 
Westerly void, and passed an order about Atherton's pur- 
chases all which see in Appendix. Nichols did, indeed, 
declare all these proceedings void, but no attention seems 
to have ever been paid to him. 

The Duke of Hamilton petitioned the King to obtain the 
country of which a patent had been granted to his father, in 
1635, and the King referred his claim to these commission- 
ers. The Hamilton family were not likely to obtain many 
favors at Court, having been almost always in opposition.* 

*The Commissioners had considerable difficulty in their proceedings in 
Massachusetts, and were very much disliked there. As to what became of 
them afterwards, see Huch. 251. M. M. 1664. After New-York was 
reduced, Col. Nichols lived there as Governor. 


[Trumb. St. 1638-70, p. 267. M. H. C. 1. 216, and also 
vol. 17. M. M. 314. N.] 

Jan. 19, 1664. Coginaquant's deed to Richard Knight and 
Henry Halls, of about two square miles, which they named 
Westerly Manor. (L. E. 1, , 405.) It joined the Petti- 
quamscut purchase, and was bounded on the East side from 
a place called Quamatucumpic Southward to a place called 
Chippachuack thence Westerly to a place called Quowa- 
chauk thence North to a place called Winatompic and 
from thence a strait line to the first bounds. This purchase 
was afterwards confirmed by the Asssembly, in 1708. Its 
bounds, as finally settled, appear to have been Usquepaug 
river on the West Pettiquamscut purchase on the East, 
and on the North, a tract of land which Lang, Boss, Wick- 
ham and others, purchased of the State's Committee, May 
17, 1710. 

1665. Connecticut and New Haven finally united. 

1666. A law of Rhode-Island to prevent the citizens of 
that colony from subjecting their lands to any other govern- 
ment. [Printed Laws.] 

This year, the Assembly send an Address to the King, 
together with an Address and a Statement of Reasons to 
Lord Chancellor Clarendon, in order to obtain the re-union 
of Narragansett to Rhode-Island. See Appendix. [St.Rec. 
1638-70. p. 302-6-11.] 

1667. The Governor and Council of Rhode-Island being 
informed of the suspicious conduct of Philip and his In- 
dians, order the Indians in Rhode-Island to be disarmed. 
They appointed a deputation from each of the four towns to 
treat with Mossup, Cachanaquant, and Ninicraft, concern- 
ing the rumors they had heard the meeting to be at War- 
wick, on Tuesday, May 28th. [Recs. of Gov. and Council.] 

1668. Connecticut appoints a committee to treat with 
Rhode-Island about the bounds, with power to reduce Nar- 
:JSarisett if they could not settle the matter peaceably. The 


committees met at New-London, but could not agree. The 
Connecticut committee then went into Narragansett, read 
the Connecticut charter at Wickford, and appointed officers 
there. [Trumb. 1, 334.] 

Sept. 1668. Massachusetts sends Richard Wayt, Capt. 
William Wright, and Samuel Mosely, to the Narragansett 
Sachems, to request them to appear at their General Court 
in October, and answer the complaints which John Viall and 
Capt. William Hudson had made against them, in behalf of 
the Narragansett purchasers. [Ext. 2, 42.] 

May, 1669. Assembly. Misquamicuck named Westerly, 
and incorporated. Another committee appointed to treat 
with Connecticut. [St. Rec. Printed Laws.] 

May 21, 1669. The Governor and Council of Rhode- 
Island appoint Samuel Wilson and Jireh Bull, Conservators 
of the Peace, at Pettaquamscut Richard Smith and Sam- 
uel Dyre around Smith's and Aquidnesuc, and John Cran- 
dal and Tobias Saunders at Misquamicut. Any three of 
them are empowered to try causes, where the value is not 
over 40 shillings, by ajury of six men two to be chosen by 
the freemen of each place an appeal to be allowed to the 
General Court of Tryals. Each of the three places were 
to choose one or more constables. Five of the Justices were 
to appoint the places for the courts, and a clerk or recorder. 
The one first named for each place , was to be coroner there, 
and to try his causes by a jury of twelve. They had power 
to bind over offenders, or commit them to the colony jail for 
trial. [Rec. of Gov. and Council.] 

July 12, 1669. Ninicraft complained of, for detaining 
some Indian servants of Thomas Torrey, of Block Island; 
and the Governor requested to write to him on the subject. 
July 20th. The Governor and Council issued a warrant to 
apprehend Ninicraft, on suspicion of an Indian plot seven 
of Philip's ancient men having been with him nine or ten 
days, without any reason. Thomas Waterman appointed to 


entertain Ninigret and his followers. Ninigret made his 
appearance, July 28. He stated that the Indians had had 
a great dance lately, which was a sort of invocation for a 
plentiful harvest. He said this report had been raised against 
him by a Long-Island Indian: that he had formerly taken 
captive their Sachem's daughter, and obliged them to pay 
him tribute. The Sachem and his daughter were now dead, 
and there had been some difficulty about paying the tribute, 
but they had lately paid it. Ninigret was dismissed with 
abundance of good advice. In August, Maussup and Nin- 
igret again appeared before the Couucil, by request, in 
consequence of a broil which had taken place between some 
Indians and English. [Rec. of Gov. and Council.] 

March 25, 1670. Commission from Rhode-Island to John 
Crandal, R. Smith, Samuel Dyre, Samuel Wilson and Jireh 
Bull, to be Conservators of the Peace in the King's Prov- 
ince. [St. Rec.] 

May, 1670. The Assembly appoints a committee to col- 
lect contributions for making a harbor at Block-Island. 
[St. Rec.] 

This year the Assembly made provisions for collecting a 
tax, from the record of which it appears that Pork was 3d. 
(2Jcts.) per lb.; Peas, 3s. 6d. (29J cts.) per bush. ; Wheat, 
os. (41 Jets.) per bush.; Wool, 12d (8 cts.) per lb. ; Butter, 
6d. (4J cts.) perlb. ; Corn, 3s. (25 cts.) per bush.; Oats, 
2s. 3d. (28J cts.) per bush., and that 40s. of the New-En- 
gland currency was equivalent to 30s English Sterling. In 
June of this year, a tax of 300. was laid, viz: Newport 
123; Providence, 51; Portsmouth, 51 ; Warwick, 32; Pet- 
taquamscut, 16, and Block-Island, 15. 

June, 1670. Another Committee, John Greene, Joseph 
Torrey and Robert Bayley, appointed by Rhode-Island to 
treat with Connecticut. John Clark and John Greene, ap- 
pointed to go to England and vindicate the colonies rights 
beforo the King. [St. Rec.] 


The appointed meeting of Committees did not take place. 
There were considerable troubles in Narragansett, about 
this time. The Connecticut people made an irruption over 
the line, and carried off John Crandal and other inhabitants, 
prisoners. The Governor and Council, in consequence, 
issued a warrant to James Barker, Lieut. Joseph Torrey 
and others, June 20, 1670, to repair to Narragansett, and 
if they found any exercising authority there under Con- 
necticut, to prohibit their proceedings, and to require 
Thomas Gould, Thomas Mumford, or any other constable . 
in Narragansett, to arrest and bring them before the Coun- 
cil. [Rec. of Gov. and Council.] 

1670. This year, Walter House was killed by Thomas 
Flounders, in an affray at Flounders' shop. An inquest 
was ordered, Flounders arrested, examined, committed, 
tried, convicted and executed. Lodowick Vandycke was 
one of the witnesses. Samuel Eldredge, who had attempt- 
ed to arrest House, under Connecticut authority, was com- 
mitted to jail. John Cole, of Narragansett, also committed 
for saying that he intended to be engaged to an office offered 
him by Connecticut. [Rec. of Gov. and Council.] 

1671. The Assembly in May, directed the Governor to 
hold a Court at Westerly and other places in Narragansett. 
In consequence of this order, May 16, 1671, a Court of 
Justices was held at Westerly. Present, John Clarke, 
Deputy Governor; Capt. John Cranston, John Coggeshall, 
James Barker, William Carpenter, Roger Williams, Lieut. 
John Albro, Capt. John Greene, Assistants; Richard Bailey, 
Secretary; Lieut. Joseph Torrey, General Attorney; James 
Rogers, General Sergeant. A warrant was issued to the 
constables of Westerly, to require the inhabitants to appear 
to-morrow at Court, at Tobias Saunders' house. Adjourned. 

May 17. John Randal having informed that James Bab- 
cock, (Constable,) had refused to execute the warrant, 


Henry Palmer, (General Constable,) ordered to arrest 

" The inhabitants of the town of Westerly being assem- 
bled, there was publicly read in Court, the address of the 
said town to the General Assembly, and their order there- 
upon for holding this court, after which his Majesty's Royal 
Charter, the agreement of the Agents, the Honorable Com- 
missioners' orders, and his Majesty's gracious letters were 

It seems that the Connecticut folks interrupted the con- 
stables some, in the execution of their orders. 

"Upon the consideration of a petition presented by the 
town of Westerly, it is ordered by the Court that the several 
inhabitants be called in to see how they stand as to their 
fidelity to his Majesty and this colony, viz: John Crandal, 
Tobias Sanders, Joseph Clarke, Robert Burdick, John Max- 
on, John Randal, Job Babcock, James Babcock, Jr., Thom- 
as Painter, Shubael Painter, Jeoffry Champlin, Sen., John 
Lewis, Richard S. Waite, John Mackoone, Richard Segar, 
George Lanpheare, Stephen Wilcox, Jonathan Armstrong, 
Nicholas Cotterill, Jr., Daniel Crumb, John Fairfield, Ed- 
ward Larking, all which persons did promise to stand to their 
engagement to his Majesty and this colony. But James 
Babcock, Sen., John Babcock, JeofFry Champlin, Jr. and 
Augustine Williams, being called, did not appear." May 
18, John Crandal and Tobias Sanders continued conserva- 
tors. James Babcock, Sen. and John Babcock appeared 
and took engagement to the colony. " The court adjourned 
to Pettaquamscut." 

May 18. The Court met by adjournment at Pettaquam- 
scut. Warrant issued to William Hefferman to warn the 
inhabitants of the plantation to attend Court to-morrow at 
Jireh Bull's house. 

May 19. cc The inhabitants being present, the Court was 
called, after which the Commission from the General 


Assembly for holding this Court, his Majesty's most gra* 
cious Charter and letters, as also the Commissioners' orders^ 
were publicly read; after which the inhabitants, viz: Mr. 
Jireh Bull, Mr. Samuel Wilson, Mr. John Porter, Thomas 
Mumford, John Tift, William Hefferman, Rouse Helmes, 
James Eldridge, Samuel Albro, Benjamin Gardiner, George 
Palmer, Stephen Northup, William Ayres, George Crofts, 
Enoch Plaice and Christopher Helmes,. did give their en- 
gagement for their allegiance to his Majesty and fidelity to 
this colony. 

The inhabitants being engaged, were ordered to choose a 
constable for their plantation, and accordingly chose Robert 
Croffts, who engaged. Mr. William Hefferman was chosen 
and engaged to the office and place of a conservator of the 
peace in joint commission with Mr. Samuel Wilson and Mr. 
Jireh Bull. The inhabitants, also by leave from the Court, 
chose Mr. Jireh Bull, Lieutenant, and Mr. Hefferman, 
Clerk. The Court adjourned to Mr. Thomas Gould's, at 

May 19. Court held at Acquedneset. Adjourned to to- 

May 20. " The persons inhabiting here, being called to 
give their engagement, and desiring to know whether or no 
this Court, on behalf of the colony, do lay any claim to their 
possessions which they now inhabit, which persons were 
Mr. Samuel Dyre, Robert Spinke, Lieut. Robert Westcott, 
John Greene, George Wightman, Mr. Thomas Gould, Hen- 
ry Tibbits, Daniel Gould, James Reinolds, Samuel Waite, 
John Briggs, John Andrew, Thomas Waterman, to which 
demand this present Court do return unanimously this an- 
swer: That on behalf of the colony, this Court do not lay 
any claim to their possessions which they now inhabit. 

These are the persons engaged at Acquedneset by the 
Court: Mr. Thomas Gould, Mr. Samuel Dyre, Mr. Jamea 
Reinolds, John Sweet, Sen,, John Andrew, Henry Tibbits, 


Samuel Waite, William Downing, Henry Greene, John 
Pratt, John Briggs, John Greene, George Browne, William 
Helmes, Daniel Greene, George Wightman, Robert West- 
cott, Robert Spinke, Samuel Pratt, Lodowick Updike, 
Richard Updike." The freemen chose James Reinolds, 
constable, and Thomas Gould, conservator, in joint com- 
mission with Richard Smith and Samuel Dyre, engaged. 
The inhabitants chose Thomas Gould, Lieutenant, and 
John Briggs, Clerk. [Rec. of Gov. and Council.] 

Sept. 1671. The Assembly made an order that perrons 
owning large tracts of land in Narragansett, shall sell it out 
to persons in want of it. [St. Rec.] 

Jan. 1, 1672. Devil's foot on Fones' Purchase. Awash- 
owat's deed to John Greene, Thomas Waterman, John An- 
drew, Henry Tibbits, John Briggs and John Fones, SLC. of a 
tract North of the Devil's Foot, (L. E. 2. 189 N. K. Rec. 
2. 54,) bounded from John Andrew's house by the road to 
the Devil's Foot thence strait over river Passatuthonsee, 
to a rock thence strait North io a river running into Mask- 
achaug cove, and along said river to Ward's cove thence 
along road, South-east to Potowome river, as high as salt 
water, and thence strait to Andrew's house. 

In 1677, Fones' purchase was confirmed by the Assem- 
bly, to the then 24 partners, with a proviso not to interfere 
with East Greenwich, or any prior grants, and with a res- 
ervation of one-third of the purchase for the use of the col- 
ony. [St. Rec.] 

October, 1672. Block Island made a town by the name 
of New-Shoreham, and a charter granted them. 

April, 1672. Assembly. Reference is made in a law 
(See law in appendix) passed this session to the late irruption 
of the Stonington men into Westerly, and imprisoning and 
sentencing to other punishments, some of the inhabitants 
there. The law declares the lands of all those who shall 
submit to any foreign jurisdiction, forfeited, A Committee 


was appointed to select proper places for settlements in ]Nar- 
ragansett, and purchase them of the Indians. 

R. Smith, F. Brinley, John Easton, John Sanford, R. 
Williams, Randal Holden and Jireh Bull, appointed a Com- 
mittee to treat with Connecticut. [St. Rec. See App.] 

June 25, 1672. There being a War with the Dutch, the 
Governor and Council empower R. Smith to put Kings 
Province in a state of defence. [Rec. of Gov. and Council.] 

Oct. 30, 1672. An Act passed by the Assembly, confirm- 
ing Atherton's company in their titles, and exempting them 
from the Act of 1657, and the other acts which had declared 
their estates forfeited, as being purchased without the colo- 
ny's consent. There was a proviso in the act that it should 
not interfere with the lawful claims of other persons. 
[St. Rec.] 

Besides the direct purchases Atherton & Co. had made, 
they had obtained large tracts, by paying a mortgage which 
the Indians had made to the Commissioners of the Colonies, 
and taking a mortgage in their own name. This Act of 1672 
was interpreted in 1708, not to extend to the mortgage land, 
probably because the first mortgage was made to a foreign 
jurisdiction, and was therefore void. 

In the early times of the colony, the troubles about the 
Narragansett country, probably formed one of the princi- 
ple subjects of party warfare. This year, R. Smith and 
Francis Brinley were elected among the assistants, and 
were probably the promoters of the above law. 

1672. A conveyance from George Denison to Simon 
Lynde, of 300 acres in Wecapaug neck or Muxqutah; boun- 
ded West by a pond and land of Harvard College, reference 
to the Massachusetts Records for the original grant. [L. 
E. 2. 204.] 

May, 1673. Assembly appointed a Committee to treat 
with Maussup, Ninigret and other Indian Sachems, to pre- 
vent drunkenness among the Indians; the meeting to be at 
Newport, June 24th. 


Oct. 1673. An Indian being to be tried for murdering 
an Indian, ordered that the Jury be half Indians and half 
Whites, and Indians allowed to testify. [St. Rec.] 

1674, Kingstown Incorporated. The Act of Incorpora- 
tion may be found among the old printed laws. The follow- 
ing act of the Assembly was passed at a session held the 
latter part of October this year at Newport. 

" By the King's authority, in this Assembly, it is approv- 
ed, the General Councils acts, in obstructing Coneticott 
colony from using jurisdiction in the Narragansett Country, 
and the councills establishing a Townshipp there, and call- 
ing it King's Towne, with liberty as hath been granted to 
New-Shoreham. And that the charges of our councill re- 
pairing thither, not exceeding fifty shillings for every time, 
shall be paid out of the General Treasury. And that fu- 
turely it shall be lawful to summons as many of our inhabi- 
tants as they see cause, to attend at Narragansett, to oppose 
Conetticott from using jurisdiction there; but not in any 
hostile manner, or to kill, or hurt any person. And further 
be it enacted, that the Governor or deputy-governor, and 
the major part ofthe major part ofthe Magistrates on Rhode- 
Island, as they see cause, may send letters or messengers, 
to New-York Governor, concerninge such business, and the 
charges not exceeding tenn pounds, to be paid out of the 
General Treasury." 

May I, 1675. Canonicus (formerly called Maussup) 
sells Conockonoquit''or Rose-Island, to Peleg Sanford of 
Newport. [L. E. 1. 103.] 


1675. Massassoit, the chief of the Wampanoags, whose 
residence was at Pokanoket, had been succeeded by his eld- 
ost son Alexander, and he a few years after by his brother 
Metacom or Philip. Philip was an able and enterprising 
rliicl. He doubtless saw with jealousy the rapid progress 
^ the English in his country, and his great and constant 


object seems to have been, tbe formation of a league of all 
the Indian tribes against these for.eign inhabitants. These 
tribes had been so long at enmity with each other, that to 
produce a union among them, required great skill and saga- 
city; and the event shows Philip to have been possessed of 
these qualities. He succeeded in obtaining a close alliance 
of all the neighboring Indians, and the spring of 1676 was 
fixed upon as the commencement of the undertaking. The 
Narragansetts had promised, it is said, to join him with their 
chief strength, amounting to 4000 warriors. 

One of Philip's subjects, Sausamon, having treacherously 
given information to the English of his movements, was 
seized andsput to death, as was said, by Philip's order. 
Those who put him to death, were seized, condemned and 
executed by the English. This deed, with other minor con- 
curring circumstances, seems to have so exasperated the 
Wampanoags, that they could no longer be restrained. 
The war thus breaking out before the time agreed upon, 
Philip was taken at a disadvantage, and soon after the com- 
mencement of hostilities, abandoned Mount Hope. 

Philip, when preparing for war, had sent all the women 
and children of his tribe to the Narragansetts, who received 
and protected them. Knowing this, and fearing that the 
Narragansetts would rise and join Philip, Massachusetts 
proceeded to take measures which could only be justified 
by the greatest necessity. According to orders received 
from home, the Massachusetts forces, consisting of a troop 
of infantry and a troop of horse, set out July 5th, 1675, for 

They found the northern parts of Narragansett almost 
entirely deserted. On the 15th July, they forced four of 
the Narragansetts, whom they met, to conclude a peace in 
the name of the whole Narragansett tribe, which they very 
reluctantly did after four days treating, finding that the only 
alternative for them was open war. (For treaty, see Appen- 
dix.) The army then returned. 


About the middle of September, Ninigret being required 
to come to Boston to treat concerning the delivery of the 
squaw Sachem, and Capt. Smith offering himself as a host- 
age for his safety, he being very aged, sent his son thither; 
but Ninigret on his return, refused to confirm the agreements 
which he had made. (D.) Still, October 18th, a confirma- 
tion of the former treaty was effected at Boston, for which 
see Appendix. 

This war seems to have been conducted with more than 
usual cruelty. It was no doubt (and justly so) considered 
the final struggle, which was to be decisive of the fate of 
the parties. An instance is related by Capt. Church, of 
about 120 Indians who had surrendered themselves to Capt. 
Eels and Ralph Earl, on a pledge of protection. The gov- 
ernment disregarding the pledge, carried them to Plymouth, 
sold and transported them all. [Church. 52.] 

The Narragansetts, who since the death of the great 
Sachems had been considerably divided, were now proba- 
bly more closely united by a sense of danger. The Sachem 
Canonchet, son of Meantinomy, appears to have taken the 
lead. Pornham, too, had agreed to forget his old quarrels 
and join the common cause. [Haz. 2, 222.] 

Many of Philip's friends, (and among others, Wetamoe, 
squaw Sachem of the Pocassets,) had fled to the Narragan- 
setts, both before and after the treaty, and it was said that 
many of the Narragansetts had fought for Philip in his bat- 
tles. Notwithstanding the promises the English had forced 
them to make, they still delayed delivering up the hostile 
Indians. The Commissioners of the colonies determined 
that matters should not remain in this middle state, Novem- 
ber 2, 1675, ordered 1000 men to be raised for an expedition 
against this tribe. Gov. Josiah Winslow was appointed 
commander in chief. The second in command was to be 
from Connecticut, (which according to their claim included 
Narragansett in its jurisdiction } The Connecticut soldiers 


were to rendezvous at Norwich, Stonington and New-Lon- 
don: the Massachusetts and Plymouth forces at Providence, 
Warwick, and Rehoboth. December 2d was appointed for 
a fast day. Massachusetts and Plymouth sent 700 foot and 
200 horse. There were six Massachusetts companies under 
Capts. Mosely, Davenport, Gardner, Oliver, Johnson, and 
Maj. Appleton, who commanded the whole: two Plymouth 
companies under Maj. William Bradford, and Capt. Gor- 
ham. Connecticut sent 300 foot and 100 horse, in five com- 
panies, commanded by Maj. Treat, andunderhim by Capts. 
Siely, Gallop, Mason, Watts and Marshall. 

The order or manifesto which preceded the war, is as fol- 

" At a meeting of the Commissioners of the United Col- 
onies, by adjournment, in Boston, Nov. 2, 1675. 

" Forasmuch as the Narragansett Indians are deeply ac- 
cessary in the present bloody outrages of the barbarous 
natives that are in open hostility with the English; this 
appearing by their harboring the actors thereof, relieving 
and succouring their women and children and wounded men, 
and detaining them in their custody, notwithstanding the 
covenant made by their Sachems to deliver them to the 
English; and as is credibly reported, they have killed and 
taken away many cattle from the English, their neighbors, 
and did for some days seize and keep under a strong guard 
Mr Smith's house and family; and at the news of the sad 
and lamentable mischief that the Indians did unto the Eng- 
lish at or near Hadley, did in a very reproachful and blas- 
phemous manner, triumph and rejoice thereat. 

"The Commissioners do agree and determine, that be- 
sides the number of soldiers formerly agreed upon to be 
raised, and to be in constant readiness for the use of the 
country, there shall be 1000 more raised and furnished with 
arms and provisions of all sorts, to be at one hour's warning 
for the public service; the said soldiers to be raised in like 


proportions in each colony as the former were. Also they 
do agree, that A. B. shall be commander in chief over the 
said soldiers, and that the said A. B. shall with the said sol- 
diers, march into the Narragansett's country, and in case 
they be not prevented by the Narragansett Sachems' actual 
performance of their covenants made with the commission- 
ers; by delivering up those of our enemies that are in their 
custody, as also making reparations for all damages sus- 
tained by their neglect hitherto, together with security for 
their further fidelity, then to endeavor the compelling of 
them thereunto, by the best means they may or can, or to 
proceed against them as our enemies. 


[FromHaz. 2, 531.] 

As to the first of the reasons here given, we will remark, 
that good proof ought to have been required of the intentions 
of the Narragansetts to join the enemy, before a war could 
be justified against them. Something is however to be al- 
lowed for the critical situation of the colonists. The charge 
of their not having delivered up the women and children who 
had fled to them for protection, to the mercy of the Commis- 
sioners, (i. e. to be sold and transported into slavery) is a 
credit to their humanity. It was in strict accordance with 
their notions of honor. The next reason, a report that they 
had killed and carried offsome cattle from the English, might 
do very well as a reason for a war between two petty savage 
tribes, but does not sound quite so well in a declaration of 
war, by a people claiming to be civilized. Another reason 
is, that they had seized and kept possession of Smith's house 
for some days. They had indeed seized it, but left it again 
after a few days, without doing any injury of consequence 


The last reason is a strange one; the Indians it seems had 
rejoiced at the success of their friends ! How improper ! 
Probably if the Indians had had their festival in the shape 
of a fast or a thanksgiving, their opponents would not have 
been offended. 

The Massachusetts General Court previous to the .expe- 
dition, passed a set of " Laws and Ordinances of War;" the 
first of which was, that no man should blaspheme the Trinity 
on pain of having his tongue bored with a hot iron. [Huch. 
1. 297.] 

The Massachusetts and Plymouth forces marched to 
Smith's house, and there made their head quarters. Capt. 
Church, who had joined Winslow as a volunteer, having re- 
fused the offer of a company, going before the army in com- 
pany with Major Smith, arrived at Smith's house on the 
evening of Dec. 11, 1675. Capt. Church immediately pro- 
posed to some of the Eldridges and others he met there, to 
attempt to surprise some of the enemy. They readily com- .* 
plied, and being favored by a clear tho' cold night, captured 
eighteen of the enemy, and returning by sunrise, presented 
them to Gen. Winslow, who had already arrived. The Gen- 
eral sent two of the boys as a present to Boston. Gen. 
Winslow on his march, had attempted to surprise Pomham's 
village at Warwick, but the Indians being aware of his ap- 
proach, principally made their escape. Thirty-six of the 
inhabitants were however captured by Capt. Mosely, and 
the village was destroyed by Capt. Prentice. [Church.] 

The Connecticut forces, on their way, captured several of 
the Indians. They went to Bull's house in Pettiquamscut, 
(on Tower Hill) and found that the Indians had made an at- 
tack on it a few nights before; burnt the house and killed 
ten men and five women and children; but two escaping. 
[Hubb.J. W.] 

On Dec. 14th, Sergeant Bennet being sent out from 
Smith's with several men, killed one man and one woman, 


and look (bur prisoners, and returned by 1 o'clock. In the 
afternoon, a company was sent out into the country, where 
they burnt 150 Wigwams, killed seven and took eight of 
the enemy captive. The day after this the English lost sev- 
eral men who were cut off by the Indians while straggling 
about. [Hubb.] 

Dec. 16. Capt. Prentice and his troop being sent to Pet- 
tiquamscut, returned with the news of Bull's house being 
burnt. [Hubb.] 

Dec, 17. Sold Capt. Davenport 47 Indians for 80. 

On Saturday, Dec. 18th or 19th, 1675, the whole army 
being united, marched from Maj. Smith's, through the snow 
and in cold and stormy weather, towards an Indian village 
of considerable size about four miles from Smith's, but 
found no Indians there. They found a quantity of Indian 
corn concealed there, which was conveyed to the garrison. 
Continuing their march through the country of the old 
Squaw Queen,* in the afternoon they met with an Indian 
named Peter, who refusing to answer their questions, was 
ordered to be hanged; and to save his life, offered to guide 
them to where the Indians were. [D.] 

(Church does not mention the date. Huchinson says, 
they marched from Smith's, Dec. 18; lay out all night at 
Pettiquamscut, and marching again at 5 o'clock on Sunday, 
Dec. 19, come to the fort about noon.) 

*There tire the remains of an Indian Fort still known by the name of 
Queen's Fort, near the line between North Kingstown and Exeter. It is 
on the sumrnit of a high hill completely covered with rocks, and the fort ap- 
pears to have been surrounded with a strong stone wall. There is a hollow 
in the rock, which has been always known as the Queen's bedroom, and a 
large room, the entrance of which is nearly concealed, and which is sup- 
posed from tradition, to have been a hiding place for the Indians, arid in 
which arrows &c. have been often found. It stands on land now owned 
hy the Northups, formerly by the Wilkics/and is sometimes called the Wilky 


In the march, Capts. Mosely and Davenport led the van: 
Maj. Appleton and Capt. Oliver followed: Gen. Winslow 
and the Plymouth forces held the centre, and the Connec- 
ticut forces brought up the rear. [Hub.] 

The fort of the Indians, where the battle took place, was 
a piece of five or six acres of upland, in the middle of a 
swamp which had but one principal entrance. The sides of 
the fort were surrounded by palisadoes stuck upright on a 
hedge, of about a rod in thickness. The place where the 
Indians usually entered, was on a long tree over a place of 
water, but there was one place besides this where there was 
an easy entrance along a tree, and directly opposite this 
they had erected a block house to defend the passage. 

The severity of the season must have been of considera- 
ble advantage to the English; the freezing of the swamp, 
thus rendering it much easier of access than it could have 
been at any other season. 

The English arrived in the neighborhood of the fort about 
noon of Sunday, and seeing some Indians about the swamp, 
fired. upon them. The Indians returned the fire, and then 
retreated into the fort. The English following close upon 
them, were thus brought to the entrance of the fort, which 
otherwise they could hardly have discovered. The Indians, 
as-reported by the soldiers afterwards, were just preparing 
their dinner, Those of the English who entered first, had 
to sustain a heavy fire from the block house. Capt. John- 
son was shot dead while on the tree, and Capt. Davenport 
just after he had passed it; and the foremost were obliged 
to give back for a while and recline upon the ground, until 
they thought the force of the enemy's fire was spent. As 
soon as a sufficient number of the English had entered, 
they advanced in a body, driving the Indians before them, 
until at last they were all driven into the swamp, leaving 
numbers of their tribe dead in the fort.. The English hav- 
ing thus got the advantage, set fire to the wigwams, of 


which there were about 5 or 600 in the fort, which were all 
burned with the provisions they contained, and probably a 
number of women and children. Philip was said to have 
been among the Indians at the fort. (Huch. 1 , 305.) Many 
of the Indians who escaped the battle, were obliged to hide 
themselves in a cedar swamp not far off, during the night. 
Potock, one of the principal men of the Narragansetts, who 
was afterwards taken at Rhode-Island and put to death at 
Boston, said that the Indians lost 700 fighting men that day, 
besides those who perished in the flames, and 300 that died 
of their wounds. But by better accounts afterwards re- 
ceived, the loss of the Indians was found to be about one 
half the above stated. (Huch. 1, 300. D.) Church's ac- 
count (pp. 57-62) of his share in the battle being interest- 
ing, we will quote it at length, as it was published by his son. 
"Their next move was to a swamp, which the Indians 
had fortified with a fort. Mr. Church rode in the General's 
guard when the bloody engagement began. But being im- 
patient of being out of the heat of the action, importunately 
begged leave of the General, that he might run down to 
the assistance of his friend's. The General yielded to his 
request, provided he could rally some hands to go with him. 
Thirty men immediately drew out and followed him. They 
entered the swamp, and passed over the log, that was the 
passage into the fort, where they saw many men and sev- 
eral valiant Captains lie slain. Mr. Church spying Captain 
Gardner of Salem, amidst the wigwarns in the east end of 
the fort, made towards him; but on a sudden, while they 
were looking each other in the face, Captain Gardner set- 
tled down. Mr. Church stepped to him, and seeing the 
blood run down his cheek, lifted up his cap, and calling him 
by his name, he looked up in his face but spake not a word; 
being mortally shot through the head. And observing IMS 
wound, Mr. Church found the ball entered his head on the 
.side that was next the upland, where the English entered 


the swamp. Upon which, having ordered some care to be 
taken of the Captain, he despatched information to the Gen- 
eral, that the best and forwardest of his army, that hazard- 
ed their lives to enter the fort upon the muzzles of the ene- 
my's guns, were shot in their backs, and killed by them 
that lay behind. Mr. Church with his small company, 
hastened out of the fort (that the English were now pos- 
sessed of) to get a shot at the Indians that were in the 
swamp, and kept firing upon them. He soon met with a 
broad and bloody track where the enemy had fled with their 
wounded men. Following hard in the track, he soon spied 
one of the enemy, who clapped his gun across his breast, 
made towards Mr. Church, and beckoned to Jiim with his 
hand. Mr. Church immediately commanded no man to hurt 
him, hoping by him to have gained some intelligence of 
the enemy, that might be of advantage ; But it unhappily 
fell out, that a fellow that had lagged behind, ^coming up, 
shot down the Indian, to Mr. Church's great grief and dis- 
appointment.* But immediately they heard a great shout 
of the enemy, which seemed to be behind them or between 
them and the fort; and discovered them running from tree 
to tree to gain the advantages of firing upon the English 
that were in the fort. Mr. Church's great difficulty now 
was, how to discover himself to his friends in the fort ; using 
several inventions, till at length he gained an opportunity 
to call to, and informed a Sergeant in the fort, that he was 
there and might be exposed to their shots, unless they ob- 
served it. By this time he discovered a number of the en- 
emy, almost within shot of him, making towards the fort.' 
Mr. Church and his company were favored by a heap of 
brush that was between them and the enemy, and prevented 
their being discovered to them. Mr. Church had given his 
men their particular orders for firing upon the enemy. And 
as they were rising up to make their shot, the aforemen- 
tioned Sergeant in the fort, called out to them, for God's 


.sake not to fire, for he believed they were some of their 
friend Indians. They clapped down again, but were soon 
sensible of theSergeant's mistake. The enemy got to the 
top of the tree, the body whereof the Sergeant stood upon, 
and there clapped down out of sight of the fort; but all this 
while never discovered Mr. Church, who observed them to 
keep gathering unto that place until there seemed to be a 
formidable black heap of them. "Now brave boys," said 
Mr. Church to his men, " if we mind our hits we may have 
a brave shot, and let our sign for firing on them, be their 
rising to fire into the fort." It was not long before the In- 
dians rising up as one body, designing to pour a volley into 
the fort, when our Church nimbly started up, and gave 
them such a round volley, and unexpected clap on their backs 
that they, who escaped with their lives, were so surprised, 
that they scampered, they knew not whither themselves. 
About a dozen of them ran right over the log into the fort, 
and took into a sort of hovel that was built with poles, after 
the manner of a corn crib. Mr. Church's men having their 
cartridges fixed, were soon ready to obey his orders, which 
were immediately to charge and run [ ]* upon the hovel 
and overset it; calling as he ran on, to some that were in 
the fort, to assist him in oversetting it. They no sooner 
came to face the enemy's shelter, but Mr. Church discov- 
ered that one of them had found a hole to point his gun 
through right at him. But however [he] encouraged his 
company, and ran right on, till he was struck with three 
bullets; one in his thigh, which was near half cut off as 
it glanced on the joint of his hipbone; another through 
the gatherings of his breeches and drawers, with a small 
flesh wound; a third pierced his pocket, and wounded a 
pair of mittens that he had borrowed of Captain Prentice; 
being wrapped up together, had the misfortune of having 
many holes cut through them with one bullet. But howev- 
er he made shift to keep on his legs, and nimbly discharged 



his gun at them that had wounded him. Being disabled now 
to go a step, his men would have carried him off, but he for- 
bid their touching of him, until they had perfected their 
project of oversetting the enemy's shelter; bid them run, 
for now the Indians had no guns charged. While he was 
urging them to run on, the Indians began to shoot arrows, 
and with one pierced through the arm of an Englishman 
that had hold of Mr. Church's arm to support him. The 
English, in short, were discouraged and drew back. And 
by this time, the English people in the fort had began to set 
fire to the wigwams and houses in the fort, which Mr. 
Church labored hard to prevent. They told him [that] they 
had orders from the General to burn them. He begged them 
to forbear until he had discoursed with the General. And 
hastening to him, he begged to spare the wigwams, &c. in 
the fort from fire. [And] told him [that] the wigwams were 
musket proof, being all lined with baskets and tubs of grain 
and other provisions, sufficient to supply the whole army, 
until the spring of the year, and every wounded man might 
h&Ve a good warm house to lodge in, who otherwise would 
necessarily perish with the storms and the cold, and more- 
over that the army had no other provisions to trust unto or 
depend upon; that he knew that the Plymouth forces had 
not so much as one [biscuit]* left, for he had seen their last 
dealt out, &c. The General advising a few words with the 
gentlemen that were about him, moved towards the fort, 
designing to ride in himself and bring in the whole army; 
but just as he was entering the swamp, one of his Captains 
rget him, and asked him whither he was going? He told 
Ijim "Into the fort." The Captain laid hold of his horse 
and told him [that] his life was worth an hundred of theirs, 
and [that] he should not expose himself. The General told 
him, that, he supposed the brunt was over, and that Mr. 
Church had informed him that the fort was taken, Sec,; and 



as the case was circumstanced, he was of the mind, that it 
was most practicable for him and his army to shelter them- 
selves in the fort. The Captain in a great heat replied, 
that Church lied; and told the General, that if he moved 
another step towards the fort, he would shoot his horse un- 
der him. Then [bristled]* up another gentleman, a certain 
i)octor, and opposed Mr. Church's advice, and said, [that] 
if it were complied with, it would kill more men -than the 
enemy had killed. " For (said he) by tomorrow, the wound- 
ed men will be so stiff, that there will be no moving of them. ' ' 
And looking upon Mr. Church, and seeing the blood flow 
apace from his wounds, told him that if he gave such advice 
as that was, he should bleed to death like a dog, before they 
would endeavour to stanch his blood. Though after they 
had prevailed against his advice they were sufficiently kind 
to him." 

Above 80 of the English were slain, and 150 wounded, 
who afterwards recovered. 

killed. wounded. 

Massachusetts, 30 79 

Connecticut, 71 

Plymouth, 27 

Of the Captains, Davenport, Gardner, Johnson, Gallop 
and Marshall were killed. Siely died of his wound after the 
battle. Leiut. Upham, of the Massachusetts forces, died 
afterwards of his wounds. 

Captains Bradford, Mason and White, and Lieut's. Up- 
ham, Savage, Tings and Swan were wounded. [D. and 

The principal part of those wounded in the battle, were 
afterwards conveyed to Rhode-Island, where they were ta- 
ken care of until the greater part of them recovered . Eight 
of them died there. [Huch. 1. 301.] 

Huchinson states that when they left the fort, they had 


about 210 dead and wounded. They left 8 dead in the fort, 
and brought 12 with them. December 20, they buried 34 
in one grave, and 6 more in a day or two after. Eight died 
at Rhode-Island, one at Pettaquamscut, and two were lost 
in the woods. [301.] 

Such was the conclusion of the fight; after which the En- 
glish marched back again to Smith's house, their quarters, 
where as beforementioned they buried near the house those 
who had been killed in the battle, and several who hadAied 
of their wounds,* on the march home, from exposure tthe 
storm and cold. The army must have suffered extremely 
from want, if fortunately Capt. Andrew Belcher had not ar- 
rived that very night at Smith's, with a vessel laden with 
provisions sent from Boston. 

Such was the severity of the season, that it is said that if 

* They were buried together to the number of about 40, and an apple-tree 
whicb grew on the spot afterwards, was called the grave apple-tree, from 
this circumstance. It was blown down in the gale of Sept. 1815. 

Davis, in a note to Morton, (433) thinks the swamp must have been 
seventeen miles from the south Ferry instead of seven as Church relates; else, 
says he, how could the march back have been so long? The army per- 
haps from a desire to avoid wandering parties of Indians, took a rather crook- 
ed route. The land is now owned by J. G. Clarke Esq., and altho' the 
appearance of the country is much changed since 1675, yet the spot is well 
marked by tradition, and sometime ago the father of the present proprietor 
ploughed up quantities of parched corn there, the remains of the fight. Dutch 
spoons have also been found there, and bullets cut out of the trees. About 
sixty years ago the fort was covered with heavy timber, but is now clear. 
There is a tradition in the neighborhood that the English army drew up pre- 
paratory to the attack on the rising ground in front of Judge William Mar- 
chant's house and that they entered the fort from that direction. The en- 
trance into the fort was over trees felled with the tops outward, so that it 
was much easier to pass out of the fort than into it over them. It is said 
that the departure of the army from the fort was hurried by a report that 
the Indians were gathered in large numbers in the neighborhood, and inten- 
ded to renew the battle, and that in their march back to Wickford, they 
went by the way of Me Sparran Hill 


the English, instead of returning to Smith's, had kept pos- 
sesssion of the fort, great numbers of the Indians would have 
been obliged to surrender or to perish of hunger. The In- 
dians had probably collected their principal stores of pro- 
visions in the fort. 

This was the principal action of the war, although there 
was afterwards considerable skirmishing, burning of villages 
&c. It was estimated that besides the wigwams burned in 
the fort, 200 were burned in other parts of Narragansett. 
Gen. Winslow with the Plymouth and Massachusetts forces, 
remained in Narragansett the greater part of the winter, 
and when they departed, left a garrison of sixty men at 
Smith's. The Connecticut forces being much injured, re- 
turned homeward, and on their way took or killed thirty of 
the enemy. [Hubb. 1. W. 130. D.] 

After the battle, the Indians seem to have retired north- 
ward towards the Nipmuc country and Wachusett, and there 
kept up the war a while longer. 

During the war, the Rhode-Islanders, although they had 
taken no part in it, were mostly obliged to retire to Aquid- 
neck for safety. The following extract of a letter from 
Samuel Hubbard of Newport, to Dr. Stennet of London; 
dated Nov. 29, 1676, relates to these circumstances. [Back- 
us, 1. 419, 433.] 

" And for the other side, over against us on the main, 
which once was ours, and is, I judge, by charter, many are 
killed by the Indians; the rest came to us with what they 
could bring. Connecticut army, Plymouth and Bay armies, 
being there, wasted very much; when they left it, the In- 
dians burnt near all that was left. In the beginning of these 
troubles of the wars, Lieut. Joseph Torrey, Elder of Mr. 
Clarke's Church, having but one daughter living at Squam- 
icut, and his wife being there, he said unto me come let us 
send a boat to Squamicut, my all is there and part of yours. 
We sent a boat, so as his wife and daughter and son-in-law 

and all their children, and my two daughters and their chil- 
dren (one had eight, the other three, with an apprentice 
boy) all came, and brother John Crandal and his family, 
with as many others as could possibly come. My son Clarke 
came afterwards, before winter, and my other daughter's 
husband came in the spring, and they have all been at my 
house to this day." 

The opinion then entertained in Rhode-Island of the justice 
of the war, may be gathered from the following extract from 
a letter of the General Assembly of Rhode-Island, to Con- 
necticut. Newport, Oct. 25, 1676. (M. H. C. 17. 110.) 
" We are very apt to believe that if matters come to a just 
enquiry concerning the cause of the war, that our Narragan- 
sett Sachems which were subjects to his Majesty, and by 
his aforesaid Commissioners, taken into protection, and put 
under our government, and to us at all times, manifested 
their submission by appearing when sent for, (a probable 
omission here) neither was there any manifestation of war 
against us from them, till by the United colonies, they were 
forced to war or such submission as it seems they could not 
subject to, thereby involving us in such hazards, charge 
and losses which have fallen upon us in our out plantations, 
that no colony have received the like, considering our num- 
ber of people." 

Hubbard relates on the authority of Thomas Stanton and 
his son Robert, that before this war, the Narragansetts could 
raise 2000 fighting men, and had 900 sets of arms. 

On the 27th, Dec. Capt. Prentice was sent into Pomham's 
country, where he burnt near a hundred wigwams but found 
no Indians. Pomham himself was afterwards killed near 
Dedham, in Massachusetts. 

Jan. 21st, Capt. Prentice's troop being abroad, took two 
prisoners, and killed nine of the enemy. 

Rhode-Island, after the example of the other colonies, 
sold many of their Indian captives; but it was not for life, 


but for a term of y ears, according to the circumstances of 

the case. 

After the swamp fight, Major Gookin engaged a couple of 
Indian spies, who went out into the Nipmuc country, and 
brought back word that the Narragansetts were now going 
to join Philip openly, and that they would soon make an at- 
tack on Lancaster. Their names were Job Katenannit and 
James Quannapohit, alias Quanapaug. [1. M. H. C. 6. 
205-6-7-8. Hubb. I. W.] 

Accordingly, in February, 1676, the Indians attacked Lan- 
caster, burnt it and took many captives. "And such was 
the goodness of God to those poor captive women and chil- 
dren, that they found so much favor in the sight of their 
enemies, that they offered no wrong to any of their persons 5 
save what they could .not help, being in many wants them- 
selves. Neither did they offer any uncivil carriage to any 
of the females, nor ever attempted the chastity of any of 
them, either being restrained of God, as was Abimilech of 
old, or by some other accidental cause, which withheld them 
from doing any wrong of that kind." (Hubb. I. W. 117.) 
Such treatment was so much better than the Indian captives 
generally met with from the English, that Hubbard is oblig- 
ed to call it either a miracle or an accident. It certainly 
speaks volumes in favor of the Indians, exasperated as they 
were by their late defeats. Of the captives that the English 
took, large numbers were sold into slavery, in the West- 
Indies, and other foreign parts, by the officers of the United 
Colonies. The Rhode-Islanders placed many of those whom 
they captured, as servants in families, for a term of years. 
We do not hear, however, of their selling any of them into 
foreign bondage. 

Much of the winter was spent in treating about a peace. 
Jan. 4, the Narragansetts sent two messengers, and Jan. 8, 
Ninigret sent another messenger to the English, with a let- 
ter from Mr. Stanton, certifying him to be a friend to the 


JEnglish, and informing that the Indians were reduced to 
such great straits, that corn was two shillings a pint among 
them. Canonchet and Panoquin still persevered in the war, 
and declared that they would fight to the last extremity, 
" rather than they would become servants to the English." 

Jan. 12, Canonicus sent a messenger to request a month's 
truce. This proposal was considered as a mere plan to 
gain time; and afterwards the English would admit no more 
proposals for peace from the Indians. 

March, 1676, was rendered memorable among our ances- 
tors, by the surprisal of Capt. Pierce by the Indians. He 
belonged to Scituate, and was sent out by Plymouth with 
50 English and 20 Indians. He marched towards Pawtux- 
et, understanding the Indians to be gathered there in con- 
siderable numbers. Crossing the river, he was led into an 
ambush by the Indians, and altho' he retired towards the 
river to prevent being surrounded, the Indians attacked him 
with their arrows, and he and his whole company were cut 
off after the slaughter of 140 of his enemie^. The friendly 
Indians remained faithful to him to the last. During the 
fight, he despatched a message to Providence for relief, but 
it was never delivered. Some of the Rehoboth people, 
however, hearing of it by accident, on Sunday evening, 
March 26, " repaired to the place, but it was too late for' 
any thing but the performance of the last offices of human- 
ity to the bpdies of their friends." [Hubb I. W. 122.] 

March 17. A party of Indians fell upon Warwick, and 
burnt all but a few of the houses of the English inhabitants. 
The Indians had previously driven off a great part of the 
stock from this place. 

March 28. 40 houses burnt at Rehoboth; March 29, 3tf 
houses burnt at Providence. 

April, 1676. Capt, George Denison and his men made 
several expeditions into Narragansett, and killed at one 
time 44, and at another time 66 Indians, without losings 
single man. [Hubb. Backus.] 


April. Canonchet, now the chief Sachem of the Narrd- 
gansetts, with about 30 men, this month made an expedi- 
tion from the North-west country, (whither the Narragan- 
setts had mostly retired after the swamp fight) in order as 
is said, to get seed corn from Seakonk, to plant the country 
where they were living. A large number of his tribe were 
to follow and join him. 

Capt. George Denison of Stonington,Capt. Avery of New- 
London, with 47 English, 20 of Ninigret's men under Catapa- 
zet, and 60 Pequods and Mohegans, the Pequods under Cas- 
sassinamon, and the Mohegans under Oneco, son of Uncas, 
were at this time out on a third expedition, which they had 
began March 27. Meeting with an Indian man (whom they 
slew) ana 1 two squaws, they made them confess that Canon- 
chet or Nannuntenoo,as he had formerly been called, was not 
far off. Following the tracks which their scouts discovered, 
they soon came in view of some wigwams near Pawtucket 
or Blackstone River. Canonchet being with seven men in 
one of the wigwams, sent several men one after another to 
the top of a hill, to see what the danger was. The four sent 
first, fled; the fifth, more faithful, gave intelligence to the Sa- 
chem of his danger, who immediately endeavored to escape. 
Catapazet, with a few Indians and English followed on so hard 
that the Sachem soon was obliged to throw off his blanket, 
hext his silver laced coat, which had been presented to him 
at Boston, in October, when the treaty was made,' and his belt 
of p'ea'g, the sight of which made his pursuers more eager. 
Me now took to the water, and his foot slipping upon a stone 
he wet his gun, upon which accident, as he afterwards said, 
his heart and bowels turned within him, so that he become 
void of strength as a rotten stick; so much so that a Pequot, 
Monopoide, laid hold on him within thirty rods of the river, 
Without his resisting, although he was a most strong man, 
of goodly stature and very courageous. Robert Stanton, 
one of the first English that came up to him, being about 


twenty-one years old, putting a question or two to him, the 
Sachem looking neglectfully upon his youthful face, replied 
in broken English " You much child, no understand mat- 
ters of war, let your brother or your chief come, him I will 
answer;" and, says Hubbard, he was as good as his word. 
He was promised his life if he would endeavor to procure 
the submission of his tribe "acting herein as if by a Pytha- 
gorean metempsychosis some old Roman ghost had posses- 
sed the body of this western Pagan like Attilius Regulus, 
&,c." This he obstinately refused. 

Persisting in this heroic resolution, he was carried to 
Stonington, where he was condemned to be shot to death. 
The young Mohegan Sachem, and two Pequot Sachems, 
were by the order of the English, his executioners. He 
told the English before dying, that their putting him to death 
would not end the war. " He was told at large of his 
breach of faith, and how he boasted he would not deliver up 
a Wampanoag or the paring of a Wampanoag's nail, that 
he would burn the English alive in their own houses; to 
which he replied, others were as forward for the war as him- 
self, and he desired to hear no more thereof. And when he 
was told his sentence was to die, he said he liked it well, 
that he should die before his heart was soft, or he had spoken 
any thing unworthy of himself." His head was cut off and 
sent to Hartford. The rest of his body was burnt. [Hubb.] 

In the course of the year 1676, the Connecticut men made 
as many as ten expeditions into Narragansett, took 50 guns, 
100 bushels corn, and killed and captured about 250 of the 

June, 1675. Maussup, alias Canonicus, alias Quissuc- 
quansh, refusing all offers from the English, was killed by 
the Mohawks, near Piscataqua. His squaw surrender- 
ing, her life was spared. [Hist, of Nar. in M. H. C. Hub. 
I. W. 229.] 

July 2, 1676. The Connecticut forces, under Maj. Tai- 


cot, Capt. George Denison, and Capt. Newberry, fell upoir 
a number of Indians in a swamp. The English, of whom 
there were about 300, surrounded the Indians, and Capt. 
Newbury with his men alighting, entered the swamp and 
killed about 100, as was judged, besides many prisoners. 
This swamp was towards Mount Hope. The whole number 
killed and captured here, was 240. On their return, they 
killed or captured about 60 more at Warwick. Among those 
captured in this expedition, was Magnus, the old Queen of 
the Narragansetts, as she was called. She, with others, 
was afterwards put to death. [Hub. 2. 170. Drake Biog.] 

Aug. 24, 1676. A Court Martial of the Governor and 
Assistants, held at Newport, R. I. Quanopen, alias Sowa- 
gonish, a Narragansett Sachem, was brought before them, 
charged with adhering to Philip in the war. He owned he 
was in the swamp fight, and said he was next to Canonchet 
in command, among the Narragansetts. Sentenced to be 
shot the next day. 

Sunkeejunasuc, brother to Quanopen, a one-eyed man, 
sentenced to the same fate. 

Ashamattan, also his brother, was tried but sentence was 

Several Indian captives were ordered to be given up to 
Capt. Benjamin Church, who produced a commission from 
Plymouth to receive them. [Records of Sup. Jud. Co. 
Newport County.] 

1676. The Sachem Pomham, was killed near Dedham, 
Massachusetts. Hubbard, after praising Pomham for his 
courage and strength, goes on: "Among the rest of the 
captives at that time, was one of Pomham's sons, a very like- 
ly youth, and one whose countenance would have bespoken 
favour for him, had he not belonged to so bloody and barba- 
rous an Indian as his father was." [Hub. I. W. 175. Ma- 
ther. Haz. 2. 222.] 

Ninigret, the Sachem of the Ny antics, who was an old 


man, and wished to avoid the open enmity of the English, 
although he liked them no better than any of the rest of the 
Indians, did not join in this war, but endeavored to preserve 
a neutrality. 

Extract from Major Bradford's letter to Mr. Cotton. 
"NEWPORT, Jan. 20, 1675-6. 

" Ninicraft has sent down divers messengers to the Gen- 
eral, pretending love to the English, and that his men have 
buried the English thatwere slain at the fort." [MM. 4.] 

During the war, the other principal Sachems were killed, 
and after the troubles were over, the Indians who remained 
of other tribes, probably took refuge with JVinigret and his 

From this Ninigret, who died soon after the war was 
over, the succeeding Indian Sachems were descended. By 
one wife he had a daughter, and by another he had a son 
JVinigret, and two daughters; one of which latter is some- 
times designated as the old Queen. On Ninigret's death, 
the first named daughter succeeded him, and the ceremo- 
nies of her inauguration took place at Chemunganock. 
These ceremonies, were the presentation of peage and other 
presents, as an acknowledgment of authority; and sometimes 
a belt of peage was publicly placed on the Sachem's head, 
as an ensign of rank. On her death, her half brother Nini- 
gret succeeded. He died somewhere about 1722. His will 
is dated 1716-7. He left two sons; Charles Augustus and 
George. The former succeeded as Sachem, and dying, left 
an infant son Charles, who was acknowledged as Sachem by 
a portion of the tribe, but the greater part adhered to George 
his uncle, as being of pure royal blood. The dispute was 
encouraged by different white people, who wished to obtain 
an influence over the tribe, and to purchase their lands; and 
seems to have been ended only by the death of young 
Charles. George was acknowledged as Sachem in 1735 
He left three children, Thomas, George and Esther. 


Thomas (commonly known as King Tom) was born in 1736, 
and succeeded as Sachem in July, 1746. While he was 
Sachem, much of the Indian land was sold, and a considera- 
ble part of the tribe emigrated to the State of New York, 
and joined the Indians there. He dying, left a son George, 
who did not survive him more than about two years, being 
killed by the fall of a tree. 

Oct. 1676. The Assembly ordered the following written 
prohibition against foreign interference, to be set up in Nar- 
ragansett. [St. Rec.] 

" The prohibition to be set up in the Narragansett. 

"NEWPORT, in the colony of Rhode Island and Provi- 
dence Plantations, Sec. Oct. 27, 1676. 

"To all persons whom these presents may concern. 
These are in his majesty's name, and by the virtue of the 
power granted to us in his gracious letters patents, to forbid 
all persons, under what pretence soever, to exercise juris- 
diction in any part of the Narragansett country, (alias 
King's provinces,) neither to transact in any manner of way, 
as to the disposition of lands, &c., but by order of the au- 
ihority of this, our colony of Rhode Island and Providence 
Plantations, foresayd, as they will answer the penalty, of 
what shall be imposed on him, or them, by his majesty, or 
the laws of this colony. 

"Published by order of the General Assembly, of his 
majesty's colony of Rhode Island and Providence Planta- 
tions, and sitting at Newport, Oct. 25, 1676. 


1677. On petition of James Runnels, &c., 10,000 acres 
of land in Narragansett ordered to be divided among 100 
men. Sergeant John Spencer, Thomas Nichols and the 
other petitioners to be first accommodated. [St. Rec.] 

ElishaHuchinson, William Hudson and others, present a 
petition to Connecticut, for protection against Rhode Isl- 
and. [Trumb. 1. 375.] 


Oct. 1677. 5000 acres of land in Narragansett appropri- 
$ted for a township. 500 near the shore to be divided into 
fifty house lots for a town, the rest to be divided into fifty 
equal shares: granted to the following proprietors: John 
Spencer, Thomas Nichols, Clement Weaver, Henry Bright- 
man, George Vaughn, John Weaver, Charles McCarty, 
Thomas Wood, Thomas Fry, Benjamin Griffin, Daniel 
Vaughn, Thomas Dungin, John Pearce Mason, Stephen 
Peckham, John Crandal, Henry Lilly, Thomas Martin, 
John Albro, Jr., Samuel Albro, Philip Long, Richard 
Knight, John and Thomas Peckham, William Clarke, Ed- 
ward Lay, Edward Richmond, Edmund Calverly, John 
Heath, Robert Havens, John Strainge, Jr., John Parker, 
George Browne, Richard Barnes, Samson Battee, Jona- 
than Davell, Benjamin Morry, Joseph Morry, William Wil- 
bor, Jr., Gyles Pearce, James Betty, John Remington, 
Benjamin Gorton, Henry Dyre, John Knowles, Stephen 
Arnold, Jr., William Hakkins, John Sanford, John Gorton, 
John Houldon; and incorporated by the name of East 
Greenwich. This was the first grant. Others were after- 
wards admitted by the Assembly, from time to time, in place 
of those who did not fulfil the conditions. Fones' purchase, 
and the three purchasers, of Mascachuset were next year 
declared to be included in this township. Capt. Peleg San- 
ford and Benjamin Speere, were appointed to survey East 
Greenwich, and the whole Narragansett country. John 
Smith, of Newport, was afterwards substituted in place of 
Speere. [St. Rec.] 

1678. John Saffin, Elisha Huchinson, &c., having by a 
paper dated Boston, July 30, 1678, advertised certain lands 
in Narragansett for sale, the Assembly voted, that all who 
purchased of them should be considered as intruders. A 
survey of the Narragansett lands was also ordered. [St. 

In September, Governor John Cranston held a Court in 


Narragansett, and endeavored to establish and secure the 
Rhode Island authority there. Connecticut protested against 
his acts, declaring them void. [Trumb. 1. 375.] 

Capt. Randal Holden and Capt. John Greene, agents in 
England for Warwick, in some private difference, make a 
representation to the King, in consequence of which, the 
King orders the colonies to exhibit their claims to Narra- 
gansett before him. (Brinley. M. H. C. 5. 216.) The 
Rhode Island Assembly received a letter from the King on 
the subject, which they answered in August, 1679. The 
Commissioners of the Colonies also addressed the King 
concerning it, and the claimants of the Narragansett lands 
and the colony of Connecticut put in their claims, the which 
papers, see at length in Appendix. 

Daniel Dawley, John, Cartwright, Nicholas Utter and 
John Carr, tried before the General Court of Tryals, and 
convicted of breaking open Indian graves. [R. I. Sup. Co. 
Records, Newport.] 

October. A tax of 300 assessed. Newport 136. 
Providence 10. Portsmouth 68. Warwick 8. Wes- 
terly 2. New Shoreham 29. Kingston 16. East 
Greenwich 2. Jamestown 29. 

July, 1679. The Assembly, after stating by way of pre- 
amble, that they had received letters from the King, dated 
February 12, 1678-9, confirming their jurisdiction over 
Narragansett as the Commissioners had settled it in 1664-5, 
issue another order, prohibiting all intrusions and foreign in- 
terference. Richard Smith, having contrary to law, petition- 
ed the King, ordered that he be apprehended. [M. H. C. 
5. 221. St. Rec.] 

In consequence of a vote of the Assembly in June, 1679, 
the Governor and Council Jield a Court at Westerly, Sept. 
H, 1679. Present, 

Major John Cranston, Governor; Caleb Carr, Joseph 
Clarke, Capt. Arthur Fenner, John Sanford, Capt. Samuel 


Gorton, Thomas Greene, Assistants: John Sanford, Secre- 
tary, Edmund Calverly, General Sergeant. 

" Proclamation openly made of the Court being and sit- 
ting; the Sunk Sqaw, Ninicraft's daughter, appearing in this 
Court, and complaining about some injury done her by Har- 
mon Garrets claiming part of her lands. She produced 
some witnesses in Court to evince her complaint." 

The following inhabitants took the oath of fidelity: 
Tobias Saunders, Gersham Cotterill, 

Robert Burdick, Henry Hall, Senior, 

Edward Larken, William Champion, 

John Fail-field, James Crandall, 

John Randall, Peter Craadall, 

John Macoone, John Lewis, 

Daniel Crome, ChristopherChampion, 

James Babcock, Henry Hall, Jr., 

Joseph Clarke, Jonathan Lewis, 

Capt. James Pemblton, Thomas Burdick, 

Thomas Wells, Senior, John Balmiter, 

John Babcock, Joseph Wells, 

George Lampheare, Thomas Wells, Jr., 

JeofFry Champion, Richard Passmore, 

Nicholas Cotterill, Joseph Pemblton> 

Job Babcocke, John Pamer. 

Richard Swaight, 

Tobias Saunders continued Conservator and engaged. 

A protest signed William Leete, Governor, New London, 
was presented, and an answer made. [Rec. of Gov. and 1 

1679. John Saffin, tried for adhering to another juris- 
diction, and sentenced to forfeit all his estate, and pay a 

Richard Smith, indicted for same offence; indictment 
quashed for want of form. [Rec. of the Gen. Co. of Tryale 
at Newport.] 


1680. A tax of 100 was laid and assessed as follows, 
viz: Newport, 34. Providence, 1. Portsmouth, 22. 
Warwick, 6. Westerly, 5. Block Island, 8. Kings- 
town, 9. East Greenwich, 3. Jamestown, 8. 

May, 1682. The town of Kingstown obtained remission 
of half of a tax laid in 1678, on account of the disturbed 
state of the country. For several sessions about this time, 
Kingstown sent no deputies to the Assembly. The officers 
who had been chosen for Kingstown, for several years past, 
having refused to serve, the Assembly chose John Cole and 
Capt. John Fones, Conservators of the peace there, and re- 
quested the governor to hold a Court there. There having 
been a dispute between Kingstown and Warwick, about 
Potowomut, both parties were prohibited from interfering 
with the disputed land, until further order. [St. Rec.] 
April, 1683. Roger Williams dies at Providence. 
April 17, 1683. In consequence of the disputes about 
the Narragansett lands, the King issues a commission to 
Edward Cranfield, Lieutenant Governor of New Hamp- 
shire, William Stoughton, Joseph Dudley, Edward Ran- 
dolph, Samuel Shrimion, John Fitz Winthrop, Edward 
Palmer, John Pynchon. Jr., Nathaniel Saltonstall, Jr., or 
any three of them, (whereof Cranfield or Stoughton to be 
the quorum,) to examine the Narragansett claims. They 
issued a notice, signed by William Wharton, their register, 
For all persons concerned to meet at Smith's trading-house, 
on August 22. About the time of the meeting, the General 
Assembly was sitting in Warwick. The Governor received 
a letter from Cranfield, notifying the meeting, but not ex- 
hibiting his commission. The Assembly wrote to him to 
request him to exhibit his commission, and sent the letter by 
a special messenger. Cranfield asked who it was from? 
and on being answered by the messenger that it was from 
the Governor and Colony of Rhode Island, he said he knew 
of no such Governor or Colony. On the 21st of August, the 


Assembly adjourned to meet the next day at Capt. John 
Fones', near Smith's, and having met there, they sent their 
Sergeant to Smith's to make a proclamation, and prohibit 
all proceedings of the Commissioners. The Commissioners 
after remaining at Smith's two days, adjourned to meet at 
Boston, and notified the Assembly of it. The Assembly be- 
fore adjourning, appointed Jireh Bull and Capt. Fones, Con- 
servators of the peace for Kingstown; Daniel Vernon, 
Clerk; Samuel Albro, Treasurer, and appointed Constables 
for the town. They also appointed a committee to draw up 
a letter to the King. [St. Rec. M. H. C. 1.] 

There was a Large collection of Colony Agents, Indians 
and others, at Smith's. The Commissioners reported, Oc- 
tober 20, 1683, at length, concluding that the jurisdiction 
of Narragansett, belonged to Connecticut, and the right of 
soil, to Atherton and his associates. [See App.] 

Oct. 1684. In a colony tax of 160, the proportion of 
Kingstown was 14 10s. Westerly, 9 2s. Block Island, 
13 4s. Block Island had probably enjoyed a state of com- 
parative peace and prosperity. 

1 685. Date of the repeal of the Edict of Nantes by Louis 
XIV, of France. In consequence of the persecution which 
followed this act, large numbers of Protestants were obliged 
to leave France. A number of them (Le Moines Ayraults, 
Sic.) came to the Narragansett country, and pitched their 
tents in what was then a wilderness, which is to this day 
called Frenchtown. They planted an orchard where they 
first sat down, of which there are now some remains on the 
farm in East Greenwich, late belonging to Pardon Mawney, 
Esq., which is still called the French Orchard. 

In the war which began in 1689 between England and 
France, these emigrants were allowed to remain unmolested, 
on complying with the conditions prescribed by the govern 

Oct. 1685. The Assembly request the Governor to hold 


a Court in Narragansett, to establish a plantation there. 
[St. Kec.] 

Early in 1686, Joseph Dudley, who the year before had 
been appointed President of Maine, New Hampshire, Mas- 
sachusetts and Narragansett, with a Council to assist him, 
assumed the government. On May 28, he issued a procla- 
mation, declaring Narragansett to be a separate govern- 
ment. He established Courts and appointed officers there, 
and the people quietly submitted to him. On the 23rd of 
June, he, with his Council, held a Court at Smith's house, 
where John Fones was sworn Clerk, and new names given 
to the different towns, viz: Kingstown to be called Roches- 
ter; Westerly, Haversham; Greenwich, Bedford. [Trumb. 
M. H. C. vol. 5.] 

Dec. 20, 1686. Sir Edmond Andros arrived at Boston, 
commissioned by James II. as Governor of Massachusetts, 
New Hampshire, Maine and Rhode Island; in which office, 
he continued until after the English Revolution. In April, 
1689, he was seized and imprisoned in Massachusetts, and 
escaping, was retaken in Rhode Island and delivered up to 
Massachusetts. After his departure, Rhode Island again 
established her authority in Narragansett. 

Huchinson (354) says, that Walter Clarke, Richard 
Smith, Walter Newbarry, John Greene, Richard Arnold 
and John Alborrow, are supposed to have been the Rhode 
Island members of Andros' Council. In his time, Wills and 
all probate matters of importance, were sent to Boston for 
final decision. The whole colony was made one county. 
[Huch. 358. Foster papers. Callender.1 

March, 1687. An order passed by Andros' Justices for 
preventing the disturbance of the fishery in Pettaquamscut 
river. Daniel Vernon and Henry Tibbits appointed to lay 
open certain highways in Rochester. 

June 14, 1687. At the Quarter Sessions held for Rhode 
Island, Narragansett and Providence Plantations, the fol- 


lowing Justices were present: Francis Brinley, Chairman, 
Lieut. Col. Peleg Sanford, Major Richard Smith, Capt. 
John Fones, John Coggeshall, Caleb Carr, Sen., Simon 
Ray, Capt. Arthur Fenner and Capt. James Pendleton. 
They appointed John Maxon and John Fairfield, Overseers 
of the Poor for Feversham, and James Reinalds and Samuel 
Albro, for Rochester. 

Besides those who attended at the session last mentioned, 
it appears that Randal Holden and John Pendleton were 
Justices, and sometimes attended. 

Dec. 1787. The Sessions appointed Messrs. Brinley, 
Sanford and Fones to contract to build a Court House in 
Newport, and one in Rochester, alias Kingstown. They lev- 
ied a tax of 160. Viz: Newport, 38. Portsmouth, 31. 
Providence, 27. Warwick, 12. Bedford, 3, Roches- 
ter, 18. Feversham, 10. New Shoreham, 11. James- 
town, 10. It was to be paid in money, or in sheep's wool, 
at 7^d. per Ib. Spring butter at 4J per Ib. Indian corn at 
20d. per bushel. Rye at 2s. 6d. per bushel, or pork at 42s. 
a barrel. 

March, 1688. William Palmer fined by the Quarter 
Sessions for planting a peach tree on Sunday. This and all 
the proceedings under the government of Andros, are on 
record in the Clerk's Office of the Supreme Court for New- 
port County. 

1690. The French made a descent on Block Island, 
plundering and carrying off some of the people. [Trumb. 
1. 408. Rec. of Gov. and C.oun.] 

October, 1695. A committee appointed by the Assembly 
to settle the boundary line between Kingstown and Wester- 
ly. [St. Rec.] 

June 24, 1696. Judge SewaPs deed of gift of the East 
part of Lot No. 4, in the North West part of Pettaquams- 
cut purchase, to Harvard College. [L. E. 2. 336.] 

An Act passed this year to prevent intrusions into the 
lands of the Narragansett country. [Printed Laws.] 


1698. The boundary question was now drawing near to 
a settlement. Connecticut having received a letter from the 
Lords of Trade and the Plantations, advising them to settle 
with Rhode Island, appointed a committee for that purpose. 
Rhode Island appointed committees in August, 1698, and 
October, 1699. But not much seems to have been done 
until 1702, when Connecticut, on Oct'ober 8th, appointed 
another committee to settle the jurisdiction line, but to do 
nothing to interfere with any rights of property. On the 
12th May, 1703, the committees agreed on the Pawcatuck 
as the boundary, confirming, however, all grants of Con- 
necticut in Westerly. (See App.) The Rhode Island As- 
sembly at June session, approved of the boundary; but re- 
specting the Connecticut grants, there seems to have been 
considerable debate and dispute. The cause was referred 
to England, and decided by the King in Council in 1726, es- 
tablishing the present boundary. [Trurnb. 1. 473.. St. Rec. 
Report to King on the boundary.] 

August 2, 1698. The General Assembly held "at Kings- 

June 1, 1699. James Barker, Joseph Sheffield, (Assist- 
ants,) Richard Arnold, Benjamin Smith and Nicholas Carr, 
who had been appointed the preceding May session to settle 
the boundary between Kingstown and Westerly, after meet- 
ing at Ensign John Eldred's, and hearing the parties, made 
a report to the Assembly, viz: Westerly to be bounded 
South on the sea, West on Pawcatuck river, to extend 
northward 12 English miles, as measured by Peleg Tripp 
and John Albrow; thence a line to run East to the Petta- 
quamscut line, and by that line to the sea. 

Kingstown to be bounded East and South on the sea and 
bay, West by the most western line of Pettaquamscut pur- 
chase, to extend North to East Greenwich South line, and to 
be bounded North on said South line in all places where said 
line comes to the South or Southeast of the river, whereon 


Daniel Sweet's mill stands, and where it crosses not said 
river, there said river to be the North bounds of Kingstown 
.until it meets the bay. 

The Assembly confirmed the report, except a part of the 
West bounds of Kingstown, and established it as follows: 
beginning at the sea, to follow the West line of Pettaquam- 
scut purchase, to the Great Pond or river running out of it, 
thence by said river to the footof Osquapage river, thence 
North with said river until it comes to a bridge called the 
Cart Bridge, near the house of Gershom Cottrell, being about 
two miles, thence a due North line to East Greenwich 
South line. [St. Rec. and L. E. 2. 329.] 

Sept. 25 and 29, 1699. Ninicrafl's confirmation of pur- 
chases made in Point Judith of his father and Maussup, one 
to John Holmes, and one to Benedict Arnold. [L. E. 1. 

On the 22nd April, 1700, a court of enquiry was held in 
Kingstown, in consequence of a riot which had taken place 
there, and the forcibly rescuing a prisoner from the Deputy 
Sheriff. Henry Tibbits, Jr., John Tibbits, Zorobabel West- 
coat and Elisha Michell, were fined, &c., but the three first, 
on making a proper acknowledgment, had apart of their fine 
remitted by the Assembly. Lieut. James Green, Israel 
Newton, Ishmael Spink, Edward Green, Daniel Greene, 
John Wightman, Valentine Wightman, John Green, Nich- 
olas Utter, Jr., Thomas Withers, Charles Berry, Robert 
Aylesworth, Edward Hops, Joseph Dolliver, Jr. and Daniel 
Erolt, (the French Doctor's son,) were also fined, &c., but 
the execution of the sentence was suspended by the Assem- 
bly, on their recognizing to appear at the next General 
Court of Tryals. [St. Rec. May, 1700.] 

May, 1701. The Governor requested to deliver the deed 
of Potowomut to Jeremiah Clark and Samuel Cranston, to 
whom it belonged. [St. Rec.] 

June, 1703. The Assembly divided Rhode Island into 


two counties; one, Rhode Island, and the other, Providence 
Plantations. In the latter, the inferior Courts were to sit 
by turns at Providence, Warwick, Kingstown and Wester- 
ly. The General Court of Tryals still continued as formerly 
to be composed of the Governor and Assistants, and to sit 
only in Newport. 

This division continued to 1729, when the Colony was di- 
vided into three counties, and South Kingstown, (the coun- 
ty town,) North Kingstown and Westerly, formed Kings 
county. Block Island was attached to Newport county. 
[St. Rec. and printed Laws.] 

Oct. 1703. The qualifications of Christopher Allen, a 
Kingstown Deputy, being disputed, the matter was tried by 
both Houses in Grand Committee, and he was admitted. 
[St. Rec.] 

Oct. 1703. The Assembly confirm a road which had been 
laid out in Kingstown by a Jury. 

1704. Act prohibiting Indians and Negroes from being 
abroad after 9 o'clock, P. M. In June, a tax was laid of 
500. The proportion of Kingstown was 82. Westerly, 
27. New Shoreham, 13. [St. Rec. Laws.] 

May, 1705. Indians on Block Island required to do mil- 
itary duty. [St. Rec.] 

Oct. 1705. An Act to continue the General Assembly 
as a Court of Chancery, until a separate one could be erect- 
ed. [St. Rec.] 

1706. Line between Kingstown and East Greenwich 
run. [St. Rec.] 

Oct. 1707. Assembly at Warwick. The boundary ques- 
tion being considered as nearly settled, the Assembly pro- 
ceeded to take into consideration the state of the vacant 
lands in Narragansett. John Mumford and Capt. James 
Carder were appointed to survey them. In May, 1708, (at 
Newport,) they appointed Henry Tew, Weston Clark, 
Richard Arnold and Randal Holden, a committp* to exam- 


me claims to any of the lands which had been surveyed as 

In October, 1708, (at Providence,) this committee made 
a Report, (see App.) which was received and confirmed, as 
being made according to the true intent of the Act of Octo- 
ber 30, 1672 k 

The Assembly confirmed the Deed of Coqinaquand to 
Knight and Halls,, provided it should not interfere with the 
Petta'quamscut purchase, or former grants. Coqinaquand's 
Deed to Capt. Cranston and partners, was not confirmed, 
those lands having been already granted out by the Assembly 
to East Greenwich, or to Fones, Green and partners. They 
ordered that the vacant lands of East Greenwich should be- 
long to the fifty proprietors of that town, to be improved as 
they see fit. l^he purchase of Fones, Green and partners, 
was confirmed, according to a plat made of it by Peleg San- 
ford and John Smith. [St. Rec.] 

At this session, (October, 1708,) the Assembly appointed 
Weston Clark, John Mumford, of Newport, Philip Tilling- 
hast, of Providence, Joseph Burden, of Portsmouth, Rich- 
ard Green, of Warwick, and Capt. John Eldred, of Kings- 
town, a Committee to agree with Ninigret, " what may be 
a sufficient competence of land for him and his people to live 
upon," and to view the state of the Narragansett country. 
In March, 1709, they reported that they had agreed with 
Ninigret, and that they found a great deal of the land in the 
country thereto be very poor, and some good. The Deed of 
Ninigret is dated March 28, 1709, quit-claiming to the Col- 
ony all his title to the vacant lands, excepting a tract bound- 
ed as follows: " beginning where the brook that Joseph Da- 
vill's mill standeth, and runs into the great Salt Pond, and so 
from said brook on a strait line northerly to Pesquamscut 
Pond, and by the brook that rUns out of Pesquamscut Pond 
into Pawcatuck river, and so along by Pawcatuck river 
westward, until it comes to Benjamin Burdick's bridge, and 


from thence southerly towards Wequopogue, until it meets 
the grand road, and so along by said road eastward, until it 
comes near to Christopher Champlin's now dwelling house, 
and from thence South to the great pond or salt water, and 
so along by the pond side to the first mentioned bounds, as 
it is drawn out upon the draught of the vacant lands." [St. 
Rec. L..E. 3. 273.] 

March, 1709. Henry Tew, Randal Holden, Richard 
Greene and Philip Tillinghast, appointed a Committee, 
(JohnMumford to be Surveyor,) to sell or lease out the va- 
cant lands in Narragansett to those who may have settled on 
them. [St. Rec.] 

Feb. 1710. A Colony tax of 1200. The proportion of 
Westerly was 67 9s. Kingstown, 212 8s. 5d. New 
Shoreham, 36 7s. 6d. Greenwich, 36 Os. lOd. 

July, 1710. The Assembly voted to raise 145 men for 
the Port Royal Expedition. Kingstown was to furnish 31, 
(whereof 8 to be Indians.) Westerly, 12, whereof 4 In- 
dians. In August, the number of men was increased to 
200, and of the additional number, Kingstown furnished 9. 
Westerly, 4. [St. Rec.] 

Feb. 1712. Act quieting possessions. [Printed Laws.] 

In a lawsuit between John Knight and Job Babcock, 
about some Narragansett land, an appeal allowed to Great 
Britain. [St. Rec.] 

May, 1713. Ninigret forbidden to sell his lands; it be- 
ing contrary to an agreement he had made with the Colony, 
March 28, 1708, and the sales declared void. [St. Rec, 

Nov. 1713. The bonds for the payments, for the Narra- 
gansett lands ordered to be sued, if not paid, and the lands 
to be forfeited. [St. Rec.] 

Feb. 1714. General Assembly held at Kingstown. 

Nov. 1716. Capt. Joseph Sheffield, Major Henry Tew, 
Major John Dexter, R. Holden and Weston Clark, a Com- 


rnittee to treat with Connecticut. [Rec. of Governor and 

1720. The deputy Governor and Maj. Fry, appointed to 
go to Westerly, to take depositions there, relative to the 
proceedings of the Commissioners in 1663. 

Connecticut refusing to adhere to the boundary settle- 
ment of 1703, the deputy Governor, Joseph Jencks, and Mr. 
Partridge appointed a committee to ap.pear before the king 
in council on the subject. [Foster papers.] 

1721. Capt. Joseph Stanton appointed by the Rhode- 
Island authorities, to procure evidence about Pawcatuc 
river, and why it was so called. [Foster papers.] 

1722. Kingstown divided into North and South Kings- 
town, and separate charters given them. [See Public No- 
tary Records in Secretary's office, No. 4. page 26.] 

1726. Final decision of the boundary with Connecticut, 
by the king in council. (See app.) The given line there- 
in referred to, was drawn from the mouth of Ashawage riv- 
er, to the South-west corner of Warwick purchase, and 
thence North to Massachusetts line. The red line was 
drawn West of this. 

In May. 1728, the committees of the two colonies made 
an ineffectual attempt to run the line. The dispute was 
about the position of the South-west corner of Warwick 
purchase. John Mumford had measured and erected a 
heap of stones at what he supposed to be the place. The 
Connecticut committee refused to admit the correctness of 

Sept. 27, 1728. The line was finally settled. The com- 
mittees met, and on measuring 20 miles West from War- 
wick neck, to find the South-west corner of the Warwick 
purchase, they made it upwards of 70 rods further West 
than Mumford had made it, and the line was run accord- 
ingly. [See case Cambell vs. Reynolds, Newp. Sup, Co. 
about 1736.] 



Feb. 1729. There being many disputes between the 
people of Rhode-Island and the Connecticut claimants, with 
respect to the gore of land near the South-west corner of 
Warwick purchase, the Assembly ordered, that in case it 
could not be amicably settled by referees, writs of ejectment 
should be issued in the Colony's name, against the occu- 

The Connecticut General Court at Hartford, Oct. 8, 1696, 
and again Oct. 10, 1700, had granted and confirmed to Lieut. 
Thomas Leffingwell, of Warwick, Lieut. Richard Bushnell, 
Isaac Wheeler, Samuel Bliss, Joseph Morgan, Manasseh 
Miner, Henry Peterson, Sergeant John Frink of Stoning- 
ton, and their associates, voluntiers in the Narragansett war, 
a tract of land of about six miles square; bounded as fol- 
lows: beginning at a pond at the head of Pawcatuck river, 
thence North to the road running from Norwich to Green- 
wich, thence West to Preston boundary, then bounded by 
Preston and Stonington to Pawcatuck river. This tract, 
it is believed, included the gore in dispute, and was named 

1730. A census taken by order of the King, viz: 






























N. Kingstown, 





S. Kingstown, 





E. Greenwich, 










New Shoreham, 





15302 1643 9S5 17935 

[From Callender.] 

The towns on the East side of the Bay at this time, be. 


longed to Massachusetts, and were not joined to Rhode Is- 
land until 1746. 


A very considerable part of our information on this sub- 
ject, is derived from Calender's Century Sermon, printed 
in 1739. The author shows a liberality not very common 
in his age, in speaking of denominations whose creeds dif- 
fered from his own. 

About 1665, some of the members of the Newport church, 
which was under the care of Mr. Clark, removed to Wes- 
terly, and sat down there under the preaching of Mr. John 
Crandal. They afterwards, about 1671, generally embraced 
the seventh day Sabbath: in 1708, they formed a separate 
church; and in Calender's time, were a large and flour- 
ishing congregation, under the pastoral care of Joseph and 
G. Maxon and William Hiscox. (Backus Call. 65.) The 
following letter, found by William R. Staples, Esq., among 
the old Town Records of Providence, was probably written 
by some of this church. 

" WESTERLY, this 1st of the first month, 1678. 
" We your brethren and sisters, assembled together at 
the hous of Tobias Sanders, wisheth you all grace mercy and 
,peac in our Lord Jesus Crist and that boath you and we 
may stand feirm suer and stable in the faith and order of the 
Gospell til he corns who will com and will not long tarry to 
whom be prais onner and glory throughout all his churches 
world without end amen. 

"Dear and well beloved in our Lord Jesus Crist, this 
may signifi unto you that your carfull salutacion weerecev- 
ed dated the 13. of the 12. month last past by Peter Cran- 
dall, for which as duti and good afections binds us wee re- 
turn you thanks hoping that thees will find you in good 
health as wee ar through mercy at this present in health 
and in peac. And can assemble ourselves to geather non 
making us afraid. We do desier that this great priviledg may 
be prized according to the valy of it and that wee might not 


wax wanton and earless under such great injovments but 
that boath you and us may carfully stand upon our watch and 
earnestly crave the assistanc of his holy sperit so that nither 
this cr any other of his Benefits may slip out of our minds 
to that end wee earnestly desier your praiers to almity God 
the father of our Lord Jesus Crist that he will (be) pleased 
to give us such many fistacions of his holy spirit that wee 
may stand in the faith and order of the Gospell fast that we 
have visibly profest before Heaven and many other witness 
hear upon Earth. And not to loke at it as a Light or a slaight 
thing to break covinant with God and on with another. Let 
us tharfor be much in praier to God that he will give us 
wisdom and understanding that wee may not only discover 
but may by the assistanc of his blesed spirit be able to resist 
the wilds of the Divill for sertainly if ever he was transform- 
ed into an Angell of Light it is now. And if it wear posible 
he would deceive the very Elect. Beloved Bretheren our 
praiers unto God is for you that ye may like good soldiers 
stand with your loins girt redi to resist the adversary arid 
not to give way though he com with never so faier preten- 
ces. ]Nay though he brings Law in his mouth ye ar not to 
be Lieve him: whear for dearly beloved seeing it is so that 
we .ar so besett with Enemies without and within let us be 
earnest with the Lord one for the other for the assistanc of his 
holy spirit that so wee may be able to withstand temtacions. 
wee also return thanks to the congragacion for the mesh- 
engars thay sent the last year wee hope their Labour of 
Love was not Lost nor it in vain, which wee hope will be 
good in Coragement for you to remember another time your 
duti in that Respect. 

* * * * Love to you all." 


The following letter was written from Westerly, Augusf 
4, 1666, by Mrs. Ruth Burdick, to her father, Samuel 
Hubbard, at Newport. Mr. Hubbard was born in England, 
in 1610, and came over in 1663. Of liis daughters, Ruth 
married Robert Burdick, Bethiah married Joseph Clark, 
Jr., and Rachel married Andrew Langworthy. [Backus I. 
416 and 475. III. 227.] 

Several of Mr. Hubbard's family settled at Westerly. - 
Backus says that Naomi Burdick, grand-daughter of Mr. 
Hubbard, had married Jonathan Rogers, and that on March 
2nd, 1678, Elder Hiscox baptized her at Westerly, with 
James Babcock, George Lamphiere, and two others. Mr. 
Hubbard's daughter Ruth had joined Mr. Clarke's church 
in 1652, when about 13 years old-. 

<c Most loving and dear father and mother, my duty with 
my husband and children presented unto you with all my 
dear friends. My longing desire is to hear from you, how 
your hearts are borne up above these troubles which are 
come upon us and are coming as we fear; for we have the 
rumors of war, and that almost every day. Even now we 
have heard from your Island by some Indians, who declared 
unto us that the French have done some mischief upon the 
coast, and we have heard that 1200 Frenchmen have joined 
with the Mohawks to clear the land both of English and of 
Indians. But I trust in the Lord, if such a thing be intend- 
ed, that he will not suffer such a thing to be. My desirfe 
and prayer to God is, that he will be pleased to fulfil his 
promise to us, that is, that as in the world we shall have 
troubles, so in him we shall have peace. The Lord of com- 
fort, comfort your and our hearts, and give us peace in be- 
lieving and joy in the Holy Ghost. Oh that the Lord would 
be pleased to fill our hearts with his good spirit, that we 
may be carried. above all these things! and that we may re- 


member his saying, ' When ye see these things come to 
pass, lift up your heads, knowing that your redemption 
draws nigh.' Then if these things bej;he certain signjof 
our Lord's return, let us mind his command, that is, pray 
always that ye may be counted worthy to escape all these 
things, and to stand before the son of man. Let us have 
boldness to come unto him in the new and living way which 
he hath prepared for us. Through grace I find the Lord 
doth bear up the spirits of his in this place, in some com- 
fortable measure to be looking above these things, the Lord 
increase it more and more unto the day of his appearing, 
which 1 hope is at hand. Dear father and mother, the Lord 
hath been pleased to give us here many sweet and comforta- 
ble days of refreshing, which is great cause of thankfulness, 
and my desire is that we may highly prize it, and you with 
us give the Lord praise for this benefit. I pray remember 
my love to all my dear friencb^ with you in fellowship. Sis- 
ter Sanders desires to be renTember to you all, so doth sis- 
ter Clarke. Your loving daughter, to my power, 


In 1729, there was a Baptist Church in North Kingstown 
under the care of Richard Sweet, which had been founded 
*ibout the close of the seventeenth century, by Elder Baker 
from Newport. There was also one in South Kingstown, 
under the care of Elder Daniel Everett. Both were repre- 
sented in the Association that year. The following letter, 
found among the Historical Society's papers, was written 
by some of the latter church. 

To -our ancient and well beloved Brother, James Brown, Elder 
oj (he Baptized Church of Christ at Providence, and to the 
Messengers of Hie Respected Baptized Churches of New En- 
gland, met together at Providence on Sept. the 3d, 1731, we 
the subscribers who commonly meet together at the new Meet- 
inp Hnnte in South Kingston, in Kings County, in the Colony 


of Rhode Island fyc. Send Greeting, wishing you grace, mer- 
cy and peace from God our father and the Lord Jesus Christ. 
Beloved in the Lord, 

Whereas we have had information that the end of your 
meeting together is to consider of an unhappy difference 
arisen amongst our Brethren at Providence concerning Un- 
ion and Communion, we have thought good to send unto 
you (by the hands of our beloved Brother and Teacher Dan- 
iel Everitt) our minds concerning the same. We therefore 
(as our brethren declare in their declaration of same date 
with this) do hold to the Doctrine of Christ as men- 
tioned Heb. 6. 1.2. and that we cannot have any commun- 
ion by prayer or in uny point of spiritual worship, with any 
excepting with those that are under the six principles afore- 
said. But yet such of our brethren as sees otherwise, as 
their declaration above mentioned expresses, we dare not 
reject them and deny having fellowship with them. There- 
fore we do solemnly protest against that paper (in this point 
in rejecting our weak brethren) which we understand was 
drawn up by our brother, Nathan Pearce, tho' signed with 
the name of our Elder Richard Sweet in the behalf of the 
church; and Therefore for these reasons following, we dare 
not reject them and separate from them. 
&! We find no rule in the sacred writings for 

such a separation, seeing they are founded up- 
on and have submitted unto the Doctrine of 
Christ. Heb. 6. 1.2. 

R- 2. We find that the blessed Apostle of the Gen- 

tiles did bear with the weakness of those Jews 
who believed and were zealous of the Law. O! 
how admirable was his tenderness! Least he 
should offend them and cause a separation, he 
circumcised Timothy. Acts 16. 3. Nay, he. 
himself (by the advice of the Apostle James 
and the Elders at Jerusalem) did purify him- 


self after the manner of the Jews for this very 
end, least the Gospel of Christ should be hin- 
dered. Such a spirit of Love was in him. Acts 
21. 18 to 27. 1. Cor. 9. 23. 

R. 3. Because the Apostolic Directions is other- 

wise. Rom. 15. 1. Gal. 6. 2. Foe if we bear 
not with them in this thing we shall wound their 
P 2 24 wea k Consciences, and so sin against Christ. 
1. Cor. 8. 12. 

R. 4. Because our Blessed Lord did bare our sins 

Mic 7 18 19 m ki s own blessed Body on the Tree; yea he 
does Daily bear with us and passes by our Of- 

Ps. 130. 3. fences and our infirmities, for alas should he be so 
strenuous as to mark our Daily Slips, we should 
be in a miserable Case, therefore we ought to 
imitate him in meekness and tenderness. Col. 
3. 12. 13. 

R. 5. Because such a separation will be a hinder- 

ance to the Gospel of Christ, for it is evident 
that Such Contentions is hurtful. Jam. 3. 16. 
These are our Reasons, and as we Judge ac- 
cording to the mind and will of God which we 
leave for you to Seriously Consider of. 

TheExhor: Therefore we Intreat you in the name of our 

Rom: 14: 19: Lord j esus Christ, that yee would follow after 
the things which make for peace, and Ihings 
which may be for edification, Give none offence 
in any thing; It is not crying up, the Temple 

Jer: 7: 4: of the Lord, the Temple of the Lord, without, 

love and tenderness one towards another, that 
will any thing avail us. Let not we beseech 
you, Satan, that Prince of Discord and conten- 
tion Triumph over us. O! let not the Enemies 
of our Sion Rejoice over us, but make Peace 
we humbly entreat you. O! "Pity poor Souls, 
even Such who are almost Christians ; who 


will take an offence against us because of these Broils and 
disturbances and turn their backs on the ways of Christ: 
O! have Pity on Young believers who may be shaken from 
their stedfastness by these Dissentions Divisions and Ani- 
mosities. How Dreadful will it be if we should thus 
be the authors of their Damnation. Therefore the Great 
God of peace guide you in the ways of peace and influence 
and Illuminate you with the Blessed and Divine Spirit of 
Love and Peace that your meeting together may be for the 
Honour and Glory of God and the peace of his Church, 
which is the Earnest prayers of us your Brethren. 

August ye 26f&, 1731. 








SAMUEL TEFFT, Son of John Tefft. 

The Sabbatarian Church in Hopkinton, dates as far back 
as 1708. In 1813, there were 930 communicants, under the 
pastoral care of Matthew Stillman. Elder John Gardner's 
six principle Baptist Church in North Kingstown, was' form- 
ed about 1710. [Benidict.] 

At the time of Calendar's delivering his discourse, in 
1739, there was a Baptist Church in every town except 
East Greenwich; the one in South Kingstown was still un- 
der the care of Mr. Everitt. The Friends had seven meet- 
ings on the main-land, besides a constant meeting in Wes- 
terly, altho' they had no meeting house there. There was 
an Episcopal Church in Westerly, and one in North Kings- 


town of which Rev. James Me Sparran, D. D. was Rector. 
Rev. Joseph Torrey was Pastor of the Presbyterian Church 
in South Kingstown, and Rev. Joseph Park of the one in 
Westerly. There was a meeting house on Block Island 
which was supplied from time to time. 

Many attempts were made at different times for the con- 
version of the Indians, but they were generally unsuccess- 
ful. Mr. Williams used for a long time to preach at Smith's 
house in Narragansett once a month, and seems to have ex- 
erted himself to christianize the natives, but was discour- 
aged by the difference of language and the other difficulties 
he met with. (Letter of R. Williams, 2. M. H. C. 8. 196.) 
Ninigret on being requested by Mayhew to give him leave 
to preach to his people, bid him go and make the English 
good first. The Indians said it was too dificult for them to 

Roger Williams in one of his letters has the following 
passage. (3 vols. Ext. R. 1. Hist. Soc.) "At my last 
departure for England I was importuned by the Narragan- 
sett Sachems, and especially by Ninigret, to present their 
petition to the high Sachems of England, that they might 
not be forced from their religion, and for not changing their 
religion, to be invaded by war: for they said they were day- 
ly visited with threatnings by Indians that came from about 
the Massachusetts, that if they would not pray, they should 
be destroyed by war, &c." Dated 1654. 

About 1741, in the new Light Stir, a reformation was 
brought about among the Indians in Charlestown, (probably 
under the care of a Mr. Park,) and a Pedo-Baptist church 
soon after formed. In 1750, a Baptist church arose out of 
this. The first pastor was James Simons, and after him, 
the famous Samuel Niles; in his day one of the most emi- 
nent Indian preachers in America. Others succeeded him. 
Benedict visited them about 1812, and found a few of the 
female members of the church still living, and active in. 


religious affairs; three of them about 70 years of age. The 
male members were all absent on a fishing voyage. [Ben- 
diet 2. 427. Backus 1.343.] 


In 1668, June 4th, five of the Pettiquamscut purchasers 
(Porter being absent) passed the following order: "That a 
tract of 300 acres of the best land, and in a convenient place, 
be laid out, and forever set apart as an encouragement, 
the income or improvement thereof wholly for an orthodox 
person, that shall be obtained to preach God's word to the 
inhabitants." It would seem that no deed or more formal 
Conveyance of the land was ever made. 

There being no person to claim the land, in 1702, Henry 
Gardner entered on twenty acres of it, and James Bundy 
on the remainder. Bundy sold out to George, son of Thom- 
as Mumford, in 1719. 

About 1719, Mr. Guy, and before him Mr. Bridges, both 
Episcopalians had preached in Kingstown, but do not seem 
to have claimed the land. 

March 8, 1713, the Town Council let the land to William 

From 1702 to 1710, Mr. Samuel Niles (at that time not 
ordained) a Congregationalist, preached in Kingstown. He 
was afterwards settled in Braintree Mass. He never had 
possession of the greater part *f the grant. 

Dec. 4, 1731. Four gentlemen of Kingstown wrote to 
Boston, to have Mr. Torrey settled among them. April 8, 
1732, four gentlemen, among them William son of Thomas 
Mumford, and grand-son of the purchaser, wrote to Boston 
to have Mr. Torrey ordained. 

May 17, 1732. A Church was formed 4n Kingstown, 
under Rev. Joseph Torrey. The first signers of the cove- 
nant were Mr. Torrey, George Douglas, William Mumford, 
Alice Gardner and Mary Wilson. On the same day Mr. 
Torrey was ordained by Rev. Samuel Niles of Braintree, 


Rev. John Webb and Rev. Thomas Prince of Boston, Rev. 
James Searing of Newport, &c. The following were after- 
wards admitted to the church at different times. April 21,, 
1734, Mary, wife of George Mumford. 1737, Elizabeth, 
wife of Mr. Joseph Torrey. Feb. 27, 1736, Paul Wood. 
Feb. 3, 1739-40, Ann, wife of John Cole. 1740, Sarah, 
wife of Paul Wood. May 15, 1743, Lucy Hammond. 
Nov. 25, 1744, Rouse Helme. March 31, 1745, Priscilla 
Negus. May 26, 1745, Harry Done. June 9, 1745, 
Katherine Holloway. June 16, 1745, Sarah, an Indian, 
joined the Indian church. Dec. 1, 1741, Jane Negus. 
Aug. 24, 1746, Sarah, wife of Simeon Palmer. May ,10, 
1747, Mercy Negus. Nov. 18, 1750, Elizabeth, wife of 
Oliver Hazzard. May 25, 1755. James Smith. Jan. 15, 
1760, Mary, wife of Thomas Hawkins. Oct. 7, 1764, John 
Anderson. Sept. 25, 1768, Abigail, wife of Jeramiah Wil- 
son. Up to Oct. 2, 1768, Mr. Torrey had baptized 104, of 
which many were adults. [Style's Itinerary.] 

Mr. Torrey demand the 280 acres of Mumford, who re- 
fused to deliver it up, unless Torrey would pay him 700 
for his expenses in defending his possession before. 

In 1720, Doet. McSparran was appointed missionary by 
the Bishop of London and the Missionary Society, on the 
request of the inhabitants. One of these petitions for an 
Episcopal Minister, (among the papers of the lawsuit) in 
1716, is signed by Charles Dickinson, Samuel Albro, George 
Balfour, Samuel Brown, John Albro, Gabriel Bernori, Jo- 
seph Smith, John Buckmaster, John Buckmaster, Jr., Sam- 
uel, Thomas and Christopher Phillips, John Kettredge and 
William Browne. Dr. McSparran's salary as a missionary 
was ,100. 

McSparran and Torrey had continual lawsuits for this 
tract, and, in 1732, on an appeal to England, Torrey got 
possession of 280 acres; and, in 1735, by legal advice, he 
conveyed it in trust to Peter Coggeshall and five others in 


trust for the Presbyterian ministry. They leased it to a 
Hazard. In 1739, the original grant, which had been sup- 
posed lost, was discovered, and Dr. McSparran, by advice 
of his counsel, Col. Updike, Capt. Bull and Judge Auch- 
muty, brought a new action, which was lost in the Colony 
Courts; but, on appealing to the King, he gained the 

Among the papers in the case, it may be well to quote a 

Deposition of George Gardner, of East Greenwich, late 
of Kingstown, that at the meeting of the purchasers, in 
1692, " he heard them debate in what manner they should 
lay out and confirm their predecessors' gift of the 300 acres 
farm which they had granted to the ministry. In which dis- 
course, some pleaded that said lands should be given partic- 
ularly for the use of the Presbyterians. But Jahleel Bren- 
ton, Esq., who was there present, told them: Gentlemen, 
to give such a farm to the Presbyterians, and nothing to the 
church, will soon be noised at home, and may be a damage 
to us. And therefore, if you will be ruled by me, we will 
not express it to the Presbyterians, but will set it down to 
the ministry, and let them dispute who has the best title to 
it; or words to this effect, to which the other proprietors 
consenting, they ordered John Smith, the Surveyor, to write 
it down on the draft to the ministry." Brenton was then 
Collector at Newport. 

Henry Gardner, of South Kingstown, deposes that Mum- 
ford andWilbore professed themselves Episcopalians; that 
Brenton, Arnold and Wilson declared themselves to be so 
before the King's Commissioners: that he fenced in twenty 
acres, 8cc., as assign of John Porter, who had never signed 
the grant. 

There are certificates and extracts of records to show that 
several of the purchasers belonged to the old 1st Congrega- 
tional Church, in Boston; that John Clark and John San- 


ford were of the founders of it, in 1630; that William 
Brenton was admitted October, 1633; Wilbore, December 
1, 1633, and John Hull, October 15, 1648. Hull continu- 
ed in it until 1669, when he joined in founding the South 
(Congregational) Church, in which he lived and died. 

Several of the depositions go to show that Mumford was 
an Episcopalian. Wilbore, Porter, and fifty-six others, were 
disarmed by the Massachusetts government, in November, 
1637, for their attachment to Messrs. Hutchinson and 
Wheelwright. They received a licence to remove from 
that province, one being then required by law. Backus I. 
87. 97. See " An Answer to a printed letter, said to be 
written from a gentleman in Newport, to his friend in Bos- 
ton, &c.," in Rhode Island Historical Society's Collec- 

The daughter and heiress of John Hull, the purchaser, 
was first wife to Judge Samuel Sewal. Judge Sewal died 
January 1, 1729-30. There were two sons of the marriage, 
Samuel, who inherited the Narragansett lands, and the Rev. 
Joseph Sewal. 

The Boston Old Church Covenant is as follows, (from 
the pamphlet before referred to:) " In the name of our Lord 
Jesus Christ, and in obedience to his holy will and divine 
ordinance, we whose names are here underwritten, being 
by his most wise and good providence brought together into 
this part of America in the Bay of Massachusetts, and de- 
sirous to unite ourselves into one Congregation or church, 
under the Lord Jesus Christ our Head, in such sort as be- 
cometh all those whom he hath redeemed and sanctified -to 
himself, do hereby solemnly and religiously, (as in His 
most Holy presence,) promise and bind ourselves to walk in 
all our ways according to the rule of the Gospel, and in all 
sincere conformity to His Holy ordinances, and in mutual 
love and respect to each other, so near as God shall give us 


The Promise made on admission was, " I do promise by 
the grace and help of the Lord Jesus, that I will forsake 
all my former lusts and corruptions wherein at any time I 
have walked, and that I will give up myself to the Lord 
Jesus, making him my only priest and atonement, my only 
prophet and guide, my alone king and lawgiver; and that I 
will yield professed subjection to Him in this church and all 
His ordinances therein according to the Gospel, and will 
walk with His church in mutual memberly love and succour 
according to God." 

In 1752, Mr. Torrey obtained a final decision of the King 
and Council in his favor, of which decree Backus says, (1. 
344.) " I am told that Dr. Stennet, a Baptist minister, in 
London, had a great hand in procuring this decree for Mr. 
Joseph Torrey." 

This lawsuit decided this point, that the proprietors did 
not intend the land for a church under the Episcopalform of 
government. This was the only point in controversy, and 
the only one determined. No merely doctrinal question 
seems to have been brought into the dispute. There were 
then two religious parties; the church and state party, 
which was then the church of England party, and on the 
other hand, all those who were jealous of the union of church 
and state, and who thought the English government had 
something besides religion in view^ in the extension of their 
church in this country. 

The following letters relate to the subject of the ministe- 
rial lands in Pettaquamscut. 

KINGSTOWN, July 14, 1701. 
Honored Sir, 

We being confident of the great and sincere zeal your hon- 
or hath for the maintaining, propagating and establishing 
the preaching of the Gospel of Christ in these American 
parts, and that it may be administered by persons under 
lawful commission and due qualification, and that such may 


adorn the word and doctrine by a holy pious life and con- 
versation, we now presume to acquaint your honor, that 
some few persons in Kingstown in the Narragansett country, 
hath been conferring and lamenting together of the great 
disadvantage ourselves at present and the rising generations 
is and may be after us, in that we have not the word of God 
preached by some sound orthodox person amongst us, hoping 
in time if such such a thing may be obtained, that God will 
give such a blessing to his holy instituted means as may be 
convincing and converting from those divers erroneous sec- 
taries and opinions in our colony which extend to the extin- 
guishing of Christianity and exterminating humanity. We 
further presume to inform your Honor, that amongst the few 
persons affecting the ministry of the Gospel in our town, we 
can raise annually ! about ff tie pounds towards the maintain- 
ing of a gentleman that is qualified for the work of the 
ministry, that shall approve and like of our people and town, 
as also shall be liked and accepted of, by the major vote 
of such persons principally concerned amongst us, and for 
further encouragement of such a gentleman's settlement 
amongst us in Kingstown, we understand by some of the 
gentlemens issue that first purchased a great part of the coun- 
try, that they hath allotted a considerable tract of good land 
for the use of a minister, which said land, if it can be fairly 
laid out by the present heirs, according to the intent and 
donation of those gentlemen, and improvement made, it 
may conduce to the larger and more honorable living of the 
minister. And now Sir, our humble and hearty address 
is to your honor to assist us in this destitute condition, and 
to procure some person that is eminent and endued with a 
spirit of moderation, and qualification to preach God's word 
amongst us, and that it may be done with all convenient ex- 
pedition that your honor thinks meet, and we hope that if 
our proposals be short in that we are but few persons in 
number and low in outward capacity, your Honor with some 


gentlemen in Boston will assist wherein we are not able, 
for we cannot expect any help in our coloy, it mostly con- 
sisting of persons in government and people under it highly 
disaffecting the ministry, which we humbly entreat your 
Honor Jo be instrumental to have us supplied with; for up- 
on our first 'thoughts in the matter, our dependance was 
much built upon your Honor's help and encouragement, 
believing your Honor with many gentlemen in and about 
Boston will be ready to assist in any pious work and design. 
We hope your Honor will pardon our boldness in desiring 
trouble on you in this matter, and to honor us with a few 
lines touching the premises, which with our humble services 
is all at present from your humble servants in what we may 
or can, we rest and subscribe our names in the behalf of 
ourselves and company. 


The foregoing was addressed to Hon. Samuel Sewal, and 
Mr. Niles came to preach here in consequence of it. The 
following was also addressed to him. 

NEWPORT, August the 9th, 1711. 

Some time last spring Mr. Niles left with me your deed of 
the 300 acre lot for the minister of Kingstown; in my opinion 
there are errors in that deed, as where it says (the proprie- 
tors-, &c., in laying out the lands of the township of Kings- 
town, &c.) now our purchase is but a part of the town- 
ship, nor did our purchasers lay out the towhship. Mr. 


Wilbor's name is also left out of this deed, and I also think 
it wants some words oj greater force to secure it to a minister of 
the Presbyterian and Congregational principles, and I think 
there should be a clause in the deed, that if ever hereafter the said 
land or the incomes or profits thereof, be taken, appliejl or im- 
proved to any other use or uses than to such minister as afore- 
said, the proprietors and their heirs shall and may re-enter upon 
the same, and have hold and enjoy the same, fyc.,for you must 
know that some persons are gaping after it already for a church 
of England minister. And I think it might be proper to 
make over the said land to some feoffees in trust for the use 
before mentioned, but this I submit to better judgements. 

Sir, some persons from Kingstown have been lately with 
me, and they say they think it necessary that a small tract 
of land be bought near the meeting house at Kingstown, 
on which they might build a house for the minister to dwell 
in, but that they are not able to purchase it: I have desired 
them to look out such a piece of land as may be suitable, and 
to give me an account of the price of it. I shall be very glad 
if you would be pleased to join with me in the payment for it, 
and it shall be made over to us two which we may make 
over and secure to the use intended. 

I should be glad if you would let me know what progress is 
made towards getting a good minister in Kingstown. 1 under- 
stand the churchmen expect from England by the next ship, a 
minister for that town. 

There are some affairs of the Pettaquamscut purchase yet 
unfinished, if when you come to Bristol, you could spare so 
much time as to come to Newport, and you will give me 
timely notice of it, I will endeavor to get the rest of the pro- 
prietors to meet here at the time you shall appoint, in order 
finally to settle the affairs of that purchase. 
I am Sir, 

Your humble servant, 



We will conclude with an extract from a work by Dr. 
James McSparran, D. D. The only'connection that some 
part of it has with religion, is that it was written by a min- 
ister. The title is 

"America dissected, being a full and true account of all the 
American Colonies, she.wing the Intemperance of the Climates, 
excessive Heat and Cold, and sudden violent Changes of 
Weather, terrible and mischievdus Thunder and Lightning, 
bad and unwholesome air, destructive to Human* Bodies. 
Badness of Money, Danger from Enemies, but above all, the 
Danger to the souls of the Poor People that remove thither 
from the multifarious wicked and pestilent Heresies that prevail 
in those parts. In several letters from a Reverend Divine of 
the Church of England, Missionary to America and Doctor 
of Divinity, Published as a Caution to Unsteady People 
who may be tempted to leave their Native Country. 
Dublin, Printed and sold by S. Powell, Dame 

Street, 1753. [Price a British sixpense."~] 
The first settlers of Rhode Island, he observes 
" Perigranated through the wilderness and fell in with 
Rhode-Island, and removed their families and effects to a 
town called Providence. These Rhode-Island refugees re- 
solved themselves by their own, instead of a better authority, 
into a Body Politick, with liberty of conscience allowed to 
People of all Persuasions, and became not a regular arid le- 
gal Corporation, till King Charles the Second made them so 
in 1663, a Day before or a Day after he had incorporated the 
colony of Connecticut. In Connecticut, Independency is the 
religion of the State. But in Rhode-Island no Religion is 
established. There a Man may with Impunity be of any 
Society, or of none at all: but the Quakers are for the most 
part the People in Power. As Quakerism broke out first 
in England in 1651, so in 1654 Emissaries of that Enthusi- 
asm were dispatched to the West Indies ; and no sooner did 
their preachers appear in Rhode- Island, but they found many 


f the Posterity of the first Planters too well prepared for 
the reception of that pestilent Heresy. The twenty-four 
years that had run out from their first Removal from Eng- 
land, and the seventeen that had elapsed from their second 
settlement at Rhodes-Island, had carried off the stage of life 
most of those who received the first Rudiments of Religion 
in the Mother Country. Their descendants and Successors 
without Schools, without a regular Clergy, became neces- 
sarily rude and illiterate, and as Quakerism prevailed, 
Learning was decried, Ignorance and Heresy so increased, 
that neither Epiphanius's nor Sir Richard Blackmore's Cat- 
alogues, contain more heterodox and different Opinions in 
Religion than are to be found in this little Corner. The 
Magistrates of the Massachusetts who had before bore so 
hard upon the Rhode-Islanders, hanged four of these first 
Quake-Speakers. This, with other severities, exercised 
on their Proselites in that Province, contributed to send 
Shoals of these Sectaries to Rhode-Island as to a safer Sanc- 
tuary. This will account for the Power and Number of 
Quakers in this Colony, who notwithstanding did not aim at 
Civil Authority, until their Brethren of Pennsylvania had 
got into the Saddle of Power, and as they were sure of the 
major vote, they thought, and they, as it has proved, thought 
right, they might exercise these powers by the Connivance, 
which their brethren did by the Consent of the Crown. In 
1700, after Quakerism and other Heresies had in their turn, 
ruled over and tinged all the inhabitants, for the space Of 
forty-six years, the Church of England that had been lost 
here through neglect of the Crown, entered as it were un- 
observed and unseen, and yet not without some success. A 
little Church was built in Newport, the Metropolis of the 
Colony, in 1702, and that in which I officiate in Narragan- 
sd, [since removed to the village of Wickford and principal- 
ly rebuilt.] in 1707. There have been two incumbents be- 

fon 1 me, but neither of thorn had resolution enough to grap 


pie with the Difficulties of the Mission above a year apiece. 
I entered on this mission in 1721, and found the people not 
a Tabula Rasa, or clean Sheet of Paper, upon which I 
might make any impressions I pleased; but a field full of 
Briars and Thorns and noxious weeds that were all to be 
eradicated before J could implant in them the Simplicity of 
Truth. However, by God's Blessing, I have brought over 
to the Church, some hundreds, and among the Hundreds I 
have baptized, there are at least 150 who received the Sac- 
rament at my hands, from twenty years old to seventy or 
eighty. Ex pede Herculcem. By this you may guess in 
how uncultivated a Country my lot fell. By my excursions 
and out labors, a Church is built twenty-five miles to the 
Westward of me, [location not ascertained] but not now 
under my care. Another, 16 miles to the Northward of me 
[about a mile this side of East-Greenwich village, where 
an old stone chimney is now standing,] where I officiate 
once a month, and at a place six miles further off, on the 
Saturday night preceding that monthly Sunday. I gathered 
a congregation at a place called New Bristol, where now 
officiates a Missionary from the Society ; and I was the first 
Episcopal minister that ever preached at Providence, where 
for a long time I used to go four times a year, but that 
Church has now a fixed Missionary of its own. 

" Besides the members of our Church, who I may boast 
are the best of the People, being Converts, not from Con- 
venience or civil Encouragement, but Conscience and Con- 
viction, there are Quakers, Anabaptists, of four Sorts, In- 
dependents, with a still larger Number than all those of the 
Descendants of European Parents, devoid of all Religion, 
and who attend no kind of Publick Worship. In all the 
other Colonies, the Law lays an Obligation to go to some 
sort of Worship on Sunday, but here Liberty of Conscience 
is carried to an irreligious Extreme. The Produce of this 
Colony is principally Butter and Cheese, fat Cattle. Wool 


and fine Horses, that are exported to all parts of the Eng- 
lish America. They are remarkable for fleetness and swift 
Pacing, and I have seen some of them pace a mile in little 
more than two minutes, a good deal less than three.* There 
are above three hundred vessels, such as Sloops, Schooners, 
Snows, Brigantines and Ships, from 60 tons and upwards 
that belong to this Colony ; but as they are rather Carriers 
for other Colonies than furnished here with Cargoes, you 
will go near to conclude that we are lazy and greedy of 
Gain, since, instead of cultivating the Lands, we improve 
too many Hands in trade. This indeed is the Case. 

There are here, which is no good Symptom, a vast many 
Law Suits, more in one Year, than the County of Derry 
has in twenty ; and Billy M'Evers has been so long your 
Father's and your Honor's Constable, that he would make 
a very good Figure on the Bench of our Courts of Sessions 
and Common Pleas, and no very contemptible one on those 
of our Courts of Assize and General Goal Delivery. The 
JNTovanglians in General, the Rhode-Islanders in particular, 
are the only people on earth, who have hit on the art of en- 
riching themselves by running in Debt. This will remain 
no longer a mystery, than I have related to your Honour, 
that we have no money among us, but a depreciated paper 
currency- and this in the Current of 30 Years, has dwin- 
dled down from 6s. and 8d. to 4s. per ounce. He who dis- 
poses of his Goods on long Credit, and another who lends 
his money, at -lOJ or even 15 per cent., the first loses his 
Profits and the last some of his Principal, besides all the 
Interest. Indeed, a new Act of the British Parliament, ill- 
penned passed last Winter to restrain us, But such things 
are only Brula Fulmina, and we shall go on I doubt in our 
old way of paper Emissions, unless the Lord in Mercy tons 

: The Narragansett breed of horses here alluded to, once so celebrated 
wherever known, have, we believe, become entirely extinct. 


should dispose the Sovereign Power to vacate our Patent, 
and prevent our Destruction by taking us out of our own 

I mentioned Wool as one of the productions of this Colo- 
ny; but although it is pretty plenty where Hive, yet if you 
throw the English America into one Point of View there is 
. not half enough to make Stockings for the Inhabitants. We 
are a vast advantage to England in the Consumption of her 
Manufactures, for which we make returns in new Ships, 
Whale Oil and Bone (which grows in the Whale's Mouth) 
and Dry Fish, to the. Ports of Portugal, Spain and Italy, 
which are paid for by Draughts on London and Bristol 
Merchants. I wish Ireland were at Liberty to ship us their 
Woollens which we shall always want, instead of her Linens 
which will soon cease to be in demand here! Before I leave 
this Colony give me leave to observe to your Honour, that 
the Lord Marquis of Hamilton, predecessor to the late Dukes 
of that Title, bought of the Council of Plymouth, 60 miles 
Square, of Land, which comprehends most of this Colony 
and part of Connecticut, with 10,000 acres at Sagadahock, 
and only length of Time, Neglect and some Misfortunes 
that befel that Family, have deprived them of the Benefit 
of that Great Estate. The last Duke put a Copy of his 
Patent into my Hands, when I was in England in 1737, 
and from that and what he told me it appeared to my Under- 
standing that his Title was Good, and might, were the times 
favourable to that Family, be recovered again. At an easy 
Quit Rent of 5s. Sterling per 100 Acres, it would amount 
to more than 5760 per annum and might be improved to a 
much greater sum." 

*' " 



The following was written at some lime between August, 1636, 
and May, 1687. 

cc NEW PROVIDENCE, this Qd day of the week. 
(< Sir 

1-711 , 

;c The latter end of the last week, I gave notice to our 
neighbor princes of your intentions and preparations against 
the common enemy, the Pequods. At my first coming to 
them, Canonicus (morosus aeque ac barbarus senex) was 
very sour, and accused the English and myself for sending 
the plague amongst them, and threatening to kill him es- 

" Such tidings (it seems) were lately brought to his ears 
by some of his flatterers and our ill-willers. 1 discerned 
cause of bestirring myself, and staid the longer, and at last 
(through the mercy of the Most High) I not only sweeten- 
ed his spirit, but possessed him, that the plague and other 
sicknesses were alone in the hand of the one God, who 
made him and us, who being displeased with the English 
for lying, stealing, idleness and uncleanness, (the natives' 
epidemical sins,) smote many thousands of us ourselves with 
general and late mortalities. 

' ' Miantinomo kept his barbarous court lately at my house, 
and with him I have far better dealing. He takes some 
pleasure to visit me, and sent me word of his coming over 
again some eight days hence. 

" They pass not a week without some skirmishes, though 
hitherto little loss on cither side! They were glad of your 
preparations, and in much conference with themselves and 
others, (fishing, de industria, for instructions from them) I 
gathered these observations, which you may please (as cause 
may be) to consider and take notice of: 


C 1. They conceive, that to do execution to purpose on 
the Pequods, will require not two or three days and away, 
but a riding by it and following of the work to and again 
the space of three weeks or a month; that there be a falling 
off and a retreat, as if you were departed, and a falling on 
again within three or four days, when they are returned 
again to their houses securely from their flight. 

" 2. That if any pinnaces come in ken, they presently 
prepare for flight, women and old men and children, to a 
swamp some three or four miles on the back of them, a 
marvellous great and secure swamp, which they called 
Ohomovvauke, which signifies owl's nest, and by another 
name, Cappacommock, which signifies a refuge, or hiding 
place, as I conceive. 

"3. That, therefore, Niantick (which is Miantinomo's 
place of rendezvous) be thought on for the riding and retir- 
ing to of vessel or vessels, which place is faithful to the 
Narragansets, and at present enmity with the Pequods. 

(C 4. They also conceive it easy for the English, that the 
provisions and munition first arrive at Aquetneck, called 
by us Rhode-Island, at the Narraganset's mouth, and then 
a messenger may be despatched hither, and so to the Bay, 
for the soldiers to march up by land to the vessels, who oth- 
erwise might spend long time about the Cape, and fill more 
vessels than needs. 

" 5. That the assault would be in the night, when they 
are commonly more secure and at home, by which advan- 
tage the English, being armed, may enter the houses and 
do what execution they please. 

" 6. That before the assault be given, an ambush be laid 
behind them, between them and the swamp, to prevent 
their flight, &c. 

" 7. That to that purpose, such guides as shall be best 
liked of be taken along to direct, especially two Pequods, 
viz. Wequash and Wuttackquiackommin, valiant men, es- 
pecially the latter, who have lived these three or four years 
with the Narragansets, and know every pass and passage 
among them, who desire armor to enter their houses. 

"8. That it would be pleasing to all natives, that women 
and children be spared, &,c. 

" 9. That if there be any more land travel to Connecti- 
cut, some course would also be taken with the Wunna- 
showatuckoogs, who are confederates with and a refuge to 
tho Pequods. 


" Sir, if any thing be sent to the princes, 1 find that Ca- 
nonicus would gladly accept of a box of eight or ten pounds 
of sugar, and indeed he told me he would thank Mr. Gov- 
ernor for a box full. 

"Sir, you may please to take notice of a rude view how 
the Pequods lie : 

[Here follows a rude map of the Pequod and Mohegan 

" Thus, with my best salutes to your worthy selves and 
loving friends with you, and daily cries to the Father of 
mercies for a merciful issue to all these enterprises, I rest, 
<f Your worship's unfeignedly respective 



About June, 1638, the following ivas written. 

" Sir 

" r perceive, by these your last thoughts, that you have 
received many accusations and hard conceits of this poor 
native Miantinomo, wherein I see the vain and empty puff 
of all terrene promotions, his barbarous birth or greatness 
being much honored, confirmed and augmented (in his own 
conceit) by the solemnity of his league with the English, 
and his more than ordinary entertainment, Sec. now all dash- 
ed in a moment in the frowns of such in whose friendship 
and love lay his chief advancement. 

" Sir, of the particulars, some concerning him only, some 
Canonicus and the rest of the sachems, some all the natives, 
some myself. 

" For the sachems, I shall go over speedily, and acquaint 
them with particulars. At present, let me still find this fa- 
vor in your eyes, as to obtain an hearing, for that your love 
hath never denied me, which way soever your judgment 
hath been (I hope, and I know you will one day see it,} 
and been carried. 

" Sir, let this barbarian be proud, and angry, and covet- 
ous, and filthy, hating and hateful, (as ourselves have been 
till kindness from heaven pitied us, &c.) yet let me humbly 
beg belief, that for myself, I am not yet turned Indian, to 
believe all barbarians tell me, nor so basely presumptuous 
as to trouble the eyes and hands of such (and so honored 
and dear) with shadows and fables. I commonly guess 


shrewdly at what a native utters, arid, to my remembrance, 
never wrote particular, but either 1 know the bottom of it, 
or else I am bold to give a hint of my suspense. 

" Sir, therefore, in some things at present, (begging 
your wonted gentleness toward my folly) give me leave 
to show you how I clear myself from such a lightness. 

" I wrote lately (for that you please to begin with) that 
some Pequods (and some of them actual murderers of the 
English, and that also after the fort was cut off,) were now 
in your hands. Not only love, but conscience forced me to 
send, and speedily, on purpose, by a native, mine own 
servant. I saw not, and spake not with Miantinomo, nor 
any from him. I write before the All-Seeing Eye. But 
thus it was. A Narraganset man (Awetipimo) coming 
from the bay with cloth, turned in (as they use to do) to 
rue for lodging. I questioned of Indian passages, &c. He 
tells me Uncas was come with near upon forty natives. I 
asked what present he brought. He told me that Cutsha- 
moquene had four fathom and odd of him, and forty was for 
Mr. Governor. I asked him how many Pequods. He told 
me six. I asked him if they were known. He said Uncas 
denied that there were any Pequods, and said they were 
Mohegans all. I asked if himself knew any of them. He 
answered be did, and so did other Indians of Narraganset. 
I asked \i the murderer of whom I wrote, Pamatesick, 
were there. He answered he was, and (I further inquir- 
ing) he was confident it was he, for he knew him as well as 
me, Sec. 

" All this news (by this providence) I knew before ever it 
came to Narraganset. Upon this I sent, indeed fearing 
guilt to my own soul, both against the Lord and my coun- 
trymen. But see a stranger hand of the Most and Only 
Wise. Two days after, Uncas passeth by within a mile of 
me (though he should have been kindly welcome.) One of 
his company (Wequaumugs) having hurt his foot, and disa- 
bled from travel, turns in to me; whom lodging, I question, 
and find him by father a Narraganset, by mother a Mohc- 
gari, and so freely entertained by both. I further inquiring, 
he told me he went from Mohegan to the Bay with Uncas. 
He told me how he had presented forty fathom (to my re- 
membrance) to Mr. Governor (four and upwards to Cuts 
hamoquene,) who would not receive them, but asked twice 
for Puquods, At last, at Newton, Mr, Governor received 
them, uni.l wild willing that the Pequods should live, such us 


were at Mohegan, subject to the English sachems at Con- 
necticut, to whom they should carry tribute, and such Fe 
quods as were at Narraganset to Mr. Governor, and all the 
runaways at Mohegan to be sent back. I asked him how 
many Pequods were at Narraganset. He said but two, who 
were Miantinomo's captives, and that at Niantick with We- 
quash Cook were about three score. I asked, why he said 
the Indians at Narraganset were to be the Governor's sub- 
jects. He said, because Niantick was sometimes so called, 
although there hath been of late no coming of Narraganset 
men thither. I asked him if he heard all this. He said 
that himself and the body of the company stayed about Cuts- 
hamoquene's. I asked how many Pequods were among 
them. He said six. I desired him to name them, which he 
did thus: Pamatesick, Weeaugonhick, (another of those 
murderers) Makunnete, Kishkontuckqua, Sausawpona,Qus- 
saumpowan, which names I presently wrote down, and 
(pace vestra dixerim) I am as confident of the truth as that 
I breathe. Again, (not to be too bold in all the particulars 
at this time) what a gross and monstrous untruth is that 
concerning myself, which your love arid wisdom to myself a 
little espy, and I hope see malice and falsehood, (far from 
the fear of God) whispering together? 1 have long held it 
will-worship to doff and don to the Most High in worship; 
and I wish also, that in civil worship, others were as far 
from such a vanity, though I hold it not utterly unlawful in 
some places. Yet surely, amongst the barbarians, (the 
highest in the world,) I would rather lose my head than so 
practise, because I judge it my duty to set them better 
copies, and should sin against my own persuasions and res- 

" Sir, concerning the islands Prudence and (Patmos, if 
some had not hindered) Aquetneck, be pleased to under- 
stand your great mistake: neither of them were sold prop- 
erly, for a thousand fathom would not have bought cither, 
by strangers. The truth is, not a penny was demanded for 
either, and what was paid was only gratuity, though I chose., 
for better assurance and form, to call it sale. 

" Your worship's unfeigned and faithful, 


" Sir, mine own and wife's respective sal'utes to your deai 
companion and all yours; as also to Mr. Deputy, Mr. Bcl- 
lingham, and other loving friends. 

" I am bold to enclose this paper, although the passages 


may not be new, yet they may refresh your memories in 
these English Scotch distractions, &c. 

" For his much honored and beloved Mr. Governor of 
Massachusetts, these." 


The following is supposed to have been written on the QQth of 
August, 1637. 

" NEW PROVIDENCE, %Qth of the 6th. 
" Much honored Sir, 

" Yours by Yotaash (Miantinpmo's brother) received. I 
accompanied him to the Narragansets, and having got Ca- 
nonicus and Miantinomo, with their council, together, I 
acquainted them faithfully with the contents of your letter, 
both grievances and threatenings; and to demonstrate, I 
produced the copy of the league, (which Mr. Vane sent 
me) and with breaking of a straw in two or three places, I 
showed them what they had done. 

" In sum their answer was, that they thought they should 
prove themselves honest and faithful, when Mr. Governor 
understood their answers; and that (although they would 
not contend with their friends,) yet they could relate many 
particulars, wherein the English had broken (since these 
wars) their promises, &c. 

" First, then, concerning the Pequod squaws, Canonicus 
answered, that he never saw any, but heard of some that 
came into these parts, and he bade carry them back to Mr. 
Governor; but since he never heard of them till I came, 
and now he would have the country searched for them. Mi- 
antinomo answered, that he never heard of but six, and four 
he saw which were brought to him, at which he was angry, 
and asked why they did not carry them to me, that I might 
convey them home again. Then he bid the natives that 
brought them to carry them to me, who, departing, brought 
him word that the squaws were lame, and they could not 
travel. Whereupon, he sent me word that I should send 
for them. This I must acknowledge, that this message I 
received from him, and sent him word that we were but few 
here, and could not fetch them nor convey them, and there- 
fore desired him to send men with them, and to seek out the 
rest. Then, saith he, we were busy ten or twelve days to- 
gether, as indeed they were, in a strange kind of solemnity, 


wherein the sachems ate nothing but at night, and all the 
natives round about the country were feasted. In which 
time, saith he, I wished some to look to them, which, not- 
withstanding, at this time, they escaped; and now he would 
employ men instantly to search all places for them, and 
within two or three days to convey them home. Besides, 
he professed that he desired them not, and was sorry the 
Governor should think he did. I objected, that he sent to 
beg one. He answered, that Sassamun, being sent by the 
Governor with letters to Pequod, fell larne, and, lying at his 
house, told him of a squaw he saw, which was a sachem's 
daughter, who, while he lived, was his (Miantinomo's) great 
friend. He therefore desired, in kindness to his dead friend, 
to beg her, or redeem her. 

"Concerning his departure from the English, and leaving 
them without guides, he answered, first, that they had been 
faithful, many hundreds of them, (though they were solicited 
to the contrary;) that they stuck to the English in life or 
death, without which they were persuaded that Uncas and 
the Mohegans had proved false, (as he fears they will yet) 
as also that they never had found a Pequod; and therefore, 
saith he, sure there was some cause. I desired to know it. 
He replied in these words, Chenockeiuse wetompatimucks? 
that is, did ever friends deal so with friends? I urging 
wherein, he told me this tale: that his brother, Yotaash, had 
seized upon Puttaquppuunch, Quame, and twenty Pequods, 
and threescore squaws; they killed three and bound the 
rest, watching them all night, and sending for the English, 
delivered them to them in the morning. Miantinomo (who, 
according to promise, came by land with two hundred men, 
killing ten Pequods in their march,) was desirous to see 
the great sachem whom his brother had taken, being now in 
the English houses; but, saith he, I was thrust at with a 
pike many times, that I durst not come near the door. I 
objected, he was not known. He and others affirmed he 
was, and asked if they should have dealt so with Mr. Gov- 
ernor. I still denied that he was known, &c. Upon this, 
he saith, all m.y company were disheartened, and they all, 
and Cutshamoquene, desired to be gone ; and yet, saith he, 
two of my men (Wagonckwhut and Maunamoh) were their 
guides to Sesquankit from the river's mouth. 

<c Sir, I dare not stir coals, but I saw them too much dis- 
regarded by many, which their ignorance imputed to all, and 
thence came the misprision, and blessed be the Lord things 
were no worse. 


Cf J objected, they received Pequods and wampum with- 
out Mr. Governor's consent. Canonicus replied, that al- 
though he and Miantinomo had paid many hundred fathom 
of wampum to their soldiers, as Mr. Governor did, yet he 
had not received one yard of beads nor a Pequod. Nor, 
paith Miantinomo, did I, but one small present from four 
women of Long-Island, which were no Pequods, but of 
that isle, being afraid, desired to put themselves under my 

" By the next I shall add something more of consequence, 
and which must cause our loving friends of Connecticut to 
be very watchful, as also, if you please, their grievances, 
which 1 have labored already to answer, to preserve the 
English name; but now end abruptly, with best salutes and 
earnest prayers for your peace with the God of peace and all 
men. So praying, J rest, 

" Your worship's unfeigned 


"All loving respects to Mrs. Winthrop and yours, as 
also to Mr. Deputy, Mr. Bcllingham, theirs, and Mr. Wil- 
son, 8tc. 

' ( For his much honored Mr. Governor, these." 


The following was written about 1GG7. 

" The last of the week, I think the 28//t of the 3th 

" The bearer, Miantinomo, resolving to go on his visit, 1 
am bold to request a word of advice from you, concerning 
a proposition made by Canonicus and himself to me some 
half year since. Canonicus gave an island in this bay to 
Mr. Oldham, by name ChibachuwesG, upon condition, as it 
should seem, that he would dwell there near unto them. 
The Lord (in whose hands all our hearts are) turning their 
affections towards myself, they desired me to remove thither 
and dwell nearer to them. I have answered once and again, 
that for the present I mind not to remove; but if I have it 
from them, I would give them satisfaction for it, and build a 
little house and put in some swine, as understanding the 
place to have store of fish and good feeding for swine. Of 
late 1 have heard, that Mr. Gibbons, upon occasion, mo- 
lioncd your desire and lib own of putting some swine on 


some of these islands, which hath me made since more desire 
to obtain it, because I might thereby not only benefit myself, 
but also pleasure yourself, whom I more desire to pleasure 
and honor. I spoke of it now to this sachem, and he tells 
me, that because of the store offish, Canonicus desires that 
I would accept half, (it being spectacle-wise, and between 
a mile or two in circuit, as I should guess) and he would 
reserve the other; but I think, if I go over, I shall obtain 
the whole. Your loving counsel, how far it maybe inoffen- 
sive, because it was once (upon a condition not kept,) Mr. 
Oldham's. So, with respective salutes to your kind self and 
Mrs. Winthrop, I rest, 

" Your worship's unfeigned, in all I may, 

" For his much honored Mr. Governor, these." 


The following was written about 1638. 

" Much honored Sir, 

" Through the mercy of the Most High, I am newly re- 
turned from a double journey to Connecticut and Plymouth. 
I shall presume on your wonted love and gentleness, to 
present you with a short relation of what issue it pleased 
the Lord to produce out of them, especially since your wor- 
ship's name was in some way engaged in both. 

" I went up to Connecticut with Miantinomo, who had a 
guard of upwards of one hundred and fifty men, and many 
sachems, and his wife and children with him. By the way 
(lodging from his house three nights in the woods) we met 
divers JNarraganset men complaining of robbery and vio- 
lence which they had sustained from the Pequods and Mo- 
hegans, in their travel from Connecticut; as also some of 
the Wunnashowatuckoogs (subject to Canonicus) came to 
us and advertised, that two days before, about six hundred 
and sixty Pequods, Mohegans and their confederates, had 
robbed them, and spoiled about twenty-three fields of corn, 
and rifled four Narraganset men amongst them; and also 
that they lay in way and wait to stop Miantinomo's passage 
to Connecticut, and divers of them threatened to boil him in 
a kettle. 

" This tidings being many* ways confirmed, my company, 


Mr. Scott, (a Suffolk man,) and Mr. Cope, advised our 
stop and return back; unto which I also advised the whole 
company, to prevent bloodshed, resolving to get up to Con- 
necticut" by water, hoping there to stop such courses. But 
Miantinomo and his council resolved, (being then about fifty 
miles, halfway, on our journey,) that not a man should turn 
back, resolving rather all to die, keeping strict watch by 
night, and in dangerous places a guard by day about the 
sachems, Miantinomo and his wife, who kept the path, my- 
self and company always first, and on either side of the path 
forty or fifty men to prevent sudden surprisals. This was 
their Indian march. 

" But it pleased the Father of mercies, that (as we since 
heard we came not by, till two days after the time given 
out by Miantinomo, (by reason of staying for me until the 
Lord's day was over) as also the Lord sent a rumor of great 
numbers of the English, in company with the Narragansets, 
so that we came safe to Connecticut. 

" Being arrived, Uncas had sent messengers that he was 
lame, and could not come. Mr. Haynes said it was a lame 
excuse, and sent earnestly for him, who at last came, and 
being charged by Mr. Haynes with the late outrages, one 
of his company said, they were but an hundred men. He 
said he was with them, but did not see all was done, and 
that they did but roast corn, &c. So there being affirma- 
tions and negations concerning the number of men and the 
spoil, not having eye-witnesses of our owr, that fell, as 
also many other mutual complaints of rifling each other, 
which were heard at large to give vent and breathing to both 

" At last we drew them to shake hands, Miantinomo and 
Uncas, and Miantinomo invited (twice earnestly) Uncas to 
sup and dine with him, he and all his company (his men 
having killed some venison;) but he would not yield, al- 
though the magistrates persuaded him also to it. 

" In a private conference, Miantinomo, from Canonicus 
and himself, gave in the names of all the Pequod sachems 
and murderers of the English. The names of the sachems 
were acknowledged by Uncas, as also the places, which 
only I shall be bold to set down: 

' iVausipouck, Puttaquappuonckquame his son, now on 
Long -Island. 

' Nanasfjuiouwut, Puttaquappuonckquame his brother, at 


* Puppompogs, Sassacus his brother, at Mohegan. 
' Mausaumpous, at Niantick. 

* Kithansh, at Mohegan. 

' Attayakitch, at Pequod or Mohegan. 
' These, with the murderers, the magistrate desired to 
cut off, the rest to be divided, and to abolish their names. 
An inquisition was made, and it was affirmed from Canoni- 
cus, that he had not one. Miantinomo gave in the names 
often or eleven, which were the remainder of near seventy, 
which at the first subjected themselves, of which I adver- 
tised your worship, but all again departed or never came to 
him; so that two or three of these he had with him; the rest 
were at Mohegan and Pequod. 

' ' Uncas was desired to give in the names of his. He an- 
swered, that he knew not their names. He said, there were 
forty on Long-Island; and that Janemoh and three Nian- 
tick sachems had Pequods, and that he himself had but 
twenty. Thomas Stanton told him and the magistrates, 
that he dealt very falsely; and it was affirmed by others, that 
he fetched thirty or forty from Long-Island at one time. 
Then he acknowledged, that he had thirty, but the names 
he could not give. It pleased the magistrates to request me 
to send to Niantick, that the names of their Pequods might 
be sent to Connecticut; as also to give Uncas ten days to 
bring in the number and names of his Pequods and their 
runaways, Mr Haynes threatening also (in case of failing) 
to fetch them. 

" Sir, at Plymouth, it pleased the Lord to force the pris- 
oners to confess, that they all complotted and intended 
murder; and they were, three of them, (the fourth having 
escaped, by a pinnace, from Aquetneck,) executed in the 
presence of the natives who went with me. Our friends 
confessed, that they received much quickening from your 
own hand. O that they might also in a case more weighty, 
wherein they need much, viz. the standing to their present 
government and liberties, to which I find them weakly re- 

" They have requested nie to inquire out a murder five 
years since committed upon a Plymouth man, (as they now 
hear) by two Narraganset Indians, between Plymouth and 
Sovvams. I hope, (if true) the Lord will discover it. 

" Sir, I understand there hath been some Englishman of 
late come over, who hath told much to Cutshamoquene's 
Indians (I think Auhaudin) of a great sachem in England 


(using the King's name) to whom all the sachems in this 
land are and shall be nothing, and where his ships ere long 
shall land; and this is much news at present amongst the 
natives. I hope to inquire out the man. 

###### # 

"Your worship's most unfeigned, 


" All respective salutations to kind Mrs Winthrop, Mr. 
Deputy, Mr. Bellingham, and theirs." 


The following was written about August, 1638. 

"Much honored Sir, 

" The bearer lodging with me, I am bold to write an 
hasty advertisement concerning late passages. For him- 
self, it seems he was fearful to go farther than forty miles 
about us, especially considering that no natives are willing 
to accompany him to Pequod or Mohegan, being told by two 
Pequods (the all Miantinomo's captives which are not run 
from him) what he might expect, &c. 

" Sir, Capt. Mason and Thomas Stanton, landing at 
Narraganset, and at Miantinomo's denouncing war within 
six days against Janemoh, for they say that Miantinomo hath 
been fair in all the passages with them, Janemoh sent two 
messengers to myself, requesting counsel. I advised him 
to go over with beads and satisfy, &c. 

" He sent four Indians. By them Mr. Haynes writes me, 
that they confess fifteen fathom there received at Long- 
Island. Thereabout they confessed to me (four being ta- 
ken of Pequods by force, and restored again,) as also that 
the islanders say fifty-one fathom, which sum he demanded, 
as also that the Niantick messengers laid down twenty-six 
fathom and a half, which was received in part, with declara- 
tion that Janemoh should within ten days bring the rest 
himself, or else they were resolved for war, &c. I have 
therefore sent once and again to Janemoh, to persuade him- 
self to venture, 8tc. Canonicus sent a principal man last 
night to me, in haste and secrecy, relating that Wequash 
had sent word that if Janemoh went over he should be kill- 
ed,^ but I assure them the contrary, and persuade Canonicus 
to importune and hasten Janemoh within his time, ten days, 
withal hoping and writing back persuasions of better things 


to Mr. Haynes, proffering myself, (in case that Janemoh 
through fear or folly fail) to take a journey and negotiate 
their business, and save blood, whether the natives' or my 



" Your worship's most unworthy, 


"This native, Will, my servant, shall attend your wor- 
ship for answer. 

"My due respect to Mr. Deputy, Mr. Bellingham, &c." 


" For his much honored and beloved Mr. Winhrop, at 

" Cawcawmsqussick, 10, 8, 48, (so called.) 
" Sir, 

'Best salutations to your dear selves and loving sister. 
In my last I intimated a promise of presenting you with 
what here passeth. Captain Atherton, Captain Prichard, 
Richard Wood and Strong Tuchell, have been with me (as 
also Wm. Arnold, instead of his son Benedict, who with- 
drew himself, though sent unto,) these six or seven days. 
They were at JNiantick two nights. Captain Atherton pur- 
posed to visit you, but they appointing their meeting with 
all the sachems at my house, they came back; and this 
morning, (the fourth day of the week,) they are departed 
with good content toward the Bay. From the commis- 
sioners they brought several articles, but the main were 
three; concerning the Mohawks, &c.; 2d, the payment; 
3d, Uncas' future safety. To the first, they sent answer 
(and that they confirmed with many assentations, and 
one of them voluntarily took the Englishmen's God to wit- 
ness) that they gave not a penny to hire the Mohawks 
against the Mohegans, but that it was wholly wrought by 
Wussoonkquassin, (which they discovered as a secret) who 
being bound by Uncas, and Wuttouwuttauoum, Uncas his 
cousin, having attempted to shoot a Mohawk sachem at 
that time, resolved with the Mohawks (to whom he also 
gave peag) to take revenge upon Uncas; Wussoonkquassin 
sent them word and desired peag of them in the spring, but 
they profess they consented not, nor sent not a penny, af- 
terwards they sent Waupinhommin up to inquire to Paw- 
catuck and however they have .given some of the Mohe- 


gans peag this y3ar, (as they have always done) yet they 
say they are clear from giving a penny in hire, &c. They 
confess their enmity against tineas, and they (to the 2d) 
will not rest until they have finished their payments, that 
they may present their complaints against Uncas, who (they 
say) and other Indians, within these three years, have com- 
mitted thirteen murders with impunity, being out of their 
reach in the English protection. This last year they plead- 
ed they were near starved, and, therefore, sent but a small 
quantity. Now they promise, upon return of their men 
from hunting this winter, to make a contribution, the next 
spring another, and so according as they can draw the peo- 
ple to it, will not cease to furnish, and if they die, their 
children shall fulfil, and that it is their sore grief, &c. with 
much to this purpose. For Uncas they profess neither di- 
rectly nor indirectly, to have to do with him, yet hope the 
English will not deal partially with him. They desired the 
English receipt of their peag; I produced the note you sent 
me, which, because it was not signed with your father's hand 
or the Treasurer's, See. the messengers promised to send 
them one from the Bay, Ninigret, made great lamentation 
that you had entertained hard thoughts of him in this busi- 
ness, and all the sachems here professed their sorrow and that 
you had hearkened to Wequashcook, who they say never 
contributed nor joined in the Pequod wars, and now flat- 
ters to draw his neck out of the payments to the English. 
They hope you will not countenance him to rob JVinigret 
of those hunting places which the commissioners gave liim 
leave to make use of, and he with the English had fought 
for with the expense of much treasure and hazard of his life. 
They desire that he may and Causasenamon and the rest 
of the Pequods, be as your little dogs, but not as your con- 
federates, which they say is unworthy yourself, fyc. Sir, 
1 perceive the English about the Bay inquire after new 
places. Captain Atherton prays rne shortly to convey a 
letter to you. I forgot one passage that the sachems dis- 
covered, that Wussoonkquassin gave peag to the Mohawks 
to retreat. It seems they are (Switzer like) mercenary, and 
were hired on and off; these sachems I believe desire cor- 
dially to hold friendship with both the English and the Mo- 
hawks together; lam confident (whether they lie or not, 
about Wussoonkquassin) that they never intended hurt 
against the English nor yourself and yours especially, to 
-Vw> m thev profess great resnert, and jointly they desire 


that Wequashcook may come back to Connecticut from 
\vhence he went, for if he join with Uncas they suspect 
he will secretly be a means of some of their deaths. Lastly, 
whereas they heard that the women with you were some- 
thing fearful, Ninigret prays Mrs Winthrop to be assured, 
that there never was, nor never shall be, to his knowledge, 
the least offence given to her or her neighbors, by any of 
his (though he hath learnt it partly by your just abhorring 
of Uncas his outrageous carriage among you, and of which 
I have not softly told these messengers and the admired par- 
tiality in the case.) For a token of his fidelity to Mrs. Win- 
throp, Ninigret he prays me to write, that all the women of 
his town shall present Mrs. Winthrop with a present of corn 
at Pawcatuck, if she please to send in any conveyance to 
Pawcatuck for it. 

" Sir, to gratify them, I am thus bold with you, and de- 
siring your eternal peace, I rest 

" Your worship's unworthy 


" Sir, I formerly wrote to you and now still crave your 
help with Wequashcook, who keeps basely from me for five 
or six coats, andean neither get peag nor cloth." 


" Nar. 
" Sir, 

" Loving respects to yourself and dearest, and Mrs. 
Lake, premised. Two days since, Ninigret came to me and 
requested me to write two letters; the one, in answer to 
Capt. Atherton's motion for some English planting on Block 
Island, and on a neck at JViantick; the other, to yourself, 
in which protesting his innocence as to the death of his son- 
in-law, with which Uncas and the Pequods charge him. 
He prays you (as of yourself) to signify (as much you as 
can) items to the- Pequods, that they be quiet and attempt 
nothing (at least, treacherously,) against him, which he 
suspects, from words from Uncas, that it will be pleasing to 
the English. He prays you also to be mindful of endeav- 
oring to remove Wequashcook, so constant a provocation 
before him; and, at present, he prays you to send for some 
skins, which lately, as lord of the place, he hath received. 
I hope the English sachems, as I tell him, in the spring will 
hear and gratify him in his just desires, the want of which* 


I gness, is the cause that he is not free, as yet, for Block- 
Island, &c.; but expresseth much, if the English do him 
justice against his enemies. 

# * * # * # * 

" Sir, yours, 

"R. W. 

" Sir, since I wrote this, it pleased God to send a Dutch- 
man for an old debt, and the same night Mr. Goodyear also, 
to whom and his wife (for her former husband) I am indebt- 
ed, and so was necessitated to make satisfaction to Mr. 
Goodyear also. These providences of God so falling will 
necessarily cause me to be preparing some few days more 
that peag for Mr. Throgmorton. But most certainly it, 
(God please I live) notwithstanding ways and weather, shall 
be sent; this I write, that although Mr. Throgmorton should 
depart, or come home, yet he may presume on your faith- 
fulness and love to dispose of it, as he requesteth. 
" Sir, your unworthy, 

"R. W. 

" Captain Underbill, now here in a Dutch vessel, presents 
loving respects." 


" For his honored, kind friend, Mr. John Winthrop, at 
" Sir, 

* ' I am the more easily persuaded by this barbarian prince, 
Ninigret, to trouble you so often, that I may the oftener 
hear of your welfare, and at present how it pleased God to 
bring you home to yours again. Upon your word, Ninigret 
prays you to send him word, whether within ten days of this 
5th of the week present, you will please to meet him at We- 
quatucket, so it be when Mr. Stanton is present. He would 
confer about Mr. Eliot's letter and coat, about Wequash- 
cook's usurping at Pawcatuck, about his present hunting, 
about the present disposal of the Pequod fields, about his 
letters to the Bay, which, in your name, I have almost per- 
suaded to suspend until the meeting of the commissioners 
at Boston. Here is now a great hurry made by Anquontis, 
one of those petty sachems, of whom Mr. Eliot wrote to you 
and me. He hath offered great abuse to one of the chief, 
and Ninigret is now going to Conanicut about him. I per- 
suade not to engage themselves, but to send him to the Bay 


with iny letter. Sir, loving respects to Mrs. Winthrop, Mrs. 
Lake, whom God graciously, with your loving self and 
yours, bind up in the bundle of that life, which is eternal in 
Christ Jesus, in whom I desire to be, 
Yours ever, 



" Providence, 5, 8, 54, (so called.) 
" Much honored Sirs, 

*' I truly wish you peace, and pray your gentle accept- 
ance of a word, I hope not unreasonable. 

," We have in these parts a sound of your meditations of 
war against these natives, amongst whom we dwell. I 
consider that war is one of those three great, sore plagues, 
with which it pleaseth God to affect the sons of men. 1 
consider, also, that I refused, lately, many offers in my nar 
tive country, out of a sincere desire to seek the good and 
peace of this. 

" I remember, that upon the express advice of your ever 
honored Mr. Winthrop, deceased, I first adventured to begin 
a plantation among the thickest of these barbarians. 

" That in the Pequod wars, it pleased your honored gov- 
ernment to employ me in the hazardous and weighty ser- 
vice of negotiating a league between yourselves and the Nar- 
ragansets, when the Pequod messengers, who sought the 
Narragansets' league against the English, had almost ended 
that my work and life together. 

" That at the subscribing of that solemn league, which, 
by the mercy of the Lord, I had procured wrh the Narra- 
gansets, your government was pleased to send unto me the 
copy of it, subscribed by all hands there, which yet I keep 
as a monument and a testimony of peace and faithfulness 
between you both. 

"That, since that time, it hath pleased the Lord so to 
order it, that I have been more or less interested and used 
in all your great transactions of war or peace between the 
English and the natives, and have not sparedjjjirsgj 
pains, nor hazards^ very many times,) thattlTe whole 
' English and natives, might sleep in peace securely. 

" That in my last negotiations in England, with the Par- 
liament, Council of State, and his Highness, I have been 


forced to be known so much, that if I should be silent, I 
should not only betray mine own peace and yours, but also 
should be false to their honorable and princely names, 
whose loves and affections, as well as their supreme au- 
thority, are not a little concerned in the peace or war of 
this country. 

" At my last departure for England, I was importuned by 
the Narraganset sachems, and especially by Ninigret, to 
present their petition to the high sachems of England, that 
they might not be forced from their religion, and, for not 
changing_J;heir_reHgion, _be_invaded by_war; ^r they said 
They were daily visited with threatenings by Indians that 
came from about the Massachusetts, that if they would not 
pray, they should be destroyed by war. With this their 
petition I acquainted, in private discourses, divers of the 
chief of our nation, and especially his Highness, who, -in 
many discourses I had with him, never expressed the least 
tittle of displeasure, as hath been here reported, but, in the 
midst of disputes, ever expressed a high spirit of love and 
gentleness, and was often pleased to please himself with 
very many questions, and my answers, about the Indian af- 
fairs of this country; and, after all hearing of yourself and 
us, it hath pleased his Highness and his Council to grant, 
amongst other favors to this colony, some expressly con- 
cerning the very Indians, the native inhabitants of this ju- 

" I, therefore, humbly offer to your prudent and impar- 
tial view, first, these two considerable terms, it pleased the 
Lord to use to all that profess his name (Rom. 12: 18,) if it 
be possible, and all men. 

" I never was against the righteous use of the civil sword 
of men or nations, but yet since all men of conscience or 
prudence ply to windward, to maintain their wars to be de- 
fensive, (as did both King and Scotch, and English, and 
Irish too, in the late wars,) I humbly pray your considera- 
tion, whether it be not only possible, but very easy, to live 
and die in peace with the natives of this country. 

" For, secondly, are not all the English of this land, gen- 
erally, a persecuted people from their native soil? and hath 
not the God of peace and Father of mercies made these na- 
tives more friendly in this, than our native countrymen in 
our own land to us? Have they not entered leagues of 
love, and to this day continued peaceable commerce with 
us? Are not our families grown up in peace amongst 


them? Upon which I humbly ask, how it can suit with 
Christian ingenuity to take hold of some seeming occasions ; 
for their destructions, which, though the heads be only aim- 
ed at, yet, all experience tells us, falls on the body and the 

" Thirdly, I pray it may be remembered how greatly the 
name of God is concerned in this affair, for it cannot be hid, 
how all England and other nations ring with the glorious 
conversion of the Indians of New-England. You know 
how many books are dispersed throughout the nation, of 
the subject, (in some of them the Narraganset chief sachems 
are publicly branded, for refusing to pray and be convert- 
ed;) have all the pulpits in England been commanded to 
sound of this glorious work, (I speak not ironically, but 
only mention what all the printed books mention,) and that, 
by the highest command and authority of Parliament, and 
church wardens went from house to house, to gather sup- 
plies for this work. 
" Honored Sirs, 

ts Whether I have been and am a friend to the natives 
turning to civility and Christianity, and whether I have 
been instrumental, and desire so to be, according to my 
light, I will not trouble you with ; only I beseech you con- 
sider, how the name of the most holy and jealous God may 
be preserved between the clashings of these two, viz; the 
glorious conversion of the Indians in New-England, and 
the unnecessary wars and cruel destructions of the Indians 
in New-England. 

" Fourthly, I beseech you forget not, that although we 
are apt to play with this plague of war more than with the 
other two, famine and pestilence, yet I beseech you con- 
sider how the present events of all wars that ever have 
been in the world, have been wonderful fickle, and the fut- 
ure calamities and revolutions, wonderful in the latter end. 

" Heretofore, not having liberty of taking ship in your 
jurisdiction, I was forced to repair unto the Dutch, where 
mine eyes did see that first breaking forth of that Indian 
war, which the Dutch begun, upon the slaughter of some 
Dutch by the Indians; and they questioned not to finish 
it in a few days, insomuch that the name of peace, which 
some offered to meditate, was foolish and odious to them. 
But before we weighed anchor, their bowries were in flames; 
Dutch and English were slain. Mine eyes saw their flames 


at their towns, and their flights and hurries of men, women 
and children, the present removal of all that could for Hol- 
land; and, after vast expenses, and mutual slaughters of 
Dutch, English, and Indians, about four years, the Dutch 
were forced, to save their plantation from ruin, to make 
up a most unworthy and dishonorable peace with the Indians. 

"How frequently is that saying in England, that both 
Scotch and English had better have born loans, ship money, 
&c. than run upon such rocks, that even success and vic- 
tory have proved, and are yet like to prove. Yea, this late 
war with Holland, however begun with zeal against God's 
enemies, as some in Parliament said, yet what fruits brought 
it forth, but the breach of the Parliament, the enraging of 
the nation by taxes, the ruin of thousands who depended on 
manufactures and merchandize, the loss of many thousand 
seamen, and others; many of whom many worlds are not 

" But, lastly, if any be yet zealous of kindling this fire 
for God, &c. 1 beseech that gentleman, whoever he be, to 
lay himself in the opposite scale, with one of the fairest 
buds that ever the sun of righteousness cherished, Josiah, 
that most zealous and melting-hearted reformer, who would 
to war, and against warnings, and fell in most untimely 
death and lamentations, and now stands, a pillar of salt to 
all succeeding generations. 

" Now, with your patience, a word to these nations at 
war, (occasion pf yours,) the Narragansets and Long- 
Islanders, I know them both experimentally, and therefore 
pray you to remember, 

" First, that the Narragansets and Mohawks are the two 
great bodies of Indians in this country, and they are con- 
federates, and long have been, and they both yet are friend- 
ly and peaceable to the English. I do humbly conceive, 
that if ever God calls us to a just war with either of them, 
he calls us to make sure of the one to a friend. It is true 
some distaste was lately here amongst them, but they part- 
ed friends, and some of the Narragansets went home with 
them, and I fear that both these and the Long-Islanders 
and Mohegans, and all the natives of the land, may, upon 
the sound of a defeat of the English, be induced easily to 
join each with other against us. 

"2. The Narragansets, as they were the first, so they 
have been long confederates with you; they have been 
true, in all the Pequod wars, to you. They occasioned the 


Mohegans to come in, too, and so occasioned the Pequods' 

"3. I cannot yet learn, that ever it pleased the Lord to 
permit the Narragansets to stain their hands with any En- 
glish blood, neither in open hostilities nor secret murders, 
as both Pequods and Long-Islanders did, and Mohegans, 
also, in the Pequod wars. It is true they are barbarians, 
but their greatest offences against the English have been 
matters of money, or petty revenging of* themselves on 
some Indians, upon extreme provocations, but God kept 
them clear of our blood. 

"4. For the people, ma'hy hundred English have exper- 
imented them to be inclined to peace and love with the En- 
glish nation. 

"Their late famous long-lived Canonicus so lived and 
died, and in the same most honorable manner and solemn- 
ity (in their way) as you laid to sleep your prudent peace- 
maker, Mr. Winthrop, did they honor this, their prudent 
and peacable prince. His son, Mexham inherits his spir- 
it. Yea, through all their towns and countries, how fre- 
quently do many, and oft-times one Englishman, travel 
alone with safety and loving kindness! 

" The cause and root of all the present mischief, is the 
pride of two barbarians, Ascassassotic, the Long-Island sa- 
chem, and Ninigret, of the Narraganset. The former is 
proud and foolish; the latter is proud and fierce. I have 
not seen him these many years, yet from their sober men 
I hear he pleads, 

"First, that Ascassassotic, a very inferior sachem, bear- 
ing himself upon the English, hath slain three or four of his 
people, and since that, sent him challenges and darings to 
fight, and mend himself. 

c< 2. He, Ninigret, consulted, by selemn messengers, 
with the chief of the English Governors, Major Endicott, 
then Governor of the Massachusetts, who sent him an im- 
plicit consent to right himself, upon which they all plead 
that the English have just occasion of displeasure. 

"3. After he had taken revenge upon the Long-Island- 
ers, and brought away about fourteen captives, divers of 
their chief women, yet he restored them all again, upon 
the meditation and desire of theEnglish. 

(e 4. After this peace made, the Long-Islanders, pretend- 
ing to visit Ninigret, at Block-Island, slaughtered of his 
Narragansets near thirty persons, at midnight, two of them 


of <reat note, especially Wepiteammoc's son, to whomNin- 
igret was uncle. 

"5. In the prosecution of this war, although he had 
drawn down the Islanders to his assistance, yet upon pro- 
testation of the English against his proceedings, he retreat- 
ed, and dissolved his army. 
" Honored Sirs, 

" 1. I know it is said the Long-Islanders are subjects; 
but I have heard this greatly questioned, and, indeed, 1 
question whether any Indians in this country, remaining 
barbarous and pagan, may with truth or honor be called 
the English subjects. 

" 2. But grant them subjects, what capacity hath their 
late massacre of the Narragansets, with whom they had 
made peace, without the English consent, though still un- 
der the English name, put them into? 

"3. All Indians are extremely treacherous; and if to 
their own nation, for private ends, revolting to strangers, 
what will they do upon the sound of one defeat of the En- 
glish, or the trade of killing English cattle, and persons, 
and plunder, which will, most certainly be the trade, if any 
considerable party escape alive, as mine eyes beheld in the 
Dutch war. 

" But, I beseech you, say your thoughts and the thoughts 
of your wives and little ones, and the thoughts of all Eng- 
lish, and of God's people in England, and the thoughts of 
his Highness and Council, (tender of these parts,) if, for 
the sake of a few inconsiderable pagans, and beasts, wal- 
lowing in idleness, stealing, lying, whoring, treacherous 
witchcrafts, blasphemies, and idolatries, all that the gracious 
hand of the Lord hath so wonderfully planted in the wilder 
ness, should be destroyed. 

" How much nobler were it, and glorious to the name of 
God and your own, that no pagan should dare to use the 
name of an English subject, who comes not out, in some 
degree, from barbarism to civility, in forsaking their filthy 
nakedness, in keeping some kind of cattle, which yet your 
councils and commands may tend to, and, as pious and pru- 
dent deceased Mr. Winthrop said, that civility may be a 
leading step to Christianity, is the humble desire of your 
most unfeigned all services of love, 

of Providence colony, 



< Providence, IthofMay, 1668, (so called.} 

" I humbly offer to consideration my long and constant 
experience, since it pleased God to bring me unto these 
parts, as to the Narraganset and Nipmuck people. 

" First, that all the Nipmucks were, unquestionably, sub- 
ject to the Narranganset sachems, and, in a special man- 
ner to Mexham, the son of Canonicus, and late husband to 
this old squaw sachem, now only surviving. I have abun- 
dant and daily proof of it, as plain and clear as that the in- 
habitants of Newbury or Ipswich, &c. are subject to the 
government of the Massachusetts colony. 

"2. I was called by his Majesty's Commissioners to testify 
in a like case between Philip and the Plymouth Indians, on 
the one party, and the Narragansets on the other, and it 
pleased the committee to declare, that the King had not 
given them any commission to alter the Indians' laws and 
customs, which they observed amongst themselves : most 
of which, although they are, like themselves, barbarous, 
yet in the case of their mournings, they are more humane, 
and it seems to be more inhumane in those that pro- 
fessed subjection to this, the very last year, under some 
kind of feigned protection of the English, to be singing and 
dancing, drinking, &c. while the rest were lamenting their 
sachems' deaths. 

c< I abhor most of their customs ; I know they are barba- 
rous. I respect not one party more than the other, but I 
desire to witness truth ; and as I desire to witness against 
oppression, so, also, against the slighting of civil, yea, of 
barbarous order and government, as respecting every shad- 
ow of God's gracious appointments. 

cc This I humbly offer, as in the holy presence of God. 



" Major Mason, 

# * # * # * * 

" Fourth. When, the next year after my banishment, the 
Lord drew the bow of the Pequod war against the country, 
in which, Sir, the Lord made yourself, with others, a blessed 
instrument of peace to all New-England, I had my share 
of service to the whole land in that Pequod business, inferi- 
or to very few that acted, for, 


ct 1. Upon letters received from the Governor and Coun- 
cil at Boston, requesting me to use my utmost and speediest 
endeavors to break and hinder the league labored for by 
the Pequods against the Mohegans, and Pequods against 
the English, (excusing the not sending of company and sup- 
plies, by the haste of the business,) the Lord helped me 
immediately to put my life into my hand, and, scarce ac- 
quainting my wife, to ship myself, all alone, in a poor canoe, 
and to cut through a stormy wind, with great seas, every 
minute in hazard of life, to the sachem's house. 

"2. Three days and nights my business forced me to 
lodge and mix with the bloody Pequod ambassadors whose 
hands and arms, methought, wreaked with the blood of my 
countrymen, murdered and massacred by them on Connec- 
ticut river, and from whom I could not but nightly look for 
their bloody knives at my own throat also. 

"3. When God wondrously preserved me, and helped 
me to break to pieces the Pequods' negociation, and design 
and to make, and promote and finish, by many travels and 
charges, the English league with the Narragansets and 
Mohegans against the Pequods, and that the English forces 
marched up to the Narraganset country against the Pe- 
quods, I gladly entertained, at my house in Providence, 
the General Stoughton and his officers, and used my ut- 
most care that all his officers and soldiers should be well 
accommodated with us. 

'4. 1 marched up with them to the Narraganset sachems, 
and brought my countrymen and the barbarians, sachems 
and captains, to a mutual confidence and complacence, each 
in other. 

"5. Though 1 was ready to have marched further, yet, 
upon agreement that 1 should keep at Providence, as an 
agent between the Bay and the army, 1 returned, and was 
interpreter and intelligencer, constantly receiving and send- 
ing letters to the Governor and Council at Boston. &.c. 

' >.- -h- '*- - % :# 

" o. Considering (upon frequent exceptions against Prov- 
idence men) that we had no authority for civil government, 
I went purposely to England, and upon my report and peti- 
tion, the Parliament granted us a charter of government for 
Ihcsc parts, so judged vacant on all hands. And upon this, 
tiie country about us was more friendly, and wrote to us, 
and treated us as an authorized colony; only the difference 
of our conrcionces much obstructed. " The bounds of this, 


our first charter, I, (having occular knowledge of persons, 
places and transactions,) did honestly and conscientiously, 
as in the holy presence of God, draw up from Pawcatuck 
river, which I then believed, and still do, is free from all 
English claims and conquests; for although there were some 
Pequods on this side the river, who, by reason of some sa- 
chems' marriages with some on this side, lived in a kind of 
neutrality with both sides, yet, upon the breaking out of the 
war, they relinquished their land to the possession of their 
enemies, the N arragansets and JVianticks, and their land 
never came into the condition of the lands on the other side, 
which the English, by conquest, challenged; so that I must 
still affirm, as in God's holy presence, I tenderly waved to 
touch a foot of land in which I knew the Pequod wars were 
maintained and were properly Pequod, being a gallant 
country; and from Pawcatuck river hitherward, being but 
a patch of ground, full of troublesome inhabitants, T did, as 
I judged, inoffensively, draw our poor and inconsiderable 

" It is true, when at Portsmouth, on Rhode-Island, some 
of ours, in a General Assembly, motioned their planting on 
this side Pawcatuck. I, hearing that some of the Massa- 
chusetts reckoned this land theirs, by conquest, dissuaded 
from the motion, until the matter should be amicably debat- 
ed and composed; for though I questioned not our right, 
&c., yet I feared it would be inexpedient and offensive, and 
procreative of these heats and fires, to the dishonoring of 
the King's Majesty, and the dishonoring and blaspheming 
of God and of religion in the eyes of the English and bar- 
barians about us. 

"G. Some time after the Pequod war and our charter 
from the Parliament, the government of Massachusetts 
wrote to myself (then chief officer in this colony) of their 
receiving of a patent from the Parliament for these vacant 
lands, as an addition to the Massachusetts, See., and there- 
upon requesting me to exercise no more authority, &cc., for, 
they wrote, their charter was granted some few weeks be- 
fore ours. I returned, what I believed righteous and 
weighty, to the hands of my true friend, Mr. Winthrop, the 
first mover of my coming into these parts, and to that an- 
swer of mine I never received the least reply; only it is 
certain, that, at Mr. Gorton's complaint against the Mas- 
sachusetts, the Lord High Admiral, President, said, open- 
ly, in a full meeting of the commissioners, that he knew no- 



other charter for these parts than what Mr. Williams had 
obtained, and he was sure that charter, which the Mas- 
sachusetts Englishmen pretended, had never passed the 

" 7. Upon our humble address, by our agent, Mr. Clark, 
to his Majesty, and his- gracious promise of renewing our 
former charter, Mr. Winthrop, upon some mistake, had en- 
trenched upon our line, and not only so, but, as it is said, 
upon the lines of other charters also. Upon Mr. Clarke's 
complaint, your grant was called in again, and it had never 
been returned, but upon a report that the agents, Mr. Win- 
throp and Mr. Clarke, were agreed, by meditation of friends, 
(and it is true, they came to a solemn agreement, under 
hands and seals,) which agreement was never violated on 
our part. 

"8. But the King's Majesty sending his commissioners 
(among other of his royal purposes) to reconcile the differ- 
ences of, and to settle the bounds between the colonies, 
yourselves know how the King himself therefore, hath giv- 
en a decision to this controversy. Accordingly, the King's 
Majesty's aforesaid commissioners at Rhode-Island, (where, 
as a commissioner for this colony, I transacted with them, 
as did also commissioners from Plymouth,) they composed 
a controversy between Plymouth and us, and settled the 
bounds between us, in which we rest. 

"9. However you satisfy yourselves with the Poquod 
conquest; with the sealing of your charter some few weeks 
before ours; with the complaints of particular men to your 
colony; yet upon a due and serious examination of the 
matter, in the sight of God, you will find the business at 
bottom to be, 

" First, a depraved appetite after the great vanities, dreams 
and shadows of this vanishing life, great portions of land in 
this wilderness, as if men were in as great necessity and 
danger for want of great portions of land, as poor, hungry, 
thirsty seamen have, after a sick and stormy, a long and 
starving passage. This is one of the gods of New-Eng- 
land, which the living and most high Eternal will destroy 
and famish. 

;c 2. An imneighborly and unchristian intrusion upon us, 
as being the weaker, contrary to your laws, as well as ours, 
concerning purchasing of lands without the consent of the 
General Court. This I told Major Atherton, at his first 
going up to the Narragansett about this business. I refus- 


ed all their proffers of land, and refused to interpret for them 
to the sachems. 


"Yourselves pretend liberty of conscience, but alas! 
it is'but self, the great god self, only to yourselves. The 
King's Majesty winks at Uarbadoes, where Jews and all 
sorts of Christian and Antichristian persuasions are free, 
but our grant, some few weeks after yours sealed, though 
granted as soon, if not before yours, is crowned with the 
King's extraordinary favor to this colony, as being a ban- 
ished one, in which his Majesty declared himself that he 
would experiment, whether civil government could consist 
with such liberty of conscience. This his Majesty's grant 
was startled at by his Majesty's high officers of state, who 
were to view it in course before the sealing, but fearing the 
lions's roaring, they couched, against their wills, in obe- 
dience to his Majesty's pleasure. 

"Some of yours, as I heard lately, told tales to the Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, viz. that we are a profane people, 
and do not keep the sabbath, but some do plough, &c. But, 
first, you told him not how we suffer freely all other per- 
suasions, yea the common prayer, which yourselves will not 
suffer. If you say you will, you confess you must suffer 
more, as we do. 


" Sir, I am your old and true friend and servant. 

R. W. 

11 To my honored and ancient friend, Mr Thomas Prince, 
Governor of Plymouth Colony, these present. And by his 
honored hand this copy, sent to Connecticut, whom it most 
concerneth, I humbly present to the General Court of Ply- 
mouth, when next assembled. 

t Loving friends and neighbors, 

" Divers of yourselves have so cried out, of the conten- 
tions of your late meetings, that (studying my quietress) I 
thought fit to present you with these few lines. Two words 
I pray you to consider. 


" Let us consider, if Niswosakit and Wayunckeke, and 
land thereabout, may not afford a new and comfortable plan- 
tation, which we may go through with an effectual endeavor 
for true public good. To this end, I pray you consider, 


that the inhabitants of these parts, with most of the Cowe- 
set and Nipmucks, have long since forsaken the JMaragan- 
set sachems and subjected themselves to the Massachusets. 
And yet they are free to sell their lands to any whom the 
Massachusetts shall not protest against. To this end, ob- 
serving their often flights, and to stop their running to the 
Massachusetts) I have parlied with them, and find that 
about thirty pounds will cause them to leave those parts, 
and yield peaceable possession. 

* # ***** 

" Yours to serve you, 


27, 8, 60 (so called.)" 

"Providence, 18, 8, 1677, (ut vulgo.) 

" Honored Gentlemen, 

* * * * * * * 

" When his Majesty's Commissioners, Col. Nichols, Sic, 
were here, I was chosen by this colony, one of the com- 
missioners to treat with them and with the commissioners 
from Plymouth, who then were their honored Gover- 
nor deceased, and honored present Governor, about our 
bounds. It then pleased the Father of mercies, in whose 
most high and holy hands the hearts of all men are, to give 
me such favor in their eyes, that afterward, at a great as- 
sembly at Warwick, where (that firebrand) Philip, his 
whole country, was challenged by the Narraganset sachems, 
I was sent for, and declared such transactions between old 
Canonicus and Ousamaquin, that the commissioners were 
satisfied, and confirmed unto the ungrateful monster his 
country. The Narraganset sachems (prompted by some 
English) told the commissioners, that Mr. Williams was but 
one witness, but the commissioners answered that they had 
such experience of my knowledge in these parts, and fideli- 
ty, that they valued my testimony as much as twenty wit- 

* * * * * * * 

" Honored Sirs, let me now add to my testimony, a list 
of several persons, which the right and disposing of all or 
considerable part of these Narragansets, and Coweset, and 
Nipmnck lands, &c. 

l< First. The colony of Connecticut, by the King's grant 
and charter, by the late wars, wherein they were honorably 


e * Second. The colony of Plymouth, by virtue ofTacoin- 
maicon's surrender of his person and lands to their protec- 
tion, and I have seen a letter from the present Governor 
Winslow, to Mr. Richard Smith, about the matter. 

"Third. The colony ofRhode-Island arid Providence Plan- 
tations, by grant from his Majesty, and confirmation from 
his Majesty's commissioners, who called these lands the 
King's Province, and committed the ordering of it to this 
colony, until his Majesty further order. 

" Fourth. Many eminent gentlemen of the Massachusetts 
and other colonies, claim by a mortgage and forfeiture of all 
lands belonging to Narraganset. 

Fifth. Our honored Governor, Mr. Arnold, and divers 
with him, are out of a round sum of money and cost, about 
a purchase from Tacummanan. 

t( Sixth. The like claim was and is made by Mr. John 
Brown, and Mr. Thomas Willett, honored gentlemen and 
their successors, * * * from purchase with Tacumma- 
nan, and I have seen their deeds, and Col. Nichols his con- 
firmation of them, under hand and seal, in the name of the 
King's Majesty. 

" Seventh. Wm. Harris pleads up streams without limits, 
and confirmation from the other sachems of the up streams, 

"Eighth. Mishuntatuk men claim by purchase from In- 
dians by possession, buildings, &.c. * * * * [worn out 
and oblit.] * * * 

" Ninth. Capt. Hubbard and some others, of Hingham 
# * * by purchase from the Indians. 

"Tenth. John Tours, of Hingham, by three purchases 
from Indians. 

" Eleventh. William Vaughan, of Newport, and others, 
by Indian purchase. 

[The next following No. is 13: there is no 12.] 

"Thirteenth. Randall, of Scituate, and White, of Taun- 
ton, and others, by purchase from Indians. 

"Fourteenth. Edward Inman, of Providence, by pur- 
chase from the natives. 

" Fifteenth. The town of Warwick, who challenge twen- 
ty miles, about part of which, Will. Harris contending with 
them, it is said, was the first occasion of W. Har. falling in 
love with this his monstrous Diana up streams without limits, 
that so he might antedate and prevent (as he speaks) the 
blades of Warwick. 


" Sixteenth. The town of Providence, by virtue of Ca- 
nonicus' and Miantinomo's grant renewed to me again and 
again, viz. of as large a plantation and accommodation as 
any town in the country of New-England. It is known 
what favor God pleased to give me with old Canonicus, 
(though at a dear-bought rate) so that I had what I would 
(so that I observed my times of moderation; but two or 
three envious and ungrateful souls among us cried out, 
What is R. Williams? VV^e will have the sachem come and 
set our bounds for us; which he did, and (because of his 
Indians round about us) so sudden and so short, that we 
were forced to petition to our General Court for enlarge- 


Nahiggonsik, 24 July, 1G79 (ut vulgo.) 
I Roger Wjlljams of Providence in ye Nahiggonsik bay 
in N. Engl. being (by God's mersic) ye first beginner of ye 
mother Towne of Providence and of the Colony of Rode Is- 
land and Providence Plantations being now neere to Foure 
Score years of age. Yet (by God's mercy) of sound under- 
standing and memorie! doe humbly and faithfully declare 
yt Mr. Richard Smith, Sen., who for his conscience to 
God left faire Possessions in Gloster Shire and adventured 
with his Relations and Estate to N. Engl. and was a most 
acceptable Inhabitant and prime leading man in Taunton in 
Plymouth Colony: For his conscience sake (many differ- 
ences arising) he left Taunton and came to ye Nahiggonsik 
Countrey where by God's mercy and the fave of ye Nahi 
gonsik Sachems he broke the Ice (at his great Charge and 
Hazards) and Put up in the thickest of ye Barbarians ye 
first English House amongst them. 

2. I humbly testifie yt about forty years (from this date) 
he kept Possession comming and going himselfe Children 
and Servants and he had quiet Possession of his Howsing 
Lands and medow, and there is in his own howse with much 
Serenity of Soule and comfort he yielded up his Spirit to 
God ye Father of Spirits in Peace. 

3. I do humbly and faithfully testify (as aforesaid) yt since 
Ins departure his hon'rd Son Capt. Richard Smith hath kept 
Possession (with much acceptation with English and Pa- 


gans) of his Father's howsing lands and meadows with great 
improvement, also (by his great Cost and Industrie) And in 
the Late bloudie Pagan War I knowingly testifie and de- 
clare yt it pleased the most High to make use of himself in 
person, his howsing his goods corn Provisions and Cattell 
for a Garison and Supply to the whole Army of N. England 
under the Command of the Ever to be hon'rd Gen Winslow 
for the Service of his Ma'ties honor and countrey of JN . Eng- 

4. I doe also humbly* declare yt ye Said Capt. Rich. 
Smith Jun. ought by all the rules of Equity, Justice and 
Gratitude to his hon'rd Father and himself to be fairly 
treated with, considered, recruited, honoured and by his 
Ma'ties authoritie Confirmed and Established in a Peaceful 
possession of his Fathers and his own possessions in this 
Pagan Wilderness and Nahigonsik Country. 

The Premises I humbly Testifie, as now leaving 
this Country and this World.- 


September the 24th, 1704. then being at the hows of Mr. 
Nathaniel Coddingtons hows then being presents with this 
Ritten paper which I atest upon Oath to be my Fathers one 
hand writing. 


The above and foregoing are literal copies from the Ori- 
ginal Testimony, in the hand writing of Roger Williams, 
and of the attestation of his Son Joseph Williams, as copied 
by me this fiftenth day of July 1833, from the Original 
Sheet now in my possession. 

JOHN ROWLAND, of Providence. 


Articles, covenant and agreement had made and concluded by 
and between Maj. Thos. Savage, Capt. Edw. Huchinson and 
Mr. Jos. Dudley in behalf of the government of the Massachu- 
setts Colony, and Maj. Wait Winthrop, and Mr. Richard 
Smith on behalf of Connecticut, on the one part, andJlgamaug, 
Wampsh alias Gorman, Taitson, Tawayeson, counsellors and 
attornies to Canonicus, Ninigret, Matatacg, old queen Quai- 
pen, Quananspit and Pomham, the six present Sachems of the 
whole Narragansett country, on the other party, referring to sev- 
eral difficulties and troubles lately risen between them; and for 
a final conclusion of settled peace and amity between the said 
Sachems, their heirs and successors forever, and the govern- 


menls of the said Massachusetts nnd Connecticut and their suc- 
cessors in the said governments forever. 

1. That all and every of the said Sachems shall from time 
to time carefully seize and living or dead deliver unto one 
or other of the aforesaid governments, all and every of 
Sachem Philip's subjects whatsoever, that shall come, or 
be found within the precincts of these lands, and that with 
greatest diligence and faithfulness. 

2. That they shall with their utmost ability use all acts of 
hostility against the said Philip and his subjects, entering 
his lands or any other lands of the English, to kill and de- 
stroy the said enemy until a cessation from war with the said 
enemy be concluded by both the abovesaid colonies. 

3. That the said Sachems by themselves and their agents 
shall carefully search out and deliver all stolen goods what- 
soever, taken by any of their subjects from any of the Eng- 
lish, whether formerly or latterly: and shall make full satis- 
faction for all wrongs or injuries done to the estate of any of 
the subjects of the several colonies, according to the judge- 
ment of indifferent men, in case of dissatisfaction between 
the offenders and the offended parties, or deliver up the of- 

4. That all preparations for war or acts of hostility 
against any of the English subjects shall forever for the fu- 
ture cease; together with all manner of thefts, pilfering, 
killing of cattle, or -any manner of breach of peace whatso- 
ever, shall with utmost care be prevented, and instead 
thereof, their strength to be used as a guard round about 
the Narragansett country, for the English Inhabitants' safe- 
ty and security. 

5. In token of the abovesaid sachems' reality in this trea- 
ty and conclusion, and for the security of the several Eng- 
lish Governments and subjects, they do freely deliver unto 
the abovesaid gentlemen in behalf of the abovesaid colo- 
nies, John Wobequod, Weowthim, Pewkes, and Weenevv, 
four of their near kinsmen and choice friends, to be and 
remain as hostages in several places of the English juris- 
dictions, at the appointment of the Hon. Governors of the 
abovesaid colonies, there to be civilly treated, not as pris- 
oners, but otherwise at their Honors' discretion, until the 
abovesaid articles arc fully accomplished to the satisfaction 
of the several governments: the departure of any of them 
in the mean time to be accounted breach of the peace, and 
of these present articles. 


6. The said gentlemen in behalf of the governments to 
which they do belong, do engage to every the said sachems 
and their subjects, that if they or any of them shall sieze 
and bring into either the abovesaid English Governments, 
or to Mr. Smith, inhabitant of Narraganset, Philip Sachem 
alive, he or they so delivering, shall receive for their pains, 
40 trucking cloth coats; in case they bring his head, they 
shall have 20 like good coats paid them; for every living 
subject of said Philip's so delivered, the deliverer shall re- 
ceive two coats, and for every head one coat, as a gratuity 
for their service herein, making it appear to satisfaction that 
the heads or persons are belonging to the enemy, and that 
they are of their seizure. 

7. The said sachems do renew and confirm unto the Eng- 
lish inhabitants or others, all former grants, sales, bargains 
or conveyances of lands, meadows, timber, grass, stones, 
or whatever else the English have heretofore bought, or 
quietly possessed and enjoyed, to be unto them and their 
heirs and assigns forever; as also all former articles made 
with the confederated colonies. 

Lastly. The said counsellors and attornies do premedi- 
tatedly, seriously, and upon good advice, covenant, con- 
clude, and agree all abovesaid solemnly, and call God to 
witness they are and shall remain true friends to the Eng- 
lish Governments, and perform the abovesaid articles punc- 
tually, using their utmost endeavour, care, and faithfulness 
therein: In witness whereof they have set their hands and 

Pettequamscot, July 15, 1675. 

(Signed by) TAWAGESON, 


Signed, sealed and delivered in presence of} 

us underwritten, being carefully inter- V 

preted to the said Indians before sealing. ) 




JOSEPH STANTON, Interpreter. 



JOB REFF. [Hubb. Ind. Wars.] 



Boston, inJY. E Oct. 18, 1675. 

Whereas for the continuation of a firm peace and settled 
freindship between the united colonies in New England, and 
the Narraganset Indians, on the 15th of July last, there 
were covenants and articles of agreement made and conclu- 
ded betweed the messengers sent and improved by the 
Massachusets and Connecticut Colonies on the one party 
and the Sachems of the said Narraganset Indians on the 
other party as will more fully appear and are contained in 
an instrument by them jointly signed and sealed, reference 
thereunto being had. Now this witnesseth that we whose 
names are here underwritten, being fully empowered by 
the sachems over the abovesaid Indians, to treat with the 
commissioners of the abovesaid United Colonies at Boston, 
and to act and conclude all matters and things appertaining 
to the confirmation of a firm and settled peace between 
the abovesaid parties, we do by these presents fully, 
clearly and absolutely ratify and confirm all the abovesaid 
articles of agreement, hereby declaring our hearty desire 
and firm resolution to continue in a sure and constant 
peace with the English: and we do fully and absolutely 
engage ourselves in behalf of the sachems of the above- 
mentioned Indians, to perform and fulfil the said articles, 
and every thing therein mentioned and contained, accord- 
ing to the true intent and meaning thereof. 

And whereas, a considerable number of people, both men, 
v/omen and children, appertaining to these Indians, who 
have been in actual hostility against the English, are now 
fled to the Narragansetts' country, and are under the custo- 
dy of the said sachems there, after a full and long confer- 
ence had concerning that matter, we do in the name and by 
the power to us given and betrusted, in the behalf of the 
sachems of the abovesaid country, fully and absolutely cov- 
enant and promise, to and with the abovenamed commis- 
sioners, at or before the 28th day of this instant month of 
October, to deliver or cause to be delivered, all and every 
one of the said Indians, whether belonging unto Philip, the 
Pocasset Squaw, or the Saconet Indians, Quabaug, Hadley 
or any other sachems or people that have been or are in 
hostility with the English, or any of their allies or abettors; 
and these we promise and covenant to deliver at Boston to 


the Governor and Council, there, by them, to be disposed 
of in the behalf of and for the best security and peace of 
the united colonies. 

Sachem in behalf of himself and Cau- ,* g . 
nonicus, and the old Queen, and Pom- ' ' 11 
ham, and Quanapeen. 
MANATANNOO, Counsellor, his -f- 

mark, and Canonicus in his behalf. 
AHANMANPOWET, Counsellor, + 

mark, and his seal. 
CORNMAN, Chief Counsellor to Nin- 

igret in his behalf. 

Sealed and delivered in presence of us: 

SAMUEL GORTON, JR., Interpreter, 

Indian Interpreter . [Haz. ii. 536.] 


These notes were collected partly from curiosity, and 
partly because many of the old disputes about Indian titles 
turned upon the right of the Sachem making the convey- 
ance, and it was thought some light might he thrown upon 
them from this quarter. 

Huchinson (458) has the following account of an old In- 
dian tradition: " The ancient Indians among the Narra- 
gansetts reported when the English first arrived, that they 
had in former times a Sachem called TASHTASSUCK, incom- 
parably greater than any in the whole land, in power and 
state, that he had only two children, a son and a daughter, 
and not being able to match them according to their dignity, 
he joined them together in matrimony, and that they had 
four sons, of which Canonicus, who was Sachem when the 
English came, was the eldest. (MS.) This is the only 
piece of Indian history or tradition of any sort from the an- 
cestors of our first Indians, I have ever met with." 

CANONICUS, the great Sachem. This seems to be the 
English form of the name. Qunnoune probably represents 
the sound of the Indian word more truly. [Plea of Wm. 
Harris, among Foster papers. KnowleV R. W'ms. 307.] 


MEANTONOMY, or Miantonimo, (accented on the penulti- 
mate) orMecumeh, wasthesonofMascus, youngest brother 
of Canonicus. [Prince. Callender. R. YV'ms. deposition. 
Haz. 2. 12. Plea of Wm. Harris.] 

What was the precise relation as to authority, in which 
Meantonomy and Canonicus stood to each other is doubtful. 
See the Indian submission to England, April, 1644. Wa- 
waloam is mentioned in 1661 as the widow of Meontonomy 
in the deeds of the Sosoa purchase in Westerly. 

MEIKA, Mriksah, Meaksaw, or Maxanno was son of Ca- 
nonicus. ^See the history, 1645 and 1647.) He was prob- 
ably the same with Mishammo, who witnessed the Indian 
deed of Aquethnick. His wife was Magnus, Matantuck or 
Quaiapen, afterwards called the Sunke Squaw or Old Queen 
of the Narragansetts. She was Ninigret's sister, and (D. 
44.) it is said that she was afterwards married, about 1675, 
to Ninigret's eldest son. She was taken prisoner by a par- 
ty of Connecticut troops, July 2, 1676, and was put to death. 
Meika had two sons, Scuttop and Quequaquenuit, alias 
Gideon, Sachems, and a daughter, Quinimiquet. The two 
latter died young. Scuttop is probably the same with Kas- 
kotap who in L. E. 1. 86, is called Sachem of Bassokuto- 
quage in Narragansett. Meika is supposed to have died 
about 1667. [Hubb. 3 M. H. C. 2. 210. Plea of Wm. 
Harris. Indian deed of Providence in Knowles, 307.] 

CANONCHET, or Nanno, or Nannuntennew. In L. E. 1. 
101. he is called C{ Nawnawnoantonriew alias Quananchit, 
eldest son now living of Miantomomio and chief surviving 
Sachem of Narragansett." [Deed to Stephen Arnold, July 
30, 1674.] 

COJONOQUANT, or Cachana.quant, or Tassarono, or Tas- 
conohut, or Tesiquant was a son of Canonicus. From L. 
E. 1. 164, in his deed to Kandal Holclen and others, it 
would seem as if he was a brother of Meantonomy. 

In the plea of William Harris, Ninekela, Cusany quant, 
Cussuquans, Scuttop and Quequaquenuet are mentioned as 
grandsons of Canonicus. 

In a short history of Narragansett (3. M. H. C. vol. 2.) 
Meantonomy, Cususquench and Cojonoquond, are mention- 
ed as sons of the brother of Canonicus. 

In L. E. 1. 164, Aloqudoomut is mentioned as son of Co- 
jonoquond. In one of the Pettaquamscut deeds, L. E. 2. 
148, Nanauhcowemot, Tountoshomon, Caugontowauset and 
Nonxpwomet are also mentioned as his sons. And in an- 


other of these deeds (L. E. 2. 151-4,) Mossecup and Sac- 
cohan are mentioned as nephews of Cojonoquand. [Rec. of 
king's Province, 1. 56.] 

QUANOPEN or'Sowagonish was a son of Cojonoquond and 
a chief in the war of 1676. He was shot io death at New- 
port in August, 1676. His two brothers, Sunkeejunasuc 
and Ashamattan were tried at the same time. [3. M. H. C. 
2. 210. Rec. of Gov. and Council of R. I. D.] 

OTASH or Yotnesh was a brother of Meantonomy. [Ma- 
son's Pequot War.] 

PESSACUS, Maussup ? Canonicus, Sucquans or Quissuc- 
quansh was a brother of Meantonomy , born about 1623, and 
about 20 years old when Meantonomy was put to death. 
Pessacus was killed by the Mohawks in 1676, about 20 
miles above Piscataqua, and was buried by order of Major 
Waldron. [L. E. 1. 103. 165. W. J. 1643. 3 M. H. C. 
2. 210 Hubb.] 

Morton somewhere calls Pessacus one of the eldest sons 
of Canonicus. This mistake might be easily made and as 
easily corrected by reading the Indian treaty of 1645. [Haz. 
2. 40.] 

In the deeds of the Sosoa purchase in Westerly, Cojono- 
quond and Quissucquansh are called brothers. In the same 
deeds, Pishicus, alias Maussup, alias Sucquansh calls Ca- 
nonicus his uncle and Meantonomy his brother. 

In Haz. 2. 42, Tassaquanawit is mentioned as a brother 
of Pessacus. 

WANOMACHIN, Sachem of the country about Point Judith. 
(L. E. 1. 367, and 2. 150, 153, 155.) It does not appear 
that he was related to the family of Canonicus. 

NINICLADE, Ninigret or Ninicroft. The last syllable was 
probably guttural. This will account for the different ways 
of spelling it. He was related to the family of Canonicus. 
In 3 M. H. C. 2. 210 he is said to be the son ofthe sister of 
Canonicus. Prince (392. 259.) makes him the uncle of 
Meantonomy. In the plea of William Harris he is called 
grandson of Canonicus. 

His other names were Janemoe, (Haz. 2. 40;) and in L. 
E. 2. 106-7, 123 he is called Ninigret alias W T anaconchat, 
Sachem of Neanticoet. In the history, 1692, he is called 

He is somewhere called brother-in-law of Meantonomy. 
Hermon Garret disputed Ninigret's title to the Nyantic 
lands before the Commissioners in 1662. (Haz. 2. 464.) It 


was proved before them that Ninigret was the younger 
brother of Garret's father, that Ninigret having married the 
sister of Garret had succeeded in preference lo him on ac- 
count of Garret's mother having been a stranger. Nini- 
gret's title was not disturbed. See page 99. 


VV lien 

1730. 1755. 1770. 1790. 1810. 1820. 

1663 Portsmouth, 





















L. Compton, 







N. Shoreham, 






















1730 Smithfield, 




3,828; 4',678 

1731 Scituate, 
































N. Providence, 














1723 South Kingston, 
1674 North Kingston, 











16691 Westerly, 























































East Greenwich, 




1,824 1,539 



West Greenwich, 



2,054 1,619 


1 Warwick, 









2, (23 




17,935|40,414|59, 678168, 825|75, 188 183,059 

Population of the 
in 1748 

whole Colony or State 


1800 - 



[Rev. Samuel Peters was the author.] 

It is commonly said that the Council of Plymouth, about 
1630, granted to the Earl of Warwick, and he to Lords Say 
and Brook, the lands on Connecticut River, including Say- 
brook. Peters denies this, and says Neal, Douglas, and 
Huchinson have produced no proof of it. 

Page 15. "It stand's authenticated in the office of the 
Lord's Commissioners of the colonies, that in April, 1635, 
was conveyed to James Marquis of Hamilton, by a deed 
from the Council of Plymouth, the territory lying between 
Narragansett bay and Connecticut river. (N. E. Records, 
A. p. 201.) He never could obtain his rights, was a royal- 
ist in Cromwell's time, Charles II. neglected it, his heirs 
afterwards applied to William III. and challenged Connec- 
ticut to prove their title from Warwick and Say and Brook, 
but they could not." Hamilton's heirs had -been opposed 
to the revolution of 1688. [See Huch. 50-52.] 

P, 23. Speaking of Indian grants in Connecticut: "It is a 
fact that not one of those Indians who have signed those fa- 
mous deeds was ever a Sachem or proprietor of a single foot 
of land claimed by the colony. It is true that Uncas (whom 
Mr. Neal calls a Sachem because the colonists declared him 
King of Mohegin to reward him for deserting Sassacus, 
Sachem of the Pequods,) gave deeds of lands that he had 
no right or title to; and so did Sunksquaw, who after mur- 
dering his Sachem, Quinipiog, Tvas also declared Sachem 
by the English Dominion of New-Haven. Gratitude or 
pride induced all these English made Sachems to assign 
deeds to their creators. After the death of Uncas, his eld- 
est son, Oneko, became king of Mohegan, who refused to 
'grant any deeds of land to the colony; whereupon, vexed at 
his wisdom and honor, they declared him an incestuous son, 
deposed him and proclaimed his natural brother, Abimilech, 
to be Sachem of the Mohegan's." 

P. 60. " Exact in ty thing mint and anise, the furies of 
New-Haven for once affected the weightier matters of jus- 
tice. They had no title to the land: they applied to Quin- 
nipiog, the Sachem for a grant of it. The Sachem refused 
to give the lands of his ancestors to strangers. The settlers 
had teeming inventions, and immediately voted themselves 
to be the children of God, and that the wilderness in the f- 


most parts of the earth was given ^) them. This vote be- 
came a law forever after. It is true Davenport endeavored 
to christianize Quinnipiog, but in vain. However, he con- 
verted Sunksquaw, one of his subjects, by presents and 
great promises, and then Sunksqaw betrayed his master and 
the settlers killed him." 

P. 112' " The English colonists have been as industrious 
in spreading the gospel in the howling wilderness of North 
America. Upwards of 180,000 Indians, at least, have been 
slaughtered in Massachusetts Bay and Connecticut to make 
way for the protestant religion, and upon a moderate com- 
putation for the rest of the colonies on the continent and 
West India Islands, I think that one may venture to assert 
that near two million bf savages have beer dismissed from 
an unpleasant world to the world of spirits for the honor of 
the protestant religion and English liberty. 

P. 133. " Sassacus was brave by nature. The sound 
of his coming would subdue nations, at the same time that 
justice would 'unbend his bow and honor calm the thunder 
of his tongue. Dr. Mather, Mr. Neal and others have en- 
deavored to blast his fame by proving him to be the aggres- 
sor in the bloody wars which ended in his ruin. They have 
instanced the murder of Capt. Stone and others to justify 
this war, but carefully concealed the assassination of Quin- 
ipiog, the treachery of Mr. Eliot, (the Massachusetts Bay 
Apostle of the Indians) and the infamous villany of Hooker, 
who spread death upon the leaves of his Bible, and struck 
Connecticote mad with disease. They also conceal another 
important fact that the English had taken possession of lands 
belonging to Sassacus without purchase or his consent. Be- 
sides, Sassacus had too much sagacity to let Christian spies, 
under the appellation of gospel missionaries, pass through 
his country. He had seen the consequences of admitting . 
such ministers of Christianity from Boston, Hartford, &c. 
among his neighboring nations, and generously warmed 
th^in to keep their gospel peace from his dominions. The 
invaders of this howling wilderness, finding their 'savage 
love detected, and that the Pequods were not likely to fall 
a sacrifice to their hypocrisy, proclaimed open war with 
sword and gun. The unfortunate Sassacus met his fate.'* 

P. 285. Speaking of there being no civil test oaths in New 
England, he says there was no need of it, for as the officers 
were elected by the people, nobody but a church member 
and one of the predominant sect could ever get into office. 


ARTICLES BETWEEN YE ING- A Covenant and Agreement 
LISH IN CONNECTICUT AND made between the English In- 
THE INDIAN SACHEMS. habiting the Jurisdiction of the 
River of Connecticut of the one part, and Miantinomy the 
chief Sachem of the Narragansetts in the behalf of himself 
and the other Sachems there; and Poquim or Uncas the 
chief Sachim of the Indians called the Mohegans in the be- 
half of himself and the Sachims under him, as Followeth, at 
Hartford the 21th of September, 1638. 

Imp'r. There is a peace and a Familiarity made between 
the sd Miantinome and Narraganset Indians and the sd Po- 
quim and Mohegan Indians, and all former Injuryes and 
wrongs offered each to other Remitted andBurryed and nev- 
er to be renued any more from henceforth. 

2. It is agreed if there fall out Injuryes and wrongs for 
fuetur to be done or committed Each to other or their men, 
they shall not presently Revenge it But they are to appeal 
to the English and they are to decide the same, and the de- 
termination of the English to stand And they are each to 
do as is by the English sett down and if the one or the other 
shall Refuse to do, it shall be lawfull for the English to 
Compel him and to side and take part if they see cause 
against the obstinate or Refusing party. 

3. It is agreed and a conclusion of peace and friendship 
made between the sd Miantinome and the sd Narragan- 
setts and the so Poquim and the sd Mohegans as long as 
they carry themselves orderly and give no just cause of 
offence and that they nor either of them do shelter any that 
may be Enemyes to ye English that shall or formerly have 
had hand in murdering or killing any English man or wo- 
man or consented thereunto, They or either of them shall 
as soon as they can either bring the chief Sachem of our late 
enemies the Peaquots that had the chief hand in killing the 
English, to the sd English, or take of their heads, As also 
for those murderers that are now agreed upon amongst us 
that are living they shall as soon as they can possibly take 
off their heads, if they may be in their custody or Else when- 
soever they or any of them shall come Amongst them or to 
their wigwams or any where if they can by any means come 
by them. 

4. And whereas there be or is reported for to be by ye sd 
Narragansetts and Mohegans 200 Peaquots living that are 
men besides squawes and paposes. The English do give 


unto Miantinome and the Narragansetts to make up the 
number of Eighty with the Eleven they have already, and 
to Poquime his number, and that after they the Peaquots 
shall be divided as abovesd, shall no more be called Pea- 
quots but Narragansetts and Mohegans and as their men and 
either of them are to pay for every Sanop one fathom of wam- 
pome peage and for every youth half so much and for every 
Sanop papoose one hand tobe paid at Killing time of Corn at 
Connecticut yearly and shall not suffer them for to live in 
the country that was formerly theirs but is now the Eng- 
lishes by conquest neither shall the Narragansets nor Mo- 
hegans possess any part of ye Peaquot country without 
leave from the English And it is always expected that the 
English Captives are forthwith to be delivered to the Eng- 
lish, such as belong to Connecticut to the Sachems there, 
And such as belong to the Massachusetts; the sd agreements 
are to be kept invoylably by the parties abovesd and if any 
make breach of them the other two may joyn and make warr 
upon such as shall break the same, unless satisfaction be 
made being Reasonably Required. 

The Marke of ) MIANTINOMMY, 

The Marke of + POQUIAM alias UNKAS. 


The above written is a coppy of some Articles made with 
the Indians and English as attest, compared by 

SAMUELL MASON, Assistant. 
JOHN TRACY, Justice of peace. 

The above written is a true copy of that on file. Com- 
pared and Examined p. 

JA. MEINZIES, Cler. Cur. Commis. 


The issue of differences between the two colonies of 
Massachusetts and Connecticut about the Pequit country, 
being jointly referred to y Commissioners of the two other 
colonies, as followeth viz: Whereas there is a controversy 
received betwixt y two colonies of Massachusetts and Con- 
necticut concerning their interest in the Pequit country, 
and many pleas have been made on both sides for their 


greater interest, we having seriously weighed what hafli 
been by each of them alleged, conceive y determination doth 
arise only from their several rights by conquest, y which for 
ought we can understand is not greatly different, yet being 
tender of any inconveniences or disturbances yt may accrue 
to those that are already possessed either by commission 
from y Massachusetts or Connecticut in any place thereof, 
should they now be put of their improvement, and also by 
enquiry finding that y Pequit country which extendeth 
from Mistick to a place called Wecapogue about ten miles 
Eastward from Mistick river, may conveniently accommo- 
date to plantations or townships, we therefore respecting 
things as now they stand, do conclude yt Mistick river, be 
y bounds between them as to property and to jurisdiction 
so far as conquest may give title thereunto, always provided 
yt such as are already accommodated by commission from 
either of y said governments, or have grants of any tracts 
of land on any side of y said Mystic river, be not molested 
in their possession of rights, by any after grant, and yt al! 
due care be had yt Christian Society and ordinances may 
be provided for and upheld according to God in each plan- 

Boston, Sept. 16, 1658. 


By bounding it by Mystic river we intend yt y river should 
be y bounds so far as y Pond by Katherine's Hill and thence 
from y middle of y Pond to run away upon a'north line. 

[Haz. 2. 396.] 


Having received from some of the principal Sachems of 
the Narragan^ett Indians a submission or surrender of them- 
selves their subjects and their lands to the protection gov- 
ernment and dispose of our dread Soveraigne y King of 
Great Brittain France and Ireland, as well by their person- 
al acknowledgement and laying downe their armes as at his 
Majesties feet and sending his Majesty some presents, as 
also by giving us a deed dated April 19, 1644, wherein they 


and all ye other chief Sachims of that country did then sub- 
mit subject and give over themselves to his late Majestic of 
blessed memory, and by presenting us several petitions and 
declarations containing many injuries which they say they 
have received from several of his Majesties English sub- 
jects, against whom they desire justice from us: Wee his 
Majesties Commissioners have received them into his Majes- 
ties protection, and do in his Majesties name order appoint 
and command yt ye said Country be henceforward be called 
ye Kings Province, and yt no person of what colony soever 
presume to exercise any jurisdiction within this ye Kings 
Province, but such as receive authority from us under our 
hands and scales, until his Majesties pleasure be further 
knowne; And we also declare yt ye Kings Province doth 
extend to Pawcatuck River westward. 

Whereas Major Atherton and others of his Majesties 
Colony of y Massachusetts pretend a Mortgage of a great 
part of ye said country, We order and appoint yt whenever 
either of y Sachims known by the name Pessicus or Nen- 
ecroft or any authorized by them do pay unto any one of the 
persons laying claime to y same mortgage ye summe of 735 
fathoms of peage, ye said mortgage shall be void and what- 
ever is thereupon to by them. 

And whereas there is also two purchases pretended to of 
two great tracts of land by y same Major Atherton, Capt. 
Hudson and others of his Majesties colony of y Massachu- 
setts, bought of Cathanaquant in y Narragansett country 
in y yeare 1659, in which deed there is no mention of any 
consideration, and yt it appears yt y said pretending pur- 
chasers knew yt y said country was submitted to his Majes- 
tie, as well by witnesses, as by ye said submission being 
eighteen years agoe printed; 

Wee his Majesties Commissioners, having heard ye whole 
business, do declare ye said purchase to be void, and order 
and command yt y said purchasers shall quit and goe of ye 
said pretended purchased lands, and shall not keep any cat- 
tle of any sort upon y said land by pretence of ye said pur- 
chase after ye feast of St. Michael next, if within that time 
either of y Sachims above named or any authorized by them 
do pay unto any one of ye said purchasers ye sum of 300 
fathoms of peag, which is ye only summ acknowledged to 
be received by ye said Cathanaquant. 


Given under our hands and scales at Petaquammetuck ye 
20th of March, 1664. 

For the Purchasers, ? GEORGE CARTWRIGHT, 

(20 March, 1664-5.) 

Whereas by a former order, bearing date March 20th, 
1664, at Petequomscut, it was then ordered, that all the in- 
habitants within the King's Province of Nanny g an set should 
quit their habitations and plantations in the month of Sep- 
tember following, we have, upon serious consideration, 
thought fit to order and appoint, and by these presents do 
order and appoint, that the said former orders shall not re- 
main in force; that the inhabitants of the King's Province 
of Nanhyganset shall remain in quiat and full and peaceable 
possession of all their lands and houses and appurtenances, 
until his Majesty's pleasure be further known, any order 
before made or granted to the contrary notwithstanding. 
Given under our hands and seals the 15th of September, 1665, 

* [3.M. H. C. 1.221.] 


Whereas by the authority given us by his sacred 
tye our dread soveraigne, to provide for the peace and safety 
of all his colonyes here in Americah, and in a more espe- 
ciall manner for that part of it called the Narragansett Coun- 
try, and by his Majistye's command, now to be called the 
King's Province: We did by commisssion under our hands 
and scales dated at Pataqumskocte, March the twentieth 
1664; appoint, authorize, and in his Majistye's name re- 
quier Benedict Arnold, Wm. Brenton, esqrs., John Cog- 
geshall, James Barker, Joseph Clarke, William Field, 
Thomas Olnye, Roger Williams, Wm. Baulston, John San- 
ford, Randal Ilolden, Walter Todd, John Porter, and John 


Green, gentlemen, to exercise the power and authority of 
Juctices of the Peace, or majistrates throughout the whole 
compasse of this his Majistye's Province, and to do what- 
ever they thinke best for the peace and safety of the sayd 
Province, and as neare as they can to the English lawes, 
till his Majistye's pleasure be father known therein. And 
in matters of greater consequence any seven of them, where- 
of the governor or deputy-governor shall be one, shall be a 
court to determine any buisnesse: Our intent and meaninge 
was, and is, that the said commission should be no longer in 
force than untill the third of May next: And that then, and 
thence forward, the governor and deputy-governor, and all 
the assistants for the time being of his Majistye's colony of 
Rhode-Island, &c., shall be Justices of the Peace; and 
therefore by the power given us from his Majistye, we order 
and appoynt the governor and deputy-governor, and all the 
assistants of the sayd colony, to be and to exercise the au- 
thority e of Justices of the Peace, in this the King's Prov- 
ince and to do whatever they think best for the peace and 
safety of the said Province, and as neare as they can to the 
English lawes, till his Majistye's pleasure be father known 
therein; And in matters of greater consequence any seven 
of them, whereof the governor or deputy-governor shall be 
one, shall be a court to determine any business. 

Given under our hands and scales at Warwick, April 8th, 
1665. * 


[State Records.] 


Whereas Hermon Garret, an Indian so called, alias We- 
quash Cook, by virtue of an order bearing date the 16th of 
May 1665 at Boston, signed by his Majesty's Commission- 
ers, Sir Robert Carr, Knight, Geo. Cartwright, and Samuel 
Maverick Esqs, have liberty and consent to remove with 
his own family near Wequapauock or Tismatuck in the 
King's Province of y Narraganset country, whereof y said 
Hermon Garret is one of the Sachems, and being it is his 
Majesty's known pleasure yt y heathen should have common 
justice and protection, as also yt y temporary orders of his 

Majesty's Commissioners shall remain in force until his Ma- 
jesty's final determination is given; Nevertheless, being 
credibly informed that Stephen Willcock and others (under 
y government of his Majesty's Colony of Rhode-Island and 
Providence Plantations) have threatened and actually dis- 
turbed y sayd Hermon Garret, to y annoyance of his plan- 
tation and forcibly cutting grass without satisfaction, near 
unto his wigwam or place of aboade, which unjust proceed- 
ings tend to y disturbance of y peace and safety of his Ma- 
jesty's subjects and to y manifest breach of his Majesty's 
commands, whereupon we find ourselves necessiated to pro- 
test and in his Majesty's name by these presents do protest 
against all and every person or persons who shall presume 
to violate y order of his Majesty's Commissioners dated in 
Boston 17th May 1665; and we do farther in his Majesty's 
name warn them and every of them not to proceed to disturb 
y sayd Hermon Garratt and his family (to say) his wives, 
children, and servants in the peaceable enjoyment of y 
lands assigned to them, as they tender his Majesty's dis- 
pleasure and will answer the contrary at their peril. Given 
under y hands of us his Majesty's Commissioners at Fort 
James in New-York the 20th of November 1666. 


To all his Majesty's subjects whom 

these do or may coucern. 

The above is a true copy of the original, being compared 
therewith, August 5, 1689. per 

JOHN ALLYN, Secretary. 


Mr. John Crandall and Jeseph Torrey, Junr. are chosen 
to go to Conetticott to delever a letter from the court, and 
receive their answer, which letter is as followeth: 

Newport, R. Island, Oct. 15, 1670. 
Honored and well beloved gentlemen, 

We have thought it might not be of evell consequence, 
yet once again, to propose unto your thoughts the consid- 
eration of what good consequence it will be unto both these. 


his Majistyes colonyes, that they compose their differences 
among themselves and forbear troubleing his Majistye with 
complaints, considering the great travill and charge of goe- 
ing so far a voyage as that will require, besides the just 
cause it may give of procuring such remedy as the country 
may have no cause to rejoice therein; and may lykely and 
in reason much distast our Soveraigne Lord the King to 
have yet new complaints come so soone after that great and 
royall care and charge taken by his Majisty and effectually 
used by his honorable commistioners to settle our bounda- 
ryes, &c., which act, and acts, of those gentlemen, are, as 
we are lately informed, ratified by act of Parliament, we 
have seen a letter from your honored governor, Mr. John 
Winthrop, that he writt in answer to a letter that wee de- 
sired our governor to write to him, intending it should be 
communicated to yourselves, as noe doubte it is, or had been, 
but that the governor to whom it was directed was not at 
home, in which was signified our determination to appeale 
for justice into his Majistye, as by our charter we are in- 
joyned in such case, except some more easie and less trav- 
illsom way be found to put an issue to the greavances 
now sustained by us. And now finding your governor's in- 
clination for such a peaceable composure, and that he judg- 
ethit may be done by persons mutually, fully impowered by 
each colony for the purpose, which however we have once 
alreadye done, and given all the power we could give unto 
three persons in June last, to treat and fully conclude all 
matters, with as many of yours so impowered as by the com- 
mistion to ours, it doth appeare, and yet the treaty proved 
of no such consequence as we hoped, Stc. But seeing we 
are not fully informed, that you, the General Assemblye of 
his Majisties colony of Coneticoit, have had the certain 
knowlidge of those matters, and of the transactions since 
that time passing in this jurisdiction, exercised therein by 
some of yours have thought it convenient by these few 
lines, and by the more pertickelar information of Mr John 
Crandall, Senr., the bearer hereof, unto whose relation we 
pray you give credit, to acquaint you that our ernest desires 
arc, that a loving composure may be had between the two 
colonyes; and the means to effect it, to be by persons yet 
once more fully impowered to that purpose, and that in mean 
time you will forbeare such force as by your orders hath 
been lately exercised within the King's Province at Wes- 


terly, and in the tract and tracts, of that Province called the 
Narragansett country, as also if a friendly composure may 
fayle, and such a treaty cannot be had, or peace produced 
by such a treaty that then you will agree to refer the de- 
cision of the matter to his Majistie, and give Us notice, so 
you will doe; we will, if you agree, mutually become bound, 
there to meet your agent, by an agent, or agents sent from 
ourselves, provided in meantime you forbeare exercising ju- 
risdiction within the tract, and tracts abovesaid. But ifthese 
are not attended unto, then we shall be forced to make our 
humble addresses unto our Lord the King, by way of com- 
plavnt, though much rather, we would that complaints be 
prevented. Honorable gentlemen, we earnestly desire, and 
expect, your absolute posative answer unto these our pro- 
posalles, with all speed possible, by this same bearer, and 
therefore shall add no more at present, but that in case your 
retorne may assure us that you will forbeare force, and ap- 
ply yourselves to a peaceable way of composure, as above 
said, you may expect from us a speedye and loving comply- 
ance therein, and that in meantime we shall remaine, 

Honored and beloved Friends, your truly affectionate 
neighbours, The General Assembly of his Majistyes colo- 
ny of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations. 

Signed by order of the said Assembly, by 


To our honored and beloved] Friends, the 
General Assembly of his Majistyes colony 
of Coneticott, presented per John Crandall. 

Ordered, that warrants shall be issued forth, to prese 
horses, boats, or any other thinge conducing to the com- 
fortable accommodation and speedy dispatch of Mr. John 
Crandall, and Joseph Torrey, Junr., in the voyage to Co- 


Jit the General Assembly held at Newport, the second of April, 


Voted: Whereas sundry persons of the town of Stoning- 
ton in the jurisdiction of Connecticut Colony have of late in 
a most riotous, tumultuous and rebellious manner, made in- 
cursions upon the town of Westerly in this his Majesty's 


Colony of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations &.C., 
and have knock'd down, carried away and under a pretence 
of authority derived from his Majesty, have imprisoned and 
sentenced several persons of the said town, to the great af- 
frighting and disquieting of the rest: And whereas upon 
notice given to the Governor and Government of the said 
Connecticut Colony, instead of bringing the said offenders, 
or at least the ringleaders of such riotous and rebellious 
practices, to receive suitable recompence for such heinous 
offences by them committed against our Soveraign Lord the 
King and his Loyal Subjects of that place, or to deliver them 
up to this jurisdiction where the offence was committed, in order 
to receive by their hand condign punishment for the same, 
have countenanced and encouraged the aforesaid offenders, 
alledging that they had Patent Right to exercise jurisdiction 
over those parts, and over all the Nanaganset Countrey beside,,- 
which yet are so plainly expressed in his Majesty's gracious 
grant given unto us: And whereas the preceding General 
Assembly of this Colony, (in order to prevent the effusion 
of blood upon that account, together with the reproach and 
dishonor that may thereby arie and come unto his Majes- 
ty's authority, which he hath been pleased graciously to 
invest these his Colonys with) as peaceable minded neigh- 
bours to Connecticut Colony, and as loyal subjects unto his 
Majesty, have often moved them for a friendly treaty touch- 
ing the premises, in order to attain such aright understand- 
ing of his Majesty's mind therein express'd in his gracious 
grants bestowed upon us as may be for our mutual satisfac- 
tion and content, so as to prevent the giving of his Majesty, 
ourselves and our friends any further trouble touching the 
same, and when that essay failed, and would not by them 
be attended unto, did further make unto them such fair ten- 
ders for peace with respect to propriety and also jurisdiction 
as appealing to his Majesty for his decision therein, which 
we are persuaded no jjjood Christian peaceable minded man 
or loyal subject, that is not extremely biassed with self-con- 
cerns upon a private account, can turn aside from: And not- 
withstanding all these attempts cannot prevail with them for 
a friendly complyance with us therein, but on the contrary 
have received from them as their last result, a fixed resolution 
to force their way, which also forceth us to prosecute our 
appeal to the utmost before his Majesty for his royal result 
and determination therein, in which we shall cheerfully ac- 


quiesce as loyal subjects ought to do, and yet since we can- 
not but take ourselves obliged both by nature and grace in 
the meantime vigorously to assert his Majesty's sovereign- 
ity over the whole countrey, and to exert and put forth the 
authority and trust by him committed to us over these parts; 
Wherefore be it enacted by this present Assembly and ike au~ 
thority thereof, That in case any of the men of Stoningtown 
aforesaid, or any other belonging to that jurisdiction, after 
the peaceable tenders that have been made as is abovesaid, 
shall be found plotting, contriving or acting in such riotous, 
rebellious proceeds and practices for the time to come, 
whereby his Majesty's authority conferred on this Colony 
is invaded, and the lives and estates of his liege people 
hazarded, that then all the right and title pretended to either 
in land, houses, goods or chatties within this Colony by 
such plotters, contrivers or riotous actors, their aiders and 
abettors as to them, their heirs and assigns, shall be deem- 
ed void and null as forfeited to his Majesty, and shall be 
forthwith seized upon according to his Royal grant to us, 
for the use of the colony, and also the persons of such plot- 
ters, contrivers and riotous actors, their aiders and abettors, 
when they can be apprehended and seized, being found 
within this colony, shall receive such condign punishment 
otherways for their said offences as his Majesty's laws have 
provided in such like cases. 

Jind be it further enacted by this present Assembly, that in 
case any of the inhabitants of the town of Westerly, who 
are expressly within the bounds of this colony, and have 
solemnly engaged submission unto the authority which his 
Majesty hath been pleased to invest us with over those 
parts, shall at any time hereafter, put his lands, or any part 
thereof that are on the east side of Pawcatuck alias Narra- 
ganset river, and the line drawn from thence as is express- 
ed in our Charter, under the Government of Connecticut or 
any other jurisdiction, or shall endeavor actually to bring in 
the aforesaid government or any other foreign power, to ex- 
ercise authority over those parts or any other part of the 
colony, or .yield obedience thereunto, he and they and eve- 
ry of them, shall incur the penalty for either the aforesaid 
offences, that the law made in '58 hath provided; which is 
to forfeit all his or their land and estate to the colony. 

Jind it is further enacted, That what damage any persons 
in the town of Westerly, or any others in this colony, shall 


sustain (by reason of their adhering to the government es- 
tablishea in this colony,) in their persons or estates, their 
damage shall be made good and repaired out of the estates 
of those that are the occasioners thereof, or actors therein. 
The above and aforegoing is a true copy as appears of 

Teste, JA. MARTIN, Sec'ry. 

Jll the General Court of Election, held at Newport, May the 

3d, 1671. 

Whereas Mr. John Crandall of the town of Westerly, 
hath been, as is asserted, apprehended, and now is in du- 
rance, by the colony of Connecticut, and for no other cause 
than for endeavoring to maintain the authority of his Maj- 
esty granted to this colony; and having by Mr* Tobias 
Saunders desired the advice of the Governour and others in 
this colony, whether to give in bond to the authority of 
Connecticut or to abide imprisonment? This Assembly do 
advise the said Mr. John Crandall, that in any matter relat- 
ing to his actings for the maintaining his Majesty's author- 
ity in this colony, he give no bond: And also the Assembly 
do promise, that if he be forced to imprisonment for the 
premises, this colony will bear his charges thereby, and en- 
deavor to justify his actings therein. 

True copy as appears of record. 

Teste, JA. MARTIN, Sec'ry. 

Newport in Rhode-Island, May 6, 1671. 
Honored Gentlemen, 

We cannot but once again signefy unto you the exceed- 
ing troubles, the inhabitants of this colony, liveinge at the 
town of Westerly, on the east side of Paucatuck, alias Nar- 
ragansett river daily sustain, by the violent and furious 
iruptions and assaults of their neighbors, of Stonington, 
who say they are impowered by yourselves. We cannot 
but resent their sad condition, and also seek to remedy the 
same, according to the utmost of our power; they being 
within the tract of land, by his Majestye granted unto us, 
in his Royal Charter, and which your agent in England did 
agree to be within our jurisdiction, as we doubt not but 
will appear to yourselves, if you please to take the paines to 


reade the instrument under his hand; and altho, in our gov- 
ernor's letter to you, you conceive there were some disunit- 
inge expressions arising from heat; we have read and se- 
riously perused that letter, and find nothing contained there- 
in but just proposals, and true informations tending only 
to promote peace and unity between these two colonies, can- 
not but approve of the same. Neither could we but judge 
that the honored Governor Winthrop whas wholly ignorant 
of these proceeds of your commissioners at Narragansett, 
which did so directly contradict, what in England, in the 
presence of several worthy persons, he did really owne. 
Neither can it in reason be inferred or collected, that be- 
cause some pertickeler persons about Mr. Smith's tradinge 
House, had liberty to chuse, to which colony they would 
belong, that .therefore the bounds absolutely determined in 
that agreement should be disannulled, which we did, in an 
espesial manner insist upon so it was proposed, not in that 
letter only, but in many others, whereof you were never 
pleased to signify that you took the least notice, and to 
which agreement we shall adhere and which our commis- 
sioners at New-London did verbally signify they would sub- 
scribe, as the conclusion of the differances between these 
two colonies. But we perceive, you do not only desert that 
agreement, but have also settled your resolutions, unless 
we will relinquish what his Majisty hath graciously granted 
unto us, which we have no power to do, you will treat no 
further. Gentlemen, we cannot but observe that in your 
last, while you carefully sum up those pertickelars, which 
you conceive includes the whole purport of our letter of Oc- 
tober 15th last, you pass by, as unregarded, a fourth, which 
if you had accepted, we doubt not, but by this time our dif- 
ferances might have been determined and that is, our ap- 
peale to his sacred Majistye, who, as he hath reserved the 
determination thereof unto himself, so his subjects cannot 
errect a greater manifestation of their subjection and loyal- 
ty, than by submittinge themselves unto his Royal judgment, 
in which we are resolved to rest satisfy ed, having good 
grounds to hope suddainly to receive some significations of 
his royal will and pleasure therein: In the meane time, we 
are determined, in a faithful discharge of that trust reposed 
in us by our Sovereigne Lord the King, and in obedience 
to his commands, to use our uttermost indeavors, for the 
Defence of all his Majistyes subjects committed to our care. 


We shall add no more at present, but remain your real 
friends and neighbours. The General Assembly of his 
Majestyes Colony of Rhode-Island and Providence Planta- 
tions, &c. 

Signed by their order, 

JOHN SANFORD, Recorder. 
To the Honored, the General Assembly 
of his Majisties Colony of Conecticott, 
sitting at Hartford, these present. 



You had no grounds to expect, when we so often pro- 
possed to you, that we might mutually refer the decision of 
the controvercy between us, unto the Kings most Excellent 
Majesty, as we are in duty bound: We say, you could not 
.imagine, that we would, in meane time betray our trust, and 
give up our rights, by desertinge the people under our 
charge, in neglectinge to govern within the limites of the 
Charter that his Majestic soe graciously bestowed upon this 
Colony for if so we had done, you needed, not then, to 
have attended us in England, when we had so given up our 
trust and betrayed our people. Gentlemen, this your ex- 
pectation, we cannot but conceive to proceed from your 
aprihentions, at least, of our weakness, or disingenuety: 
-But you may be assured, wee shall not so foolishly, and 
disloyaly decline our duty; And yet, while we are in the 
exercise of that authority which is, by Gods Providence, 
arid the Royal favour of our Soverraigne, put into our hands 
to govern in all those parts contained in our Charter, the 
western boundary whereof is Pacatuck alias Narragansett 
River, as you know well enough, and your Governor, no 
.doubt cannot forget it. We say, while we are soe found 
actinge in obedience to his Majesties commission, we shall 
not be in any way discouraged to expect his graceous pro- 
tection, against your and all others unjust molestations; it 
beinge clere that the ambition of some, and covitiousnes of 
others, puts you upon, and by their importunities provokes 
you unto these violent invasions on our rights and privil- 
edges. Notwithstanding your submission unto the deter- 
mination of his Majesties Commissioners, made and declared 
at Pettacomscutt in March 1664; which is evident by your 


desisting from molesting us in those parts for several years, 
whereby you confessed our undoubted right and we, by a 
constant course of justice there maintained, did cleerly 
evince that we durst not for any point of time, neglect our 
duty, it beinge dangerous and disloyall soe, to doe. And 
where you plead the propriety of your grant, it is more than 
wonderfull you forgitt that your grant, was by his Majesties 
command arrested, and before your agent could cleere it, 
there was an agreement made, and the eastern boundary of 
your pattent defined, which before was not soe cleerly and 
definitively expressed, but only said to be Narrogansitt 
River; which river isknowne, now, by his Majesties Royal 
determination in our pattent, to be Pawcatuck River; and 
that upon the concurrance and agreement of your, and our, 
agents in England, as under their hands and scales you 
know is extant. And whereas you say, your claims by 
Charter, are, or have ben, unquestionable! you must be 
very forgetfull, if you remember not how much your west- 
ern and southern claims have ben questioned, and found 
bound just right, which showes his Majesty had not from 
you such cleer information as became dutefule and loyal sub- 
jects to have given unto their Prince. But as for all these, 
your differences with us, and intrusions upon us, we have often 
tendered you, mutually to refer all to the determination of 
our Sovereign Lord the King, to all which we never receiv- 
ed so much as a hint that you took notice thereof, until now 
in yours of May llth 1671 you mentioned it by way of evas- 
sion, because we continue in the exercise of Government 
in the parts you would wrest from us, (as by your violent 
intrusions it too plainly appears) but to that invasion, we 
have given you our answers above: and yet, since we have 
from you at last, a word that you take notice of our offers, 
of our appeale to his majesty, for a full determination (if 
further than it is, it can be,) we still offer you that expedi- 
ent, as the most rational way to end that controvercy, 
praying your positive answer therein. Yet we assure 
you, that in the mearie time, we shall not emit our per 
severance in the exercising of Government there. 
But shall, as in duty we arc obliged, go on in the de- 
fence of his Majesties interest, and the peoples peace, and 
security on the east side Pawcatuck River, and within the 
bounds mentioned in our charter, and reconfirmed, ancf 
cleerly declared by his Majesiyes Honorable G f ommisioners- 


ks afore is mentioned. Yet seeing your late application to 
us, (as your committee in theirs of May 19th 1671 are pleas- 
ed'to mention to yourselves) we are willing to answer your 
motions, for a friendly Treaty: And such a Treaty had 
ben before now, had you not refused to treat at one of those 
places, mentioned by Mr Crandal, by order from us in Oc- 
tober last. But adhereing to your own appointment at New- 
London or Hartford, for the place of Treaty, both in your 
own Colony; to which we had no encouragement to agree; 
in as much as our Comrnisioners as attended yours in the 
late Treaty at New London, found such an unsutiable (not 
to say uncivill) behaviour from yours, besides their deny- 
ing, when ours desired, an open conference before all men 
present, or at least, that the whole discource that passed be- 
tween them in writing, might be red before the people, 
which had been very reasonable: that soe such as are led 
in the darke, might have heard, and seen the truth of the 
case for truth seeks noe corners. For the reasons afore- 
said, ours are not free to meete upon such advantages, and 
therefore as places of more indifferency to meete, and treat, 
we propose Secuncke, alias Rehobeth; and incase that be 
not accordinge to your conveniency, we propose New York, 
as a place far more remote from us, than from yourselves, 
we are willing- to deny ourselves in that respect, and give 
you the advantage, of havinge the least journie to goe. 
Which place, in other respects, is most commodiously in- 
different to both. And if you please to accept of either 
those places, for the said Treaty, we desire to know your 
minds; and we leave it to you, to appoint the time, and to 
give us such timely notice thereof, as may serve for per- 
forminge the voiadge; which notice we expect to receive, 
at least twenty days before the day you adpoint for a treaty, 
And thereupon you may assuredly expect (if the Lord 
please,) that three persons from us. invested with as full 
power as this colony is invested with by his Majesty, (in 
this respect) to meete, treate with, and conclude, with so 
many persons by yourselves soe impowered, a full, and fy- 
nall agreement, and accord, in all matters controverted be- 
tween you and us. And as the most hopeful means to pro- 
cure a right understandinge of the truth of the case between 
yourselves and us We also propose, that besides such per- 
sons so fully and mutually impowered, that your honored 
*iovernor, and our honored Deputy-Governor, who were 


agents^ for procuring Charters in England, may be present 
at the Treaty; being most able to clear up all difficultyes, 
and that will be most tendinge to a good accord, between 
the two colonies. Which motion, if you accept, let us 
know the same, and our deputy-governor, if the Lord per- 
mitt, will freely, for preventing future troubles, take the 
paines to come to the Treaty; provided that the Treaty 
may be before the 10th of September now next ensuing the 
date hereof. And do expect you will forbeare, in meane 
time, using force in any parts, on the East side of Pauca- 
tuck river, called also Narrogansitt river as afore mentioned. 
And thus, honored gentlemen and friends, we shall no 
farther enlarge at present, but remaine, 

Your very affectionate Friends and loving Neighbors, 
The General Assembly e of his Majistye's 
Colony of Rhode-Island and Providence 
Signed by their order, 

JOHJN SANFORD, Clerk of the Assembly. 
Dated in Newport, June 14th, 1671. 
To our honored Friends, the Governor and 
General Assembly of his Majisty 's Colo- 
ny of Coneticott. Present with care. 
Or in case the Assemblye be not now sittinge. 
To the Governor and Council at Hartford, 
These be delivered. 

Newport, November 4, 1671. 
Honored and respected Gentlemen: 

Yours, bearing date October 12th 1671, came to our 
hands inclosed in a letter from Mr. Jereth Bull, conserva- 
tor of the peace at Pettacomscutt, in the Kings Province 
&,c., dated October 26th, and sent by an Indian. But for 
that bearer, by whom you desired an answer, here came 
no such person, nor, know, we, who it was being you 
name him not; and therefore could not send an answer by 
such. And how, or why, the letter was so longe a commge 
to Pettacomscutt, even lidaies, we cannot but wonder, save 
as we must suppose it was mis-dated. But to overlook that, 
and not to insist upon the greatinge expressions therein, 
being so frequently sent us, instead of solid reason : and un- 
der pretence of reproving the like, pretended to be used by 


us of which we are not concious But on the contrary, 
have endeavoredto offer reasonable proposals, 'as our letters 
will be construed by indifferent readers. We shall, by way of 
answer to your letter abovesaid, (for we received none from 
your committee since ours of June the 14th.) We say, in 
answer to your motions, or returns for a Treaty at Boston, 
or Rehobeth, (you waving New York,) we are willing to 
join with you, to wit, to meet, and treat at Rehoboth, not 
doubting of convenient entertainment there to be procured. 
And as for the times you prefix, necessity compels us to 
consent to the latter viz. April next. Altho we had much 
rather attended it, the second week of this month, had we 
received such timely notice, by a certain bearer, by whom 
it had ben possible to have returned answer, timely enough 
to have accomedated that matter, which otherwise could not 
be. And as for the third pertickular, to wit, a Plenepoten- 
tiary Commission to the persons Commisionated to treat 
with yours, you had a full account of that point in our last 
of June 14 above said, wherein we engaged to invest them, 
with as full power in that respect, as his Majestic hath in- 
vested us withal. And further, you may not expect, and 
therefore to be plain and cleere in few words, we must tell 
you, that we have no power to alter, change, or give away, 
any part of the bounds prescribed and settled by his majes- 
tic in his gracious letters Pattent's, for us to exercise juris- 
diction in, so that to treat on that account will prove labor 
in vain, as you by former, experience by letters, treaty's 
and letters again, have ben abundantly given to understand. 
But if your aims were, or are, that differences about lands, 
lyinge in the Kings Province, might be issued by friendly 
composures among the pretenders there about differirige 
(if any such appeere) as it is very likely that claims of in- 
terest, is the cause of strivinge to wrest the jurisdiction out 
of our hands we shall, as far as it concerneth this Colony 
in general, be very free to impower our Committee, fully 
to decide the differences about interest in Land by a mutual 
composinge the same with yours; as also to persuade per- 
tickular persons soe to doe; or to put such differences to 
indifferent persons of the Colonies you name, and of New- 
York, &c., to determine therein. And if this motion be 
accepted, and that we may have your present, and positive 
answer, that soe you doe accept it, it may happily prevent 
our complaint to his Majestic, &e. Upon your forbearinge 


to force your way, by exercising jurisdiction on the east 
side of Pawcatuck, alias Narragansett River. And there- 
fore request, and expect, your answer by Lt. Torrey, 
whome we send on purpose to bring it; Wherein, you ap- 
pointinge also a certain day in April next, for the said pro- 
posed Treaty at Rehobeth; ours shall be ready, with the 
help of the Lord, then and there to attend yours; being 
hopeful it may be the means to issue the differences in love 
and peace; which that it may be, it is, Honored Friends 
the unfaigned desire of, 

Your friends and neighbors of 

The General Assembly of his Majesties 
Colony of Rhode-Island and Providence 
Plantations, now sitlinge. 
Signed by their order, 

Per JOHN SANFORD, Clerk of the Assembly. 
To the much honored John Winthrop, Esq. 
Governor of his Majisties Colony of Con- 
etticott, and to the honored council ; 


To the honoured Mr. John Allyn, Assistant 
and Secretary, to be communicated to the 
rest of the honored committee, appointed 
to that end, by the General Assembly to 
receive, and to answer letters of public 
Per Lieut. Joseph Torrey, Q. D. G. 


Newport, October 25, 1676. 
Honored Gentlemen, 

We cannot omit, to manifest to you our absolute dislike 
of your late proceeds, (if our information be true,) which, 
from credible persons of our colony, had been asserted; 
and confirmed by several of yours, and some in authority; 
that you had, by order of your court, detirmined to deprive 
us of our just ritts, and privilidges, in the Narragariset 
Country, (alias Kings province,) graciously granted to us, 
in our charter, by his majesty, and confirmed by his honor-* 
ed commissioners: .By vertue of which power, we have 
peaceably enjoyed the government, disposition, and other 
privilidge therein, for several years past. Therefore 


. much strange, that you should, under pretence of sub- 
duing the Indians, monopolise our privilidges, by warning 
our inhabitants from selling upon their own plantations in 
said Narragansett that were forced by reason of the late 
warr with the Indians, to desert their habitations, for the 
security of their lives; with what else of their stock and 
movables they could preserve; till way, by the providence 
of God, shall be made for their return to their own as afore- 
said. Its well known, that the United Colonies did desert 
several of their out plantations, and some were, by the en- 
emy, drove and necesitated so.e to do, for the safety of their 
lives. If for that cause only, the Colonys should have their 
charter ritts, and particular persons their lands and privi- 
leges, it would to them, (and to all rational men) appear 
ridiculous, and without doubt disapproved by his Majesty 
if it should come to a hearing. We are very apt to believe, 
that if matters should come to a just inquiry conserning the 
cause of the war, that the Narraganset sachems which were 
subjects to his majesty, and by his foresayd commissioners 
taken into protection, and put under our government, and 
to us at all times manifested their submission, by appearing 
when sent for. Neither was their any manifestation of warr 
against us from them, but allvvays the contrary, till by the 
United Colonys, they were forced to warr, or such sub- 
mission as it seems they could not subject to; thereby in- 
volving us in such hazads, charges and losses which hath 
fallen upon us in our out plantations, that noe colony has re- 
seived the like, considering our number of peopell. But 
admit the cause never so just, aproved and alowed by his 
majesty, on your parts, as to the said warr, as its well 
known and owned, that his subjects have liberty to persue 
his known enemies, in order to subdue them, in any part of 
his dominions, where they come, and cannot but be owned 
a great favor, and that for such kindness or privilidge, the 
inhabitants should lose their possessions; cannot but be 
looked at a great oppression and ingratitude, which, to deal 
plainly is our case, [if information be true as aforesaid.] Is 
it not sufficient, that, as God hath made you [with the as- 
sistance of the Pequods and other Indains,] instruments 
to subdue those you made war with, and have had many 
privileges in our said colony, without interuption from us, 
and for our said kindness, you endever to reward us, with 
Depriving us of our just ritts and our inhabitants of their 


settlement, upon their own again, will appear very un- 
just; and further, to suggest that the land was left voide, 
and therefore free for others to settle; we say, that inas- 
much as our authority saw cause to draw our people into a 
nearer compass, thereby to preserve their lives and estates 
[which true wisdom would lead all men to,] did thereby 
maintain our colony in being. But had our colony been 
wholly deserted, and the people, and Authority vanquished, 
there might have been soms color. Soe hoping you will 
take the premises into your serious consideration, and avoid 
any further provication, by threats, or actions in our fore- 
sayd boundaries; otherwise you must expect our opposition 
to the utmost of our abilities. And further, know, that our 
intentions are, (if violated of our just ritts,) by your author- 
ity, doe purpose with all expedition, to make aplication to 
his majesty, the consequence of which may prove incon- 
venient to some; but blame not us, who are forced thereto, 
but its rather our hearts desire, peaceibly to enjoy our own, 
and with you, and all men, to be neighborly, and friendly, 
which is the true desire of your very loving friends and 

Signed by an order of the General Assembly sitting Oct. 

25, 1676. 

JOHN COGGESHALL, Clarke of the Assembly. 
To the Hon. the General Assembly of Con- 
necticut colony, if sitting, or to the hon- 
ored, the Governor and Councill of said 
colony, these present with care. 

At the Gensral Assembly and Election, held in his Majesty's 
name, May. the second, 1677, at Newport. 

Voted upon the petition presented unto this Assembly by 
Thomas Gould, James Raynolds and Henry Tibbitt, for in- 
struction, assistance and advice as to the oppressions they 
suffer under from the Colony of Connecticut, this Court 
having seriously considered thereof, do unanimously de- 
clare, that they will vindicate their jurisdiction unto the 
Naraganset Countrey, and from the intrusions of Connecti- 
cut Colony; and that if the said petitioners shall suffer either 
in their persons or estate, for their fidelity and submission 
unto this Colony, we will, as we are in duty bound, stand 
by them, assist them and relieve them by all lawful ways 


and means whatever, which is the full result of this Court, 
as answer unto the said petition dissenting, hereby also 
strictly prohibiting the said Thomas Gould, James Raynolds 
and Henry Tibbitt, and all other persons inhabiting in the 
Naraganset Countrey, from yielding any subjection or obe- 
dience to any authority derived from any other Colony. 
True copy as appears of record. 

Teste, JA. MARTIN, Sec'ry. 

The Assembly adjourned until Thursday next, which will be 

the %4th day of this instant, May, and then to assemble again 

at the house of Henry Palmer in Neivport. May C 24th, the 

Assembly met &,nd sat. 

Voted: This following ordered to be placed to Record, 
with the Acts of this Assembly. 

Gentlemen We received your letter three days after it 
was dated. We have been as quick and industrious as pos- 
sible we could, that you might receive all suitable encour- 
agement, that as you continue true to your engagement to 
this Colony, and upon that account are kept prisoners, we 
shall equally bear your charges of imprisonment, and with 
all expedition address ourselves to his Majesty for reliefe, 
the General Assembly being very near, .which may make 
further conclusions for this purpose. Not else at present, 
but remain, Your Friends. 

Signed by order of the Council. 

To Mr. Thomas Gould, Mr. James Raynolds, 

and the rest that were carried away prisoners 

to Hartford in Connecticut Colony, these 

present with care. 
Newport, April 21, 1677. 

True copy as appears of Record. 

Teste, JA. MARTIN, Sec'ry. 


Whereas we have received a gracious letter from his maj- 
esty, to this his colony dated at his Court at White Hall the 
12th of February 1678-9, wherein his majesty is pleased to 
confirm the jurisdiction and government of the Narragan- 
sett and Niantick country unto this his colony (according to 


the true settlement thereof by his honored commissioners, 
expressed in their acts of March 1664-5 and April 1665,) 
and therein commanding all others to be obedient thereto. 

Therefore in obedience, and in pursuance of his majesty's 
gracious favor to us, and for the information of the Inhab- 
itants in said Narragansett and Niantick and for the pre- 
venting their running their themselves into hazards and 
difficulties, that hereafter may prove greatly to their dam- 
age: We, the Assmbly of his majesty's colony of Rhode 
Island and Providence Plantations, in true and loyal obedi- 
ence to his majesties long and yet continued favors and late 
commands: Hereby give notice, forewarn, and prohibit, all 
persons of what degree soever, being and belonging unto 
the town of Westerly, adjoining to Pawcatuck alias Narra- 
gansett river, and any other place in the Niantick and Nar- 
ragansett country, in the King's province, from yielding, 
rendering, or owning any obedience unto the Colony of Con- 
necticut!, or any government, except the government of his 
royal majesty established in this his colony of Rhode Island 
and Providence Plantations and king's province. 

And this is farther in his majesty's name to require and 
command all the inhabitants of Westerly (Alias Miscomo- 
quott) aforesaid, to be observant and truly obedient as they 
ought to be, unto his majesty's authority, according to his 
royal pleasure, to and in this colony derived, and placed; 
else they must expect to answer the contrary in such pen- 
alties, as law in such cases hath provided. 

By order of the general Assembly of his majesty's colony 
of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations and King's 

JOHN SANFORD, Recorder. 

P. S. And further this is to signify and declare, that by 
the authority aforesaid, all persons of what degree soever, 
inhabiting or belonging to the jurisdiction of the colony of 
Connecticut, are hereby in his majesties name, forwarned, 
forbidden, and commanded, not to assert or exercise any 
authority, or government in any part of this colony on the 
east side of the aforesaid Pawcatuck River> or they must 
expect to be prosecuted against, according to law and jus- 

Signed by an order of the General Assembly of his majes- 
ties colony of Rhode Island, and Providence Plantations, 


rind King's Province; setting at Newport the 9th of July, 
1679, and by their order the seal affixed, Per 

JOHN SANFORD, Recorder. 


Whereas some difference hath of late fallen out between 
Mr. John Winthrop, agent for the taking of a patent for the 
colony of Connecticut, and Mr. John Clarke, agent for the 
taking out of a patent for the colony of Providence, Rhode- 
Island, concerning the right meaning of certain bounds set 
down in a patent lately granted to the colony of Connecti- 
cut: And whereas by reason of doubtfulness of some 
names and expressions mentioned in the said patent, and for 
the better preventing of all disputes that might arise be- 
tween the said colonies hereafter, by reason of such uncer- 
tainties or dubiousness, they the said John Winthrop and 
John Clarke have jointly and mutually nominated, chosen, 
and appointed William Brenton, Esq. Major Robert Thom- 
son, Cant. Richard Doane, Capt. John Brookehaven, and 
Doct. Benjamin Worsely, or any three or most of them, 
to hear and to consider the state of the said difference, and 
to determine what they judge might be most commodious, 
in order to the settling the said bounds, clear of all uncer- 
tainties, and giving a mutual satisfaction to both the said 
colonies, whose names are here underwritten, having, in 
pursuance of their request, met together, and have at large 
heard what hath been alleged on each side on the behalf of 
themselves and the respective colonies to whom they do 
respectively belong, upon serious debate and consideration 
had of the whole matter, we have jointly and unanimously 
agreed to offer their advice as followeth: First; a river, 
there commonly called and known by the name of Pauka- 
tuck river, shall be the certain bounds between those two 
colonies; which said river shall, for the future, be also call- 
ed Narraganset or Narroganset river. Secondly; if any 
part of that purchase at Quenebaug doth lie along upon the 
ast side of the river that goeth down by New-London, 
within six miles of the said river, that then it shall wholly 
belong to Connecticut colony, as well as the rest which 
hath on the west side of the aforesaid river. Thirdly; that 


the proprietors and inhabitants of that land about Mr. 
Smith's trading-house, claimed or purchased by Major Ath- 
erton, Captain Hutchinson, Lieutenant Hudson, and others, 
or given unto them by Indians, shall have free liberty to 
choose to which of those colonies they will belong. Fourth- 
ly; that propriety shall not be altered nor destroyed, but 
carefully maintained through the said colonies. 


To the four proposals abovementioned, we the said John 
Winthrop and John Clarke do consent and submit, as a full 
and final issue of all the controversies between us. In wit- 
ness whereof, we have interchangeably set our hands and 
seals the 17th of Affc-il^ 1663, and in the 15th year of the 
reign of our sovereign lord Charles the Second, by the 
grace of God, king of England, Scotland, France and Ire- 
land, defender of the faith, &c. 


Signed, sealed, and delivered in presence of 



Mr. Thomas Olney, Major Tew, Capt. Arnold, Mr. Bar- 
ton, Mr. Marlindale and Capt. William Champlin. 

You proposed to us for agreement to run the line between 
the colonies of Connecticut and Rhode-Island; That Paw- 
catuck River should be the dividing line as far as Pawca- 
tuck River runs North, and then to run a North line to the 
Massachusetts South line, only you will allow six miles v 
East of Quinnapague River, if the North line comprehend 
any part of Quinnepague Purchise, which you allow us ac- 
cording to the agreement between the Gov. John Winthrop 
and Mr. John Clarke, yet you deny to give them under 
your hands, wherefore we write that we may be under no 
mistake in a report to our masters. 



To which we reply that the ground or foundation of your 
charter is an agreement with said Gov. John Winthrop and 
Mr. John Clarke which is, 

1st. That Pawcatuck River shall be the certain bound 
on Miantonomi's North line, therefore Pawcatuck River 
the greater stream is to be the bound so far as that river runs. 

2. Provision is to be made if any part of Quinnepague 
Purchase fall in your charter. 

3. That the proprietors and inhabitantsjabout Mr. Smith's 
trading house, claimed and purchased by Maj. Atherton, 
Capt. Hutchinson, Lieut. Hudson, See. have full liberty un- 
to which of these colonies they will belong. 

4. That property shall not be altered or destroyed, as it 
is more fully declared in the said agreement, which articles 
of agreement if you will give under your hands to fulfil, we 
are readily disposed to an amicable agreement. 

Mr. John Eldridge's, Abu. 9th, 1699. 



Capt. Mason, and Capt. Witheral, Esq. and Mr. Janus 
Noijee, Commissioners for the colony of Connecticut. 

Whereas we the commissioners of the colony of Rhode- 
Island and Providence Plantations and you, were from each 
of our colonies commissioned to agitate, agree and deter- 
mine upon the bounds between our said colonies should run 
and be; and in order thereunto, we the commissioners of 
the colony of Rhode Island, &c. have made you propositions, 
but the return which we have from you is, that there is an 
agreement with Gov. John Winthrop arid Mr. John Clarke, 
as concerning proprieties and property to be maintained and 
not to be altered, &c. which articles of agreement if we 
will give under our hands to fulfil, you are readily disposed 
to an amicable agreement. 

W T e answer, what we are commissioned to do, we are wil- 
ling to apply ourselves unto, and that is to treat and en- 
deavor an agreement of a line between our colonies, and 
neither yourselves nor \ve have any commission otherwise 
to do, and therefore for us to concern ourselves in matters 


which we have no commission for, will be no ways effect- 
ual, nor is that our business. And you have made no pro- 
position as yet to us where the said line shall be, but only 
say when we have given under our hands to fulfil the said 
articles you are readily disposed to an amicable agreement, 
which saying of yours doth import that unless we so do you 
do not incline to an agreement; and seeing that so your 
minds are, you might have saved the trouble of this meeting. 

M Mr. John Eldridge'e, JYbv. 9th, 1699. 

[Foster's Papers.] 


Rochester, in the Kings Province, Sept. 16, 1688. Sam- 
uel Eldred, Jr. of Rochester, came before Arthur Fenner 
and JohnFones, Esq's. two of his Majesty's Justices of the 
Peace, and did declare upon oath that on the evening be- 
fore an Indian whom he had seized, by name Joseph, did in 
an insulting and vaunting manner say there was 500 at 
Martin's Vineyard, 700 at Nantucket and 400 at Chappa- 
quisset, all very well armed and in a better manner than him 
the said Samuel Eldred, and that our Governor did not dare 
to disarm them, for that the Governor had more love for 
them the said Indians, than for his Majestys subjects the 

The said Indian being brought before us and examined 
did confess the greater part of what was sworn against him 
and owned that he was one of them that were in hostility 
against the English in the late wars upon which the said 
Indian was committed to goal. 


[Foster's Papers.] 

The above is referred to in page 26 of " The Revolution 
inN.E. Justified, 1691." 



Articles of agreement made, concluded and agreed upon 
by and between the parties subscribing to these presents, 
commissioners chosen, nominated, appointed and commis- 
sionated as well for and in behalf of her Majesty's Colony of 
Connecticut as her Majesty's Colony of Rhode-Island and 
Providence Plantations in New-England, for the ending, 
settling and finally determining of the boundaries or line 
between the said colonies, are as followeth, viz: That the 
middle channel of Paucatuc river alias Narraganset, as it 
extendeth from the salt water upwards till it come to the 
mouth of Ashua river where it falls into the said Pawcatuck 
river, and from thence to run a straight line till it meet with 
the South West bounds or corner of Warwick grand pur- 
chase, which extends 20 miles due West from a certain rock 
lying at the outmost point of said Warwick neck, which is 
the Southwesterly bounds of said purchase, to run upon a 
due North line till it meet with the South line of the Prov- 
ince of Massachusetts Bay in New-England, This to be 
and forever remain to be the fixed and stated line between 
the said colonies of Connecticut and Rhode-Island, always 
provided and it is hereby intended, that nothing in the afore- 
mentioned agreement or any clause thereof, shall be taken 
or deemed to the breach or making void of the 4th article 
in the agreement made between the agents for the said col- 
onies of Connecticut and Rhode-Island, (viz: John Win- 
throp, Esqr., and Mr. John Clark,) for maintaining of prop- 
erty* dated April the 7th 1663, but that the same shall be 
kept and justly performed according to the true intent and 
meaning thereof, and that all former grants and purchases 
granted by or made within either of said colonies, and all 
other ancient grants confirmed by the authority of Connec- 
ticut colony within the township of Westerly in the colony 
of Rhode-Island, shall be duly preserved and maintained as 
fully and amply to all intents and purposes, as if they were 
lying or continued within the bounds of the colony by the 
authority of which it was granted or purchased, In confir- 
mation of all and singular the aforementioned premises, we 
have hereunto set our hands and seals. Dated in Stoning- 
ton, in her Majeity's Colon/ of Connecticut in New-Eng- 


land, in the second year of her Majesty's reign, Queen 
Anne by the grace of God Queen of England, Scotland, 
France and Ireland &c. Anno Domini one thousand seven 
hundred and three, on the twelfth day of May the year 







THO'S HART, |L. S.| 


A true copy of record examined per 

GEO. WYLLIS, Secretary. 

This agreement and an act of Rhode-Island confirming it 
are recorded in the old parchment Laws, Secretary's office, 
pp. 105-6. 


039333* Jit the Court at St. James's, the Sth day of Feb- 

PRE s E N T : 






Upon reading this day at the Board, a Report from 
the Right Honorable the Lords of the Committee of Coun- 
cil, dated the 20th of last month, in the words following, 

Your Majesty having been pleased to refer unto the con- 
sideration of this Committee, the humble petition of Joseph 
Jencks and Richard Partridge, agents for the Colony of 
Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations in New-England, 
relating to the boundaries between them and the colony of 
Connecticut, and praying that the same might be settled 
and confirmed to them, according to their charter; the 
Lords of the Committee, in pursuance of your Majesty's 
order, have taken the said petition into consideration, to- 
gether with an answer thereto from Mr. Dummer, agent 
for the Colony of Connecticut, and having received the 
opinion of the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Planta- 
tions upon this affair, their Lordships did several times 
summons the agents concerned to appear before them, in 
order to be heard thereupon; but the agent for Connecti- 
cut not appearing till the 2d day of August last, and he then 
not offering any thing to induce their Lordships to differ in 
opinion with said Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plan- 
tations, the Lords of the Committee did then order a report 
of the whole matter to be drawn up and laid before your 


Majesty. Yet the said Mr. Dummer desiring a further op- 
portunity to be heard, their Lordships have hitherto deferr- 
ed making their said report to your Majesty, and the said 
agent not having appeared since that time, though twice 
summoned to attend, nor desired to be heard thereupon by 
his counsel; their Lordships do now agree humbly to re- 
port to your Majesty, the state of the case as it appears to 
them from the said reports of the Lords Commissioners for 
Trade and Plantations, viz: That on the 17th of March, 
1643, a grant was made by the Earl of Warwick and others 
at that time appointed Commissioners by the Parliament, for 
the government and regulations of the plantations to the 
people of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, of a 
tract of land bounded as followeth, viz. north and northeast 
on the pattent of Massachusetts east and south-east on Ply- 
mouth pattent, south on the ocean, and on the west and 
north-west inhabited by Indians called Narrawganneuchs, 
alias Narragansets, the whole tract extending about twenty 
five English miles unto the Pequot river and country, 
which instrument, though it cannot be reputed valid in law, 
yet in some measure is an evidence of what was then reput-^ 
ed to be the boundary of that Province. 

That after the restoration, applycation was made to his 
Majesty, King Charles II., by ^the agents of Connecticut 
and Rhode-Island, for charters to fix the respective govern- 
ments and boundaries of the said Provinces, and charters 
were accordingly granted for that purpose. 

But the charter for Connecticut being obtained previous 
to that of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, the 
boundaries of Connecticut were endeavored to be fixed to 
their advantage. 

That the said charter for Connecticut bears date the 23cf 
of April, 1662; and their bounds are described in the fol- 
lowing manner, viz: "All that part of our dominions in 
New-England in America, bounded on the east by the Nar-* 
raganset river, commonly called Narraganset bay, where 
the said river falleth into the sea, and on the north by the 7 
line of the Massachusetts Plantation, and on the south by 
the sea; and in longitude as the line of the Massachusetts 
Colony, running from east to west that is to say, from the 
said Narraganset bay on the east to the south sea on the 
west part, with the islands thereunto adjoining, together 
with all firm lands, soiles, grounds, &.c." 


That the people of Rhode-Island and Providence Planta- 
tions, apprehending that the said Connnecticut charter, so 
bounded, might unjustly swallow up great part of their ter- 
ritories, arid cut off all their pretentions to any thing upon 
the Continent, this grievience they complained of soon after 
the second charter was obtained. And it doth appear, 

That John Winthrop and John Clark, their agents for the 
respective colonies of Connecticut and Rhode-Island and 
Providence Plantations, (notwithstanding the said charter 
to Connecticut) did in April 1663, submit to arbitration 
what should be the boundaries between the said Colonies. 
And it appears, 

That the charter which was afterwards granted to Rhode 
Island in the 15th year of King Charles II. takes notice of 
the aforesaid arbitration, and hath fixed their boundaries in 
the following manner, viz: "All that part of our domin- 
ions in New-England in America, containing Nayhantick, 
Nanghigganset, alias Narriganset Bay, and countrey, and 
parts adjacent, bounded west or westerly by the middle or 
channel of a river, then commonly known by the name of 
Paucatuck alias Pawcaytuck River, and so along the said 
river as the greater or middle stream thereof reaches or 
liesj up in the country northward unto the head thereof, 
and from thence by a straight line drawn due north until it 
meeteth the south line of the Massachusetts Colony, and on 
the north or northerly by the aforesaid, south or southerly 
of the Massachusetts Colony or Plantation, and extending 
towards the east or easterly, three English miles to the 
east or north-east of the most eastern or north-eastern 
parts of the aforesaid Narragansett Bay as the said bay 
lieth or extendeth itself from the ocean; on the south or 
southerly unto the mouth of the river which runneth towards 
the town of Providence, and from thence along the easterly 
side or bank of said river higher called by the name of Sea- 
conck river, unto the falls called Pautucket falls, being the 
most northerly line of Plymouth Colony; and so from the 
said falls into a straight line due north until it meet with the 
aforesaid line of the Massachusetts Colony; and bounded 
on the south by the ocean, and in particuler the lands be- 
longing unto the towns of Providence, Pautuxet, Warwick, 
Missquamacock alias Paucatuck, and the rest upon the main- 
land in the tract aforesaid, together with Rhode-Island, 
Block-island, and all the rest of the islands and banks in 


the Narragansett bay and bordering upon the coast of'the 
tract aforesaid, (Fisher's Island only excepted;) together 
with all firm lands, soils, &,c. And further the said charter 
directs that the river Paucatuck shall at all times hereafter 
be called and deemed to be the Narraganset river, men- 
tioned for a boundary in the charter to Connecticut." 

From which pretended grant of the Earl of Warwick and 
others to Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, as also 
from the submission of the boundaries to arbitration, by the 
agents of both colonies, so soon after the charter for Con- 
necticut had been obtained, and by the charter to Rhode- 
Island and Providence Plantations it appears, 

That King Charles II. was surprised in his grant to Con- 
necticut as to the boundaries: and that such arbitration and 
subsequent charter was intended to redress the grievance 
complained of by Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations. 
It also appears, 

That so lately as in 1703, by agreement between Com- 
missioners appointed in October, 1702, in behalf of the said 
colonies respectively, for settling their boundaries, it was 
agreed that the western boundary between Rhode-Island 
and Providence Plantation and Connecticut, should for the 
future be formed by a line to be drawn from the mouth of 
Ashawoque river where it falls into the Paucatuck river, 
and thence extending north to the south line of the Massa- 
chusetts Bay. And it also appears, 

That the Commissioners of Connecticut did actually meet 
and concur with those of Rhode-Island in drawing the said 
line as a boundary between the two colonies, and which line 
is particularly described in green on the said map hereunto 

And by the said appointment of the General Assembly of 
Connecticut in October, 1702, it plainly appears the Gen- 
eral Assembly of Connecticut approved of the said arbitra- 
tion of their agent, Winthrop, in 1663, they expressly pro- 
viding in the said instrument, 

" That nothing to be done by these Commissioners shall 
alter or change the property^of any person's lands, but that 
property shall be saved according to the agreement of their 
late agent, John Winthrop, made in the year 1663, with 
Mr. Clark, agent for Rhode-Island: which is a strong proof 
that the government of Connecticut apprehended the pre- 
tentions of Rhode-Island were just and equitable." 



It is also very full in proof that the people of Rhode-Island 
have been in possession of several tracts of land extending 
west from the Narraganset Bay to the red and green lines 
marked in the said map hereto annexed, as the boundaries 
between the two colonies, and that the taxes had been con- 
stantly paid for the same to Rhode-Island government only. 

It also further appears that the Government of Connecti- 
cut have sent two letters on this occasion one to the Lord's 
Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, of the 28th day of 
October, 1723, and the other to Mr. Dummer their agent 
here in which letter to their agent they express themselves 
thus, viz: "The government of Rhode-Island is in the ac- 
tual possession, as they themselves own of the land which 
they claim and we think belongs to us. We don't think fit 
to disturb them in that possession. It is not we but they 
that have made this complaint. If they would have set still 
with all they desired, their Lordships had not been troubled 
as they now are with this story." And in both their said 
letters, the government of Connecticut leave the bounds to 
be settled by his Majesty. Their letter to the Lord's Com- 
missioners of Trade running in these words, viz: "And we 
assure your Lordships that, notwithstanding the priority of 
our charter to that of Rhode-Island, his Majesty's deter- 
mination will, on our part, put a perpetual end to the con- 
troversy, and confirm that peace between us and them which 
your Lordships have been pleased to express such a regard 
for." And their letter to their agent runs in these words, 
viz: " They doubt not but the matter (of the boundaries) 
will have a good issue one time or other; and even now, if 
their Lordships would let them (the Rhode-Island people) 
understand that they must be contented with these bounds 
set them in their own charter; arid tell them how these 
bounds must be nnderstood and taken; that would end the 
controversy. They would have no reason to complain, nor 
should we give them the least trouble in the law, though our 
charter be prior to theirs." 

All which being considered by their Lordships. Though 
the red line in the annexed map is what the Rhode-Island 
people insist on as the true boundaries between them and 
Connecticut, accordidg to their charter; yet as the green 
line in the annexed map, was determined in 1703, to be the 
division line between the two colonies, by the Commission- 
ers of each government, respectively appointed for that 


purpose, their Lordships are humbly of opinion to advise 
your Majesty that you would be graciously pleased to sig- 
nify Jyoiir pleasure that the boundary line between the two 
colonies, as described by the aforesaid green line, drawn 
from the mouth of Ashawoque river where it falls into the 
Paucatuck river, and thence extendidg north to the south 
line of the Massachusetts Bay, may forever hereafter be the 
setttled boundary between the said two colonies of Connec- 
ticut and Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations. 

His MAJESTY IN COUNCIL, taking the said report into 
consideration, is pleased to approve and confirm the same, 
and to order, as it is hereby ordered, that the aforemention- 
ed green line, as described in the map hereunto annexed, 
drawn from the mouth of Ashawoque river where it falls 
into the Paucatuck river, and thence extending north to the 
south line of the Massachusetts Bay, be forever hereafter the 
settled boundary between the said two colonies of Connec- 
ticut and Rhode-Island and Providence Plantation, whereof 
the Governors and companies of the said colonies, and all 
others whom it may concern, are to take notice and yield 
due obedience to his Majesty's pleasure hereby signified. 


A true copy of his Majesty's determination, saving the 
plat or map annexed, 


A true copy of the copy recorded, from the Hon. Joseph 
Jencks, Esqr. 

Attest, J. TALCOT, Gov'r. 

A true copy of Record, examined per 

R. WARD, Secretary. 


New- England, ss. 

Westerly, in the colony of Rhode-Island ) 
and Providence Plantations. ) 

Know all men that we, Roger Walcot, James Wadsworth 
and Daniel Palmer, Commissioners authorised and fully 


empowered by the General Assembly of his Majesty's col- 
ony of Connecticut to run the line between the said colony 
and the colony of Rhode-Island and Providence Planta- 
tions, and William Wanton, Benjamin Ellery and William 
Jenckes, being the major part of the Commissioners, au- 
thorized and fully empowered by the General Assembly of 
the said colony of Rhode-Island, &c. to run the said line; 
we say pursuant to the determination of his late Majesty 
King George the First, relating to the said line, and by the 
authority to us given 'above mentioned, we have on 18th } 
19th, 20th, 21st, 23d, 24th, 25th, 26th and 27th days of 
September, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven 
hundred and twenty-eight, run and ascertained said line: 
And first we began and extended from the rock on the ex- 
treme point of Warwick neck, 20 miles west, which meas- 
ure ended by a swamp grows commonly called the Cedar 
Swamp, where we made a considerable heap of stones, 
which heap of stones we agree shall be the south-west cor- 
ner of Warwick purchase, and from thence we extended a 
line divided between said colonies north by the needle of the 
compass seven degrees east unto the south line dividing be- 
tween the Massachusetts Province and said colony of 
Rhode Island, where we made a large heap of stones stand- 
ing between two marked pine trees, being in a valley, in 
which line, which in length 23 miles and 10 rods, we mark- 
ed many trees and made many monuments of stones, (viz.) 
at the southern end for the first seven miles and a half we 
made monuments at the end of every half mile, and from 
thence northward to the Massachusetts line aforesaid, we 
made monuments at the end of each mile. And from the 
said heap of stones, being the corner of Warwick as afore- 
said, we extended a line divided between said colonies, 
unto the moufeii of Ashawage t where it falleth into Pawtucket 
river, and in said line we made many monuments of stone, 
(viz.) one at the end of every mile, and marked many trees 
in the said line, and found the distance between Warwick 
south-west corner and the mouth of said river to be 15 miles 
one quarter and 10 rods, which line run and marked out as 
aforesaid, we agree shall be the line divident between the 
two said colonies forever. 

In witness whereof, we have hereunto interchangeably 
set our hands and affixed our seals, the 27th day of Sept. in 


2nd year of his Majesty's reign, George the 2nd, King of 
Great Britain, &,c. A. D. 1728. 





Sealed and delivered in presence of 


Memorandum entered before signing and sealing that the 
course from said Warwick corner to the mouth of Ashawage 
river, is S. 11 20' W. 

[State Public Notary Records, 4, 192.] 


Whereas we, underwritten being by the Gen. Assembly 
of this her Majesty's colony of Rhode-Island and Provi- 
dence Plantations, setting in Newport the first Wednesday 
in May, 1708, appointed a committee to hear the claims to 
the lands, and what propositions could or should be made 
to the vacant lands in the Narragansett country, according 
to the draft thereof presented to said Assembly by Captain 
James Carder and Mr. John Mumford, and in pursuance 
thereof we met at Captain John Eldred's according to said 
act, and there heard the claims and pretended titles of those 
gentlemen called the mortgage-men or Atherton's asso- 
ciates; and also the claim of Ninicraft by his trustees to his 
title, and pretended claim to said lands mentioned as afore- 
said, with several others as will be herein mentioned; and 
do make return to this Assembly as followeth, upon our sec- 
ond meeting at Providence, 8tc. 

Imp'r. We having perused the several deeds and other 
writings presented in the right and claim of Major Hum- 


phrey Atherton and associates, as to their deeds, claim or 
claims, that their deed of Boston Neck arid the northward 
deeds of Aquidneset, &c. was and is the full purport and in- 
tent of that act of the General Assembly at Newport the 
30th of October, 1672, and had peculiar reference to said 
land us to us appears, leaving the matter to this honored 

And we having heard the claim of sachem Ninicraft by 
his trustees or attorneys, and the propositions under their 
hands and seals bearing date the 26th of October, 1708, 
leave the whole matter of said propositions to this honor- 
ed Assembly for their determination and opinion therein, 
for the good of the colony. 

The deed of Coginaquant to Knight and Hall with a deed 
of said Coginaquant to Captain Cranston and company, and 
a deed to John Green, John Fones and partners, which here 
we present, we leave to the opinion of the General Assem- 
bly with the several papers presented unto us. 

We give our opinions as members of this colony that we 
think it convenient that this Assembly do consider to lay out 
the vacant lands in the above said draft mentioned in a town 
or townships as you may judge most profitable for the colony 
and his Majesty's interest. Given under our hands the 27th 
of October, 1708. 


Passed to the House of Deputies. 

Per order, WESTON CLARKE, Recorder. 


The following list of sales made by a committee appoint 
ed by the Assembly to sell the vacant lands in Narragansett, 
is believed to be nearly complete. Mortgages were in 
many cases given for the payment. References. W. Wes- 
terly Records. K. Kingstown Records at Wickford. 
E. G. East Greenwich Records. 

May 27, 1709. To Beriah Brown, John Fones, Samuel 
Wait, Francis Wost, Jr., Thos. Baker and Aaron Jaco- 
waise, a tract uf about 792 acres, where thcv now dwell, as 


platted by Mumford, bounded N. by Fones' purchase, S. 
by road leading into the country from the sea, W. by vacant 
lands and E. by the road leading to E. Greenwich. [K. 
3, 50.] 

May 26, 1709. To Capt. John Eldred, William Cole, 
Samuel Phillips and John Carr, 285 acres as platted by Mum- 
ford; bounded E. by country or Pequit road, N. by road 
leading from Pequit road into the country, W. by Rocky 
Swamp, S. by Anoquatuket river. See plat in N. K. Rec- 
ords, book 5. [K. 3. 61.] 

May 27, 1709. To Samuel Eldred, Capt. John Eldred, 
John Grownut and James Congdon, 430 acres, as platted 
&c.; bounded N. by Annoquatucket, E. by Pequit road, 
W. by a double marked white oak, not far from the river, 
thence S. to another tree between John Grownut and Sam- 
uel Kingley's houses, thence S. E. to a great rock near the 
Cedar Swamp, thence to road leading to the great plain, 
thence to the aforesaid country road. (K. 3. 90.) See plat 
in case Brown vs. Herrington, Supreme Court. 1. 757. 

May 28, 1709. To Thomas Place, Othniel Tripp, Pasco 
Whitford and Henry Northup, 275 acres, as platted &c.; 
bounded E. by Pequit road, S. by Pettiquamscut line, and 
N. by the way leading to the great plain. [K. 3. 118, and 

May 27, 1709. To Alexander Huling, Thomas Havens, 
Charles Berry, Jeremiah Wilkey, Joseph Havens, John 
Hall, Joseph Austin, William Havens, William Spencer, 
Benjamin Baker, Benjamin Nichols, William Hall and 
John North, a tract near Devil's Foot, of 1824 acres, as 
platted, Sec., bounded E. by Pequit road, south by the new 
road into the country from said Pequit road, N. by Fones' 
purchase, W. by the road leading to East Greenwich. A tract 
of 99 acres within these bounds sold to Daniel Eldred, is 
excluded from this grant: a way to be laid out to the meet- 
ing house. See plat in Boone vs. Thomas, Supreme Court,. 
1756-7. [K. 3. 198, and L. E. 3. 44.] 

. June 30, 1709. To Benjamin Barton, Thomas Fry, James 
Carder, John Spencer, Benjamin Green, Pardon Tilling- 
hast, John Waterman, Thomas Nichols, John Wickes, John 
Nichols, Malachi Rhodes, James Green and Simon Smith, 
of East Greenwich, for 1100, about 35,000 acres; bounded 
N. by Warwick south line, W. by colony line, E. by East 
Greenwich and Fones' purchase, and south, to begin at the 


S. W. corner of Fones' purchase, and thence west a line 
parallel with the Warwick south line to the colony line. [E. 
G. 2. 76.] 

June 3, 1709. Commonly called SWAMPTOWN or ELY'S 
PURCHASE. To Daniel Ely, Joseph Northup, John Austin, 
James Highams, John Highams, John Wells, John Morey, 
Stephen Arnold, William Surge, William Wast, Martha 
Card and John Nichols, 1618 acres; bounded N. by the 
river running from the widow Fones's house, S. by Petti- 
quamscut line, W. by the country road, E. by Samuel El- 
dred and partners. [See plat in N. K. Rec. 5. 451.] 

June 3, 1709. To Joseph Reynolds, Joseph Reynolds, Jr. 
Robert Bently and Robert Reynolds, 727 acres, as platted 
&c. ; bounded N. by new road, S. by Pettiquamscut line, 
E. by road leading to East Greenwich, and W. by vacant 
lands. [K. 3. 4.] 

June 3, 1709. To Mrs. Abigail Phenix and John Hyams, 
163 acres, as platted &c. ; bounded IN. by new road leading 
into country, S. by Arioquatucket river, E. by Rocky 
Swamp, and W. by Ely's purchase. Hyams' 30 acres to be 
next to the swamp. [K. 3. 80.] 

June 4, 1709. To Samuel Kingsley, 117 acres, as platted 
&c. ; bounded N. by John Grownut, E. by road leading to 
great plain, W. by Pettiquamscut line, and S. by John 
Morey. [K. 3. 175.] 

Sept. 28, 1709. To Peter Werden, 158 acres, as platted 
&c. ; bounded E. by road, S. by Samuel Perry, John Hills. 
David Lewis and Capt. William Champlin, W. by Pasque- 
set brook, N. by Job Card. [W. 2. 32.] 

Sept. 28, 1709. To Israel Lewis, 65 acres; E. by Sam- 
uel Lewis, N. by road, W. by John Lewis, S. by pond, as 
platted &c. [W. 2. 33.] 

Sept. 28, 1709. To Samuel Lewis, 143 acres, as platted 
&LC.; bounded E. by John Rathbun and Ed. Larkin, N. by 
road, E. by Israel Lewis, S. by salt pond. [W. 2. 63.] 

Sept. 28, 1709. To John Holway, 187 acres, as platted 
&c. ; bounded N. by Joseph Hull and Solomon Hakes, E, 
by Pettiquamscut line, S. by Joseph Hull, W. by Henry 
and John Hull. [W. 3. 103.] 

June 28, 1709. SHANNOCK PURCHASE. To James Adams, 
Samuel Tefft, John Tefft, (Daniel Wilcox, Thomas Utter, 
Peter Parker, Eber Crandal, Daniel Tennant, William Ut- 
ter, Samuel Lewis. John Eanos, Nicholas Utter, Jr., Dan- 


iel Brown, William Gibson, Weston Clark, William Clark, 
George Babcock, Samuel Clark, Peter Tefft, William 
Knowles, George Foster, Samuel Perry, Joseph Brown, 
John Witter, Nicholas Utter, Francis Colegrove, and Jer- 
emiah Crandal. [W.] 

Sept. 28, 1709. To Samuel Perry, 236 acres as platted 
&c. ; E. by Pettiquamscut line and B. Holway, N. by B. 
Holway, a stream and Peter Werden, W. by P. Werden 
and John Hicks, S. by William Champlin, John Lewis, D. 
Lewis, Israel Lewis, John Hills and John Rathbon. [L. 
E. 3. 39.] 

Sept. 28, 1709. To Edward Larkin, 37 acres, as plat- 
ted &c. ; bounded W. by John Lewis, N. by John Lewis 
and pond, E by Pettiquamscut line, S. by Samuel Lewis. 
[W. 2. 201.] 

Sept. 28, 1709. To John Rathbone, 100 acres, as platted 
&c. ; E. by David Lewis, N. by road, W. by Samuel Lewis, 
S. by Edward Larkin and pond. [W. 2. 29.] 

Sept. 28, 1709. To John Clark, 214 acres as platted &c. ; 
N. by Pawcatuck river, W. by brook, S. by William Wil- 
kinson, E. by John Halls. [W. 2. 34 k ] 

Sept. 27, 1709. To Rowland Robinson, 3000 acres, as 
platted &cc. ; W. on colony line or Sqamicut, E. by Shan- 
nock purchase, N. and S. on undivided lands. See plats 
in Crandal vs. Wells, Supreme Court, 1796. fW. 2. 36.] 

Sept. 28, 1709. To John Halls, 127 acres, as platted &c. ; 
W. by John Clark, N. by Pawcatuc river, E. by road, S. 
by John Halls, William Wilkinson and John Clark. |_W. 
2. 37.] 

Sept. 28, 1709. To Israel Lewis, 115 acres as platted 
&LC. ; bounded S. by road and reserved land, W. by Nini- 
gret's land, N. by land reserved, E. by road. [W. 2. 44.] 

Sept. 28, 1709. To Benjamin Holway, 132 acres as plat- 
ted &c. ; E. by Pettiquamscut line, S. by Samuel Perry, E. 
by S. Perry and Job Card, N. by Joseph Halls. [W. 2. 45.] 

Sept. 30, 1709. To William Wilkinson, 160 acres as 
platted &c. ; S. by Job Card, W. by Pasqueset brook, N. 
by John Clark, E. by Clark, Halls and Wilkinson. [W. 2. 

May 17, 1710. To John Mumford, 8000 acres; W. by 
colony line, N. on new country road, E. on undivided 
land, S. on Shannock purchase and R. Robinson's land. (L. 
E. 3. 46 Exeter Records, 4. 414.) See plats in case Pease 


vs. Mumford, Supreme Court, 1749, and Crandal vs. Wells, 

May 17, 17 JO. To William Wanton, Nicholas Lang, 
John Mumford and Benjamin Ellery of Newport, George 
Wightman, Thomas Eldred, John Eldred, John Sweet, 
John Congall, Benjamin Congdon, John Moss, Edward 
Boss, Jeremy Sweet, John Daley, Thomas Wilcox, Jeremy 
Hazard, Robert Reynolds and Samuel Wickham of Kings- 
town, 7000 acres as platted &c.; W. on Squamicut juris- 
diction and part on vacant land, N. on new country road, 
E. by Pettiquamscut purchase, S. on Stanton's purchase 
and Halls' purchase. [K.] 

May 22, 1710. To Edward Larkin, John Collins, David 
Lewis, Robert Buffum, John Foster and John Richmond, 
3000 acres, as platted See.; N. by Rowland Robinson, S. 
on Maxon and partners, E. on Wood river and undivided 
lands, W. on undivid land. (W. 2. 47.) See plats in Larkin 
vs. Larkin, Supreme Court, 1757 and 1758. 

May 2, 1710. To Daniel Brown, William Clark, Israel 
Lewis, Henry Halls and John Eanos, 3200 acres as platted. 
E. by Shannock purchase, S. by Pawcatuck river, W. on 
Maxon's purchase and Wood river, N. on Rowland Robin- 
son. [W. 2. 46.] 

May 19, 1710. MAXON'S PURCHASE. To Col. Wm. 
Wanton of Newport, John Babcock, Wm. Champlin, Jr. 
John Maxon, Jr., David Lewis, Theodaty Roads, Samuel 
Perry, Robert Babcock, William Crumb, Roger Larkin, 
John Macoon and John Hill, 2684 acres as platted, &c. 
W. by vacant land, N. by undivided land and Brushey brook, 
E. by undivided lard S. by undivided land and Pawcatuc 
river. (W. 2, 40.) See plats in Perceval vs. Porter, Su- 
preme Court, 1764. 

May 17, 1710. To Weston Clark, Nicholas Lang, James 
Rogers and Samuel Clark, 1600 acres W. by Beaver river, 
S. by Stanton's purchase, E. on undivided lands or Squam- 
icut, N. on undivided land and John Hoxey. [L. E. 3, 40.] 

Feb. 26, 1710-11. To John Clark, 5f acres of the great 
neck as platted, &.c. N. on John Hall, E. on John Hoiway, 
S. W. on Joseph Hull and Henry Hall. [VV. 2, 76.] 

Oct. 2, 17.11. The General Recorder's deed quit-claim- 
ing and confirming to Daniel Lewis, Joseph Maxon, John 
Richmond, Benj. Burdick, John Maxon, Jr. Hubbard Bur- 
dick, Samuel Burdick, Jonathan Maxon, Thomas Burdick, 


John Macoon, Wm. Crumb, John Clark, James Cove, John 
Crandal, Nathaniel Wells, Philip Palmeter, John Palme- 
ter, John Prosser, Clemond Neff, Thos. Reynolds, James 
Halls, Thos. Wells, Robert Burdick, Geo. Stillrnon, Ste- 
phen Randall, Edward Halls, Tobias Brand, Samuel Lang- 
worthy, Nicholas CottriJ, Peter Crandal, Wm. Stuard of 
Westerly, and Wm. Bennet, Joseph Lewis and Josias Hill 
of Stonington, 5300 acres as platted, &cc. S. by Pawcatuck 
river, E. by Maxon's purchase, N. by vacant lands, W. by 
colony line. [W. 2. 113.] 

May 8, 1712. Committee to James Reynolds, 75 acres 
as platted. N. by Greenwich purchase, W. on Thos. Wil- 
cox and partners, E. on Fones' purchase, S. by new coun- 
try road. [K. 3, 49.] 

May 9, 1712. To John Muraford 2000 acres. W. by 
colony line, N. by Rowland Robinson, E. on John Collins 
& Co., S. by Daniel Lewis & Co. and George Brown. [Wj 
2, 185.] 

May 10, 1712. To John Mumford 222 acres as platted, 
&c. N. by Wm. Champlin, E. by road, S. on Israel Lew- 
is, W. on Nimgret, another part of it is bounded W. on 
road, E. by Pettiquamscut line, N. by Samuel Perry, S. 
by John Rathbone. [W. 2, 184.] 

From these deeds together with the Indian deeds of Pet- 
taquamscut purchase, Hall's purchase, Squamicut, Boston 
Neck, Quidnecut and Stanton's purchases, Ninigret's deed 
of quitclaim and^reservation, and a few others, are derived 
the present titles to land in Washington county, &c. 


Honored Gentlemen: 

We are informed that within your jurisdiction are sundry 
of the enemy, who being pursued bv our soldiers, are fled 
to for shelter and supplies, and, as we have ground to fear, 
will hereby be prepared and strengthened to join with oth- 
ers of them, that there lie skulking in the woods, and as 
soon as the season permits, will proceed in executing their 
bloody thirsty contrivances against the English, in which 
case we see not how you can promise to yourselves security 
above your countrymen in the United Colonies. 

The premises considered, we could not do less tjian ac- 


quaint you herewith, and have sent the bearer hereof, Mr. 
John Saffin, as pur messenger, in our name and stead, to 
demand the delivery of them, that so they may be proceed- 
ed against according to the covenant, and no cry of innocent 
blood may lay upon the file against yourselves or us for 
sparing those that are by the laws of God and nations men 
of death. 

We are encouraged thus to send unto you from the ten- 
dor made by your Deputy Governor, signifying on our mo- 
tion made, you would readily deliver any of the enemy that 
should flee to you for shelter. 

Charges necessarily attending the effecting hereof we 
shall readily satisfy. 

We have no more to add, but we are your neighbors and 
countrymen, ready to serve you wherein we may further 
your and our peace. Your affectionate friends and servants. 
Per order, E. R. S. 

15th Jan. 1676. 


Bij His Excellency. 
To Mr. John Smith, Deputy Surveyor, 

You are with the first conveniency to make a generall sur- 
vey and draft of the Narraganset country, or King's Prov- 
ince, and therein to observe and mark the severall settle- 
ments, claymes, and pretensions made by any person or per- 
sons to the same or any part or parcells thereof, of which to 
make returne to me with all possible speed, and for soe 
doeing this shall be your warrant. Dated at Boston the 
22nd day of June, 1687. 
By His Excell. command. 

JNO. WEST, D. Secret'y. 


To Major RICHARD SMIIH and Capt. JOHN FONES, Justices 
of the Peace, who are to see this order forthwith exe- 

By his Excellency. 
Upon hearing and examining of the matter in difference 

between the towns of Greenwich als Debtibrd and Kingston 


als Rochester and the French families lately settled in the 
Narragansett country, about a parcell of meadow lying 
neere their settlements and appointed for their accommoda- 
tion, but cutt and mowed by severall persons of both the 
said townes, which appeares to be done in a violent, force- 
able manner, and the hay cutt thereupon being likewise by 
rny order secured and staked; I doe therefore for the accom- 
modation of the said parties for the present, till the right 
thereto can be determined and settled, order and appoint 
that all the hay cutt and made upon the said meadowes as 
aforesaid by the direction of any two Justices of the Peace 
forthwith divided into two equal shares or moyetyes, and 
that one moyety thereof he given for the use of John Nich- 
olls, Gyles Peirce and George Vaughan of Greenwich 
aforesaid, and James Reynolds, James Reynolds, Jun., 
Henry Reynolds, Joseph Reynolds, Francis Reynolds, 
John Sweet, William Bentley, John Andrew and George 
Havens of Kingston, share and share, who I am informed 
live remote and are most wanting thereof, and the other 
moyety to be left for the use and benefit of the said French 
families there, who being strangers and lately settled 
and wholly destitute and have noe other way to supply 
themselves. And all persons there concerned are to take 
notice hereof and conforme themselves thereunto accord- 
ing until further orders shall be given in said matter. 
Dated at Boston the 5th day of August, 1687. 


To his Excellency Sir Edmund Andros, Capt. General and 
Governor in chiefe of his Majesties Territory of New- 
England. These Present. 

May it please your Excellencie Sir In persuance of 
the Directions to us Given us by the Judges in the Late 
assises at Newport on Rhode-Island concerning our not 
haveing a convenient court house, and our computation of 
the charges thereof and our presentation thereof to your 
Excellency, and haveing in the Quarter Sessions computed 
the costs of two small houses for that use, suppose the 
charges thereof will be about one hundred and fourty 
pounds, and alsoe Judge it convenient, that one of them be 
erected in the Towne of Newport, and the other in the 


Townc of Rochester, and humbly Present the same to your 
Excellencie for approbation and direction therein; and also 
nominate John VVooodman of Newport to be a fitt person 
for a Treasurer for this Province, if your Excellencie ap- 
prove thereof, and remaine your Excellencies most humble 

Newport on Rhode-Island, Dec. 15, 1687. 


Rochester, April 1st, 1690. 
Neighbours and friends: 

Being sensible of the great distractions and confusions 
New-England at this junction of time groans under, and the 
blood of our neighbors westward and Eastward slaine for 
the common cause calling for vengeance, ought to awaken 
and rouse us up from the dead sleep of Lethargic in 
these eminent times of danger, forthwith to Arm our 
Selves against the Common Enemy and not delay the 
time till the enemy be at our dores, but rather be ready 
prepared like souldiers to meet them in the field: To the 
End that this may be accomplished wee having had dis- 
course with Maj'r Palmer of New London as he passed 
homewards from Boston (did agree) that wee should pro- 
pose to the Townes Betweene Paucatuck and Pautucket 
Rivers, and he to the lower townes Betweene Paucatuck 
and Conecticut River that the Inhabitants would agree to- 
gether to have a speedy General meeting of the whole in 
some Convenient place, by as many as Each Towne Sees 
cause to send, or come of their owne accord, to Advize to- 
gether for our safety and defence, by sending out a conve- 
nient Company of men at our owne cost and charge to Range 
the woods about the Townes, not only to discover the En- 
emie but also to offend them if opportunity serve, upon your 
concurrence wee have promised to send Maj'r Palmer ad- 
vice and he has promised the like to us. Wee have sent the 
Bearrer on purpose and desire as Sudaine a returne as may 
be for the aproching danger requires a Speedy remedy, wee 
Assume no power to our Selves but only as Neighbours, 
ilesire vour Concurrence for so public a benifitt and shall 


with you acquiesce in this or any other way you may pro- 
pound more feasible for our defence we Remaine 

Y'r Neighbours and friends, 


To Capt. Arthur Fenner, Mr. Thomas Olney, 
Capt. William Hopkins, and Left. John Dex- 
ter, to be Communicated unto the rest of our 
Neighbors in Providence &c. These. 

[From Foster papers.] 


The following laying out is believed to have been about 
1703. It is recorded in the L. E. in the Secretary's office. 

Jin acconnt of the country road through the town of Kingstown 
laid out by us the subscribers being chossn thereto by said 

From the town of Westerly bounds it being at a walnut 
bush marked the road run E. northerly by the hills and 
marked trees to a great rock by a little pond and from 
thence by marked trees to a small pine tree round the hills 
until it comes to a walnut bush to the northward of Ded- 
man's spring from thence by a great rock just by the old 
road from thence by several marked trees to a black oak 
bush north from Samuel Perry's house from thence ENE, 
by several trees or bushes to a great hollow the road runs 
southward from said hollow from thence to a pine tree about 
twenty rod from Thomas Hazard's NW. corner of his 
farm and to a stake upon the top of a hill with a heap of 
stones about it and so to follow the old road until it comes 
to Capt. Greenman's south west corner and from thence 
over a brook while it comes to walnut bush marked by the 
brow of a hill and from thence to a black oak bush near 
William Greenman's and George Whitman, north east cor- 
ner and from thence to walnut tree just by the hedge about 
N . E. in George Whitman's land and so along by trees or 
bushes until it runs over a brook about ten or twelve rods 
to the northward of William Congdon's house and from 
thence along at the head of the lotts or farms to a walnut 
tree which stands a little in the land now in possession of 
Christopher Allen, and so along by marked trees and bush- 


cs in the undivided lands until it comes to a highway laid 
out by the purchasers to the lands of Rowse Helme and 
William Gardner Sen'r. and so to a chesnut tree marked 
and from thence between the chesnut and a white oak tree 
marked just by a Swamp where people usually go over and 
so through a corner of Samuel Tifft's land until it comes to 
an old pair of barrs and the road to run to the eastward of 
Samuel Tifft's fence, until it comes to William Knowles 
NE corner and'so by marked trees or bushes until it comes 
to the stony fort and then by marked trees through Ebene- 
zer Shearman's farm, till it comes to a great rock not farr 
from a brook and so to untill it meets with marked trees in 
a corner of Jeremiah Harzard's farm to a highway and so 
along by marked trees until it comes to a bush marked in 
the east corner of James Sweet's laridj and to run across it 
by marked trees to Ridge Hill and so to run to the east- 
ward's of Benoni Sweet's house, through his field by mark- 
ed trees to Cosenes' Brook and from thence to the old road 
to Capt. John Eldredge until it comes to the brook and over 
the brook the road runs just by John Thomas's door to a 
stake in his field and 'so along by marked trees to the west- 
ward of the house now in possession of James Brayman and 
so along by marked trees while it comes to Mr. Updike's 
stone wall and so along by the westward of the wall in the 
road while it comes to Capt. Fones's house and so along 
the old road until it comes to a marked tree where paths 
divide and from thence N. by W. by marked trees until it 
comes to John North's fourd commonly so called the road 
to run to the westward of said marked trees which is deem- 
ed the bounds between our town and East Greenwich. 

The rode that goes to Sautkatucket River runs to the 
westward of the land now in the possession of Christopher 
Allen in the undivided lands round an alder bogg or swamp 
to a black oak bush marked and so along to the northward 
in the undivided lands by the marked bushes or trees until 
it comes to the land of William Wilbore and so to the north- 
ward of marked trees thro' a corner of said Wilbore's lands 
to Saukatucket river between two great rocks there over the 
river in .Mr. Brenton's farm to two black oak trees and so 
by marked trees and bushes to a stake near Mr. Nathaniel 
Niles his fence, the road to run about south-east of said 
marked trees and then the road to be equally divided be- 
tween Mr. Brentons and said Niles so far as Mr. Niles his 


land goes and then the road to run to the southward of the 
fence all in Mr. Brenton's land until it comes to Thomas 
Harzard's corner and then the road to run all in said Har- 
zard's ground to the westward of the fence until it meets 
with a ten rod highway, formerly laid out by the purchasers 
at the head of the lotts upon Pitticomcott Hill and so along 
to the old road to the highway that runs by James Wilson's 
house down to the old road below Petticomcott Hill and so 
along to the second ware. 





THOMAS ELDRED, T his mark. 



HENRY TIBBITTS, H his mark. 


HENRY GARDNER, H his mark. 

JOSEPH CASE, I his mark. 


The deposition of Joseph Davel of Stoningtown in the coun- 
ty of New London in the Colony of Connecticut, of lawful 
age, who formerly lived in the town of Westerly in the Col- 
ony of Rhoad-Island, testifieth and saith, that in the year of 
our Lord one thousand six hundred ninety and three, I then 
being surveyor of lands and under oath to said office, was 
employed by Mr. Henry Hall of the town of Westerly in 
the Colony of Rhoad Island, and Mr. John Knight, the son 
of Richard Knight, who then lived near Norrage in a place 
now known by the name of Canterbury in the county of New 
London in the Colony of Connecticut aforesaid, and Mr. 
David Knight of the town of Woodstock in Boston govern- 
ment, to lay out and survey and make divisions for them 
unto several persons who then lived on said land with their 
families, viz: The land commonly called or known by Hall's 
and Knight's purchase or Chepechewvvag or Wawwoskepog 
in the Narragansett country, I the said Joseph Davel, then 
surveyor, laid out and bounded and drafted by a map or plat, 
arid made divisions for them unto those persons which 


bought or purchased of them, viz: unto Job Babcock 200 
acres; Peter Wells 100 acres; William Taner 100 acres; 
John Sheldon 200 acres; John Crandal 180 acres; Jere- 
miah Crandal 180 acres; Gershom Cottrel 180 acres: James 
Ray 100 acres, and to Jonathan Knight 200 acres: with 
several highways, viz: two highways through said land for 
the use and benefit of the purchasers: and when I laid out 
said land, the abovesaid Hall and David Knight were per- 
sonally present with me, and likewise the abovesaid John 
Knight approved and liked rny work, and they paid me my 
wages for my work, and some time since said John Knight 
took his part of the money which was the price of the land, 
he received said money of Henry Hall. This abovewritten 
is the truth, as witness my hand, July 31st, 171 1. 


The above written Capt. Jsseph Davell personally appear- 
ed and made oath to the above written evidence before me 
in Westerly, this 1st day of August, 1711. 


NOTE Some notice of Hall's purchase may be found page 218. The 
house of John Sheldon appears to have been one of the first if not the very 
first built in this purchase, being referred to as a well known landmark in 

the oldest deeds. This house stood where Tanner's house now 

stands not far from Judge John G. Clarke's. 



1st. We his majesty's most loyal subjects have derived 
our interest, long since purchased our lands from the chief 
sachems of that country, from whom we have received legal 
and authentic deeds for all our lands, under their hands and 
seals respectively, with legal possession of the same unto 
us by the said sachems; the last whereof was about nine- 
teen years since, in the presence of several hundred of Eng- 
lish and Indians, and the weight of the money from us by 
the said sachems and their interpreters at sundry times un- 
der their hands and seals, manifesting their free consent t 
all our grants, &c. 


2dly. The sachems had subjected themselves and people 
to our sovereign lord the king his government in and by the 
united colonies in New-England; and all the said colonies 
having assented and approved of our purchase rights in said 
countries, and have by their several acts and instruments 
manifested the same, and in particular by their late letter 
and humble address to his sacred majesty; for our deed and 
evidences being registered, and remain in divers' courts of 
record unto this day. 

3dly. His majesty was graciously pleased to allow and 
confirm our rights to the lands aforesaid by his royal letters 
to the several colonies, dated 21st June, 1663. 

4thly. The chief sachems of the said country did in the 
time of the late bloody rebellion of Philip (before also they 
revolted) by their delegates ratify and confirm all and sin- 
gular the grants of me lands aforesaid unto us the proprie- 
tors, as by the seventh article of their treaty, now printed, 
may appear, &,c. 

And whereas it hath been falsely affirmed by one John 
Green and Randall Houlden, of Warwick, that the lands of 
the Narraganset were never purchased legally by any, but 
that the Indians gave all their lands to king Charles the 
First, of blessed memory, which they would seem to prove 
by a declaration taken out of Mr. Gorton's book: To this 
we answer, * 

1st. That part of the lands aforesaid were purchased by 
Mr. Roger Williams, yet living, and by Mr. Richard Smith, 
deceased, above forty years ago, and possessed to this day 
by his son, Mr. Richard Smith. 

2dly. That the subjection of the Indians, their land and 
their people, to his majesty, by that instrument, was, as we 
humbly conceive, no other than a putting themselves under 
the protection and owning the sovereignty of the king of 
England, as his loyal subjects, which was the same that the 
Indians have ordinarily done in Plymouth colony of old, 
and desiring to live in amity and peace with the English un- 
der his majesty's respective governments. 

2dly. Whereas it is objected, three of his majesty's com- 
missioners, viz. Sir Robert Carr, George Cartwright, Sam- 
uel Maverick, Esqrs. did, in the year 1664, under their 
hand and seals, make null all the deeds and evidences we 
the said proprietors had for the said land, and still have, 
ordering all the tenants and inhabitants to go off antkquit 
their interest and possessions of those lands by such a time, 


but with this proviso or limitation, that the Indians should 
forthwith pay unto the English proprietors 1053 fathom of 

To which we reply, 

1st, That the said commissioners (under favour.) had no 
power, by his majesty's said commission, so to determine, 
much less, without legal process, to null or make void any 
title of lands, or dispossess any of his majesty's good sub- 
jects of their just rights in these parts. 

2dly. If it be admitted, that the said commissioners had 
power to put out men of their possessions, which they had 
then quietly enjoyed, some above thirty years, yet there be- 
ing no act they could do by virtue of their commission valid 
or binding, except Col. Richard Nichols was with them as 
chief, and to have the decisive vote, as by said commission 
may appear. 

3dly, But said Colonel Nichols was then many hundred 
miles off, therefore, &c. If it be granted (which we cannot 
but deny) that what the first named three commissioners 
then did, was bv their commission, and according to law, yet 
the proviso or condition thereof, viz. that the Indians should 
forthwith pay to the proprietors so many fathom of worn- 
pompeage, being not performed, their said act is void. 

4thly, That notwithstanding whatsoever those three com- 
missioners aforesaid had done, or pretended to do, about 
dispossessing our tenants the inhabitants, or destroying the 
titles of our proprieties, yet upon better consideration, the 
said Colonel Nichols, and the rest of the said commission- 
ers, did, by several instruments under their hands and seals, 
make null and void the same. By all this may appear the 
absurdity and invalidity of the allegations and pleas of the 
said Houlden and Green against the rights and just interest 
of us the proprietors in the lands aforesaid. 

All which we the said proprietors are ready to prove and 
make good, by legal deeds and the testimonies of persons 
yet alive upon the place, at any time when and before 
whom his majesty shall be graciously pleased to commis- 
sionate to hear and determine the justice and legality thereof. 

S^our majesty's most humble and most loyal subjects, for 
and in the name and behalf of the said proprietors the 


Anno 1680. JOHN BAFFIN. 



To the King's most excellent Majesty. 

May it please your Majesty, 

Whereas your majesty hath been graciously pleased, by 
your commission under your royal signet, bearing date at 
Whitehall the 17th day of April, in the five and thirtieth 
year of your reign, to constitute Edward Cranfield, Esq, 
lieutenant-governor and commander in chief of New-Hamp- 
shire, Willliam Stoughton, Joseph Dudley, Edward Ran- 
dolph, Samuel Shrimton, John Fitz Winthrop, Edward 
Palmer, John Pynchon, and Nathaniel Saltonstall, Esqrs. 
or any three of them, (whereof Edward Cranfield or Edward 
Randolph should be of the quorum) commissioners for in- 
quiring into the respective claims and titles, as well of your 
majesty as well as persons and corporations whatsoever, to 
the immediate jurisdiction and propriety of soil to the King's 
Province or Narraganset Country, and to make report of 
the same, with their opinions upon the matters that should 
be examined by them, that your majesty might cause impar- 
tial justice to be done. 

In humble obedience to your majesty's commands, we 
your majesty's said commissioners, whose names are sub- 
scribed, do humbly offer, that upon receipt of your said 
commission, we, both by our letters to the several gover- 
nors and councils of your colonies, and by printed sum- 
monses sent to them to publish, if they saw cause, in their 
respective jurisdictions, for information of their people, sig- 
nified the purport of your said commission, and that we had 
appointed on Wednesday, the two and twentieth of August, 
to convene at the house of Mr. Richard Smith, in the Nar- 
raganset Country, to receive all such information, evidence, 
and claim, as well in yoyr majesty's behalf as of all persons 
and corporations whatsoever, as should be offered, with oth- 
^r necessary intimations; and that upon the 22d of August 
we convened at the place aforesaid, where Captain John 
Allen and Mr. John Wadsworth, two of the magistrates of 
Connecticut colony, as their agents; Thomas Hinckley, 
Esq. Governor of New-Plymouth, in person, and Mr. 
Waite Winthrop, Mr. Simon Lynde, Mr. John Saffin, Mr. 
Elisha Hutchinson, Mr. Richard Wharton, and Mr. Josh- 
ua Lamb, in their own behalfs, and as representatives for 
,the rest that claim propriety in right of John Winthrop, Esq. 


and Major Humphrey Atherton and partners, all appeared; 
and after very dutiful and thankful acknowledgments of 
your majesty's great and gracious care to inform yourself, 
and by your final determination to cause impartial justice to 
be done, the agents of Connecticut and Governor of JNew- 
Plymouth, in their colonies' behalf, respectively claimed ju- 
risdiction, by patent, over the King's Province or Narra- 
ganset Country; and the said Mr. Winthrop, Lynde, Saffin, 
Hutchinson, Wharton, and Lamb, entered their claims and 
produced their evidences for the soil of the said province 
and country ; sundry other claims were also exhibited to sev- 
ral parts of the said province, all persons any ways concerned 
expressing great satisfaction in and submitting to your maj- 
esty's commands and our proceedings, except only the gov- 
ernment of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations,^ from 
whom, according to the informations given to your majesty's 
commissioners, anno 1664, arid what was some years since 
suggested to your majesty and council by Randall Houlden 
and John Green, we expected farther information and evi- 
dence as to your majesty's interest and propriety, but in- 
stead of their colony's assistance in your majesty's con- 
cerns, and prosecution of their own pretensions, their Gen- 
eral Assembly was purposely called, and, as we are inform- 
ed, adjourned in an unlawful manner to a house in the Nar- 
raganset Country, distant about a mile from the place of 
our session, who sent us a letter, interdicting our proceed- 
ings; which not availing, they sent their serjeant-general, 
in a riotous manner, with a great number of horsemen, 
who, by loud proclamation, prohibited us from keeping 
court in any part of their jurisdiction, commanding all per- 
sons, within the verge of their colony or King's Province, 
to depart, and not to be abettors to our pretended court, 
as by their letter and proclamation may more fully ap- 
pear. Notwithstanding, we continued to make strict in- 
quiry and examination, both of the ancientest inhabit- 
ants of the English and Indians, for two days, and re- 
ceived all such claims as were pretended: And in 
regard none appeared with any claim or plea in your maj- 
esty's behalf, we adjourned to Boston, there to meet on 
the third of September following, and substituted a com- 
mittee to carry a letter to Rhode-Island court, intimating 
our adjournment, and demand in your majesty's name and 
for the behoof that the said committee might search, peruse, 


and examine their records, and also sent particular sum- 
mons, in your majesty's name, to said Houlden and Green, 
to appear before us on the third of September, to give in 
evidence pursuant to the information or suggestions given 
to your majesty in council at Whitehall; which said letter 
was delivered to Mr. William Coddington, their governor, 
and the summons to the said John Green in open court; the 
answer and reception whereof, and the methods ot our pro- 
ceedings, and the great contempt offered to your majesty's 
commission by the General Assembly of Rhode-Island, we 
humbly refer to a narrative drawn by William Wharton our 
register, and approved by ourselves, which, with this, will, 
by our order, be humbly laid at your majesty's feet. 

Upon Monday, the third of September, we again con- 
vened at Boston, and gave further opportunity for new 
claims; but none from Rhode-Island appeared, so that they 
then failing in their duty, Mr. Richard Wharton and part- 
ners exhibited a printed book, containing a deed bearing 
date the 19th of April, 1644, being the subjection of two 
chief sachems, named Passicus and Canonicus, of them- 
selves, their people, and lands, to the care, protection, and 
government of your royal father, of blessed memory; and 
with the said book was presented a breviate or memorial of 
the occasion and improvement of said subjection, the said 
Wharton and partners declaring that none of them knew of 
any other evidence as to your majesty's propriety or interest 
in the soil, neither hath any been offered by any other hand; 
so that we have sincerely and seriously considered the sev- 
eral claims before us to the jurisdiction, which we find, as 
well by the said printed deed of subjection as by former ca- 
pitulations and conditions, after the conquest of the Pe- 
quods, between your majesty's subjects of the united colo- 
nies and the sachems and counsellors of the Narraganset 
Country, and the purchases, possessions and improvements 
made by your majesty's subjects, to have been absolutely 
vested in your majesty; and that your majesty, by your 
letters patent, dated at Westminster the three and twentieth 
of April, in the fourteenth year of your majesty's reign, 
your majesty granted to the governor and company of Con- 
necticut and their successors, all that part of your domin- 
ions in New-England bounded on the east by Narraganset 
river, commonly called Narraganset Bay, where the said 
river falleth to the sea; and on the north, by the line of the 


Massachusetts plantations; and on the south, by the sea; 
and in longitude as the line of the Narraganset, running 
from east to west, that is to say, from the said Narraganset 
Bay on the east, to the South Sea on the west part, there- 
unto adjoining, together with all firm lands, soils, grounds, 
havens, ports, rivers, waters, fishings, mines, minerals, 
precious stones, and all and singular other commodities and 
jurisdictions whatsoever, reserving to your majesty, your 
heirs and successors, only the fifth part of the ore of gold 
and silver, as by the said charter may at large appear. 

We have also had information that some time after your 
majesty's grant, and said patent was sent to your colony of 
Connecticut, the said country of the Narraganset was like- 
wise by patent granted by your majesty to the governor and 
company of Rhode-Island plantation, and is by charter 
bounded by a river called Paugautuck, which by said char- 
ter is forever to be accounted and called the Narraganset 
river; and this latter grant of your majesty to Rhode-Island 
seems to be founded upon advice submitted to by John 
Winthrop, Esq. said to be agent for Connecticut colony, 
and Mr. John Clark, agent for Rhode-Island; to which 
the agents of Connecticut plead, that Mr. Winthrop *s agen- 
cy for them ceased when he had obtained and sent the pa- 
tent to them, and that no submission or act of his could vali- 
date or deprive them of any of the benefits graciously grant- 
ed by your majesty's charter; and that notwithstanding the 
seeming boundaries set by the said articles, signed by Mr. 
Winthrop and Mr. Clark, it is in the same articles provided, 
that the proprietors and inhabitants of the Narraganset 
Country shall choose to which of the two governments to 
belong, and that they unanimously chose and subjected to 
the government of Connecticut, under which that planta- 
tion began to prosper till the year 1664-5, when some of 
your majesty's commissioners (which is alleged, without 
Colonel Nichols, then absent, could make no valid act) in 
favour to the Rhode-Islanders, published some inadvertent 
orders, since by Colonel Nichols and themselves reverted; 
however, by the said orders and pretensions that the Rhode- 
Islanders by virtue of their patent make, we find they have 
much molested the inhabitants, and discouraged the settle- 
ment of said country, and occasioned controversies between 
the said colonies. 

Pursuant, therefore, to the gracious ends to acquit those 


disputes, we have carefully endeavored ta obtain certain 
knowledge of the bounds of your majesty's province of the 
Narraganset Country; and upon the best evidence offered, 
and examination of sundry ancient inhabitants, both the 
English and Indians, it appears, that a brook called VVeca- 
paug, is near the sea, the westerly bounds of the Narragan- 
set Country; all the land, which is in breadth about four or 
five miles, lying between the said brook and Paugautuck, 
being the Pequod country, and bv conquest taken from them, 
and disposed of to several persons; within which limits lie 
sundry farms, belonging, by ancient grant, to Harvard Col- 
lege, to Mr. Simon Lynde, and other persons, whose titles 
being asserted, have been acknowledged by all others pre- 
tending propriety; and that the Narraganset bay or river, 
where it falls into the sea, bounds the INarraganset Country 
easterly; and by a testimony given by governor Winslow in 
his life time, upon another occasion, and also by information 
of sundry old and principal Indians, it appears that Patucket 
river, lying between Rehoboth and Providence, was the 
intended country and river between Plymouth colony and 
Providence Plantations, which in Plymouth patent is call- 
ed Narraganset river; this Patucket river falling into the 
greater Narraganset river or bay that bounds Narraganset 
eastward; so that between the said river of Patucket, Que- 
nebaug and Nipmug countries to the northward, and We- 
capaug brook westerly, lies the whole dominion and territo- 
ries, containing the Cowessrtt and Niantick countries, form- 
erly and lately belonging to the Narraganset sachems, and 
generally called the Narraganset Country. As to the claim 
made by the colony of Plymouth to jurisdiction and soil in the 
Narraganset Country, we find it hath only foundation from 
the name piven to Paugautuck of the Narraganset river; 
and if anciently and truly so called, then Plymouth char- 
ter, if confirmed by your majesty, being granted by the 
council of Plymouth, and bears date the 13th of January, in 
the fifth year of the reign of your royal father, will deter- 
mine the controversy between Rhode-Island and Connecti- 
cut, and comprehend the whole Narraganset and part of the 
Pequod country, the lands granted to Plymouth being bound- 
ed southerly by the Narraganset river; but with humble 
submission we cannot see any cause to judge that the said 
Paugautuck river anciently was, or ought to be, called or 
accounted the Nnrraga^set rivet. 


1st. Because it lies some miles within the Pequod coun- 
try, a nation still extirpated by the English, often or always 
at war with the Narragansets, and to which territories the 
Narragansets never pretended. 

2dly. Because Paugautuck river falls into the sea many 
miles westward of any part of the Narraganset bay ; is the 
river anciently called Narraganset river, both because it on 
the eastward washes and bounds the whole length of the 
Narraganset Country, and for that Plymouth colony, which 
hath now been planted near threescore years, have ever 
since bounded themselves, according to the scheme or lim- 
itation of their patent, by the same bay, called Narraganset 
river, towards the south, into which the freshets of said riv- 
er called Patucket, empties itself in a precipice. 

Thus, in all humility, having represented our opinions, 
as to the bounds and jurisdictions, we humbly report our 
opinions respecting propriety of soil as follows. 

1st. We find that by one deed, dated the llth of June, 
1659, Coginaquand, chief sachem and proprietor of the 
Narraganset Country, did give, grant, and convey unto- 
John Winthrop, Esq. and Major Humphrey Atherton, and 
partners, their heirs and assigns, one large tract of land, 
now called the northward tract; and the said Coginaquand, 
by another deed, dated the 4th of July, 1659, did, in like 
manner, convey to the said John Winthrop, Esq. Major 
Atherton and partners, another large parcel of land, called 
the southern tract, or Namcock: And we find, by sundry 
other deeds from the other sachems, the said conveyances 
ratified, and sundry receipts and acknowledgments of full 
satisfaction to all persons any ways concerned. 

We also find, that by a deed bearing date the 13th of 
October, 1660, Suguenth, Ninegret, Scuttup, and Quequa- 
kanewet and Narraganset, sachems, for valuable conside- 
ration, mortgaged to Major Atherton and partners the re- 
maining part of the whole Narraganset Country, containing 
the Cowhessett and Niantick countries; and find that, as 
part of the consideration, seven hundred and thirty-five 
fathom ofpeaguewas paid November the 16th, 1660, and 
sundry other payments made, and gratuities given, to full 
satisfaction, as by sundry receipts and acknowledgments 
doth appear; the commissioners of all your majesty's colo- 
nies approving these transactions: And also we find, by 
the testimony of John Poutton, William Cotton, Join* 


Rhoads, and Ambrose Leach, sworn before John Endicot, 
Esq. Governor of the Massachusetts, the 22d of Septem- 
ber, 1662, and recorded in Hartford, that Scuttup andNin- 
egret, with sundry other sachems, counsellors and Indians, 
to the number of two or three hundred, being assembled at 
a place called Pettequamscot, the said Scuttup, in presence 
of said Indians and many English, also assembled, did, in 
behalf of himself, brother, and friends, deliver possession 
of the country, by turf and twig, to Captain Edward Hutch- 
inson, Captain William Hudson, and Mr. Richard Smith, 
jun. in behalf of themselves and partners, declaring the 
lands then to be already sold by deed, by themselves and 
the rest of the sagamores, to Major Atherton and partners. 

We also find, that the said Major Atherton, Captain 
Hutchinson, Hudson, and partners, with great expense and 
industry, applied themselves to the settlement and improve- 
jnent of said country, many considerable farms being laid 
out, houses and edifices erected, and two townships also 
laid out, and methods for improvements; and terms agreed 
upon with the inhabitants, the town named Wickford and 
,the other Newbury. 

Also it appears, that the said purchasers did request and 
intrust John Winthrop, Esq. to supplicate your majesty to 
add the said Narraganset Country to the territories and ju- 
risdiction of Connecticut, which your majesty graciously 
granted; and was farther graciously pleased, by your royal 
letters, dated the 2lst of June, 1663, directed to the gov- 
ernors and assistants of the Massachusetts, Plymouth, Con- 
necticut colonies, to approve and encourage the purchas- 
ers' designs; and as your majesty pleased then to call them 
laudable endeavours to settle and plant a colony to the en- 
largement of your empire, and to recommend said purchas- 
ers and proprietors to the neighbourly kindness and protec- 
tion of said colonies, willing them upon all occasions to be 
assisting to them against the unjust oppressions of those of 
Rhode-Island, with other expressions of your royal grace 
and favour to the said purchasers; upon which titles and 
encouragements the claimers offer probable computation 
and arguments, that their predecessors themselves, and per- 
sons concerned with them, have expended for purchasing 
and settling the said country at least twenty thousand pounds; 
and that had not the ill effects of the orders made by some 
^fyour majesty's commissioners that came over in 1664, 

nnd the great molestations and pretensions of the Rhode- 
Islanders obstructed the settlement, the country had, by .the 
planting of the said two towns, and other improvements, 
been so peopled that great part, if not all the miseries of the 
late Indian war had been prevented. Some other claims 
have been made by Mr. James Noyes and others, of some 
other tract of land lying in the Niantick country, as de- 
rived from Harman Garrat-and his son, named , pre- 
tended Indian sachems, who personally appeared before us; 
but upon examination we cannot find the said Harman Gar- 
rat or his son had any right or power to dispose of the lands, 
the same having been, beyond the memory ofman, possessed 
by JVinigret; the other Indians acknowledging and testify- 
ing the same. 

Other claims also were exhibited to sundry other tracts 
within the Narraganset Country, but the titles being either 
derived from or depending upon Mr. Winthrop's and Major 
Atherton's purchases, we humbly conceive more proper for 
a court of judicature. 

Thus, after most strict and impartial inquiry and exami- 
nation, having stated, we most humbly lay before your maj- 
esty the several original claims and pretensions offered to 
us, with respect to the propriety both of jurisdiction and 
soil in your majesty's province or Narraganset Country ; 
and in farther obedience to your said commission have se- 
riously weighed and considered all evidences, pleas, proofs, 
and allegations, and added our own observations of the 
course of the Narraganset river or bay, and situation of the 
country, so far as we have travelled therein; and with most 
feumbl e submission and reservation of your majesty's right, 
so far as it may appear to your majesty, offer our opinions, 
that by virtue of your said letters patent granted to Conr 
necticut, jurisdiction in and through the said province or 
IVarraganset Country of right belongs to the said colony of 
Connecticut, and that propriety of soil, as derived from Mr. 
Winthrop and Major Atherton, is vested upon the heirs and 
assigns of said Mr. Winthrop, the heirs of Thomas Chif- 
finch, Esq. Major Atherton, Mr. Richard Smith, Mr. Si- 
mon Lynde, Mr. Elisha Hutchinson, Mr. John Saffin, Mr. 
Richard Wharton, and partners, and such as derive from 
them; no considerable opposition being by any corporation 
,or person given before us to their claim and title, the same 
being granted by the said agents of Connectiiit; notwitlj,-. 


standing, we do not conceive that their said purchases do 
any ways intitle them to any part of the Pcquod country, 
lying between Wecapaug and Paugautuck river, nor that 
the former lawful purchases and possessions of the inhabi- 
tants of Providence and Warwick ought to be prejudiced 

And finally, we hold it our duty humbly to inform your 
majesty, that so long as the pretensions of the Rliode-Island- 
ers to the government of the said province continue, it will 
much discourage the settlement and improvement thereof, 
it being very improbable that either the aforenamed claim- 
ers, or others of like reputation and condition, will either 
remove their families or expend their estates under so loose 
and weak a government. And to the end that your majesty 
may at all times have more particular satisfaction, and the 
persons concerned opportunity upon occasion farther to 
prove their interest without hazarding their original evi- 
dences upon the sea, we have caused an oath to be adminis- 
tered to our said register, under his hand to attest all such 
deeds and papers as have been received by us, and so copy 
and truly examine the same; and in like manner to attest 
to such copies, and afterwards to return the originals and 
copies upon demand to the parties that produce the same. 
In obedience to your majesty's gracious commission and 
commands, we, with all humility, offer this our report, 
which we cause to be duplicate, craving your majesty's gra- 
cious acceptance of our dutiful endeavors to approve our- 

Your majesty's most loyal and obedient subjects, 





Boston, October 20, 1683. 

As farther addition to our report, we humbly offer, that 
since the close of your majesty's commission, Mr. Edward 
Randolph arriving and signifying his power in behalf of his 
grace the Duke of Hamilton to make claim to the King's 
Province or Narraganset Country, we have again convened, 
and summoned so many of the proprietors as could in so 
short time assemble, and in their presence and hearing have 


rea'l the copy of the said Duke's deed, and heard Mr. Ran- 
dolph's pleas and improvements therein, and find it takes in 
part of the said Province or Narraganset Country ; and have 
also received the answers and defence of the said proprietors, 
which we humbly transmit and submit to your majesty's 
consideration; we have also ordered copies of the Duke's 
deeds and proprietors' pleas to be sent to the colony of Con- 
necticut, to the end they may have opportunity, by the first 
conveyance, to make their answers and defence before your 


Entered upon records, in the first book of public records 
belonging to the King's Province, from page 36 to 42. 

JOHN FONES, Recorder. 

A true copy, compared out of the records belonging to 
the King's Province, by 

Kingstown, Sept. 25, 1704. 


By order of the President and Council. 

Boston, the 17 th day ofJuns, 1686. 

We, John Pynchon, Bartholomew Gidney, and Jonathan 
Tyng, members of his majesty's council, have examined the 
several acts, accords, deeds and entries, in the twenty - 
seven foregoing pages, and find them to agree with the 
originals in the hands of Captain Elisha Hutchinson, and 
recommend it to the President and council, that the trans- 
actions in this book be allowed and declared good and au- 
thentic records; and that the same book be carried on and 
employed for entry of the subsequent acts, orders, agree- 
ments, and transactions of the proprietors, deriving by, 
with, and from John Winthrop, Esq. and Major Humphrey 
Atherton, deceased, and their associates, and all other mat- 

ters fit for public records, in the Narraganset Country, or 

King's Province. 

Allowed by the President and Council. 



King's Province, June 23, 1686. 

At a court held by his majesty's commissioners and jus- 
tices at major Richard Smith, in Rochester, in the King's 


JOSEPH DUDLEY, Esq., President.^ 

JOHN WINTHROP, Esq,. i of her majesty's 

EDWARD RARDOLPH, Esq. f council. 


John Blackwell, Elisha Hatchinsonson, Richard Smith, 
Francis Brinley, John Saffin, Esqrs. ; John Fones, Thomas* 
Ward, James Pendlinton, gentlemen. 

Imprimis, The power and commision of the president, and 
the rest of the honorable gentlemen commissionated and for 
that purpose, was read, and the president and all the jus- 
tices, there assembled, took the oath prescribed in said 
commission, and the justices' oaths; also captain John 
Blackwell, captain Elisha Hutchinson, Prancis Brinley, 
John Saffin, Esqrs. and Mr Thomas Ward, took the oath 
of allegiance. 

John Fones sworn unto the office of clerk to said court, 
and all courts which shall hereafter be held in the King's- 
Province for the time being: The king's commission to the 
president and council of his territories and dominions in 
New-England openly read. 

Commissions unto all the commissioned officers of the 
respective companies of the militia in King's Province de- 
livered by the president, they having formerly taken the 
oath of allegiance. 

Ordered, That the three towns now in the King's Prov- 
ince shall be called Rochester, the first and chief, formerly 
called Kingstown. 


Haversham, the second, formerly called Westerly. 

Dedford, the third, formerly called Greenwich. 

Elisha Hutchinson, Esq. having exhibited a book and 
reference, and report thereon, under the hands of John 
Pynchon, Bartholomew Gidney, and Jonathan Tyng, Esqrs. 
and the orders for allowance by the president and council at 
Boston, dated the 17th day of this instant month June, it is 
ordered, thatthe said book and report, and allowance there- 
on, be committed to captain John Fones, clerk and recorder 
of this province, and that the matters entered in the said 
book stand and remain as authentic records of the province, 
and in the same book the clerk is ordered to enter such fur- 
ther records, grants, and bargains of lands, &c. as shall be 
acknowledged and allowed before the president, or some 
members of his majesty's council, from time to time, under 
their hands, with several other deeds as have been allowed 
by former authority. 

For as much as sundry persons have been deluded, whilst 
no government was settled upon the place, have been en- 
couraged, without license from the proprietors, to build and 
make improvement upon .the lands called the mortgage 
lands; to the end, therefore, that all such persons may have 
seasonable time to make their compositions, that so they 
rnay, either upon purchase, rents, or other good agreements, 
enjoy their respective improvements, where they seem not 
prejudicial to townships nor highways, it is ordered, that no 
possessor, as incumbent of or upon any such lands, shall 
be molested, nor any action upon the title of land brought 
against them, before the twentieth day of August next. In 
case upon treaty with the proprietors, or their committee, 
they receive not satisfaction in the terms, the said possess- 
ors or incumbents shall, upon their complaints, be heard by 
the president and council at Boston, and relieved so far as 
may be consistent with common justice and his majesty's 
service, who will further direct to the trial and issue of the 




Many particulars relating to Westerly, will be found in 
the first part of the volume. See also Roger Williams' let- 
ter to Major Mason. 


To the Honorable Gentlemen of the Court of Commissioners, 
assembled together in his Majesty's name for the colony of 
Providence Plantations at Portsmouth the 27 th of August, 

Please ye honored Gentlemen, there being an opportuni- 
ty or presentment of a certain piece or tract of land, lately 
discovered or made known; which tract of land lyeth in a 
situation in the furdest or remotest corner of this Colonies 
jurisdiction, called by the name of Ascomicutt: which tract 
of land is fairly promised or ingaged to asartaine number of 
adventurers upon the design of purchase of it: which adven- 
turers are members of this Colony and well wishers thereto: 
who desire to do nothing that shall prove prejudicial to the 
interest and honour of the Coloneys privileges or advance- 
ment: but ate now confronting the adversaries of the Colo- 
ny: which by a species of intrusions are seeking to make 
inroads upon our privileges of Colonies jurisdiction; the 
premises considered, your petitioners are bold under cor- 
rectiti to pray in case we can make the adversarie: which 
is both to the colony and us to retreatt, 

which we question not: in point of right and title from the 
natives: therefore we being willing to proceed in all poynts 
of loyallity that may suit with the advance and honor of the 
colony, we humbly crave your favorable approbation coun- 
tenance and assistance to us in the settleing of a plantation 
on Towneshepe: in or upon the above said tract of land 
called by the name Ascomicutt, which number of persons 
may probably extend to the number of 30, 40 or 50 or there- 
about which are thence to inhabit, thearof many of 

are persons constrained to make inquisition and seek 
out for land for a comfortable livelyhood. So honored gen- 
tlemen if it be your pleasures to grant your petitioners re r 
quest or petition ns we are, so we subscribe and remain 


your humble petitioners and servents to our power for our- 
selves and in the behalf of the rest of our company. 

WILLIAM VAHAN, + his mark. 






JAMES ROGERS, I R his mark. 




Jl copy of Ike Purchase of Socho, the true owner oj Misquam- 


This deed or writing bearing date this present twenty- 
ninth day of June, one thousand six hundred and sixty, wit- 
nesseth, that T. Socho an Indian Captain of Narraganset, 
being the true and lawful owner of a tract of land called 
Misquamicoke, for a valuable consideration in hand paid to 
my content, have bargained and sold unto William Vaughan, 
Robert Stanton, John Fairfield, Hugh Moshur, James Long- 
bottom, all of Nuport in Rhode-Island and others their as- 
sociates, which said tract of land being bounded as followeth, 
Easterly by a place called Weecapaug or Passpatanage 
joining to the Nianticut land, on the South by the main sea, 
on the West by Pawcatuck river, and so up the chief river 
or stream northerly and northeasterly to a place called Que- 
quatuck or Qucquachanockc, and from thence on a straight 
line to the first named bounds called Wecapoag or Pachat- 
anage joining upon the Ninnticut land as abovesaid; which 
said tract of land so butted and bounded as aforesaid, I the 
said Socho do for myself, my heirs, executors, administra- 
tors, and assigns, surrender up all right, title, claim or in- 
terest whatsoever to the said land or any privilege appertain- 
ing to the said land, fully instating the said William Vau- 
ghan, Robert Stanton, John Fail-field, Hugh Mosier, James 
Lpngbottom and their associates, their heirs, executors, ad- 
ministrators or assigns, to the said land and proprieties there- 


of, to the worlds end. In witness whereof I the said Sosoa 
have set to my hand and seal the year and date abovesaid. 
The mark of dp SOSOA. |LTs7j 

Sealed signed in presence of 
AWASHWASH v his mark. 
The mark W ofNucuM, Interpreter. 

Here followes some Testimonies to the Premises. 
This doe testify, April the 13th 1661, wee whose names 

are written testify, that whereas there is a tract of land 

bounded by Pawcatuck River as appeareth by the deed un- 
der Socho's hand doe testify that before sealing of the 

deed dated 29th of June 1660, proper right of So- 

cho as largely as fully as the deed doth declare we do 

not only speak our owne but the Sachems of Narraganset 
doe the same whose persons we present Suckquansa, Scut- 
tup, Ne 

The mark o ofAWASHOUS, 

The mark -+- of POATOCK, ; 
The mark ^7 of UNKAQUANT, 
The mark Q of NOEWAM. 

English witness that this is 

JOHN AKERS, j\ his mark. 

This present writing is to testify unto all men that it com- 
eth to or whom it may concern, that we the chief Sachems 
of the Narroganset Indians and of the country thereabouts, 
doe testify upon certain knowledge that whereas a certain 
Indian Captain named Socho living at this time in the JVar- 
raganset country or thereabouts or near unto the same at 
Masquachoawaug, hath sold unto Robert Stanton, John 
Fairfield and other Newport men of Rhode-Island, a cer- 
tain tract of land containing about ten or twelve English 
miles in length from the sea and southermost part of it up 
into the lands northward, as also being in breadth from east 
to west at some places three English miles, and at some 


places more, and towards the southernmost end being a neck, 
it is there about two miles from sea to sea, which said tract 
of land is bounded on the west side by the cove or harbor 
that goeth into Pacatucket and from the head of the said 
cove the fresh river is still the bounds of the said tract, and 
the said tract is also bounded on the north and on the east 
side by a line [known and described] by certain marked 
trees which the said Indian Captain Socho marked before 
witnesses to that very end, wee the Sachems abovesaid, do 
on our own knowledge testify, that the afore mentioned and 
premised tract of land hath been and was at the time of 
foresd sale thereof, his the said Socho's owne, absolute and 
undoubted right, land and possession, and was his owne and 

at his own choice and freewill and pleasure to sell or 

to whomsoever he pleased, without any of our or any other 
Indian having to do to hinder the same, on any pretence of 
right or claim whatsoever, and to the true testification and 
manifestation of this our affirmation, we do hereunto put our 
hands after the manner of Englishmen, this 19th day of April 
1661, also it is clear from any English or any conquest of 

The mark [==i of CACHAQUANT. 
This Sachem put to his hand in presence of us. 

The mark ~j of SAMMECAT, a Sachem. 
Q= AWASHOUS witness to it. 
\V NUCOM interpreter, a witness, 

The mark J of JOHN ECONSOMITH, an Indian, wit- 

nesseth that he heard the Sachems of Narroganset owne 
this that is above written. 

This witnesseth that I Awashous, do affirm by these pres- 
ents, concerning a of land called Squamocuck, which 

was formerly the land of Socho an Indian captain and by him 
sold to certain Englishmen of Newport on Rhode-Island, 
as appeareth by a deed of sale of the same bearing date the 
29th day of June 1660, I the said Awashous do affirm that 
the foresaid parcell of land mentioned in the said deed of 
sale, according to the bounds therein specified, was the 
proper right of the said S-ocho, being given to him by the 


chief sachems of the Narragansets for removing off from the 
said land a parcell of Pequit Indians that annoyed the said 
Narrogansett Indians, and this was dene and accomplished, 
and the said land conquered by the said Socho, and it being 
and confirmed to him by the chief sachems Meantinomy arid 
Quononicus about two years before the wars between the 
English and the Pequits, for the aforesaid service in re- 
moving the said Indians as is before mentioned, and other 
points of service that the said Sosoa did in and for the Nar- 
roganset country, and this abovewritten I the said Awa- 
shous do know to be true upon my owne knowledge, as be- 
ing privy to the former proceeding thereof, and for the con- 
firmation of this aforesaid, I the said Awashouse have hith- 
erto sett my hand this present 15th day of June 1661. 

The marke of O= AWASHOUSE. 


The mark W of NUCOM, Interpreter. 

I the said Nucom do not only this to be the act and deed 

of Awashouse, but do also affirm upon my owne knowledge, 

that the chief sachems of the Narroganset country, with 

other the inferior Indians, have formerly owned and it was 

generally reported, that the foresaid parcell of land have 

been so conveyed as is above-written, and that the said 

Awashouse have voluntarily and of his owne accord given 

this foresaid declaration, without any instigating thereunto. 

June 15th, 1661. 

The marke of W NUCOM. 


A. Copie of Pessicus his Confirmation. 

Newport, the 24th June, 1661. 

Know all men whom it may concern, that Pischicus, 
.chief sachem of the Narragansett country, do really and ful- 
ly own and confirm the act of my brother Meantinomy, as 
also the act of my uncle Conanicus, both of them, in giving 
and passing over of a tract of land called Misquamicuk to 
an Indian captain called Sosoa, which tract of land was giv- 
en Captain Sosoa for valorous services done for us against 
;the Poquets before the English had any warr with the Pe- 


quets; this tract of land is bounded as followeth, on the 
east by a place called Wecapagoe joyning to the Nianticut 
land, this corner bounds is the southeast corner of the land, by 
the salt sea which corner bounds is about ten miles from Pau- 
catuck river, as'also on the south side bounded by the main 
ocean from the first named bounds westerly to the mouth of 
Paucatuck river, and on the west side bounded with Paucatuck 
river, and so up the chief river or stream northerly or north- 
easterly about twenty miles up the chief river and stream to 
place called Quecatuck or Quequathanick, and from this 
northeast corner bounds it is bounded upon a line south-east 
to the first named corner bounds by the sea or main ocean, 
which corner bounds joyns to the JViantick lands by the salt 
seu, this land thus bounded I Pischicus do affirm to be 
Sosoa's or his assigns, and further, whereas my uncle Nin- 
igret sayeth that it is his land, I do utterly deny it before 
all men, for it was conquered by my brother Meantinomy 
with the help of this valorous Captain Sosoa, one year or 
two before ever the English went to war against the Pequets, 
and my uncle Ninigret had no hand in the war, therefore I 
really affirm it and confirm it to be Sosoa's land, his heirs, 
executors, administrators or assigns forever from all others 
whatsoever. Witness my hand and seal the year and day 
above written. 


His mark. 
Signed, sealed and delivered in 
presence of as witnesses, 
The mark of NEWCOM, W 

Jl copie of Cachanaquant' s Testimony. 

IVuport on Rhode-Island, March 14th, ||||. 
Cachanaquant, brother to Quissuckquansh, and being 
both chief sachems of the Narraganset Indians and country, 
the said Cachanaquant the day and year abovesaid cloth de- 
clare and testify in solemn manner the particulars follow- 
ing: first that whereas there was war between the Pequots 


and Narraganset about thirty years ago, being some years 
before the English had war with the said Pequots, it so fell 
out that some Pequots came in those days over Paucatuck 
river, and seated on the neck ca\led Misquarnicock, which 
was the Narraganset lands and territories, whereupon the 
Narragansett Sachems, Canonicus and Miantonomy, em- 
ployed a captaine of those parts their subject to destroy or 
beat off those intruding Pequots, and in case he so did, they 
gave to him and his forever the said land called Misquami- 
cuck, which said tract of land is bounded by the sea on the 
South, and by the river called Pawcatuck on a part of the 
West side, and by a pond called Weakapaug on the east 
side next the sea, and so running north-westerly into the coun- 
try twenty miles from the sea, and the said tract being broader 
within land than it is on the sea coast before mentioned. 
And further, the aforenamed Sachem affirmeth that the cap- 
tain before intended that was employed to remove those 
Pequots aforesaid was named Sosoa, and is still living, and 
known by that name who did accordingly beat off the said 
Pequots from the aforesaid land, and took and kept the same 
ever since, it being given him by the abovesaid Sachems 
for the service aforesaid, which said service he did and took 
possession therefore of the abovementioned tract of land two 
years before the war began that fell out between the En- 
glish and the Pequots. And further the Sachem abovesaid 
affirmeth that of the obovementioned tract of land the said 
Sosoa was absolutely the true and rightly instated owner, 
and was capable to make firm sale thereof, none other Sa- 
chem or Indian having any way power of right to contradict 
or disannul the same. And lastly he doth affirm that Nen- 
ecraft nor no other of the Nayantick Sachems, either have 
or ever had any right of claim to any part or parts of the 
aforementioned tract of land. And to the truth hereof the 
said Cachanaquant doth put to his hand in confirmation of 
the same. 

CACHANAQUANT, %w his mark. 

The abovesaid testimony of the abovenamed Sachim Ca- 
chanaqu-ant was given the year and day first abovewritten, 
March 14th, Jff. .tteing examined and taken before me. 
BEN. ARNOLD, Gen'l Assistant. 


A copy of Wawaloam the wife of Miantonomy her affirmation and 
confirmation of Socho alias Sossoa his deed and grant. 

Aspanansuck or Hakewamepinke, > 
the 25th of June, 1661. J 

Know all men by these presents or whom it may concern, 
that I Wawaloam which was the wife of the deceased Sa- 
chem Miantonomy, do thus testify and affirm of my perfect 
knowledge, I did hear my husband Miantonomy as also my 
uncle Canounicus both of them joyntly dispose give and 
pass over a tract of land named Misquamicuk, to a valorous 
Captain named Socho, this tract of land it is bounded as fol- 
loweth, on the East corner by a place called VVeecapaug or 
Pespataug joyning to the Nayhanticut land, by the salt sea, 
which is about 10 miles from Pawcatuck river, this bounds 
is the South East corner, and on the South side bounded 
with the main ocean from the first bounds westerly to the 
mouth of Pawcatuck river and from the mouth of Pawcatuck 
River bounded by Pawcatuc river which is the west bounds 
of this tract of land, and so up the chief river or stream of 
Pawcatuc river northerly and northeasterly about 15 miles 
from the mouth of Pawcatuc river up to a place called Que- 
quatuck. and from this northeast corner bounds it is bound- 
ed upon a line South-east to the South-east corner which is 
by the main ocean joining to the Nianticut land, as it is 
above named, VVeecapaug or Passpatanage, this land thus 
bounded be it 20,000 acres more or less, I Wawaloam do 
affirm it to be Socho's or his assigns, and further whereas 
my uncle Ninegrad sayeth that it is his land, I Wawaloam 
do utterly deny it before all men, for it was conquered by 
my husband Miantonomy and my uncle Canonicus long be- 
fore the English had any wars with the Pequots, and my 
uncle Ninegrad had no hand in the war, this land was given 
and past over to the valiant Captain Socho for service done 
for us before the English had any wars with the Pequots, 
therefore I Wawaloam do really affirm it and confirm it to 
be Socho's land, his heirs, executors, administrators or as- 
signes, forever, from all others whatsoever. Witness my 
hand and seal the year and day above written. 

The mark of WAWALOAM. |LTs7| 


Signed sealed and delivered in presence of us witnesses: 
The mark of SAMUEL STAFFON, 

The mark of | 3 MAUSSECUP, 

The mark of P-H AWASHSHOUS, 
The mark of W NEWCUM. 

A copy of JLwashous and JVwcowi their deed. 

This present or writing made on the fifth day of October, 
in the year one thousand six hundred sixty and one, wit- 
nesseth, that we Awashouse and JVucom both of Narrogan- 
set being the owners of a certain tract of land called Nis- 
quitianxsett, lying near adjoining upon a certain tract of 
land called Misquamicuk, lately by SosoorSokso an Indian 
sold unto Win. Vaughan of Nuport in Rhode-Island and 
his associates, do acknowledge and by these presents do 
bargain, sell, alienate, ratify and confirm the said tract of 
land called Nisquitianxsett, bounded southerly on the ocean, 
on the westerly side by Weecapaug, easterly by the 
land Mr. Smith bought of Hermon Garrett's father called 
Seepoocke and northerly by Machaquamagauset and Bar 
petaushat unto William Vaughan, and the company pur- 
chasers of Misquamicuk for a valuable consideration in 
hand paid, and' therefore do for us, our heirs, executors, 
administrators or assigns, or from any other that may make 
claim thereof or to any part thereof, as from us, by any bar- 
gain, sale, promise or contract whatsoever, fully and really 
relinquish all right, title, claim or interest whatsoever to 
the said tract of land aforesaid, as it is so butted and bound- 
ed, and forever do confirm, ratify and establish the said 
tract of land together with all immunities, privileges and 
appurtenances thereon or thereto belonging whatsoever un- 
to the said William Vaughan and the rest of that company 
purchasers of Misquamicuck, to have and to hold, firmly to 
possess and enjoy to the world's end. In witnss whereof 
we have sett to our hands and seals the year and day above 

written. _. 

The marl; of AWASHOUSE, Q [I. S.| 

The mark of NUCOM, W 


Sealed, signed and delivered in the 

presence of us 
The marke of ELLEN NICKSON, IE 
The mark of SOCHO, 

The mark of CAPT. COXCOMB, | 

These articles of agreement made in the year one thou- 
sand six hundred and sixty or sixty-one, March the two 
and twentieth, between us whose names are underwritten, 
about a tract of land bought of an Indian captain called So- 
sooa, of Narroganset, the land being called Misquamakuck, 
as appeareth by deed by us John Fairfield, Hugh Mosher, 
Robert Stanton and Jarnes Longbottom: 

First, that we whose names are abovewritten, do give, 
grant, ratify and confirm the same privileges with ourselves, 
unto all those names are underwritten, according to their 
proportion of land in the aforesaidpurchase. 

2]y. That all we whose names are underwritten, or the 
major part of us may transact any thing that we see cause 
in or about theaforesaid land. 

Sly. That if any of us transact any thing about the afore- 
said land, without the consent of the whole, or the major 
part, shall be disowned and of none effect. . 

41y. That all charges that hath been already out about 
the aforesaid land, shall be repay ed to the disbursers sud- 
denly without delay, so soon as the disbursers bring us their 
account to the rest of the company. 

51y. That each of us whose names are here underwritten, 
or shall be hereafter added, shall bear equal charges to what 
have been out already, or shall be out hereafter, in any case 
about the land aforesaid, according to the proportion of land 
they have. 

61y. That what charges shall be out from time to time, 
shall be brought in twenty days after they shall have warn- 
ing from us or the major part of us. 

7ly. In case that any bring not their money as is above- 
said, nor give satisfaction to the company, shall forfeit their 
land, and what they have been out already. 

8ly. That the deed and -all other writings about the afore- 
said lands, shall be kept in William Vaughan's house, and 
that each of the purchasers shall have (if they desire it) a 


copy of the deed or any other writings that thereto ferelong, 
paying for the draught thereof. 

9ly. The parties that have interest in the aforesaid land 
are, William Vaughn having a whole share, Robert Stanton 
having a whole share, Hugh Mosher having a whole sharCj 
John Fairfield having a whole share, James Longbottom 
having a whole share, Shubal Painter having a whole share. 

lOly. Whosoever that we shall agree with, that shall have 
a proportion of the land aforesaid, shall have the same privi- 
leges as ourselves, provided that according to his propor- 
tion he set to his hand to these or the like articles. 

Illy. That we shall meet to consult about the aforesaid 
land so often as occasion shall present, at William Vaug- 
han's house. 

121y. That to all the aforesaid articles we engage each to 
other to be faithful and true to perform the foresaid articles 
that here is above written, whereio we set to our hands. 

Hugh Mosher, 
William Vaughan, 
John Fairfield, 
James Longbottom, 
John Green, 
Jeremy Willis, 
John Coggeshall, 
Edward Smith, 
John Crandal, 
James Rogers, 
James Barker, 
William Slade, 
Henry Timberlake, 
Kd. Greenman, 
Ed. Richmond, 
Edward Larkin, 
Shubal Painter, 
John Cranstone, 
Caleb Carr, 
Joseph Torry, 
Robert Carr, 
Tobias Saunders, 
Henry Basset, 
William Gingill, ; 
Obadiah Holmes, 
Jireh Bull, 

William Helmes, 
William Weeden, 
John Maxson, 
Joseph Clark, 
Pardon Tillinghast, 
John Nixson, 
Antony Ravenscroft a 
James Babcock, Sen'r. 
John Room, 
William Codman, 
William Dyre, Sen'r. 
George Bliss, 
John Richmond, Jun'r. 
James Sands, 
John Tiler, 
John Lewis, 
Hugh Parsons, 
Francis Braiton, 
William Foster, 
John Havens, 
JefFerey Champlin, 
Richard Morris, 
John Tripp, 
Lawrence Turner, 
Robert Burdick, 
Emanuel Wooley, 


John Macoone, 
Andrew Langworthy, 
Richard Dunn, 
John Fones, 
Thomas Waterman, 
Matthew Boomer, 
John Spencer, 
Nicholas Cotterall, 
Samuel Dyre, 
Thomas Brownell, 
Robert Hazard, 
Gideon Freeborn, 

Henry Percy, 
Philip Shearman, 

Thomas , 

William Havens, 
Thomas Manchester, 
John Anthony, 
Samuel Samford, 
Christopher Almy, 
Mahershcillalhazbuz Dyre, 
John Cowdal, 
John Albro, 
Ichabod Potter. 

July 29//i, or September 9th~, 1661. 

It is ordered, that those which do now go to Misquama-- 
cock, or the major part of them, shall have full power and 
authority to make choice of a place for a township or town- 
ships, and also survey and lay out the town lots according 
to proportion and their discretion by lot, and it is further 
ordered that such as do now go, shall have for the time they 
are absent, three shillings a day allowed them out of the 
general stock, and it is further ordered that those which do 
now go and stay to build and keep possession of the land, 
shall have choice of their town lots. 

JltMisquamocuck, the 15 of Sept. 

It was agreed that the town should begin on the north 
side of the brook by the great neck, and so to extend up 
along the river on the east side of the highway, the neck 

and being left for common, also the first seven lots 

were reserved and appointed for some that did engage to 
stay, but all failed except Toby Saunders, Robert Burdett, 
and Joseph Clarke, Junr., all lots were determined 12 rods 
broad and 80 long, except the foresaid seven 

House lots drawn and cast are as follows: 

Walter Cunnigrave 53 

Caleb Carr 27 

Thomas Dunghan 59 

Thomas Gould 64 

Lawrence Turner 73 

Jeffrey Champlin 48 

Nathaniel Dickens 37 

James Barker 19 

Philip Smith 57 

Sam. Helmes 29 

John Peckam 46 

John Green 42 


John Crandal 51 

[Wm.] Helmes 14 

George Bliss 28 

Matthew Boomer 10 

Sam. Dyre 20 

Jireth Bull 36 

John Fones 71 

John Spencer 22 

Mr. Ben. Arnold 19 

Mr. Wm. Dyre 13 

Tho's Clarke 23 

Emanuel Wooley 60 
John Richmon, Senr. 15 

John Fairfield 70 

James Longbottom 55 

Wm. Vaughn 30 

Henry Tibbits 11 
llob Austin . 12 

Wm. Lytherland 74 

Latham Clark 68 

Jeremy Willis 47 

Capt. Cranston 88 

Ed. Greenman 39 

Nich. Cotterell 65 

John Samford 7-5 

John Briggs 17 

John Antony 63 

Peleg Tripp 34 

John Tripp, Senr. 18 

John Room 69 

Thos. Manchester 32 

Jeremiah Westcoat 44 

Sam. Stafford 66 

John Wood 67 

Henry Basset 54 

John [Peperdy] [1] 

Antony Ravenscroft 45 

John Coggeshall [15] 

Joseph Torrey [72] 

Hugh Moshur [26" 

Wm. [Gingill 33; 

Francis Brayton [38" 

[Andrew Langworth 41" 

[James Rogers 43 

John Macom 40 

Wm. Slade 49 

John Clark 9 

James Babcock 52 
Sam. Samford and 
Christ Almy 

Bartholomew West 50 

Tho's Waterman 16 

John Havens 35 

Jlcts and Orders made by the Purchasers of Misquamicock. 
July 9, 1661. 

That every man that have a whole share is to make up his 
purchase money the full sum of seven pounds, according to 
the articles of agreement, and they that have but half a 
share are to do the like according to their proportion of 
land, and this money is to be paid to Wm. Vaughan, at his 
house, within 20^ days after the date hereof, or else to forfeit 
their interest according to the articles of agreement. 

It is likewise ordered, that each purchaser shall go pre- 
sently to Misquamicuck, but in case any of us cannot go, 
then he is to [allow] the company that go three shillings a 
day money pay, until they have an opportunity to return 


Ordered that it is left, unto Wm. Vaughan his discretion 
to make choice of and agree with two men to go to Mis- 
quamocuck to take possession for us as long as he or they 
shall see cause. 

Ordered, that if any man that is to have any right or pro- 
priety with us, do not appear within two days after he be 
fairly warned, and sign to this agreement, he shall wholly 
and totally lose his share and the money he hath been out. 

July 10th, 1661. 

Ordered, that every man that have a share or half a share 
at Misquamocuck, shall take his turn personally or by his 
deputy a whole fortnight at a time, when Wm. Vaughan 
shall see cause to warn them for that purpose, or else to 
yield himself wholly disfranchised, but it is intended that he 
that have bujt half a share shall be allowod for half his time, 
but every man is to bear his own [charges] (we mean) in 
providing provision for himself, and further, no man is to do 
neither more nor less than we have or shall anthorise them 
to do. 

And we do agree that if any man that shall go to Mis- 
quamocuck to take or keep possession upon our account, and 
they or either of them shall be any ways troubled or molest- 
ed upon that account, that we [the] aforesaid purchasers do 
engage to bear equal share of all charges or expenses so 
expended upon the account aforesaid, provided they [act]' 
according to their order as aforesaid. 

July 29//1, 1661. 

The distribution of the lands at Misquamscuck into the 
several shares unto the purchasers, being unanimously 
agreed, Sept. 9th, 1661, to be laid in eighteen shares. 

William Vaughan a share and half. 
Hugh Mosher a whole share. 
John Fairfield a whole share. 
James Longboltom a whole share. 
John Green, Sen'r a whole share. 
Thos. Gould a whole share- 
Wm. Vaughan, for his private friend 

a whole share. 

Shubael Painter half a share. 
James Rogers half a share. 
Jeremy Willis half a share. 
Henry Timberlake half a share- 
Edward Smith half a share. 

Robert West a quarter 
[ni the] upper part. 

[Jearnes] Case a 
- ni the] 

quarter [Share 
upper part. 

To Wm- Vahan to make his [6] 
part that he hath [at] the lower 
part for [more] in the upper part, 


John Crandal half a share. 
Edward Richman half a share. 
John Richman, Sen. half a share. 
John Coggeshall half a share. 
Wm. Blade a quarter of a share. 
Ed. Greenman a quarter of a share. 
Ed. Larkin a quarter of a share. 
Capt. Cranston [a quarter of a share] 
Caleb Carr half [a share.] 
Robt. Westcotta [quarter of a share] 
Joseph Torrey a quarter of a share. 
Robert Carr a quarter of a share. 
Joby S.aunders a quarter of a share. 
Joseph Clark Jr. a quarter of a share- 
Henry Basset half a quar. of a share. 
James Barber half a share. 
Obadiuh llolines a quarter of a share. 
Wm.. Weeden a quarter of a share. 
Wm. Dyre a quarter of a share- 
John Sam ford a quarter of a share. 
John Clark a quarter of a share. 
Wm. Gingill a quarter of a share. 
John Briggs a quarter of a share. 
John Antony a sixteenth. 
Thos. Manchester a sixteenth. 
Tho's. Waterman a quarter- 
Win. Vaughan a quarter more. 
Capt- Cranston a quarter more- 
Caleb Carr, a quarter more. 
Rich. Browne an eighth to go dwell 


Agreed upon by us all that we will not exceed sixteen shares 
except every purchaser agree to the contrary. But Sept. 
9th it was found necessary to advance the shares to eigh- 
teen, which was unanimous assented unto: the division is 
as abovesaid. [The last sentence apparently inserted at a 
later time.] 

Ordered that Capt. Cranston and Caleb Carr is granted 
each half a share apiece, and if in case that every pur- 
chaser agree to exceed sixteen shares, that then Capt. 
Cranston and Caleb Carr is to have half a share apiece 

August 19th, 1661. 

Agreed by the company, that whereas Robert Westcoat, 
hath resigned up his share to the company, it is transferred 
to James Barker, Obadiah Holmes and \Vm. Weeden. 

Agreed that Wm. Vaughan and Caleb Carr is chosen to 

as will make it good a whole share 
to clear the latter purchase be hath 
paid fifty shillings. 

Philip Sherman a quarter of a [share] 
of Wm. Vaughn. 

Wm. Carr a quarter part in the up- 
per and to be if it 

may be afterward. 

George a quarter part upon 

condition to build a mill sufficiently 
for the plantation and to keep it in 
sufficient repair, and grind for two 
quarts in the bushel, and this mill 
to be built by Dec. 21, J663. 

[This right hand column is in a 
different hand, and apparently 
written later than the rest-] 


treat and agree with Mr. Richard Smith and his two sons, 
ahout a writing which Mr. Richard Smith sent to William 
Vaughan and the company, wherein they make proffers of* 
joining a tract of land with the tract of land of the compa- 
ny's, and John Crandal is joyned with them. 

Jl copy of the Writing. 

This may testify that whereas Wm. Vaughan with others 
associated with him, have made a purchase of land near on 
Pawcatuck River, of Sosoes, which land is called by the 
Indians Squamocock, it is by these presents agreed, that if 
Mr. Vaughan and his associates do enjoy that land and 
make good proof of their title, that then Richard Smith,. 
Sen'r. of Narraganset will throw in and join all his title and 
right of lands he hath formerly bought of Quequash Coke's 
father Quequash Coke, Harman Garrett, to the foresaid 
lands called by the name of Squomocuck; belonging tc* 
Mr. Vaughan and his associates: always provided that 
Richard Smith, Sen., his son Richard Smith and James 
Smith shall have an equal share each of them with he that 
hath most in each tract: to the truth hereof Richard Smith, 
Sen'r. and Richard Smith, Juirr. have sett to their hands 
this 2nd of August, 1661. 


Ordered, that next second day after the court, the com- 
pany shall meet together in the towne (early in the morn- 
ing) to go to Misquamocuck, but if in case that William 
Vaughan, Capt. Cranston and Joseph Torrey see cause, 
that there should be a meeting of the company before they 
go, they are to give notice to the company and appoint a 
time when and where to meet. 

Ordered that they that have but half a quarter of a share, 
shall have equal [acres] for house lotts with him that hath 
a whole share, likewise [the half share and quarter] share 
and all shares betwixt a whole share and half quarter of a 
share is to have the same proportion of acres, provided they 
allow three acres for one, for so many acres as they have 
more than their proportion. 

Ordered, that all the affairs of Misquamocuck be left to 
a committee of Trustees, videlicit: Wm. Vaughan, [John] 

Coggeshall, Hugh Moshur, Caleb Carr, Crandall, 

and James Barker are added and or the 

[major part] of them did agree, so to stand [force] . 


The last of August, 1661. 

Ordered by the Trustees, that all purchasers shall meet at 
Caleb Carr's the next second day come seven night about 9 
o'clock, to go to Squamicuck, likewise those men that have 
their shares granted upon the account to go to dwell there, 
according to their engagement are to have warning given 
them to provide to go with the company and to stay there j 
the names of the men which had their shares granted upon 
the account aforesaid are Shubael Painter, Joseph Clark, 
Junr., Toby Saunders, Ed. Larkin and Wm. Gingill. 

OrderQjl, that all those that do not go to Misquamocuck 
with the rest of the company, shall pay 6d a day a piece for 
the company's use, for so many days as they shall be upon 
the voyage, that is to say, from the day appointed to go un- 
til their return home again. 

September mh, 1661. 

Agreed by the Trustees, that John Coggeshall and Hugh 
Moshier is chosen to take the accounts of Wm. Vaughan of 
what he hath received and laid but about Misquamocuck. 

Agreed that Wm. Vaughan and John JNickson is chosen 
treasurer to receive what monies is brought in, and to pay 
put what is ordered about Misquamocucke; but if it so fall 
out that there should be a sudden occasion to lay out monies, 
so that the Trustees cannot be all called together, that then 
the said Wm. Vaughan and John Nickson shall have power 
to call three or four of the Trustees or any other of the pur- 
chasers to join with them about the laying out of money as 

It was agreed by all except Shuball Painter and [a blank] 
to raise and make the shares of land to be eighteen, and 
dispose to [Wm.] Dyre a quarter share, to John Sapiford a 
quarter share to Mr. John Clark. 

Agreed that all those that had land granted to them last 
upon the increase to eighteen shares, shall bring in their 
money to the treasurer within 20 days according to the first 

Agreed that forasmuch as there is want of money in the 
treasury, that every one that hath a whole share shall bring 
in [5 pound] to the [treasurer] within 20 days, that every 

one that hath half a share [50s] , for the pay it is thus 

agreed, wheat at 6 shillings pr bushel, Indian corne at 4 
shillings , peage at 10 pr penny white and 5 pr penny 


black, and if any other pay they are to be equivalent to the 
abovesaid, but all those that have not or will not set to their 
hands to the raising of 18 shares, shall pay according to 16 
shares proportionally, but if in case that any do not bring in 
their money to the treasury within 20 days as abovesaid. or 
agree with the treasurers, for default shall forfeit their lands 
according to the former order, and likewise what they have 
been out. 


Ordered by the company met concerning Misquamocuck, 
that all matters. concerning the affairs of the said lands be 
left wholly to the Committee or Trustees to act for and in 
the behalf of the [whole] company of purchasers and pos- 
sessors of that tract of land, the former trustees being fully 
authorized and eight more added to them to make it fifteen, 
viz: Wm. Lytherland, James Rogers, John JNixon, Joseph 
Torrey, John Roome, [James Babcock,] Philip bherman 
and Robert Westcoat, this committee or the --- 
to act all affairs for the whole according to the best of [their 

It is ordered that for the supply of Toby Saunders and 
Robert Burdett, who are - prisoners in the Massachu- 
setts, that there be [20s] on each share [raised] and paid in 
wheat, [peage,] pork or beef or sheep as according to [sil- 
ver] pay [and this to be paid into the treasury within 20 days 
or --- -- the prisoners charges at present 

January the 29 Ih, '61-62. 

It is agreed that some shall be appointed to survey the 
[tract] of land at Misquamucock, and take a platt of the cir- 
cumfefence thereof, and that also a sufficient party shall go 
along with the surveyor or surveyors thereof to abide upon 
the said lands to hold possession thereof, in the beginning 
of March next ensuing. 

It is agreed that Mr. Vaughan, Mr. Nixon and Mr. Ca- 
leb Carr shall take care to provide a boat, and use their best 
endeavor to make provision for the company that shall go in 
March next to Misquamacuck, also to Capt. Underbill for 
his testimony, also that Awashouse and Soso be appointed 
to be at the General meeting on the 17th of February next. 

It is agreed that (quantity and quality considered,) for the 


division of the land, it be stated as originally into eighteen 
shares, that so when it comes to be divided according to 
proportion, every of these eighteen draw his lot for an 
eighteenth, then upon subdivision half shares draws for 
theirs, and that each choose and agree his partner, and that 

if any do not agree their partner, the trustees upon the 

shall appoint partners, and also upon the subdivisions of the 
smaller proportions the same order shall be observed, pro- 
vided also that if it be found fit to make commons arid com- 
monage, it shall be stinted according to due proportion, 

It is ordered that all papers concerning Misquamocuck, 
shall be transcribed into a book and so records made of 
them, and the original deeds, testimonies, ratifications and 
confirmations shall be sealed up and the book and deeds de- 
livered to Mr. Vaughan to keep safely, and we desire Mr. 
Wm. Dyre to transcribe them in their order. 

It is agreed that forasmuch as there is great occasion of 
the [advice] and assistance of Robert Westcoat concerning 
our affair about Misquamocuck, as upon his desire also, we 
do [receive] him and allow him a quarter share of land, also 
a place of the number of trustees being vacant, for weighty 
reasons we do admit him thereto, to make the committee 

At the General Meeting upon Feb. llth, 1661-62. 

Agreed that the whole tract of land at Misquamocuck be 
in reference to the eighteen shares, reduced to three upon 
the first dividend, and so to take its progress to eighteen. 

Agreed that Wm. Dyre is chosen for surveyor of Mis- 

Agreed that it be referred to the trustees to make full 
agreement with al Isuch persons as shall go to take and hold 
possession of Misquamocuck for their abode and residence 
there as shall be thought meet by the trustees for the set- 
tlement thereof, who are to meet on Saturday next for that 
end, being 22d of this present. 

February 22d, 1661-62. 

It is ordered that 5 [pounds] be allowed to every man to 
the number of 18, that shall go and abide at Misquamocuck, 
and that they might engage under their hands on forfeit- 
ure apiece, to be there till November next, and be observ- 
ant to the orders to be given by the trustees and their dep- 


uties, Nicholas Browne to have an eighth of a share and 
his son to have 5 [pounds] they being two of the eighteen: 
to which forfeiture they subscribe their names. 

WM. B , 


[Ni] ckson's house lott being [one of the 8.] 

-and Wm. Dyre: 

they shall agree with any to go along with the . 

March 1, 1662. 

It is ordered that a rate of eight pounds upon a share is 
found necessary to be raised, for the satisfaction of those 
men who are engaged to go to dwell at Misquamocuck, and 
also for the provision of the boats to go to Long Island, and 
the surveyor and his assistants, and to defray other debts 
and necessaries at present, and it is further agreed that this 
levy be raised and paid within 20 days of the date hereof, 

or that they have warning is to say one half thereof, 

to witt, 4 pounds upon a share, and to be paid to other 

of the treasurers in bacon at 6d per lb., r wheat at 4s 6d 

per Indian corn at 3s per bushel, pork ai 3d per lb., 

beef at 2d per lb. or peage twelve the penny white, six 

black, and the other moiety or half of to be paid at 

or on the 29th of September next ensuing in the same [spe- 
cies] and rates, provided also that upon paying in of the 
first part of that rate, man shall give his bill of debt un- 
to the treasurer Mr. Vaughan or any other that shall be as- 
signed, to pay the second part at the day appointed, or else 
the articles in that case made to stand in full force and vir- 

It is ordered that the vessel and all provisions be fitted 

to go away the of March next, and that all men that 

are to go be ready against that [day]. 

It is ordered that the treasurers shall appoint, if they 
please, a messenger to give warning to all men who are 

principals or their hands to articles, for to bring in 

their payments, which messenger is to be with and 

satisfied out of the treasury. 


It is ordered that James Babcock, John Covvdal, Tobias 
Saunders, [Nich.] Browne, be appointed and hereby are 
commissionated to act for us as the managing our affairs 

at Misquamacock, who are to discourse and answers 

to any that shall come to debate matters with them, [they] 
(or any two of them) to forwarn any whatsoever either to 

build or sow, mow or fall timber upon that tract of 

land, and to in as moderate manner as may be, they 

are to see that no or hard words proceed from any of 

the company that shall settled by us, towards any oppo- 
nents that shall present, also that foddering time is past 
this present March or April, that they give warning to 

drive away their cattle, horses and swine, and if they 

then power is hereby given to our men to drive off any their 

from the said ground or land within our purchase or 

precincts of as they shall be ordered by the committee 

aforesaid, provided that if difficult case shall arise, that 

then the committee shall send home to Island to the 

trustees for advice, provided also that none that is 

there to stay, shall at any time depart from there without 

from the committee there being, and then upon any 

necessary r- above two be sent and make their spee- 
dy return again, and if any shall go or depart contrary to 
order as abovesaid, he shall forfeit his engagement, provid- 
ed also, that if any of the trustees at any time shall happen 
to be at Misquamocuck, that they also have power with the 
- named committee to advise and act. 

It is ordered from heceforth that [each] trustee that ap- 
peareth the place and time of meetings of the trustees 

being lawfully , he shall forfeit 3 money pay to 

the company of trustees. 

It is ordered that Mr. Coggeshall, Mr. Torrey and Mr. 
Carr shall take accounts of the treasurers Mr. Vaughan 
and Mr. JVixon and settle them. 

June 23d, '62. 

It is ordered that the trustees take care to satisfy John 

Coggeshall for he hath disbursed to Joseph Wise for 

the relief of the prisoners. 

It is ordered that W. Vaughan, J. Crandall, W. Dyre, 
J. Torrey, and J. Coggeshall shall draw up a remonstrance 
of all passages concerning Misquamocuck, and send it to 


Mr. John Clark, and sign it with as many of the trustees' 
hands as possible may be procured. 

For the purchasers of Misquamucuck. 
Wee by the power given us by his Majesty's commission, 
having heard the complaints of some of his Majesty's sub- 
jects, purchasers of certain lands called Misquamocuck, 
lying on the eastern side of Pawcatuck river, and having 
likewise heard all the pretences of those by whom they have 
suffered great oppressions, and considering the grounds 
from whence these differences and injuries have proceeded, 
and endeavoring to prevent the like for the future, do de- 
clare, that no colony hath any just right to dispose of any 
lands conquered from the natives, unless both the cause of 
that conquest be just, and the lands lie within those bounds 
which the King by his charter hath given it: nor to exer- 
cise any authority beyond those bounds, which we require 
all his majesty's subjects to take notice of for the future, 
lest they incur his majesty's displeasure and suffer deserved 
punishment. We likewise declare that all those gifts or 
grants of any lands lying on the eastern side of Pawcatuck 
river, and a north line drawn to the Massachusetts from 
the midst of the ford near to Thomas Shaw's house, and in 
the King's Province made by his Majesty's colony of the 
Massachusetts to any person whatsoever, or by that usurp- 
ed authority called the United Colonies, to be void, and we 
hereby command all such, as are therein concerned tore- 
move themselves and their goods fromthe said lands bef or 
the nine and twentieth day of September next, in the mean 
time neither hindering the Pequot Indians from planting 
there this summer, nor those of the King's Province who 
are the purchasers, from improving the same, as they will 
answer the contrary. 

Given under our hands and seals at Warwick, April the 
4th, 1665. 




King's Count ij, ss. South-Kingstown, April llh, 1749. 

Mr. Thos. Hiscox of Westerly personally appeared and 
made oath that this book is the ancient book which he had 


reference to in his evidence given before me this day, re- 
specting the entries therein inserted. 


Colony of Rhode- Island, King's County, sc. 

Taken on solemn engagement in South-Kingstown, (in 
perpetuarn rei memoriam) this seventh day of April, A. D. 
1749. WM. HOPKINS, Judge Sup. Court. 


Here end the records of the proprietors. The one from 
which we copy which is probably the original and the only 
one, is much defaced and mutilated. It will be observed 
that the meetings of the purchasers and trustees were gen- 
erally held in Newport, to which place the greater part of 
them belonged. 

The following papers also relate to the Sosoa or Westerly 

*' The testimony of Henry Bull of lawful age testifieth 
and saith, that I was well acquainted with an Indian'who 
was commonly called Capt. Soso, who was often at my 
house, and did tell me he was a-Pequit Indian. I asked 
him why he lived among the Narrogansetts: he said he had 
formerly killed a Pequit Indian, and was afraid to go home. 
Some time after I was informed that some of Rhode-Island 
were about to purchase a certain tract of land called Mis- 
quamicutt of the said Soso. I being acquainted with the 
sachems of JNarrogansett, was informed by them that Pe- 
quit land did come as far as Weacopauge eastward. Soon 
after some of the purchasers came to me, and desired me 
that I would join with them in the purchase of Misquami- 
cXitt, which I refused, and told them that it was Pequit 
land so far as Wecopauge. Soon after Capt. Soso came to 
my house: this deponent asked him how far Pequit land 
came: he said as far as Wecopauge. I asked him why then 
will you sell that land which is conquered: he said that the 
English men would buy it of him, but it was none of his to 
sell, but the English men did persuade him to take money 
for it. 

Henry Bull appeared and made oath to the above written 
testimony the 15th of June, 1665, before me. 

RICHARD SMITH, Justice of the Peace. 


These may certify to whom it may concern, that this is a 
true copy of an evidence of Henry Bull, taken before Rich- 
ard Smith, Justice of the Peace the 15th June, 1665, as 
appears to me by being attested by said Smith under his 
hand. Compared by me. 


One of his Majesty's Council for the province of the Mas- 
sachusetts Bay in New-England, and Justice of the 
Peace within the same." 

The declaration of Sonis, an antient Indian and Cookruf- 
fin, and Indian Ephraim, three of Nimcraft's council, and 
alse Wonisquiant, a very antient Indian, testifieth as fol- 
loweth, 'that to their certain knowledge that the westward 
bounds of the Narroganset country is as followeth: South- 
erly beginning at the sea and from thence north to the mouth 
of Wekapog brook following the brook to the head, from 
thence northerly near the side of a great fresh meadow called 
Quinamoge and from thence northerly across the river call- 
ed Pawcatuck, and so up to the river called Ashawage riv- 
er, and so following that river up to the forks of said river, 
and from thence still northerly to a hemlock tree which 
stands amongst a ledge of rocks. This is the westward 
bounds of the Narrogansett country. 

The mark of R SONIS, Indian. 

The mark of K COOKRUFFIN, Indian. 

The mark of =j EPHRAIM, Indian. 

The mark of WONISQUIANT, Indian, 

Mr. Thomas Stanton of Stonington and Joseph Babcock 

of Westerly being of lawful age in open oath, they 

being interpreters and knowing to the Indian tongue, did 
hear the abovesaid Indians declare, after the above written 
being deliberately read to them, and hearing the inter- 
preting of the same to them, they did declare the above- 
written to be the truth to their certain knowledge. 

Taken before me in Westerly March the 4th, 1705-6. 
PETER CRANDAL, Justice of the Peace. 

Thomas Stanton aged sixty seven years, being engaged 
according to law, testifieth and saith that I having the Indian 


language well, have been well acquainted with the bounds 
of the Narraganset country for upwards of forty years, by 
information of many ancient and knowing Indians, whereby 
I very well know that the western bounds of the Narrogan- 
set country is, southerly beginning at the sea and from 
thence north to the mouth of Weekapoge brook following 
the brook to the head thereof, and so running northerly near 
the side of a great fresh meadow, and so northerly into the 
country, it being Narroganset land east of Weekapoge 
brook, and Pequit land west of said Weekapoge brook. 

The abovesaid Thomas Stanton took his solemn engage- 
ment to the abovewritten. Taken in Westerly March 4th, 
1705-6, before me. 

PETER CRANDAL, Justice of the Peace. 

John Shaw of Westerly being about sitfty years of age, 
and having the Indian language well, being engaged ac- 
cording to law, testifieth to the above written testimony and 
addeth that James Noyes his farm in controversy with John 
Albro, is on the west side of Wequapouge brook, in the 
Pequit country. The abovesaid John Shaw made oath to 
the above written, March 7, 1705-6, in Westerly before me. 
PETER CRANDAL, Justice of the Peace. 

These questions were given and answers taken from the 
Pequits, and stme ancient and noted Narragansets, by Amos 
Richason an^J James Noyse, in the presence of Mr. Thomas 
Minor, Commissioner, Aug. 15, 1679. 

Q How far the Pequit country extends eastward? A. 
Suckquiskheeg and Waquichichgun, two ancient Pequit In- 
dians, affirm upon their own certain knowledge, that the 
Pequit country was bounded eastward by Wecapaug brook. 

Q. Whether Paucatuck river was ever called Narrogan- 
set river? A. Corman, an ancient Narroganset Counsel- 
lor, and Tomsquash, Suckquiskheeg, Waquichichgun, an- 
cient Pequots, agree and affirm with the consent of many 
Indians present, the river called Paucatuck river lyeth in 
the Pequot country and was never called Narroganset river 
to their knowledge. 

Q. Whether Soso an Indian had any title to the land called 
Squamocock on the east side of Pawcatuck river? A. Cor- 
man, Pawetaquet, two noted ancient Narrogansets, arid 


Tamsquash, Suckquiskheeg and Waquichichgun, noted an- 
cient Pequots, with many other Indians present, affirm that 
Soso was a Pequit Captain and no Sachem, and that he 
never was an owner of land, and run to the Narrogansetts 
in time of war, and treacherously returned to Pequot and 
killed a great Pequot Captain, and the Narroganset Sa- 
chems rewarded him with a bag full of peage, which bag 
was made of a young bear skin, and that they gave him no 
lands, neither had he any right to Squamocock lands. 

Q. Where is the head of Pawcatuck river? A. The 
abovesaid Indians all agree and affirm that the head of Paw- 
catuck river is a pond called Chipchug, which lyeth above 
the pond called Aquebapaug. 

Q. Where is the eastern bounds of the Narroganset coun- 
try? A. Gorman and Pawetaquet, and all the Pequot In- 
dians present, which were many, agree and affirm that the 
river near Mr. Blackstone's house, which river is called in 
Indian Pautuck, which signifies afall, because there the/resh 
water falls into the salt water, and now a saw-mill stands 
there, is the dividing bounds between the INarraganset Coun- 
try and the Wampanoag land. 

A Pequit woman was interpreter, called Hannah, who 
well understood the Indian language and English. 

The mark of HANNAH, Indian Interpreter. 

Stephen Richason and Joseph Minor being acquainted 
with the Indian language and present, they*do attest unto 
the true interpretation that that is the substancof what was 
spoken by the Indians. Stephen Richason hath attested to 
the truth of what's above written upon oath, that he rightly 
understood it to be so. Stnningtowri 15 Sept. 1679. 

Before me, THOMAS MINOR, Commissioner. 

The mark S of Simon, an Indian that can speak Eng- 
lish, attests to the truth of what's above written. That on; 
the other side and above written is a true copy of the ori- 

Dec. 15, 1679. 

Per JAMES RICHARDS, Assistant. 

This is a true copy of the original compared therewith, 
Sept. 6, 1686. 

Per JNO. ALLVN, Sec'ry. 

Vera copia, Per WESTON CLARK, Recorder. 


Our next document begins with a rude sketch, something 
like what follows: 

In New London, this 4th 
of Aug. 1662, Woncas Sag- 
amore of Mohegan, by re- 
quest of Capt. George Deni- 
son, appeared before me and 
this above draft being drawn, 
he declared to my under- 
standing and affirmed that at 
what time the English did 
conquer the Pequods, their 
country did reach to a brook 
called Wexcodawa, which 
brook falls into the end of 
that pond called Nekeequa- 
wese, and that that land fal- 
ling between that and the 
pond called Teapanock, call- 
ed by them Muxquata is and 
was then Pequit land. The 
same is affirmed by Cassasi- ; 
namon, and that he being 
then a boy used then to drive , 

there for the Pequits' 

deer into that neck of land, j 
Also Nesawegum affirmeth 
the same, and that eastward 
of that brook Wexcodawa is 
and was Narroganset land, 
belonging to Ninigrad's land 
his heires by marrying of 
Harmon Garret's sister. 
UNCAS, his mark. 
NEESAWEGUM, his mark.' 



This is a true copy com- 
pared with the original an<J 
the Indian draft as near as 
may fee, as attest, 

EDW. RAWSON, Sec'ry. 

Pawcatuck River. 


Newport, Sept. 6, 1704. The above is a true copy ex- 

At a session of the Court, March 1st, 1653-4. 

Upon the complaint of Pawcatuck Indians, this Court 
doth order that they shall enjoy their planting ground at 
Pawcatuck, provided they carry friendly and peaceably to 
the English. 

And Goodman Stebbing and Goodman White being to go 
to Pawcatuck, have liberty granted them to look out and 
find where Mr. Haynes may have at Pawcatuck the farm 
of 300 acres formerly granted, which was then to abutt in 
part or whole upon Pawcatuck river, and they to make re- 
port to the Court of what they shall find, and the true bounds 
of what is desired. 

The above written is a true copy taken out of the public 
records of her Majesty's Colony of Connecticut, as it stands 
recorded in book numbered B. fol. 43. 


At another session of the General Court holden at Hartford, 
May 21, 1657. 

This Court doth approve of the place for a farm for Mr. 
Haynes at Pawcatuck, which Edward Stebbins and John 
White have looked out for him, about a mile and a half be- 
yond Pawcatuck river, as is expressed in an order March, 
1653-4, and for quantity according to Mr. Haynes' his 
grant at a Coiirt, June, 1652. 

The above written is a true copy taken out of the public 
records of her Majesty's Colony of Connecticut, as it stands 
recorded in book numbered B, fol. 81. 


Wee by the power given us by his Majesty's Commiss- 
ion, do require and command that the heirs or asigns of 
Mr. Haynes be suffered to enjoy the lands above mention- 
ed without molestation, until such time as his majesty's 
pleasure be further known concerning the same. Given 
under our hands at New-London, March 27, 1665. 

The above written is a true copy, 



At the second session of the General Court held at Boston the 
19th of October, 1658. 

In answer to the petition of the inhabitants of Mistick 
and Pawcatuck, the Court judgeth it meet to grant that the 
English plantation between Mistick and Pawcatuck be nam- 
ed Southertowne, and to belong to the county of Suffolk, 
and order that all the prudential affairs thereof be managed 
by Capt. George Denison, Robert Parks, William Cheese- 
brooke, Thomas Staunton, Walter Palmer, and John Mi- 
not, Sen'r. till the Court take further order; and that Capt. 
George Denison, William Cheesebrooke and John Minot, 
Sen'r. be commissioners to end small causes there, and to 
deal in criminal matters as one magistrate may do, and that 
Walter Palmer be constable, Captain Denison clerk of 
the writs, and he also is hereby empowered and author- 
ised to solemnise marriages between such as are published 
according to law; that the said Capt. Denison taking his 
oath be empowered to give the oath to the other two, pro- 
vided always the bounds of the town is not hereby deter- 

[At' the same Court.] 

In answer to petition of inhabitants of Southertown, hum- 
bly desiring for several reasons, that the bounds of their 
plantation may extend into the country [west]ward between 
Weacapauge and Mistic river eight miles from the mouth 
ofMistick river, the Court judgeth it meet to grant their 

True copies examined with the record. 

Per J. ADDINGTON, Sec'ry. 


The partners of Atherton in the Quidneset and Namcook 
purchases, were John Winthrop Governor of Connecticut, 
Richard Smith, Sen., and Richard Smith, Jr., of Cocum- 
scussuc, traders, Lieut. Wm. Hudson of Boston, Amos 
Richardson* of Boston, and John Tinker of Nashaway, 

*Amos Richardson's will was proved in 1683. He had resided in Ston- 
ington before his death. He gives to his grandson Amos his farm on the 
east side of Paucatuck river, occupied by Mr. Wells. His mortgage and 
,o;ther Narragansett lands he gave to his sons Stephen and Samuel. 


Jonathan, son and administrator of Humphrey Atherton, 
sold all Atherton's share in the Boston neck purchase, "be- 
ing about 700 acres on the point adjoining Pettaquamscut 
harbor, to Richard Smith, for 50. July 23, 1673. [L.'E. 
1. 37.] 

Jonathan Atherton, in 1676, sold to John Saffin and 
Thomas Dean all his own Narroganset rights, and in 1677, 
as administrator on his brother Increase Atherton's estate, 
he sold the deceased's rights in the Narroganset lands, be- 
ing i part, to John Saffin. 

John Saffin* was tried in 1679, before the Rhode-Island 
Court of Tryals, for the offence of adhering to a foreign ju- 
risdiction, and sentenced to forfeit all his real and personal 
estate and pay a fine. Richard Smith was indicted for the 
same offence at the same time, but the indictment was 
quashed for informality. [Sup. Co. Rec. at Newport.] 

Edward Huchinson gave all his Narroganset rights to 
his daughters. [L. E. 1. 442.] 

Capt. Thomas Willet formerly owned a large tract in 
Boston neck. By his will made in 1671, proved Aug. 12, 
1674, (Plym. Rec. 3. 114) he gave all his lands in Narra- 
gansett to his grandchildren, the children of his daughters 
Martha wife of John Saffin, Mary wife of Samuel Hooker, 
and io his daughter Esther who afterwards married a Flynt. 

Andrew Willett sold off to Rowland Robinson 300 acres 
of the south part of his farm 110 rods and 6 feet wide. (.L. 
E. 2. 122.) By his will he gave his Boston neck farm to 
Francis and Thomas Willett. Thomas, by his will, proved 
1725, gave his part to Francis, and after him to Willett son 
of his sister Mary Carpenter, and William son of his sister 
Martha Pease. 

Richard Smith, Sen. made his will in 1664. He gave to 
his son Richard the homestead lands, bounded south-west 
by Annoquatucket river and land of Capt. Wm. Hudson, and 
north-east and east by a river, creek and cove. The greater 
part of the remainder he gave to be divided equally between 
his son Richard, his daughter Elizabeth wife of John 

*Hon. John Saffin removed from Boston to Bristol about 1688. He 
had also resided about 10 years in Scituate, Mass. He was born in Eng- 
land and died at Bristol, July 29, 1710. His first wife was the daughter of 
Capt. Thomas Willett. He afterwards married Rebecca, daughter of Sam- 
uel Lee. [Baylies' Plymouth, part 4. 51-8. 170.] 


Viall of Boston, the children of his daughter Joan the de- 
ceased wife f of Thomas Newton, and the children of his 
daughter Katharine, deceased, wife of Gilbard Updike. 
Smith's house stood where the present Updike house is, 
near Wickford. It was burnt down in the Indian war and 
another built in its place. 

Richard Smith, Jr.'s will was proved 1692. He gave to 
Lodowic Updike all his homestead as far south as was then 
fenced in, with his Sogoge land, on condition of his surren- 
dering his interest in the Wesquage farm. To Daniel and 
James Updike the land south of Wickford, then occupied 
by Jacob Pindar and John Thomas. Tolsrael and James 
Newton the Wesquage land. To Thomos Newton Hog 
Island and his house in Bristol. To Elizabeth Viall alias 
Newman the Boston neck land on which Alexander King 
lived. He gave legacies to Richard son of Lodowic Up- 
dike, and Smith son of Thomas Newton, &c. 

June 16, Anno, 1675. 

" At a warning and general meeting of the proprietors of 
the southern tract of the land at Narroganset in which the 
land called Boston Neck lyeth, it is by the said proprietors 
mutually agreed and concluded in order to the division 
thereof, viz. 

Secondly, It is agreed that Mr. Richard Smith shall have 
and enjoy his share of land on the said neck, and also the 
share which was his father's next adjoining to the land that 
was Major*Humphrey Atherton's, at the south end of the 
said neck. 

The above written is a true copy of part of the division 
of Boston Neck, which did belong to Mr. Richard Smith. 
Taken out of the book of the proprietors belonging to the 
Narraganset country, this 6th day of July, 1717, 

by FRANCIS WiLLET/Town Clerk." 

" At a meeting of the claimers or proprietors of the South- 
ern Tract commonly called the Neck purchase, at the 
house of Richard Smith at Narroganset, April 23d, 1685 y 
it was agreed as followeth: 

Whereas John Winthrop, Esq. late Governor of Connec- 
ticut, Maj. Humphrey Atherton of Massachusetts, Richard 
Smith, Sen'r. Richard Smith, Jr. of Cocomscossuck, Wm. 


Hudson and Amos Richeson of Boston and John Tinker of 
Nashaway, purchased of Coqinaquond sachem of Narro- 
ganset a tract or parcel of land in the Narraganset country, 
as by deed dated July 4, 1659, being bounded by Cocum- 
scussock brook on the north-east, from thence running on a 
west line until the pond lying at the head of Matutuxot or 
Fettaquamscot river which pond is called Pausacaco pond, 
bears from thence south-east on the south-west bounded by 
Mattutuxot river to the sea, and bounded by the sea or wa- 
ter on the southeast; the abovesaid purchasers admitted 
Capt. Edward Hutchinson late of Boston, an equal sharer 
or purchaser with them in said grant or tract of land as ap- 
pears from their record; INamcock Neck being part of said 
grant was surveyed about twenty-five years since, and 
agreed to be divided into eight shares, viz: seven hundred 
acres at the lower end of said neck next the sea unto Maj. 
Athertori, which he accepted of as his full share in said 
whole tract of land bounded as abovesaid. And the rest 
of the said neck to be divided into seven equal shares unto 
the abovesaid proprietors, (Maj. Atherton only excepJted) 
which said neck was divided as by a platt under Mr. vVm. 
Wellington's hand in the year 1675,the order of Tying and the 
quantity of land being laid and consented to remain to the 
abovesaid proprietors, and such as appeared for them, and 
on their behalf, which land is to remain to the said purchas- 
ers, their heirs and assigns forever. 

The remainder of said tract or purchas being now sur- 
veyed and measured by Mr. John Gore; also Mr. Richard 
Smith's land included in said deed, taken into^he plott; 
notwithstanding it expresseth a west line to run from the top 
of a rock southward of his house : it's agreed and concluded 
to by said Mr. Smith that: That line is to run south forty- 
two degrees west to Annoquetucket river; and all other di- 
visions, with Mr. Smith's land abovesaid, to lye, be and re- 
mainet o the several! purchasers, theire heires,executors and 
assigns forever, as in the plott abovesaid now taken and to 
be returned to us by said Gore. As also one hundred and 
fifty acres to Samuel Eldred Sen. ; fifty acres to Samuel 
Eldred Jun.: to them, their heirs and assigns forever. The 
whole tract or purchas of land contained in the abovesaid 
two plotts, as also Mr Smith's land included in said deed, 
is to be and remaine to said Smith with the abovesaid pro- 
prietors or assignes. And Samuel Eldred, Sen. and Sam- 


uel Eldred, Jun., and to their respective heires and assignes 
forever; in the same order for place and quantity and qual- 
ity as is expressed' in the abovesaid plotts; and that each 
proprietor shall allow good and sufficient high-ways to be 
laid out through theire respective divisions, as hereafter 
shall be by the proprietors thought meet, convenient and 
commodious for the publick benefit, and least prejudicial! 
to any particular person. In witness whereof the subscri- 
bers, being purchasers, or claimers in the right of the 
abovesaid purchasers, have hereunto sett our hands and 
sealls, this 23rd April, 1685. 











The above written is a true copy of a paragraf of the pro- 
prietor's meeting, taken out of the 22 page of the ancient 
Book of Records, belonging to the Narraganset country. 

June 14, 1720. 


June llth, Anno 1675. 

It is also agreed on by the proprietors that Samuel El- 
dred, Sen. shall have and injoy one hundred acres of land 
scituate in some part of the southern tract without Boston 
neck, as soone as the said land is laid out. 

A true copy taken out of the 15th page of the ancient 
Book of Records belonging to the Narraganset country, &c. 
June 14th, 1720. 




The abore and within written are true copys taken out of 
the Record of a Court of Inquiry held in Kingstown, Sec. 
Aug. 30th, 1721. 

Per FRANCIS WILLETT, C. of said Court. 

"Jl copy of what was written on Mr. Gore's plat, referring to 

the division of part of Namcook or Boston Neck in April, 


TheABCDEFGHIKLMN contains a plat of 
6105 acres of land lying in Narraganset or King's Prov- 
ince, being part of a tract commonly called called Namcook 
or Boston Neek, granted, surveyed and divided in April, 
1685. The several divisions therein described contains as 
folio weth: 

Mr. Winthrop, 843J 
Mr. Wharton, 843 

Two Parcels. Mr. Smith, 1687 

Mr. Tinker, 843| 


Mr. Richeson, 843J 

Mr. Hutchinson, 843J j 

Mr. Eldred, 200|J 

Unto which is annexed a tract of Mr. Smith's land, bound- 
ed by the following letters, RQPOIKLVTSIPand 
by the bay and harbor, as also a neck of land belonging to 
Mr. Wharton surveyed by Mr. Wm. Withington, contain- 
ing 200 acres, with sundry other pricked lines describing the 
lying of the land along the Bay, which aforesaid surveys 
were performed and finished at the request of Mr. Richard 
Wharton, Capt. Elisha Hutchison, Mr. Richard Smith, Mr. 
John Saffin, and others concerned r by me. 

JOHN GORE, Surveyor. 

Boston, August 9th, 1705. The above written instru- 
ment is a true copy of what is upon a platt of land as was 
presented to me as a survey, and signed John Gore, of 
Namcock or Boston Neck, lying in the Narraganset coun- 
try, truly compared by me. 


On the survey made by Wm. Withington in August 1675, 
of which there is a certified copy in the Supreme Court 
Clerk's office at Newport, and one much mutilated in the 
Washington Co. Common Pleas Office, the first lot (begin- 


ning at the point) of 700 acres is set down to Richard Smith 
in right of Maj. Atherton. The two next lots of 661 J acres 
each are set down to Richard Smith, one in his own and 
one in his father's right. The next lot of 66 1J acres to 
Major John Winthrop. The present road to the south 
ferry divides this lot about the middle. The next lot 661J 
acres to John Saffin, who probably represented the heirs of 
Capt. Thomas Willet. The next of 66 1J acres to James 
Brown and John Payne. The next of 661 J acres to Capt. 
Hudson, and the last northerly one of 661 J acres to Capt. 
Edward Huchinson. 


Jan. 20, 1657. Quassaquanch, Kachanaquant and Que- 
quaquenuet, chief sachems of Narraganset, for ,16 and 
other reasons mentioned in the deed sell to Sam. Wilbor, 
John Hull of Boston, goldsmith, John Porter, Sam. Wil- 
son and Thos. Mumford, " all the land and the whole hill 
called Pettequamscut, bounded on the south and south-west 
side of the rock with Ninigret's land, on the east with a riv- 
er, northerly bounded two miles beyond the great rock in 
Pettequamscut, westerly bounded by a running brook or 
river beyond the meadow, together with all manner of 
mines," &.C., they to have free ingress and egress on the 
Sachem's lands. They also grant them all the black lead 
in this title and in a place called Coojoot. Witnessed 
by John Lawton and Philip Lang, and signed only by 
Kachanaquant. [L. E. 2, 147.] 

(Quassuckquansh signed a similar deed, together with 
Kachanaquant, of the same date, L. E. 2, 149.) 

Kachanaquant having agreed Jan. 29, 1657, to convey 
to the same men another tract, confirms the former sale and 
conveys a tract "bounded as followeth beginning two 
miles from Pettiquamscut Rock, north and runneth to the 
head of the great river 40 rood and goeth northerly from 
the Pettiquamscut Rock and turneth northeast and from 
said head goes north and north-west by a river called Mo- 
nassachuet ten miles, and from that bound turns and runs 
west by south ten miles or twelve miles on a square and 
what it wants north, to be made up, &c." for 135, dated 
June 24, 1660, witnessed by Wm. Wilbor, Mathew Wilbor, 


John Round, &c. (L. E. 2, 147.) Appended to this deed 
is a confirmation made several years after by three sons of 

Having purchased of Ninigret seven miles square, i. e. 
seven miles west from Pettequamscut Rock, and all the 
land between said rock and the sea, March 20, 1657, they 
obliged to obtain a confirmation of the sale Feb. 28, 166 1", 
from Wanomachin another sachem, who also conveyed to 
them all his lands seven miles west and south-west of the 
great cedar swamp, together with the swamp. [L. E. 2, 150.] 

About 12 years afterwards, April 1,25th Charles 2nd, 
the purchasers (of whom there were now seven, Wm. Bren- 
ton and Benedict Arnold having been admitted by them) 
obtained another deed from Wanomachin, who in the deed 
is called sachem of Nayhantic, conveying " a tract of land 
running south and west from the rock at Pettiquamscut in 
that part of the said colony abovementioned, and containing 
and including all the land between the river Muskotage 
which runneth from the said rock to the sea south and south 
east, and the river Saugotogkett which lyeth west from the 
former river, and runneth into the ocean." [L. E. 2, 153.] 

Wanomachin had delivered Siezin in the English form, 
April 1661, and the certificate of it is witnessed by Antho- 
ny Low, John Tift, Eber Sherman and Peleg Sherman. 
[L. E. 2, 155.] 

Feb. 25, 1661, they obtained another deed of Kachana- 
quant, consenting to have their lands laid out, and "what 
is wanting northerly at the head of the great river and pond, 
shall be made up westerly or any part of my land adjoining, 
i. e. to say along the great Cedar Swamp, and all my lands 
in the north-west side of said swamp as also beyond the 
second Indian path that goes to Pequot north-west of that 
path." This was to make up the twelve miles square. He 
acknowledges himself in debt to them 13, 15s for 13 coats 
a pair of briches, &c. [L. E. 2, 154 ] 

Besides these they obtained confirmations from various 
sachems, Samattock, Succohan and Mossecup the two lat- 
ter nephews of Cachanaquant. [L. E. 2, 151-4-5.] 

The following is a copy of a protest which some of the 
Indians were induced probably by interested persons to 
make against the Pettiquamscut purchasers. It is to be 
found in the Massachusetts Records. (See 3 vols. Extracts 
R. I. Histor. Soc. 1, 146.) 


" Wemosit otherwise Suckquansh, Ninicraft, Quequaka- 
nut, otherwise Gideon, chief Sachems of the Narraganset 
and Neantick countries, having received much injurie by 
Samuel Wrldbare and others of his companie, they pretend- 
ing titel to Point Jude and other lands adjoyneing, and have 
indeavoured to possess themselves forceably of the same, 
both by building and bringing cattell, we having given them 
warning to -the contrary, and they not taking warning, nor 
indeavored to drive their cattell from of the lande, but they 
resisted and one of them presumed to shot of a gun at us. 
Now we knowing we have not sould them any land there, 
and being thus injuriously dealt withal by them, we are 
forced to make our com to yourselves the commis- 
sioners of the United Collonies, hereby protesting against 
the said Samuel Wildbare and companie for their so unjust 
actings, and crave that this our protest may be received by 
you, and kept upon recorde with you as our acts and deeds, 
and crave that it may not. be offensive to any English, if 
that Samuel Wildbare and his company will not come to any 
faire trial, either before yourselves or some other indifferent 
judges, if then, we endeavour to drive their cattel away or 
take any corse whereby we may dispossesse them. That 
this our acte and deed we have put to our marks and seals 
in the presence of these witnesses, this 9 Sept. 1662." 

It is signed by Ninicraft, Quequegusewet alias Gidian, 
Scutabe, and Mosipe alias Susquansh. 

This protest was made to the Commissioners of the Col- 
onies, and they wrote to Rhode-Island concerning it. The 
letter is in Haz. 2, 448. In their letter Mosipe is called 
Moses, Scutabe is called Stulcop. 

Benedict Arnold was admitted into the company by the 
other six purchasers, June 4th, 1668. [L. E. 2, 316.] 

Newport in the Colony of Rhode-Island and Providecce Plan- 

Whereas the partners of Petaquamscutdid meet in New- 
port on the fourth day of June last past, and did then and 
there agree that Mr. Benedict Arnold, Sen. of Newport, 
should be a seventh partner with them, both in lands and 
minerals, in Petaquamsut, in which writing of the said 
Agreement there is something found that may prove to be 


damage to the said Mr. Arnold, the writing not being so 
full and clear as we thought it had been in respect to the 
lands; We do now declare that Mr. Arnold aforesaid was 
and is to have one seventh part of all the lands and miner- 
als abovesaid, and to be accommodated with a house lot and 
land according to the quantity and goodness as ours is, 
which is already laid out, and is to receive his seventh part 
of the payments for what land is formerly sold by us. Pro- 
vided, the said Mr. Arnold do pay one seventh part of all 
disbursrnents relating to the said lands, both past and to 
come. In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed 
our hands, the 17th day of April, 1669. 


Compared with the original and recorded, per me, 

WESTON CLARK, Recorder. 

True copy as it stands recorded in Lib. No. 2. fo. 316. 
Tesle, JA'S MARTIN, Sec'ry. 

Newport, June 4th, 1668. 

At a meeting of William Brenton, John Hull, Samuel 
Wilbore, Samuel Willson and Thomas Mumford, partners 
in the purchase of Pettequamscmt, they agree as followeth: 

1st. That all the deeds, draughts and writings belonging 
to said partners that are in the hands of Mr. John Porter, 
to be demanded and received by Samuel Wilbore. 

2. That a tract of 300 acres of the best land and in a con- 
venient place be laid out and forever set apart as an encour- 
agement, the income or improvement thereof wholly for an 
orthodox person that shall be obtained to preach God's 
word to the inhabitants.* 

*The Congregational preachers in the purchase were Mr. Woodward 
from Dedham, who came in 1695; next Mr. Danforth from Dorchester, 
next Mr. Henry Flynt, then Mr. Niles, and then Mr. Torrey who was set- 
tled in 1732, and died in the ministry, Nov. 25, 1791. See chapter on 
Religious Affairs. [Styles' Itinerary.] 


3. That they do accept of a deed such as is now drawn 
as the common form for to be sealed to any persons who 
have received grants of lands. 

4. That what grants of lands have been formerly made 
and are not yet paid for, they shall be henceforth paid for, 
unto each particular person his equal part. 

5. That Mr. Wilbore and Mr. Willson shall acquaint such 
as have had grants but not taken nor paid for them, that 
unless they do compleat the payment by the first of May 
next, all such grants shall cease. 

6. That no person shall be accepted or granted by any 
of us to become a partner, without the consent of all the 


True copy, as in the case Joseph Torey vs. George Mum- 
ford, tried at the Superior Court in March, 1733. 

Teste, JA'S MARTIN, Cler. 

At a meeting of the proprietors of the lands of Petty- 
quamscutt at the house of Benjamin Morey, at said Petty- 
quamscutt, the 8th day of April, 1692, Benony Gardner, 
George Gardner, William Gardner, Nicholas Gardner and 
John Watson at said meeting appointed and agreed that their 
brother Henry Gardner should sign the agreement then 
made by the purchasers in his own and their behalf, and do 
any other act with the rest of the purchasers, in behalf of 
the assigns of John Porter, deceased. 

At said meeting it was agreed that for each division there 
should be seven papers numbered, nold up, put into a hat, 
shook, and a youth to give a lott to and in behalf of each 
proprietor, and each to have that lott in the several divis- 
ions, as agrees with the number in their lot given them. 

Agreed that Point Judith Neck and the other three tracts 
surveyed and the same presented to the purchasers, and 
are mentioned in an agreement under our hands and seals, 
bearing date herewith be lotted for, and that Point Judith 
be lotted for in the first place, which was accordingly done; 


and the lott fell for Thomas Mumford to have the norther- 
most share, which was No. 1 ; the assigns of Mr. Samuel 
Willson the next, which was No. 2; Mr. Jahleel Brenton 
the next, No. 3; Mr. Benedict Arnold the next, No. 4; 
Mr. Samuel Wilbour or assigns the next, which was No. 5; 
Capt. Samuel Sewall, No. 6, as assign to John Porter, and 
No. 7, the most southerly lot, in his own right. 

The next division lotted for was the lands between the 
six mile pond westward, and the western bounds and Nini- 
craft's ponds and the sea southerly. In which division Mr. 
Benedict Arnold had the most easterly part of the division 
which was No. 1, Capt. Samuel Sewall the next No. 2, 
Thomas Mumford No. 3, Mr. Henry Gardner for the as- 
signs of John Porter No. 4, the heir of Mr. Samuel Will- 
son No. 5, Mr. Jahleel Brenton No. 6, Mr. John Wilbour 
No. 7. 

The lands lying between Sawcatucket and the six mile 
pond and Point Judith was lotted for in the third place. 
Mr. Wilbour the more easterly lott with No. 1, said Bren- 
ton No. 2, said Mumford No. 3, said Arnold No. 4, said 
Gardner No. 5, said Capt. Sewal No. 6, said Willson No. 7. 

The lands on the north-west corner of the purchase to the 
northward and eastward of Yawcock ponds, bounded east- 
erly and part southerly by the lands formerly laid out and 
the hills eastward of the great plain, northward by the north 
west line, and westward by the head line of the purchase, 
and was laid out in the fourth place. In which division the 
southernmost lott was No. 1, and fell to the heirs of said 
Willson, No. 2 to said Brenton, No. 3 to said Mumford, 
No. 4 to said Capt. Sewall, No. 5 to said Wilbour, No. 6 
to said 'Gardner, and to said Arnold No. 7. 

Whereas there was a thousand acres or more laid out 
that was to be divided into six shares, and by the proprie- 
tors and their order, was lotted for about a year since, in 
which tract No. 1 fell to Thomas Mumford, No. 2 to said 
Capt. Sewall, No. 3 to the right of said Wilbour, No. 4 to 
the right of said Wilson, No. 5 to said Brenton, No. 6 to 
to the right of said Porter; all which several tracts of land, 
we the proprietors own to be lotted for fairly, according to 
agreement, and to each of our satisfaction; and that every 
one's lott in each division is as is set down and numbered in 
this writing, and the surveyor ordered to set every one's 
name in plat in each division, according to these lotts. 


Agreed, that the urveyor lay out three hundred acres 
for Capt. Fones, upon the dividing line, and make a return 
thereof to the next meeting for allowance and confirmation. 
Agreed, that the surveyor lay out two hundred and fifty 
acres in a suitable place for Major Green and assigns of 
Lieut. Torey, and make a return to the proprietors next 
meeting for allowance and confirmation, the land not to be 
laid out in that laid down formerly by Mr. Arnold. 

Agreed that no land be laid in that left for the township 
untill farther order. 

Agreed that the triangle piece laid out adjoyning to the 
land laid out for Caleb Arnold, is prejudicial to after divis- 
ions and damage to perticular persons and not according to 
order, that therefore he take up so as to make up his pro- 
portion more regular. 

Ordered that the Surveyor enter upon the platt the draft 
way from the enterance of Point Judith Neck to Captain 
Sewal's land, the course already marked, being south and 
by west, or as near strait as conveniently may be. 

Agreed upon and ordered that the proprietors of the 
Pettequamscutt purchase meet at Newport on Rhode-Is- 
land on the second Tuesday of May next, for a further set- 
tlement of matters relating to the Pettequamscut purchase. 
Agreed upon and ordered that John Smith, surveyor, do 
renew the bounds and lay out the six farms of the proprie- 
tors according to an order of the said proprietors on the 8th 
day of July, 1680. 

HENRY GARDNER, his H mark, 
THOMAS MUMFORD, in behalf of 

Samuel Willson's heirs. 
JOHN WALEY, Attorney to Captain 

Samuel Sewal. 

Henry Gardner of South-Kingstown in the colony of 
Rhode-Island, &.c, being duly sworn, testified! and saith, 
that he was at the within mentioned meeting of the proprie- 
tors of the Pettequamscutt purchase, and being a proprie- 
tor there acted with the rest then and there met, and signed 
the within notes and orders with the rest of the proprietor* 


whose names are thereunto afiixed, and well knows that the 
several tracts arid pieces of land therein mentioned, have 
been possessed according to the divisions therein made,, 
and further this deponent saith not. 

South-Kingstown, October the 22d day, A. D. 1734. 
Taken upon oath before me. 

EPHRAIM GARDNER, Justice of Peace. 

True copy compared with the originals, and recorded in 
No. 4, fol. 322, 323 and 324, the 13th January, 1734 

Per JA. MARTIN, Sec'iy. 

At a meeting of the proprietors and persons legally im- 
powered to act in behalf of the proprietors of Pettaquamscutt 
purchase, met at said Pettaquamscut, this twenty-first day 
of August, one thousand six hundred ninety three: and 
having before us a plat of sundry tracts or divisions of land 
in said purchase, each tract or division containing three hun- 
dred, more or less, acres, being laid out by John Smith sur- 
veyor, are butted and bounded as followeth, viz: Kasterly 
upon the lotts or divisions of land in IVIatuenuck Neck, 
southerly upon a large tract not divided by the said propri- 
etors, and is lying to the northward of the south-westerly 
lotts or divisions of land, containing about six hundred acres 
each lott or division, westerly upon the westermost line or 
side of said purchase, northerly, partly upon th^ thousand 
acres lotts or divisions of land, and partly upon sundry tracts 
of land formerly sold to Henry Knowles, John Tift and 
uouse Helmes, or however otherwise butted and bounded, 
doth by said platt more plainly appear; which said tracts or 
divisions of land being laid out and numbred upon said platt 
by >uid Smith, have been divided by lott as followeth, viz: 
The tracts or divisions of land numbred one and numbred 
eleven fell by lott to Jahleel Brenton, for and in behalf of 
the heirs, executors &.c. of William Brenton, Esq. dec'd; 
th<; tracts or divisions of land numbred t\vo and numbred fif- 
teen fell by lott to Thomas Mum ford as gardian to James 
Willson, heir of Samuel Willson dcc'd; the tracts or divis- 
ions of land numbred three and numbred fourteen fell by 
lott to Josiuh Arnold, for and in behalf of the heirs, execu- 
tors and assigns of Benedict Arnold, Esq. deceased; the 
tracts and divisions of land numbred four and numbred six 
fell by lott to Nathaniel Niles, attorney to Samuel SewaH 


and Hannah his wife, heir to John Hull, Esq. dece'd; the 
tracts or divisions of land numbred five and numbred thir- 
teen fell by lott to Henry Gardner, for and in behalf of the 
assigns of John Porter dece'd; the tract or divisions of land 
numbred seven fell by lott to John Wilbore, son and heir of 
Samuel Wilbore dece'd; the tracts or divisions of land num- 
bred eight and numbred tenn fell by lott to Thomas Mum- 
ford, son and heir of Thomas Mumford. And we the said 
proprietors and persons impowered to act in behalf of the 
said proprietors of the said Petaquamscutt purchase, do 
hereby each of us, for and in behalf of ourselves and those 
for whom we act, and for and in behalf of each of our and 
their heirs, exec'rs, adm'rs and assigns forever, accept of 
each lott and lotts so lotted for as aforesaid in full for each 
of our and their share and interest in the afores'd tracts of 
lands so lotted for and divided, as by these presents is herein 
before expressed. And we hereby do likewise each of us 
for and in behalf of ourselves and those for whom we act 
and for and in behalf and their heirs, exec'rs, adm'rs and 
assigns, forever quit all manner of claim, right, title or in- 
terest in or to any and every of the afores'd tract or tracts 
of land so lotted for and divided, as is by these presents 
herein before expressed: excepting only such said tract or 
tracts as fell to each of us by lott for and in behalf of each 
of ourselves and those for whom we act, our and their heirs 
and assigns forever. Provided also, that nothing herein 
contained shall be construed to determine a difference be- 
tween the heirs and assigns of JohnPorter dece'd, concern- 
ing that part of said purchase that did belong to said Porter. 
In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our names 
and affixed our seals the day and year above written. 




as Gardian to JAMES WILLSON. (Seal) 

HENRY GARDNER, H his mark. (Seal) 


Attorney to SAMUEL SEWALL. (Seal) 



Si^n'd and Seal'd in the presence of 


The abore written deed of division is recorded and duly 
compared with the original, September the 17th, 1716. 

Per RICHARD WARD, Recorder. 

True copy as appears of Record in the Secretary's office 
for the Colony of Rhode-Island &,c. in Lib. No. 3. fo. 246 
and 247. 

Teste, JA'S MARTIN, Se'ry. 

At a meeting of the proprietors and legal representatives 
of the proprietors of Pettaquomscut purchase, at the house 
of James Wilson in the said Pettaquomscut, this 8th day of 
November, 1704, it is agreed as followeth, viz: that these 
several parcels and tracts of land lying in Pettaquamscut 
purchase, being surveyed, divided and numbered upon the 
plat by John Mumford, surveyor, that is to say, a tract of 
land lying upon the said Pettaquomscut river, containing 
about two hundred acres, a tract of land lying near Sugar 
Loaf Hill, containing about five hundred acres, a tract of 
land lying to the westward of Matoonuc Neck, containing 
about three thousand acres, and also an island in Point Ju- 
dith Pond called Ram Island, and small islands in 

the said pond containing about sixty-three acres, all which 
said parcels and tracts of land shall be now lotted for that 
each proprietor may know his part, and the same shall be 
done in such manner and form as the major part of the 
abovesaid persons shall agree upon. And we the said pro- 
prietors and legal representatives aforesaid do by these 
presents bind and oblige ourselves, heirs, executors and as- 
signs, and the persons we represent and appear for, their 
heirs, executors and assigns that we and they, severally and 
respectively shall stand to and abide by our several lots and 
divisions as shall at this present allotment fall to us as afore- 
said, and shall and will forever quitclaim to the several lots 
in the lands aforesaid other than our own share, arid that at 
the reasonable request and proper cost of any of the propri- 
etors aforesaid, we will each of and every of us, give and 
make such further confirmations to each other proprietor 
aforesaid, as may be necessary for the more firm and sure 
making of the premises and every part thereof. In testimo- 
ny whereof, we the said proprietors and legal representa- 
tives of the proprietors, have hereunto set our hands and 


seals the day and year above written. It is also agreed that 
the two cedar and pine swamps, lying northward of the great 
pond be also now divided into two allotments, in manner 
and form as aforesaid. 


in behalf of John Wilbor. 

for himself and brother. 


J. BRENTON, (Seal.) 


in behalf of S. Sewall. 
T. MUMFORD, (Seal.) 

At a meeting of the proprietors and legal representatives 
of the proprietors of Pettaquamscut purchase, at the house 
of James Wilson in the said Pettaquamscut, this 2nd day of 
December, 1704, the several parcels of land lately laid out, 
was divided by lot by the said proprietors or representatives 
as followeth: to say, the plain lying along the river of Pet- 
taquamscut aforesaid, No. 1 to Henry Gardner, No. 2 to 
Mr. Brenton, No. 3 to Mr. Sewall, No. 4 to Mr. Arnold, 
No. 5 to Mr. Mumford, No. 6 to Mr. Wilson and No. 7 to 
Mr. Wilbor. Secondly, the land lying to the westward of 
Sugar Loaf Hill, No. 1 to Mr. Wilson, No. 2 to Mr. Wil- 
bor, No. 3 to Mr. Gardner, No. 4 to Mr. Mumford, No. 5, 
to Mr. Arnold, No. 6 to Mr. Sewal and No. 7 to Mr. Bren- 
ton. Thirdly, the hills lying to the westward of Matoonuc, 
No. 1 to Mr. Gardner, No. 2 to Mr. Wilson, No. 3 to Mr. 
Arnold, No. 4 to Mr. Sewal, No. 5 to Mr. Mumford, No. 
6 to Mr. Wilbor, No. 7, the islands lying in Point Judith 
Pond and one in Ninicraft's Pond, to Mr. Brenton, and a 
parcel of land lying on the north side of Mr. Mumford's 
lot to said Mumford, and also a parcel of hills lying on the 
north-west line, both being drawn by lot by him said Mum- 
ford, he paying the whole charge of the surveying the afore- 
eaid tracts of landj all which the abovesaid we the proprie^ 


tors and their representatives do confirm under our hands 

and seals the day and year abovesaid. 


for himself and brothers, 


in behalf of Wilbor, 





The tract called the Hills has been since sometimes call- 
ed the Commons. In this tract the lot laid out to Wilbor 
was bounded west by Pettaquamscut line south by the road, 
and was afterwards owned by the Brownings. The Mum- 
ford lot was in 1803 divided among the heirs of William 
Mumford. No. 4 was sold by Sewall to John Holman and 
by him to the Perrys. The Wilson lot was sold to the Bab- 
cocks, and John Potter bought out the Gardners. 

The purchasers and Maj. Humphrey Atherton and his 
associates, being at variance about their boundaries, the 
difficulty was settled by the following agreement: [Haz. 
2, 463 L. E. 2, 156.] 

Whereas there has been for along time sundry differences 
relating to the proprietors of the lands in the Narraganset, 
Cowesit and Nihantic countrys, purchased of the Indian 
Sachems by John Winthrop, Esq , late Governor of Con- 
necticut, Maj'r Humphrey Atherton late of Dochester, de- 
ceased, and several others, as also purchases made by Mr. 
Samuel Wilbor, deceased, Capt. John Hull and several oth- 
ers, as by the several deeds more fully appeareth, as also 
the remaining part of said country which was by the said 
Sachems mortgaged unto Maj. Humphrey Atherton and his 
associates: Now for the full and final determination of all 
and singular the differences that have been among or be- 
tween the parties abovesaid or their successors, and for the 
better settlement and accommodation of person and parties 
therein concerned, after many endeavors that have been 
used, we the subscribers, by virtue of power given and 
granted unto Capt. Richard Smith, John Saffin and Elisha 
Hutchinson by major part of that company, viz: Maj. Ather- 


ton, SLC., under hand and seal dated December the first, 
1679, also by virtue of a power given and granted unto Capt. 
John Hull, Maj. Peleg Sandford and Mr. Sosiah Arnold, 
by a major part of that company, viz: Mr. Samuel Wilbor 
deceased, so under hand and seal dated likewise December 
the first, 1679, to consider, agree and conclude of all mat- 
ters of difference relating to the said land, as by the several 
powers m;iy more fully appear, Have absolutely, fully and 
Anally agreed, determined and concluded by and between 
each party and for ourselves and every person so empower- 
ing us, and for our and every of their heirs, executors and 
administrators forever as follovveth: 

Imprimis, that those two tracts of land purchased by said 
John Winthrop, Esq., Maj. Humphrey Atherton, Sec., of 
Chomequant by two several deeds bearing date June the 
eleventh, and July the fourth, 1659, and confirmed by the 
rest of the Sachems, shall be and remain unto the said John 
Winthrop, Esq. and company, their heirs, executors, ad- 
ministrators and assigns forever. 

Secondly, that Samuel Wilbour, Capt. John Hull, and 
company, shall have a tract of land, vz: All Point Judith 
Neck, and from thence northward up Mattituxet or Petticom- 
cut river to the head of the pond called Pauscachuco, and 
from thence upon a north-west line six miles, also upon a 
west line from the head of the cove north of Point Judith 
Neck six miles and an half, and so as traight linef rom the head 
of ^Jie aforesaid north-west line unto the said west line of 
six miles and an half, and so upon the same straight line to 
the sea, which said tract of land is part of that which was 
purchased by the said Samuel Wilbor and company, of Co- 
janaquarit, Ninegret, Wanameskin and several other Indian 
Sachems, this tract of land, according to the aforementioned; 
bounds, with all their appurtenances, privileges and immu- 
nities, to be and remain forever to the said company and to 
their heirs and assigns and to them only. 

Thirdly, that the said Samuel Wilbor deceased, Captain 
John Hull and company shall from time to time, and at alt 
times herealler, and by these presents do forever acquit alt 
challenges and claim, right, title and interest whatsoever, 
which they or any of them have or had unto any and every 
part and parcel of land in the said Narraganset, Nahantick 
and Coweset countries, except what is in this instrument 
expressed to belong to the said Samuel Wilbor, Capt. John 


Hull and company, which said land so acquitted shall be 
and remain unto John Winthrop, Esq., Maj. Humphrey 
Atherton, &c. in part, and the other part unto the mortga- 
gees, viz. Major Humphrey Atherton and associates, their 
heirs and assigns forever, with all its rights, members, priv- 
ileges and appurtenances. 

Fourthly, that John Winthrop, Esq. and company, Maj. 
Humphrey Atherton and associates, shall from time to tkne 
and at all times, and by these presents do forever acquit all 
challenge, claim, right, title and interest whatsoever which 
they or any of them have or had unto any and every part 
and parcel of land pertaining to the said Samuel Wilbor and 
company as is above expressed in the second article. 

Fifthly, that the land that are sold and laid out by the 
said Samuel Wilbor and company to Jireh Bull and several 
other persons mentioned in that list, which happen to be 
without the western side of their said tract of land, shall be 
allowed and made good unto them by the said Maj. Ather- 
ton's company, and that in case the north -west or west side 
of the said tract of land now confirmed to the said Samuel 
Wilbor and company shall happen to .intrench upon or come 
within the lands called the Newbury Plantation, the centre 
whereof being at the middle of the great body of meadow, 
and to be measured and laid out six miles square, then what 
part thereof as shall come within the line and bounds afore- 
said shall be devoted and wholly granted to the said planta- 
tion or town's use, upon the same terms as the said Major 
Humphrey Atherton's successors and their associates shall 
allow the rest of the lands to the said town. To and for the 
true performance of all and singular the articles, covenants 
and agreements and premises concluded on by each party 
respectively each to the other, we the subscribers do bind 
ourselves and our respective partners, our and their heirs, 
executors and administrators, firmly by these presents. In 
witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands and seals 
this fifth day of December, one thousand six hundred and 
seventy-nine, and in the one and thirtieth year of our sov- 
ereign loid King Charles the Second. 

JOHN HULL, (Seal.) 







Signed, sealed and delivered in presence of 
JOHN GROSSMAN. [L. E. 2, 156.] 

In 1726, the General Assembly authorized the Town 
Council of North Kingstown to appoint a surveyor to find the 
north-west corner of Pettequamscut purchase, to run the 
line and to open the highway that was laid out upon the line 
by a jury. And in 1727, on the request of John Fones, 
they ordered the same line to be run again. In 1728 the 
line was settled by bounds. [Foster papers.] 

In June, 1727 or 1728, the following report was made to 
the North Kingstown Town Council and accepted. [No. K. 
Council Rec.] 

" We the subscribers, being ordered by the Town Coun- 
cil of North Kingstown to run the northerly line of Petta- 
quamscut Purchase, we began at a rock at the head of the 
mill-pond and run north forty-five degrees west, and our 
course led us forty rods and a half to the northward of 
a heapof stones that is in Joseph Reynolds' pasture, de- 
ceased, and formerly called horn heap, and then from said 
heap of stones upon a strait line to the aforesaid rock our 
course fell within John Fones' ditch, and we made bounds 
in several places according to the line. 
NATHAN PEARCE, \ Surve y rs - 

Among the Assembly papers for 1728, in the Secretary's 
office, is a remonstrance of Spencer Reynolds, &c. against 
the line being run over again, stating that the line had now 
been established about forty years. It further states that 
John Smith used to consider the variation of the compass to 
be 10 degrees, whereas then (1728) it was thought not to 
be above 8 or 9 degrees. 

In the same bundle of papers is a deposition of Lodowick 
Updike, taken June, 1728, stating that lie was with his 
uncle Smith, Capt. Huchinson and others, when John Gore 
run the north-west Pettiquamscut line. They began from 
a maple tree at the head of what was then (1728) Elisha 


Cole's mill-pond, which tree stood on the south-west side 
of a river running into said pond thence to the upland some 
distance north of a rock on said upland, arid so on six miles 
where they put a pile of stones, and one of the company 
happening to find a pair of buck's horns put them on top of 
the pile. 

it was from this latter circumstance that the monument 
erected at the north-west corner of the purchase has been 
generally known by the name of the Hornheap. 

For depositions relating to the highways laid out by the 
Petaquamscot purchasers, see S. Kingstown Records, 3, 
192-4. In 1715 on complaint of the inhabitants, the Gene- 
ral Assembly ordered the proprietors to lay out suitable 
highways, and on their failing, empowered the Town Coun- 
cil to do it. (Foster papers.) In pursuance of this author- 
ity, and about this time the road from Henry's elbow near 
Kingston to Mumford's mills and the road leading from the 
country road westward over the great plain, were laid out. 

For depositions to show that the original proprietors in- 
tended the great cedar swamp for commonage, see North- 
Kingstown Records and also S. Kingstown Extracts, 2, 61. 
The swamp was however surveyed in 1727 by James Helme, 
arid appears to have been at that time divided among the 
proprietors. See South-Kingstown Records, 11,296. 

The land around Kingston village was early surveyed 
and divided by Robert Hazard, surveyor. We do not know 
of any copy of this survey. 

Tower Hill was probably the place in the purchase first 
settled. At that place are traces of a fortification still re- 
maining, which mark with sufficient exactness the site of 
Bull's garrison house, which was burnt in the war of 1676. 
The land on and around Kingston hill was probably settled 

When the purchasers divided the country about Point 
Judith neck, they reserved that part called Little Neck. Of 
this they afterwards made a separate division. 

Judge Sewal in 1696 conveyed the east part of lot 
No. 4 in the northwest part of the purchase to Harvard 
College " for and towards the support and education at the 
said college, of such youths whose parents may not be of 
sufficient ability to maintain them there, especially such as 
shall be sent from Pettaquarnscut aforesaid, English or In- 


dians, &c." The land was sold by the college a few years 
ago. [North-Kingstown Records, 2, 104.] 

Judge Sewal had the year before conveyed the west part 
of the abovementioned lot to trustees, the profits to go "to- 
ward the procuring, settling, supporting and maintaining a 
learned, sober and orthodox person from time to time, and 
at all times forever hereafter, to instruct the children and 
youths of the abovementioned town of Pettaqunmscut, as 
well English there settled, or to be settled, as Indians the 
aboriginal natives and proprietors of the place, to read and 
write the English language and the rules of grammar." 
(]No. Kingstown Records, 2, 167.) The school was for a 
long time at Tower Hill, and among the instructors were 
Mr. Constant Southworth, Mr. Increase Hewett, Robert F. 
Noyes, Esq. &c. In 1823 the Legislature removed the 
school to Kingston, ordered the land sold and the proceeds 
invested, and appointed a board of trustees for the special 
management of the fund and school. 

In the tract of 1000 acres, which the purchasers ordered 
to be surveyed for themselves, Lot No. 1, of about 200 
acres, was laid out to Mumford, and is that part of the Judge 
Wm. Potter farm, now chiefly owned by E. R. Potter, 
bounded N. and W. by roads, E. by Robert Hazard and S. 
by lot No. 2. Lot No. 2 was laid out to Sewal, bounded S. 
and W. by roads, of about 260 acres, and was afterwards 
owned by Caleb Gardner. Lot No. 3, of about 200 acres, 
was laid out to Wilbor, bounded S. and E. by roads, W. 
by Chepuxet, and N. by lot No. 4. (S. K. Rec. 6. 44.) 
This was the Judge Robert Potter farm. Lot No. 4, of 
about 250 acres, was laid out to Wilson, was afterwards 
owned by Hannahs, Niles, Rowland Brown, &c. Lot No. 
5 was laid out to Brenton, of about 300 acres, bounded E. 
by road, W. by Chepuxet and N. by lot No. 6, and was af- 
terwards divided among Brenton's heirs, Martha Church, 
Francis Borland, Ben]. Brenton, &c. Lot No. 6 was laid 
out to John Porter, who in 1671 sold it to Nicholas Gard- 
ner, and he gave it by deeds to his two sons, George and 
Nicholas. Afterwards owned by Geo. Teft, who sold the 
north part to Jef. Champlin, and the south to Peleg Brown. 

The following minutes relates to some deeds from the first 
purchasers, of land not laid down in Smith's plat, viz: 


To Wm. Knowles, Sept. 22, 1671, a lot of 500 acres, 
now principally owned by E. R. Potter, bounded N. and E. 
by roads, W. by the pond and undivided land, S. by John 
Tift. John Tift's lot, which lay south of this, was bounded 

E. by the road in part, W. by Chepuxet and S. by Jireth 
Bull and H. Gardner. 

The purchasers, in 1671, conveyed to Robert Hazard 
500 acres, bounded N. by road, E. by Sakatucket, S. by 
Edmund and Samson Sherman, and W. on purchasers' land. 
This tract is now owned in parts by Rowland Hazard, R. 

F. Noyes, Peleg Weeden, and the heirs and assigns of John 
Rose. [L. E. 1.9.] 

The purchasers conveyed to Jireth Bull (L. E. 2. 320) 
480 acres, bounded N., E. and W. by roads and S. by 
Rowse Helmes. It was afterwards sold out by the Bull 
family to the Cases and Watsons. 

They conveyed a tract of 1000 acres to Benedict Arnold, 
Caleb Carr, John Cranston and John Sanford, (L. E. 2. 
71, &c.) bounded W. by Eber Sherman, N. by road, S. by 
Geo. Gardner, &c. 

The 120 acres reserved for a mill were conveyed, Feb. 
22, 1702, to James Kenyon, who had built a mill there, 
bounded N. and W. on roads, S. and E. on John Carr. 
Kenyon and his assigns were bound to maintain the mill. 
Kenyon sold it, Dec. 21, 1705, (N. K. Rec. 2. 127) to Jo- 
seph Smith, then bounded E., S. and W. by roads. Smith 
sold it (N. K. Rec.) to Wm. Gardner, from whom it passed 
th Dr. McSparran and the Church. The purchasers con- 
veyed, 1692, to Capt. John Fones 300 acres, at a place 
called Wampmesic, which I believe was on the north line of 
the purchase. 

In 1693 they conveyed to Moses Barber 350 acres, bound- 
ed W. by the purchase line, S. by the Arnolds, and N. and 
E. by Yawcook ponds and the brook that runs between 


JOHN HULL of Boston, who was one of the first purchas- 
ers, was a goldsmith. Hannah his daughter and heiress 
married SAMUEL SEWALL. They had two sons, Samuel the 
eldest who inherited the Narraganset land, and Joseph who 


was pastor of a church in Boston. Judge Sevvall the elder 
died Jan. 1 , 1729-30. Samuel had only one son Henry, to 
whom he gave before his death by deed his 1200 acres in 
Point Judith. Henry died May 29, 1771. His children 
were 1. Henry who died without issue, Oct. 17, 1772. 2. 
Samuel. 3. Hannah married Edward Kitchen Walcutt of 
Brooklyn, Mass. She inherited half of her brother Henry's 
part of the Narraganset land, and on the Sewall property 
being confiscated in the time of the revolution one quarter 
of the Point Judith farm was set off to her by order of the 
Legislature. [L. E. 1, 415. Schedule, Oct. 1779, &c.] 

JOHN PORTER sold out his share of the purchase early to 
Sewall, John Watson and the Gardners. Samuel Wilbor 
was his son in law. His family record is probably in the 
Town Clerk's office of Portsmouth where he lived. 

SAMUEL WILBOR or WILDBOARE'S wife was daughter of 
John Porter. John Wilbor was his eldest son. Latham 
Clark and Caleb Arnold are mentioned as his sons in law 
and Elizabeth Freelove of Freetown as his daughter. [L. 
E. 1, 59, and 415. S. K. R. 6.] 

THOS. MUMFORD'S sons were Thomas (who was 66 years 
old in 1722 and had a son William,) Peleg who was 74 
^ears old in 1733, and George. (L. E. 1, 415. Church 
Lawsuit.) Peleg was ancestor of the Mumfords at the 

SAMUEL WILSON married a Teft and died about 1682. 
His sons were 1, Samuel who left no issue and died 1690. 
2. James who died Feb. 1705-6, and whose son Samuel did 
not survive him. 3. Mary. 4. Sarah. 5. Jeremiah. 

The children of Jeremiah Wilson and Mary his wife were, 
1 Mary; 2 Samuel, born 1721; 3 &4 John and Jeremiah, born 
1726; 5 James, born 1728; 6 George, born 1730, died 1753, 
without issue; 7 Alice, &c. 

The children of Samuel (son of Jeremiah,) and Hannah 
his wife were, Samuel, born 1747; John, 1752; James, 
1754; Hannah, 1756; George, 1758; William, 1761. 

The children of Jeremiah (son of Jeremiah) and Abigail 
his wife were, George, born 1754; William, 1756; Mercy, 

The children of Col. John and Hannah Wilson, were 
John, born 1763, Hazard, and Arnold. 


Mary Wilson, daughter of the first purchaser, married 
ROBERT HANNAH. (After his death she married George 
Webb in 1703.) Her children were Robert and Mary 

The children of Robert Hannah and Catharine his wife, 
were Mary, born 1714; Sarah, 1716; Tabi'.ha, 1718; 
George, 1719; Catherine, 1721; Hannah, 1723; Eliza- 
beth, 1725. 

Mary, daughter of Robert Hannah, sen. married Nathan- 
iel Niles, 1699. Her children were Nathan, born 1700; 
Robert, 1702; Mary, 1704; Jeremiah, 1707, Sarah, 1711; 
Tabhha, 1714; Silas, 1718; Paul and Sylvanus, 1721. 

Sarah Wilson, daughter of the first purchaser, married 
JOHN POTTER. Their children were Martha, born in 1692, 
married a Robinson; Col. John, 1695, died 1739; Samuel, 
1699; Sarah, 1702; Susanna, born 1704, married George 
Babcock; Mary, 1706-7, married Stephen Tallman; Sam- 
uel, 1715, died 1739 without issue. 

Col. John Potter married Mercy Robinson 1714. She 
died 1762. Their children were John, born 1716, married 
Mary Perry, 1736; Christopher, born 1717; Christopher, 
1719; Mary, 1721; William, 1723; Samuel, 1725; Mer- 
cy, 1727; Sarah, 1730. 

Judge Wm. Potter married Penelope daughter of Col. 
Thomas Hazard. Their children were Marcy, born 1751; 
married Jonathan Perry; Thomas Hazard, 1753; Alice, 
1756; Susanna, 1758; William Robinson, 1760; Benedict 
Arnold, 1761; Penelope, 1764; Wm. Pitt, 1766; Edward, 
1768; Simeon, 1770; Sarah, 1771; John, 1774; Pelham, 

John, son of Col. John, was father of Gov. Samuel J. 

BENEDICT ARNOLD was the son of William Arnold of Pa- 
tuxet. William Arnold was born in 1589, and had four 
children, Benedict, Thomas, Stephen and a daughter who 
married Zachary Rhodes. Benedict was born in England, 
Dec. 21, 1615. He married Damaris, daughter of Stukely 
Westcoat, by whom his children were, Godsgift, Josiah, 
Benedict, Freelove, Oliver, Caleb, Damaris and Priscilla. 
He removed to Newport in 1653, and died in 1678. He 
was for a long time Governor. [Staples' Simplicity's De- 
fence, 51. Foster papers.] 

Gov. Arnold, by his will proved July 1, 1698, gave his 


Dutch Island rights to his three sons, Benedict, Josiah and 
Oliver. He gave to Benedict one half of that part of Co- 
nanicut which he had named Beaver Neck, joined to the 
main part of the island by Partridge Beach. He gave the 
other half to Josiah. To Oliver he gave 300 acres at a 
place on Conanicut called Cajazet, a triangular piece of 64 
acres, and his right in the township land there. To his son 
Caleb he gave 160 acres on the north-east part of Conani- 
cut. He gave his Pettaquamscut lands to Benedict, Josiah 
and Oliver, ordering a township to be laid out there, and if 
that was not done he gave to his three sons, Major Cran- 
ston, Capt Peleg Sanford, Capt Roger Goulding, James 
Barker, and Ensign John Bliss 250 acres each of that part 
of his land laying about 5 miles N. W. from Pettaquamscut 
Rock. [Newport Probate Records, 1817.] 

WM. BKENTON is said to have come from Hammersmith, 
in Great Britain. He was admitted a freeman of Massa- 
chusetts, May 14, 1634. He owned extensive tracts of 
land on Rhode Island, in Narragansett and other places. 
He named his estate on Brenton's point in Newport from 
the place he came from. His large four chimney house 
stood where Joshua Peckham's house now is. He was Pres- 
ident of the Colony in 1660-1, Deputy Governor in 1663, 
and Governor 1666-7-8. He died 1674. He mentions in 
his will Catharine Cook and Christian Sandys as his sisters. 
His children were 

1. Jahleel, who died Nov. 8, 1732, leaving no children, 
and was buried on Brenton's Point. He was Collector and 
Surveyor General of the Customs of the Colony. The com- 
mission from William and Mary is still preserved. 

2. William was one of the first settlers of Bristol and 
probably died there. His eldest son was William, whose 
only son was Benjamin, who had a son Benjamin, whose 
only child was Abagail. Besides this son William he had 
a son Jahleel, who was born Aug. 15, 1691, and died March 
1767, in his 77th year. 

3. Ebenezcr. His wife Priscilla died 1705. In Bristol 
Records the births of his children are- 1, Major Ebenezer 
born at Swansey, 1687. 2, Martha, 1689. 3, William, 
1694. 4, Sarah, 1697. Major Ebenezer Brenton died 
about 1766, probably in South Kinstown where his will was 
proved. He gave his farm of 214 acres, near Worden's 
pond, to Martin Howard, Jr. (who had been the husband 


of his daughter Ann, deceased,) for life, and then to Ann 
Howard, his granddaugther. The latter afterwards mar- 
ried a Spooner and sold the farm to James Knowles. Eliz- 
abeth, another daughter of Major Ebenezer, married Ed- 
ward Perkins: their children were, 1, Joseph, goldsmith at 
Littlerest. 2, Brenton, lived at Newport. 3, Hannah 
married Ephraim Babcock of South Kingstown. 4, Eliza- 
beth married Henry Green of Charlestown. 

4. Sarah married Joseph Elliot of Guildfcrd, Conn. Her 
children were 1. Ann, who married Jonathan Law of Mil- 
ford, and who besides several sons, had an only daughter 
Ann, who married Rev. Samuel Hall of Wallingford, whose 
children were Brenton, Elisha, John, Lucy, Ann, Mary, 
Sarah and Abigail. 2. Mehitable, married William Wil- 
son. 3. Jemima, married John Woodbridge. 4. Bathshe- 
ba, married Augustus Lucas of Fairlield. Her daughter 
Mary married James A. Hillhouse of New-Haven. 

5. Mehitable married Joseph Brown of Charlestown, 
Mass., and died without issue. 

6. Abigail married Stephen Burton of Bristol. 

7. Elizabeth married John Pole or Pool of Boston. Her 
son was John. Jane the grand-daughter and sole heir of 
Elizabeth, married Francis Borland of Boston. For some 
account of the Pool family see Baylies' Plymouth,!, 285, &.c. 

Jahleel, son of William, and grandson of the Governor, 
left a large family. He married 1st, Frances, eldest daugh- 
ter of Gov. Samuel Cranston. She died Februarys, 1740, 
aged 42. His 2nd wife was Mary (Eargrass) widow of 
John Scott. She died Ma>, 1760, aged 34. The children 
of Jahleel were 

1. William born April 3, 1716, died 1748. He left an 
only child a daughter, who married a Townsend, and she 
had a daughter who married 1st a Captain Chace of Provi- 
dence; 2nd, a Dr. Bugby of Lansingburgh, N. Y., but died 
without issue. 

2. Samuel born Feb 1717, died February 4, 1721. 

3. Thomas born November 1719, died December, 1740. 

4. Mary born July 10, 1721, married Mr. Joseph Ga- 
rish, a merchant, and went to Halifax. 

5. Harty born February 1723, died January 1764. She 
married Peter Ayrault and left two children, Peter and 
Harty, who both died unmarried. 

6. Martha born June 1726, died May 1787. 

7. Elizabeth born February 1727, died January 1761. 


8. Jahleel born Oct. 22, 1729, died January 1802. He 
entered the British Navy young, and afterwards rose to the 
rank of Admiral. He left this country in the time of the 
revolution. His children were 1. Admiral Sir Jahleel Bren- 
ton, now living. 2. Edward, a captain in the British Navy, 
3. Elizaheth. 4. Mary. 5. Henrietta. 6. Frances. 

9. Frances born October 31, 1730, died 1814, married 
Louis Mumford. 

10. Hannah born March 19, 1732-3, died young. 

11. Abigail born April 16, 1735, married Philip Robin- 
son and afterwards Captain Charles Handy, but left no 

12. Samuel 'born November 10, 173-, died February 
1797. He married Susan Cook. The children were Silas, 
Samuel, Elizabeth, Abby, and Susan. All the sons and 
Susan died unmarried. Elizabeth married Dr. William G. 
Shaw now living in Wickford. Abby married John Mum- 
ford, and had three children, William, who died at sea, Su- 
san, and Samuel B. Mumford. 

13. James born Nov. 2, 173-, died June 1798; married 
Rebecca Scott. She died leaving one son Edward, who 
was bred to the law, and is now a Judge in Newfoundland. 
He married 2nd a Miss Russel of Halifax. Children 
Frances, wlio for long time kept a celebrated female Semi- 
nary in New-York, died at Utica; Maria married Leslie 
Stewart, married next Robert Boggs and had one son Ed- 
ward; John who was Secretary to Amiral Provost on the 
East India station, and post-capain; Harriet, who married 
her cousin Admiral Sir Jahleel Brenton. 

14. Benjamin born Feb. 9, 1737-8, died 1830. July 8, 
1764 he married Rachel daughter of Silas Cooke and sister 
of his brother Samuel's wife. Their children were 1. Jah- 
leel who died at Jamaica in 1794. 2. Frances who married 
Silas Brown of South-Kingstown. 3. Rebecca. 4. Susan- 
na. 5. Philip who died at Jamaica, 1792. 6. Abigail. 7. 
James, who left four children, James Jahleel, Maria Har- 
riet, Elizabeth Rebecca, and Semantha. 8. Elizabeth 
Cook. 9. Benjamin, who died at sea 1796. 10. Sarah 

15. John born Oct. 21, 1739, died 1755. 

16. Thomas born June 1741, died March 25, 1772. 


17. Susanna born April 2, 1743, died April, 1804. Mar- 
ried Dr. John Haliburton and moved to Halifax. Her 
children were 1. John, who died young in the navy. 2. 
Brcnton who was a Judge in the provinces. 3. Mary, 
4. Elizabeth married Lord Stewart. 5. Rebecca. 

18. William born January 24, 1749, married Frances 
Wickham and had two sons, John now in the British Navy, 
and Edward who died young. 

19. Sarah born August 1751, died June 1787; married 
Col. Wanton. Her son Joseph Wanton was a minister. 
She married 2nd, William Atherton. 

20. Edward died young. 

21. John died young. 

22. Mehitable born February 15, 1756, died unmarried 

PELEG SANFORD. In Governor Brenton's will, Peleg 
Sanford is called his son-in-law. He had three daughters, 
1, Ann, who married a Mason and had a son, Peleg San- 
ford Mason; 2, Bridget who married Job Almy of Tiver- 
ton. They had three children, Sanford, Peleg, and Cook 
Almy. 3, Elizabeth, who married Thomas INoyes of Ston- 
ington. The Sanford part of the Brenton land was divided 
1745, in the Common Pleas. 

Gov. William Brenton and his wife were members of the 
first church in Boston. He was a selectman 1634-7, a 
deputy in the General Court 1635. He removed to Rhode- 
Island in 1638, and soon after removed and lived a while at 

In Gov. BRENTON'S WILL, proved at Newport, 1674, he 
gives to his son Jahleel his two Hammersmith farms, and 
after disposing of his 10,000 acres at Naticot on Merrimac 
river, his lands at Metapoiset, Conanicut, Gay Head and 
Elizabeth Island, &c., he gives the residue to his children 
equally. In his inventory his Pettaquamscut lands were 
valued at 300. 

Jahleel Brenton's will was proved at Newport, 1732. 
He gave Hammersmith and Rockey farms to his nephew 
Jahleel, with his right to 500 acres in South-Kingstown, 
then occupied by Win. Robinson. His right in Mumford's 
island he gave to his cousin Martha Wanton; his 26 acres 
or J part of Little Point Judah Neck and his Chepuxet riv- 

299 , f j* 

er land, to his nephew Benjamin Brenton; his Yawcook 
land to his nephews Ebenezer and Benjamin, and his cous- 
ins Benjamin and Martha Church; his right to 260 acres 
then occupied by Henry Knowles to Martha Church; Ram 
Island to Benjamin Church; his land joining the west side 
of Narrow river to his nephew Ebenezer; his Point Judith 
land then occupied by William Robinson to Martha Church; 
his land east of Worden's pond, half to his nephew Ebene- 
zer and cousin Benjamin Church, and the other half to be 
sold for the benefit of his cousin Martha wife of John Smith 
of Boston. His nephew Jahleel was residuary legatee. 
The Brenton lands were divided by the heirs 1742-5, for 
which see South-Kingstown Records. 


Whereas, by an ordinance of the Lords and Commons, 
now assmbled in Parliament, bearing date the second day of 
November, Anno Domini 1643, Robert, Earl of Warwick, 
is constituted, and ordained governor in chief, and lord high 
admiral of all those islands and other plantations inhabited 
or planted by, or belonging to any his Majesty the King of 
England's subjects, (or which hereafter may be inhabited 
and planted by, or belong to them) within the bounds, and 
up^on the coasts of America: 

'And whereas the said Lords have thought fit and thereby 
ordained that Philip Earl of Pembroke, Edward Earl of 
Manchester, William Viscount, Say and Seal, Philip Lord 
Wharton, John Lord Rolle, members of the House of Peers; 
Sir Gilbert Gerrard, Baronet, Sir Arthur Haslerig, Baro- 
net, Sir Henry Vane, jr. Knight, Sir Benjamin Rudyard, 
Knight, John Pym, Oliver Cromwell, Dennis Bond, Miles 
Corbet, Cornelius Holland, Samuel Vassal, John Rolle, 
and William Spurstow, Esqrs. members of the House of 
Commons, should be commissioners to join in aid and as- 
sistance with the said Earl. And whereas, for the better 
government and defence, it is thereby ordained, that the 
aforesaid governor and commissioners, or the greater num- 
ber of them, shall have power, and authority, from time to 
time, to nominate, appoint, and constitute all such subordi- 


nate governor, counsellors, commanders, officers, and 
agents, as they shall judge to be best affected, and most fit, 
aod serviceable for the said islands and plantations; and to 
provide for, order and dispose all things, which they shall, 
from time to time, find most advantageous for the said plan- 
tations; and for the better security of the owners and inhab- 
itants thereof, to assign, ratify, and confirm, so much of 
their afore-mentioned authority and power, and in such man- 
ner, and to such persons, as they shall judge to be fit for 
the better governing and preserving of the said plantations 
and islands, from open violences and private disturbances 
and distractions. And whereas there is a tract of land in 
the continent of America aforesaid, called by the name of 
Narraganset Bay, bordering northward and north-east on 
the patent of Massachusetts, east and south-east on .Ply- 
mouth patent, south on the ocean, and on the west and 
north-west by the Indians called INahigganneucks, alias 
Narragansets, the whole tract extending about twenty-five 
English miles, unto the Pequod river and country. 

And whereas, well affected and industrious English in- 
habitants, of the towns of Providence, Portsmouth and 
jVewport, in the tract aforesaid, have adventured to make a 
nearer neighborhood and society with the great body of the 
Narragansets, which may in time, by the blessing of God 
upon their endeavors, lay a sure foundation of happiness to 
all America; and have also purchased, and are purchasing 
of and amongst the natives, some other places, which may 
be convenient, both for plantations, and also for building'of 
ships, supply of pipe staves, and other merchandise. 

And whereas the said English have represented their de- 
sire to the said Earl, and commissioners, to have their hope- 
ful beginnings approved and confirmed, by granting unto 
them a free charter of civil incorporation and government; 
that they may order and govern their plantation in such a 
manner, as to maintain justice and peace, both among them- 
selves, and towards all men with whom they shall have to 
do. In due consideration of the said premises, the said 
Robert, Earl of Warwick, governor in chief, and lord high 
admiral of the said plantations, and the greater number of 
the said commissioners, whose names and seals are here- 
under written and subjoined, out of a desire to encourage 
the good beginnings of the said planters, do, by the author- 
ity of the aforesaid ordinance of the Lords and Commons, 


give, grant, and confirm, to the aforesaid inhabitants of the 
towns of Providence, Portsmouth and Newport, a free and 
absolute charter of incorporation, to be known by the name 
of The Incorporation of Provid.nce Plantations, in the JVar- 
raganset Bay, in Neiv- England. Together with full power 
and authority, to rule themselves, and such others as shall 
hereafter inhabit within any part of the said tract of land, by 
such a form of civil government, as by voluntary consent of 
all, or the greater part of them, they shall find most suitable 
to their estate and condition; and, for that end, to make and 
ordain such civil laws and constitutions, and to inflict such 
punishments upon transgressors, and for execution thereof, 
so to place, and displace officers of justice, as they, or the 
greatest part of them, shall by freo consent agree unto. 
Provided, ntverlheless, that the said laws, constitutions, and 
punishments, for the civil government of the said planta- 
tions, be conformable to the laws of England, so far as the 
nature and constitution of the place will admit. And al- 
ways reserving to the said Earl, and commissioners, and 
their successors, power and authority for to dispose the gen- 
eral government of that, as it stands in relation to the rest 
of the plantations in America, as they shall conceive, from 
time to time, most conducing to the general good of the said 
plantations, the honor of his Majesty, and the serviceofthe 
State. Arid the said Earl and commissioners do further 
authorize, that the aforesaid inhabitants, for the better 
transacting of their public affairs, to make and use a public 
seal, as the known seal of the Providence Plantations, in 
the Narraganset Bay, in New England. In testimony 
whereof, the said Robert, Earl of Warwick, and commis- 
sioners, have hereunto set their hands and seals, the four- 
teenth day of March, in the nineteenth year of our sover- 
eign lord King Charles, and in the year of our Lord God, 




Acuntaug brook, ) gee H; Q5 

Jlchagomiconset, ) 

Jlquebinockett A small island also called Round Island. 

(L. E. 1, 316.) 
Agawam Ipswich (Huch. 27) or Springfield (Huch. 1; 98) 

or Wareharn. 
Jlpaum Plymouth. 
Jipponaug in Warwick (Opponenauhock, Shell-fish ? 

(Key 103.) 
Jlquldneset or Jlquitawoset The name of Atherton's northern 

purchase, north and north-east of Wickford. (State Re- 

cords, 1686-1715, p. 349.) 

Jlquidneesuc Small or Dutch Island. (L. E. 1, 86.) 
Jiquidneck or Jiqu&thnlc Rhode-Island; the middle syllable 

was probably guttural. 
JLshuniunck Either Beaver or Usquepaug river. (See His- 

tory page 66. 

Jlquopimoquk Gould Island. (L. E. 1, 33.) 
Jlzorquomsut Island. (See L. E. 1, 164.) 
Bass Pond At the head of Narrow river. (Old Plats). 
Bassokutoquagc (L. E. 1, 33.) 
Bfiebe Pond is marked on the old maps, the first pond east 

of Pawcatuck river. 
Cajasd A place on Conanicut. (See Governor Benedict 

Arnold's will.) 
Chanan^on^iim A place in the Nipmuc country (Trum- 

bull, 1, 346.) 

Chemunganoc in the present town of Charlestown. 
Chibbachuweset Prudence Island. (L. E. 1, 243.) 

Chippacurset Prudence Island. 

Ckiseiueanock, > Hog-Island. (See R. Smith, Jr's. will, 

Chcsawanue,* ) and petition to Andros.) 

Cocumscussuc, ) The country around and west and north- 

Caucumsquissic, ^ west of Wickford. 

Cauc urns quls sic brook Stony brook, the south-west boun- 

dary of the Quidneset purchase. 
Cocumscussuc harbor Wickford harbor. 
Column Neponset. 


Conockonoquit Rose Island. (L. E. 1, 103, 316.) 
Cojoot Name of a black lead mine in Pettaquamscut, pro- 
bably at the foot of Tower Hill. (L. E. 2, 147.) 
Cupheag Stratford, Connecticut. 

Coiveset East-Greenwich. (Cowesuc Pine? Key, 90.) 
Bedford East-Greenwich. (History, 1686.) 
Feversham Westerly. (L. E. 1, 384 History, 1686.) 
French Orchard An orchard planted by the French set- 
tlers near a spring on the farm late owned by Pardon 
Mawney, Esq. deceased, in East-Greemvich. The coun- 
try around there was called Frenchtown. 
tlaversham Same as Feversham. 
Homogansei Same as Naniquokset. 

Hornheap The north-west corner of the Pettaquamscut 
purchase, so called from a pair of buck's horns placed on 
the pile when first erected. 

Indian Run so called from the circumstance of an Indian 
being chased along its banks, and finally overtaken and 
killed by one of the whites. 
Kesikomuck Same as JVaniquokset, 
Kickemuit, the upper part of Warren. 
Kitackamucqut See the Indian deed of Aquidnec. 
Matlabesic Middletown, Conn. 
Machemoodus East-Haddam. 

Maskechusic Point At the mouth of Hunt's river on Lock- 
wood's map. 

Mascachowage River-The north-east boundary of Quidneset. 
Mancachowage in the north part of Quidneset purchase. 
Mamaniskak, > See Sosoa's deed of the Westerly pur- 

Metecompemiscock, ) chase. 
Manisses or Monasses Block Island. 
JWattoomuc neck and river, about the north-west part of Point 

Judith Pond. (L. E. 1, 438.) 

Matapoiset Sometimes Swansey, sometimes Rochester. 
J\ienunkatuck Guildford, Conn. 
Misliaivum Charlestown, Mass. 

Misquamicut The neck of land on the east side of Pawca- 
tuck river, in the town of Westerly. (Mishquammauquok 
Salmon? Key, 103.) 
Minabaug Pond (See history, page 65.) 
Minnacommuc An island in a cedar swamp in Westerly. 

History, 1662. 

Moonasachuet river See Pettaquamscut deeds, L.E. 2, 140. 
Mooshausic Providence . 


Moskotage river Narrow river, between Pettaquamscut 

rock and the sea. (L. E. 2, 153.) 
Nantuzenunk or Nomsussmuc Goat Island. (Foster papers, 

1, 274 L. E. 1, 110, 315.) 

Namcook, also spelled Naincocke, JYamococfce, JVaomMcfc, and 
Nameok Boston Neck. 

JVaniquokset The neck ofland between Wickford and An- 
naquatucket river. (L. E. 1, 164 Smith's deeds.) 

Namyoke See Haz. 2, 87, 131. 

Newbarry-~A. tract of land 6 miles square in the country 
west of Wickfoid, designed by Atherton and his associ- 
ates for the French emigrants, but was never settled by 
them. (N. K. Rec. 2, 56.) 

Neekequawsee, Neekequawese or Narriganset Pond Most 
probably Quonocontaug pond in Charlestown. (Old In- 
dian Plat.) 

Neshunganeses brook (See history, page 65.) 

JVtpmuc The country about the north-west part of the State. 

Nijantic or Neanlicoet included Westerly and Charlestown. 
(See history, page 27.) 

Oliomauke A swamp a few miles west of Mystic river. (3 
M. H C. 1, 161.) 

Partridge Beach The strip ofland which joins Beaver neck 
to the main part of Conanicut. (See Gcrv. Benedict Ar- 
nold's will.) 

Potowomut or Polowoomuck A neck of land near East- 

Patuxet Sometimes Plymouth in Massachusetts. 

Paussacliuco Pond At the head of Narrow river. 

Passpa(anage This name is given to Wecapaug in some 
of the Westerly purchase papers. 

Pattiquasset River Connecticut River. (Haz. 2, 93.) 

Pettiquamscut or Maltaluxot River Narrow River. (L. E. 

2, 156.) 

Pettiquamscut Harbor At the mouth of the river. (L. 
E. 1, 37.) 

Pettiquamscut Rock On the west side of Narrow river, 
northeast from the Tower Hill Church. (L. E. 2, 146- 
7-8. (See deed from Sewal to William Gardner, 1706.) 

Pequot River Thames River. 

Pequot^Path or road The old path for travel leading along 
the west shore of the Bay through Charlestown and Wes- 
terly, to the Pequot country. 


Pocasset Tiverton. 

Pyquag Weathersfield. 

Puscommattas A pond on the west side of a cedar swamp irt 
Westerly. (History, page 65.) 

Pughquonnuc Stratford, Conn. 

Quabaog Brookfield. 

Quacataug A piece of upland running into the Indian 
great cedar swamp in Charlestown. 

Quacut or Nanniquacut neck Near Rowland's Ferry. 
(Church, 39.) 

Quassakoonkanuc Pond Lyeth north-west from the mill at 
" the head of Narrow river. (L. E. 1, 250.) 

Queqnatuck or Quequathanic or Quequatage About twenty 
miles up Pawcatuc river, near where Crandal's mill stood 
on said river in 1681. See History page 65, and Wes- 
terly purchase papers. 

Queen's Highway Laid out in 1703. Believed to be the 
present road from Kingston southerly by the backside of 
the Ponds, and the same with the road the laying out of 
which is described in the Appendix. 

Quinamoge Name of a tract of fresh meadow in the Wes- 
terly purchase. 

Quinepiac New-Haven. 

Qumatumpick See deed of Hall's purchase. (L. l. 1,2.) 

Quowatchauc See deed of Hall's purchase, probably same 
as Watchaug. 

Quonset Point Same as Seconiqonset. 

Rochester Kingstown. History, 1686. 

Sasco swamp, in Fairfield. 

Sagatucket river Still so called. (L. E. 1, 438, and 2, 153.) 

Sawgoge See Cojinaquand's lease to Smith. 

Seconiquonset point North-east from Wickford. 

Sepooke Name of a tract of land R. Smith bought of the 
Indian, Hermon Garret. See Westerly purchase papers. 

Shannock Still so called. (Mishanneke, a squirrel? Key, 

Shaganis?athoke See Westerly papers. 

Shewatuck, Shewatucket, Shewatucquise, or Showatucquese, a 
small stream southerly from Wicl^fbrd. See the Indian 
deeds and leases to Richard Smith. Sometimes used to 
mean the same as Naniquokset. 

Six mile Pond The west branch of Point Judith ponds. 


Shawomet Old Warwick. In the Indian language Shaw- 
mut meant " Springs." (2 M. H. C. 10, 173.) 

Southertown A name applied to the country on both sides 
adjacent to Pawcatuck river. (State Records, 1638-70, 
page 260. History, 1653.) 

Sowams Barrington. 

Sogkonate, or Seaconet In Little Compton. 

Soivanoxet Fox IslandSouth-east of Wickford. (L. E. 1, 
164 Smith deeds.) 

Squamicut Same as Misquamacut. 

Swamptoum A name generally given to Bly's purchase, in 
North Kingstown. 

Teapanock Probably Babcock's Pond in Westerly. (Old 
Indian Plat.) 

Tismatuc Same as Wecapaug. See order of Commis- 

Tislicottic See history, page 65. A farm in Westerly is 
still known by this name, formerly Samuel Ward's. 

Tammany hill Near Newport. So called from Wannu- 
metonomy, the Sachem of the island when the English ar- 
rived. (State Records, 1667.) 

Training lot A lot on the west side of Narrow river, south 
east from Tower hill, originally laid out, as appears by 
the plat, to Thomns Mumford, now in possession of the 
town. It has occasionally been used as a place of exe- 
cution for criminals. 

Tunxis Farmington. 

Umpaum Same as Apaum. (Church 33.) 

Usquepaug, or Wauwoskepog A name anciently given to 
Hall's purchase. See Davel's deposition, and history, 
page 70. 

Unquowa Fair field . 

Wetuset or Wachuset hills In Princetown, Mass. 

Wannuchccomecul A part of Boston Neck. 

Waxcodaiva Same as Weakapaug. (Old Indian plat.) 

fVawultaqualuc See history, page 65. 

Wabcquasset A place in Nipmuc country. 

JVaranoke West field, Conn. 

Wecapage or Wekapaug Most probable the stream running 
into Quonocontaug pond. See Westerly papers, and his- 
tory, page 56. 

Wepowack A mistake of some careless transcriber forJVeio- 
port, in copying Pessicus's confirmation of the Westerly 


Wequatticket See Roger Williams' letters in Appendix. 

Westototucket Either Beaver or Usquepaug river. See his- 
tory, page 66. 

Wimatompic See deed of Hall's purchase. (L. E. 1, 2.) 

Woonachasut Coaster's Harbor Island. (L. E. 1, 110, 315.) 
The name of Coaster's .Harbor was given to it by the first 
Nicholas Easton. 

Wopawage, Mil for d k 

Weinshauks A residence of the Sachem Sassacus, west o f 
the Mystic river. (3 M. H. C. 1, 161.) 

Yagunsk A brook on the east side of Ninigret'sfort. His- 
tory, page 65. 


BULL. Henry Bull came from South Wales through 
Massachusetts into Rhode-Island. His wife Elizabeth died 
1665. His second wife was Anne (Clay ton) 'widow of Gov. 
Easton. She died 1707. He was Governor in 1685, and 
died 1693. His children were 1, Jireh, who was born at 
Portsmouth, 1638, whose sons were Jireh, Henry, Ephraim 
and Ezekiel. 2, Henry. 3, Hester, who died 1676. 4, 

The children of Jireh son of Jireh, were Jireh, 1682; 
Benjamin and Benedict. Ephraim Bull married 1st, Mary 
Coggeshall, 1692, and 2nd, Hannah Holway, 1700. His 
children were 1, Mary, who married Peleg Mumford. 2, 
Rebecca, who married Samuel Haydon. 3, Content. 4, 
Ephraim, born 1702, whose children were Ephraim, born 
1729, Jireh, Joseph, Katharine, Henry, Thomas, John and 
Patience. 5, Hannah. 6, Amy, who married Joseph 

Henry son of Henry lived in Narragansett; married Anne 
Cole of Kingstown, and died young. Besides a son E- 
phraim, who died young, and a daughter Ann; he had a 
son Henry born 1687, who married Martha daughter of 
John Odlin. The latter, Henry, owned a large tract in 
Narragansett, probably inherited from his grandfather, of 
which John J. Watson, Esq. now owns a part, said formerly 
to have been the greatest dairy farm in Narragansett. He 
had by his first wife four sons and two daughters, and by his 
second wife Phebe, daughter of Daniel Coggeshall of Ports- 



mouth, seven sons and three daughters. His son John 
married Ruth, daughter of George Cornell of Middletown, 
and had three children, Lydia, Phebe and Henry/ The 
latter is now living in Newport. 

If is said the first Henry Bull had a brother who settled 
jn Connecticut, whose name is believed to have been 

GARDNER. William Gardner (commonly called Wicked 
William) died about 1732. His children were John, Han- 
nah, who married Rev. James McSparran, Sylvester, &c. 
The latter was a physician, and received a first rate educa- 
tion abroad. John son of Dr. Sylvester, was father of the 
Rev. John Sylvester Gardner, who lately died in Bos- 
ton. John son of William had several children, John born 
1745, Amos 1729, Benjamin, &.c. Amos died about 1793. 
His sons were Capt. James, Amos and John. 

Five brothers of this name bought out a part of John Por- 
ter's share in the Pettiquamscut purchase. They were 1, 
Benoni, whose sons were Nathaniel, Stephen, William, &.c. 

2, Henry, whose sons were Henry, William, Ephraim, &c- 

3, George. 4, William who had a son William. 5, Nich- 
olas. William son of Henry died about 1732; his sons were 
Jo hn, enry, &.c. Ephraim son of the first Henry had several 
sons, 1. Christopher, father of Capt. Nicholas E. Gardner. 

2, Samuel father of Samuel E. and Thomas R. Gardner. 

3, Sylvester. 4, James, &c. 

ROBINSON. Rowland Robinson was born in England 
about, the year 1654, came over in 1675; married Mary 
daughter of John Allen. He died about 1716. He had 
sons 1, William, who died about 1751, 2, John, who mar- 
ried Mary Hazard, and died before his father. The daugh- 
ters of John were Mary, born 1705, Sarah, 1706-7, Ruth, 
1708-9, Stc. Rowland Robinson in his will mentions his 
daughters Elizabeth (wife of William) Browne, Mary Mum- 
ford, Sarah Barton and Marcy. 

William Robinson was twice married. His children were 

1, Rowland, born 1719, who married Anstis Gardner and 
had three children, Hannah, Mary, and William born 1758. 

2, John, 1721. 3, Margaret, 1722. 4, Elizabeth, 1724; 
married a Hazard. 5, Martha, 1725; married a Clark 6, 
Christopher, 1727. 7, William, 1729. 8, Mary, 1736. 
9, James, 1738. 10, John, 1742. 11, Sylvester. 12, 
Thomas. 13, Abigail. 


The children of William son of William, were Hannah, 
Abigail, Philip born 1755. 

The children of Christopher were Abigail, Christopher 
born 1756, George, 1758, and Elizabeth. 

The children of John, son of William, were Benjamin, 
1763, Sarah, 1764, William, 1766, John, 1767, Sylvester, 
1769, and Thomas, 1771. 

The children of Sylvester were James, 1756, William, 

BRADFORD. It is probable that nearly all of this name 
in New-England are descended from Gov. William Brad- 
ford, who came over to Plymouth in 1620. He had three 
sons, John, William and Joseph. William was born in 
1624, was sometime deputy-governor; thrice married, and 
had a numerous family who were scattered over New-Eng- 
land. One of his descendants was the late Dr. William 
Bradford of Bristol. Several of them settled in Kingstown. 

CASE. Joseph Case had children 1, Joseph, born 1678, 
whose son Joseph was grandfather of Dr. Benjamin W. 
Case. 2, William, born 1681, whose son William was 
grandfather of Judge William C. Clark of Kingston. 3, 
Mary. 4 f Hannah. 5, Margaret. 6, John, born 1692, 
who had a son Daniel, born 1721. 7, Emanuel, born 1699, 
whose son Emanuel was father of John P. Case, JEsq, 

The homestead house of the first of the name here men- 
tioned, is said to have been on the Case land, east of King- 
ton village, now owned by Elisha R. Pottqr, south-east from 
the present house, near which is their burying ground. 

STUART. Gilbert Stuart the celebrated portrait painter, 
was a native of Narragansett, His father came from Scot- 
land, and here married an Anthony. Gilbert was born near 
Narrow river, where his father lived. In 1775 he went to 
England, and became a pupil of Benjamin West. From 
London he went to Ireland by invitation from the Viceroy 
the Duke of Rutland, but did not arrive there until after the 
Duke's decease. He spent several years in Ireland, and 
then returned to his native country for the express purpose 
of painting General Washington. While abroad he married 
a lady of English family. His last years were spent in 
Boston. For a longer account see Knapp's Lectures on 
American Literature, p. 193, Dunlop's History of the Arts of 
Design. The account given in the latter work is said by his 


friends not to be entirely correct, and was written by a per- 
son supposed to be both personally and politically hostile to 
him during his latter years. 

WARD. The first of the family who came to America was 
Thomas Ward, who came from Glocester in England to 
Newport, married there, and died Sept. 25, 1698, aged 48. 
His wife's name was Amey. John Ward, father of Thomas, 
afterwards came over, and died April, 1698, aged 79. 

Thomas Ward was a Baptist, and had been in Cromwell's 
army. His son Richard was born April 15, 1689. He mar- 
ried Mary daughter of John Tillinghast, Nov. 2, 1709. He 
was Governor in 1741-2, and died Aug. 21, 1763, aged 74. 
Mary his wife died 1767, aged 78. Their children were 

1. Amey, born Sept. 4, and died Oct. 22, 1710. 

2. Thomas, born Oct. 24, 1711, married Content Cog- 
geshall. His children were] Mary, born 1735; Richard, 
1737; Elizabeth, 1742. Thomas died Dec. 21, 1760. 

3. Mary, born Dec. 10, 1713, married Ebenezer Flagg, 
died May 21, 1781. 

4. Elizabeth, born Feb. 19, 1715, died Aug. 27, 1717. 

5. Amey, born July 21, 1717, married Samuel Vernon, 
and died Jan 17, 1792. 

6. Isabel, born Sept. 19, 1719, married Huxford Mar- 
chant, and died Feb. 5, 1808. She was grandmother of 
Judge Wm. Marchant. 

7. Hannah, born Sept. 4, 1721, and died Dec. 27, 1783. 

8. John, born Aug. 4, 1723, died Aug. 15, 1724. 

9. Samuel, born. May 27, 1725; married Anne Ray, was 
Governor in 1762 and 1765, member of Congress in 1774-6, 
and died at Philadelphia, March 26, 1776. 

10. Mercy, born June 3, 1727, died Oct. 25, 1730. 

11. Margaret, born April 14, 1729, married Col. Samuel 
Freebody Jan. 1, 1765, and died June 27, 1765. 

12. Richard, born Jan. 22, 1730, died Aug. 7, 1732. 

13 Henry, born Dec. 27, 1732- He was a long time 
Secretary; married Esther daughter of Thomas Freebody. 
His daughter Elizabeth was 1759. She married Dr. Par- 
don Bowen. Henry Ward died Nov. 25, 1797. 

14. Elizabeth, born June 6, 1735. 

Samuel, the 2nd of five sons of Gov. Samuel Ward, was 
born at East Greenwich, Nov. 17, 1756, graduated at Prov- 
idence college, married a daughter of Gov. Wm. Greene, 
was a Colonel in the Continental army, and died on Long 


Island, August 16, 1832. [Backus 1,516: 3, 234. Foster 

WHALE or WHALEY. The following ac count is abridged 
from Styles' History of the Judges of King Charles I. 

Theophilus Whale lived on the Willet farm. He came 
there from Virginia about 1679-80, built an underground 
hut at the north end of the pond, and lived by fishing and 
writing for the settlers. From his name he was supposed 
to be the Judge, and when questioned, answered obscurely. 
Col. Francis Willet said that the gentlemen who visited 
there from Boston in his father's time, treated Whale with 
great respect and furnished him with money. In Queene 
Anne's war a ship of war whose captain's name was Whale 
anchored near there and they visited and recognised each 
other as cousins. Whale always used to say that he was of 
collegiate education, had been brought up delicately, and 
had been a captain in the Indian wars in Virginia. He knew 
Hebrew, Greek, &c- He subsisted part of the time by 

Whale died about 1719-20, aged about 104 years. His 
children were 1, Joan; 2, Ann; 3, Theodosia, married Rob- 
ert Spencer; 4, Elizabeth, married Charles Hazleton and 
had a daughter Penelope; 5, Martha, married first a Hop- 
kins and then Robert Spencer. She was the mother of 
Judge Samuel Hopkins, and of a daughter who married 
Othniel Gorton. 6, Lydia, married John Sweet; 7, Sam- 
uel, married first a Hopkins, then a Harrngton. He died 
about 1782. His childr-en were 1, Thomas; 2, Samuel; 3, 
Theophilus; 4, James or Jeremy; 5, John, and two daugh- 

Col. Willet afterwards on seeing Goffe's Mss. and Huch- 
inson's account, was convinced that Whale was not Judge 
Whalley, but still believed him to be one of the King's 

UPDIKE. Dr. Gilbert Updike was of a Dutch family set- 
tled on Lloyd's Neck on Long-Island. When Col. Nich- 
ols reduced New- York, he came to Rhode-Island, and mar- 
ried a daughter of Richard Smith, who lived near where 
Wickford now is. His sons were Lodowick, Daniel, James, 
&c. Three of his sons were killed in the great swamp 
fight, and buried in the large grave. Lodowick alone suy- 
vived his father- ' He died about 1737, and left several chil- 


dren, Daniel, Richard, Esther, Catharine, Sarah, Abigail, 
and Martha. 

The children of Daniel Updike were Lodowick, born Ju- 
ly 12, 1725; Mary, born April 11, 1727; Gilbert and Wil- 
kins. Richard Updike died before his father. His sons 
were Richard and John, who were both sea captains. 

HAZARD. Thomas Hazard came to this country from 
Wales about 1639, bringing with him his son Robert at that 
time about four years old. He has by some been supposed 
to be Goffe, one of the King's Judges, but this is improba- 
ble, as it is proved from deeds, &c. that he was herein 
1640. Robert Hazard had children, Thomas, George,- 
Stephen, Robert and Jeremiah. 

Thomas Hazard, 2nd died 1745-6, aged 92. His sons were 
1, Robert who died 1762, and whose sorts were Thomas, (fa- 
ther of Rowland who died near Poughkeepsie, 1835,) Jona- 
than and Richard. 2. Thomas 3. Stephen father of Fones 
Hazard. 4, Jeremiah. 5. George, whose sons were Ben- 
jamin, Simeon, George, Enoch and Thomas, the latter the 
father of Benjamin Hazard, Esq. of Newport, 8tc. 6, Bed- 
jamin, the father of Thomas B. Hazard. 7, Jonathan the 
father of (Virginia) Thomas, George 8cc* 

George son of Robert, died 1743. His children were 1, 
Robert who probably died before his father. 2. Caleb who 
was the father of William, Dr Robert and Caleb. 3. George, 
Deputy Governor, whose sons were Carder (father of Peter 
B. Robert II. and Dr George) and George, Mayor of New- 
port and Deputy Governor. 4.- Col. Thomas, whose 
daughters married Samuel Fayertweather, Judge Wm. Pot- 
ter, Carder Hazard and George Hazard. 5. Oliver, whose 
sons were Oliver &c., and one of whose daughters married 
Freeman Perry, grandfather of Com. Oliver H. Perry. 

Stephen, son of the first Robert, had sons, 1. Judge Ste- 
phen. C 2, Robert, Deputy Governor- 3. Samuel. 4. Thomas. 

Robert, son of the first Robert, had sons Jeffrey, com- 
monly called Stout Jeffry, Robert, John, Jeremy, &c. The 
last naned was grandfather of Jeffry Hazard, Esqr., late 
Lieutenant Governor. 

It is traditionary in the family that a brother of the first 
Thomas Hazard came over with him, who was ancestor of 
the New-York and South Carolina Hazards. 


CLARKE. John Clarke died April 20, 1676, in his 66th 
year, and was buried on the west side of Tanner street in 
Newport. He was, by tradition, of Bedfordshire, Eng- 
land; born Oct. 8, 1609, and married Elizabeth daughter of 
John Harges, Esq. of Bedfordshire. He styles himself 
John Clark, Physician, of London, in a power of attorney he 
signed in 1656, to receive a legacy given by his wife's fath- 
er out of the manor of Wreslingworth in Bedfordshire. His 
wife died at Newport without issue. He married Mrs. 
Jane Fletcher, Feb. 1, 1671. She died April 19, 1672. 
A daughter was born Feb. 14, 1672, and died May 18, 
1673. He married next widow Sarah Davis who survived 
him. Mr. Clarke was two or three years deputy-governor, 
a long time colony agent in London, and left considerable 
property to charitable purposes. He had three brothers, 
Thomas, Joseph and Carew. Of these Joseph had two 
sons, Joseph who removed to Westerly, and John the grand- 
father of Judge William C. Clark of Kingston. 

WILLET. Capt. Thomas Willet was one of the last of the 
Leyden Company, and came over about 1630. He was 
the first English Mayor of New-York, after it was reduced 
by Col. Nicolls. He held that office again afterwards. He 
died Aug. 4, 1674, in his 64th year, and was buried at the 
head of Bullock's cove. He married Mary daughter of 
John Brown, Esqr. His children were 1. Thomas. 2. 
Hester, born 1647. 3. Rebecca, died young. 4. James, 
born 1649. 5. Andrew, who was at first a trader in Bos- 
ton, afterwards lived on Boston Neck, died there 1712, aged 
56, and is buried there. His sons were Col. Francis Wil- 
let, who died Feb. 6, 1776, aged 83, without issue, and 
Thomas, who died single. 6. Samuel. Col. Marinus Wil- 
let, who was mayor of New-York and was distinguished in 
the revolutionary war, was grandson of Samuel. 7. Hez- 
ekiah died young. 8. Hezekiah born 1652, and was killed 
by the Indians June 26, 1676. 

One of Capt. Thomas Willet's daughters married a Wil- 
son, Mary married Samuel Hooker of Farmington, Conn., 
and Martha married Judge John Saffin. [Daggett's^Attle- 
borough. Styles' History of the Judges. Baylies' Ply- 
mouth, part 4, p. 7-8.] 

The burying ground of the Willets is on the farm in Bos- 
ton Neck, owned by Willet Carpenter, Esq. 


It would seem from Styles' History, that the Willet farm 
was formerly reputed to have been the residence of the In- 
dian sachem Meantinomy. 

MAWNEY. The French name was LeMoine, afterwards 
Englished into Mawney. Moses Le Moine, with a number 
of others, came from France during the persecution which 
followed the revocation of the edict of IN antes in 1685. They 
pitched their tents in what was then a wilderness, built huts, 
and planted an orchard, from them called the French or- 
chard, near a spring on that part of the Pardon Mawney 
farm now owned by Nicholas G. Mawney, in East Green- 
wich. The country is still called Frenchtown. 

Moses had two children, Peter, and Mary who married 
an Appleby of New- York. Peter, by his first wife, Mary 
Tillinghast, had five children, by his second, three. They 
were 1. Elizabeth, married Joseph Tillinghast. 2. Mer- 
cy, married a Fry. 3. Lydia, married Dr. Ephraim Bowen. 
4. Mary, married James Angell. 5. John. 6. Pardon, 
supposed to be lost at sea. 7. Sarah, married Joseph Whip- 
pie. 8. Amey, married a Dr. Carrol. 

John, son of Peter, died June 13, 1754, aged 35 years 
and 10 months. He married Amey daughter of Robert 
Gibbs, Esqr. His children were 1. Pardon, born at Prov- 
idence, Dec. 27, 1748, died at East Greenwich, Aug. 6, 
1831. He married Experience daughter of Caleb Gardner 
of South Kingstown. 2. John, who was a physician, for 
some time Sheriff of Providence county, and was one of 
those who burnt the Gaspee. He died 1830, in Cranston. 3. 
Hannah, married Stephen Harris and died at the age of 34, 
leaving one son, Stephen, who died unmarried. 4. Mary 
died Dec. 25, 1757, aged 11 years. 5. Nancy died at the 
age of 17. 

BERNEAU or BERNON. Gabriel Berneau or Bernon was 
born at Rochelle in France, April 6, 1644. He was a man 
of large property and hereditary register of Rochelle. On 
account of his religious opinions he was imprisoned two 
years in that place, and on his release went and lived about 
a year in Holland, from whence he came to America. He 
lived ten years in Newport and Narragansett, and died at 
Providence, Feb. 1, 1736, in his9d year. He was buried 
under the old Episcopal Church in Providence. 

Bernon had 10 children by his 1st wife, 8 of whom came 


with him. By his 2nd wife, Mary Harris, he had four 
children. While in Holland his daughter Ester married 
Adam ap Howel a Welchman. She died a widow, Oct. 20, 
1746, aged 69 years and 9 days, and was buried at Tower 
Hill. Ester daughter of Adam ap Howel or Powell, mar- 
ried Judge James Helme, Esq. and died March 22, 1764, 
in her 46th year. 

The Coddington's, Whipple's, Crawford's, Jenckes 5 , Al- 
len and Tourtellot families, are also connected with Mr. 

WATSON. John Watson died about 1728. His sons 
were Samuel, John, William, &c. John had children Han- 
nah, Ann, John born 1709, Jeffrey born 1712, Elisha born 
1716, and Amy. The children of Jeffrey were Hannah, 
Jeffrey born 1734, Elisha born 1736, Marcy, Dorcas, Sa- 
rah, William born 1745 and Bathsheba. The children of 
John last named were 1. John born 1737, father of Judge 
John. 2. Hannah. 3. Bridget. 4. Job, 1744. 5. Ma- 
ry. 6. Elisha, 1748, father of Elisha Watson, Esq., Jo- 
seph, William, Freeman, &c. 7. Isabel. 8. Walter 1753. 
The children of Job Watson were Isabel, Job, 1767, Robert 
Hazard, 1769, Walter, 1770, Borden, 1772, and John Jay, 



The following are believed to be the only mistakes in printing of any 
consequence, and may be easily corrected with a pen. 

Page 20, 10 lines from bottom p. 76, 13 lines from top, for on, read or, 
Passim, for Coquinaquand read Coginaquand. 

Page 56, 2 lines from top, for Hathome, read Hathorne 
" 57,20 " " " for Jassarono, read Tassarono. 
" 62, 27 " " " for disputes read difficulty. 
" 64, 2 " ' bottom, for Dwell, read DivelPs. 
" 70, 1 " ' top. for St. read St. Records. 
" 70, 2 " < " for N. read n. 
" 25, 4 " ' bottom, for N read n. 

' 76, 20 <c ' top, for to Ward's cove, read towards the cove. 

' 78,21 " e " strikeout " the major part of." 

111, 3 and 4 lines from bottom, for Pesquamscut, read Pesquawscut 

c 113, 19 lines from bottom, for given, read green. 

'114,10 " " top, for Warwick, read Norwich. 

'167, 5 u " bottom, for Quanspit, read Quananchet. 

167, 7 " " " for Tawayeson, read Tawageson. 

'172,13 " " " read "a son of abrother of Canonicus." 

200 and 201, for Brenton, read Breereton. 

' 215, 19 lines from top, for 1,757, read 1757. 

'225,13 " " " for James O. Newton, read James Newton, 

' 226, 20 " " " for 218, read 70. 

' 242, 18 "" " for T, read I. 
303, 32 " " " for Mattoomuc, read Mattoonuc. 

Wft-WJ | UU fc J 



Rhode Island Historical