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Rhode    Island 

Historical    Society 

Collections 


Vol.  XXIX 


JANUARY,  1936 


No.  1 


EARLY  LOCAL  PAPER  CURRENCY 


See  page  10 


Issued  Quarterly 


68  Waterman  Street,  Providence,  Rhode  Island 


<^ 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

Early  Paper  Currency  .  .  .  Cover  and  1 0 

Advertisement  of  1678 

Communicated  by  Fulmer  Mood  ...  1 

A  Rhode  Island  Imprint  of  1  73 1 

Communicated  by  Douglas  C.  McMurtrie      .  3 

New  Publications  of  Rhode  Island  Interest   .  .  9 

New  Members  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  10 

Notes 10 

The  Gore  Roll 

by  Harold  Bowditch    .  ,  .  .  .  11 

Ships'  Protests 30 


w 


T^n- 


rrr 


RHODE 
HISTORICAL 


ISLAND 

SOCIETY 


COLLECTIONS 


Vol.  XXIX 


JANUARY,   1936 


No.  1 


H.  Anthony  Dyer,  President         Gilbert  A.  Harrington,  Treasurer 
Howard  W.  Preston,  Secretary  Howard  M.  Chapin,  Librarian 


The  Society  assumes  no  responsibility  for  the  statements  or  the  opinions 
■of  contributors. 


/- 


An  Early  American  Advertisement 
Concerning  Rhode  Island,  1678 

Cotnmunicated  by  Fulmer  Mood 

The  advertisement  which  is  given  below  is  now  printed, 
it  is  believed,  for  the  first  time  since  it  was  originally  pub- 
lished. The  original  is  to  be  found  in  the  archives  of  the 
Public  Record  Office,  London,  where  I  consulted  it  first 
in  the  autumn  of  1934.  On  referring  to  Charles  Evans, 
American  Bibliography,  volume  I,  and  Willard  O.  Waters, 
American  Imprints,  1 648- 1 797,  in  the  Huntington  Library, 
Supplementing  Evans'  American  Bibliography  (Hunting- 
ton Library  Bulletin  Number  3,  February,  1933)  I  could 
not  locate  this  item,  and  provisionally  decided  that  it  was 
unknown.  But  in  conversation  with  Mr.  Waters  at  the 
Huntington  Library  I  learned  that  that  indefatigable  ex- 
plorer, Worthington  Ford,  had  preceded  me  on  the  trail, 
and  that  he  had  listed  the  document  as  number  64  in  his 
work  on  Massachusetts  Broadsides  and  Ballads,  1639-1800. 

The  advertisement  is  filed  in  the  collection  at  the  Public 
Tlecord  Office  as  C.  O.  1/42,  149.  I.    It  should  be  read  in 


2  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

connection  with  three  other  documents  listed  as  number  836, 
number  837  and  number  839  of  the  Calendar  of  State 
Papers,  Colonial,  America  and  West  Indies,  1677-1680, 
London  1896. 

Although  this  specimen  of  domestic  promotion  literature 
is  indeed  primitive,  when  compared  with  the  identical  type 
of  literature  produced  in  London  at  about  the  same  period, 
yet  it  would  seem  as  though  a  useful  purpose  is  being  served 
by  presenting  it  here,  as  historians  of  Rhode  Island  and  of 
American  advertising  may  perhaps  find  in  it  some  thing 
of  interest. 

AN  ADVERTISEMENT. 

WHereas  the  Lands  of  Narrhaganset^  and  Niantick  Coun- 
try es,  and  parts  adjacent,  are  places  very  pleasant  and 
fertile,  fit  and  commodious  for  plantation,  and  several 
Townships;  the  true  &  legal  Right  whereof  belongs  to 
certain  Gentlemen  in  New-England ,  (the  most  part  of 
them  dwelling  within  the  Colony  of  the  Massachusetts) 
by  purchase  from  the  chief  Sachims,  that  were  sole  Proprie- 
tors of  the  same;  and  was  long  since  allowed  and  approved 
by  the  Honoured  Commissioners  of  the  united  Colonies, 
and  recorded  in  the  Book  of  Records  for  the  Colony  of 
Connecticot,  under  which  Goverment  and  Jurisdiction  the 
Land  aforesaid  lyeth. 

These  are  therefore  to  certifie  &  inform  all  Christian 
Peo-pley  that  are  willing  or  may  be  desirous  to  settle  them- 
selves in  a  regular  way  of  Townships  on  the  said  Lands, 
that  they  may  please  to  apply  themselves  to  the  Subscribers 
hereof  in  Bostony  who  are  by  the  said  Gentlemen,  the 
Proprietors,  chosen  and  appointed  a  Committee  to  act  in 
any  of  their  Concerns  touching  the  Premises ;  with  whom  all 
such  Persons  may  treat  and  agree  on  very  easie  and  reason- 
able Terms. 

T^^y-Tj     .      w     on.  7      1  Simon  Brads  treet. 

IJatedm  noston  the  JOth.  of  j    ,     ,^   ^^ 

T   1        1  ^  -7  o  John  Safhn. 

July.     16  7  8  T-r  1     Tj   .  ,  • 

rJtsha  Hutchinson. 


A  RHODE  ISLAND  IMPRINT  OF   1731  3 

A  Rhode  Island  Imprint  of  1731 

Communkated  by  Douglas  C.  McMurtrie 

In  the  Public  Record  Office,  London,  is  preserved  an 
early  Rhode  Island  imprint  which  appears  to  be  previously 
unrecorded.  It  is  a  four-page  leaflet  bearing  the  imprint: 
"Newport,  Rhode  Island:  Printed  by  J.  Franklin.  1731." 
It  may  be  thus  described: 
Jenks,  William,  and  Walton,  John. 

The    I   Arguments    j    Of  The  Honourable    |    William 
Jenks  Esqj  and  Wr'.John  Walton,  B.  A.  &  V,  D.  M.    | 
Against  the  rash  and  irregular  Proceedings  of  the  Prov- 
ince of    I    the  Massachusetts-Bay,  against  the  Inhabi- 
tants of  that  Land    |    in  Controversy  between  the  said 
Province  and  the  Colony   |   of  Rhode-Island.  .  .  [Colo- 
phon,  p.   4] :   Newport,   Rhode-Island:     Printed  by 
/.  Franklin,  173  1. 
16x26.5  cm.  4  p. 
Public  Record  Office,  C.  O.  5/838 
As  this  printed  document  does  not  lend  itself  to  repro- 
duction, and  as  the  contents  seem  of  considerable  interest, 
it  seems  worth  while  to  transcribe  the  text  herewith: 

ARGUMENT  I. 

The  Land  in  Controversy  is  in  Fact  within  the  Charter 
of  Rhode  Island  Colony,  and  so  Rhode-Island  may  justly 
claim  the  same,  unless  the  Province  can  shew  some  Title, 
or  Right,  paramount  to  that  Charter. 

ARGUM.  II.  It  has  not  yet  appeared  that  the  Province 
ever  had  any  Charter  of  the  same  j  for  they  pretend  to  hold 
it  by  Ply^nouth  Charter,  which  was  bounded  by  the  Country 
of  Sewampsit,  which  leaves  out  the  Land  in  Controversy, 
and  also  considerable  other  Land,  lying  between  Rhode 
Island  Colony  and  Old  Plymouth,  which  never  was  at  all 


4  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

comprehended  in  the  Province  Charter,  and  yet  belongs  to 
His  Majesty,  and  contains,  by  Estimation,  a  Tract  of  Land 
Twenty  Miles  long,  and  Seven  Miles  wide,  at  one  End, 
and  only  a  Point  at  the  other. 

ARC  III.  It  doth  not  yet  appear,  that  there  hath  been  any 
Agreement,  whereby  the  Province  could  justly  claim  the 
Jurisdiction  of  the  said  Landj  and  especially,  because  the 
pretended  Settlement  made  by  the  King's  Commissioners, 
was  done  without  the  Assistance  of  Richard  Nichollsy  and 
so  was  contrary  to  their  Commission:  And  what  was  done 
was  only  p-o  Tempore,  till  the  King's  Pleasure  could  be 
known. 

2.  What  was  done  by  the  Commissioners,  was  expresly 
contrary  to  their  Orders;  for  they  were  to  settle  the  Bounds 
according  to  Charter,  which  they  did  not  do;  for,  a  North 
Line  from  Pattucet  Falls,  which  is  according  to  Rhode- 
Island  Charter,  in  Fact  takes  in  the  Land  in  Controversy; 
and  the  Delivery  of  the  Charter  to  Rhode  Island,  gave 
them  the  Possession  of  the  Jurisdiction,  et  Jus  in  foro  Regis. 

3.  The  King  afterwards  chose  thirteen  Commissioners  to 
settle  the  said  Line,  and  expresly  declared.  That  the  First 
had  done  Nothing.  So  that  the  King's  Pleasure  is  known, 
and  the  Doings  of  the  former  Commissioners  vacated. 

4.  The  Colony  of  Rhode-Island  never  assented  to  any 
Thing  done  by  the  Commissioners,  and  that  because  it  was 
done  contrary  to  their  Orders,  and  to  the  Charter,  and 
without  Richard  Nicholls;  and  so  nothing  passed  by 
Agreement. 

ARC  IV.  The  Province  made  an  Act  which  superceded  all 
Processes  respecting  Taxes,  till  the  Line  should  be  settled: 
So  that  it  seems  unreasonable  to  do  Violence  to  their  own 
Acts,  and  to  interpret  them  expresly  contrary  to  their  Gram- 
matical Sense;  and  especially  seeing  that  Act  was  federal, 
and  founded  upon  a  Letter  sent  from  the  Colony  of  Rhode- 
Island,  and  could  no  more  be  violated,  than  a  Grant  of 
Land  be  vacated. 


A  RHODE  ISLAND  IMPRINT  OF   1731  5 

And  if  the  Province  intends  to  be  more  religious  than 
Rhode-Islandy  we  would  entreat  its  People  to  set  good 
Examples,  and  learn  to  keep  their  Covenants,  and  show  a 
Christian  Moderation,  and  not  prey  upon  their  Neighbours, 
nor  let  Might  overcome  Right;  but  let  them  imitate  Christ, 
and  not  cast  Stumbling  Blocks  in  the  Way,  to  hinder  the 
Growth  of  Christianity. 

ARC  V,  But  suppose  for  Argument's  Sake,  that  Rhode- 
Island  had  not  Right  to  the  Land;  yet  inasmuch  as  they 
claim  it,  and  have  (by  Order  of  Assembly)  granted  Prohi- 
bitions, forbidding  all  Persons  at  their  utmost  Perils  to 
meddle  with  any  Rates,  and  commanding  all  the  Inhabi- 
tants, by  a  special  Warrant  to  assist  the  Constable  in  appre- 
hending all  such  Persons  as  should  dare  to  strain  for  Rates, 
how  unreasonable  is  it  to  pretend  to  punish  those  who 
obey'd  the  Authority  of  Rhode-Island  Colony?  For  it  was 
impossible  to  obey  both  Governments.  Our  Saviour  has 
told  us.  No  Man  can  serve  two  Masters.  These  poor  People 
who  live  upon  the  Land  in  Controversy  have  two  Masters, 
qui  sunt  oppositiy  one  opposite  to  the  other;  and  let  them 
disobey  which  they  please,  they  are  sure  to  be  punished, 
viz.  according  to  the  Method  of  the  Province;  which  to  us 
seems  contrary  to  a  Christian  Temper,  as  well  as  contrary 
to  Law  and  Justice,  and  that  which  we  think  cannot  be 
accounted  for  by  any  other  than  an  Arbitrary  Power:  For  by 
the  same  Rule,  Rhode-Island  might  Punish  them  for  not 
resisting  the  Province.  Now  we  should  think  it  more  rea- 
sonable for  the  Province  and  Colony  to  fight  the  Battle, 
than  each  by  Turns  to  tug  and  tear  the  poor  People  that 
ly  between  them:  For  if  they  have  done  any  thing  by  Order 
of  Authority,  they  can't  in  Justice  be  punished. 

1 .  Because  if  the  Thing  was  wrong,  they  were  not  Judges 
of  it. 

2.  They  dare  not  dispute  the  Authority  of  Rhode-Islandy 
for  fear  of  being  punished. 

3.  It  was  the  Authority  that  ought  to  be  blamed,  if  there 
was  any  Blame. 


O  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

4.  While  the  Line  was  unsettled,  the  People  ought 
wholly  to  be  let  alone,  or  to  submit  to  which  Government 
they  please;  otherwise  we  affirm,  there  can  be  no  fair  Tryal 
of  their  Cases  relating  to  Rates  and  Taxes,  and  that  because 
all  such  Cases  should  be  tryed  in  eodem  Comitatu:  And  who 
can  yet  say  in  what  County  the  Land  in  Controversy  lies? 
So  that  the  Jurisdiction  of  Bristol  Court  may  justly  be 
deny'd:  And  who  in  that  Case  can  be  Judge?  Will  any  Man 
be  so  left  of  God,  as  to  judge  in  his  own  Case?  The  Law 
forbids  Relations  to  sit  as  Judges,  and  a  Sheriff  that  is 
Cousin  to  one  of  the  Partys,  may  not  pannel  the  Jury, 
because  the  whole  Array  may  be  challenged  if  he  does.  How 
then  can  the  Persons  living  on  the  Land  in  Controversy  be 
tryed  by  Boston  or  Rhode-I sland  Government,  since  they 
are  all  Partys  in  both  the  Province  and  Colony.  Vide  Trials 
per  Pais,  which  will  -plainly  shew,  that  the  Court  has  no 
Jurisdiction  of  the  Case:  The  Sheriff  can't  pannel  the  Jury, 
nor  are  there  any  Men  fit  for  Jurors,  because  they  are  all 
interested  in  the  Case,  and  will  all  take  the  Benefit  of  the 
Country  Rates,  and  are  engaged  as  a  Party:  And  it  seems 
the  Province  has  had  sufficient  Experience  of  its  own  Mis- 
takes in  judging  in  its  own  Case.  And  tho'  we  own  them  to 
be  wise  Men  who  rule  the  Province,  yet.  Nemo  simper 
sapity  <y  Humanum  est  errare.  No  Men  wise  at  all  Times, 
and  especially  when  they  are  interested  in  the  Case.  Then 
all  good  Men  should  be  jealous  of  themselves,  lest  they 
should  be  sway'd  by  Interest  j  and  should  be  willing  to  leave 
the  Matters  to  impartial  Judges.  So  in  the  Case  before  us, 
What  Need  is  there  of  vexatious  Suits  to  be  carry'd  on  by 
the  Violence  of  one  Party,  since  if  the  Foundation  be  settled, 
all  things  will  soon  come  to  rights.  For  the  People  own  the 
Authority  of  the  best  of  Kings,  and  are  as  true  Subjects  as 
any  in  the  World;  but  till  they  know  in  what  Government 
they  live,  they  look  upon  themselves  at  their  Liberty  to 
submit  to  which  they  please;  and  that  because  as  at  first. 
Men  submitted  themselves  to  Government  by  Consent,  and 
deposited  their  own  share  of  Dominion  into  the  Hands  of 


A  RHODE  ISLAND  IMPRINT  OF   1731  7 

Rulers.  So  these  People  look  upon  themselves  so  far  in  the 
same  original  State,  as  to  have  Liberty  of  submitting  to  that 
Government  which  they  think  has  received  Power  from  our 
most  Rightful  Sovereign  King  GEORGE,  by  his  continu- 
ing the  Charter  granted.  Not  that  they  pretend  to  assume 
the  original  Right  Mankind  had  in  sharing  in  Government  j 
for  they  re  Joyce  'tis  in  th'e  Hands  of  our  Gracious  King: 
But  they  are  submitting  to  those  Persons  whom  their  Con- 
science witness  to  have  been  impowered  by  the  King's  Char- 
ter, and  are  waiting  to  know  his  Majesty's  Pleasure  respect- 
ing the  Line.  If  they  fall  into  the  Province,  they'll  obey 
their  Authority. 

Object.  But  why  did  not  the  People  submit  to  Boston 
Province  since  they  had  the  Possession  of  the  Land? 

Anszv.  1.  They' could  not  in  Conscience  submit,  because 
the  Land  is  expresly  taken  into  Rhode  Island  Charter,  and, 
as  they  think,  was  never  rightly  claim'd  by  Boston^  and  so 
they  would  have  been  Rebels  to  deny  the  King's  Charter  to 
Rhode  Island  J  and  yield  Obedience  to  an  exorbitant  Power, 
which,  as  they  think,  was  never  allow'd  by  the  King. 

2.  The  Province  never  had  any  legal  possession  of  the 
Land;  for  it  was  neither  chartered  to  them,  nor  theirs  by 
Agreement:  And  their  forcing  Rates  gives  them  no  Posses- 
sion, unless  an  unjust  Usurpation,  or  rather  forcible  Entry, 
could  give  Possession.  But  supposing  Plymouth  Charter 
had  included  the  Land,  yet  since  his  Majesty  afterwards 
granted  the  same  by  Charter  to  Rhode  Island,  how  can  the 
Province,  Vi  et  Armis,  take  the  same  away,  any  more  than 
Ply^nouth  can  assume  the  whole  of  its  ancient  Jurisdiction? 
Unless  the  Province  can  suppose  themselves  so  much  above 
his  Majesty,  as  to  disregard  his  Instructions,  break  his 
Charters,  and  imprison  his  Majesty's  good  Subjects,  and  all 
in  Compliance  to  their  own  Humours,  and  to  promote  their 
own  Interest.  For  as  the  King  is  Dominus  SupremuSy  he  as 
such  ought  to  be  regarded,  and  his  Charters  so  valid  as  not 
to  be  violated  by  his  Subjects.  Therefore  the  Cause  ought 
first  to  be  heard  by  such  an  Excellent  Judge  as  is  our  Gra- 


8  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

cious  and  most  Excellent  King,  who  is  as  much  prized  in 
Rhode-Island  Colony,  as  in  any  Parts  of  the  World:  Or  it 
should  be  try'd  by  such  Judges  as  His  Majesty  directs  to, 
and  all  Processes  should  be  discontinued  till  the  Line  be 
settled.  For  why  should  Children  go  to  Club  Law,  endan- 
gering Life  and  Limbs,  and  cause  much  Hatred,  when  they 
have  a  tender  Parent  ready  to  put  an  End  to  their  Differ- 
ence? Why  should  we  have  civil  Wars,  and  cause  needless 
vexatious  Suits?  Why  should  we  judge  in  our  own  Cases, 
and  disturb  one  another,  when  there  is  no  Necessity  of  it, 
but  the  Matter  might  well  be  finished  in  another  Method? 
If  Men  would  be  Christians,  they  must  promote  Justice, 
though  it  were  in  their  Power  to  violate  the  same:  For  the 
Satisfaction  of  a  good  Conscience,  and  the  Promotion  of  the 
Honour  of  Christianity,  might  justly  out  ballance  the 
deceitful  Views  of  filthy  Passion,  and  worldly  Interest.  And 
as  we  must  all  give  an  Account  of  our  Actions  to  the  most 
upright  Judge,  who  then  would  do  such  things  as  would  be 
abhorr'd  by  a  Seneca  or  a  Cato,  and  break  thro'  the  sacred 
Rules  of  Justice,  and  measure  the  same  by  the  Length  of 
their  Swords?  Oh  that  the  present  Honourable  Judges 
would  endeavor  to  put  an  End  to  all  Occasions  of  Com- 
plaint of  this  kind!  They  well  know,  the  Province  is  much 
out  of  Favour  in  England,  by  its  Opposition  to  its  Gover- 
nours,  ^c.  And  it  has  submitted  to  decide  the  Controversy 
with  New-Hampshire,  and  why  won't  they  take  the  same 
Method  with  us?  Why  will  they  of  the  Province  insist 
upon  judging  in  their  own  Case,  unless  they  think  His 
Majesty  will  never  hear  of  it? 

ARC  VI.  The  Province  will  not  lose  their  Rates,  if  they 
stay  till  the  Line  be  settled,  viz.  If  the  Land  falls  into  their 
Government;  for  then  they  may  settle  the  Arrearages.  But 
on  the  other  Hand,  if  it  falls  into  Rhode  Island  Colony, 
how  will  the  People  get  their  Rates  back?  And  who  will 
satisfy  for  all  their  vexatious  Suits?  If  the  Province  will  be 
bound  to  return  all  the  Rates  they  have  ever  taken,  or  shall 


A   RHODE   ISLAND   IMPRINT   OF    1731  9 

take,  provided  the  Land  falls  into  Rhode  Island^  we  dare 
be  bound  to  produce  Bondsmen,  that  they  shall  not  be 
resisted  in  taking  the  Rates. 

ARC  VII.  Such  Quarrels  will  be  resented  by  His 
Majesty,  in  such  a  Manner  as  will  be  detrimental  to  the 
Province. 

ARC  VIII.  Have  we  not  the  same  Reason  to  catch  the 
Province  Men,  and  fine  them  in  our  Government,  v'vz. 
Those  who  acted  in  carrying  away  and  fining  our  Men.  And 
we  believe  it  would  never  quit  the  Cost,  to  raise  an  Army  in 
the  Bay  to  fight  Rhode  Island;  for  we  are  able  to  defend 
our  selves,  so  as  that  it  would  cost  more  to  take  us  than  the 
Gore  of  Land  is  worth  j  and  such  Fighting  is  a  poor  Exam- 
ple: For  who  would  be  willing  to  kill  one  of  his  own  Nation 
for  the  sake  of  the  Jurisdiction  of  a  small  Piece  of  Land? 
And  who  knows  what  may  be  done  in  the  Mob,  either  in 

Publick  or  Private.    And  besides 

King  will  never  suffer  any  of  his  loving  Subjects  to  be 
abused,  but  will  assume  the  Authority  justly  due  to  him- 
self, and  will  still  the  tumultuous  Rage  of  those  who  impi- 
ously exercise  Authority  over  their  innocent  Neighbours, 
and  will  relieve  the  Distressed,  when  they  crave  his  Paternal 
Aid.  And  we  believe  the  Province  will  be  mistaken  in  sup- 
posing, that  the  Colony  of  Rhode  Island  will  not  assist  and 
stand  by  the  Inhabitants  who  have  yielded  to  their  Govern- 
ment: For  this  last  Week  our  Honourable  Governour  has 
granted  several  Warrants,  in  order  to  Protect  them.  And 
we  hope  and  trust,  that  God  and  good  Men  will  protect 
them  whilst  in  a  just  Cause. 


New  Publications  of  Rhode  Island  Interest 

Early  Medical  History  in  Rhode  Island  by  Walter  L. 
Munro,  M.D.,  has  been  reprinted  from  the  Rhode  Island 
Medical  Journal  as  a  pamphlet  of  thirty-eight  pages. 


10  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

The  Catholic  Educational  Review  for  September  1934 
contains  an  article  on  Rhode  Island's  Early  Schools  and 
Irish  Teachers  by  Richard  J.  Purcell. 

Patrick  M 'Robert's  A  Tour  Through  Part  of  the  North 
Provinces  of  America,  Edinburgh,  1776,  recently  reprinted 
in  the  Pennsylvania  Magazine,  April  1935,  and  as  a  sepa- 
rate, by  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania  contains  a 
letter  dated  at  Newport  in  1 774,  giving  the  author's  impres- 
sions of  Rhode  Island. 

The  Arnold  Memorial,  William  Arnold  of  Providence 
and  Pawtuxet  1 587-1 675,  and  a  genealogy  of  his  descend- 
ants, which  was  compiled  by  Elisha  Stephen  Arnold,  has 
recently  been  printed  as  a  volume  of  3 1 1  pages. 


New  Members 

The  following  persons  have  been  elected  to  membership 
in  the  Society: 

Mr.  Alexander  Van  Cleve  Phillips 
Mr.  Marshall  Morgan  Miss  Marjorie  L.  Bean 

Miss  Madeleine  M.  Bubier.      Mr.  Ralph  A.  McLeod 


Notes 

The  illustration  of  the  one  cent  piece  of  local  paper  cur- 
rency is  contributed  through  the  courtesy  of  the  owner, 
Mr.  Ed.  H.  Wolff,  7 1 2  W.  1 2th  Street,  Pueblo,  Colo. 

The  Gore  Roll,  the  most  important  American  colonial 
heraldic  document,  has  been  known  only  through  an  imper- 
fect copy  until  the  original  manuscript  was  recently  discov- 
ered. Its  present  owner.  Dr.  Bowditch,  has  contributed  the 
following  account  of  it. 


THE  GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  11 

The  Gore  Roll  of  Arms 

By  Harold  Bowditch 

Four  early  manuscript  collections  of  paintings  of  coats  of 
arms  of  New  England  interest  are  known  to  be  in  existence} 
these  are  known  as  the  Promptuarium  Armorum,  the  Chute 
Pedigree,  the  Miner  Pedigree  and  the  Gore  Roll  of  Arms. 

The  Promptuarium  Armorum  has  been  fully  described 
by  the  late  Walter  Kendall  Watkins  in  an  article  which 
appeared  in  the  Boston  Globe  of  7  February  1915.  The 
author  was  an  officer  of  the  College  of  Arms:  William 
Crowne,  Rouge  Dragon,  and  the  period  of  production  lies 
between  the  years  1 602  and  1616.  Crowne  came  to  America 
and  must  have  brought  the  book  with  him,  for  Mr.  Watkins 
has  traced  its  probable  ownership  through  a  number  of 
Boston  painters  until  it  is  found  in  the  hands  of  the  Gore 
family.  That  it  served  as  a  source-book  for  the  Gore  Roll  is 
clear  and  it  would  have  been  gratifying  to  have  been  able  to 
examine  it  with  this  in  mind  j  but  the  condition  of  the  manu- 
script is  now  so  fragile,  the  ink  having  in  many  places  eaten 
completely  through  the  paper,  that  the  present  owner  is 
unwilling  to  have  it  subjected  to  further  handling.  Fortu- 
nately it  was  carefully  examined  about  the  year  1 9 1 5  by  the 
well-known  expert  in  matters  of  heraldry,  Dr.  Howard  M. 
Buck  of  Boston,  and  the  present  compiler  has  the  advantage 
of  the  courteous  loan  of  the  notes  made  on  that  occasion. 

The  Chute  Pedigree  is  also  in  private  hands.  There  is 
good  evidence  that  this  manuscript,  containing  the  English 
alliances  of  the  Chute  family,  was  brought  to  America  by 
the  immigrant,  Lionel  Chute  of  Ipswich,  Massachusetts, 
about  1 635.  A  description  will  be  found  in  the  New  England 
Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  XIII,  123,  and  in 
the  Heraldic  Journal,  I,  142.  Its  heraldic  contents  appear 
in  the  Gore  Roll. 


12  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

The  Miner  Pedigree  is  in  the  custody  of  the  Connecticut 
Historical  Society  in  Hartford,  Connecticut.  An  officer  of 
this  Society  states  that  Thomas  Minor  obtained  the  manu- 
script from  the  College  of  Arms  in  1 684.  For  notices  of  this 
manuscript  see  the  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogi- 
cal Register  XVIII,  161  ff.,  and  the  Heraldic  Journal, 
I,  168.  Its  heraldic  contents  consist  of  the  arms  of  Miner 
consorts,  shown  impaled  by  the  arms  of  Miner.  None  are 
copied  into  the  Gore  Roll. 

The  Gore  Roll  of  Arms  first  received  public  notice  in 
1  865.  In  that  year  Mr.  William  H.  Whitmore  described  in 
the  Heraldic  Journal,  Volume  I,  an  early  American  roll  of 
arms,  known  at  that  time  only  through  a  copy  made  by 
Mr.  Isaac  Child,  then  living,  which  contained  99  paintings 
of  coats  of  arms,  chiefly  of  New  England,  and  in  the  main 
of  Massachusetts,  families.  In  1866  Mr.  Whitmore  re- 
published in  his  Elements  of  Heraldry  that  portion  of  the 
list  which  referred  to  New  England;  and,  as  each  of  his 
lists  is  numbered  serially,  the  numbers  designating  the  arms 
differ  almost  from  the  first. 

In  1865  Mr.  Whitmore  wrote:  "The  original  MS.  is  at 
present  inaccessible,"  and  in  1866:  "One  manuscript,  how- 
ever, of  quite  considerable  antiquity,  recording  the  bearings 
of  numerous  families  in  New  England,  was  in  existence 
recently,  and  is  doubtless  still  preserved.  .  ,  .  The  original 
manuscript  has  disappeared  within  a  few  years." 

Mr.  Child  made  his  copy  about  the  year  1847  and  after 
his  death  late  in  1 885  it  was  presented  to  the  New  England 
Historic  Genealogical  Society.  This  copy  has  been  the  only 
source  of  knowledge  respecting  the  contents  of  the  original 
Gore  Roll.  A  careful  examination  in  1 926  revealed  the  fact 
that  it  differs  greatly  from  Mr.  Whitmore's  description. 
Whether  the  alterations  were  made  between  1  865,  when 
Mr.  Whitmore  described  it,  and  1885,  when  Mr.  Child 
died,  or  after  its  acquisition  by  the  Society  in  1886,  is  a 
matter  of  speculation. 


THE  GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS 


13 


The  differences  from  the  published  description  were  so 
numerous  and  so  marked  that  the  writer  prepared  a  descrip- 
tion of  the  Child  copy  as  it  was  in  1 926  with  a  view  to  publi- 
cation j  but  this  is  rendered  unnecessary  by  the  reappearance 
of  the  original  Gore  Roll,  still  in  the  hands  of  members  of 
the  Gore  family,  after  its  whereabouts  and  even  its  very 
existence  have,  for  the  past  seventy  years,  been  matters  of 
doubt  in  the  minds  of  those  interested  in  heraldry. 

The  arms  are  painted  in  a  blank  book  bound  in  full  parch- 
ment; its  condition  is  good,  one  leaf  only  having  become 
detached  and  its  edges  consequently  folded  and  worn,  but 
without  loss  of  essential  text.  The  lower  margins  of  the 
leaves  are  damp  stained,  rendering  some  of  the  writing 
faint. 


Fig.  1 


The  paper  is  Dutch,  and  bears  two  water-marks,  one  or 
the  other  appearing  on  each  sheet.  The  principal  water- 
mark is  shown,  reduced,  in  Figure  1 ,  the  actual  diameter  of 


14  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

the  outside  circle  being  3  7/16  inches  or  8.7  centimeters. 
The  other  water-mark  is  the  name  H  O  N  I  G,  the  manu- 
facturer of  the  paper.  The  principal  water-mark  was  found 
on  some  sheets  which  once  made  part  of  Dr.  Thomas  Dale's 
translation  of  Regnault's  "System  of  Physics,"  published  in 
London,  apparently  in  the  year  1731,  and  to  the  kindness  of 
Professor  Percy  Bridgman  and  Professor  George  Sarton, 
both  of  Harvard  University,  is  owing  the  verification  of  this 
date.  Through  the  courtesy  of  Mr.  William  J.  Hoffman  of 
New  York,  the  well  known  authority  on  Dutch-American 
genealogy  and  heraldry,  the  writer  was  put  into  communi- 
cation with  Van  Gelder  Zonen  of  Amsterdam,  the  cele- 
brated old  firm  of  paper  makers,  who  maintain  a  laboratory. 
This  firm  identified  the  name  Honig  as  that  of  another  firm 
of  paper  makers,  in  the  province  of  Zaan,  and  kindly  wrote 
to  a  descendant,  Mr.  G.  J.  Honig  of  Zaandyk,  a  well  known 
historian,  in  order  to  determine  accurately  the  date  of  manu- 
facture of  the  paper;  but  this  was  not  possible  owing  to  the 
absence  of  any  initials  accompanying  the  name  Honig. 

The  leaves  of  the  book  measure  1 2^  x  7  J^  inches.  There 
is  one  fly  leaf;  the  next  13  leaves  contain  the  paintings  of 
arms,  and  the  remaining  62  leaves  are  blank. 

On  the  inside  of  the  front  cover,  in  the  upper  left  corner, 
is  written  in  ink  "No.  14,"  presumably  a  notation  of  the 
position  of  the  book  on  the  shelf  of  a  previous  owner;  and 
across  the  top  is  written  in  ink  in  an  old  hand,  "Stoderd 
Chaise  Light  Stone  Colour  Small  [Smalt?]  Cam'"  the 
last  word  being  blotted  and  illegible.  As  the  Gores  were 
coach  painters  this  is  no  doubt  a  professional  notation. 

The  middle  of  the  inside  front  cover,  the  position  usually 
occupied  by  a  book  plate,  contains  two  pieces  of  paper  appar- 
ently cut  from  an  old  newspaper  or  hand  bill;  the  upper 
shows  a  rude  cut  of  the  Massachusetts  arms,  crest  and  motto, 
and  the  lower  reads,  "Explanation  of  the  Device  for  the 
Arms  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts.  Sapphire, 
an  Indian  dressed  in  his  Shirt  and  Mogginsins,  belted 
proper;  in  his  right  Hand  a  Bow,  Topaz;  in  his  left  an 


THE  GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  15 

Arrow,  its  Point  towards  the  Base  of  the  Second  j  on  the 
dexter  Side  of  the  Indian's  Head,  a  Star,  Pearl,  for  one  of 
the  United  States  of  America:  Crest,  on  a  Wreath  a  dexter 
Arm,  cloathed  and  ruffled  proper,  grasping  a  broad  Sword, 
the  Pummel  and  Hilt  Topaz,  with  this  Motto,  Ense  petit 
placidam  sub  Libertate  Quietem."  The  wording  is  taken 
from  an  act  of  the  legislature  of  the  year  1780.  Opposite  the 
tinctures,  which  are  given  by  precious  stones,  the  tinctures 
by  common  colors  and  metals  and  by  planets  have  been 
entered  in  ink. 

The  fly  leaf  contains  a  pencilled  notation:  "These  arms 
were  drawn  by  John  Gore  father  of  Gov.  Christopher 
Gore."  As  Christopher  Gore  was  elected  Governor  of 
Massachusetts  in  1 809  this  note  can  not  be  earlier  than  that 
date,  and  from  the  appearance  of  the  handwriting  it  may  be 
a  good  deal  later;  but  it  is  not  later  than  1  865  because  Mr. 
Whitmore  speaks  of  John  Gore's  name  being  in  the  book, 
and  it  does  not  appear  elsewhere.  The  fly  leaf  also  shows  a 
fleur-de-lys  drawn  in  pencil. 

The  paintings  of  arms  begin  on  the  second  leaf;  there  are 
four  to  a  page  and  they  are  painted  on  both  sides  of  the 
sheets.  They  are  not  numbered. 

The  arms  of  men  are  shown  in  the  somewhat  full  bot- 
tomed type  of  shield  popular  in  the  seventeenth  century, 
those  of  women  on  straight-sided  lozenges.  No  helmets, 
and  consequently  no  mantlings,  are  shown.  Crest  wreaths 
when  present  usually  rest  directly  upon  the  shield,  although 
in  some  instances  a  little  space  intervenes.  The  style  of  the 
paintings  is,  considering  the  period,  good,  and  the  work- 
manship excellent  and  evidently  that  of  an  accomplished 
heraldic  painter.  No  metallic  colors  are  used;  silver  is  rep- 
resented by  white,  that  is,  blank  paper,  and  gold  by  yellow. 
The  colors  are  in  the  main  well  preserved;  where  ink  has 
been  used  for  black,  as  in  small  areas  such  as  cotises,  it  is 
now  a  dark  brown,  but  large  areas  are  painted  with  a  dense 
black  pigment;  the  blues  have  in  many  cases  turned  green 
and  this  is  true  especially  when  there  happens  to  be  yellow 


16 


RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 


paint  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  sheet,  so  that  it  is  some- 
times puzzling  to  know  whether  blue  or  green  was  origi- 
nally applied,  although  the  known  greens  are  apt  to  be 
different,  and  of  a  dull  tint  verging  toward  the  yellow  or 
brownish  side. 

In  order  to  show  the  contrast  between  the  original  manu- 
script and  the  Child  copy  I  have  chosen  for  reproduction  a 
coat  which  is  wholly  black  and  white,  although  there  is 


Fk;.  2 


THE  GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  17 

color  in  the  crest:  No.  28  in  the  Child  copy,  the  arms  of 
Stodard  and  Evance  impaled. 

Figure  2  shows  these  arms  as  they  appear  in  the  original 
Gore  Roll,  Figure  3  as  in  the  Child  copy.  Both  are  in  the 
original  size. 

Figure  3  is  typical  of  all  the  paintings  in  the  Child  copy. 
It  shows  a  shield  of  ugly  shape  surrounded  by  a  meaning- 
less border  which  was  at  first  yellow  and  is  now  gilded,  and 


Fig.  3 


the  white  portions  of  the  design  are  covered  with  metallic 
silver  or  possibly  aluminum  paint.  In  making  this  drawing 
Mr.  Child  evidently  drew  the  stars  forgetful  of  the  border, 
and  then  had  to  draw  the  line  defining  the  border  through 
two  of  the  stars.  In  this  instance,  in  spite  of  the  clumsy 
effect,  no  one  practised  in  heraldry  could  mistake  what  was 
intended;  but  this  is  not  true  of  a  number  of  other  paintings 
in  the  Child  copy,  where  there  appear  beasts  of  very  uncer- 
tain species  as  well  as  instances  of  totally  incorrect  coloring. 


18  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

An  example  of  the  latter  is  seen  in  the  case  of  the  Culpeper 
arms  (No.  59)  where  Mr.  Child  painted  the  field  azure 
instead  of  silver,  although  there  is  no  possibility  of  doubt 
in  the  original. 

John*  Gore,  the  reputed  painter  of  this  book  of  arms, 
was  a  coach  painter  in  Boston,  the  son  of  Obadiah^  Gore, 
carpenter,  and  Sarah  Kilby.  He  was  born  in  1718,  fled  to 
Halifax  as  a  Loyalist  in  1776,  was  banished  in  1778  but 
pardoned  in  1787,  and  returned  to  Boston  in  the  same  year. 
He  died  in  1796.  John*  Gore  was  the  father  of  John^, 
Samuel'"^  and  Christopher^  Gore.  SamueP,  born  1750/51, 
died  1831,  followed  his  father's  business  j  Christopher^  is 
well  known  as  a  Governor  of  Massachusetts  and  a  benefac- 
tor of  Harvard  College. 

The  first  84  shields  in  the  Gore  Roll,  all  evidently  by 
the  same  hand,  are  dated  between  1682  and  1724,  and  all 
excepting  one  lie  between  1701  and  1724.  These  are  fol- 
lowed by  15  shields,  with  one  exception  (1760)  undated, 
by  a  less  skilled  handj  two  exhibit  the  Kilby  arms,  and  as 
John*  Gore's  mother  was  a  Kilby  the  family  may  have  had 
special  knowledge  of  the  arms  used  by  this  family. 

The  early  dates  attached  to  the  paintings  and  the  later 
period  of  the  life  of  John*  Gore  show  that,  although  there 
is  no  inconsistency  between  his  lifetime  and  the  production 
of  the  paintings  on  paper  exhibiting  a  water-mark  which 
was  in  use  as' early  as  1731,  yet  that  the  paintings  can  not 
be  a  running  record  of  commissions  executed  for  his  clients, 
but  must  represent  the  gathering  together  into  one  blank 
book  of  a  collection  of  coats  of  arms  in  earlier  use  in  Boston, 
in  other  parts  of  New  England,  and  a  few  from  other  places. 
Whether  this  earlier  collection  was  in  the  form  of  a  book 
of  arms,  a  series  of  designs  on  paper,  or  merely  verbal 
descriptions,  must  remain  a  matter  of  speculation;  but  the 
fact  that  so  many  of  the  designs  come  from  the  Promp- 
tuarium  Armorum  and  that  the  English  coats  from  the 
Chute  Pedigree  are  all  re-entered  in  the  Gore  Roll  sug- 
gest that  John*  Gore  was  making  a  collection  of  the  coats 


THE  GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  19 

of  arms  in  use  here  as  known  to  him,  with  some  additions. 
As  his  father  was  a  carpenter  and  not  a  painter  it  is  logical 
to  suppose  that  such  records  of  arms  as  are  not  readily  run 
down  in  contemporary  books  and  manuscripts  came  from 
the  workshop  of  some  other  painter  in  Boston. 

The  late  Mr.  Walter  Kendall  Watkins,  in  his  article 
on  the  Promptuarium  Armorum  which  has  been  mentioned, 
lists  a  number  of  Boston  painters  in  tracing  the  ownership 
of  that  manuscript,  before  it  came  into  the  possession  of  the 
Gore  family,  where  it  remained  until  1885.  The  immediate 
predecessor  of  John'  Gore  as  a  painter  in  Boston  was 
Edward  Stanbridge  who  died  in  1  734;  he  was  the  nephew 
of  Katherine  Masters.  Katherine  Masters  married  (first) 
Thomas  Child,  painter  j  after  his  death  in  1706  she  carried 
on  his  business,  and  married  (second)  "Dr."  Lancelot  Lake, 
also  a  painter;  he  died  before  1716,  in  which  year  his 
widow  married  (third)  John  Menzies,  merchant.  Mr. 
Watkins  has  traced  the  supposed  ownership  of  the  Promp- 
tuarium Armorum  through  Edward  Stanbridge,  and  it  is 
possible  that  he  also  left  a  series  of  designs  or  descriptions 
which  fell  into  the  hands  of  John*  Gore  and  were  incor- 
porated by  him  in  the  Gore  Roll.  The  supplementary  arms 
at  the  end,  including  the  two  showing  the  arms  of  Kilby, 
may  have  been  the  work  of  John'  Gore  at  a  later  period, 
or  that  of  his  son  SamueP  Gore. 

Another  possibility  is  that  the  arms  were  originally 
painted  by  Edward  Pell,  for  the  arms  here  numbered  65 
are  recorded  as  those  of  "Edward  Pell  of  Boston,  paintor, 
1720." 

SamueP  Gore,  painter,  had  three  sons:  John^,  George® 
and  Christopher*'  Gore.  George*'  and  Christopher"  were 
painters,  the  latter  being  in  partnership  with  his  father  in 
1806  or  1807.  The  ownership  of  the  Gore  Roll  has  so  far 
not  been  traced  beyond  SamueF.  John"  died  without  issue 
in  1817;  George"  had  a  son  SamueF  who  married  in  1843 
Lucy  P.  Child  (which  may  have  a  connection  with  Isaac 
Child's  having  copied  the  manuscript  about  the  year  1  847), 


20  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

but  had  no  children  j  and  Christopher*"  had  no  sons.  The 
connection  of  this  family  with  the  family  of  Gore  among 
whose  descendants  the  Gore  Roll  was  found  in  1 934  has  not 
been  made  clear. 

The  slight  variation  from  chronological  sequence  in 
the  dates  attached  to  the  paintings  suggests  that  they  were 
made  from  a  set  of  loose  leaves,  containing  either  descrip- 
tions or  illustrations,  which  were  not  sorted  perfectly  before 
beginning.  It  is  assumed  that  they  represent,  in  the  main, 
orders  given  by  customers  for  paintings  of  arms,  for  there 
was  a  good  deal  of  call  for  the  work  of  the  heraldic  artist 
at  that  period,  probably  in  large  part  for  the  decoration  of 
coaches,  although  apparently  "funeral  scutcheons"  formed 
the  principal  part  of  the  output  of  the  heraldic  painter. 
Mr.  Whitmore  (Heraldic  Journal  I  114-115)  says  "The 
only  suggestion  we  can  make  is,  that  since  the  dates  under 
so  many  of  these  shields  coincide  with  the  death  of  the 
bearers,  the  painter  may  have  been  employed  to  engrave 
the  coffin-plates,  or  to  furnish  hatchments  or  banners,  both 
of  which  we  know  were  used  here  at  the  funerals  of  noted 
citizens."  Mr.  Howard  M.  Chapin  of  Providence  has 
kindly  furnished  the  following  quotation  from  the  diary 
of  Judge  Samuel  Sewall,  of  whom  it  has  been  truly  said 
that  he  had  an  obsession  for  attending  funerals: 

"Feb.  14  1697/8  Col.  Sam.  Shrimpton  was  buried. 
Mourning  Coach  also  and  Horses  in  Mourning,  Scutcheons 
on  their  sides  and  Death's  heads  on  their  foreheads." 

Sewall  also  mentions  "scutcheons"  in  connection  with 
the  funerals  of  Dean  Winthrop  in  1703/4  (on  the  pall), 
Madam  Richards  in  1704  (on  the  coffin),  Fitz-John 
Winthrop  in  1707,  John  Foster  in  1710/11,  Mrs.  Abigail 
Foster  in  1710-11,  John  Pole  in  1711,  John  Walley  in 
1711,  Elizabeth  Stoddard  in  1713,  Captain  Belcher  in 
1717,  and  Mrs.  Katherine  Winthrop,  relict  of  Waitstill 
Winthrop,  in  1725,  when  "the  escutcheons  on  the  hearse 
bore  the  arms  of  Winthrop  and  Brattle,  the  Lion  Sable." 
Other  calls  upon  the  skill  of  the  heraldic  painter  may  have 


THE  GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  21 

been  instigated  by  the  desire  for  armorial  paintings  for 
household  decoration,  whereas  drawings  would  suffice 
for  designs  for  seals,  engraved  silver  and  sculptured 
gravestones. 

The  Gore  Roll  is  the  earliest  known  American  roll  of 
armsj  it  furnishes  a  valuable  list  of  coats  of  arms  as  used 
in  New  England  in  the  earliest  years  of  the  eighteenth 
century  j  it  has  no  value  as  determining  the  right  of  any 
individual  to  the  arms  shown  over  his  name,  but  as  the 
period  when  the  unjustified  assumption  of  the  arms  of 
others  became  prevalent  seems  to  have  come  a  little  later 
than  the  date  of  the  majority  of  the  paintings  in  the  Gore 
Roll,  its  value  and  interest  are  by  so  much  enhanced.  The 
large  folio  edition  of  Guillim's  Display  of  Heraldry  ap- 
peared in  1724,  and  it  is  probably  not  a  coincidence  that  it 
was  about  this  time,  when  many  families  which  had  pre- 
viously been  in  very  moderate  circumstances  had  made 
fortunes  in  trade  and  become  important,  that  we  find 
gravestones,  embroideries  and  so  forth  displaying  arms 
for  which  no  right  has  been  found. 

In  the  following  list  I  have  confined  my  description  to 
the  original  Gore  Roll,  with  notes  on  discrepancies  which 
appear  in  the  Child  copy  as  it  now  is,  which  I  have  marked 
(CC),  and  quotations  from  Whitmore's  description  pub- 
lished in  1865,  designated  (W).  The  authorities  for  my 
additional  notes  are  given  in  the  text  and  elaborated  in 
the  bibliography  at  the  end  of  the  article. 

As  has  been  stated,  the  paintings  are  not  numbered  in 
the  original  Roll,  and  the  numbers  assigned  to  them  in 
this  list  refer  to  their  order  in  the  book.  They  do  not  coin- 
cide with  the  numbers  used  by  Whitmore  in  the  Heraldic 
Journal  for  1865,  for  these  differ  from  the  numbers  used 
in  his  Elements  of  Heraldry  of  1866,  but  for  convenience 
in  reference  Whitmore's  numbers  have  been  added  in 
parentheses,  first  those  of  1865  and  next  those  of  1866. 
At  the  end  of  the  list  is  the  Green  coat  which  appears  only 


22  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

in  the  Child  Copy,  and  was  therefore  added  after  the  pub- 
lication of  Whitmore's  descriptions. 

THE  GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS 

1.(1.)  (1.) 

WiNTHROP. 

Arms:   Silver  three  chevrons  gules  a  lion  sable. 

Wreath:  Silver,  gules. 

Crest:  On  a  mount  vert  a  running  hare  proper. 

Legend:  Dean  Winthrop  of  Pulling  point  /  Comt.  Suf- 
folk: 1701: 

Notes:  See  the  Promptuarium  Armorum,  127b. 

The  arms  as  here  given,  with  plain  chevrons,  were  passed 
by  patent  by  Garter  in  1 594,  and  were  used  with  a  label  by 
Governor  John  Winthrop  on  his  seal  (Heraldic  Journal 
118).  The  genuineness  of  the  grant  of  the  same  arms  except 
with  crenellated  chevrons  to  John  Wynethrop  in  1592  by 
Dethick,  Garter,  as  published  a  few  years  ago  by  the  Mas- 
sachusetts Historical  Society,  is  open  to  doubt. 

Deane  Winthrop  was  the  sixth  son  of  Governor  John 
Winthrop  and  died  in  1704  (W). 

2.  (2.)  (Omitted.) 
Crofts. 

Arms:  Lozengy  silver  and  sable  a  crescent  (gules)  for 
difference. 

Wreath:  Silver,  sable. 

Crest:  A  demi-lion  silver. 

Legend:  Capt.  Henry  Croffts  son  to  the  lat  /  Duck  of 
Monmouth  comandor  of  /  hur  Maj's  Ship  Gospor  ...  1 702 

Notes:  In  the  arms  azure  replaces  sable  and  the  demi- 
lion  of  the  crest  is  gules;  the  name  is  spelled  Crafts  (CC). 

Although  there  is  doubt  of  the  paternity  of  the  Duke  of 
Monmouth,  Charles  IL  acknowledged  him  as  his  son,  by 
Lucy  Walter,  and  as  a  child  he  was  put  into  the  charge  of 


THE  GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  23 

William  Crofts,  Baron  Crofts  of  Saxham,  and  hence  called 
James  Crofts.  The  arms  of  the  Baron  of  Saxham  were: 
Gold  three  bull's  heads  couped  sable.  James  Crofts  married 
Lady  Anne  Scot,  and  Charles  II.  then  changed  his  name 
from  Crofts  to  Scot.  In  1 662  he  was  created  Duke  of  Mon- 
mouth, and  in  1685  he  headed  the  rebellion  against 
James  II.  which  cost  him  his  life.  He  had  two  illegitimate 
sons  by  Mrs.  Eleanor  Needham:  James,  who  died  in  1732, 
and  Henry,  whose  arms  are  here  given  in  the  Gore  Roll; 
no  arms  are  recorded  for  the  latter  in  the  College  of  Arms, 
so  that  this  record  appears  to  be  unique.  Collin's  Peerage 
states  that  he  died  unmarried  in  1704,  but  this  date  is 
obviously  an  error. 

The  arms  here  given  are  those  of  Crofts  of  Cheshire 
(Edmondson)  and  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  family 
from  which  Capt.  Crofts  derived  his  surname. 

As  an  illegitimate  son,  it  may  be  doubted  that  he  could 
have  borne  his  father's  arms  unchanged  j  but  his  father  the 
Duke  of  Monmouth  was  himself  an  illegitimate,  and  there 
appears  to  be  much  confusion  about  his  arms.  Guillim's 
Heraldry  of  1664  and  a  manuscript  book  of  arms  owned 
in  1 67 1  by  Thomas  Holford,  Portcullis  Pursuivant  in  1 GGZ 
and  Windsor  Herald  in  1687,  blazon  them:  Quartered: 
1.  &  4.  Ermine  a  pile  of  England;  2.  &  3.  Gold  within  a 
tressure  of  Scotland  an  escutcheon  of  France.  The  dates 
1 664  and  1 67 1  are  contemporary  with  the  life  of  the  Duke 
of  Monmouth  and  both  fall  after  his  elevation  to  that  title. 
Guillim,  edition  of  1679,  and  Heylyn,  edition  of  1773, 
blazoned  his  arms:  the  quartered  arms  of  Charles  II.  dif- 
ferenced with  a  baton  sinister  silver,  over  all  an  escutcheon 
charged  with  the  arms  of  Scot:  Gold  on  a  bend  azure  a 
crescent  between  two  stars  gold.  The  earlier  of  these  two 
dates  is  again  contemporary  with  the  life  of  the  Duke,  so 
that  his  arms  appear  to  have  been  altered  between  1671 
and  1 679,  no  doubt  for  the  purpose  of  certifying  his  (doubt- 
ful) descent  from  Charles  II. 


24  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

Hargreaves  says  that  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  was  em- 
powered to  use  the  first  arms  in  1663  and  the  second  in 
1667,  and  that  he  omitted  the  baton  sinister  in  1680. 

Henry  Crofts,  the  second  son  of  the  Duke  of  Monmouth, 
appears  three  times  in  the  diary  of  Judge  Samuel  Sewall: 
on  the  arrival  of  Governor  Joseph  Dudley,  1 1  June  1702, 
"Mr.  Addington,  Eliakim  Hutchinson,  Byfield  and  Sewall, 
sent  per  the  Council,  go  with  Capt.  Crofts  in  his  Pinace  to 
meet  the  Governour,  and  Congratulat  his  Arrival";  16 
December  1702,  "Heard  the  church  (King's  Chapel)  Bell 
ring  for  Capt.  Crofts.  He  dyed  last  night"  j  and  19  De- 
cember 1 702,  "Is  buried  in  the  New  burying  place  in  Capt. 
Hamilton's  Tomb.  Corps  was  first  had  into  the  church  and 
a  Funeral  Sermon  preach'd.  For  Debauchery  and  Irre- 
ligion  he  was  one  of  the  vilest  Men  that  has  set  foot  in 
Boston.  Tis  said  he  refused  to  have  any  Minister  call'd  to 
pray  with  him  during  his  Sickness,  which  was  above  a  fort- 
night." 

The  reason  for  assigning  the  arms  of  Crofts  of  Cheshire 
to  Capt.  Henry  Crofts  is  hard  to  see.  One  may  assume  that 
the  funeral  of  the  son  of  a  duke  and  the  reputed  grandson 
of  a  king  called  for  some  sort  of  heraldic  display,  and  the 
funeral  director  must  have  been  hard  pressed  to  know  what 
arms  to  use.  If  Captain  Crofts  had  died  possessed  of  an 
armorial  ring  or  seal  one  would  have  expected  to  find  on  it 
some  modification  of  one  or  the  other  of  the  two  coats 
which  his  father  had  used,  or  possibly  the  arms  of  the 
Baron  Crofts  of  Saxham  who  had  had  the  care  of  the 
Captain's  father,  although  the  latter  arms  could  not  pos- 
sibly have  been  claimed  by  right  of  inheritance.  Lacking  a 
seal  and  needing  a  coat  of  arms,  it  seems  probable  that  the 
arms  of  Crofts  of  Cheshire  were  found  in  some  book  of 
arms  and  pressed  into  service.  At  any  rate,  this  unique 
record  of  the  arms  assigned  to  Captain  Henry  Crofts  can- 
not be  said  to  bear  any  weight  as  authority. 


THE  GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  25 

3.  (3.)  (2.) 

MiDDLECOT. 

Arms:  Azure  an  eagle  silver  on  a  chief  gules  three  escal- 
lops gold. 

Wreath:  Gold,  azur^. 

Crest:  A  demi-eagle  silver  holding  in  his  beak  an  escal- 
lop gold. 

Legend:  Richard  Midecut  of  Boston  Esqr.  /  Con  of 
Suff.  One  of  his  Maj's  Counsell  /  of  the  Prouince  of  Moss. 
---1702 

Notes:  A  pencil  note  (CC)  beside  the  crest:  opposite  the 
dexter  wing  "outside  Gules,  Inside  Or"  and  opposite  the 
sinister  wing  "Reversd"  has  no  justification  in  the  original 
Roll.  The  tinctures  of  the  eagle  in  the  CC  have  been  added 
since  Whitmore  described  it  in  1 865. 

Middlecot  of  Lincolnshire  bore  these  arms  except  that 
the  eagle  was  ermine ;  in  the  crest  the  eagle  was  ermine  and 
had  a  golden  crown  about  his  neck  (Edmondson). 

Richard  Middlecot  came  from  Warminster,  Wiltshire, 
and  died  in  1704  (W). 

4.  (4.)  (Omitted.) 
Owen. 

Arms:  Gules  a  boar  passant  silver  with  a  collar  and  chain 
gold  fastened  to  a  holly-tree  on  a  mount  vert. 

Wreath :  Gold,  vert. 

Crest:  A  boar's  head  erect  silver. 

Legend:  Do  John  Owen  of  the  Jland  /  of  Antego  .  .  . 
1702 

Notes:  This  painting  is  a  faithful  copy  of  the  arms  of 
George  Owen,  Esq.,  Baron  of  Klimes,  Pembrokeshire,  as 
given  in  Guillim,  ed.  1632  to  1724  inclusive.  No  crest  is 
there  shown.  Edmondson  repeats  the  charge  for  the  crest; 
Burke  gives  an  eagle's  head  erased  at  the  neck  gold. 


26  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

5.  (5.)  (3.) 
Sargent  and  Shrimpton. 

Arms:  Two  coats  impaled:  Baron:  Silver  a  chevron 
between  three  dolphins  sable.  Femtne:  Silver  a  cross  sable 
charged  with  five  escallops  silver. 

Wreath:  Silver,  sable. 

Crest:  A  demi-lion  azure  holding  between  his  paws  an 
escallop  gold. 

Legend:  Anna  Wife  of  Peter  Sargant  Esqr.  /  Boston 
1 702  /  Sargant  &  Shrimpton. 

Notes:  The  Sargent  arms  are  repeated  in  Nos.  13  and 
31,  those  of  Shrimpton  in  No.  67.  The  Shrimpton  arms  do 
not  appear  in  Edmondson  or  Burke;  Papworth  lists  them 
under  the  names  Stonham  and  Vastons  or  Wastoyle.  The 
crest  is  not  identified. 


6.  (6.)  (4.) 
Taye. 

Arms:  Silver  a  chevron  and  chief  azure  on  the  chief 
three  martlets  silver. 

Wreath:  Silver,  azure. 

Crest:  An  eagle's  head  azure,  the  beak  gold. 

Legend:  John  Taye  of  Medford  in  ye  /  Comt'  of 
Medlesex  . . .  1702 

Notes:  Child  misread  the  name  Jay  or  Joy;  Whitmore 
calls  the  crest,  which  in  the  Child  copy  is  accurate  except  for 
its  tincture  (silver),  a  cormorant's  head.  There  are  several 
variants  of  the  arms  of  Tay  of  Essex,  of  which  one:  Silver 
a  fess  between  in  chief  three  martlets  and  in  base  a  chevron 
azure  (Burke)  is  by  Edmondson  assigned  to  Teys  of  Essex. 
The  arms  of  Jay  and  Joy  are  quite  different. 


THE  GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  27 

7.  (7.)  (5.) 
Legge. 

Arms:  Sable  a  stag's  head  cabossed  silver. 

Crest:  From  a  crown  gold  five  ostrich  feathers  silver 
turned  over  azure.  ^ 

Legend:  John  Leeg  of  Boston  Esqr.  /  Com'  Suffolk 

Notes:  Edmondson  gives  for  Legge  of  Kent  and  of 
Chichester  in  Sussex:  Azure  a  stag's  head  cabossed  silver; 
crest,  Out  of  a  ducal  coronet  gold  a  plume  of  feathers  silver 
and  azure.  Burke  gives  for  Legge,  earl  of  Dartmouth 
(1711)  the  same  arms,  and  specifies  that  of  the  five  feathers 
in  the  crest  three  are  silver  and  two  azure.  Although  1711 
is  presumably  subsequent  to  the  date  of  the  painting  in  the 
Gore  Roll  it  seems  probable  that  the  same  arms  and  crest 
are  intended,  and  that  the  sable  field  and  the  details  of 
coloring  of  the  feathers  are  an  error.  Whitmore  calls  atten- 
tion to  the  same  arms  (but  no  crest)  on  the  gravestone  of 
John  Legge,  Esqr.,  in  Marblehead,  where  the  date  of  his 
death  is  given  as  8  October  1718;  by  mischance  the  year  is 
omitted  in  the  Heraldic  Journal  I  1 06,  and  is  supplied  from 
a  personal  examination  of  the  stone. 


8.(8.)  (6.) 
Leverett.  (Sedgewick.) 

Arms:  Two  coats  impaled:  Baron:  Silver  a  chevron 
between  three  running  leverets  sable.  Femme:  Silver  a 
cross  gules  on  the  cross  five  church  bells  silver. 

Wreath :  Silver,  sable. 

Crest:  A  human  skull  proper. 

Legend:  Mad  Anna  Leuirit  widow  of  /  John  Leurit 
Esqr.  Gouinor  of  the  /  colloney  of  Masechusets     17:1 682 

Notes:  The  field  of  the  femme's  arms  is  colored  gold 
and  the  wreath  is  gold  and  gules;  the  name  is  mis-spelled 


28  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Louirit  from  an  evident  mis-reading  of  the  early  form  of 
the  letter  e;  and  the  figure  17  is  omitted  (CC). 

The  figure  1 7  is  probably  an  erroneous  beginning  of  the 
entry  of  the  date  1682,  but  it  is  not  scratched  out. 

The  arms  here  assigned  to  Leverett  appear  under  the 
name  of  Lever  in  the  Promptuariuni  Armorum,  89.  They 
are  to  be  seen  on  the  grave  stone  of  John  Leverett,  president 
of  Harvard  College  (died  1724),  the  grandson  of  Gov- 
ernor John  Leverett,  and  Governor  Leverett  himself  used 
them  on  his  seal  (  Heraldic  Journal  I  84).  Whitmore  states 
(Heraldic  Journal  I  83)  that  Pishey  Thompson  speaks  of 
the  family  as  one  of  great  antiquity  in  Lincolnshire  and 
that  it  is  recorded  in  the  Visitation  of  1  564  as  bearing  arms  j 
Burke  assigns  these  arms  to  Leverett  of  Great  Chelsea  in 
1662.  On  the  other  hand,  Edmondson  assigns  these  arms  to 
Lever  of  Lancashire,  recording  quite  different  arms  for 
Leverett.  Governor  Leverett  is  said  to  have  been  knighted 
(see  Savage's  edition  of  Winthrop's  History  of  New  Eng- 
land, II  245  note  2)j  but  Drake  conjectured  that  he  had 
died  before  the  letter  could  be  received  (see  his  edition  of 
The  History  of  Philip's  War  by  Thomas  Church,  1827, 
page  145,  note  2)  thus  accounting  for  the  non-use  of  the 
prefix  Sir. 

Whitmore  identifies  the  femme's  arms  as  those  of 
Sedgewick,  and  points  out  that  Savage  says  that  Governor 
Leverett  married  Sarah  Sedgewick,  the  daughter  or  the 
sister  of  Major  Robert  Sedgewick. 

The  skull  that  does  duty  as  a  crest  probably  indicates 
that  the  painting  was  used  as  a  hatchment. 

The  arms  are  painted  on  a  lozenge,  as  is  proper  for  a 
widow,  but  appear  in  the  Child  copy  on  a  shield  of  the  same 
shape  as  all  the  rest. 

9.  (9.)  (7.) 
Brattle.  Legge. 
Arms:  Two   coats   impaled:    Baron:   Gules   a   chevron 


THE  GORE  ROLL  OF   ARMS  29 

engrailed  gold  between  three  battle-axes  erect  silver  gar- 
nished gold.   Femme:  Sable  a  stag's  head  cabossed  silver. 

Wreath:  Gold,  gules. 

Crest:  An  arm  embowed  in  armor  the  gauntlet  grasping 
a  battle-axe  both  silver  garnished  gold. 

Legend:  Edwd.  Bratqll  of  Marblehed  in  /  ye  Count,  of 
Esex  ---1707./  Brattell  &  Legg. 

Notes:  This  Edward  Brattle  was  a  younger  brother  of 
Thomas  Brattle  (see  No.  30)  and  married  Mary,  the 
daughter  of  John  Legge  (W).  As  the  Brattles  were  a 
Cambridge  family,  his  residence  in  Marblehead  may  be 
explained  by  the  presence  there  of  members  of  the  Legg 
family  as  mentioned  in  connection  with  No.  7. 

This  painting  constitutes  the  earliest  record,  so  far  as  I 
know,  of  the  Brattle  armsj  they  are  not  to  be  found  in 
Edmondson,  Berry  or  Burke.  Whitmore  says  that  the  father 
of  Thomas  Brattle  (No.  30)  and  Edward  Brattle  (No.  9) 
was  Thomas  Brattle  of  Charlestown  who  died  in  1683,  in 
the  opinion  of  Savage  probably  the  wealthiest  man  in  the 
colony.  He  is  not  known  to  have  used  arms,  but  in  the  next 
generation  they  are  found,  in  addition  to  the  two  records 
in  the  Gore  Roll,  on  the  seal  of  Thomas  Brattle  (No.  30) 
who  died  in  1713  (Heraldic  Journal,  III,  42),  on  a  silver 
basin  made  by  Jeremiah  Dummer  (1645-1718)  in  1695  for 
the  Rev.  William  Brattle  and  given  by  him  in  1  7 1 6  to  the 
First  Parish  in  Cambridge  (Old  Silver  of  American 
Churches,  p.  109,  quoted  by  Bolton),  and,  presumably  the 
same  arms,  at  the  funeral  in  1725  of  Katharine,  the  widow 
of  Waitstill  Winthrop  as  mentioned  by  Sewall  in  his  diary 
(see  Chapin,  Antiques,  XVI,  4  Oct.  1929). 

The  Legge  arms  have  been  commented  on  under  No.  7, 
and  it  is  to  be  noted  that  the  field  in  No.  9  is  again  sable 
instead  of  azure. 

10.  (10.)  (8.) 

Richards.  Winthrop. 

Arms:  Two  coats  impaled:  Baron:  Silver  four  lozenges 


30  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

fesswise  (not  conjoined)  gules  between  two  bars  sable. 
Fermue:  Silver  three  chevrons  gules  a  lion  sable. 

No  wreath,  no  crest. 

Legend:  Anna  Wido  of  John  Richards  Esq.  /  On  of 
His  Maj.'s  Cons',  of  ye  Prouin  of  Mass.  /  1707  Richards 
&  Winthrop. 

Notes:  These  arms  are  painted  on  a  'lozenge,  not,  as 
given  in  the  Child  copy,  on  a  shield  shaped  like  all  the 
others. 

The  wording  of  Whitmore's  note  in  connection  with 
the  Richards  arms  shows  that  he  had  in  mind  an  armorial 
seal:  "John  Richards,  who  used  a  seal  in  1685,  was  son  of 
Thomas  Richards  of  Dorchester,  whose  widow,  Welthian, 
also  used  them  on  her  will,  in  1 679."  These  are  the  arms  of 
Richards  of  East  Bagborough,  co.  Somerset  (Edmondson). 

The  impaled  arms  of  Winthrop  have  been  commented 
on  under  No.  1. 

Ships'  Protests,  1698-1700 

{Continued  jrom  Vol.  XXV III,  page  110) 

Newport  in  Rhoad  Island  Octobr  19th  day  1698: 
.  .  .  wee  the  Subscribers  Jonas  Clark  of  boston  .  .  .  marrinr 
&  Master  of  the  good  Sloope  the  Industery  Burthen  twenty 
tunns  &  Timothy  Conningham  mate  of  Sd  Sloope  being 
Laden  at  boston  afore  Sd  with  Marcht  goods  viz:  Barbados 
goods  dry  goods  Salt  Riging  &c:  &  in  or  voyage  toward  Said 
port  It  pleased  god  that  on  the  thirteenth  Instant  being 
thirsday  Last  wee  having  wayed  Anchor  at  Martins  vin- 
yard^''  Neare  Elizabeth  Islands  on  or  way  ware  Suddenly 
taken  with  voyalant  Stress  of  weather  So  that  braking  or 
Main  Sheet  &  Splitting  or  Sailes  wee  ware  Redused  to  Such 
Extremety  as  in  A  mannor  wee  ware  over  whelmed  &  buried 
in  the  Sea  having  two  foot  water  in  or  hold  And  Expecting 

^"Martha's  Vineyard,  then  usually  called  Martin's  Vineyard. 


ships'  protests,  1698-1700  31 

Every  moment  the  Loss  of  or  Lives  &  goods  but  at  Last 
with  greatt  diff eculty  Arived  and  putt  in  Att  tarpallian  Cove 
&  from  thence  Came  to  this  port  of  Newport  Much  douting 
thare  is  Considerable  damage  done  the  Marchandize  on 
bord  by  reason  of  Sd  Storme  to  the  truth  of  the  Above  Men- 
tioned particulurs  wee  hav  taken  our  SoUom  Engagments" 
&  Sett  to  or  hand  Octobr  1 9th  day  1 698 

Jonas  Clarke 

Timonthy  Coningham    (11,80) 

To  Mr  Ralph  Chapman  &  Mr  John  Hix  Ship  Carpenters: 
Whare  as  Complaint  hath  bene  made  unto  mee  by  Mr 
daniell  Hempson  master  of  the  Sloope  Speedwell  &  Mr 
David  Campanell  belonging  to  Sd  Sloope  that  they  being 
Bound  from  the  port  of  New  Yorke  to  the  port  of  Boston 
with  Severall  Marchandize  upon  fraight  &  on  their  voyage 
bound  to  Said  port  did  on  the  1  8  Instant  Spring  A  leake 
which  Did  forse  them  to  putt  into  this  port  from  whence 
they  Sayled  the  Same  day  being  forst  to  keepe  their  pumps 
Continually  going  to  keepe  hir  from  Sinking  yett  never- 
theless they  using  their  utmost  Indevouer  hath  Recived 
Considerable  damage  in  their  goods  having  near  two  foot 
water  in  the  hold  &  having  Sense  Made  Som  Sarch  for  her 
Leaks  Doe  find  Said  Sloope  very  Old  &  Rotten  So  that  they 
Conclude  Shee  will  not  be  fitting  to  prosed  on  their  voyage 
.  .  .  These  are  tharefore  in  his  majtty  name  ...  to  Require 
you  the  Sd  Ralph  Chapman  &  John  Hix  to  take  A  new  And 
Exact  Survay  of  Sd  Sloope  &  make  A  true  Returne  thare  of 
to  mee  upon  your  Sollom  Engagments  how  you  find  her 
Given  under  my  hand  in  Newport  this  24th  of  October 

1698 

Sam  Cranston  Cover 

To  the  Honerd  Cover  of  Rhoad  Island  . . . 

In  Obedience  to  your  Honers  Order  wee  the  Subscribers 

Ralph  Chapman  And  John  Hicks  Shipwrights  have  made 

^•'Jos.  Cealis  and  Danll  Vernon  signed  as  witnesses. 


32  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

A  survay  And  vewed  the  Sloope  Speedwell  now  in  this  port 
on  Shore  And  doe  heare  by  in  Answer  And  Returne  thare 
of  certifie  that  to  the  best  of  or  knowledg  &  Judgments  thare 
in  doe  Account  &  Reckon  in  the  Condition  Shee  is  in  Shee 
is  Alltogether  unfitt  for  the  Sea  without  greatt  Reparation 
:as  Wittness  our  hands  Newport  October  24  1698 

Ralph  Chapman 
John  Hicks  (11,86) 
. . .  Jeames  Hardy  Commander  of  the  briginteen  Elizabeth 
John  Packworth  &  George  Brook  Seemen  of  Sd  brigen- 
teens"^  Company  being  upon  our  voyage  from  Queriso^' 
through  the  Behemoses'^  to  Rhode  Island  it  hapned  on  the 
24th  day  of  may  Last  1700  being  then  in  the  Lattitude  of 
22  degrees  30  minnitts  North  Lattitude  &  about  two  A  clock 
in  the  After  noone  of  Sd  Day  being  then  out  of  Sight  of  Any 
Land  &  in  faire  weather  or  Said  Briginten  Struck  upon  A 
•Shole  or  banke  that  had  but  five  foot  water  thare  on  or  Sd 
vessell  drawing  7  foott  &  no  hopes  of  or  gitting  of  but  by 
•or  Indevoring  to  Lighten  or  Sd  Briginteen  And  Accord- 
ingly flung  Over  bord  About  ten  tunn  of  Ballis'^  five 
hogseds  Malasses  &  About  30  or  40  greatt  Shott:  or  En- 
devours  Succeded  So  well  that  through  gods  goodness  wee 
Beatt  over  Sd  Shoales  into  deape  water  And  have  Now 
Attained  or  Port  the  6th  of  June  1 700  In  testamony  of  the 
truth  whare  of  wee  .  .  .  have  Sollomly  taken  or  oaths'''  .  .  . 
in  newport  Above  Sd  the  7th  of  June  1700 

Jeames  Hardy  maser 

John  X  Packworth    his  mark 

George  X  Brook    his  mark    (II,  114) 

^^The  terms  "brigantine"  and  "brig"  seem  to  have  been  applied  to  the 
same  rig  by  seventeenth  and  early  eighteenth  century  New  Englanders, 
-although  the  French  had  adopted  the  present  usage  at  least  as  early  as  1  720. 

^^Curacao. 

^^Bahamas. 

"Ballast. 

^^Benj.  Nubary  and  Tho.  Fox  signed  as  witnesses. 


Form  of  Legacy 


"/  give  and  bequeath  to  the  Rhode  Island 

Historical  Society  the  sum  of 

dollars. " 


Roger  Williams  Press       |iy|V? 


E.  A.  Johnson  Co. 


PROVIDENCE 


Rhode    Island 

Historical    Society 

Collections 


Vol.  XXIX 


APR(L,  -WM.-- 


No.  2 


COURTYARD  OF  CHARTER  HOUSE  SCHOOL,  LONDON,  ENGLAND, 
WHERE    ROGER    WILLLAMS    RECEIVED    HIS    EARLY    EDUCATION 


Issued  Quarterly 


68  Waterman  Street,  Providence,  Rhode  Island 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

Illustrations  connected  with 

Roger  Williams' Life  .  .  Cover  and  33 

New  Publications  of  Rhode  Island  Interest   .  .  44 

Treasurer's  Report      ......  45 

Librarian's  Report       ......  49 

Notes 51 

Gore  Roll 

bv  Harold  Bowditch     .  .  .  .  .  51 


RHODE 
HISTORICAL 


ISLAND 

SOCIETY 


COLL^ECTIONS 


Vol.  XXIX 


APRIL,  1936 


No.  2 


Nathaniel  W.  Smith,  President     Gilbert  A.  Harrington,  Treasurer 
William  Davis  Miller,  Secretary  Howard  M.  Chapin,  Librarian 


The  Society  assumes  no  responsibility  for  the  statements  or  the  opinions 
of  contributors. 


ROGER  Williams'  compass  and  sun-dial 

In  the  Society's  Museum. 


34 


RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 


SECTION   OF   OLD    MAP   OF    LONDON,   SHOWING    "COWE    LANe" 
AS    IT   WAS   WHEN    ROGER    WILLIAMS    LIVED   THERE 

From  Agas*  Map  of  London. 


ILLUSTRATIONS ROGER    WILLIAMS     LIFE 


35 


SIR   EDWARD   COKE, 
THROUGH  WHOSE  INFLUENCE  ROGER  WILLIAMS 
WAS    SENT    TO    THE     CHARTER     HOUSE     SCHOOL 


CHURCH  OF  ST.  SEPULCHRE,  LONDON 

ROGER  Williams'  parents  were  members  of  this  church 


INTERIOR  OF  CHARTER  HOUSE  SCHOOL,  LONDON 


PEMBROKE  COLLEGE,  CAMBRIDGE,  ENGLAND,  WHERE 
ROGER  WILLIAMS  WENT  TO  COLLEGE 


CHURCH  AT  HIGH    LAVER,   ENGLAND,   WHERE   ROGER  WILLIAMS 
AND  MARY  BARNARD  WERE  MARRIED 


"•^■^^    /At( 


;r  ?^^./i^'^-  ''-<^>«/^'^^r,^'>^W^.C 


■q/^y^Ji-O.  x-^ 


>  f{C^UlC:tl j^- , 


S7a 


>-A«;c 


^ 


}Of.ZM.  -hrv>  inRa. 


tiDt't-  '^^  -M-^^^i^Z 


^.. 


LErrER  WRITTEN  BY  ROGER  WILLIAMS 


Xy  ciAcUt^'J--^  ci^2<^&4fliu   Hy,L.J'^;^  '^■,rV^"-^"  '^'.'•^•^V*  Aj*-'U^ 
Cioy.    -f^  y^^/ ^^'^y '^''^af  '^^y^ /(^2 


Ot  J /<*«:,.; -t »(    r /»<»»>   Tf  -    d 


From  original  ozvned  by  Mr.  Frederick  S.  Peck. 


4  X>^  3 


■  "i:    ■  '■  , 


i^/^;.c•'.//  C 


I/O 


^./C    ^C)-        '/J.    £ 


very 

Wit        .  -  ,       ^ 


L^:L:A^yH^^^•^''^^'^•M'^^''^^•^'''•^^ 


/^^//•^ 


SHORTHAND  NOTES  MADE  BY  ROGER  WILLIAMS  IN  HIS  COPY  OF  THE  INDIAN   BIBLE 

A^ow  j»  Library  of  Brotvn  Univ 


42 


RHODE   ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 


SIATUE  OF  ROGER  WILLIAMS 

On  the  Monument  oj  the  Reformation 
at  Geneva,  Switzerland. 


ILLUSTRATIONS ROGER    WILLIAMs'    LIFE  43 


BUST  OF  ROGER  WILLIAMS  BY   HERMON    MAC  NEIL 

In  Hall  of  Fame,  Nezv  York. 


44 


RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIF.TY 


ROGER   WILLIAMS     THUMB    PRINTS 
From  letters  in  the  library  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 


New  Publications  of  Rhode  Island  Interest 

The  New  England  Quarterly  for  December  1935  con- 
tains an  article  on  Samuel  Hopkins,  of  Newport,  by  Oliver 
W,  Elsbree. 

The  Beginning  of  Printing  in  Rhode  Island  by  Douglas 
C.  McMurtrie  is  a  pamphlet  of  24  pages,  reprinted  from 
Americana  for  1935. 

Handbook  of  Historical  Sites  in  Rhode  Island  is  an 
illustrated  pamphlet  of  96  pages,  issued  in  1936  by  the 
Department  of  Public  Schools  of  Providence. 

Volume  2  of  Richmond  Fa?nily  Records  by  Henry  I. 
Richmond  was  published  in  London  in  1935  as  an  illus- 
trated volume  of  260  pages. 

The  royal  descent  of  Anne  Hutchinson  from  King 
Edward  I  has  been  compiled  by  Mr.  Benjamin  F.  WiJbour 
and  presented  to  the  Society  in  blue  print  form. 

Mary  Broume^  wife  of  Caft  Thos.  Willett  by  Elizabeth 
Nicholson  White  was  published  in  1935  as  a  volume  of 
266  pages. 


treasurer's  report  45 


Rhode  Island  Historical  Society 
Treasurer's  Report 

INCOME  ACCOUNT  FOR  THE  YEAR   193  5 


Receipts 

Annual  Dues  $2,25  5.00 

Dividends  and  Interest 3,579.58 

Rental  of  Rooms 1 00.00 

State  Appropriation  1,500.00 

Newspaper  Account 4--63 

$7,439.21 

Expenditures  exceed  income 1  32.00 

$7,571.21 

Expenditures 

Binding    $       16.68 

Books   228.80 

Electric  Light  and  Gas 40.21 

Lectures    1 13.60 

Expense    100.38 

Grounds  and  Building 7.50 

Heating    700.00 

Publication  601.69 

Salaries   5,385.00 

Supplies    90.94 

Telephone    53.41 

Water 8.00 

Insurance    225.00 


$7,571.21 


46  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

STATEMENT  OF  CONDITION,  DECEMBER  31,   193  5 


Assets 

Grounds  and  Building $    25,000.00 

Investments: 

Bonds 

$3,000.  Central  Mfg.  District $3,000.00 

4,000.  Dominion  of  Canada,  5s,  1952 4,003.91 

4,000.  61    Broadway  Bid.,    1st   Mtge.,    5>4s, 

1950  4,000.00 

4,000.  Minn.  Power  &  Light  Co.,  1st  5s,  195  5  3,930.00 

4,000.  Monongahela  Valley  Tr.  Co.,    1st   5s, 

1942  ,'. 3,685.00 

2,000.  Ohio  Power  Co.,  1st  &Ref,  5s,  1952 1,974.00 

2,000.  Narragansett  Electric  Co.,  5s,  1947 1,980.00 

2,000.  Shell  Union  Oil  Corp.,  5s,  1947  1,979.00 

2,000.  KoppersGas&Coke  Co.,  5s,  1947 1,962.50 

1,000.  Indianapolis  P.  &  L.,  1st  5s,  1957 994.50 

1,000.  Texas  P.  &L.,  1st  Ref.  5s,  1956  1,021.25 

1,000.  PennsylvaniaR.  R.,  Deb.  43/2S,  1970 922.50 

1,000.  Penn.  Water  &  Power  Co.,  1st  5s,  1940  1,005.42 

Stocks 

54shs.  New  York  Central  Railroad  Co $3,654.62 

30  shs.  Lehigh  Valley  Railroad  Co 2,1 12.50 

7  shs.  Lehigh  Valley  Coal  Co 23  5.39 

125  shs.  Pennsylvania  Railroad  Co. 7,638.35 

40  shs.  Milwaukee  Elec.  Ry.  &  Lt.  Co.,  Pfd. ..  3,900.00 

70  shs.  American  Telephone  &  Telegraph  Co.  6,591.72 

350  shs.  Providence  Gas  Co. 5,755.68 

1  5  shs.  Providence  National  Bank 

1  5  shs.  Providence  Nat'l  Corp.  Trust  Cert. 

45  shs.  Blackstone  Canal  National  Bank 1,050.00 

52  shs.  Atch.,  Top.  &  Santa  Fe  Ry.  Co.,  Com.  6,247.8  5 

45  shs.  Public  Service  of  N.  J.,  5s,  Pfd 4,317.63 

20  shs.  Continental  Can  1,316.28 

Savings  Account    4,595.86 

79,651.58 

Cash  on  hand 6,462.89 

$111,114.47 


v..    1,777.62 


TREASURER  S   REPORT 


47 


Liabilities 

Equipment  Fund $   25,000.00 

Permanent  Endowment  Fund: 

Samuel  M.  Noyes ^. $  1 2,000.00 

Henry  J.  Steere 10,000.00 

James  H.  Bugbee 6,000.00 

Charles  H.  Smith 5,000.00 

William  H.  Potter 3,000.00 

Charles  W.  Parsons 4,000.00 

Esek  A.  Jillson 2,000.00 

John  Wilson  Smith 1,000.00 

William  G.  Weld, 1,000.00 

Charles  C.  Hoskins 1,000.00 

Charles  H.  Atwood 1,000.00 

Edwin  P.  Anthony 4,000.00 

John  F.  Street 1,000.00 

George  L.  Shepley 5,000.00 

Franklin  Lyceum  Memorial 734.52 

56,734.52 

Publication  Fund: 

Robert  P.  Brown $  2,000.00 

Ira  P.  Peck 1 ,000.00 

William  Gammell  1,000.00 

Albert  J.   Jones 1,000.00 

William  Ely  1,000.00 

Julia  Bullock 500.00 

Charles  H.  Smith 100.00 

6,600.00 

Life  Membership  5,600.00 

Book  Fund  3,0 1 2.41 

Reserve  Fund  784.1 3 

Revolving  Publication  Fund 21  5.95 

Surplus 1 1 ,8 1 4.65 

Surplus  Income  Account 1 ,352.8 1 

$111,114.47 


48  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

PRINCIPAL  ACCOUNT  FOR  THE  YEAR   193  5 


Receipts 

Reserve  Fund  $  5.00 

Revolving  Publication  Fund 1  5.00 

Cedar  Rapids  Mfg.  &  Power  Company 4,430.00 

Merchants  Bank  Bldg 22.38 

Electric  Bond  &  Share 366.25 

American  Power  &  Light 205.00 

Standard  Gas  &  Electric 120.00 

Cleveland  Electric  Illuminating  Company 3,060.00 

Western  Electric  Company 1 ,050.00 

$   9,273.63 

Balance  January  1,  1935 2,575.26 

$11,848.89 

Payments 

Deposit  in  Savings  Account $4,595.86 

Reserve  Fund  1 95.00 

Continental  Can  1,316.28 

American  Telephone  &  Telegraph  Company 63  1 .67 


$6,738.81 
Balance  December  31,  193  5 5,1 10.08 


$11,848.89 
Providence,  R.  I.,  January  13,  1936. 

Securities  examined  and  found  correct. 

Byron  S.  Watson, 

for  A  uditing  Committee 

January  13,  1936 


librarian's  report  49 


Extract  from  the  Report  of  the  Librarian 
for  1935 

The  library  of  the  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society  con- 
sists of  three  main  groups  of  books:  Rhode  Island  books, 
genealogical  books,  and  historical  books. 

The  ideal  for  the  Rhode  Island  group  is  to  obtain  as 
nearly  as  possible  a  complete  collection  of  all  printed  mat- 
ter, books,  leaflets,  broadsides,  newspapers  and  periodicals 
relating  to  Rhode  Island.  With  this  aim  in  view,  we  file  and 
eventually  bind  the  files  of  all  newspapers,  periodicals  and 
serials  published  in  Rhode  Island,  and  buy,  or  when  possible 
obtain  as  a  gift,  all  new  books  relating  to  Rhode  Island.  Also 
from  time  to  time,  we  obtain  copies  of  the  few  early  books 
dealing  with  Rhode  Island  which  are  still  lacking  from  our 
shelves.  Our  Rhode  Island  collection  is  thus  strengthened 
and  built  up  by  the  addition  of  all  current  and  many  old 
Rhode  Island  books  so  that  every  year  it  more  nearly 
approaches  its  ideal  of  completeness. 

The  genealogical  collection  is  one  of  the  most  used 
departments  of  our  library.  Our  aim  in  this  field  is  to  have 
as  complete  as  possible  a  collection  of  genealogies  dealing 
with  New  England  families  and  to  this  end  over  half  of  our 
annual  appropriation  for  books  is  spent  in  this  field.  In  addi- 
tion to  our  collection  of  printed  genealogies,  we  have  a 
large  colle  ^t-ion  of  manuscript  material,  the  work  of  Rhode 
Island  genealogists,  which  is  of  great  value  to  workers  in 
this  field. 

The  group  of  historical  books  consists  of  New  England 
vital  records,  town  records  and  histories,  and  of  the  publica- 
tions of  historical  societies,  which  latter  volumes  are  largely 
received  in  exchange  for  our  own  publications. 

This  collection  serves  a  three-fold  use.  First,  many  of 
these  books,  especially  the  New  England  town  records,  and 
histories,   contain    much    genealogical    information  which 


50  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

cannot  be  found  in  the  genealogies,  thus  this  department 
materially  supplements  the  genealogical  department,  in 
fact  to  such  an  extent  as  actually  to  be  a  necessary  part  of  any 
library  where  genealogical  work  is  to  be  done. 

In  the  second  place,  the  New  England  histories,  and  the 
historical  magazines  and  historical  society  serials  often  con- 
tain articles  on  Rhode  Island  and  important  references  to 
Rhode  Island  affairs  not  found  in  any  books  primarily  relat- 
ing to  Rhode  Island,  so  that  this  group  of  books  is  also  a 
necessary  supplement  to  our  Rhode  Island  collection  and  is 
in  many  cases  absolutely  essential  for  persons  studying  cer- 
tain phases  of  Rhode  Island  history. 

This  group  of  historical  publications  has  still  a  third  use. 
Particularly  in  regard  to  the  New  England  States,  where 
the  collection  is  practically  complete  as  regards  historical 
publications,  and  to  a  large  extent  in  regard  to  the  thirteen 
original  states,  this  collection  is  sufficiently  exhaustive  to 
enable  students  working  on  many  phases  of  American  his- 
tory to  use  our  library  as  their  main  workshop,  even  though 
their  studies  may  take  them  far  outside  of  the  history  of 
Rhode  Island. 

Owing  to  lack  of  space,  as  well  as  lack  of  funds,  we  are 
unable  to  obtain  the  same  completeness  in  the  group  of 
books  dealing  with  states  outside  of  New  England,  that  we 
are  able  to  attain  in  our  New  England  collection. 

We  have  a  remarkably  large  collection  of  manuscript 
material  relating  to  Rhode  Island,  over  two  hundred  thou- 
sand items,  which  supplements  our  library  of  printed  books 
on  Rhode  Island  and  contains  much  social  and  economic 
history  not  included  in  printed  works. 

The  purpose  of  our  historical  museum  is  to  visualize  to 
the  people  of  today,  by  exhibiting  objects  of  historical 
interest,  the  life,  the  habits  and  the  important  occurrences  of 
former  times.  Such  exhibitions  create  in  the  mind  of  the 
observer  a  stronger  appreciation  of  the  reality  of  the  prin- 
cipal facts,  of  the  chronology,  and  of  the  significance  of 
history.  They  give  a  sense  of  intimate  touch  with  the  past, 


LIBRARIAN  S  REPORT 


51 


and  aid  in  understanding  the  present  and  future,  through 
an  understanding  of  that  which  has  transpired. 

It  is  necessary  to  discriminate  in  selecting  material  for 
such  a  museum.  Objects  should  not  be  shown  simply  because 
they  are  old,  but  because  they  illustrate  some  mode  of  life 
now  changed  or  forgotten;  or,  by  actual  association  with 
some  significant  event  in  history,  aid  in  fixing  in  the  mind 
of  the  observer  the  reality,  importance  and  circumstance  of 
that  event. 

The  objects  in  the  museum  have  been  arranged  chrono- 
logically as  far  as  their  size  and  shape  would  permit,  so  that 
a  walk  around  the  balcony,  keeping  always  to  the  right,  will 
give  a  general  idea  of  the  chronological  occurrence  of  events 
and  use  of  objects. 

Notes 

The  collection  of  family  papers,  etc.,  hitherto  placed  on 
deposit  by  Mr.  D.  B.  Updike,  have  been  now  given  by  him 
to  the  Society. 

The  following  persons  have  been  elected  to  membership 
in  the  Society. 

Mr.  Wayne  W.  McNally       Capt.  William  P.  Blair 
Miss  Dorothy  D.  Dunlop      Mrs.  Constant  Dorsey 
Mr.  Frank  E.  Waterman        Miss  Ethelyn  I.  Pray 


The  Gore  Roll  of  Arms 

By  Harold  Bowditch 

{Continued  from  Page  30) 

The  author  regrets  a  misquotation  of  the  words  of  the 
late  Mr.  Watkins  appearing  in  the  first  installment  of  this 
article.  Collections  XXIX  1,  page  11.  The  author  of  the 


52  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

PromptLiarium  Armorum  was  William  Smithy  Rouge 
Dragon  j  the  new  owner  was  his  successor  in  office,  John 
Philipot;  the  next  Rouge  Dragon,  William  Crowne,  came 
to  Maine  in  1657  and  is  believed  to  have  brought  the  book 
with  him. 

11.  (11.)  (9.) 
Frost.  Davis. 

Arms:  Two  coats  impaled.  Baron:  Silver  a  chevron 
gules  between  three  trefoils  slipped  azure.  Femme:  Gules 
a  stag  passant  gold. 

Wreath :   Silver,  azure. 

Crest:  A  man's  head  in  full  face  proper,  hair  and  beard 
gray,  between  two  enclosing  sprigs  each  with  three  leaves 
vert. 

Legend:  Charols  Frost  of  Boston.  1707  /  Frost  &  Dauis. 

Notes:  In  the  Frost  arms  the  trefoils  are  gules ^  in  the 
Davis  arms  the  held  is  silver  j  in  the  crest  the  head  is  uncol- 
ored  (CC). 

Charles  Frost,  born  1683,  was  the  son  of  John  Frost  and 
grandson  of  Nicholas  Frost  of  Kittery,  Maine,  who  was 
born  at  Tiverton,  co.  Devon,  about  1595  (W). 

Frost  arms:  see  Promptuarium  Armorum — of  York- 
shire? The  arms  of  Frost  of  Yorkshire  are:  Silver  a 
chevron  gules  between  three  trefoils  slipped  azure,  as  in  the 
Gore  Rollj  also  Silver  a  chevron  sable  between  three  tre- 
foils slipped  vert  (Edmondson).  In  a  manuscript  book  of 
arms,  principally  of  Yorkshire  families,  begun  about  1643, 
is  a  later  entry  in  pencil  of  the  arms  of  Froste:  Silver  a 
chevron  azure  between  three  trefoils  slipped  .  .  . 

Davis  arms:  these  arms  are  given  under  the  name  of 
Davison  by  Edmondson,  but  no  locality  is  cited. 

12.  (12.)  (10.) 
NoRDEN.  Latimer. 

Arms:  Two  coats  impaled.    Baron:   Silver  a  fess  gules 


THE  GORE   ROLL   OF   ARMS  53 

between  three  beasts  passant  sable  on  the  fess  a  crosslet 
fitchy  gold  between  two  trefoils  slipped  silver.  Femme: 
Gules  a  cross  patonce  silver. 

Wreath:   Silver,  gules. 

Crest:  A  demi-talbot  sable  holding  in  his  mouth  a  sprig 
of  three  leaves  vert. 

Legend:  Nathell  Norden  Esqr,  of  Marblehed  /  One  of 
His  Maj's  Counsell  for  ye  Prou-  (illegible)  /  Norden  & 
Lattemor. 

Notes:  The  beasts  in  the  baron's  coat  are  of  an  obscure 
species  J  perhaps  they  most  closely  resemble  lambs,  but 
with  upstanding  ears,  or  they  might  be  hinds  of  a  chubby 
form.  The  Child  copy  shows  the  following  variations  from 
the  original:  the -beasts,  which  suggest  short-legged  foxes, 
are  colored  lemon-yellow  j  the  trefoils  on  the  fesse  are 
gilded;  the  wreath  is  silver  and  azure;  and  the  beast  in  the 
crest  is  a  demi-lion  vert. 

Whitmore  blazons  two  of  the  charges  on  the  fesse  as 
fleurs-de-lys,  but  this  is  clearly  a  slip,  for  both  in  the  orig- 
inal Gore  Roll  and  in  the  Child  copy  they  are  trefoils 
slipped.  Influenced,  perhaps,  by  what  he  knew  of  the  arms 
of  Norden,  he  called  the  beasts  on  the  shield  beavers,  but 
was  surely  in  error  when  he  named  the  crest  a  demi-beaver. 
He  states  that  Nathaniel  Norden  married  Mary,  daughter 
of  Christopher  Latimer  or  Lattimore  of  Marblehead,  and 
that  he  died  in  1727. 

The  arms  in  the  Gore  Roll  appear  to  be  a  combination  of 
two  coats  of  Norden  of  Kent.  Norden  (Easthill,  Kent): 
Silver  a  fess  gules  between  three  beavers  passant  sable  on 
the  fess  three  crosslets  fitchy  gold;  Norden  (Kent)  :  Silver 
a  fess  gules  between  three  sea-horses  sable  on  the  fess  a 
crosslet  fitchy  between  two  trefoils  slipped  silver;  the  for- 
mer family  bore  for  their  crest  A  hawk  silver,  the  bells  gold, 
preying  on  a  partridge  silver,  the  beak  gold  (Edmondson). 

Edmondson  gives  the  arms  of  Latimer  as  Gules  a  cross 
patonce  (or  flory)  gold.  In  the  Gore  Roll  it  is  shown  as 
silver. 


54  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

13.(13.)  (11.) 
Sargent.  Spencer. 

Arms:  Two  coats  impaled:  Baron:  Silver  a  chevron 
between  three  dolphins  sable.  Femme:  Silver  quarterly 
with  gules  a  fret  gold,  over  all  a  bend  sable  charged  with 
three  escallops  silver. 

Crest:  From  a  coronet  gold  a  demi-griffin  silver  with 
two  collars  gules. 

Legend:  Lady  Mary  formerly  wife  To  Sr.  WilPm.  / 
Phip  Kt,  Gouener  of  the  prouin  of  Masc\  /  Lat  of  Peter 
Sargant  Esq  of  His  Maj  Con'  /  Sargant  Spencer  ...  1 705. 

Notes:  Whitmore  says  that  Peter  Sargent,  who  came 
from  London  in  1 667,  married  as  his  second  wife  the  widow 
of  Governor  Phips  and  daughter  of  Roger  Spencer  of  Saco, 
Maine,  1652.  He  records,  also,  the  use  of  the  Sargent  arms 
by  Peter  Sargent  on  a  seal  on  a  power  of  attorney,  dated 
1693,  preserved  at  Salem  (Heraldic  Journal,  I,  118). 

Spencer  of  Yarnton,  co.  Oxford  (baronet  1611)  and 
Earl  Spencer  bore  the  arms  recorded  in  the  Gore  Roll,  and 
they  are  found  in  the  first  quarter  of  the  arms  of  Baron 
Churchill  (Burke).  Variants  of  the  crest  shown  in  the  Gore 
Roll  will  be  found  under  Spencer  of  Norfolk,  Suffolk, 
Bedfordshire  and  London  (Edmondson). 

14.  (14.)  (12.) 
Checkley. 

Arms:  Azure  a  chevron  between  three  molets  gold. 

No  crest. 

Legend:  Anthoney  Chickly  Esqr.  Atturny  /  Genarall  of 
ye  Prouince  of  ye  /  Masechusets 1 706 

Notes:  Anthony,  son  of  William  and  Elizabeth  Check- 
ley,  was  baptized  at  Preston-Capes,  Northants,  England, 
31  July  1636  (W). 

A  correspondent  in  the  Boston  Transcript  of  8  September 
1 930  calls  attention  to  records  of  early  settlers  in  New  Eng- 


THE  GORE   ROLL   OF   ARMS  55 

land  who  had  returned  to  England,  including  this  item: 
"1 707,  May  8th:  Samuel  Checkley,  of  Boston  in  New  Eng- 
land, chirugeon,  aged  45,  now  lodging  at  the  widow  Alex- 
ander's on  Tower  Hill,  deposes.  He  has  known  the  ship 
Reward  ever  since  she  was  built.  Thomas  Dudley  was  mas- 
ter on  her  last  voyage  from  Boston  to  London.  Deponent 
was  hired  on  1 5th  April,  1 706,  to  serve  as  chirugeon  on  the 
said  ship.  A  list  is  given  of  the  various  people  in  Boston  to 
whom  money  was  paid  for  refitting  the  ship.  C24/1277  pt. 
2/33.  Dudley  V.  Overton."  (The  Genealogists'  Magazine, 
V,  5  March  1930.) 

These  arms  are  not  found  under  Checkley  or  Chickley 
in  Edmondson  or  Burke,  and  the  arms  of  Chichele, 
Chicheley  and  Chichley  are  dissimilar.  They  are,  however, 
the  arms  of  Ceely  (used  by  Silly  of  Cornwall),  Cely  of 
Somerset  and  Essex,  Chetwynd  and  its  variants,  and  several 
other  families  (Pap worth). 


15.  (15.)  (Omitted.) 
Chamberlain. 

Arms:  Gules  an  escutcheon  within  an  orle  of  molets 
silver. 

Crest:  From  a  coronet  gold  an  ass's  head  silver. 

Legend:  John  Chamborlin  Esqr.  of  ye  /  Jland  of 
Antego.    1707. 

Notes:  Given  as  the  arms  of  Chamberlaine  of  Warwick 
(Promptuarium  Armorum,  Burke).  With  the  molets  gold, 
and  with  the  same  crest,  they  are  attributed  to  Chamber- 
laine of  COS.  Gloucester,  Oxford  and  York  (Edmondson). 
William  Chamberleyne  of  London,  1 634,  descended  from 
Francis  Chamberleyne  of  Newton  Harcourt,  Leicestershire, 
used  in  the  first  and  fourth  quarters  of  his  coat  Gules  an 
escutcheon  silver  within  an  orle  of  cinqfoils  gold,  and  the 
same  crest  (Visitation  of  London  1633-1635). 


56  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

16.  (16.)  (13.) 
Pole. 

Arms:  Azure  a  lion  silver  within  an  orle  of  fleurs-de-lys 
gold. 

Wreath:  Silver,  azure. 

Crest:  A  stag's  head  cabossed  gules  the  antlers  gold 
charged  with  two  bars  azure. 

Legend:  John  Poul  of  Boston  Mas'  /  1709. 

Notes:  The  name  is  mis-spelled  Paul  and  the  crest  is 
wholly  gules  in  the  Child  copy. 

Found  under  Pool  or  Poole  in  the  Promptuarium 
Armorum. 

Whitmore  calls  attention  to  these  arms  on  the  tomb  of 
William  Poole  (died  1674)  in  the  old  burying  ground  in 
Dorchester,  Massachusetts  (Heraldic  Journal,  I,  9). 

The  arms  are  those  of  the  family  of  Pole  (pronounced 
Pool)j  Joseph  Poole,  descended  from  Edward  Poole, 
mayor  of  Chester,  who  descended  from  Poole  of  Wirrall, 
bore:  Azure  powdered  with  fleurs-de-lys  gold  a  lion  silver  j 
crest,  A  stag's  head  cabossed  gules  attired  compony  of  four 
gold  and  azure — the  shield  is  marked  "Quere  the  diff^er- 
ence"  (Visitation  of  London  \633-\635).  Edmondson 
attributes  the  same  arms  (calling  the  fleurs-de-lys  in  orle, 
as  they  are  in  the  Gore  Roil — a  distinction  without  a  difl^er- 
ence)  and  the  same  crest  except  that  the  antlers  are  compony 
of  six,  to  Poole  of  Devonshire,  Gloucestershire  and  Wilt- 
shire. Paul  and  Paule  arms  are  dissimilar. 

William  Pole  of  Dorchester  and  Elizabeth  Pole  of 
Taunton  were  the  children  of  Sir  William  Pole  of  Col- 
combe,  CO.  Devon,  the  antiquary  j  see  Memorials  of  the 
West  by  W.  H.  Hamilton  Rogers,  1888,  page  358. 

17.  (17.)  (Omitted.) 
Evans. 
Arms:  Azure  a  winged  stag  passant  gold. 


THE  GORE   ROLL   OF   ARMS  57 

Wreath :  Gold,  azure. 

Crest:  A  stag's  head  gold. 

Legend:  Edward  Euines  Esq.  of  Pembrouck  in  / 
Whales:  Gouinor  of  the  prouine  /  of  Penselluaney  -  — 
1705. 

Notes:  Whitmore  blazons  the  animal  on  the  shield  a 
winged  antelope  and  describes  the  head  forming  the  crest 
as  erased  5  both  statements  are  shown  to  be  wrong,  in  the 
Child  copy  as  well  as  in  the  original. 

Mr,  Child,  in  the  index  of  his  book,  says  that  the  name 
was  "nearly  obliterated  in  the  original,"  which  is  not  the 
case,  though  it  is  more  nearly  true  in  the  case  of  the  name 
Euance  in  No.  28;  even  here,  however,  the  name  may  be 
read. 

Dr.  Buck  comments:  "Intended  for  the  coat  of  John 
Evans,  Deputy -Qov^mov  of  Pennsylvania,  1704-1709?" 
(Johnson's  Universal  Cyclopaedia  calls  this  John  Evans 
Governor  as  distinguished  from  Lieutenant  Governor.) 

These  arms  are  not  found  under  Evans  in  Edmondson 
or  Burke.  Somewhat  similar  arms  are  those  of  Evelyn  of 
Long  Ditton,  Surrey,  and  Godstow:  Azure  a  griffin  passant 
and  a  chief  gold,  and  those  of  Evelin  or  Avelin  of  Surrey, 
granted  in  1572:  the  same  arms  with  three  molets  sable  on 
the  chief  (Edmondson), 

18.  (18.)  (Omitted.) 
Skinner. 

Arms :  Sable  a  chevron  gold  between  three  griffin's  heads 
erased  silver  the  beaks  gold,  on  the  chevron  a  crescent  gules 
for  difference. 

Wreath :  Gold,  sable. 

Crest:  A  griffin's  head  as  in  the  arms  holding  in  her  beak 
a  sinister  gauntlet  proper  (white,  shaded  with  greenish). 

Legend:  William  Skinor  of  London  /  Marchant 

1707. 

Notes:  These  are  the  arms  of  Skinner  of  Shelfield,  co. 


58  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

Warwick  (Promptuarium  Armorum),  Edmondson  sub- 
stantiates this  but  states  that  the  gauntlet  in  the  crest  is  gold. 
Whitmore  says  it  is  gules,  but  this  is  not  true  of  the  original 
Roll  or  of  the  Child  copy. 

19.  (19.)  (Omitted.) 
Harvey. 

Arms:  Gules  a  bend  silver  charged  with  three  trefoils 
slipped  azure. 

Wreath :  Silver,  gules. 

Crest:  A  wild-cat  passant  ermine  holding  in  the  dexter 
paw  a  trefoil  slipped  azure. 

Legend:  Henry  Harvie  Fort  Major  /  at  Pilecence  in 
Newfoundland/  178/9. 

Notes:  I  have  blazoned  the  crest  as  a  wild-cat  because 
the  tail  is  too  short  for  a  leopard,  but,  like  the  leopard,  the 
head  is  full-faced.  Actually,  the  tail  is  too  long  for  a  wild- 
cat and  too  short  for  a  domestic  cat.  The  name  of  the  fort 
in  Newfoundland  is  probably  meant  for  Placentia,  but  it  is 
in  doubt,  because  the  end  of  the  y  in  Henry  runs  into  the 
second  letter  of  the  name  j  but  it  certainly  is  not  "Provence" 
as  in  the  Child  copy,  nor  is  the  preceding  word  "of"  as 
given  by  Whitmore.  The  date,  given  as  1  708  by  Child  and 
Whitmore,  is  really  as  here  printed,  an  obvious  error  for 
1 70  8/9.  In  the  Child  copy  the  charges  on  the  bend  are  made 
into  quatrefoils,  although  described  by  Whitmore  as  trefoils 
slipped. 

Harvey  of  Suffolk  bore:  Gules  on  a  bend  silver  three 
trefoils  slipped  vert;  crest,  A  leopard  sable  bexanty  collared 
and  lined  gold  holding  in  the  dexter  paw  a  trefoil  slipped 
gold  (vert  for  Harvy)  (Edmondson). 

20.  (20.)  (14.) 
Apthorp.  (Mansbridge?) 
Arms:  Two  coats  impaled:   Baro7i:  Party  nebuly  silver 


THE  GORE   ROLL   OF  ARMS  59 

and  azure  two  molets  in  fess  counterchanged.  Femme: 
Quarterly  gold  and  gold  four  eagles  gules. 

No  crest. 

Legend:  Mary  Apthorp  Wido  of  /  Charles  Apthorp  of 
Boston  Ma'/ 1709. 

Notes:  The  arms  are  shown  on  a  lozenge.  The  femme's 
arms  are  difficult  to  blazon  j  the  entire  field  is  gold  and  the 
four  eagles  are  separated  by  two  cross  lines  drawn  in  ink, 
which  separate  the  field  into  quarters.  In  Whitmore's  time 
the  field  was  evidently  not  painted,  so  that  his  blazon: 

Quarterly, and ,  four  eagles  displayed  gules,  was 

quite  adequate  j  but  in  the  Child  copy  as  it  exists  now  the 
field  is  covered  with  metallic  silver  (instead  of  gold)  paint, 
preserving  the  crossed  lines.  Child  spells  the  name  Apthrop 
in  both  instances  although  it  is  clearly  Apthorp  in  the 
original. 

The  baron's  arms  are  found  in  Burke  attributed  to 
Athorpe  (probably  a  misprint)  of  Dinnington  near  Shef- 
field j  possibly  they  represent  a  coat  differenced  for  cadency 
(through  ap  Thomas)  from  that  of  Thomas  of  Busaverne, 
Currie  and  Lavant,  Cornwall:  Party  nebuly  silver  and 
azure  (Edmondson). 

For  the  impaled  coat  Dr.  Buck  suggests  Mansbridge  of 
London.  William  Mansbridge,  son  of  John  Mansbridge  of 
London,  "gent,  and  m'chant-taylor  entred  in  the  Visitacon 
a°  1568,"  bore:  Quarterly  silver  and  vert  in  each  quarter 
an  eagle  displayed  counterchanged  (Visitation  of  London 
1633-1635).  Edmondson  ascribes  to  Mansbridge  of  Lon- 
don: Quarterly  silver  and  gold,  four  eagles  displayed  with 
two  heads  vert. 

21.  (21.)  (15.) 
Phips. 

Arms:  Sable  a  trefoil  slipped  ermine  within  an  orle  of 
molets  silver. 

Wreath :  Silver,  sable. 

Crest:  A  lion's  paw  erect  sable  grasping  a  trefoil  slipped 
ermine. 


60  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

Legend:  Spencer  Phips  Esqr.  of  Cambridg  in  ye  /  Com' 
of  Midelsex  One  of  his  Maj's  Consl  /  and  Justis  of  ye  Pece 
for  ye  County.  /  1710. 

Notes:  Whitmore  says,  "These  arms  were  used  by  Sir 
William  Phips,  and  very  probably  were  granted  to  him. 
The  same  are  borne  by  the  Marquess  of  Normanby,  but 
despite  the  assertions  of  the  Peerages,  his  ancestor,  Con- 
stantine  Phipps,  was  not  a  son  of  our  Governor,  and  prob- 
ably only  most  remotely  connected.  We  hope  our  English 
friends  will  explain  this  matter  more  satisfactorily." 

Edmondson  (1780)  records  these  arms  under  the  name 
of  Phipps,  but  with  a  molet  silver  replacing  the  trefoil  in 
the  crest,  and  states  that  the  arms  and  the  crest  as  given  in 
the  Gore  Roll,  with  the  trifling  exception  that  in  each  case 
the  trefoil  is  silver  instead  of  ermine,  were  granted  to  Con- 
stantine  Phipps  in  1767. 

Sir  William  Phips  was  knighted  in  1687  j  was  Governor 
of  Massachusetts  in  1692;  and  died  in  1695.  The  seal  on 
his  will  in  the  Suffolk  County  Probate  Oflice  shows  these 
arms  and  this  crest,  but  with  unknown  tinctures  (Heraldic 
Journal,  I,  152;  11,7). 

Professor  Arthur  Adams  of  Hartford  writes  in  1931: 
"Sir  William  died  in  London  February  1 8,  1694/5.  Dame 
Mary  Phips  was  appointed  administrator,  June  13,  1695. 
She  had  a  memorial  tablet  placed  in  the  Church  of  St.  Mary 
Woolnoth  in  London,  The  tablet  is  of  white  marble  and  has 
the  coat  of  arms:  Sable,  a  trefoil  slipt,  with  an  orle  of  eight 
mullets  argent." 

An  officer  of  the  College  of  Arms  writes  in  1931:  "Gov- 
ernor Phips  received  a  Knighthood,  not  a  Baronetcy,  the 
date  of  the  honour  being  28  June  1687.  The  first  appear- 
ance of  the  arms  on  our  records  is  in  the  Grant  of  1765  to 
the  Normanby  family,  but  this  document  is  more  in  the 
nature  of  a  Confirmation  and  mentions  the  fact  that  the 
ancestors  of  the  Grantee  had  used  the  arms  for  a  consider- 
able time.  Their  statement,  in  conjunction  with  the  fact  that 


THE  GORE  ROLL   OF  ARMS  61 

the  Governor  used  the  same  arms,  implies  that  they  must 
have  been  descended  from  the  same  family." 

Governor  Phips  came  of  very  humble  stock,  but  as  Gov- 
ernor and  still  more  as  a  knight  he  was  entitled  to  arms  of 
some  sort  J  the  arms  that  he  used  appear  on  his  seal  and 
were  subsequently  publicly  displayed  in  the  church  in  Lon- 
don (1695).  These  arms  are  not  of  previous  record  in  the 
College  of  Arms,  nor  has  anyone  shown  that  they  existed  in 
any  book  as  Phips  armsj  consequently  they  appear  to  be 
original  with  Governor  Phips  and  therefore  valid. 

When  the  Nomanby  family  applied  for  a  confirmation  of 
arms  the  claim  of  user  was  made;  the  arms  had  been  on 
public  display  for  the  past  seventy  years  on  the  tablet  to  the 
memory  of  Governor  Phips,  erroneously  stated  by  the 
Peerages  to  have  been  the  ancestor  of  the  Marquess  of 
Normanby;  may  this  not  have  been  the  user  referred  to? 
It  is  to  be  noted,  too,  that  the  Normanby  arms  display  the 
trefoil  silver  and  not  ermine,  and  it  is  stated  to  be  silver  on 
the  memorial  tablet,  perhaps  because  the  seal  which  served 
as  the  model  was  too  small  for  the  ermine  spots,  if  they  were 
there,  to  be  clear;  for  the  painting  in  the  Gore  Roll,  dated 
1710,  is  unequivocal  on  this  point. 

Spencer  Phips,  whose  arms  are  given  in  the  Gore  Roll, 
was  originally  Spencer  Bennet,  the  nephew  of  Governor 
Phips's  wife,  who  adopted  him,  whereupon  he  assumed  the 
name  and  arms  of  Phips;  as  Spencer  Phips  he  was  Lieu- 
tenant Governor  of  Massachusetts  (Heraldic  Journal,  I, 
153). 

22.  (22.)  (16.) 
Foster. 

Arms:  Silver  a  chevron  vert  between  three  bugle-horns 
sable. 

Wreath :  Silver,  sable. 

Crest:  A  cubit  arm,  the  sleeve  silver  the  cuff  gules,  the 
hand  proper  grasping  a  half-spear  fesswise  silver. 

Legend :  John  Foster  Esqr.  Coll  of  the  Liuegard  /  to  the 
Earle  of  Belemount  Gouen'r  of  /  ye  prouine  of  ye  Mass. ; 


62  RHODE    ISLAND   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

lustis  of  ye  Common  /  pies  of  ye  Conty  of  Suffolk  &  On  of 
his  Maj  Consell  /  1710. 

Notes:  This  coat,  with  a  pheon  gold  for  difference  and 
the  bugle-horns  facing  to  the  dexter  instead  of  the  sinister, 
occupies  the  first  and  fourth  quarters  of  the  arms  exempli- 
fied to  Mathew  Forster  of  London  1633,  vintner,  by  Sir 
William  Segar,  Garter;  crest,  An  arm  embowed  in  armor 
proper,  a  knot  of  ribbon  vert  at  the  wrist,  the  naked  hand 
grasping  a  broken  spear  in  bend  sinister  gold.  This  Mathew 
Forster  was  the  son  of  Robert  Forster  of  Nassington, 
Northamptonshire.  The  same  arms,  but  differenced  with  an 
escallop  gold,  and  the  bugle-horns  facing  to  the  sinister  as 
in  the  Gore  Roll,  but  with  strings  gold,  instead  of  sable, 
were  exemplified  to  William  Forster  of  London  1 633y  clerk 
in  the  Ordnance  Office,  by  Sir  William  Segar,  Garter; 
crest.  An  arm  embowed  in  armor  silver  garnished  gold,  the 
gauntlet  grasping  the  handle  of  a  broken  spear  in  bend 
sinister  gold.  This  William  Forster  was  fifth  in  descent 
from  Humfrey  Forster  of  Cumberland,  Esq.  (Visitation 
of  London  1633-1635.) 

Whitmore  records  a  dish  bearing  the  Foster  arms  in  the 
possession  of  the  Second  Church  in  Boston  and  thinks  that 
it  had  belonged  to  Col.  John  Foster  (Heraldic  Journal,  I, 
59)  j  Bolton  states  that  it  was  given  to  the  Church  in  1711 
by  Abigail,  wife  of  John  Foster  of  Boston;  the  arms  are 
illustrated  in  Buck's  "Old  Plate,"  p.  169. 

23.  (23.)  (17.) 
Foster.  Hawkins. 

Arms:  Two  coats  impaled:  Baron:  Silver  a  chevron 
vert  between  three  bugle-horns  sable  (exactly  as  in  No.  22). 
Femme:  Silver  a  saltire  sable  charged  with  five  fleurs-de- 
lys  gold. 

Wreath :  Silver,  sable. 

Crest:  On  a  mount  vert  a  hind  couchant  silver. 

Legend :  Susanah  Wido  of  John  Foster  Esq.  /  of  Boston. 
1710/  Foster  &  Hawkins. 


THE  GORE  ROLL   OF  ARMS  63 

Notes:  The  arms  are  shown  on  a  lozenge. 

Whitmore  says,  "This  seems  to  be  an  error  in  the  Chris- 
tian name.  Abigail,  daughter  of  Thomas  Hawkins,  married 
John  Foster,  and  died  in  1711." 

For  the  Foster  arms  see  No.  22. 

The  Hawkins  arms  are  those  of  Hawkins  of  Kent,  and 
are  found  in  the  Promptuarium  Armorum,  81a  (Dr.  Buck). 

Edmondson  gives  these  arms  for  Hawkins  of  Nash,  co. 
Kent,  and  the  same  crest  except  that  the  hind  is  gold. 

24.  (24.)  (18.) 
Saltonstall.  Whittingham. 

Arms:  Two  coats  impaled:  Baron:  Gold  a  bend  between 
two  eagles  sable.'  Femme:  Silver  a  fess  sable  over  all  a 
lion  gules. 

Crest:  From  a  coronet  gold  a  pelican's  head  azure  the 
beak  gold. 

Legend:  Gordon  SoltinstoU  Esqr.  Gouen'r.  /  of  His 
Maj 's.  Coliney  of  Coneticut  1 7 1 2 /SoltinstoU  &  Whitingen. 

Notes:  Beside  the  painting  is  a  note  in  ink:  \^  As  this 
has  blotted  over  upon  the  opposite  page  it  was  probably 
entered  some  time  after  the  painting  was  made. 

Whitmore  notes  that  Governor  Saltonstall,  son  of 
Nathaniel  and  grandson  of  Richard  Saltonstall  jr.  and 
Meriell  Gurdon,  married  for  his  third  wife  Mary,  the 
daughter  of  William  Whittingham  and  widow  of  William 
Clarke. 

The  baron's  arms  and  the  crest  are  those  of  Saltonstall  or 
Saltonston  of  London  and  of  York  (Edmondson).  They 
were  used  on  a  seal  by  the  immigrant  Sir  Richard  Salton- 
stall who  came  to  New  England  in  1 630  (Heraldic  Journal, 
I,  160,  164). 

The  femme's  arms  are  found  under  Whittingham  of 
Cheshire  in  the  Promptuarium  Armorum  94b  (Dr.  Buck). 
Dallaway  gives  the  f esse  vert  instead  of  sable  j  Burke  gives 
the  latter  coat  as  that  of  Whittingham  of  Penley,  Herts., 


64  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

and  with  the  fesse  azure  as  that  of  Whittingham  of  Sussex. 
Appleton  records  an  example  of  the  Whittingham  arms 
which  has  come  down  in  descendants  of  the  Brattle  family 
to  whom  it  may  have  come  from  the  Saltonstallsj  the 
blazon  is  Silver  a  fess  vert  over  all  a  lion  gules;  crest:  A 
lion's  head  erased  gules  the  tongue  azure  (Heraldic  Jour- 
nal, IV,  43). 

25.  (25.)  (19.) 
White 

Arms:  Gules  a  chevron  between  three  boar's  heads 
erased  silver. 

Crest:  From  a  mural  crown  gules  a  boar's  head  and  neck 
silver. 

Legend:  Samuell  Whit  of  Boston  /  Marchant  -  -  1711. 

Notes:  Whitmore  says  "this  has  also  to  be  identified." 

The  arms  and  crest  are  those  of  White  of  Norfolk,  of 
London  in  1 634,  and  of  Hackney  in  Middlesex,  except  that 
in  the  arms  the  heads  are  given  as  couped  and  with  tusks 
gold  and  in  the  crest  the  bristles  are  given  as  gold  (  Edmond- 
son).  In  Guillim,  ed.  1724,  we  find:  "He  beareth  Gules,  a 
Chevron  between  three  Boars  Heads  couped,  Argent, 
armed  Or,  by  the  Name  of  White,  and  is  thus  borne  by 
Sir  Stephen  White,  Kt.  formerly  of  the  City  of  London, 
and  now  of  the  Parish  of  Hackney  in  Middlesex,  descended 
from  a  Family  of  good  Antiquity  in  Norfolk."  As  a  matter 
of  fact  it  is  hard  to  say  whether  the  painter  of  the  Gore  Roll 
meant  the  heads  to  be  couped  or  erased;  the  necks  are  cut 
off  in  a  nearly  straight  line,  as  though  couped,  but  the  line 
is  broken  by  many  small  tags,  as  though  finely  erased.  The 
point  is  not  worth  stress. 

Henry  Pickering  of  Salem  (born  1781,  died  1838)  used 
these  arms  on  the  second  and  third  quarters  of  his  seal;  his 
mother  was  Rebecca  White,  descended  through  Benjamin, 
Isaac  and  John  from  John  White  of  Watertown  and  Brook- 
line  who  died  in  1691.  This  John  White  is  not  known  to 
have  come  from  an  armigerous  family. 


Form  of  Legacy 


"/  give  and  bequeath  to  the  Rhode  Island 

Historical  Society  the  sum  of 

dollars." 


Roger  Williams  Press        '\jly' 


E.  A.  Johnson  Co. 


PROVIDENCE 


Rhode    Island 
Historical    Society 


Collections 


,,-•■■■-  -"  i333 


Vol.  XXIX 


JULY,-  1936 

—  "^g*^ -~ -  —         - 


No.  3 


A    FOLSOM    POINT    FOUND    IN    EAST    PROVIDENCE 
BY   MR.   WILLIAM    T.   IDE 

Folsom  points  were  discovered  near  Folsom,  New  Mexico, 

about  ten  years  ago,  and  are  considered  by  archaeologists 

to  date   from  about    12,000  years  ago.  This  is  the   first 

specimen  found  in  Rhode  Island. 


Sec  page  91 


Courtesy  of  Mr.  Idc 


Issued  Quarterly 


68  Waterman  SiREEr,  Providence,  Rhode  Island 


CONIENIS 


PAGE 


A  Folsom  Point  found  in  Rhode  Island  Cover  and  91 


Mary  Barnard 

by  Emily  Easton 


65 


Esek  Hopkins  Documents 

Owned  by  Frederick  S.  Peck 

Notes 


80 
85 


Eist  of  Members  of  the 

Rhode  Island  Historical  Society 


86 


The  Gore  Roll 

by  Harold  Bowditch    . 


92 


RHODE 
HISTORICAL 


ISLAND 

SOCIETY 


COLLECTIONS 


Vol.  XXIX 


JULY,  1936 


No.  3 


Nathaniel  W.  Smith,  President    Gilbert  A.  Harrington,  Treasurer 
William  Davis  Miller,  Secretary  Howard  M.  Chapin,  Librarian 


The  Society  assumes  no  responsibility  for  the  statements  or  the  opinions 
of  contributors. 


Mary  Barnard 

By  Emily  Easton* 

Roger  Williams  and  Mary  Barnard  were  married  in  the 
church  at  High  Laver,  in  Essex,  on  December  15,  1629. 
Roger  Williams  was  chaplain  to  Sir  William  Masham, 
whose  seat  was  Oates  in  High  Laver  j  Mary  Barnard  was 
maid-in-waiting  to  Joan  (Jug)  Altham,  Lady  Masham's 
daughter  by  a  former  marriage. 

"Mr.  Williams  is  to  marry  Mary  Barnard,  Jug  Altham's 
maid,"  wrote  Lady  Masham  in  a  letter  to  her  mother, 
Lady  Joan  Barrington,  which  is  preserved  among  the 
Barrington  letters  of  the  Egerton  Manuscripts  in  the  British 
Museum, — family  letters  which  give  an  authentic  picture 
of  the  home  life  of  the  country  gentlemen  of  the  time. 

Further  record  of  the  wife  of  Roger  Williams  is  hard  to 
find.  George  Eliot's  dictum  that  the  "happiest  women  have 


*Mrs.  Frank  T.  Easton.    Frank  Tourtellot  Easton  was  a  descendant  of 
Roger  Williams  in  the  seventh  generation. 


66  RHODE  ISLAND   HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

no  history"  needs  the  amendment — "except  in  the  history 
of  their  husbands."  In  the  story  of  the  later  life  of  Roger 
Williams  there  is  frequent  indication  of  his  helpmeet's  share 
in  his  life  and  work  5  but  only  one  mention  of  her  earlier 
state,  —  the  phrase  "Mr.  Barnard  the  brother  of  Mr. 
Williams  his  wife,"  in  a  letter  of  Nov.  1 4,  1 666,  by  William 
Harris,  who  reported  having  business  with  him.  She  had  a 
brother  among  the  settlers  in  the  New  World;  and  she  was 
maid  to  a  lady  of  quality  in  a  prominent  Puritan  family. 
Two  clues  there  are,  therefore,  to  her  early  life. 

Hunting  the  needle,  Mary  Barnard,  in  the  haystack  of 
genealogical  information  available  in  the  English  archives 
has  had  some  encouraging  reward.  Barnards,  or  Bernards 
(it  is  the  same  name),  are  legion;  male  Bernards,  of  course, 
but  they  have  daughters,  who  though  negligible  and  some- 
times registered  only  as  so  many  "daughters,"  are  generally 
given  by  name.  There  were  Barnards  in  Margaretting, 
near  High  Laver,  in  Essex;  but  no  Mary.  However,  exam- 
ination of  the  lineage  of  the  Margaretting  William  Barnard, 
contemporary  of  Roger  Williams,  shows  that  he  was  nephew 
and  heir  of  Ann  Barnard  Pemberton,  wife  of  Sir  James 
Pemberton,  Lord  Mayor  of  London  in  1613, — Sir  James 
Pemberton,  brother  of  Alice  Pemberton  Williams,  Roger 
Williams'  uncle.  Hence,  William  Barnard  of  Margaretting 
and  Roger  Williams  of  London  were  cousins  by  marriage. 
The  relationship  may  have  had  something  to  do  with  the 
young  chaplain's  appointment  at  Oates;  but  his  intimate 
association  with  Sir  Edward  Coke,  his  patron,  principal 
among  famous  Puritans,  would  be  a  quite  sufficient  recom- 
mendation for  a  position  in  a  parliamentarian  household. 

Who  was  Mary  Barnard?  She  was  "Jug  Altham's  maid" ; 
she  had  a  brother  among  the  New  England  colonists.  "A 
waiting  gentlewoman  was  a  lady  of  equal  birth  with  her 
mistress,  taking  service,  as  Buckingham's  mother  did,  on 
account  of  poverty.""   Mary  Barnard  could  not  have  been 

-Gardiner:  History  oj  England,  1603-1642,  vol.  VIII,  8,  footnote. 


MARY  BARNARD  67 

of  equal  birth  with  her  mistress,  or  it  would  have  been 
so  recorded.  Such  waiting-women,  frequently  poor  rela- 
tions, were  often  daughters  of  clergymen.  Lady  Constable's 
maid  was  a  daughter  of  the  Reverend  Ezekiel  Rogers, 
long-time  friend  and  correspondent  of  Lady  Barrington, 
who  was  early  in  life  chaplain  to  Lady  Masham's  father, 
Sir  Francis  Barrington,  and  therefore  later  interested 
in  the  grandchildren's  marriages.  In  one  of  his  letters  to 
Lady  Barrington,  in  1 626,  he  wrote  of  a  possible  suitor  for 
Lady  Masham's  daughter,  a  Mr.  Slingsby,  whose 

"father  hath  fair  lands  in  the  town  of  Knaresborough.  I  have  written 
to  your  daughter  Masham  about  him,  only  naming  it  if  God  deny  a 
match  so  fit  near  hand  she  would  not  suddenly  reject  it."  '^ 

Another  clergyman  who  would  be  known  to  Lady  Bar- 
rington was  the  eminent  Puritan  divine,  Richard  Bernard, 
of  Batcombe.  The  Reverend  Richard  Bernard  received  his 
living  at  Worksop,  where  he  was  the  incumbent  for  thirteen 
years  before  going  to  Batcombe,  from  Richard  Whalley, 
Lady  Barrington's  brother-in-law,  husband  of  Frances 
Cromwell  and  father  of  Edward  Whalley,  one  of  the  regi- 
cides. Mr.  Bernard  had  a  daughter  Mary,  and  a  son  who 
was  also  a  colonist.  At  Worksop,  in  1609,  a  daughter  Mary 
was  born  to  him.  She  had  three  older  brothers,  Besekiell, 
born  in  1 602,  Hoseell,  born  in  1 605,  and  Masakiell,  born  in 
1607.  In  the  list  of  colonists  crossing  the  seas  during  the 
years  1630-1635,  is  the  entry: 

"Methusalah,  Masachell,  Musachiel  Barnard,  of  Batcombe,  England, 
tailor,  aged  twenty-four,  with  his  wife  Mary,  aged  twenty-eight, 
sons  John,  aged  three,  Nathaniel,  aged  one,  and  his  servant  Richard 
Person,  Salter,  aged  thirty,  came  from  Weymouth,  England,  March 
20,  1635,  settled  at  Weymouth.  Children  Mary,  born  27(7)  1635, 
Sarah,  born  5(2)1637."' 

This  Methusalah  or  Musachiel,  of  Batcombe,  was  no  doubt 
Masakiell,  son  of  Richard  Barnard  of  Batcombe,  though  his 
age  would  be  twenty-eight.  The  transposition  of  the  ages  of 


'Egerton  MS.  2644,  f.  240. 


68  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Methusalah  and  his  wife  may  well  be  one  of  the  many  con- 
fusing small  errors  in  the  voluminous  records  of  those 
"crossing  the  seas." 

The  Reverend  Richard  Bernard,  Congregational  minis- 
ter of  Batcombe,  was  deeply  interested  in  the  spiritual 
adventures  of  the  New  England  colonists.  He  wrote  a 
treatise'  "to  censure  the  conduct  of  the  churches  in  this  coun- 
try because  they  require  persons  to  join  in  a  particular  cove- 
nant and  to  declare  the  foundation  of  their  hopes  before 
they  could  be  admitted  to  church  privileges."  The  manu- 
script treatise  was  addressed  to  his  "much  esteemed  and 
reverend  brethren,  the  pastors  and  teachers,  and  his  beloved 
the  Christian  believers  as  well  without  as  within  the  congre- 
gations of  Christ  Jesus  in  New  England."  The  Congre- 
gational churches  in  England  were  much  more  liberal  in 
their  discipline  and  practice  than  those  in  New  England. 
In  a  "letter  to  an  eminent  divine  in  New  England,"  written 
soon  after  the  settlement  of  Massachusetts,  Mr.  Bernard 
criticized  their  judgment  in  denying  baptism  (of  Mr. 
Coddington's  child)  and  admission  to  their  communion  of 
Christians  unless  they  brought  a  written  testimony  of  their 
belonging  to  a  particular  church.  He  was  afraid  their  change 
from  the  practices  of  their  home  church  in  England  was  due 
to  the  influence  of  the  "New  Plymouth  men,"  those  of  that 
Separation,  or  Brownists,  the  churches  of  Mr.  Robinson, 
Mr.  Ainsworth,  etc. 

Mr.  Bernard  was  a  well-known  writer  of  Puritan  litera- 
ture. Many  of  his  books  were  published  between  his  first,  in 
1 598,  an  edition  of  Terence  in  Latin,  with  an  English  trans- 
lation, and  his  last,  in  1641,  a  "Threefold  Treatise  on  the 
Sabbath."  His  "Isle  of  Man"  or  "Proceedings  in  Manshire" 
( 1 627)  is  said  to  have  given  Bunyan  the  idea  for  "Pilgrim's 
Progress."  Sympathy  for  the  poor  and  the  unfortunate,  for 
prisoners,  for  "good"  witches,  inspired  many  of  his  books. 
"The  Great  Mystery  of  God's  Mercy  Yet  to  Come"  was  a 

■'Eliot:  Ecclesiastical  History  of  Massachusetts. 


MARY   BARNARD  69 

long  argument  in  behalf  of  the  Jews.  His  benevolent  and 
liberal  views  were  of  a  sort  congenial  to  a  man  of  Roger 
Williams'  type,  whose  charity  and  toleration  welcomed 
Jews  and  men  of  every  faith  to  his  colony  founded  on 
"freedom  of  conscience." 

Final  proof  that  Mary  Barnard  Williams  was  the  daugh- 
ter of  the  Reverend  Richard  Barnard,  of  Batcombe,  would 
be  the  evidence  of  that  gentleman's  will,  identifying  her  by 
name  5  as  the  will  of  Alice  Pemberton  Williams  made  a 
bequest  to  her  "son  Roger,  beyond  the  seas."  But  persistent 
search,  both  amateur  and  professional,  in  "all  the  sources 
for  wills,  family  papers,  pedigrees,  printed  works,  ecclesi- 
astical records  at  the  Public  Record  Office,  etc.,  etc.,"  has 
failed  to  discover  the  will  of  the  Reverend  Richard  Bernard, 
of  Batcombe.  Actual  proof  that  Mary  Barnard  Williams 
was  his  daughter  is  therefore  lacking. 

But  the  circumstantial  evidence  is  strong: 

I.  Mary  Barnard  was  maid  to  Lady  Masham's  daughter  in 
1629. 

1.  The  Reverend  Richard  Bernard  was  an  old  and 
respected  friend  of  Lady  Masham's  family,  his 
patron  in  the  living  of  Worksop  being  her  brother- 
in-law,  Richard  Whalley. 

2.  The  Reverend  Richard  Bernard  had  a  daughter, 
Mary,  in  age  and  breeding  suitably  eligible  to  be  a 
maid-in-waiting  to  Lady  Masham's  daughter. 

IL   Mary  Barnard  Williams  had  a  brother  among  the  early 
settlers  in  New  England. 

1 .  The  Reverend  Richard  Bernard,  of  Worksop,  had 
a  son,  Masachiell,  two  years  older  than  his  daugh- 
ter Mary. 

2.  Masachiell,  or  Methusalah,  Barnard,  tailor  of 
Batcombe,  emigrated  to  New  England  in  1635. 
(Edward  Whalley,  son  of  Richard  who  was  patron 
of  Methusalah's  father,  was  a  clothier  or  woolen 
draper  by  trade.) 


70  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Many  Bernards  are  mentioned  in  colonial  records  and 
lists,  but  none  that  show  any  connection  with  Mary,  wife 
of  Roger  Williams.  In  the  Providence  Records  (XIV,  9), 
Feb.  8,  1665,  Sam  Barnard  and  Roger  Williams  are  wit- 
nesses of  a  deed  from  Robert  Williams  to  John  Scott.  The 
only  Samuel  Bernard  listed  among  the  emigrants  is  the 
one  year  old  son  of  John  and  Phebe  Bernard,  who  came  in 
1634  and  settled  at  Watertown.  Phebe's  mother  died  in 
Essex,  England,  in  1 638,  leaving  property  to  her  daughter. 
Samuel  would  have  been  thirty-two  years  old  in  1 665  j  when 
the  deed  was  witnessed,  more  than  twenty  years  younger 
than  Roger  Williams'  wife  Mary.  It  would  be  pleasant  to 
think  he  was  Mary's  brother  who  was  a  co-witness  with 
Roger  in  a  deed  of  Roger's  brother.  But  the  proof  is  lacking. 
Until  contrary  actual  proof  be  found,  it  is  fair  to  conclude 
that  Mary  Barnard  Williams,  the  wife  of  the  great  religious 
pioneer  in  New  England,  was  the  daughter  of  the  noted 
liberal  Puritan  divine,  the  Reverend  Richard  Barnard,  of 
Batcombe,  England. 

Though  we  cannot  be  sure  who  Mary  Barnard  was,  we 
can  form  a  definite  idea  of  what  she  was  —  of  what  sort  of 
girl  became  the  bride  of  the  young  Roger  Williams.  She 
was  a  member  of  the  household  of  a  rich  country  gentleman, 
a  Puritan  member  of  Parliament,  the  famous  parliament 
that  defied  the  Stuart  doctrine  of  the  Divine  Right  of  Kings. 
Oates  was  a  political  stronghold  j  the  affairs  of  Parliament 
then  were  first  of  all  matters  of  religion. 

Lady  Masham's  husband  was  a  member  of  the  famous 
Third  Parliament  of  Charles  I.  So  also  were  her  brothers, 
Sir  Thomas  and  Robert  Barrington,  and  her  cousins,  Oliver 
Cromwell  and  John  Hampden,  all  grandchildren  of  Henry 
Cromwell,  of  Hinchinbrooke,  "golden  Hinchinbrooke," 
where  King  James  I  was  received,  on  his  way  from  Scotland 
after  his  accession,  with  the  most  splendid  entertainment 
ever  given  by  a  subject  to  his  sovereign.  The  Commons  of 
this  Parliament  was  made  up  of  many  very  rich  men  —  in 
wealth  it  represented  three  times  as  much  as  the  House  of 


MARY  BARNARD  71 

Lords  —  who  were  by  this  means  very  important  menj 
for,  especially  in  this  crisis  when  the  King's  sole  reason  for 
summoning  a  parliament  was  his  need  of  money, — money 
which  he  could  get  only  through  parliamentary  grant, — 
riches  meant  power.  Parliament's  chief  interest  was  the 
gaining  of  redress  of  thejr  religious  grievances,  which  had 
mounted  like  a  rolling  snowball  to  huge  proportions  during 
the  reign  of  King  James.  From  being  loyal  subjects,  though 
Non-Conformists  in  the  national  church,  a  great  proportion 
of  them  had  become  dissatisfied,  even  rebellious,  dissenters 
from  the  church  policy  of  the  bishops  and  the  King. 

Not  only  in  the  Houses  of  Parliament  but  also  in  the 
homes  of  their  members  questions  of  religion  were  para- 
mount in  interest  and  discussion.  Lady  Joan  Barrington  was 
kept  supplied  with  the  latest  news  from  the  Parliament  in 
London  by  letters  from  her  sons.  Sir  Thomas  wrote  on 
November  30,  1628: 

"...  being  kept  in  London  by  my  occasions  I  am  enabled  to  be 
the  more  serviceable  to  you,  in  relation  to  the  occurrents  from  this 
place  where  is  a  perpetual  map  of  our  times  being  the  centre  where 
all  affairs  of  importance  disclose  themselves.  The  King  has  appointed 
a  committee  of  privv  councillors  of  both  Houses  'for  debate  on 
settling  of  some  good  course  for  matters  of  religion.  .  .  .  The  Lord 
Keeper  yesterday  did  express  the  King's  pleasure  to  the  judges  and 
bishops  and  all  justices,  promising  laws  should  be  exactly  executed 
against  priests,  Jesuits;  justices  to  give  account  of  all  non-conformist 
Papists,  etc.  .  .  .  Then  gave  he  a  charge  to  all  gentlemen  to  repaire  to 
the  country  and  to  keep  up  hospitality  and  so  concluded  but  left  us 
not  satisfied  in  any  measure  proportionate  to  the  expectation  which 
was  among  us  concerning  some  of  these  points.  .  .  .'  "  ^ 

Robert  Barrington's  letter  to  his  mother,  February  20, 
1629,  indicated  the  tenseness  and  excitement  in  the  House 
of  Commons: 

"Madam,  it  was  very  late  before  I  knew  of  Mr.  Williams  going 
down,  yet  I  cannot  let  him  pass  without  troubling  you  with  a  few 
lines.  The  Bishop  has  appointed  me  to  attend  him  about  the  business 
with  the  College  and  I  hope  by  the  next  to  give  you  full  discourse  in 
the  business.  For  news  foreign  or  domestic  there  is  at  this  time  little 

^Egerton  MS.  2644. 


72  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Stirring.  Mr.  Williams  who  walks  the  City  will  be  able  to  say  more 
than  I  can  who  have  not  the  least  time  to  be  from  the  business  of  the 
House  which  if  ever  than  now  doth  require  all  possible  diligence;  he 
can  partly  tell  you  what  late  rubs  we  have  met  with  to  our  great 
distraction.  .  .  .  "" 

Mr.  Williams'  home  was  in  the  City,  the  old  walled  town 
of  London,  quite  separate  and  distinct  from  Westminster, 
the  home  of  the  King  and  the  Court,  and  of  Parliament. 
The  City  was  the  haunt  of  business  and  of  trade,  the 
meeting-place  of  the  great  and  powerful  guilds  of 
merchants  and  tradesmen,  as  the  Merchant  Tailors,  the 
Goldsmiths,  etc.,  where  the  doings  of  Parliament  were 
reported  and  discussed  with  passion.  Roger  Williams  was  a 
valued  reporter  of  the  news  of  the  day  to  the  family  in  Essex. 

On  March  2,  1629,  Sir  Thomas  Barrington  wrote  to 
Lady  Barrington  from  Parliament: 

"...  the  times  such  as  hardly  ever  no  man  knowing  almost  what  to  do; 
the  distraction  was  so  sudden  and  so  great  and  the  case  so  highly  con- 
cerning the  House.  ...  I  must  say  we  have  a  very  great  cause  to  bless 
God  that  we  concluded  the  day  without  anv  greater  business  the  con- 
sequences whereof  no  man  can  say  what  it  would  have  been ;  yet  it 
was  so  probable  to  me  that  for  my  part  I  was  in  discourse  with  myself 
what  the  events  would  be  if  that  which  was  in  my  judgment  so  likely 
.  .  .  'tis  far  more  easy  to  speak  bravely  than  to  be  magnanimous  in 
suffering;  yet  whose  heart  bleeds  not  at  the  threats  of  these  times 
which  is  so  stupid.  God  give  us  better  grounds  for  comfort.  .  .  .  "- 

This  was  the  stormy  parliament  which  refused  to  pass  the 
bill  for  tonnage  and  poundage  which  the  King  demanded 
for  the  sake  of  his  revenue,  but  instead  engaged  in  hot 
debate  on  religious  questions,  the  growth  of  Arminianism 
(the  doctrines  of  which  were  in  opposition  to  the  predestina- 
tion of  Calvinism)  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  developing  of 
"Popish"  ceremonies  on  the  other.  The  Puritans  were 
fanatical  in  their  dread  of  an  imagined  trend  toward  the 
Church  of  Rome,  under  Bishop  Laud,  and  through  the 
influence  of  the  Catholic  queen,  Henrietta  Maria.  Books 
upholding  the  absolute  prerogative  of  the  King  in  church  as 

-Egcrton  MS.  2645. 


MARY  BARNARD  73 

well  as  state,  vigorously  supporting  "the  Divine  Right  of 
Kings,"  by  Montague  and  Manwaring,  were  loudly  de- 
nounced in  debate.  The  King  had  rewarded  both  writers  by 
higher  places  in  the  Church.  Oliver  Cromwell  made  his 
first  speech  in  this  Parliament:  "If  these  be  the  steps  to  pre- 
ferment, what  are  we  to  expect?"  and  alluding  to  the 
preaching  of  "flat  Popery  at  Paul's  Cross."  Fortified  by  the 
Petition  of  Right  of  the  earlier  session  of  this  Parliament, 
now  the  law  of  the  land,  the  Puritan  faction  openly  opposed 
the  King.  Under  the  able  leadership  of  Pym,  after  much 
passionate  debate,  resolutions  against  tonnage  and  pound- 
age and  against  changes  in  the  opinions  and  practices  of  the 
orthodox  church  were  drawn  and  passed  on  March  2  amid 
scenes  of  great  confusion.  The  Speaker,  who  refused  to  put 
the  question  and  tried  to  leave  the  House  to  report  to  the 
King,  was  held  down  in  his  chair,  the  doors  locked,  the  reso- 
lutions read  and  passed.  A  week  later  Charles  dissolved 
Parliament,  which  was  not  to  meet  again  for  eleven  years, 
(except  for  the  negligible  Short  Parliament  of  1640)  till 
the  Long  Parliament  of  1640,  the  Parliament  that  cut 
off  his  head.  Such  were  "the  late  rubs"  and  the  distractions 
"so  sudden  and  so  great"  of  which  Lady  Barrington's  sons 
wrote  her  on  February  twentieth  and  March  second. 

Lady  Harrington  was  a  masterful  woman,  keeping  her 
hands  on  the  controls  of  the  lives  of  her  children  and  grand- 
children. Lady  Masham  wrote  for  her  mother's  advice  on 
all  sorts  of  household  and  family  matters,  chief  of  which, 
at  the  time  of  Roger  Williams'  sojourn  at  Oates,  was  the 
choice  of  a  husband  for  the  oldest  daughter  of  the  house, 
Joan  Altham.  "Jug"  and  her  maid,  Mary  Barnard,  were 
vitally  interested  in  the  question.  Various  candidates  were 
discussed;  the  matter  of  the  jointure  was  pre-eminent. 
Lady  Masham's  letters  to  her  mother  on  the  subject  were 
many.^  As  early  as  November  24,  1627: 


^Egerton  MSS.  2643-2650. 


74  RHODE  ISLAND   HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

"My  brother  Knightly  and  I  have  treated  long  and  procured  an 
agreement  in  point  of  jointure,  three  hundred  pounds  and  so  much 
present  maintenance." 

And  later: 

"I  have  received  a  letter  from  my  brother  Knightly  and  it  seems 
Sir  Robert  Revell  thinks  our  demands  very  unreasonable.  I  did  write 
to  you  what  they  were,  three  hundred  a  year  jointure  added  to  her 
own  and  her  land  to  her  own  heir;  but  he  would  have  it  presently 
assured  upon  his  son  and  his  heirs,  and  then  he  would  add  so  much 
jointure  to  her  own  or  else  if  he  may  not  have  her  land  he  would 
make  her  no  jointure  at  all  but  should  have  her  own  again  if  her 
husband  should  die  before  her.  1  perceive  that  he  is  a  very  worldlv 
old  man;  he  is  not  willing  by  any  means  that  his  son  should  live  with 
him  after  he  is  married.  I  know  not  what  the  reason  is.  .  .  .  " 

Still  later: 

"I  had  lately  a  letter  from  my  brother  Knightlv  and  he  gives  me 
better  hopes  of  the  young  man  withal  expressing  the  voung  and  old 
man's  great  desire  of  proceeding  with  the  match.  .  .  .  His  father 
desires  to  meet  my  husband  for  conclusion  of  matters  of  state,  but  we 
desire  to  do  nothing  without  your  advice.  These  shall  be  our  demands 
which  we  will  stand  upon  if  you  think  fit,  three  hundred  pounds 
maintenance  besides  her  own  lands  and  so  much  in  jointure.  I  think 
it  is  as  little  as  can  be  demanded.  .  .  .  His  father,  the  old  man,  offers 
to  settle  twelve  hundred  pounds  a  year  upon  his  son  and  his  heirs 
males  but  I  think  it  fit  to  be  settled  upon  the  issue  whether  male  or 
female,  specially  considering  he  hath  more  lands  which  he  may 
settle  upon  his  younger  son  if  his  eldest  die  without  issue  male.  I  pray 
thee  consider  well  of  these  things." 

Oliver  St.  John,  the  final  choice,  then  a  young  barrister 
of  great  ability  and  promise  ( he  was  later  to  become  Solici- 
tor General,  acting  Attorney  General,  Chief  Justice  of  the 
Court  of  Common  Pleas),  was  affiliated  with  the  powerful 
Puritan  group,  in  political  and  religious  interests j  but  his 
financial  eligibility  was  not  notable.  Lady  Harrington  was 
to  have  the  final  say  about  Jug's  marriage.  Lady  Masham 
wrote  to  her: 

"I  thought  good  to  let  you  know  of  a  match  for  Jug,  propounded 
by  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich.  The  gentleman's  name  is  Mr.  St.  )ohn  that 
was  lately  in  prison  in  the  Tower.  I  hear  very  worthily  of  the  man 
but  it  seems  his  estate  is  very  small,  not  above  two  hundred  a  \  car  .  .  ." 


MARY  BARNARD  75 

Again: 

"I  acknowledge  myself  very  much  bound  to  vou  for  your  love  of 
Jug  Altham  in  this  lady's  business  wherein  I  would  be  loth  to  do  any- 
thing without  your  advice  and  approbation.  I  confess  the  man  moveth 
me  much  to  approve  of  it  but  I  know  God  commands  me  to  have  a 
care  in  the  second  place  of  outward  conveniences;  though  I  desire  to 
accept  of  much  less  with  such^'a  man  yet  I  shall  be  much  taxed  of  her 
friends  if  I  look  not  for  a  competency  of  outward  estate,  I  think  that 
may  be  pretty  well,  for  these  two  lines,  his  and  hers,  will  make 
between  .  .  .  one  hundred  pounds  yearly  besides  what  he  may  get  in 
law;  but  some  say  he  cannot  get  much  yet,  but  Nathaniel  Rich  told 
me  he  thought  Mr.  St.  John  could  not  spend  less  than  five  hundred 
pounds  yearly  himself  now  as  a  single  man.  If  that  be  so  then  his 
estate  will  be  but  little  to  pay  house  rent  and  maintain  housekeeping; 
if  they  keep  any  over  to  sojourn  in  another  business  they  cannot 
gather  much  to  purchase  for  posterity.  I  beseech  you  to  look  at  these 
things  well  and  give  us  your  confident  advice.  She  hath  good  friends 
to  advise  for  her  with  you  and  my  brother  Gerard  and  my  brother 
Meux  who  I  know  desire  to  seek  God's  honor  in  the  chief  place  and 
then  God  gives  leave  to  seek  other  things  as  may  assist  to  make  our 
passage  the  more  comfortable  to  that  place  where  shall  have  no  more 
of  these  vanities.  The  Lord  fit  us  for  so  glorious  a  place.  ...  I  beseech 
you  if  you  think  it  not  fit  to  proceed  in  the  business  that  you  will  write 
your  mind  to  Jug  for  she  desires  to  be  directed  by  you." 

Lady  Barrington's  advice  was  besought  also  by  her  son- 
in-law,  Sir  William  Meux,  for  his  daughter  Joan,  another 
of  Lady  Barrington's  namesakes,  cousin  of  Joan  Altham, 
and  visitor  at  Oates  during  the  various  marriage  negotia- 
tions. Early  in  September  (September  6),  he  wrote  from 
Kingston  to  Lady  Barrington  at  Harrow  on  the  Hill,  where 
she  was  staying: 

"I  must  alw.iys  be  thankful  unto  your  ladyship  both  for  myself  and 
daughter,  the  more  seeing  your  care  and  affection  is  not  lessened 
toward  me  and  mine.  What  1  have  promised  by  God's  mercy  and 
good  will  I  will  perform,  but,  good  Madam,  let  there  be  no  distaste 
that  my  child  be  not  sent  so  far  from  me  as  either  these  two  places 
mentioned  in  your  last  letter.  I  had  rather  hearken  to  my  Lady 
Barrington  for  her  bestowing  in  Staffordshire  if  there  be  hope  of 
religion  and  discretion,  which  to  doubt  of  I  may  wrong  my  Lady  for 
her  love  and  respect.  When  all  is  done  I  must  submit  myself  to  God's 
most  holy  will,  but  once  again  I  earnestly  entreat  that  if  it  be  possible 
some  nearer  match  may  be  had,  about  her  friends  about  London  or 


76  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

any  place  between  this  and  your  Ladyship.  ...  I  had  rather  match  her 
with  less  estate  near  me  than  with  a  greater  far  oflf,  with  some  hopeful 
young  lawyer  if  it  might  please  God  to  bring  it  to  pass." 
(EgertonMS.  2645,f.  59.) 

At  the  same  time  (September  4)  Joan  Harris  wrote  from 
London  to  her  "most  worthy  Aunt  Lady  Barrington": 

"Since  I  saw  you  lately  at  Harrow  I  sent  purposely  to  Sir  William 
Masham  and  my  lady  his  wife  with  a  fair  offer  of  marriage  to  my 
cousin  Joan  Altham,  receiving  a  friendly  letter  of  thanks  for  my  care 
therein  and  most  willing  to  entertain  it  but  that  there  was  an  other 
match  in  treaty  which  if  it  brake  off  1  should  forthwith  hear  of  it. 
But  it  is  now  three  weeks  past  or  thereabouts  and  hear  nothing  from 
them.  But  the  offer  being  so  fair,  namely  a  thousand  pounds  a  year  in 
present  possession  and  two  hundred  pounds  a  year  more  within  two 
or  three  years,  and  a  thousand  pounds  a  year  more  after  a  grand- 
mother (who  is  very  aged)  and  his  lady  mother's  death,  as  I  am 
desirous  to  press  it  with  the  more  earnestness,  yet  leave  it  to  God  and 
their  own  judgment,  I  wish  the  certainty  were  known  what  Sir 
William  Meux  will  give  with  my  cousin  his  daughter  who  is  not  less 
in  my  well  wishing  than  my  cousin  Altham  and  if  my  cousin  Meux 
would  be  pleased  to  hearken  to  a  match  of  seven  or  eight  hundred 
pounds  a  year,  most  in  possession,  a  young  man,  I  mean  a  counsellor 
at  law,  I  should  not  doubt  but  to  record  one  of  good  note  and  quality." 
(Egerton  MS.  2645,  f.  52.) 

Lady  Masham  wrote  to  her  mother: 

"Jug  Altham  longs  for  her  cousin  Joan  Meux's  company.  If  you 
please  to  give  her  leave  to  come  hither  I  will  send  for  her  and  bring 
her  again  to  you.  I  have  inquired  about  Mr.  Archer  and  I  perceive  he 
will  have  none  of  her,  I  pray  you  if  you  send  to  my  cousin  Meux  let 
him  know  so  much.  Yet  his  sister  is  to  come  hither  who  he  puts  much 
confidence  in.  It  may  be  .  .  .  she  will  work  with  her  brother.  I  like 
the  gentleman  exceeding  well  by  sight  and  by  discourse." 

Country  houses  such  as  Oates  were  the  scene  of  pleasant 
house  parties,  enjoying  the  delights  of  country  life.  At  the 
Mashams  the  cherries  were  a  bountiful  crop,  for  preserving 
and  for  neighborly  reciprocal  gifts.  Lady  Masham  sent  her 
mother  pullets  and  often  received  fat  capons  from  Hatfield 
Broadoaks.  The  hunting  in  Essex  was  good.  Sir  Thomas 
Barrington  sent  his  mother  "a  fat  young  buck,  the  best  in  the 
forest."  Lady  Barrington's  grandchildren  formed  a  gay 
group  of  young  people.  Often  at  Oates  with  Jug  Altham, 


MARY  BARNARD  77 

besides  her  maid,  Mary  Barnard,  were  her  cousins,  Jane 
Whalley,  who  lived  with  Lady  Barrington  as  her  maid,  or 
lady  in  waiting,  and  Joan  Meux — four  young  girls  much 
interested  in  prospective  matrimony.  Lady  Masham's  hus- 
band and  brothers  brought  young  men  home  with  them 
when  they  come  from  Parliament.  Roger  Williams,  the 
"divinely  mad"  young  parson  who,  as  Sir  William 
Masham's  chaplain  was  a  member  of  the  family,  was  looked 
upon  with  favor  by  the  girls  as  well  as  by  the  pious  parlia- 
mentarians. Jane  Whalley  went  so  far  as  to  get  herself 
engaged  to  marry  him. 

Jane's  romance  was  spoiled  by  Lady  Barrington's  refusal 
to  allow  it.  Why  she  objected  is  matter  for  conjecture  since 
she  soon  arranged  Jane's  marriage  with  another  minister, 
William  Hook,  curate  in  Axmouth,  Devonshire,  perhaps 
somewhat  more  desirable  than  Roger  Williams,  being  the 
son  of  a  gentleman.  Her  choice,  however,  proved  a  fortu- 
nate one.  On  Dec.  28,  1629,  after  she  had  been  ill  with  an 
ague  "these  eighteen  or  nineteen  weeks,"  Jane  wrote  from 
Clatford  in  Hampshire,  of  "Mr.  Hook,  whom  I  desire  to 
thank  God  for,  not  forgetting  my  thanks  to  your  Ladyship"  j 
she  wishes  with  all  her  heart  that  her  cousin  Joan  Meux  has 
no  worse  yokefellow  than  God  has  given  her.  She  is  per- 
suaded then  that  her  aunt  "would  be  exceedingly  joyful  to 
think  that  two  of  her  grandchildren  were  so  happily  be- 
stowed. "Passionate  and  hasty,  rash  and  inconstant"  Jane 
was  suffering  remorse  for  her  former  disregard  of  her 
aunt's  wishes: 

"Madam,  out  of  obedience  to  God's  commandments  and  for  the 
satisfying  of  myne  own  conscience  which  has  often  chafed  me  I  shall 
be  bould  to  crave  an  earnest  request  beseeching  you  not  to  deny  and 
that  is  you  would  be  pleased  to  forgive  me  my  carelesness  and  un- 
towarnes  when  I  was  your  pore  and  unworthy  servant,  for  I  doe  con- 
fess that  I  did  much  to  offend  God  in  being  careles  of  my  caling 
toward  your  Ladyship.  I  thank  God  that  he  has  opened  my  eyes  to  see 
that  it  was  a  sin  against  his  majesty  for  the  which  I  earnestly  desire 
mercy  at  his  hands  and  the  lyk  pardon  from  you.  I  know  that  time  will 
com  whenas  the  devill  and  mine  own  conscience  will  acuse  me  of 


78  RHODE  ISLAND   HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

thoughts,  much  more  of  words  and  dedes,  but  I  desire  to  do  it  myself 
and  save  them  a  labor,  so  that  when  death  com  the  sting  may  be 
plucked  out  by  virtu  of  Christ  merrites.  Good  Madam,  pray  for  me 
that  God  would  be  pleased  to  afford  me  the  inward  comforts  of  his 
holy  spirit  which  is  more  worth  than  all  the  world  besides.  Oh,  I 
know  right  well  that  time  will  com  when  I  shall  have  special  need  of 
faith  and  patience  and  depending  upon  his  power.  At  present  I  am 
furnished  but  with  a  small  measure."  (Egerton  MS.  2645,  f.  1  12.) 

Mr.  Williams'  letters^  to  Lady  Barrington,  acquainting 
her  with  his  wish  to  marry  her  niece,  and  later,  taking  her  to 
task  with  spiritual  rebuke  for  her  refusal,  so  offended  the 
lady  that  for  some  time  he  suffered  her  severe  displeasure. 
She  at  length  forgave  him,  at  the  instance  of  Sir  William, 
who  called  him  not  only  "a  good  soul  but  a  good  friend" 
to  whom  her  "spiritual  good  was  most  precious."  Sir 
William  said,  referring  to  the  letter  of  censure: 

"I  am  now  much  more  confirmed  in  my  former  mind  that  what 
he  did  proceeded  out  of  love  and  conscience."  (Egerton  MS.  2650, 
f.  318.) 

The  interesting  young  preacher,  ill  of  a  burning  fever, 
weak  to  the  point  of  death  in  harvest  time,  was  an  even  more 
interesting  invalid,  unjustly  persecuted  by  the  powerful 
and  masterful  patroness  of  the  family.  Mary  Barnard's 
heart  capitulated  entirely.  She  was  ready  to  give  up  a  life 
of  luxury  in  distinguished  company  and  exciting  circum- 
stances for  unknown  vicissitudes  with  him  in  a  faraway 
wilderness. 

Such  was  Mary  Barnard's  preparation  for  a  life  of  hard- 
ship as  the  wife  of  a  pioneer  and  a  missionary.  What  her 
formal  education  was  is  but  a  matter  of  conjecture.  She  was 
at  home  in  the  society  of  people  of  culture.  But  she  was  not 
a  letter  writer.  In  one  of  Roger's  letters  to  her  many  years 
later,  he  said:  "Thy  holy  and  humble  desires  are  strong, 
but  I  know  thy  writing  is  slow."  Lady  Masham's  letters, 
though  copious,  were  decidedly  illiterate,  The  fact  that 
Mary    Barnard    signed'  with    her    initials,    only,    Roger 


^Printed  in  N.  E.  H.  &  G.  Reg.  XLIII,  316. 


MARY  BARNARD 


79 


Williams'  deed  of  1 66 1 ,  confirming  the  older  deed  of  lands 
from  the  Indians  to  his  friends,  is  no  indication  that  she 
could  not  write.  Signing  public  documents  with  initials  was 
by  no  means  uncommon.  Edward  Rawson,  Secretary  of  the 
General  Court  of  Massachusetts,  signed  some  official  papers 

E.  R. 

Mary  Barnard  was  well  bred,  well-versed  in  the  refine- 
ments of  the  best  society.  (Court  society  was  not  the  best.) 
She  was  also  a  lovely  and  lovable  character,  spiritually 
strong  and  fine,  to  whom  her  husband's  eloquent  words  of 
spiritual  wisdom  were,  by  his  own  testimony,  "sweeter  than 
the  honey  and  the  honeycomb,  and  stronger  refreshment 
than  the  strongest  wines  or  waters,  and  of  more  value  than 
if  every  line  and  letter  were  thousands  of  gold  and  silver."^ 
Talk  was  rife  among  the  Puritans  of  emigration  to  the 
New  World  "for  the  cause  of  conscience."  Opposition  to  the 
King's  enforcement  of  his  policy  of  Conformity  to  all  the 
practices  of  the  Church  of  England — newly  introduced  ones 
which  the  Puritans  thought  "savored  of  Popery,"  as  the 
priest's  wearing  of  the  surplice,  kneeling  for  communion, 
placing  the  altar  permanently  at  the  east  end  of  the  church — 
drove  many  of  them  to  a  determination  to  leave  their  native 
land  and  seek  a  home  in  New  England  where  they  could 
find  liberty  in  their  religious  beliefs.  Various  attempts  at 
founding  plantations  there  had  already  been  made.  A  party 
of  Separatists  had  gone,  first  to  Holland,  then  to  New 
England,  and  founded  a  colony  at  Plymouth  in  1620.  John 
Endicott  had  taken  another  group,  beginning  the  permanent 
settlement  of  Salem  in  1628.  The  Companies  for  Planta- 
tions were  supported  by  the  Puritan  leaders  in  Parliament, 
including  Sir  William  Masham  and  Sir  Thomas  Barrington. 
John   Winthrop's   expedition   which    founded   Boston   in 
Massachusetts  was  being  organized  and  financed  in  1628} 
it  finally  landed  in  New  England  in  June  of  1629.  More 
and  more  ships  were  being  fitted  out  to  join  Winthrop's 

^Exferiments  of  Spiritual  Life  and  Health,  Roger  Williams. 


80  RHODE  ISLAND   HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

colony.  The  opportunities  and  privileges  of  the  "planta- 
tions"were  common  talk  amid  the  religious  discussion  at 
Oates. 

Roger  Williams  had  given  mature  consideration  to  the 
idea  of  emigrating  to  New  England.  He  had  turned  down 
an  offer  to  go  with  one  of  the  expeditions  —  in  his  first  letter 
to  Lady  Barrington  he  wrote  of  his  "late  New  England 
call."  Later  he  thought  more  favorably  of  it  —  his  bride 
may  have  influenced  him  to  accept  a  call  to  the  New  World 
■ —  for  just  a  year  after  his  marriage  they  set  sail  on  the 
ship  Lyon,  December  1,  1630, 


Esek  Hopkins  Documents* 

GEORGE  the  Second  by  the  Grace  of  God  King  of  Great 
Britain,  France  and  Ireland  Defender  of  the  Faith  TO 
ALL  PEOPLE  to  whom  these  Presents  shall  come 
GREETING;  WHEREAS  We,  by  Our  Declaration  of 
the  Seventeenth  of  May  One  Thousand  Seven  and  Fifty 
Six,  for  the  Reasons  therein  contained,  have  Declared  War 
against  France,  AND  WHEREAS  by  Virtue  of  certain 
Letters  Patent  under  the  Great  Seal  of  the  Kingdom  of 
England  granted  and  issued  by  Our  Royal  Predecessor 
Charles  the  Second  of  Famous  Memory,  heretofore  King 
of  that  Part  of  Great  Britain  former  called  England,  by  the 
Name  of  Charles  the  Second  by  the  Grace  of  God  King  of 
England,  Scotland,  France  and  Ireland  Defender  of  the 
Faith  and  Soforth,  upon  the  Eighth  Day  of  July,  in  the 
Fifteenth  Year  of  his  Reign,  to  the  Governor  and  Company 
of  our  English  Colony  of  Rhode  Island,  and  Providence 
Plantations,  in  New  England  in  America;  the  Governor  of 
Our  said  Colony,  for  the  Time  being,  hath  Power  and 

♦Now  in  the  library  of  Frederick  S.  Peck  of  Barrington. 


ESEK  HOPKINS  DOCUMENTS  81 

Authority  to  issue  forth  and  grant  Commissions  to  any  of 
Our  Loving  Subjects,  or  others  within  Our  said  Colony, 
whom  he  shall  deem  fitly  qualified  in  that  Behalf,  for  the 
apprehending,  taking,  and  Seizing  the  Ships  Vessels  and 
Goods  belonging  to  France,  or  the  Vassals  and  Subjects  of 
the  French  King,  or  others  inhabiting  within  any  of  his 
Countries,  Territories,  and  Dominions,  and  such  other 
Ships,  Vessels,  and  Goods  as  are,  or  shall  be  liable  to  Con- 
fiscation, pursuant  to  the  respective  Treaties  between  Us 
and  other  Princes,  States,  and  Potentates  j  and  to  bring  the 
same  to  Judgment  in  Our  High  Court  of  Admiralty  of 
England,  or  Such  other  Court  of  Admiralty  as  shall  be 
lawfully  authorised  in  that  Behalf  for  Proceedings,  Adjudi- 
cation and  Condemnation,  to  be  thereupon  had,  according 
to  the  Course  of  Admiralty  and  Laws  of  Nations.  AND 
WHEREAS  the  Governor  of  Our  Colony  aforesaid  hath 
thought  Esek  Hopkins  fitly  qualified,  who  together  with 
Allin  Brown,  George  Corlis,  Ambrose  Page,  Nicholas  Cook, 
Benjamin  Smith,  John  Brown,  Simeon  Hunt, and  Benjamin 
Bowen,  all  of  Providence,  in  the  Colony  aforesaid  Mer- 
chants, hath  equipped,  furnished,  and  victualled  a  Brigan- 
tine,  called  the  Providence,  of  the  Burthen  of  about  One 
Hundred  and  Thirty  Tons,  mounting  Sixteen  Carriage,  and 
Twenty  Swivel  Guns,  whereof  he  the  said  Esek  Hopkins  is 
Commander,  AND  WHEREAS  he  the  said  Esek  Hopkins 
hath  given  Sufficient  Bond  with  Sureties,  to  US  according  to 
the  Effect  and  Form  set  down  in  Our  Instructions  made 
the  Fifth  Day  of  June,  in  the  Year  of  Our  Lord  One  Thou- 
sand Seven  Hundred  and  Fifty  Six,  a  Copy  of  which  In- 
structions is  given  to  the  Said  Captain  Esek  Hopkins  .  .  . 
KNOW  YE  THEREFORE  that  We  do  by  these  Presents 
grant  Commission  to  and  do  license,  and  authorize  the  said 
Esek  Hopkins  to  set  forth,  in  Warlike  Manner,  the  said  . . . 
Brigantine,  Called  the  Providence,  under  his  own  Com- 
mand, and  therewith  by  Force  of  Arms  to  apprehend,  Seize, 
and  take  the  Ships,  Vessels,  and  Goods  belonging  to  France, 
or  the  Vassals  and  Subjects  of  the  French  King,  or  others 


82  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

inhabiting  within  any  of  his  Countries,  Territories,  and 
Dominions  5  and  Such  other  Ships,  Vessels,  and  Goods,  as 
are  or  shall  be  liable  to  Confiscation,  pursuant  to  the  respec- 
tive Treaties  between  Us  and  other  Princes,  States,  and 
Potentates,  and  to  bring  the  Same  to  such  Port  as  shall  be 
most  convenient,  in  order  to  have  them  legally  adjudged  in 
Our  said  High  Court  of  .  .  .  Admiralty  of  England,  or 
before  the  Judges  of  such  other  . . .  Admiralty  Court  as  shall 
be  lawfully  authorised  within  our  Dominions,  which  being 
Condemned,  it  shall  and  may  be  .  .  .  lawfull  for  the  said 
Esek  Hopkins  to  sell  and  dispose  of  such  Ships  Vessels  and 
Goods,  so  adjudged  and  condemned,  in  such  Sort  and  Man- 
ner, as  by  the  Course  of  Admiralty  hath  been  accustomed, 
except  in  Such  Cases  where  it  is  otherwise  directed  by  our 
said  Instructions.  PROVIDED  always  that  the  said  Esek 
Hopkins  keep  an  exact  Journal  of  his  Proceedings,  and 
therein  particularly  take  Notice  of  all  Prizes  which  shall  be 
taken  by  him,  the  Nature  of  Such  prizes,  the  Times  and 
Places  of  their  being  taken,  and  the  Value  of  them,  as  near 
as  he  can  j  udge  ^  as  also  of  the  Station,  Motion,  and  Strength 
of  the  Enemy,  as  well  as  he  or  his  Mariners  can  discover  by 
the  best  Intelligence  they  can  get  j  and  also  whatsoever  else 
shall  occur  unto  him,  or  any  of  his  Officers,  or  Mariners,  or 
be  discovered,  or  declared  unto  him  or  them,  or  be  found 
out  by  Examination  of,  or  Conference  with  any  Mariners 
or  Passengers  of  or  in  any  of  the  Ships,  or  Vessels  taken, 
or  by  any  other  person  or  Persons,  or  by  any  other  Ways  and 
Means  whatsoever,  touching  or  concerning  the  Designs  of 
the  Enemy,  or  any  of  their  Fleets,  Vessels,  or  Parties  j  and 
of  their  Stations,  Ports,  and  Places,  and  of  their  Intents 
therein  j  and  of  what  Merchant  Ships  and  Vessels  of  the 
Enemy,  bound  out  or  home,  or  to  any  other  Place,  as  he, 
his  Officers,  or  Mariners  Shall  hear  of  j  and  of  what  else 
material  in  these  Cases  may  arise,  to  his  or  their  Knowl- 
edge; of  all  which  he  shall  from  Time  to  Time  to  Time,  as 
he  shall  or  may  have  Opportunity,  transmit  an  Account  to 


ESEK  HOPKINS  DOCUMENTS  83 

Our  High  Admiral  of  Great  Britain  for  the  Time  Being,  or 
Our  Commissioners  for  executing  the  Office  of  Our  High 
Admiral  for  the  Time  being,  or  their  Secretary,  or  the 
Governor  for  the  Time  being  of  Our  Colony  aforesaid  j  and 
to  keep  a  Correspondence  with  him  or  them,  by  all  Oppor- 
tunities that  shall  present.  AND  FURTHER  PRO- 
VIDED that  Nothing  be  done  by  the  said  Esek  Hopkins  or 
any  of  His  Officers,  Mariners  and  Company,  contrary  to  the 
true  Meaning  of  Our  aforesaid  Instructions  j  but  that  the 
aforesaid  Instructions  shall  be  by  them,  and  each  and  every 
of  them,  as  far  as  they  or  any  of  them  are  therein  concerned, 
in  all  particulars,  well  and  duly  performed,  and  observed. 
AND  we  pray  and  desire  all  Kings,  Princes  Potentates, 
States,  and  Republicks,  being  Our  Friends,  and  Allies,  and 
all  others  to  whom  it  shall  Appertain,  to  give  the  said  Esek 
Hopkins,  all  Aid,  Assistance  and  Succour  in  their  Ports, 
with  his  Said  Brigantine,  Company  and  Prizes,  without 
Doing  or  Suffering  to  be  done  to  him  any  Wrong,  Trouble 
or  Hindrance  j  We  offering  to  do  the  Like  when  We  Shall 
be  by  them  thereunto  desired,  AND  We  will  and  require 
all  Our  Officers  whatsoever  to  give  him  Succour  and  Assist- 
ance as  Occasion  shall  require.  AND  FURTHER  in  Case 
the  said  Esek  Hopkins  shall  at  any  Time  be  absent  from 
said  Brigantine  We  do  hereby  give  and  Grant  unto  Silas 
Cook  who  is  the  first  Lieutenant  of  the  said  Brigantine  all 
the  Powers  and  Authorities  above  granted  to  the  said  Esek 
Hopkins  j  and  invest  him  with  full  Power  to  do  all  and 
every  the  Matters  and  Things  which  the  said  Esek  Hopkins 
could  do  if  present,  by  Virtue  of  this  Our  Commission  and 
Under  the  Same  Restrictions  and  Limitation.  .  .  . 

IN  TESTIMONY  Whereof  We  have  caused  the  Great 
Seal  of  Our  Colony  of  Rhode  Island  aforesaid  to  be  here- 
unto affixed.  WITNESS  Our  Trusty  and  Wellbeloved 
STEPHEN  HOPKINS  Esquire,  Governor  of  Our  Afore- 
said Colony  of  Rhode  Island,  at  Providence  in  said  Colony 
the  Eighth  Day  of  April  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  One 


84  RHODE  ISLAND   HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Thousand  Seven  Hundred  and  Fifty  Seven  and  in  the 
Thirtieth  Year  of  Our  Reign. 

Step.  Hopkins 
*  *  * 

This  commission  to  Esek  Hopkins  is  especially  interest- 
ing because  this  cruise  of  1757  is  not  recorded  in  Smith's 
"Civil  and  Military  List."  In  the  following  year,  1758, 
this  brigantine  Providence  of  130  tons,  16  guns  and  20 
swivels  was  commissioned  on  November  4  with  Capt.  Silas 
Cooke  of  Providence  as  her  commander,  and  with  Esek 
Hopkins  and  George  Corliss  listed  as  her  owners.  It  will  be 
noted  that  Silas  Cooke  had  served  as  first  lieutenant  under 
Hopkins  on  the  cruise  of  1 757. 


It  is  covenanted  and  agreed  between  Silas  Cooke  of 
Providence  —  Commander  of  the  privateer  Sloop  Roby 
and  bound  on  a  Cruise  and  Esek  Hopkins  of  Providence 
Merchant  that  in  case  either  or  both  of  them  shall  be 
appointed  agent  or  agents  of  any  or  all  such  prizes  as  shall 
be  taken  by  the  said  Privateer  during  said  Cruise  and  sent 
into  the  Colony  of  Rhode  Island  —  they  shall  equally  share 
between  them  all  such  Commissions  Profits  and  Perquisites 
as  shall  arise  from  such  Agency  or  Agencies  that  is  to  say 
each  one  a  Moiety,  and  further  that  one  half  of  all  such 
monies  or  other  valuable  Things  taken  in  said  Cruise  as  it 
shall  be  inconvenient  improper  or  unsafe  to  pay  and  dis- 
tribute out  to  the  Officers  and  Company  of  said  Privateer 
on  Account  of  Appeals  or  other  reasonable  Cause  shall  be 
lodged  in  the  Hands  of  each  of  the  said  Parties  hereto. 
Witness  our  Hands  and  Seals  interchangeably  the  twelfth 
Day  of  September  1 760 

Ezek  Hopkins 
Witness. 

Step  Hopkins 


ESEK  HOPKINS  DOCUMENTS 


85 


The  sloop  Roby  of  Warren,  owned  by  Martin  Luther 
and  Cromwell  Child,  both  of  Warren,  and  commanded  by 
Capt.  Silas  Cooke  of  Providence,  was  commissioned  a  priva- 
teer on  Sept.  12,  1760  [Manuscript  in  State  Archives]. 
The  commission  issued  to  Capt.  Silas  Cooke  on  Sept.  12, 
1760,  is  in  the  library  of  Mr.  Frederick  S.  Peck. 

She  was  undoubtedly  identical  with  the  Sloop  Roby  of 
Warren,  of  50  tons,  which  was  owned  by  Luther  and  Child 
in  1758,  and  was  commissioned  as  a  privateer  under  Capt. 
Simon  Smith  of  Providence  on  July  27  5  and  probably  iden- 
tical with  privateer  of  50  tons,  owned  by  Luther  and  Child 
and  commanded  by  Capt.  Mark  Anthony  DeWolf  of 
Bristol,  which  was  commissioned  on  April  22,  1757,  but 
whose  name  is  given  as  Rhoba,  doubtless  a  clerical  error  for 
Roby.  She  may  have  been  identical  with  the  privateer 
sloop  Roby  of  Warren,  commanded  by  Capt.  Caleb 
Cranston,  which  was  listed  as  41  tons,  10  guns,  10  swivels 
and  40  men,  on  an  admiralty  certificate  dated  March  10, 
1759.  Her  owners  were  given  as  Caleb  Carr,  Nathaniel 
Miller  and  Co.  of  Warren.  As  there  is  no  record  of  a  priva- 
teer Roby  of  Warren  owned  by  Luther  and  Child  being 
commissioned  in  1759,  it  seems  quite  likely  that  this  was 
the  same  vessel  and  that  Luther  and  Child  leased  her  that 
year  to  Carr,  Miller  and  Co.  [Manuscripts  in  State 
Archives.  ] 


Notes 

The  following  persons  have  been  elected  to  membership 
in  the  Society: 

Mr.  Herbert  G.  Beede      Mrs.  Fred  Robinson 


86 


RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 


List  of  Active  Members  of  the  Rhode  Island 
Historical  Society 


Mr.  Frederick  W.  Aldred 

Mr.  Edward  K.  Aldrich,  Jr. 

Miss  Lucy  T.  Aldrich 

Hon.  Richard  S.  Aldrich 

Mr.  Stuart  M.  Aldrich 

Mr.  Philip  Allen 

Miss  Ada  Almy 

Mr.  Walter  F.  Angell 

Mrs.  Everard  Appleton 

Miss  Marguerite  Appleton 

Mr.  Arthur  H.  Armington 

Miss  Maude  E.  Armstrong 

Mrs.  Edward  E.  Arnold 

Mr.  Frederick  W.  Arnold 

Miss  Mittie  Arnold 

Mr.  James  H.  Arthur 

Mr.  Donald  S.  Babcock 

Mr.  J.  Earle  Bacon 

Mr.  Albert  A.  Baker 

Mrs.  Charles  K.  Baker 

Mr.  Harvev  A.  Baker 

Mr.  J.  Wiliard  Baker 

Miss  Mary  H.  Balch 

Rev.  Clarence  A.  Barbour,  D.D. 

Mrs.  Sarah  Minchin  Barker 

Miss  Sarah  Dyer  Barnes 

Mr.  Fred  H.  Barrows 

Mr.  Earl  G.  Batty 

Miss  Marjorie  L.  Bean 

Mrs.  Daniel  Bcckwith 

Mr.  Henry  L.  P.  Beckwith 

Mr.  Herbert  G.  Beede 

Mrs.  Herbert  G.  Beede 

Mr.  Horace  G.  Belcher 

Mr.  Horatio  E.  Bellows 

Mr.  Bruce  M.  Bigelow 

Mr.  George  E.  Bixby 


Capt.  William  P.  Blair 
Mr.  Zenas  W.  Bliss 
G.  Alder  Blumer,  M.D. 
Mr.  J.  J.  Bodell 
Mrs.  Theodore  P.  Bogert 
Mr.  Richard  LeB.  Bowen 
Rev.  Arthur  H.  Bradford 
Mr.  Claude  R.  Branch 
Rabbi  William  G.  Braude 
Miss  Alice  Brayton 
Miss  Susan  S.  Brayton 
Mr.  Raymond  G.  Bressler 
Miss  Ida  F.  Bridgham 
Mrs.  William  E.  Brigham 
Miss  Eva  St.  C.  Brightman 
Mrs.  Clarence  A.  Brouwer 
Mr.  Clarence  Irving  Brown 
Mr.  Cyrus  P.  Brown 
Mr.  Frank  Hail  Brown 
Mrs.  Frank  Hail  Brown 
Mr.  John  Nicholas  Brown 
Dr.  Madclaine  R.  Brown 
Mr.  Wilbur  D.  Brown 
Capt.  Ernest  Henry  Brownell 
Mr.  Edgar  Brunschwig 
Mrs.  Edgar  Brunschwig 
Miss  Madeleine  M.  Bubier 
Mr.  Harris  H.  Bucklin 
Mr.  Edward  J.  C.  Bullock 
Mrs.  Edward  J.  C.  Bullock 
Mr.  Edwin  A.  Burlingame 
Mr.  Raymond  Buss 
Alfred  T.  Butler,  Esq. 
Miss  Irene  B.  Butler 
Col.  G.  Edward  Buxton 
Mrs.  S.  H.Cabot 
Mrs.  Edwin  A.  Cady 


LIST  OF  MEMBERS 


87 


Mr.  John  H.  Cady 

Mrs.'Charles  A.  C'alder 

Frank  T.  Calef,  M.D. 

Mr.  Herbert  C.  Calef 

Mrs.  W.  R.  Callender 

Mrs.  Wallace  Campbell 

Mr.  Thomas  B.  Card  ^ 

Mrs.  George  W.  Carr 

Mrs.  Marion  P.  Carter 

Miss  Anna  H.  Chace 

Mr.  Malcolm  G.  Chace 

Mrs.  Everitte  S.  Chaffee 

Prof.  Robert  F.  Chambers 

Mr.  Arthur  D.  Champlin 

Mr.  George  B.  Champlin 

Miss  Anna  Chapin 

Charles  V.  Chapin,  M.D. 

Mrs.  Charles  V.  Chapin 

Mr.  Howard  M.  Chapin 

Mrs.  Howard  M.  Chapin 

Mr.  Frederic  L.  Chase 

Mrs.  Edward  S.  Clark 

Mr.  Prescott  O.  Clarke 

Mr.  J.  Earl  Clauson 

Prof.  Theodore  Collier 

Mrs.  Clarkson  A.  Collins,  Jr. 

Mr.  James  C.  Collins 

Mr.  Jonathan  F.  Comstock 

Mrs.  Mabel  B.  Comstock 

Mr.  Walter  J.  Comstock 

Mr.  Charles  D.  Cook 

Mrs.  Charles  D.  Cook 

Mr.  Albert  B.  Coulters 

Prof.  Verner  W.  Crane 

Mr.  Frank  H.  Cranston 

George  H.  Crooker,  M.D. 

Mr.  Harry  Parsons  Cross 

Frank  Anthony  Cummings,  M.D. 

Mrs.  Frank  Anthony  Cummings 

Mr.  Arthur  Cushing 

Mrs.  George  A.  Dame 

Prof.  S.  Foster  Damon 

Murray  S.  Danforth,  M.D. 

Mrs.  Murray  S.  Danforth 

Mr.  William  C.  Dart 


Mr.  Foster  B.  Davis 

Miss  Mary  Elliott  Davis 

Mrs.  R.  C.  Davis 

Mr.  Charles  J.  Davol 

Prof.  Edmund  B.  Delabarre 

Mr.  Paul  C.  DeWolf 

Miss  Alice  S.  Dexter 

Miss  Eunice  W.  Dexter 

Mr.  Walter  Frederick  Dickinson 

Miss  Louise  Diman 

John  E.  Donley,  M.D. 

Mr.  Michael  F.  Dooley 

Mrs.  Constant  Dorsey 

Mr.  Louis  W.  Downes 

Mrs.  Louis  W.  Downes 

Mr.  Robert  T.  Downs 

Miss  Dorothy  D.  Dunlop 

Mr.  Henry  A.  DuVillard 

Miss  Margarethe  L.  Dwight 

Miss  Anna  Jones  Dyer 
Col.  H.  Anthony  Dyer 

Mr.  Charles  G.  Easton 

Mr.  Frederick  W.  Easton 

Mr.  Alfred  U.  Eddy 

Mr.  Cyrus  T.  Eddy 

Miss  Isabel  Eddy 

Mr.  William  Holden  Eddy 

Miss  Harriet  C.  Edmonds 

Miss  Edith  Edwards 

Mrs.  Seeber  Edwards 

Mr.  Walter  Angell  Edwards 

Mr.  Zenas  H.  Ellis 

Mr.  William  Ely 

Mr.  Frank  W.  Emerson 

Mr.  Robert  S.  Emerson 

Mr.  Ralph  C.  Estes 

Mr.  William  Wood  Estes 

Mrs.  William  Wood  Estes 

Mr.  Charles  Owen  Ethier 

Mr.  Royal  Bailey  Farnum 

Mr.  Walter  F.  Farrell 

Mr.  Augustus  H.  Fiske 

Mrs.  Charles  Fletcher 

Mr.  Elliot  Flint 

Mr.  Allan  Forbes 


88 


RHODE  ISLAND   HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 


Mrs.  George  H.  Fowler 

Mr.  Hovey  T.  Freeman 

Mrs.  John  R.  Freeman 

Hon.  Joseph  W.  Freeman 

Hon.  G.  Frederick  Frost 

Mr.  Frederick  H.  Fuller 

Mr.  R.  Clinton  Fuller 

Frank  T.  Fulton,  M.D. 

Madame  Annita  Gaburri 

Hon.  Joseph  H.  Gainer 

Mrs.  Robert  Ives  Gammell 

Mr.  William  Gammell 

Mr.  William  Gammell,  Jr. 

Miss  Abbie  P.  Gardner 

George  W.  Gardner,  M.D. 

Prof.  Henry  B.  Gardner 

Mrs.  John  T.  Gardner 

Mr.  Preston  Hicks  Gardner 

Mr.  Daniel  F.  George 

Mrs.  Louis  C.  Gerry 

Hon.  Peter  G.  Gerry 

Mrs.  Peter  G.  Gerry 

Mrs.  Alice  C.  Gleeson 

Mr.  Robert  H.  I.  Goddard 

Rabbi  Israel  M.  Goldman 

Mr.  George  T.  Gorton 

Mr.  Harry  Hale  Goss 

Mrs.  Richard  Rathborne  Graham 

Mr.  Eugene  S.  Graves 

Mrs.  Eugene  S.  Graves 

Miss  Eleanor  B.  Green 

Hon.  Theodore  Francis  Green 

Mr.  Denison  W.  Greene 

Mr.  Edward  Aborn  Greene 

Mrs.  Joseph  Warren  Greene,  Jr. 

Mr.  Thomas  C.  Greene 

Mr.  Ralph  M.  Greenlaw 

William  B.  Greenough,  Esq. 

Mr.  Russell  Grinnell 

Mr.  E.  Tudor  Gross 

Mr.  R.  F.  Haffenreffer 

Hon.  J.  Jerome  Hahn 

Mr.  John  W.  Haley 

Miss  Annette  Mason  Ham 

Mrs.  Livingston  Ham 


Mrs.  Albert  G.  Harkness 
Mr.  Gilbert  A.  Harrington 
Mr.  Benjamin  P.  Harris 
Miss  Mary  A.  Harris 
Mr.  Stephen  C.  Harris 
Mr.  Everett  S.  Hartwell 
N.  Darrell  Harvey,  M.D. 
Mr.  William  A.  Hathaway 
Miss  Caroline  Hazard 
Mr.  Thomas  G.  Hazard,  Jr. 
Mr.  Charles  F.  Heartman 
Mrs.  W.  E.  Heathcote 
Prof.  James  B.  Hedges 
Mr.  Bernon  E.  Helme 
Mr.  John  Henshaw 
Mr.  Joseph  G.  Henshaw 
Mr.  Robert  W.  Herrick 
Mr.  G.  Burton  Hibbert 
Mr.  William  A.  Hill 
Mr.  Frank  L.  Hinckley 
Mrs.  William  H.  Hoffman 
Mrs.  John  S.  Holbrook 
Mr.  George  J.  Holden 
Mrs.  John  W.  Holton 
Mr.  Charles  A.  Horton 
Mr.  M.  A.  DeWolfe  Howe 
Mr.  Wallis  E.  Howe 
Mrs.  William  Erwin  Hoy 
Mrs.  George  H.  Huddy,  Jr. 
Mr.  Sidney  D.  Humphrey 
Mr.  S.  Foster  Hunt 
Mrs.  Duncan  Hunter 
Mr.  Richard  A.  Hurley 
Mr.  James  H.  Hyde 
Mrs.  C.  Oliver  Iselin 
Mr.  Norman  M.  Isham 
Miss  Mary  A.  Jack 
Mr.  Benjamin  Arnold  Jackson 
Mrs.  Donald  Eldredge  Jackson 
Mr.  Thomas  A.  Jenckes 
Mrs.  Edward  L.  Johnson 
Mr.  William  C.  Johnson 
Dr.  Lewis  H.  Kalloch 
Mr.  Francis  B.  Keeney 
Mr.  Charles  A.  Keller 


LIST  OF  MEMBERS 


89 


Mr.  Howard  R.  Kent 
Mr.  Charles  H.  Keyes 
Mr.  H.  Earle  Kimball 
Lucius  C.  Kingman,  M.D. 
Miss  Adelaide  Knight 
Mr.  C.  Prescott  Knight,  Jr. 
Mr.  Robert  L.  Knight 
Mrs.  Robert  L.  Knight 
Mr.  Russell  W.  Knight 
Prof.  Harry  L.  Koopman 
Mr.  John  Krawczuk 
Mrs.  Henry  S.  Lanpher 
Mrs.  Dana  Lawrence 
Hon.  George  R.  Lawton 
Charles  H.  Leonard,  M.D, 
Miss  Grace  F.  Leonard 
Mrs.  Austin  T.  Levy 
Mr.  Dexter  L.  Lewis 
Mr.  Joseph  W.  Lewis 
Mr.  Ferdinand  A.  Lincoln 
Mr.  Charles  Warren  Lippitt 
Mrs.  Frances  Pomeroy  Lippitt 
Mr.  Gorton  T.  Lippitt 
Mr.  Arthur  B.  Lisle 
Mrs.  Arthur  B.  Lisle 
Mr.  Alden  L.  Littlefield 
Mrs.  Alden  L.  Littlefield 
Charles  W.  Littlefield,  Esq. 
Mr.  Ivory  Littlefield 
Rev.  Augustus  M.  Lord,  D.D. 
Mr.  T.  Robley  Louttit 
Mr.  W.  Easton  Louttit,  Jr. 
Mr.  David  B.  Lovell,  Jr. 
Mr.  Albert  E.  Lownes 
Mr.  Harold  C.  Lyman 
Richard  E.  Lyman,  Esq. 
Mr.  William  A.  McAuslan 
Mrs.  William  A.  McAuslan 
Mr.  Norman  A.  MacCoU 
Mr.  William  B.  MacColl 
Mr.  Arthur  M.  McCrillis 
Miss  Grace  E.  Macdonald 
Mr.  Benjamin  M.  MacDougall 
Mr.  Tracy  W.-  McGregor 
Mr.  Charles  B.  Mackinney 


Mr.  Ralph  A.  McLeod 
Mr.  Wayne  McNally 
Mrs.  Herbert  E.  Maine 
Mrs.  William  L.  Manchester 
Mr.  Charles  C.  Marshall 
Mr.  Edgar  W.  Martin 
Mrs.  John  F.  Marvel 
Mr.  Harold  Mason 
Mr.  John  H.  Mason 
Mrs.  George  S.  Mathews 
Mr.  Archibald  C.  Matteson 
Mr.  William  L.  Mauran 
Mrs.  William  L.  Mauran 
Mrs.  Frank  Everitt  Maxwell 
Mr.  Harry  V.  Mayo 
Rev.  Charles  A.  Meader 
Mr.  W.  Granville  Meader 
Mrs.  Charles  H.  Merriman 
Mrs.  E.  Bruce  Merriman 
Mr.  Harold  T.  Merriman 
Mrs.  L  B.  Merriman 
Mrs.  E.  T.  H.  Metcalf 
Mr.  G.  Pierce  Metcalf 
Mr.  Houghton  P.  Metcalf 
Mrs.  L  Harris  Metcalf 
Hon.  Jesse  H.  Metcalf 
Mrs.  Jesse  H.  Metcalf 
Mr.  Stephen  O.  Metcalf 
Mr.  William  Davis  Miller 
Mrs.  William  Davis  Miller 
Mr.  George  L.  Miner 
Mr.  Marshall  Morgan 
Mr.  George  A.  Moriarty,  Jr. 
Mrs.  William  Robert  Morrison 
Mrs.  Bentley  W.  Morse 
Mr.  Jarvis  M.  Morse 
Mr.  Edward  S.  Moulton 
Mrs.  Edward  S.  Moulton 
William  M.  Muncy,  M.D, 
Walter  L.  Munro,  M.D, 
Hon.  Addison  P.  Munroe 
Mrs.  Addison  P.  Munroe 
Mr.  Walter  M.  Murdie 
Mrs.  James  A.  Nealey 
Mr.  George  P.  Newell 


90 


RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 


Mr.  Louis  C.  Newman 

Mrs.  Louis  Charles  Newman 

Miss  Eliza  Taft  Newton 

Mr.  Roger  Hale  Newton 

Mr.  Paul  C.  Nicholson 

Col.  Samuel  M.  Nicholson 

Ira  Hart  Noyes,  M.D. 

Miss  Mary  Olcott 

Mrs.  Frank  F.  Olney 

Mr.  Harald  W.  Ostby 

Mr.  G.  Richmond  Parsons 

Mrs.  G.  Richmond  Parsons 

Miss  Mary  H.  Parsons 

Mr.  Frederick  S.  Peck 

Mrs.  Frederick  S,  Peck 

Mr.  Horace  M,  Peck 

Mr.  Stephen  L  Peck 

Mr.  William  H.  Peck 

Mr.  William  T.  Peck 

Mrs.  F.  H.  Peckham 

Katherine  F.  Peckham,  M.D. 

Mr.  Augustus  R.  Peirce 

Mr.  John  P.  B.  Peirce 

Mr.  Charles  M.  Perry 

Mr.  Howard  B.  Perry 

Rt,  Rev.  James  DeWolf  Perry,  D.D. 

John  M.  Peters,  M.D. 

Mr.  Arthur  L.  Philbrick 

Mr.  Charles  H.  Philbrick 

Mr.  Alexander  Van  Cleve  Phillips 

Mr.  Arthur  S.  Phillips 

Mrs.  Frank  Nichols  Phillips 

Mr.  Thomas  L.  Pierce 

Mr.  Albert  H.  Poland 

Prof.  Albert  K.  Potter 

Dr.  Arthur  M.  Potter 

Mrs.  Dexter  B.  Potter 

Mrs.  Thomas  L  Hare  Powel 

Miss  Ethelyn  Irene  Pray 

Mr.  Robert  Spencer  Preston 

Miss  Evelyn  M.  Purdy 

Helen  C.  Putnam,  M.D. 

Mr.  Patrick  H.  Quinn 

Mrs.  George  R.  Ramsbottom 

Mrs.  C.  K.  Rathbone 


Hon.  Elmer  J.  Rathbun 
Mrs.  Irving  E.  Raymond 
Mr.  Charles  C.  Remington 
Mr.  Dana  Rice 
Mr.  Herbert  W.  Rice 
Mrs.  Herbert  W.  Rice 
Mr.  Henry  Isaac  Richmond 
Mrs.  Fred  Robinson 
Mr.  Louis  E.  Robinson 
Mr.  Robert  Rodman 
Rev.  Arthur  Rogers 
Mr.  Kenneth  Shaw  Safe 
Mrs.  Harold  P.  Salisbury 
Mrs.  G.  Coburn  Sanctuary 
Mrs.  George  C.  Scott 
Mrs.  David  Sands  Seaman 
Mr.  Henry  M.  Sessions 
Miss  Ellen  D.  Sharpe 
Mr.  Henrv  D.  Sharpe 
Eliot  A.  Shaw,  M.D. 
Mrs.  Frederick  E.  Shaw 
Mrs.  George  St.  J.  Sheffield 
Mrs.  Philip  C.  Sheldon 
Mr.  Clarence  E.  Sherman 
Mr.  Harry  B.  Sherman 
Mrs.  Arthur  F.  Short 
Mrs.  Charles  Sisson 
Mrs.  Byron  N.  H.  Smith 
Mrs.  Charles  H.  Smith 
Edgar  B.  Smith,  M.D. 
Mrs.  Edwin  C.  Smith 
Joseph  Smith,  M.D. 
Hon.  Nathaniel  W.  Smith 
R.  Morton  Smith,  M.D. 
Mr.  Walter  B.  Smith 
Mr.  Ward  E.  Smith 
Hon.  Ernest  L.  Sprague 
Mrs.  James  G.  Staton 
Hon.  Charles  F.  Stearns 
Mr.  Thomas  E.  Steere 
Mr.  Oscar  Frank  Stetson 
Miss  Maud  Lyman  Stevens 
Mr.  Edward  Clinton  Stiness 
Mr.  Henry  Y.  Stites 
Mr.  Charles  C.  Stover 


LIST  OF  MEMBERS 


91 


Mrs.  Charles  C.  Stover 
Mr.  Charles  T.  Straight 
Mr.  H.  Nelson  Street 
Mr.  Henry  A.  Street 
Mr.  Frank  H.  Swan 
Hon.  John  W.  Sweeney 
Miss  Louisa  A.  Sweetland 
Mr.  Royal  C.  Taft 
Prof.  Will  S.  Taylor 
Benjamin  F.Tefft,M.D. 
Mrs.  J.  P.  Thorndike 
Dr.  Louisa  Paine  Tingley 
Mr.  F.  L.  Titsworth 
Mrs.  William  O.  Todd 
Mrs.  Stacy  Tolman 
Mr.  Frederick  E.  Tripp 
Mr.  William  J.  TuUy 
Mr.  D.  Berkeley  Updike 
Hon.  William  H.  Vanderbilt 
Mr.  William  A.  Viall 
Mrs.  Helen  C.  Vose 
Mrs.  Arthur  M.  Walker 
Mr.  A.  Tingley  Wall 
Mrs.  Maurice  K.  Washburn 
Mr.  Frank  E.  Waterman 


Mrs.  Lewis  A.  Waterman 

Mr.  Arthur  E.  Watson 

Col.  Byron  S.  Watson 

Mr.  John  J.  Watson 

Mr.  'W.  L.'  Watson 

Mrs.  William  B.  Weeden 

Mr.  Richard  Ward  Greene  Welling 

Mr.  John  H.  Wells 

Mr.  Edward  H.  West 

Mrs.  Frank  Williams  Westcott 

Mrs.  Elizabeth  N.  White 

Mr.  Willis  H.  White 

Mrs.  Henry  A.  Whitmarsh 

Mr.  Frederick  Bernays  Wiener 

Mr.  Frank  J.  Wilder 

Mrs.  Elizabeth  K.  Wilkinson 

Mr.  Daniel  L.  Willmarth,  Jr. 

Miss  Amey  L.  Willson 

Mr.  William  A.  Wing 

Mr.  Wilson  G.  Wing 

Mrs.  George  P.  Winship 

Rev.  William  Worthington 

Mr.  Nathan  M.  Wright 

Mr.  Lawrence  C.  Wroth 

Mr.  Frederick  W.  York 


FOLSOM   POINTS 

Mr.  M.  W.  Sterling,  Chief  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology, 
Smithsonian  Institution,  Washington,  D.  C,  wrote  on  April  13,  1936,  to 
Mr.  William  T.  Ide  of  East  Providence,  as  follows: 

"Your  letter  of  April  1  together  with  the  specimen  of  Folsom  point  has 
been  received.  We  have  photographed  the  point  and  made  an  examina- 
tion of  its  composition.  It  is  a  very  good  example  of  the  Eastern  type  of 
Folsom  point.  The  flaking  and  retouching  are  especially  good.  The  chan- 
nel flakes  are  not  as  long  as  is  usually  the  case  in  the  more  typical  specimens 
but  a  definite  attempt  has  been  made  to  remove  a  channel  flake  on  both 
sides.  The  specimen  also  has  the  characteristic  smoothing  along  the  edges  ot 
the  base  which  can  be  detected  by  rubbing  the  thumb  along  the  edge  of 
the  specimen. 

"The  material  is  black  chert,  the  source  of  which  we  have  not  yet  been 
able  to  identify.  It  is  possible  that  it  may  have  been  from  a  piece  of 
glacial  'float'." 


92  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

The  Gore  Roll  of  Arms 

By  Harold  Bowditch 
{Continued  from  Page  64) 

26.  (26.)  (20.) 
Tailer. 

Arms:  Per  saltire  silver  and  gold  a  two-headed  eagle 
gules. 

Wreath :  Silver,  gules. 

Crest:  A  two-headed  demi-eagle  gules  holding  in  each 
beak  a  crosslet  fitchy  gold. 

Legend:  William  Tailer  Esqr.  Coll.  of  the  Second  / 
Rigement  of  foot  at  the  Taking  of  ye  /  Gourment  of 
Portroyall.  After  Lef tent  /  Gournor  of  ye  Prouine  of  Mas. 
&  On  of  ye  Counsell  1711. 

Notes:  The  field  gold  and  gules,  the  eagle  not  tinc- 
tured; the  crosslets  not  tinctured  (W),  The  field  gules  and 
gold,  the  eagle  silver;  the  crosslets  silver  (CC). 

Whitmore  identifies  this  man  as  the  son  of  William  and 
Rebecca  (Stoughton)  Taylor  and  says  that  he  used  these 
arms  on  his  seal;  and  that  he  died  in  1 732.  His  seal  is  to  be 
seen  on  a  document  preserved  by  the  Bostonian  Society 
whereon  his  name  is  spelled  Tailer,  and  this  is  the  spelling 
in  his  signature,  a  facsimile  of  which  is  to  be  found  in  the 
Memorial  History  of  Boston,  volume  2. 

This  coat  of  arms  appears  to  be  a  variant,  intentional  or 
not,  of  the  coat  given  by  Burke  under  the  name  of  Tatler; 

Per  saltire  silver  and  gules  a  two-headed  eagle ;  crest, 

A  two-headed  demi-eagle  —  -  holding  in  each  beak  a 
crosslet  fitchy . 

27.  (27.)  (Omitted.) 
Cutting. 
Arms:  Azure  two  swords  in  saltire  silver  the  pomels  and 
hilts  gold  and  a  chief  silver  charged  with  three  lions  azure. 
Wreath:  Silver,  azure. 


THE  GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  93 

No  crest. 

Legend:  James  Cutting  of  Barbados  /  Marchant    1712. 

Notes:  Dr.  Buck  contributes  this  note:  "?  Cupper, 
Couper,  Cooper,  Cowper.  Lions  gules.  Promptuarium 
Armorum  41b," 

These  arms  have  not  been  found  in  the  usual  reference 
books  y  the  nearest  approach  seems  to  be  the  coat  of  Couper 
of  London:  Azure  a  saltire  silver  and  a  chief  gold  charged 
with  three  lions  gules  (Edmondson).  The  appropriateness 
of  the  swords  as  given  in  the  Gore  Roll  to  both  names. 
Cutting  and  Couper,  suggests  the  possibility  that  Edmond- 
son may  have  been  describing  a  small  seal  in  which  the 
crossed  swords  looked  like  a  saltire. 

'      28.  (28.)  (21.) 
Stoddard.  Evance. 

Arms:  Two  coats  impaled:  Baron:  Sable  three  stars 
within  a  border  silver.  Femme:  Silver  a  fesse  between 
three  fleurs-de-lys  sable. 

Wreath :  Silver,  sable. 

Crest:  An  arm  embowed  and  erect  in  a  sleeve  gules  the 
cuff  gold,  the  hand  proper  grasping  a  gilly-flower  gules  the 
stalk  and  leaves  vert. 

Legend:  Elizabeth  Wife  of  Simion  Stodard  Esq,  /  of 
Boston  Marchant  1712/  Stodard  &  Euance, 

Notes:  This  painting  is  reproduced  in  Figure  2, 

Whitmore  inadvertently  describes  the  fesse  in  the 
femme's  arms  as  a  chevron;  it  is  a  fesse  in  the  Child  copy 
(see  Fig.  3).  He  offers  no  identification  of  either  individ- 
ual, but  his  notes  on  Simeon  and  Elizabeth  Stoddard  as 
given  in  the  Gore  Roll  under  No.  32  will  be  found  copied  in 
extenso.  Is  it  possible  that  the  painter  made  an  error  in  the 
name  and  arms  of  the  wife?  Or  did  Simeon  Stoddard  marry 
two  wives  both  named  Elizabeth?  Or  are  we  dealing  with 
two  Simeon  Stoddards? 

The  Stoddard  arms  are  those  of  George  Stoddard,  grocer 
(Promptuarium  Armorum  55b).  They  are  also  the  arms  of 


94  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Stoddard  of  co.   Suffolk,  but  the  crest  is  not  the  same 
(Edmondson);  see  also  No.  71. 

The  arms  of  the  femme  are  given  under  the  name  of 
John  Evance  of  the  City  of  London,  Esq.  (Guillim,  ed. 
1679)  and  under  Evans  of  London  and  of  Oswaldestre, 
Shropshire,  with  this  crest:  An  arm  embowed  and  erect 
vested  gules  cuffed  or  holding  in  the  hand  a  pink  (or  gilly- 
flower) proper  stalked  and  leaved  vert  (Edmondson). 

29.  (29.)  (22.) 
Dyer. 

Arms:  Silver  a  bend  azure  cotised  sable  on  the  bend 
three  crescents  gold. 

Wreath :  Silver,  azure. 

Crest:  A  cubit  arm  in  armor  proper  the  gauntlet  grasp- 
ing a  dagger  erect  silver  the  pomel  and  hilt  gold. 

Legend:  Gilles  Dyre  Esqr.  Coll.  of  the  /  Liue  gard  to 
his  Exi.  Joseph  Dudly  /  Esqr.  of  ye  Prouinc  &  Sheearef 

of  ye  /  Comt of  Suffolk      1713.  (The  word  which  is 

intended  for  County  is  irregular  and  hard  to  decipher.) 

Notes:  According  to  Whitmore  the  cotises  are  azure,  but 
they  are  sable  in  the  Child  copy  as  well  as  in  the  Gore  Roll. 
Giles  Dyer  died  12  August,  1713  (W),  so  this  painting 
was  probably  made  for  a  "funeral  scutcheon." 

Mr.  Howard  M.  Chapin,  Librarian  of  the  Rhode  Island 
Historical  Society,  has  called  attention  to  a  deed  in  the 
library  of  that  Society;  it  is  dated  1660,  signed  by  Richard 
Morris  and  his  wife  Mary,  and  witnessed  by  William  Dyer 
and  William  Brenton;  following  the  signature  of  Mary 
Morris  is  an  armorial  seal  showing:  On  a  bend  cotised  three 
crescents.  The  question  naturally  arises  whether  this  was 
the  seal  of  the  witness  William  Dyer.  Mr.  Chapin  (see 
Rhode  Island  Historical  Society  Collections,  XXIII,  2, 
p.  53y  April  1930)  cites  as  well  a  power  of  attorney  (Mass. 
Archives,  CXXIX,  163)  executed  by  Mary  Dyer'in  1688, 
the  seal  on  which  shows  two  coats  impaled  of  which  the  first 


THE  GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  95 

is  On  a  bend  cotised  three  crescents  (the  impaled  arms  being 
A  dance  between  three  molets). 

The  arms  given  in  the  Gore  Roll  under  Dyre,  although 
apparently  in  use  by  those  of  the  name  in  the  colony  since 
1 660,  are  not  found  under  Dyer  or  its  variants  in  the  usual 
books  of  reference  j  they  "tear  a  close  resemblance  to  the 
arms  of  Rever  or  Rider  (Silver  a  bend  azure  cotised  sable 
on  the  bend  three  crescents  silver) ,  of  Cressy,  or  of  Rowley 
(Silver  on  a  bend  cotised  sable  three  crescents  gold);  a 
variant  under  the  last  name  is  Gold  on  a  bend  cotised  sable 
three  crescents  silver  (Papworth). 

30.  (30.)  (23.) 
Brattle. 

Arms:  Gules  a  chevron  engrailed  gold  between  three 
battle-axes  erect  silver  garnished  gold. 

Wreath:  Silver,  gules. 

Crest:  An  arm  embowed  in  armor  the  gauntlet  grasping 
a  battle-axe  all  silver  garnished  gold. 

Legend:  Thomas  Brattell  Esqr.  Tresuror  to/  Har- 
fred  Colledg:  and  Fellow  of  ye  /  Royall  Society  at  Boston 
in  ye  /  Conty  of  Suffolk  -  -  1713. 

Notes:  He  was  the  son  of  Thomas  Brattle  of  Charles- 
town,  who  died  in  1683,  the  wealthiest  man  probably  in  the 
Colony,  says  Savage  (W).  Whitmore  fails  to  mention  that 
the  chevron  is  engrailed. 

This  Thomas  Brattle's  seal  shows  the  engrailed  chevron, 
but  no  crest  (Heraldic  Journal,  III,  42). 

For  a  discussion  of  the  arms  see  under  No.  9. 

31.  (31.)  (24.) 
Sargent. 

Arms:  Silver  a  chevron  between  three  dolphins  sable. 
Wreath :  Silver,  sable. 

Crest:  A  bird  (hawk? )  with  wings  raised  silver. 
Legend:  Peter  Sargant  Esqr.  One  of  his  /  Maj's  Coun- 
sell  for  the  Prouince  /  of  Masechuset        1714. 


96  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Notes:  He  was  from  London.  1667,  and  died  s.  f. 
1714  (W). 

For  a  discussion  of  the  arms  see  No,  13. 

The  crest  appears  to  bear  no  relation  to  the  arms;  per- 
haps at  this  date  the  Sargents  used  no  crest,  for  in  the 
Sargent-Spencer  coat  (No.  13)  the  Spencer  crest  was  used, 
and  in  the  Sargent-Shrimpton  coat  (No.  5)  the  crest  has 
not  been  identified.  Certainly  by  about  1 770,  as,  for  exam- 
ple, in  the  case  of  the  Sargent  book-plate  signed  by  Revere 
and  certain  silver  made  for  the  family  by  Revere,  the  crest 
was  a  dolphin ;  Burke  gives  for  the  crest  A  dolphin  embowed 
sable  between  two  wings  silver. 

32.  (32.)  (25.) 
Stoddard.  Roberts. 

Arms:  Two  coats  impaled:  Baron:  Sable  three  stars 
within  a  border  silver.  Femme:  Party  silver  and  gules  a 
lion  sable. 

Wreath :  Silver,  gules. 

Crest:  A  stag's  head  erased  party  per  fess  silver  and 
gules. 

Legend:  Elizabeth  Wife  of  Simion  /  Stodard  of  Boston 
Esqr.  1714  /  Stodard  &  Robarts. 

Notes:   In  the  Child  copy  the  stars  are  gold. 

Whitmore,  referring  back  to  No.  28  as  well,  says:  "These 
impalements  are  difficult  of  explanation.  Simeon  was  son  of 

Anthony  Stoddard,  and  married  1st  Mary ,  who  died 

1708.  He  married  2d,  May,  1709,  Elizabeth,  widow  of 
Col.  Samuel  Shrimpton,  who  died  in  April  1713.  (He  mar- 
ried) Third,  in  May  1715,  Mehitable  (Minot),  widow  of 
Peter  Sargent.  His  second  wife,  the  widow  Shrimpton,  was 
the  daughter  of  the  widow  Elizabeth  Roberts  of  London." 
This  coat  displays  the  femme's  arms  impaled  and  her  crest, 
which  are  to  be  found  in  the  Promptuarium  Armorum. 
They  are  the  arms  of  Roberts  of  Shropshire,  Leicestershire, 
Gloucestershire  and  Ireland;  crest:  An  antelope's  (or  a. 
stag's)  head  erased,  per  fess  gold  and  gules  (Edmondson). 


Form  of  Legacy 


"/  give  and  bequeath  to  the  Rhode  Island 

Historical  Society  the  sum  of 

dollars. " 


Roger  Williams  Pri.ss        '^1^' 


v..  A.  Johnson  Co. 


I'ROVIDLNCE 


) 


Rhode    Island 
Historical    Socieoty 

COLLECTLb-NS    / 


Vol.  XXIX 


OCTOBER,  1936 


No.  4 


THE   CHURCH   AT  SEMPRINGHAM,   ENGLAND 

Roger  Williams  wrote  "yet  possibly  Master  Cotton  may  call  to  minde, 
that  the  discusser  (riding  with  himself  and  one  other  of  precious 
memorie  (Master  Hooker)  to  and  from  Sempringham)  presented  his 
Arguments  from  Scripture"  (Bloody  Tenent  yet  more  Bloody,  p.  12). 

From  photograph  obtained  for  the  Society  by  the  late  Walter  F.  Angell 


Issued  Quarterly 


68  Waterman  Street,  Providence,  Rhode  Island 


CONTENTS 


The  Church  at  Sempringham 

Miguel  Cortereal 

by  Edmund  B.  Delabarre 

Notes 

New  Publications  of  Rhode  Island  Interest 


PAGE 

Cover 

97 
119 
119 


Variations  in  Roger  Williams's  Key 
by  Lawrence  C.  Wroth    . 

Gore  Roll  of  Arms 

by  Harold  Bowditch 


120 


121 


RHODE 
HISTORICAL 


ISLAND 

SOCIETY 


COLLECTIONS 


Vol.  XXIX 


OCTOBER,  1936 


No.  4 


Nathaniel  W.  Smith,  President    Gilbert  A.  Harrington,  Treasurer 
William  Davis  Miller,  Secretary  Howard  M.  Chapin,  Librarian 


The  Society  assumes  no  responsibility  for  the  statements  or  the  opinions 
of  contributors. 


Miguel  Cortereal:  The  First  European 
to  Enter  Narragansett  Bay* 

By  Edmund  B.  Delabarre 

It  was  not  without  hesitation  that  I  was  persuaded  to 
submit  this  paper  to  critical  consideration.  This  was  not 
because  I  lacked  faith  in  the  soundness  of  its  main  conclu- 
sions. The  real  difficulty  has  been  that,  dealing  as  it  does 
with  a  period  of  history  concerning  which  the  discoverable 
facts  are  few  and  scattered,  it  has  been  necessary  to  rely 
partially  upon  possibilities  in  place  of  certainties.  Yet  I 
have  found  the  study  of  these  possibilities  a  fascinating 
pursuit,  and  they  seem  so  significant  to  me  that  I  have  hope 
that  there  may  be  general  agreement  that  they  should  not 
be  left  unrecorded. 

On  the  other  hand,  we  are  not  to  be  confronted  with 
speculative  possibilities  only.  The  unquestionable  data  are 
enough  to  establish  the  central  fact  indicated  in  the  title  of 
this  paper.  If  that  be  granted,  then  it  renders  highly  prob- 

*Read  before  the  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society,  February  17,  1936. 


98  RHODE    ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

able  most,  if  not  all,  of  the  other  possibilities  which  are 
developed,  and  thus  gives  us  a  welcome  glimpse  into  many 
interesting  details  of  the  early  history  of  this  region.  In- 
stead of  being  left  with  only  a  scant  vision  into  its  condition 
in  1524,  vague  rumors  of  intervening  and  unrecorded  con- 
tacts in  the  interval,  then  a  number  of  recorded  explora- 
tions after  1600,  and  the  knowledge  which  followed  the 
landing  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Cape  Cod  and  Plymouth  in 
1620,  we  now  gain  in  addition  a  number  of  somewhat 
troubled  but  fairly  clear  further  insights  into  this  earlier 
period. 

In  this  important  anniversary  year  of  our  goodly  Planta- 
tions, it  is  surely  fitting  that  we  should  look  anew  into  the 
question  as  to  who  among  Europeans  was  the  first  to  enter 
Narragansett  Bay  and  to  see  the  shores  of  Rhode  Island. 
For  a  long  time  it  was  widely  believed  that  the  Northmen 
were  clearly  entitled  to  this  distinction.  From  the  very  first, 
however,  this  claim  was  disputed.  No  more  than  about  half 
of  the  disputants  ever  accepted  the  proposition,  and  it  has 
become  increasingly  sure  that  there  is  no  actual  proof  that 
the  Northmen  ever  came  so  far  south  as  New  England. 
Naturally,  so  long  as  there  is  disagreement  among  eminent 
scholars,  the  probabilities  favor  the  shorter  distances  for 
their  voyages  and  hence  the  more  northerly  latitudes  for 
their  landfalls. 

If  the  Northmen  are  to  be  excluded  from  consideration, 
it  has  been  commonly  assumed  that  Giovanni  da  Verrazano, 
in  1  524,  was  the  first  known  European  who  saw  our  shores. 
Probably  even  before  him,  however,  and  certainly  during 
the  rest  of  the  sixteenth  century  after  him,  considerable 
numbers  of  fishermen  and  traders  made  unrecorded  voy- 
ages along  the  New  England  coasts.^  Among  numerous 
other  evidences  of  this,  Verrazano  himself  saw  "many  plates 

^See  E.  B.  Delabarre,  "Dighton  Rock,"  1928,  p.  181;  C.  McL. 
Andrews,  "The  Colonial  Period  of  American  History,"  193  5,  chap.  1  ; 
C.  C.  Willoughbv,  "Antiquities  of  the  New  England  Indians,"  193  5, 
pp.  230-242. 


MIGUEL  CORTEREAL 


99 


of  wrought  copper"  among  the  Indians  at  Newport,"  which 
Mr.  Willoughby  says  "must  have  been  obtained  from  pre- 
vious explorers  of  whom  we  have  no  definite  account  j  for 
although  an  occasional  implement  and  a  few  beads  wrought 
from  native  copper  have  been  found,  nothing  in  the  way  of 
metal  plates  has  been  recovered  in  New  England  which 
was  not  made  of  European  copper  or  brass.  Many  objects 
of  these  foreign  metals  have  been  taken  from  graves  be- 
longing to  the  sixteenth  century."  The  famous  Fall  River 
"skeleton  in  armor,"  of  course,  came  from  one  such  Indian 
grave.  It  is  not  at  all  unlikely  that  the  previous  explorer 
who  supplied  the  metal  reported  by  Verrazano  may  have 
been  the  one  for  whose  visit  here  we  are  about  to  survey  the 
evidence. 

Ever  since  the  first  indication  of  its  possibility  came  to 
my  notice  in  1918,  I  have  been  defending  the  thesis  that 
Miguel  Cortereal  of  Portugal,  at  some  time  between  1502 
and  1  5 1 1 ,  is  the  one  to  whom  can  be  accorded  most  reason- 
ably the  honor  of  having  been  the  first  European  in  this 
vicinity.  For  reasons  which  will  appear  shortly,  I  have  come 
recently  to  regard  the  year  1502  as  the  most  probable  date 
of  his  arrival.  There  is  no  direct  documentary  evidence  to 
which  we  can  appeal  as  a  ground  for  this  belief.  Its  credi- 
bility rests  upon  a  number  of  other  grounds,  some  sure  and 
some  debatable  when  taken  separately,  but  all  together 
forming  a  strong  body  of  facts  pointing  in  the  one  direction. 
There  is  nothing  inherently  improbable  about  any  of  the 
included  features,  and  the  less  sure  ones  gain  strength  by 
association  with  the  others.  Together  they  weave  into  a 
harmonious  and  attractive  story  which  connects  otherwise 

^All  known  sources  (see  Note  No.  10,  below)  speak  here  of  "molte 
lamine  (or  lame)"  of  wrought  copper.  Some  translators  render  this 
"several  pieces,"  probably  under  the  impression  that  New  England 
Indians  would  not  have  possessed  much  copper  and  that  such  as  they  had 
would  not  be  in  the  form  of  plates.  Hakluyt,  however,  whom  Willoughby 
follows,  and  E.  H.  Hall,  translator  of  the  most  recently  discovered  and 
most  reliable  version,  give  Verrazano's  meaning  correctly  when  they  speak 
of  "many  plates." 


100  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

scattered  items  and  gives  them  more  detail,  meaning  and 
importance.  It  is  a  story  which  grows  in  detail  and  persua- 
siveness through  the  repeated  appearance  of  fresh  bits  of 
evidence  in  its  favor.  Some  such  new  considerations  have 
developed  quite  recently.  They  must  be  placed  in  their 
appropriate  setting  by  giving  first  a  brief  review  of  the 
series  of  happenings,  and  the  evidence  for  them,  as  these 
have  been  made  known  in  my  earlier  writings. 

We  know  as  an  historical  fact  that  in  1501  Caspar 
Cortereal  explored  Labrador  and  Newfoundland.  In  Sep- 
tember the  ships  separated.  Caspar  probably  sailed  south- 
wards for  further  exploration,  and  the  others  returned 
home.  In  the  following  year,  since  Caspar  Cortereal  had 
not  come  back,  his  brother  Miguel  set  out  with  three  ships 
in  search  of  him.  On  reaching  Newfoundland,  probably  in 
June,  they  separated,  appointing  a  rendezvous  for  the  20th 
of  August.  The  other  ships  met  there,  and  after  waiting 
vainly  for  some  time  for  Miguel,  returned  to  Portugal. 
Here  the  historical  record  ends,  for  nothing  further  was 
ever  learned  about  the  fate  of  the  two  brothers." 

We  follow  Miguel  farther  by  aid  of  such  new  evidence 
as  I  have  gathered.  We  may  assume  that  he  sailed  at  once 
to  the  south,  knowing  that  his  brother  had  taken  that  direc- 
tion. For  reasons  which  follow,  we  may  assume  also  that, 
probably  in  that  same  year,  1  502,  his  search  carried  him  to 
Narragansett  Bay  and  thence  up  the  Taunton  Creat  River 
as  far  as  Assonet  Neck.  Something  of  what  happened  there 
is  related  in  a  tradition  which  was  found  current  among  the 
Indians  of  that  place  by  John  Danforth  in  1680  and  by 
Edward  A.  Kendall  in  1807.  I  connect  this  tradition  with 
Cortereal,  because  it  surely  relates  incidents  of  the  first 
contact  of  the  local  Indians  with  Europeans,  and  there  are 
other  reasons  for  believing  that  this  was  on  the  occasion  of 
CortereaPs  arrival.  If  so,  then  he  anchored  near  the  rock 
which   has  since   then  become    famous   under   the   name 


^Edgar  Prestage,  "The  Portuguese  Pioneers,"  193  3,  pp.  272-276. 


MIGUEL  CORTEREAL  101 

"Dighton  Rock,"  and  which  has  given  rise  to  so  much  con- 
troversy for  more  than  250  years.  At  that  time,  however, 
it  probably  had  as  yet  no  inscriptions  upon  it.  Here,  accord- 
ing to  the  tradition,  he  took  Indians  into  his  ship  as  hostages, 
and  sent  men  ashore  for  water.  These  men  were  attacked 
and  slain  by  the  natives,  very  likely  because  the  latter  were 
frightened  and  angered  by  the  seizure  of  the  hostages. 
During  the  conflict  firearms  were  used  by  men  on  the  ship, 
the  hostages  escaped,  and  the  Indian  sachem  was  killed. 

For  some  reason  Cortereal  settled  there  among  the 
natives.  They  were  naturally  friendly  people,  "kind  and 
gentle,"  as  Verrazano  found  them  a  few  years  later.  After 
the  heat  of  misunderstanding  and  conflict  was  over, 
Cortereal  might  readily  have  gained  their  confidence.  The 
possession  of  firearms  was  an  advantage.  The  other  won- 
derful possessions  and  proficiencies  of  the  strangers  must 
have  caused  them  to  be  looked  upon  as  beings  of  a  superior 
order.  Why  they  interrupted  their  voyage  is  not  sure.  It 
may  have  been  because  of  loss  of  men,  or  wreckage  of  the 
ship,  or  illness  or  injuries  received,  or  lateness  of  the  season. 
Kendall  found  rumors  of  a  wrecked  ship,  and  of  white  men 
passing  a  winter  there  long  ago,  and  these  rumors  may  pos- 
sibly supply  a  bare  outline  of  further  incidents  connected 
with  this  event,  and,  as  he  suggests,  explain  the  reason  for 
the  names  "White  Spring"  and  "White  Man's  Brook" 
which  he  found  attached  to  a  neighboring  stream. 

Very  naturally,  having  decided  to  remain  here  for  a 
time  at  least,  Cortereal  promptly  made  himself  sachem  of 
the  natives  in  place  of  the  one  who  was  slain.  We  shall  see 
reason  to  believe  that  he  associated  with  himself  a  native 
assistant  in  government,  so  that  thereafter  this  tribe,  unlike 
any  other  around  it,  was  ruled  by  "two  kings"  down  to  the 
time  when  the  Pilgrims  came.  We  shall  find  reason  also  to 
believe  that  the  strangers  found  favor  with  the  Indian 
maidens  and  contributed  to  the  later  population  of  the  tribe. 
Cortereal  himself  was  still  there  as  late  as  1511.  But  he, 
and  all  his  companions,  either  were  dead  or  had  gone  on 


102  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

elsewhere  by  1  524,  for  otherwise  they  would  certainly  have 
joined  Verrazano  during  his  fifteen  days'  stay  in  Newport 
Harbor  in  that  year,  and  seized  this  opportunity  to  return 
home. 

What  has  been  related  thus  far  of  events  subsequent  to 
CortereaPs  known  disappearance  on  the  coast  of  New- 
foundland in  1 502  is  largely  surmise,  supported  by  a  num- 
ber of  strongly  indicative  facts.  The  assumed  incidents  are 
accepted  as  pertinent  to  our  narrative  because  taken  thus 
they  illumine  it  as  a  whole,  and  it  gives  significance  to  them. 
Now  we  arrive  at  a  fresh  item  of  positive  evidence,  justify- 
ing some  features  of  those  surmises.  In  1511  Miguel 
Cortereal  cut  his  name  and  the  date  on  Dighton  Rock.  It 
is  only  recently  that  this  fact  has  been  discovered,  thanks  to 
improved  methods  of  photography.  His  reason  for  doing 
this,  I  conjecture,  was  the  hope  that  he  might  thus  attract 
the  attention  of  some  passing  explorer  and  so  get  taken 
home.  If  we  ask  why  he  waited  so  long  before  making  the 
record  and  did  it  so  far  inland,  we  can  only  conjecture  that 
he  preferred  to  maintain  his  own  residence  on  Assonet  Neck 
and  to  keep  men  on  the  outer  coasts  on  the  lookout  for 
possible  passing  ships  j  and  that  only  in  1511  did  it  occur  to 
him  to  carve  these  lines,  both  because  thus  he  would  have 
an  additional  means  of  attracting  attention,  and,  if  no  res- 
cuer came,  he  would  be  leaving  a  record  which  would 
endure  after  his  death  and  reveal  his  fate.  Besides  name  and 
date,  he  engraved  also  in  Latin  the  statement  that  he  was 
Dux  or  sachem  of  the  local  Indians.  To  these  records  he 
added  the  coat-of-arms  of  the  Portuguese  King:  a  shield 
concentrically  within  another  shield  (that  is,  technically,  a 
"bordered  shield"),  containing  a  "live-spot"  design  which 
the  Portuguese  call  quinas  (pronounced  keen-as).  Just  as 


THE      QUINAS      AS 

INSCRIBED   ON 

DIGHTON  ROCK. 

5   BY  7/^   INCHES. 


MIGUEL  CORTEREAL  103 

our  emblem  is  the  "Star-spangled  Banner,"  so  that  of 
Portugal  is  known  as  the  "Quinas."  If  CortereaPs  object 
in  making  his  inscription  was  what  I  have  suggested,  then 
most  certainly  he  would  also  have  planted  a  flag  near  the 
rock,  to  attract  attention  when  the  rock  was  covered  by  the 
tide,  and  that  flag  would  undoubtedly  have  borne  the 
quinas. 

Some  conservative  historians  and  archaeologists  are  reluc- 
tant to  accept  my  reading  of  the  Dighton  Rock  record.  In 
the  latest  summary  of  my  researches,  in  the  Journal  of 
American  History  for  1932,  I  believe  that  I  have  proved 
its  authenticity  practically  beyond  question.  Still,  since  there 
are  doubters,  as  well  as  because  of  the  intrinsic  interest  of 
the  additional  items  to  which  I  appeal  in  support  of  it,  I 
have  sought  for  as  many  as  possible  of  such  supporting 
considerations.  Aside  from  those  which  have  been  intro- 
duced above,  I  have  called  attention  in  earlier  writings  to 
the  following  favoring  arguments.  (  1  )  The  style  of  letters 
and  numerals  used  in  the  record  is  characteristic  of  the 
period.  There  is  abundant  and  increasing  evidence  of  this 
fact.  (2)  The  Wampanoags  were  a  superior  race,  a  fact 
which  might  well  be  accounted  for  by  early  white  influence 
and  admixture  of  white  blood.  It  was  Wampanoags  whom 
Verrazano  found  at  Newport  "most  civilized  in  customs" 
and  with  "two  kings  beautiful  in  form  and  stature,"  for  this 
tribe  then  owned  the  Island  of  Aquidneckj  and  their  intel- 
ligence and  flne  character  while  under  the  rule  of  Massasoit 
is  well  known.  Verrazano  was  greatly  impressed  by  them 
and  "formed  a  great  friendship  with  themj"  whereas  the 
nearest  other  Indians  whom  he  met  he  speaks  of  as  rude, 
barbarous  and  unfriendly.  (3  )  That  their  custom  of  having 
two  kings,  and  the  names  of  some  of  them  in  Colonial  times, 
may  also  be  traceable  to  CortereaPs  influence,  is  another 
suggestion  which  I  have  made  before.  This  is  one  of  the 
ideas  which  is  about  to  be  developed  more  fully. 

Thus  far,  I  have  aimed  to  indicate  in  brief  outline  the 
nature  of  the  evidence  which  I  had  assembled  up  to  the  time 


104  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

when  my  latest  publication  upon  this  subject  was  issued. 
Three  things  in  it  are  wholly  or  nearly  sure:  the  fact  of  the 
voyages  and  of  the  disappearance  of  the  two  brothers  j  the 
presence  of  Miguel  CortereaPs  name  on  Dighton  Rockj 
the  probability  that  the  Indian  tradition  derives  from  the 
incidents  of  his  arrival  there.  However  sure  it  may  actually 
be,  this  reading  of  the  worn  and  not  easily  decipherable 
Dighton  Rock  inscription  is  not  by  any  means  entirely  clear 
and  is  not  readily  accepted  yet  by  many  persons  whose  opin- 
ion is  influential.  For  this  reason,  although  I  am  now  fully 
convinced  of  its  correctness,  I  continue  to  search  for  fresh 
items  of  supporting  evidence. 

Very  recently  I  have  made  acquaintance  with  a  new  study 
which  increases  the  probability  that  Miguel  Cortereal  may 
well  have  explored  as  far  as  Narragansett  Bay  in  1502.  In 
the  Revue  Hispanique  for  1903  (vol.  X,  pp.  485-593), 
H.  P.  Biggar  has  an  article  on  the  voyages  of  the  Cabots 
and  of  the  Corte-Reals.  It  was  the  custom  of  these  early 
explorers  to  map,  as  well  as  they  could,  the  coasts  which 
they  discovered,  and  to  give  names  to  all  the  prominent 
features.  Often  it  is  possible  to  determine  the  date  of  their 
presence  at  a  particular  place,  because  not  infrequently  they 
gave  to  it  the  name  of  the  saint  whose  day  it  was.  Early 
cartographers  gained  much  of  their  information  about  these 
coasts  and  names,  among  other  sources,  from  the  masters  of 
the  ships  which  returned  from  the  two  Cortereal  expedi- 
tions of  1501  and  1502.  Studying  these  early  maps,  Biggar 
has  worked  out  the  itinerary  of  these  two  voyages  up  to  the 
time  when,  in  each  case,  the  accompanying  ships  started  the 
return  home  without  their  leader.  What  is  of  interest  to  us 
is  that,  according  to  him,  Caspar  in  1501  made  his  landfall 
in  Labrador  and  sailed  southward  along  the  coasts  as  far  as 
Conception  Bay  in  Newfoundland.  There  he  sent  home  the 
other  two  ships,  but  himself  "resolved  to  continue  his  ex- 
ploration of  the  coast  further  towards  the  south,"  because 
"he  wished  to  make  clear  if  this  really  was  a  mainland  and 
also  to  find  out  its  connection  with  the  islands  discovered  by 


MIGUEL  CORTEREAL  105 

Columbus  near  the  equator."  In  the  following  year, 
Miguel's  vessels  separated  at  the  harbor  of  St.  John's  for 
the  sake  of  more  thorough  exploration.  Miguel  himself, 
knowing  his  brother's  intention  which  naturally  he  had 
learned  from  the  ships  which  returned  the  year  before, 
would  surely  have  taken  the  southerly  course  and  pene- 
trated as  far  as  the  season  permitted. 

An  earlier  historian  of  the  Cortereal  voyages,  Henry 
Harrisse,  had  assumed  that  Caspar  made  his  landfall  in 
Newfoundland,  explored  northward,  and  was  finally  lost 
on  the  Labrador  coast  or  beyond.  In  such  case,  however, 
Miguel  would  have  searched  to  the  north,  not  south,  and 
it  would  be  difficult  to  account  for  his  presence  in  this  region. 
Biggar's  opposite  mterpretation  of  Caspar's  actual  course 
and  intentions  is  accepted  by  a  number  of  recent  historians, 
of  whom  Edgar  Prestage,  in  "The  Portuguese  Pioneers," 
and  John  B.  Brebner,  in  "The  Explorers  of  North 
America,"  are  examples.  If  Caspar's  known  plan  was  to 
find  out  the  connection  between  the  lands  discovered  by 
him  and  "the  islands  discovered  by  Columbus,"  we  can  see 
good  reason  for  Miguel's  extension  of  his  vain  search  as  far 
as  Narragansett  Bayj  and  if  we  assume  that  he  suffered 
shipwreck  or  other  untoward  accident  there,  besides  the 
serious  loss  of  a  considerable  number  of  his  men,  we  would 
have  full  explanation  of  his  failure  to  return  to  Portugal. 

In  what  follows  we  are  to  consider  two  sets  of  newly 
developed  ideas  which  may  have  real  value  in  support  of 
the  Cortereal  history  as  I  have  developed  it,  and  add  some- 
thing to  it.  One  set  rests  firmly  upon  an  observation  made 
by  Verrazano,  but  proceeds  to  draw  certain  inferences  that 
may  be  questionable.  The  other  set  rests  upon  speculations 
regarding  the  affinities,  derivations,  and  meanings  of  cer- 
tain Indian  names  and  titles,  and  here  we  are  on  very 
uncertain  ground.  Both  are  advanced,  therefore,  not  as 
established  fact  but  as  interesting  possibilities.  If  the  ulti- 
mate decision  of  those  who  truly  know  about  these  matters 
should  prove  hostile  to  their  acceptability,  then  nothing  will 


106  RHODE   ISLAND    HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

be  lost  except  a  hope  that  they  might  have  been  significant. 
Their  withdrawal  will  not  in  any  way  weaken  the  force  of 
our  other  lines  of  evidence.  On  the  other  hand,  if  they  are 
valid  in  whole  or  in  part,  then  they  add  interesting  detail 
and  corroboration  to  the  rest  of  our  new  chapter  in  the  early 
history  of  this  region. 

The  derivation  and  meaning  of  Indian  names  is  often  a 
difficult  problem,  and  a  perilous  one  for  the  amateur  to 
meddle  with.  Even  experts,  while  sometimes  venturing  to 
suggest  possible  meanings,  do  so  in  many  cases  hesitantly 
and  without  agreement  among  themselves.  Under  these 
circumstances,  even  the  amateur's  suggestions  may  have 
some  chance  of  having  hit  upon  the  correct  solution.  My 
own  knowledge  of  Indian  languages  extends  very  little 
beyond  what  this  limited  study  has  brought  me.  For  sources, 
I  have  looked  very  little  beyond  the  familiar  "Key  Into 
the  Language  of  America,"  by  Roger  Williams,  the  "Indian 
Grammar  Begun,"  by  John  Eliot,  and  the  "Natick  Dic- 
tionary," compiled  by  J.  H.  Trumbull  and  issued  as 
Bulletin  25  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology.  This 
superficial  study  of  the  early  sources  applying  particularly 
to  this  region  has  led  to  certain  tentative  conclusions  which 
appear  to  my  exceedingly  restricted  knowledge  to  be  at 
least  permissible.  I  have  no  hesitation  in  acknowledging 
that  I  have  submitted  them  to  the  expert  judgment  of 
W.  B.  Cabot  of  Boston  and  Dr.  Frank  G.  Speck  of  the 
University  of  Pennsylvania,  both  of  whom  find  much  to 
criticise.  Nevertheless,  I  still  think  that  they  are  promising- 
enough  to  be  worth  placing  on  record,  and  so  I  do  this  with 
cheerful  readiness  to  acquiesce  in  any  fate  which  may  await 
them  if  there  is  any  way  in  which  the  questions  at  issue  can 
be  positively  settled. 

Nevertheless,  for  a  nuniber  of  reasons,  there  would 
appear  to  be  little  prospect  of  a  decisive  conclusion  adverse 
to  the  suggestions  which  we  are  about  to  submit.  Students  of 
Inciian  dialects  as  they  are  spoken  now  may  arrive  at  opin- 
ions which  would  not  hold  so  surely  of  the  languages  as  they 


MIGUEL  CORTEREAL  107 

were  spoken  in  1500  or  in  the  early  17th  century.  Of  the 
languages  in  1  500  we  know  nothing  positively,  except  that 
they  can  not  have  been  very  different  from  their  form 
when  recorded  later.  Of  the  dialects  spoken  in  this  region 
in  the  earliest  Colonial  times  we  know  only  what  has  been 
given,  with  considerable  orthographic  uncertainty,  in  such 
sources  as  were  mentioned  above.  How  did  the  speech  of 
the  Wampanoags  differ  from  that  of  their  neighbors.?  Not 
much,  of  course.  Yet  Roger  Williams  remarked,  of  the 
Indians  with  whom  he  came  in  contact,  that  "their  Dialects 
doe  exceedingly  differ."  So  far  as  I  have  discovered,  no  one 
ever  recorded  the  Wampanoag  peculiarities  of  speech,  not 
even  the  Rev.  Samuel  Danforth  of  Taunton,  whose  "Indian 
Vocabulary"  was  founded,  apparently,  solely  upon  Eliot's 
Bible  in  the  Natick  dialect.  My  conclusion  is  that  within 
narrow  limits,  using  such  clues  as  we  have,  violating  no 
surely  established  facts,  we  are  left  free  to  speculate  about 
the  etymology  and  correct  orthography  of  Wampanoag 
terms  as  used  about  1 500  or  in  Colonial  times,  and  to  attach 
value  to  our  speculations  in  so  far  as  they  co-ordinate  wide 
ranges  of  fact  and  offer  lucid  and  probable  explanations  of 
otherwise  puzzling  matters. 

The  following  Table  and  Notes  will  help  in  understand- 
ing some  of  the  deductions  which  follow. 

sa       chem  1  sa     chem 

saun   chem  2    chepas   so     tam 

son     k         squa    3  tah   soo  tam 

sa       kim    au       4      ketas   soo  t 
keen  omp    5     Massa   soi    t 
Ousame  kin  6 

Wosame  quin  7 

Quade  quin  a  8 

NoT-Es — (a)  It  is  suggested  that  the  syllables  in  the  second  column  on 
the  left  and  the  second  column  on  the  right,  are  equivalent  forms  of  the 
same  word  or  meaning ;  that  is,  sa  =  son  =  soi,  etc.  Similarly,  in  the  third 
column  on  each  side,  chem  =  k^=  kin  =^  quin  ^=  t  =  tam,  etc.  Such 
equivalence  is  not  implied  in  the  other  columns. 


108  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

(b)  On  the  left  side  of  the  Table,  2  is  a  variant  of  1  used,  among 
others,  by  John  Danforth  in  1680  as  a  Wampanoag  form  of  the  word. 
3  is  one  of  many  variants  meaning  "squaw  sachem."  4  is  a  Delaware 
equivalent  of  sagamore;  although  in  form  of  a  verb  ("he  is  a  chief"), 
Trumbull,  in  his  notes  to  Williams'  "Key,"  calls  it  a  form  of  the  same 
word  as  "sachem."  In  5,  the  -ornf  is  used  in  compounds  with  the  meaning 
"man";  the  whole  means  "a  brave,  a  captain,  a  leader."  6  and  7  are  two 
among  many  different  spellings  of  one  name.    8  is  another  name. 

(c)  On  the  right  side  of  the  Table,  2  is  given  by  Williams  (p.  194)  as 
meaning  "dead  sachim."  3  and  4  both  mean  "king";  the  tah,  it  is  sug- 
gested, may  imply  "lifted  up,"  hence  "prominent,  great";  the  ketas  is 
probably  equivalent  to  kehte,  "great,"  or  even  to  kehte-nias^  "great  great," 
the  m  being  dropped  out  as  in  the  similar  case  of  keht{77i)anit,  discussed 
on  a  later  page.  So  both  3  and  4  seem  to  mean  "a  very  great  sachem." 

(d)  "Their  language  is  exceeding  copious,  and  they  have  five  or  six 
words  sometimes  for  one  thing"  (Williams,  in  "Directions"  prefacing  the 
"Key.") 

(e)  They  have  "a  curious  care  of  Euphonie"  (Eliot,  p.  252),  leading 
to  many  interchanges  of  vowels  and  consonants. 

(f)  They  take  "delight"  in  using  abbreviations  or  contractions  in  the 
compounding  of  words  (Eliot,  pp.  252,  254,  261). 

(g)  The  English  transcription  of  Indian  words  has  been  always  ex- 
ceedingly variable  and  unreliable.  For  instance,  Sidney  Rider,  in  his 
"Lands  of  Rhode  Island"  (1904,  pp.  206ff),  says  that  there  are  not  fewer 
than  sixty-five  different  forms  of  writing  the  name  "Notaquonckanet." 

We  may  now  examine  our  first  set  of  conclusions,  a  con- 
siderable part  of  whose  justification  rests  upon  what  has 
been  given  in  these  foregoing  Table  and  Notes. 

1 .  There  were  at  least  four  Wampanoag  chiefs  in  early 
Colonial  days  whose  names  ended  in  the  syllable  qu'm  (or 
quina) :  Osamequin,  Quadequina,  Tuspaquin,  and  Sassa- 
quin.  That  its  qii  had,  sometimes  at  least,  the  sound  of  k 
seems  evident  from  the  fact  that  "Osamequin"  was  spelled 
often  with  terminal  -kin.  Moreover,  when  followed  by 
the  word  squaWy  the  -chem  of  sachem  was  abbreviated  into 
k  alone,  much  as  squaw  itself  often  became  squa^  sq,  or  s.* 
These  are  striicing  examples  of  that  "delight"  in  abbrevia- 


■^A  dozen  or  more  variants  of  this  word  are  on  record.  Some  of  them  are 
as  follows:  Zu)i-k-squazv^  siai-rk-squa,  saun-ck-squa,  sim-kt-sq,  son-ku-sq, 
son-k-sq,  saun-k-s. 


MIGUEL  CORTEREAL  109 

tion  to  which  our  Notes  referred.  This  ky  therefore,  seems 
to  form  a  connecting  link  between  -chem  and  -quin,  as  the 
left-hand  section  of  our  Table  indicates.  This  is  the  ground 
for  my  suggestion  that,  in  compounds,  the  syllable  quin  or 
kin  (equivalent  to  -chem)  may  have  had  a  meaning  by 
itself,  and  been  used  to  designate  a  "chief."  Parenthetically 
we  might  remark  that,  if  saun-quin  was  one  of  the  allowable 
combinations,  this  would  not  differ  greatly  in  sound  from 
sahn-quhn;  and  this  reflection  would  give  some  support  to 
my  interpretation  of  the  inscription  on  the  Mount  Hope 
rock  as  reading  in  part,  in  Cherokee-Wampanoag  variants, 
mus-sahn-quhny  "Chief  Sachem."" 

2.  The  Quade-  (or  Korde)  part  of  "Quadequina"  is 
not  very  differentln  sound  from  Corte^  nor  this  from  kehte. 
The  latter  means  "great."  Quade-kin  (Korde-keen)  might 
thus  mean  "great  chief."  This  title  may  well  have  been 
applied  first  to  Cortereal,  when  he  made  himself  Dux  of 
the  Indians.  It  would  have  been  the  easiest  meaningful 
term  to  apply  to  him,  since  it  suggests  his  name,  origin, 
and  ofiice.  When  he  told  them  that  he  was  Cortereal,  a 
"Quinas"  man,  and  set  up  his  "Quinas"  flag,  and  carved 
the  "Quinas"  on  the  rock,  they  would  not  have  understood 
the  "Real"  part  and  perhaps,  as  was  true  of  some  Indian 
tribes,  could  not  pronounce  it.''  The  rest  of  it  would  be 
plain  to  them,  if  I  have  analyzed  the  word  correctly.  He 
was  Corte-quinas,  Kehte-keen-omp,  a  "great  leader."  Dr. 
Speck  raises  the  objection  that  both  kehte  and  kin  mean 
"large,"  and  would  not  combine  into  a  single  term.  I  have 
in  mind,  however,  the  common  expedient  of  con  joining- 
words  of  similar  meaning  for  growing  emphasis.  Germans 
delight  in  piling  up  successions  of  superlatives,  like  "Aller 

^See  these  Collections,  1920,  XIII.  1-28  ;  or  E.  B.  Delabarre,  "Dighton 
Rock,"   1928,  Chap.  XI. 

''The  tribes  in  this  region  (Wampanoags,  Narragansetts,  Naticks)  had 
no  words  including  the  sounds  of  /  or  of  r.  Except  for  four  words  in  use 
by  a  tribe  living  near  New  Haven,  the  Natick  Dictionary  lists  no  words 
beginning  with  either  of  these  two  letters. 


110  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

hochst  haupt-  or  ober-"  something  or  other  j  we  speak, 
humorously,  of  "heap  big  chief  j"  and  our  Table  suggests 
that  Indians  may  have  followed  a  similar  practice,  using 
various  forms  and  combinations  of  tah^  kehte  or  kehchcy 
viaSy  son,  and  kin,  each  perhaps  implying  something  of 
greatness,  to  designate  in  few  or  many  syllables  a  "great 
great  great  man."  We  can  do  the  same  kind  of  thing,  if  we 
wish,  with  similar  variation  in  equivalent  terms,  as  in  speak- 
ing of  "a  great  big  supremely  high  exalted  chief  potentate," 
or  anything  of  the  sort.  We  do  it  only  in  derision  or  in 
playful  exaggeration.  The  Germans  do  it  seriously.  The 
Indians  may  have  done  it  in  the  latter  spirit,  combining 
few  syllables  at  a  time  but  being  able  to  vary  them  widely, 
as  our  own  Note  d  remarked  and  as  our  examples  seem 
to  show.  Also,  it  seems  to  me  at  least  barely  possible  that, 
even  if  the  combination  to  which  Speck  objects  may  not 
have  been  an  entirely  natural  one  for  Indians  to  make,  yet 
it  may  have  been  the  nearest  they  could  come  to  under- 
standing "Corte-Quinas."  Thus  he  may  have  become  for 
them  a  kehte-kin,  or  Quadequinas,  a  "great  Chief." 

One  further  objection  might  be  raised  by  one  who  knows 
that  kehte  was  applicable  as  a  rule  to  inanimate  objects 
only,  while  another  forme,  kehche,  was  used  for  animate 
beings.  But  there  was  at  least  one  exception.  They  did  use 
kehte  in  the  word  kehtanitj  the  "Great  Spirit,  the  Lord 
God."  It  seems  to  have  been  used  also  in  ketassoot,  "a  very 
great  king."  So  it  might  have  been  appropriate  in  kehte-kifty 
implying  "a  great  god-like  chief,"  just  as  Cortereal  must 
have  seemed  to  them  to  be.' 

3.    The  name  Osamequin — spelled  in  a  dozen  different 


^According  to  an  Indian  tradition  recorded  by  the  Rev.  John  Heckc- 
welder  about  1801,  the  Indians  of  Manhattan  island,  when  they  first  saw 
Europeans,  "took  every  white  man  they  saw  for  a  Mannitto,  yet  inferior 
and  attendant  to  the  supreme  Manitto^'' — the  latter  being  the  leader  of 
the  expedition  (New  York  Historical  Society  Collections,  1841,  2d  ser., 
vol.  1,  p.  71 ).  The  same  impression  must  have  been  made  at  Assonet  Neck, 
after  the  fighting  was  over. 


MIGUEL  CORTEREAL  HI 

ways — is  usually  translated  "Yellow  Feather,"  If  there  is 
any  chance  that  my  interpretation  of  -quin  is  right,  then  we 
must  seek  another  meaning  for  this  name.  Wosamekin  is 
probably  the  most  nearly  correct  spelling.  Mr,  Cabot  sug- 
gests to  me  that  the  first  part  may  be  "Wussaume-,"  and 
the  whole  mean  "a  very  gr'tat  chief."  Consulting  the  Natick 
Dictionary,  I  find  another  possibility.  "Wohsumae"  means 
"bright,  shining,  light-giving."  "Wohsumae-kin"  may  be 
the  "brilliant"  or  "shining"  chief — a  sort  of  Indian  Lohen- 
grin. We  shall  see  that  there  might  be  in  this  an  implication 
of  a  "white  chief,"  a  chief  of  the  "white-man's  tribe." 
Whichever  derivation  may  be  accepted,  this  earlier  name  of 
the  man  known  to  us  most  familiarly  as  Massasoit,  how- 
ever it  may  be  spelled,  seems  to  mean  either  "great  chief," 
or  "white  chief,"  and  to  be  a  title  rather  than  a  personal 
name, 

4,  The  second  part  of  our  Table  aims  to  establish  the 
identity  of  sol-  in  "Massasoit"  with  sa-  in  sachem^  and  of 
-t  in  the  former  with  -chem  in  the  latter.  Here  again 
Dr.  Speck  disagrees,  saying  that  the  soo  of  two  of  the  con- 
necting words  in  the  Table  cannot  be  identical  with  sa  and 
sou  The  -sotam  of  Roger  Williams  seems  so  convincing  an 
intermediate  link  that  I  leave  it  for  consideration.  If  it  does 
establish  the  connection,  then  with  >uassa  taking  its  regular 
meaning  of  "great,"  Massasoit  means  "great  chief"  or 
"Chief  Sachem,"  This  is  the  meaning  usually  accepted  for 
it  (for  example,  in  the  "Handbook  of  American  Indians," 
Bulletin  30  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology),  So  far 
as  I  know,  however,  this  suggested  identity  of  its  -soit  with 
sachem  has  not  been  pointed  out  previously.  As  usual,  this 
interpretation  is  not  the  only  possible  one.  Dr.  Speck  says 
that  much  depends  upon  vowel  stress,  and  the  name  could 
mean  "he  who  is  first  (of  all)."  In  either  case,  it  seems  clear 
that  it  was  a  title  rather  than  a  personal  name,  and  is  one  of 
the  many  combinations  which  mean  essentially  "Chief 
Sachem," 

5.  The  Wampanoags  had  two  kings,  1  conjecture,  be- 


112  RHODE    ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

cause  originally  Cortereal  needed  a  native  assistant.  The 
custom  continued  after  his  death,  which  occurred  probably 
before  Verrazano  met  two  Wampanoag  kings  at  Newport, 
"one  about  forty  years  old,  the  other  about  24."  I  suggest 
that  at  first  they  called  their  two  rulers  by  the  titles  Kehte- 
keenas  or  Kehte-keen,  "great  god-like  chief,"  (later  writ- 
ten Quadequina),  and  Wohsumae-keen,  "white  chief"  or 
"brilliant  chief,"  or  Wussaume-keen,  "very  great  chief"  j 
and  that  these  titles  were  transmitted  through  succeeding 
generations.  It  has  been  objected  that,  as  Roger  Williams 
noted  ("Key,"  p.  1 94)  :  "They  abhorre  to  mention  the  dead 
by  name,  and  therefore  if  any  man  beare  the  name  of  the 
dead  he  changeth  his  name."  But  the  words  in  question  are 
not  names  really,  but  titles,  and  hence  would  have  been 
transmissible.  So  Dermer  in  1619  found  at  Namasket  two 
chiefs  of  the  tribe,  Quade-kin  and  Wosame-kinj  and  easily 
mishearing  the  last  syllable,  called  them  "kings."  In 
Europe  it  was  a  frequent  custom  to  speak  of  native  chiefs  as 
kings  or  emperors,*  and  this  was  doubtless  why  Verrazano 
did  it  J  but  in  Dermer's  case  the  reason  just  given  seems  at 
least  an  added  one.  At  about  this  time  the  dual  kingship 
seems  to  have  been  abandoned.  Wosamekin  apparently 
assumed  sole  rule,  and  changed  his  title  to  Massasoit.  It 
may  be  that  later  again  he  admitted  his  son  Mooanam  or 
Wamsutta  to  co-rule  with  himself."  The  Narragansetts 
appear  to  have  copied  this  custom  of  having  two  rulers  in 
one  instance,  noted  by  Roger  Williams  in  1643  ("Key," 
p.  132).  After  Massasoit's  death,  Wamsutta  (Alexander) 
and  Philip  were  again,  one  after  the  other,  sole  rulers  or 
"kings." 


**Many  examples  arc  noted  on  pages  25  to  74  in  "Some  Indian  Events 
of  New  England,"  by  Allan  Forbes;  State  Street  Trust  Company,  Boston, 
1934. 

•'A.  G.  Weeks,  "Massasoit,"  1919,  p.  132.  One  is  tempted  to  wonder 
whether  it  may  not  be  possible  that  Wamsutta,  through  such  influences  as 
were  referred  to  in  our  Notes  d ,  e  and  /,  could  be  equivalent  to  Wampi- 
soo-tam,  "White  Chief." 


MIGUEL  CORTEREAL  113 

In  this  first  set  of  newly  developed  considerations  we 
have  tried  to  show  that  a  good  case  can  be  made  out  for 
regarding  the  three  words  "Quadequina,"  "Wosamekin," 
and  "Massasoit"  as  titles  rather  than  as  personal  names;  as 
practically  equivalent  to  one  another  in  essential  meaning 
("great  chief")  ■■,  as  not  Improbably  conveying  some  impli- 
cation of  Cortereal's  presence  and  leadership;  and,  if  these 
things  are  true,  as  giving  a  plausible  explanation  of  the 
reason  why  this  one  tribe  was  ruled  by  two  kings  for  about 
a  hundred  years. 

From  these  dubious  but  intriguing  excursions  into  ety- 
mology, this  attempt  to  read  history  by  analysis  of  individ- 
ual names,  we  pass  now  to  a  new  set  of  considerations.  These 
have  the  advantage  of  starting  off,  at  least,  with  a  definite 
but  puzzling  historical  fact.  Although  we  proceed  to  further 
deductions,  yet  these  seem  to  be  fairly  well-justified  infer- 
ences from  that  fact. 

1,  The  Wampanoags  were  actually,  in  part,  a  white 
people.  We  have  early  and  positive  evidence  of  this,  the 
significance  of  which  seems  to  have  been  always  overlooked 
because  not  understood.  Listen  to  Verrazano:  "This  is  the 
most  beautiful  people  and  the  most  civilized  in  customs  that 
we  have  found  in  this  navigation.  They  excel  us  in  size; 
they  are  of  a  bronze  color,  some  inclining  more  to  whiteness, 
others  to  tawny  color."'" 


■^"Verrazano's  report  to  Francis  I  of  France  seems  to  have  been  written 
possibly  in  Latin  and  has  never  been  found  in  its  original  form.  Three 
versions  of  it  in  nearly  contemporary  Italian  translation  are  known.  The 
most  recently  discovered  and  reliable  of  them,  the  "Cellere  Codex,"  was 
first  published  in  1909.  It  was  republished,  both  in  Italian  original  (edited 
by  Prof.  Alessandro  Bacchiani)  and  in  English  translation  (by  E.H.Hall), 
with  an  introduction  and  full  comparisons  w'ith  the  other  versions,  in  the 
15th  Annual  Report  of  the  American  Scenic  and  Historic  Preservation 
Society,  191  0,  pages  1  3  5-220.  Our  quotation  is  from  this  source,  page  190. 

The  three  versions  of  this  passage  differ  somewhat.  ''Handsomest  in 
their  costumes"  instead  of  "most  civilized  in  customs,"  and  "of  a  very 
fair  complexion"  instead  of  "of  a  bronze  color,"  are  the  most  important 
differences.  All  three  agree,  however,  in  the  statement  of  most  interest  to 


114  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

Their  "fair  complexion"  does  not  imply  that  they  were 
blonds.  Verrazano  says  specifically  that  they  had  black  hair 
and  sharp  black  eyes.  They  were  white  men  in  the  same 
sense  that  dark  South-European  races  are  white  men.  No 
other  New  England  tribe  has  ever  been  described  in  this 
manner.  How  could  they  be  "white"?  The  fact  certainly 
suggests,  almost  proves,  that  there  was  a  rich  harvest  of 
goodly  youths  resulting  from  the  domestic  tastes  of  this 
Portuguese  group  who  passed  a  winter  or  more  among  these 
people  some  22  years  before  Verrazano's  visit  in  1524.  In 
the  light  of  Verrazano's  testimony,  Cortereal's  name  on 
Dighton  Rock,  doubted  by  some  critics,  becomes  more 
nearly  certain,  and  attests  that  it  was  his  party  and  not  some 
other  one  of  which  we  have  no  such  evidence  as  we  have 
for  him,  that  was  responsible  for  the  "whiteness"  of  some 
of  the  Wampanoags,  and  for  the  copper  ( or  brass )  plates 
seen  in  their  possession.  Within  another  three  or  four  gen- 
erations this  whiteness  seenis  to  have  been  bred  out,  for 
no  one  in  Colonial  times  remarked  upon  their  difference  in 
complexion  from  other  Indians. 

2.  In  the  light  of  Verrazano's  description  it  seems  rea- 
sonable that  the  name  WAMPANOAG  may  well  mean 
"White  People,"  and  derive  from  Cortereal's  chieftain- 
ship. They  were  ruled  by  a  white  "Dux,"  as  he  himself 
asserts,  and  soon  some  of  them  also  were  white  men. 
Trumbull's  derivation  of  this  tribal  name^'  appears  to  be 
widely  accepted:  from  wampan-ohke,  "Eastlanders,"  or 


us:  "some  inclining  more  to  whiteness  {//'ni/ichezza) .^''  This  implies  a 
whiteness  like  that  of  \'erra7.ano's  own  men;  for  hlauchezza  is  the  term 
used  to  describe  it  in  both  cases.  The  Indians  at  two  other  places  farther 
south  showed  great  astonishment  at  the  hia/ichezza  of  the  skin  of  these 
Europeans;  some  of  the  Wampanoags  inclined  to  a  like  hianchezza. 
\'errazano  was  evidently  much  interested  in  this  matter  of  skin-color,  and 
no  other  Indians,  south  or  north  of  Newport,  impressed  him  as  having  a 
like  whiteness,  although  some  elsewhere  were  lighter  than  others. 

"In  Natick  Dictionary,  p.  2  SO;  and  in  his  notes  to  Roger  Williams' 
"Key,"  Narragansett  Club  edition,  p.  6. 


MIGUEL  CORTEREAL 


115 


"Eastern  People."  Dr.  Speck  advocates  a  similar  interpre- 
tation. But  I  venture  to  suggest  that  in  spite  of  the  wide- 
spread application  of  this  term,  or  one  of  similar  form  and 
meaning  to  various  eastern  tribes  ( Wapanachki  or  Abenaki 
of  Delaware  and  Maine),  it  may  not  be  the  correct  reason 
for  the  naming  of  the  Wampanoags.  There  is  an  alternative 
derivation,  closer  in  sound  to  the  word  as  we  know  it.  Wampi 
or  worn  pi  means  "white"  j  and  -ndiiog  is  the  combining 
form  for  "people"  used  several  times  by  Roger  Williams 
("Key,  pp.  52,  59,  60 ).  The  Wampi-nauog  are  the  "white 
people," — some  of  them  white  in  fact,  and  once  ruled  by 
a  white  chief. 

3.  The  existence  on  Assonet  Neck  of  a  "White  Spring" 
and  a  "White  -Man's  Brook,"  so  named  because  of  these 
early  incidents,  becomes  somewhat  more  significant  if  these 
interpretations  are  correct,  and  gives  a  small  degree  of 
added  strength  to  them. 

4.  Very  little  weight  can  be  given  to  a  new  possibility 
that  I  am  about  to  suggest.  But  it  is  a  possibility,  and  one 
interesting  enough  to  be  placed  on  record  in  this  connection. 
To  make  it  clear,  a  small  Figure  is  inserted  below.  Some 
years  ago  I  described  a  bannerstone  found  in  Warren,  bear- 
ing four  incised  characters  which  seem  to  suggest  that  the 


116  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

Wampanoags  were  beginning  to  develop  an  ideographic 
system  of  writing  at  about  the  period  of  King  Philip's  chief- 
tainship, A  definite  reading  of  these  characters  was  hesi- 
tantly suggested.'"  I  can  now  add  a  few  small  hints  which 
help  to  corroborate  that  reading.  There  is  a  petroglyph 
preserved  at  the  restored  old  Aptucxet  Trading  Post  of  the 
early  Plymouth  settlers,  at  Bourne  on  Cape  Cod/^  Its 
pictographs  are  so  obscured  as  to  be  almost  completely  illeg- 
ible. But  the  characters  numbered  1,  2  in  our  Figure  are 
fairly  clear.  They  rather  obviously  mean  "a  white  man  and 
an  Indian  shaking  hands."  Although  much  simpler,  they 
are  not  very  different  in  essence  from  the  rendering  of  a 
similar  idea  in  two  other  cases:  on  the  well-known  William 
Penn  wampum  belt,  and  in  case  of  the  two  human  figures 
carved  on  Dighton  Rock  at  the  extreme  left-hand  end." 

The  pictographs  on  the  Bourne  stone  were  carved  prob- 
ably sometime  after  1658,  and  therefore  at  about  the  period 
of  the  bannerstone.  The  characters  on  the  latter  are  shown 
as  Nos.  3  to  6  in  our  Figure.  The  designs  on  Dighton  Rock 
and  on  the  Penn  belt  appear  in  the  same  Figure  as  Nos.  7 
and  8.  These  have  been  drawn  free-hand  from  designs 
which  in  the  original  are  not  entirely  clear  and  unambiguous 
in  minor  details,  and  so,  in  these  reproductions,  they  may 
be  defective  in  some  respects.  But  the  main  idea  in  each  is 
correctly  conveyed.  Apparently  feathers  are  used  to  iden- 
tify the  Indian  on  Dighton  Rock  and  on  the  Bourne  stone, 
and  a  hat  and  trousers  to  indicate  a  European  on  the  Penn 
belt.  The  figures  of  the  latter  are  in  bead-work,  solidly 
blocked  inj  but  for  coiu'enience  we  show  them  only  in  out- 


'-These  Collections,  1919,  vol.  12,  p.  96. 

^■'New  Bedford  Standard-Times,  March  17,  193S,  Section  4,  page  1  ; 
Old-Time  New  England,  1936,  XXVI.  110-112. 

^■'I  assume  that  the  Indian  pictographs  on  Dighton  Rock  were  made  at 
various  times  between  about  1600  and  167  5.  The  date  of  the  Penn  belt 
is  supposed  to  be  1682;  see  Memoirs  of  the  Hist.  Soc.  of  Penn.,  vol.  3, 
p.  207,  and  Second  Annual  Report,  Bureau  of  Amer.  l'",thnoIogv  (for 
1880-1881),  p.  253. 


MIGUEL  CORTEREAL 


117 


line.  On  Dighton  Rock,  the  pictures  are  so  worn  and  obscure 
that  they  were  never  seen  correctly  until  my  flashlight 
photographs  revealed  them.  But  there  is  no  question  now 
that  they  were  cut  about  as  I  have  represented  them, 
although  their  worn  condition  makes  it  uncertain  whether 
the  European  was  draw^i  with  hat  or  other  distinguishing 
marks. 

In  the  two  cases  last  mentioned  (  Dighton  and  Penn )  we 
have  examples  of  the  stage  of  complete  pictography.  The 
Bourne  characters  here  copied  are  greatly  simplified  picto- 
graphs  expressing  a  similar  thought.  It  is  evident  that  a 
little  further  simplification  might  develop  them  into  ideo- 
graphs, in  which  the  original  pictorial  resemblance  to  the 
objects  portrayed  is  entirely  lost.  Such  abbreviated  sym- 
bolism was  not  wholly  foreign  to  Indian  practice  in  some 
places.  It  is  a  well-known  feature  of  many  designs  occurring 
on  their  baskets,  blankets,  and  pottery. 

Assuming  that  this  occurred,  and  that  our  interpretation 
of  the  word  Wampanoag  as  meaning  "white  people"  is 
correct,  we  have  a  fairly  secure  basis  for  a  reasonable  inter- 
pretation of  the  ideographs  of  the  bannerstone.  A  short 
straight  line  might  readily  have  been  the  simplified  sign 
adopted  to  designate  "man."  The  same  idea  is  expressed  in 
almost  that  simple  manner  on  the  Bourne  stone.  If  so,  then 
the  addition  of  an  emphasizing  side-mark  against  it,  as  in 
No.  3,  might  mean  "chief-man,  sachem."  Two  such  lines, 
placed  now  horizontally  and  connected  by  a  projectnig 
diagonal,  as  in  No.  5,  might  mean  "a  connected  group  of 
men,  a  tribe  or  people."  Character  6  is  much  like  Philip^s 
ordinary  signature.  In  the  light  of  all  we  know  about  this 
ceremonial  stone,  which  we  have  reason  to  believe  was 
Philip's  own,  these  are  fairly  natural  assumptions. 
Together,  they  rather  surely  indicate  that  the  remaining 
character.  No.  4,  must  have  been  an  ideograph  for  "white." 
It  would  not  have  been  inappropriate  to  represent  this  idea 
by  a  blank  space  marked  off  by  bordering  lines.  On  birch- 
bark  or  paper,  which  may  have  been  used  in  developing 


118  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

ideographs,  it  would  be  white.  On  these  assumptions,  the 
inscription  would  read  "Chief  Sachem  of  the  Wampi- 
nauog,  Philip j"  that  is:  "Philip,  Sachem  of  the  White 
People."  This  speculation  seems  to  me  to  contribute  some 
small  degree  of  support  to  my  other  arguments.  It  is  not  in 
the  least  essential  to  them,  and  anyone  who  prefers  to  dis- 
miss it  as  too  fanciful  should  not  let  it  affect  his  judgment  of 
the  more  convmcing  evidence  that  has  been  presented.  If  it 
has  no  other  value,  it  at  least  gives  some  few  suggestions 
concerning  the  possible  evolution  of  an  ideographic  system. 

That  Miguel  Cortereal  came  to  this  vicinity  in  or  about 
1502,  and,  because  of  some  untoward  circumstance  which 
prevented  his  return  to  Portugal,  made  himself  ruler  of  the 
Wampanoag  Indians,  is  proved  indubitably  by  his  known 
history  and  by  the  presence  of  his  name  and  message  on 
Dighton  Rock.  Some  incidents  connected  with  his  arrival 
here  are  almost  certainly  revealed  through  an  old  Indian 
tradition.  A  number  of  additional  reasons  for  accepting 
these  statements  as  historical  facts  have  been  given  in  my 
earlier  writings.  To  them  I  am  now  adding  a  group  of  new 
considerations.  One  is  the  indication  given  by  Biggar  of  the 
reason  for  Cortereal's  far  search  to  the  south,  and  the  result- 
ing probability  that  he  arrived  here  in  1502  rather  than 
in  1511,  as  I  had  previously  assumed.  A  second  is 
Willoughby's  assertion  that  Verrazano's  observation  of 
metal  plates  among  the  Indians  is  a  proof  that  some  other 
explorer  had  been  here  before  him.  A  third  has  been  an 
examination  of  the  degree  to  which  certain  Indian  names  or 
titles  can  be  taken  as  indicative  of  Cortereal's  former  lead- 
ership and  as  explanatory  of  the  dual  kingship.  And  a  fourth 
has  been  the  development  of  the  probability  that  the 
Wampanoags  had  an  infusion  of  white  blood  which  can 
have  derived  only  from  the  members  of  Cortereal's 
expedition. 

Among  all  these  considerations  there  is  a  considerable 
and  satisfying  nucleus  of  solid  facts.  Around  them  we  have 
gathered  a  number  of  other  scattered  facts  which,  taken 


MIGUEL  CORTEREAL  119 

alone  by  themselves,  would  have  little  significance  or 
interest.  By  aid  of  certain  inferences,  we  have  sought  to  give 
them  their  simplest  explanation  and  reasonable  connected- 
ness. Even  though  some  of  the  inferences  may  be  question- 
able and  perhaps  some  of  them  may  have  to  be  abandoned 
in  the  light  of  better  knowledge,  still  a  great  many  of  them, 
if  not  all,  are  certainly  permissible  and  in  some  cases  un- 
avoidable. Together,  fact  and  justifiable  inference  fitting 
into  a  harmonious  structure,  they  add  a  new  chapter  of 
absorbing  interest  to  the  pre-Colonial  history  of  the 
Wampanoags,  and  prove  that  Miguel  Cortereal  and  his 
companions  were  the  earliest  known  Europeans  who 
came  into  Narragansett  Bay  and  explored  the  coasts  of 
Rhode  Island.' 

Notes 

A  collection  of  123  Indian  arrow  points  and  spear  points 
found  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Kickamuit  River  in  Warren 
about  1  870  have  been  bequeathed  to  the  Society  by  the  late 
Jonathan  Barney  of  Barrington. 

The  following  persons  have  been  elected  to  membership 
in  the  Society:  Mrs.  Walter  I.  Sweet,  Miss  Hattie  O.  E. 
Spaulding  and  Miss  Muriel  McFee. 

New  Publications  of  Rhode  Island  Interest 

Judge  SezvalPs  Gifts  in  the  Narragansett  Country  by 
Caroline  Hazard  is  a  pamphlet  of  23  pages. 

Life  and  Times  of  Juda/i  Touro  by  David  C.  Adelman 
is  a  pamphlet  of  1 3  pages. 

An  article  on  the  Mazvdsley  House  by  Maud  L.  Stevens 
appears  in  the  July  issue  of  the  Bulletin  of  the  Newport 
Historical  Society. 

Early  Land  Holders  of  Watch  Hill,  by  Reginald  E. 
Peck  is  a  booklet  of  27  pages  with  two  plats. 

A  map  of  Western  Warivick,  The  Pa'-j:tuxet  Valley  of 
R.  /.,  drawn  by  Charles  A.  Keller,  has  been  printed  by  the 
Pawtuxet  Valley  Daily  Times. 


120  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

Variations  in  Five  Copies  of  Roger  Williams's 

Key  into  the  Language  of  America 

By  Lawrence  C.  Wroth 

The  list  of  variations  shown  below  are  typographical  in 
character  and  are  without  significance.  They  suggest  noth- 
ing except  that  Gregory  Dexter  was  sometimes  careless  in 
his  printing  and  that  somebody,  maybe  Roger  Williams 
himself,  was  standing  by  as  the  sheets  were  being  printed 
and  insisting  upon  the  press  being  stopped  and  corrections 
made  in  the  forms.  As  the  errors  discovered  by  this  last- 
minute  reading  were  not  flagrant,  the  incorrect  sheets  were 
preserved  and  were  used,  without  discrimination  between 
them  and  the  corrected  sheets,  in  making  up  the  book.  So 
far  as  established  to  the  contrary  by  the  existence  of  these 
variations  we  may  say  that  the  whole  edition  of  copies  made 
up  of  correct  or  of  incorrect  sheets,  or  of  correct  and  incor- 
rect sheets  mingled,  was  issued  simultaneously.  These 
"points,"  to  use  the  lingo  of  the  bibliographer  of  modern 
books,  do  not  establish  a  sequence  of  issues  of  the  book. 
Because  of  the  importance  of  the  treatise,  however,  and  of 
everything,  indeed,  that  came  from  the  hand  of  its 
author,  it  is  considered  worth  while  to  record  them  in  our 
Collections.  The  Church  Catalogue  says  of  the  Key  that 
"It  is  the  first  book  of  a  philological  character,  in  the  aborig- 
inal languages  north  of  Mexico,  with  the  exception  of 
Father  Sagard's  Huron  dictionary  and  a  short  vocabulary 
in  Wood's  Neiv  England  Prospect,  in  which  he  may  have 
been  assisted  by  Williams."  The  five  copies  examined  are 
the  three  in  the  John  Carter  Brown  Library  (listed  as  a,  b, 
and  c),  one  in  the  library  of  the  late  Tracy  W.  McGregor, 
of  Detroit  (listed  as  M),  and  the  one  in  the  Rhode  Island 
Historical  Society  Library  (listed  as  R).  A  wider  or  a  more 


ROGER  Williams's  key  121 

detailed  examination  would  probably  show  additional  va- 
riations of  the  same  sort. 


Page  1  2 

Page  2 1 

Page  92 

Page  92 

Copy 

Line  20 

Catchword 

Catchword 

Line  18 

a 

Is  the  water  coo 

Chap 

Sepuor 

Rivelet 

b 

Is  the  wa  t  er  coo 

^    Cha 

Sepuo  r 

Rivulet 

c 

Is  the  water  coole? 

Chap 

Sepuor 

Rivulet 

M 

Is  the  water  coo 

Chap 

Sepuo? 

Rivulet 

R 

Is  the  wa  t  er  coo 

Chap 

Sepuo? 

Rivulet 

The  Gore  Roll  of  Arms 

By  Harold  Bowditch 

{Continued  from  fage  96) 

?>?>.  {33.)  (26.) 
Richards. 

Arms:  Silver  four  lozenges  (not  conjoined)  in  fess 
gules  between  two  bars  sable. 

Wreath:   Silver,  gules. 

No  crest. 

Legend:  Capt.  Thomas  Richards  of  /  Boston  in  ye 
ContyofSuffoVl714. 

Notes:  Whitmore  says  that  this  Capt.  Thomas  Richards 
was  probably  the  son  of  James  Richards  of  Hartford  and 
nephew  of  the  John  Richards  whose  arms  are  shown  in 
No.  10  of  the  Gore  Rollj  that  he  died  in  December  1714j 
and  that  the  tomb  of  James  Richards  in  Hartford  is  said  to 
show  these  arms. 

Edmondson  assigns  these  arms  to  Richards  of  East  Bag- 
borough  in  Somersetshire,  but  describes  no  crest. 

Thomas  Richards  and  his  wife  Welthian  emigrated  to 
Boston  in  1630  on  the  ship  "Mary  and  John"j  Welthian 
Richards  sealed  her  will  in  1679  with  an  armorial  seal 
showing  these  arms  but  no  crest  (Heraldic  Journal,  II,  7). 


122  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

34.  (34.)  (27). 
Addington.  Norton. 

Arms:  Two  coats  impaled:  Baron:  Party  ermine  and 
counter-ermine  a  chevron  counterchanged  between  three 
fleurs-de-lys  and  charged  with  four  lozenges  all  counter- 
changed  in  sable  and  silver.  Femme:  Gules  a  fret  silver 
over  all  a  bend  vairy  gold  and  gules. 

Wreath:   Silver,  sable. 

Crest:  A  wild-cat  statant  ermine,  full-faced. 

Legend:  Jsack  Addington  Esqr.  Seceterey  of  ye  / 
Prouince  of  ye  Mas'.  Judg  of  Probit  for  /  ye  Cont.  of 
Suffolk.  Justice  of  ye  Pece  &  /  Onof  his  Maj'.  Counsell  / 
Addington  &  Norton.  1715. 

Notes:  In  the  Child  copy  azure  replaces  silver  on  fleurs- 
de-lys  and  lozenges,  giving  a  peculiar  appearance  to  the 
arms,  but  as  Whitmore  omits  their  tinctures  this  probably 
represents  an  addition  subsequent  to  1865.  He  identifies 
Isaac  Addington's  second  wife  as  Elizabeth,  widow  of  John 
Wainwright  and  daughter  of  William  Norton,  the  brother 
of  the  Rev,  John  Norton,  of  the  Nortons  of  Sharpenhow  in 
Bedfordshire. 

The  Addington  arms  appear  in  the  Promptuarium 
Armorum  assigned  to  T.  Addinton  of  London,  skinner. 
Edmondson  assigns  them  to  Addington  of  Devon,  the 
fleurs-de-lys  and  the  lozenges,  as  well  as  the  chevron,  being 
counterchanged  in  ermine  and  counter-ermine,  a  feature 
which  was  probably  omitted  in  the  Gore  Roll  painting 
because  of  its  small  size.  Edmondson  gives  for  the  crest  of 
this  family:  "A  leopard  sejant  gardant  argent  fellety 
sable.^^  Our  beast  is  certainly  statant  and  ermine^  whether 
it  be  meant  for  a  leopard  would  be  hard  to  say,  for,  like  the 
beast  forming  the  Harvey  crest  (  No.  19)  its  tail  is  too  short 
for  a  leopard's  or  even  for  a  domestic  cat's,  although  too 
long  for  a  wild  cat's. 

The  Norton  arms  are  found  in  Edmondson  for  Norton  of 
Buckinghamshire,  Hertfordshire  and  Bedfordshire,  their 
crest  being:  A  griffin  sejant  proper,  the  wings  gules,  the 


GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  123 

beak  and  fore-legs  goldj  it  might  be  hard  to  define  the 
"proper"  coloring  for  a  griffin.  A  tankard  made  by  John 
Edwards  (who  died  in  1746)  and  owned  by  the  First 
Church  in  Quincy,  Massachusetts,  shows  the  Norton  arms 
with  a  crest  of  a  wivern  j  a  wivern,  with  his  tail  curling  down 
behind,  might  easily  be  confused  with  a  griffin  sejant.  The 
Norton  arms  are  found  on  the  will  of  John  Norton  in  1 663 
(Heraldic  Journal,  II,  177).  The  Norton  pedigree  is 
printed  in  the  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical 
Register,  XIII,  25,  and  notes  on  it  in  the  Heraldic  Journal, 
II,  1-5. 

3S.  iiS.)  (28.) 

Cook.  Leverett, 

Arms:  Two  coats  impaled:  Baron:  Gold  a  chevron 
cheeky  gold  and  azure  between  three  cinqfoils  azure 
Fermne:  Silver  a  chevron  between  three  running  leverets 
sable. 

Wreath:  Silver,  sable. 

Crest:  A  human  skull  proper. 

Legend:  Elizabeth  Wife  of  Elisha  /  Cook  of  Boston 
Esqr.  1715  (or  1717)  /  Cook  &  Leuiritt. 

Notes :  The  date  was  apparently  originally  written  1717 
and  a  figure  5  was  then  attached  to  the  7  without  covering 
itj  as  the  preceding  and  the  following  coats  are  both  dated 
1715  it  seems  probable  that  1  7 1 5  is  the  intended  date  here. 

Whitmore  identifies  Elizabeth,  wife  of  Elisha  Cook,  as 
the  daughter  of  Governor  John  Leverett. 

The  skull  that  serves  as  a  crest  no  doubt  signifies  mor- 
tuary use  for  the  painting,  for  the  Cook  crest  appears  in 
No.  ?>6  and  the  Leverett  crest  is  known  to  be  a  running 
leveret  as  shown  on  the  gravestone  of  Governor  Leverett's 
grandson  John  Leverett,  President  of  Harvard  College, 
who  died  in  1 724  (Heraldic  Journal,  I,  29).  There  are  but 
two  instances  of  arms  surmounted  by  a  skull  in  the  Gore 
Roll,  Nos.  8  and  35^  and  in  each  case  the  Leverett  arms  are 
shown,  once  as  baron  and  once  as  femme. 


124  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

For  the  Cook  arms  see  No.  36;  for  the  Leverett  arms 
see  No.  8. 

36.  (36.)  (29.) 

Cook. 

Arms:  Gold  a  chevron  cheeky  gold  and  azure  between 
three  cinqfoils  azure. 

Wreath :   Gold,  azure. 

Crest:  A  unicorn's  head  gold  with  wings  azure. 

Legend:  Elisha  Cook  of  Boston  Esq.  /  On  of  his  Maj's. 
Counsell  of  /  ye  prouince  of  Masechus  -  -  (undecipherable) 
1715. 

Notes:  Whitmore  says:  Elisha  Cook  was  son  of  Richard 
of  Boston,  said  to  have  come  from  Gloucestershire  j  he  died 
October,  1715.  Dr.  Buck  suggests  Essex  as  the  place  of 
origin,  the  arms  of  Cook  of  Ciidden  Hall,  Essex,  being  Gold 
a  chevron  cheeky  azure  anci  gnles  between  three  cinqfoils 
azure.  Edmondson  gives  for  Cooke  of  Essex  Gold  a  chev- 
ron cheeky  gi^Ies  and  azure  between  three  cinqfoils  gules j 
crest:  A  unicorn's  head  gold  with  two  wings  endorsed  azure. 
Burke  (1847)  gives  for  Cooke,  no  locality  cited:  Gold  a 
chevron  cheeky  silver  and  gules  between  three  cinqfoils 
azure  j  this  is  omitted  in  the  1  884  edition. 

37.  (37.)  (30.) 
Belchier. 

Arms:  Gold  three  pales  gules  and  a  chief  vair. 

Wreath:  Gold,  gules. 

Crest:  A  greyhound's  head  erased  ermine  with  a  collar 
gules,  the  edges  and  ring  gold. 

Legend:  Adrew  Belchier  Esqr.  Comesery  /  Generall  of 
the  Prouince  of  ye  /  Mass',  and  One  of  his  Maj's  Counsell 
/1717. 

Notes:  Whitmore  identifies  this  individual  as  the  son  of 
Andrew  Belcher  the  immigrant  of  1639  and  the  father  of 
Jonathan  Belcher,  Governor  of  Massachusetts  j  he  died  in 
October  1717.  These  arms  are  on  the  will  of  Andrew 
Belcher,  1717  (Suffolk  Wills,  Heraldic  Journal,  II,  177). 

These  arms  are  found  assigned  to  William  Belcher  of 


GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS 


125 


Gillsborough,  Northants.,  in  the  Promptuarium  Armorum. 
Guillim  (ed.  1632)  substantiates  this  and  adds  the  crest: 
A  greyhound's  head  erased  ermine,  his  ears  azure,  collared 
gules  garnished  gold^  the  head  in  the  Gore  Roll  does  not 
have  blue  ears,  nor  is  this  feature  mentioned  by  Edmondson, 
who  gives  the  same  arms 'and  crest  for  Belcher  of  Stafford- 
shire and  places  Gilsborough  in  Nottinghamshire  instead  of 
Northamptonshire. 

38.  (38.)  (31.) 
Lemon. 

Arms:   Azure  a  fess  between  three  dolphins  silver  on  the 
fess  an  annulet  (gules)  for  difference. 

Wreath:  Silver,  azure. 

Crest:  In  a  nest  vert  under  a  lemon-tree  in  fruit  proper 
a  pelican  feeding  her  young  gold  the  blood  gules. 

Legend:  Joseph  Lemon  of  Charloston  /  in  the  county 
of  Midelsex  /  1717. 

Notes:  These  arms  are  given  in  the  Promptuanum 
Armorum. 

In  the  Child  copy,  and  consequently  in  Whitmore's 
description,  the  lemon-tree  in  the  crest  is  omitted. 

The  immigrant  ancestor  was  Joseph  Lemmon  who  died 
in  1709,  mentioning  in  his  will  (1707)  his  mother,  Mary 
Jenkins,  and  his  brother,  Robert  Lemmon,  cooper,  both  of 
Dorchester,  co.  Dorset  j  his  seal  shows  a  fess  between  three 
dolphins,  but  the  fess  appears  to  be  engrailed  and  hatched 
to  represent  vertj  the  crest  is  a  wolf's  head  erased.  His 
grandson,  Jonathan  Lemmon,  son  of  Joseph  and  Elizabeth 
Lemmon,  died  at  the  age  of  fifteen  months  and  is  buried  m 
Charlestown  under  a  stone  with  the  family  arms,  resem- 
bling the  Gore  Roll  painting,  except  that  the  annulet  is  in 
chief  instead  of  on  the  fess,  and  the  tree  is  omitted  from  the 
crest  (W.,  Heraldic  Journal,  I,  48  ). 

Whitmore  is  describing  a  very  small  seal,  and  whether  or 
not  the  apparent  engrailing  of  the  fess  is  significant  would 
depend  on  the  fineness  of  the  cutting.   Presumably  the 


126  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

hatching  is  not  intended  to  represent  vert,  but  merely  to  set 
off  the  fess  from  the  field, 

Edmondson  cites  these  arms  under  the  family  namej 
there  are,  it  is  true,  minor  differences  according  to  the  posi- 
tion of  the  dolphins:  "haurient"  for  Leman  or  Lemmon  of 
North  Hall,  Hertfordshire,  of  London  and  of  co.  Suffolk  j 
"naiant  embowed,"  with  the  crest  shown  in  the  Gore  Roll, 
for  Leman,  granted  1 6 1  5  j  and  "embowed"  with  the  same 
crest  but  lacking  the  tree  for  Lemon  or  Lemmon. 

The  Visitation  of  London,  1633-1 635,  gives  for  William 
Leman  of  Northaw,  co.  Hartford  (obviously  identical  with 
Edmondson's  later  "North  Hall"),  living  in  1633:  Azure 
a  fess  between  three  dolphins  embowed  silver,  in  chief  an 
annulet  for  difference j  crest:  In  a  lemon-tree  leaved  vert 
fructed  gold  a  pelican  gold  in  her  nest  —  -  feeding  her 

young ^  descended  from  the  family  of  Lemman  of 

Norfolk.  Note  that  the  pelican  is  in  the  tree,  not  under  it  as 
in  the  Gore  Roll. 

39.  (39.)  (32.) 
Calewell.  Mun. 

Arms:  Two  coats  impaled: 
Baron:  Quartered: 

1 .  Gules  a  narrow  pale  battled  and  counter- 
battled  silver,  over  all  three  lion's  paws 
erased  barwise  in  pale  silver. 

2.  Sable  three  fleurs-de-lys  gold. 

3  and  4.    Silver  a  ship  under  full  sail  sable. 
Over  all  a  narrow  pale  ermine. 
Femtne:  Per  chevron  counter-flowered  sable  and 
gold  in  chief  three  roundles  and  in  base  a 
tower  counterchanged. 
Wreath :   Silver,  gules. 

Crest:  A  cubit  arm  in  armor  proper  the  bare  hand  grasp- 
ing a  lion's  paw  erased  gules. 

Legend :  Gorg  Calewell  of  London.  /  Marchant  Now  of 
Boston  ye  Cont  Suff  /  Calewell  &  Mune  1717. 

Notes:   In  the  Child  copy  the  names  are  spelled  Cald- 


GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  127 

well  and  Mane  and  the  painting  is  such  a  hodge-podge  that 
Whitmore's  description  is  worthless. 

The  arms  attributed  to  Calewell  are  certainly  most  unu- 
sual, especially  in  the  feature  of  the  identity  of  the  third 
and  fourth  quarters  ^  the  arms  of  various  branches  of  the 
Caldwell  family  are  quite  different,  and  the  arms  shown  in 
the  Gore  Roll  have  not  been  identified  in  a  search  through 
the  Visitation  of  London  1633-1635,  Guillim  (1632,  1660, 
1664,  1724),  Kent,  Edmondson  and  Burke. 

The  impaled  arms  are  those  of  Mun,  occurring  in  the 
Promptuarium  Armorum,  and  the  crest  belongs  to  this 
coat.  The  Visitation  of  London  1 633-1 635  records  "a  patent 
granted  to  John  Mun  of  Hackney  in  the  County  of  Middle- 
sex by  William  Harvy  Clarenceux  a°  1562,  4.  of  Eliza- 
beth" consisting  of  these  arms  and  this  crest  with  the  minor 
exceptions  that  in  the  crest  the  hand  is  gauntleted  and  the 
lion's  paw  has  golden  claws. 

40.  (40.)  (33.) 
Hutchinson. 

Arms:  Party  gules  and  azure  a  lion  silver  in  an  orle  of 
(ten)  crosslets  gold. 

Crest:  In  a  coronet  gold  a  cockatrice  azure,  the  comb, 
beak,  wattles  and  the  barb  on  the  tail  gules. 

Legend:  Elisha  Hutchinson  Esqr.  ColP.  of  ye  first  / 
Rigament  of  Foot  in  ye  Count,  of  Suffolk  Capt.  /  of  Castel 
William  Chef  Justice  of  ye  Corte  /  of  Commonples  in  ye 
Cont.  Suff.  On  of  ye  Counsell  /  1717. 

Notes:  Ordinarily  the  cockatrice  in  the  painting  would 
be  described  as  vert,  and  the  sinister  side  of  the  shield  is 
scarcely  bluer,  but  comparison  with  the  known  vert  of  the 
lemon-tree  in  the  Lemon  arms  on  the  same  page  and  of  the 
mound  in  the  Winthrop  arms  and  the  trees  in  the  Hurst 
arms  on  the  following  page  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  azure 
was  the  original  color.  In  the  Child  copy  the  cockatrice  is 
vert,  and  the  sinister  side  of  the  shield,  originally  "argent" 
(W.)  is  now  silvered  over. 


128  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Whitmore  identifies  Elisha  Hutchinson  as  the  son  of 
Edward  Hutchinson  of  Boston  in  Lincolnshire  and  of 
Boston  in  New  England,  and  states  that  he  died  in  Decem- 
ber, 1717. 

In  the  Promptuarium  Armorum  it  is  stated  that  these 
arms  were  granted  to  Edward  Hutchinson  of  Wickham, 
Yorkshire,  in  1581. 

Edmondson  records  these  arms,  with  varying  numbers 
of  crosslets,  under  Hutchinson  of  Yorkshire  and  of  Wil- 
loughby  on  the  Would  and  Owthorp  in  Nottinghamshire, 
the  last-mentioned  branch  bearing  the  beast  full-faced  j  for 
the  second  branch  he  gives  the  crest:  Out  of  a  ducal  coronet 
gold  a  cockatrice  with  wings  endorsed  azure,  beaked,  combed 
and  wattled  gules. 

The  American  family  was  distinct  from  the  Yorkshire 
family  whose  arms  they  used  j  in  1 634  Thomas  Hutchinson 
of  Lincolnshire,  a  cousin  of  the  immigrant  Samuel  Hutchin- 
son of  Rhode  Island,  applied  to  the  College  of  Arms,  pre- 
senting a  pedigree  and  claiming  arms,  but  the  claim  was 
"respited  for  proof"  (Heraldic  Journal,  II  171).  Although 
it  is  stated  in  the  Complete  Peerage  edited  by  Vicary  Gibbs 
that  Hawkins,  Ulster,  granted  to  the  Baroness  Donough- 
more,  who  was  descended  from  the  Hutchinson  family  of 
Boston,  the  arms  of  Hutchinson  quartered  with  those  of 
Hely  and  Nixon,  an  officer  of  the  College  of  Arms  writes 
(  1927)  that  there  is  no  specific  grant  or  confirmation  to  the 
Donoughmore  family  in  Ulster's  Office. 

Samuel  Hutchinson,  an  early  settler  of  Rhode  Island  and 
the  brother  of  William  Hutchinson,  used  the  arms  on  his 
seal  in  1667  (see  Suffolk  Probate  453  and  Heraldic 
Journal,  II,  183).  The  ancestry  of  Samuel  and  William 
Hutchinson  has  been  traced  with  proof  from  the  Hutchin- 
sons  of  Alford  in  Lincolnshire  in  the  person  of  John 
Hutchinson,  mayor  of  Lincoln  (see  New  England  Hist. 
Gen.  Register,  (October  1866,  and  Waters'  Genealogical 
Gleanings), 


Form  of  Legacy 


"I  give  and  bequeath  to  the  Rhode  Island 

Historical  Society  the  sum  of 

dollars." 


Roger  Williams  Press        '^1^' 


E.  A.  Johnson  Co. 


PROVIDENCE 


Rhode    Islan  d 
Historical    Society 
Collection^    ^t^ 


INDIAN  FISH  WEIR  AT  ANTHONY,  R.  1. 

There  are  several  of  these  stoixj;  structures  in  the  river  west  of  Anthony,  R.  I. 
They  are  believed  to  have  been  built  as  fish  weirs  by  the  Indians.  Now  they  are 
only  visible  when  the  water  in  the  mill  pond  has  been  lowered. 

Photographed  hj  Ward  E.  Smith 


Issued  Quarterly 


68  Waterman  Street,  Providence,  Rhode  Island 


CONTENTS 


Gore  Roll  of  Arms 
by  Harold  Bowditch 


PAGE 


Indian  Fish  Weir        ......    Cover 

Records  of  Narragansett  Weather 

by  Caroline  Hazard         .....  1 

William  Dyer 

by  William  Allan  Dyer 9 

Westerly  Marriage  Records 

Communicateci  by  Susan  S.  Brayton  ...  26 

New  Publications  of  Rhode  Island  Interest    .  .  28 


9.1 


RHODE       .^^       ISLAND 
HISTORICAL     l^^M/  SOCIETY 

COLLECTIONS 


Vol.  XXX JANUARY,   1937 No.  1 

Nathaniel  W.  Smith,  President    Gilbert  A.  Harrington,  Treasurer 
William  Davis  Miller,  Secretary  Howard  M.  Chapin,  Librarian 

The  Society  assumes  no  responsibility  for  the  statements  or  the  opinions 
of  contributors. 


Records  of  Narragansett  Weather 

1797  to  1802 

With  Additional  Notes  from  Newport  to  1804 

By  Caroline  Hazard 

Some  years  ago,  when  working  over  the  Diary  of 
Thomas  B.  Hazard  —  Nailer  Tom  —  I  called  the  atten- 
tion of  the  Weather  Bureau  in  Washington  to  his  impor- 
tant record.  Beginning  midsummer's  day  —  June  21,  1778 
—  for  over  sixty  years  Nailer  Tom  kept  a  record  of  the 
weather,  ending  it  in  November  1840.  Rain,  snow,  hail, 
are  all  recorded^  the  direction  of  the  wind  is  given  daily. 
Frost  and  heat  are  mentioned,  but  the  Weather  Authorities 
could  not  avail  themselves  of  all  this  data  because  Nailer 
Tom  had  no  thermometer. 

Fahrenheit  first  used  mercury  as  a  measure  of  tempera- 
ture in  1720,  but  the  general  use  of  his  invention  did  not 
come  till  much  later.  It  is  therefore  of  great  interest  that 
a  book  has  been  found  with  actual  figures  recorded  by  the 
new  instrument  beginning  March  1st,  1797,  dated  Charles- 
ton; S.  C,  No.  Ill  Trade  St.   The  record  was  made  in  a 


RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 


paper  bound  blank  book  12  x  7^^  inches,  carefully  ruled 
in  ink  at  the  left-hand  side  into  five  columns,  and  lightly 
ruled  in  pencil  across  the  page.  The  first  column  is  headed 
by  the  name  of  the  month,  the  day  follows  below,  and  then 
the  time  of  day  according  to  a  ship's  watch,  8,  12,4,  8,  with 
the  record  under  each.  Thus  the  first  record  reads: 
"March  1,  50,  49,  52,  51^.  N.E.  Cloudy  and  stormy. 
Damp  unpleasant,"  written  in  a  clerkly  hand  when  pen- 
manship was  still  an  art.  The  entries  continue  to  April  4, 
when  the  thermometer  is  recorded  at  72,  74^  and  76,  with 
no  eight  o'clock  record.  Wind  was  S.S.E.  and  S.W.  "very 
dry."  Page  two  has  a  change  of  handwriting,  and  is  headed 
South  Kingstown,  Rhode  Island  1797,  "June  2Z-GG.G6. 
6(i.6S-Y..  Rain  all  day,"  and  continues  in  the  same  hand  for 
many  pages.  That  handwriting  I  had  seen  j  one  might  say  it 
was  founded  on  clerkly  lines,  but  with  a  good  deal  more 
freedom.  November  the  sixteenth  the  thermometer  stood  at 
34  -  36  -  39  -  32,  hard  frost,  and  the  seventeenth,  there  was 
snow  most  of  the  day,  with  the  thermometer  at  30  for  three 
readings,  and  not  higher  than  32  all  day.  Nailer  Tom 
records  snow  that  day,  too. 

If  the  hand  writing  was  that  of  the  man  I  surmised  surely 
he  would  mention  his  father's  death.  So  I  turned  to  August 
1798.  There  it  was:  "So.  Kingstown,  August  26,  80,  84, 
89,  77.  S.W.  clear,  very  warm.  Father  Hazard  died  this 
evening  at  8  o'clock." 

For  the  27th  and  28th  there  are  no  entries.   On  the  30th 
they  begin  again.  Nailer  Tom  gives  a  little  more  detail : 
"l/26th.   I  went  to  meeting.    Dined  at  Thomas  Hazard's 
and  drank  tea. 
2/27        Thomas  Hazard  died  about  7  o'clock  last  eve- 
ning.  I  helpt  lay  him  out  and  George  Kinyon 
and  I  watched  with  him. 
3/28        I   carried   my  wife   to   the   burial   of  Thomas 
Hazard." 
Thomas  Hazard  was  son  of  Robt.  as  he  liked  to  sign 
himself,  called  College  Tom.    So  the  record  is  made  by 


RECORDS  OF  NARRAGANSETT  WEATHER  6 

Rowland  Hazard,  his  third  son,  born  in  1 764.  It  is  started 
in  Charleston,  where  he  was  a  merchant,  by  Isaac  Peace, 
his  father-in-law,  whose  name  appears  in  the  back  of  the 
book,  and  continued  in  South  Kingstown. 

The  heat  of  the  summer  of  1798  continued  through 
September.  The  fifteentfi  the  thermometer  touched  80  at 
the  noon  reading  and  82  and  83  the  next  two  days,  with 
wind  from  the  south-west.  "The  grass  almost  parched  up, 
and  the  wells  and  springs  mostly  dry."  But  the  21st,  with 
the  thermometer  at  76  -  78  -  77  -  76,  came  rain  with  thun- 
der and  lightning,  and  the  25th  the  wind  changed  to  north- 
east bringing  rain.  "Very  chilly"  is  the  comment  on  a  tem- 
perature of  62.  "The  wind  all  round  the  compass  —  small 
showers,"  came  on  the  28th,  so  the  drought  was  broken. 

Hea\y  frost  was  early  that  year  with  thick  ice  on  the 
30th  of  October,  though  the  recorded  temperature  is  44  -  46 
for  the  day,  and  a  good  deal  of  snow  fell  that  night  and 
most  of  the  31st.  November  had  rain,  hail  and  snow,  and 
December  began  with  very  severe  cold.  Christmas  Day  had 
25,  28,  27  recorded  for  the  four  observations;  snow  had 
fallen  the  day  before,  but  "Thick  chilly  air"  is  the  comment. 

The  New^  Year  of  1799  opened  with  a  temperature  of 
32°  all  day,  and  was  cloudy  with  snow  in  the  evening. 
Fifteen  and  a  half  is  the  lowest  temperature  recorded  for 
the  month.  "Extreem  cold"  is  the  comment.  On  the  6th 
1 5>4  -  1  8  -  16  was  the  range.  On  the  12th  with  rain  50  is 
the  highest.  That  came  also  on  the  1 5th,  with  a  north-west 
wind.   "Clear  and  very  pleasant." 

The  old  proverb  "When  the  days  begin  to  lengthen  the 
cold  begins  to  strengthen"  seems  to  have  been  true  that 
year,  for  February  was  colder  than  January.  "Extreem 
cold"  is  again  recorded  on  the  23rd  with  the  glass  reading 
20,  23,  24,  23.  January  had  eleven  days  with  a  tempera- 
ture at  or  below  freezing  at  eight  o'clock.  February,  a 
shorter  month,  had  14.  Cold  continued  into  March,  which 
on  the  5th  registered  11,  12,  20,  16  with  a  north-west  wind 


4  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

and  "Extreem  cold"  again,  with  snow  on  the  13th,  14th 
and  15th. 

There  is  a  break  from  March  16th  to  April  16th,  when 
the  thermometer  touched  65 ,  "Clear  and  very  pleasant." 
May  that  year  of  1799  brought  a  heaw  rain  storm  which 
lasted  into  June,  and  the  6th  to  9th  of  June  have  no 
recorded  temperatures,  but  two  days  of  very  wet  weather. 
One  wonders  if  these  two  days  were  the  yearly  meeting 
days  in  Newport,  to  which  the  family  usually  went,  but  on 
the  7th  Nailer  Tom  "carried  home  Rowland  Hazard's 
wife.  She  drank  tea  here."  So  it  was  only  the  recorder 
who  was  away. 

July  had  a  very  warm  week  with  the  temperature  from 
the  13th  to  the  20th  from  73°  to  80°  at  every  reading  and 
ended  with  the  last  day  and  the  first  of  August  at  80°  at 
eight  o'clock  in  the  morning.  In  September  comes  the  first 
entry  of  outside  affairs  since  the  mention  of  College  Tom's 
death.  The  18th  only  the  evening  temperature  is  taken, 
at  70°.  "Cloudy,  Received  I.  P's  letter  dated  3 1st  August." 
This  was  Isaac  Peace,  father-in-law  to  Rowland  Hazard, 
who  is  mentioned  in  May  as  having  written  to  Mary,  his 
daughter. 

The  new  Century  1800  began  with  a  north-west  wind 
"Clear  and  pleasant,"  and  the  thermometer  from  37°  to 
40°,  with  36°  for  the  evening  reading.  The  16th  it  touched 
50°,  "remarkable  warm."  But  the  26th  was  below  freezing 
all  day,  and  the  last  da\'s  of  the  month  had  morning  tem- 
peratures of  18°,  16°,  and  23°. 

The  first  days  of  February  had  freezing  temperatures 
and  from  the  10th  to  the  18th  the  morning  reading  was 
below  32°,  once  as  low  as  21  °. 

Then  comes  a  break,  of  two  years,  and  the  more  clerkly 
hand  of  the  first  page  begins  again  after  a  ruled  line: 
"Tower  Hill,  1802.    So.  Kingston  Narraganset  I.  Peace 
arrived  at  Newport  10th  Ins.  from  N.  York. 

August  1802,  19  -  73.    Overcast  fair.    LP.  came  here 
from  the  Ferr\'  this  morning:." 


RECORDS  OF  NARRAGANSETT  WEATHER  D 

It  was  a  warm  August.  A  drop  from  80°  to  70°  on  the 
28th  is  noted.  "This  fall  of  the  mercury  took  place  in  a 
quarter  of  an  hour." 

Isaac  Peace  does  not  confine  himself  to  the  state  of  the 
weather,  but  records  the  state  of  his  health  which  was  often 
poor,  and  his  journeys  to  "Newport. 

September  11.  "LP.  went  to  Newport.  29th  Sept.  LP. 
came  to  Tower  Hill  from  Ditto."  In  October  it  was  "cool 
and  very  pleasant,"  with  a  temperature  about  sixty,  but 
"Mind  uneasie,  very  unwell."  He  rode  ten  miles  "but  was 
dizzy."  A  little  later  he  records  "Sciatica,  full  of  trouble, 
some  pain,"  and  the  28th  "sent  trunk  to  the  ferry"  and 
25th  "I.  P.  went  to  Newport,  much  indisposed." 

This  is  evidently  Isaac  Peace  who  speaks  of  himself  in 
the  third  person,  the  father  of  Mary  Peace  Hazard,  wife 
of  Rowland.  He  was  not  an  old  man  then,  only  sixty-four, 
and  he  lived  to  be  eighty  —  sixteen  years  longer  —  but 
there  is  something  pathetic  in  the  brief  records,  put  down 
in  his  beautiful  handwriting,  with  the  four  times  a  day 
temperature,  and  the  phases  of  the  moon  noted.  His  daugh- 
ter Rebecca  came  with  him  and  went  back  to  Tower  Hill 
for  a  few  days.  A  little  later  —  "Mary  and  Becky  came 
from  Tower  Hill  to  New  Port,"  and  after  a  week  "Mary 
(Mrs.  Hazard)  returned  to  Tower  Hill." 

December  temperatures  in  Newport  were  mild  in  1 802  j 
only  four  days  are  recorded  as  below  freezing  at  the  early 
reading.  But  the  17th  made  up  for  it  with  7 3^°  10°  18° 
and  12°  recorded.  "Stormy  wind.  Extreem  cold"  is  the 
comment,  though  that  same  day,  "Rowland  carried  the 
mare  over,"  to  Tower  Hill  that  would  be.  The  24th 
"Rebecca  sailed  for  Charleston  in  Ship  Octavia,  Capt. 
Reynolds."  Capt.  Bigby  arrived  from  Charleston.  "Re- 
ceived Segars  from  Capt.  Bigby  but  no  letter." 

Morning  temperatures  during  January  1803  were  mild 
in  general,  with  twelve  days  below  freezing,  and  only  3 
days  below  twenty.  The  lowest  reading  is  14°  18°  24°  22°. 
"Clear  and  cold.  Wrote  to  Becky  this  day  by  Burdick." 


O  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

The  ships  are  recorded.  The  "Brigg  Algerona"  sailed  in 
mild  and  serene  weather  the  27th  by  which  he  wrote  to  his 
daughter.  Rowland  (his  son-in-law)  came  to  Newport  on 
his  way  to  New  Bedford,  and  stopped  each  way.  Thomas 
Hazard,  his  older  brother,  was  living  there,  who  was  called 
"Bedford  Tom." 

February  was  colder,  and  with  temperatures  under  freez- 
ing all  day  the  recorder  caught  cold,  and  some  days  of 
illness  and  dizziness  with  "high  fever"  followed. 

On  the  14-th  there  is  an  interesting  note.  The  morning 
temperature  is  recorded  at  38°  but  30°  out  doors  "when  I 
exposed  the  thermometer  ten  minutes,  which  is  20  degrees 
variation  in  a  few  hours,  for  last  night  it  was  rather  uncom- 
fortably warm."  Fifty  is  recorded  for  the  last  two  readings 
of  the  13th.  The  whole  page  is  headed  "Within  doors." 

Letters  came  by  ship  —  one  from  Joseph,  his  son,  on 
February  24th  of  July  27th,  presumably  from  England. 
The  Earl  via  Providence  on  the  9th  brought  a  Charleston 
letter  of  January  27th.  The  Brig  Concord  sailed  on  the 
2 1st,  but  put  back  and  sailed  the  next  day.  The  26th  "began 
a  letter  to  Becky  intended  for  the  Hermes."  Such  were  the 
difficulties  of  correspondence. 

March  opened  more  cheerfully,  "very  little  complaint 
this  day,"  though  it  was  cold.  Two  temperatures  are  given 
again,  13°  and  10°  "within  doors,"  but  early  in  the  month 
he  walked  out  and  caught  cold  and  was  very  unwell  again. 
Later  he  records,  "head  better  but  feverish,"  and  once 
when  the  thermometer  touched  52°  "Washed  head  in  Rum 
and  Brandy,  very  unwell."  But  the  next  day  he  was  still 
very  unwell." 

All  of  April  in  spite  of  spring  weather  and  a  spring 
snow  storm  he  continued  unwell.  The  Algerona  sailed,  the 
Concord  arrived  with  letters.  The  Hermes  brought  furni- 
ture, and  on  the  22nd,  with  the  thermometer  touching  60° 
there  was  "Fire  in  Church  Lane"  and  instead  of  sending 
a  letter  by  a  ship,  on  the  30th  "wrote  to  Becky  by  Post." 

May  had  a  cold  storm  with  "Frost  and  ice  this  morning," 


RECORDS  OF  NARRAGANSETT  WEATHER  / 

on  the  7th  though  41°  is  the  lowest  temperature  recorded 
with  a  north-east  wind  and  full  moon.  But  every  day  he 
had  fever  and  was  very  unwell.  So  on  the  12th  "I.  P.  sailed 
for  New  York  this  morning,  Sloop  2  Sisters,  John  East 
master."  The  next  day  "in  Sound  at  anchor  at  Hell-gate. 
Fever  all  night."  The  fourteenth  "Arrived  this  morning  at 
New  York,  better."  The  records  continue  regularly  in 
New  York,  with  pleasant  weather,  and  each  day  he  is  better. 
On  the  22nd  "Fire  —  Bread  Company's  Building.  Burnt, 
some  lives  lost  and  wounded  in  Vesey  street  at  Fire."  The 
last  day  of  the  month  records  the  temperature  up  to  4  p.  m. 
"Manhattan  Water  58°  per  thermometer  at  No.  319  Pearl 
Street,"  and  sailed  June  1st."  Arrived  at  New  Port  about 
1  o'clock  this  morning"  is  the  entry  for  June  3rd,  three  days 
of  sailing,  at  least,  during  which  they  had  variable  winds 
and  a  thunder  storm.  The  records  continued,  with  the  sign 
for  "better"  for  two  days,  then  F.  again  which  means  fever, 
"a  bad  night,  very  unwell."  The  seventh  of  June,  "Rowland 
and  Mary  came  for  the  annual  festival"  which  would  be 
yearly  meeting  probably,  and  two  days  later  the  records 
cease.  The  last  one  is  only  the  noon  temperature  at  73°, 
"Warm,  very  unwell." 

But  this  is  not  the  end  for  after  an  interval  of  six  months 
in  December  1803  the  record  is  resumed  by  another  hand. 
Isaac  Peace  began  it.  Rowland  Hazard  continued  it.  This 
third  hand  which  runs  from  December  1803  to  June  1804 
from  Newport  "wrote  my  Father"  on  the  16th,  and 
January  3rd  "received  a  letter  from  my  Father  of  Dec.  23" 
which  was  about  the  time  a  letter  from  Charleston  would 
take.  So  I  conclude  that  Rebecca,  Isaac  Peace's  daughter, 
took  up  the  record.  The  page  is  headed  New  Port,  and 
the  weather  is  cold,  with  some  snow  with  morning  tem- 
perature about  freezing,  but  rising  to  40°  on  the  17th,  and 
falling  to  14°  on  the  21st.  Early  in  January  1804  she 
"wrote  to  Brother,"  that  would  be  Joseph  Peace,  and  the 
same  day  "began  French,  M.  Carpantier  Decrox." 

The  record  goes  on  in  the  same  hand  through  the  spring, 


5  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

with  only  the  weather  noted,  till  March  26  "Moved  to  the 
Point."  April  and  May  continue,  and  June  begins.  On  the 
18th  "LP.  arrived  from  New  York"  entered  in  his  own 
handwriting,  and  the  entries  are  fuller.  The  weather  was 
generally  "Fair  and  pleasant."  June  twenty-fifth  1804, 
"Rowland  and  Mary  went  to  Narragansett."  So  it  is  fair 
to  conclude  Rebecca  had  spent  the  winter  with  them  in 
Newport. 

In  July  comes  an  interesting  entry.  The  1 6th,  only  a 
morning  temperature  of  70°  is  recorded.  "Sailed  for 
Providence  with  Rowland  and  Mary."  The  next  day  "Went 
to  Smithfield  with  Rowland  and  Mary  to  place  Isaac  and 
Thomas  at  school  there.  Returned  to  Providence"  and 
"Arrived  at  Newport  from  Providence"  the  eighteenth. 
Isaac  Peace  Hazard  was  born  in  1 794,  so  he  would  be  ten 
years  old,  and  Thomas  was  three  years  younger,  later 
known  as  Shepherd  Tom. 

The  26th  of  July  "Went  to  Providence  with  Joseph, 
Becky,  etc."  and  spent  several  days  there.  Joseph  went  to 
Boston.  "Very  warm  days  at  Providence,"  is  the  entry  for 
several  days  though  the  thermometer  was  not  with  him 
evidently. 

August  2,  1  804.  "I.  P.  arrived  at  New  Port  from  Provi- 
dence." The  entries  continue  till  August  15,  68°  72°  74° 
with  no  eight  o'clock  figure,  and  this  is  the  end. 

The  blank  book  is  not  more  than  half  full,  and  after  the 
manner  of  the  time  has  been  used  beginning  at  both  ends. 
I.  PEACE  is  written  in  large  letters  two  inches  high  at  one 
end,  across  a  sheet  containing  the  heads  of  his  will  which 
are  crossed  out,  and  on  the  next  page  is  a  full  statement  of 
property  including  Bank  stock.  United  States  certificates, 
houses  and  lands  in  Trenton,  New  Jersey,  divided  into 
three  parts,  one  each  for  Joseph  Peace,  Mary  Peace  Hazard, 
and  Rebecca  Peace.  This  memorandum  is  dated  NewPort, 
R.  I.  December  1 1,  1802,  and  signed  Isaac  Peace. 

Then,  also  in  the  manner  of  the  times,  follow  some  useful 
Receipts:  For  sore  throat,  To  make  good  soft  soap.  Cure 


RECORDS  OF  NARRAGANSETT  WEATHER  V 

for  Cancer,  are  the  first  three  j  to  make  spruce  beer,  and  to 
cure  the  Dropsy,  which  seems  simple  enough,  to  drink  a 
solution  of  cream  of  tartar  in  the  prescribed  strength,  fol- 
low. But  the  cure  for  Dysentery  is  unusual.  "Cut  a  sheet  of 
paper  into  slips,  boil  in  a  pint  and  a  half  of  milk  to  a  pint  to 
be  taken  at  twice,  recomrtiended  by  Dr.  Maryatt. 

"Dr.  Maryatt  says  4  was  called  to  a  Lady  who  had  been 
seized  with  the  most  dreadful  Dysentery  I  ever  saw,  in  a 
quarter  of  an  hour  after  taking  the  boiled  Paper  was  well.' 
"Vide  Maryatt's  Art  of  Healing." 

Paper  was  much  more  substantial  in  those  days  as  the 
survival  of  the  old  book  proves,  but  its  curative  effects  are 
new.  An  example  of  its  preservative  powers  is  before  us, 
for  not  only  is  the  state  of  the  weather  recorded,  but  hmts 
are  given  of  commerce,  of  the  ships  which  sailed  Narra- 
gansett  waters,  and  family  life  is  revealed  in  the  record  of 
a  grandfather  going  with  his  two  oldest  grandsons  to  place 
them  at  school,  and  in  the  constant  letters  he  wrote  to  his 
youngest  daughter. 

Life  was  much  the  same  as  in  our  own  day,  and  the  study 
of  an  old  book  of  dry  figures  and  brief  sentences  gives  us 
an  illuminating  glimpse  into  the  past. 

William  Dyer,  a  Rhode  Island  Dissenter  — 
From  Lincoln  or  Somerset? 

By  William  Allan  Dyer 

For  generations  the  ancestry  of  William  Dyre,  the  first 
General  Recorder  of  the  Colony  of  Rhode  Island  and 
Providence  Plantations,  and  that  of  his  wife,  Mary  Dyre, 
the  Quaker  martyr,  has  been  sought  in  vain. 

Many  years  ago  an  attempt  to  discover  it  was  made  by 
Professor  Louis  Dyer  of  Harvard  University,  when  he  was 
at  Oxford,  England.  He  made  some  investigations,  drew 


10  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

I  certain-conclusions  and  sent  them  to  "Somerset  Notes  and 
Queries,'''  a  'publication  in  England.  Afterwards  they  were 
reprinted  in  a  pamphlet  which  was  given  some  circulation. 

'  As  a  study  of  this  pamphlet  led  to  doubt  as  to  the  accuracy 
of  his  findings,  a  careful  analysis  was  made  and  the  papers 
sent  to  Mr.  Richard  Holworthy,  London,  England,  an 
antiquary  of  high  repute  and  a  member  of  the  firm  of 
Holworthy  and  Shilton.  Through  their  efforts,  we  believe 
that  the  immediate  ancestry  of  William  Dyre  has  finally 
been  established  beyond  a  doubt. 

It  is  here  given,  for  the  first  time,  as  a  contribution  to  the 
Tercentenary  Celebration  of  the  founding  of  Rhode  Island, 
through  the  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society. 

Before  telling  the  story,  it  will  be  helpful  and  perhaps 
illuminating  to  give  a  brief  history  of  William  and  Mary 
Dyre,  starting  from  their  arrival  in  New  England. 

The  first  reference  to  William  Dyre  is  in  the  records  of 
the  Town  of  Boston  in  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony,  showing 
him  to  have  been  a  resident  there  in  December  1635.  He 
was  made  a  freeman  at  Boston,  March  3,  1635/ 6. 

William  Dyre  and  his  wife  united  with  the  church  in 
Boston,  of  which  the  Rev.  John  Wilson  was  pastor,  in  1 635. 
It  was  this  same  Rev.  Wilson  who  reviled  Mary  Dyre 
when  she  went  to  execution  June  1,  1660.  The  church  rec- 
ords give  the  baptism  of  their  first-born  son,  Samuel  Dyre, 
on  December  20,  1635. 

At  a  Boston  Town  Meeting  held  the  23rd  of  the  1 1th 
month,  1635,  William  Dyre  was  chosen  Clerk  of  a  special 
commission.  The  eleventh  month  at  that  time  was  January, 
hence  the  date  would  be  January  23,  1636,  according  to 
present  day  reckoning.  At  this  meeting  it  was: 

"agreed  yt,  for  yc  raysing  of  a  new  Worke  of  fortification 
upon  ye  Fort  Hill,  about  yt  which  is  there  alreddy  begune,  the 
whole  town  would  bestowe  fourteene  dayes  worke  a  man.  For 
this  end,  Mr.  Deputie  (Bellingham),  Mr.  Harry  Vane,  Mr. 
John  Winthrop,  senr.,  Mr.  William  Coddington,  Mr.  John 


WILLIAM    DYER 


11 


WInthrop,  junr.,  Captain  John  UnderhiU  and  Mr.  William 
Brenton  are  authorized  as  Commissioners." 

They  were  directed  to  "sett  downe  how  many  dayes  worke 
would  be  equall  for  each  man  to  doe,  and  what  money  such 
should  contribute  beside  their  worke  as  were  of  greater  abilities 
and  had  fewer  servants,  that  therewith  provision  of  tooles  and 
other  necessaryes  might  bte  made,  and  some  recompence  given 
to  such  of  ye  poorer  sort  as  should  be  found  to  bee  overburdened 
with  their  fourteene  dayes  worke;  and  Mr.  John  Coogan  is 
chosen  Treasurer,  and  Mr.  William  Dyer,  Clarke,  for  ye  fur- 
therance of  this  worke." 

Two  years  later,  when  William  Dyre  was  one  of  the 
nineteen  persons  who  signed  on  March  7th,  1637/8,  the 
compact  for  the  settlement  of  Portsmouth,  Rhode  Island, 
he  was  again  chosen  Clerk.  Again,  when  he  and  others 
signed  an  agreement  for  the  settlement  of  Newport  on 
Rhode  Island,  he  was  chosen  Clerk.  And  when,  in  1647, 
the  government  of  Providence  Plantations  in  Narragansett 
Bay  was  set  up  under  the  first  charter,  William  Dyre  was 
chosen  General  Recorder  of  the  Colony. 

*         *         H:         *         * 

It  is  to  be  agreed  that  William  and  Mary  Dyre  arrived 
at  Boston  prior  to  December,  1635.  They  probably  came 
either  in  the  latter  part  of  1634  or  early  in  1635,  for  we 
know  now,  from  other  sources  and  evidence,  that  he  was 
in  London  in  1634. 

This  is  further  borne  out  by  the  allotment  of  land  shown 
on  the  Boston  records  of  December  14,  1635,  and  January 
8  1 637/8.  At  a  meeting  on  the  latter  date,  it  was  recorded 
that  "whereas  att  a  Generall  Meeting  the  14th  of  the  10th 
month  (December)  1 6?,S,  it  was  by  generall  Consent  agreed 
upon  for  the  laying  out  of  great  Allottments  unto  the  then 
Inhabitants,  the  same  are  now  brought  in."  Among  these 
"great  allotments"  were  those  of  Rumney  Marsh  and 
Pullen  Point,  within  the  town  of  Boston,  on  the  north  and 
northeast  side  of  the  harbor. 

"Mr.  William  Dyar"  received  42  acres,  "bounded  on 
the  North  with  Mr.  Glover,  on  the  East  with  the  Beach, 


12 


RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 


on  the  South  with  Mr.  Cole,  and  on  the  West  with  the 
highway." 

(See  rough  sketch  showing  relatively  the  position  of 
these  allotments  adjacent  to  that  of  "Mr.  William  Dyar.") 

The  "Great  Allotment"  of  Lands  at  Rumney  Marsh  and 
PuLLENs  Point  in  the  Town  of  Boston,  Mass.,  163  5-7 
Note:  This  sketch  is  an  imperfect  one — not  intended  to  be  accurate  except 
as  to  showing  the  relative  position  of  the  various  lots  and  their  owners,  as 
indicated  in  the  Boston  Records.  It  is  shown  here  for  the  purpose  of  indi- 
cating the  land  of  William  Dyer  and  that  of  his  neighbors.  Rumney  Marsh 
and  Pullens  Point  were  part  of  what  later  became  the  town  of  Chelsea,  and 
were  north  and  north-east  of  the  town  proper  of  Boston,  though  at  the 
time  included  in  the  boundaries  of  Boston. 

The  Great  Allotments  at  Rumney  Marsh  and  Pullen 
Point  were  made  to : 

Imprymis,  Mr.  Henry  Vane,  Esq. 
Mr.  John  Winthropp,  the  Elder 
James  Penn 


Mr.  John  Newgate 
*Mr.  John  Sanford 

Thomas  Marshall 

Thomas  Matson 

Benjamin  Gillam 

John  Gallopp 

Mr.  Robte  Keaine 
*Mr.  John  Coggeshall 

Mr.  John  Cogan 
*Mr.  Robte  Harding 

Nicholls  Willys 

John  Odlin 

Mr.  Richard  Tuttell 

Mr.  Glover 
*Mr.  William  Dyar 

Mr.  Samuel  Cole 
*Mr.  William  Brenton 
*  Mr.  William  Aspinwall 

(Those  starred  *  are  found  later  in  Rhode  Island  o 
connected  with  its  history.) 


200  acres 
150 

50 
112 
100 

70 

28 

28 

49 
314 
200 
210 
100 

40 

84 
161 

49 

42 
103 
164 
164 


WILLIAM    DYER 


13 


■^0  Pullen^  Point 


14  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

As  Rumney  Marsh  and  Pullen  Point  were  apportioned 
to  the  dwellers  in  Boston  for  farm  lands,  good  water  com- 
munication with  that  town  was  essential.  This  probably 
explains  William  Dyre's  part-ownership  in  a  Dock  in 
Boston.  Eight  of  the  fourteen  owners  of  the  Dock  were 
land  holders  at  Rumney  Marsh  across  the  harbor.  This 
Dock  was  conveyed  on  March  25,  1 639,  to  Richard  Parker, 
merchant. 

William  Dyer's  "house-plot"  Was  in  the  vicinity  of  what 
is  now  Summer  Street  in  the  present  business  district  of  the 
City.  This  is  proven  by  the  Town  of  Boston  Records  under 
date  of  19th  of  12th  month  (February),  1637/8. 

Evidently  William  Dyre  did  not  hold  his  Rumney  Marsh 
land  long.  Chamberlain,  in  his  history  of  Chelsea,  says, 
that  when  on  September  23,  1639,  Elizabeth  Glover, 
widow,  sold  the  49  acres  allotted  to  her  husband,  they 
abutted  on  the  lands  of  Samuel  Cole,  towards  the  South. 
Thus  Cole  must  have  acquired  the  Dyre  allotment,  which, 
on  January  8,  1637/8,  was  Glover's  southern  boundary. 

By  the  time  the  bounds  of  the  Rumney  Marsh  and 
Pullen  Point  allotments  were  finally  described  and  re- 
corded, January  8,  1637/8,  the  religious  controversy  in 
Boston  had  reached  its  climax.  Mr.  John  Wheelwright  was 
called  into  Court  for  opinions  expressed  in  a  sermon 
preached  on  a  special  day  of  Fast,  and  was  adjudged  guilty 
of  sedition  and  also  of  contempt.  The  Governor,  Henry 
Vane,  and  a  few  others  protested  against  the  decision  of  the 
Court.  The  Church  of  Boston  tendered  a  petition  in  behalf 
of  Mr.  Wheelwright.  Seeing  he  had  so  many  and  such 
strong  friends,  the  Court  concluded  to  Suspend  sentence 
until  the  next  Court.  In  the  end,  after  a  delay  of  some 
months,  he  was  sentenced  to  banishment  from  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  Boston. 

Drake,  in  his  History  of  Boston,  says  that  Mr.  Wheel- 
wright's followers  persisted  in  their  opinions  and  the  Court 


WILLIAM    DYER  15 

decided  to  proceed  against  the  persons  who  had  signed  the 
petition  in  his  favor.  Singly,  and  in  groups,  they  were  called 
before  the  Court,  William  Dyre  w;as  summoiled  with  three 
ofJier  of  the  "principal  stirring  men."  i3yre  had  little  to  say 
for  himself,  the  account  says.  William  Coddington  was  a 
member  of  this  Court,  wh4ch  may  explain  in  part  the  antip- 
athy shown  later  by  William  Dyre  toward  Coddington, 
when  they  were  settled  on  Rhode  Island.  > 

-  William  Dyre  signed  the  petition  on  March  1 5,  1 637/8, 
as  a  result  of  which  he  was  disfranchised  eight  months  later 
— on  November  1 5,  1 637.  Five  days  still  later,  on  Novem- 
ber 20,  1637,  by  order  of  the  General  Court,  he  and  fifty 
or  more  others  of  the  petitioners  were  disarmed  "because' 
the  opinions  and-revelations  of  Mr.  Wheelwright  and  Mrs. 
Hutchinson  have  seduced  and  led  Into  dangerous  errors 
many  of  the  people  here  in  New  England." 

Among  those  disfranchised  and  disarmed,  were  the  fol- 
lowing who  fled  to  Rhode  Island: 

William  Hutchinson  William  Baulstone  ' 

William  Aspinwall  William  Freeborne 

William  Dyre  Henry  Bull 

John  Sanford  John  Walker 

Samuel  Wilbore  Mr.  Clarke 

Thomas  Savage  John  Coggeshall 

Edward  Hutchinson  Philip  Sherman 

'     '  Richard  Carder  Edward  Hutchinson,  Jr. 

John  Porter 

"All  were  ordered  to  deliver  their  arms  at  Mr.  Keayne's 
house  in  Boston,  before  the  30th  of  November,  under  penalty 
of  £1  0  for  every  default;  guns,  pistols,  swords,  powder,  shot  and 
match ;  and  they  were  forbidden  to-  buy  or  borrow."  . 

j);         >jc         >|<         ;}c         >fj 

The  so-called  Antinomian  movement  led  by  Ann  Hutch- 
inson and  Mr.  Wheelwright  and  the  teaching  and  preaching 
of  Roger  Williams  had  stirred  the  Colony. 

Mary  Dyre,  ever  more  active  in  religious  matters  than' 
her  husband  —  certainly  more  militant  than  he  —  had  not' 


16  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

been  a  mere  onlooker  in  these  controversies.  She  had 
warmly  espoused  the  cause  of  Wheelwright  and  his  sister- 
in-law,  Ann  (Marbury)  Hutchinson,  and  we  shrewdly 
opine  that  William  Dyre  at  this  period  was  greatly  influ- 
enced by  his  wife.  It  was  Governor  Winthrop  who  said  that 
when  Ann  Hutchinson  was  cast  out  of  the  Church,  "Mrs. 
Dyre  walked  out  with  her,  in  the  presence  of  the  whole 
congregation." 

A  brave,  or  a  bold  thing  to  do,  as  one  looks  at  it.  A  show- 
ing of  colors,  or  an  impetuous  act  —  depending  upon  the 
point  of  view. 

Mrs.  Cornelia  Joy  Dyer  in  her  book,  "Some  Records  of 
the  Dyer  Family,"  says  of  Marie  Dire  (as  she  herseff 
spelled  her  name):  "Her  apparent  character  and  vigorous 
expression  of  the  same,  no  doubt  caused  her  to  be  looked 
upon  as  a  formidable  opponent  of  the  orthodox  Puritans." 

This  may  the  more  readily  explain  why  she  was  so 
quickly  arrested  in  1 657,  when  she  returned  from  England, 
as  a  Friend  or  "Quaker." 

*        >K        * 

In  1636 — three  hundred  years  ago — came  the  banish- 
ment of  Roger  Williams  from  Massachusetts  Bay  and  the 
settlement  of  Rhode  Island! 

Later,  upon  the  banishment  of  Ann  Hutchinson  and 
Wheelwright  and  the  disfranchisement  and  disarming  of 
their  adherents,  William  Dyre  joined  eighteen  others  in 
the  settlement  of  the  Island  of  Acquidneck — the  "Island 
of  Peace" — afterwards  named  Rhode  Island.  This  settle- 
ment was  at  Pocasset,  later  called  Portsmouth.  The  location 
was  recommended  by  Roger  Williams  and  he  was  instru- 
mental in  securing  the  title  to  it  for  the  settlers,  from  the 
Indians. 

The  deed  for  the  purchase  of  the  Islands  of  Acquidneck, 
Canonicut,  etc.,  from  the  Indians  was  made  to  William 
Coddington,  John  Clarke  and  their  associates,  and  bears 
the  date  of  March  24,  1636/7.  It  was  witnessed  by  Roger 
Williams  and  Randall  Holden. 


WILLIAM    DYER  17 

The  consideration  given  for  its  purchase  was: 

10  fathoms  of  Wampumpeage  &  1  broadcloth  coat  to  Miantonomi 
5  fathoms  of  Wampumpeage  &  1  coat  to  Washahansett 

5  fathoms  of  Wampumpeage  to  Wanimemtoni 

2  fathoms  of  Wampumpeage  &  23  coats  &  1  to 

I  3  ditto  for  Indians    >  Miantonomi 
•>       &    2  turkeys  J   &  Canonicus 

The  Portsmouth  Compact  was  drawn  up  by  the  signers 
before  leaving  Providence,  whither  they  had  gone  after 
leaving  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  was  signed  March  7, 
1637/8. 

It  reads  as  follows: 

"The  7th  day  of  the  first  month  (March)  1637/8: — We, 
whose  names  are  underwritten  doe  here  solemnly,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  JEHOVAH,  incorporate  ourselves  into  a  Body  Politick, 
and  as  He  shall  help,  will  submit  our  persons,  lives  and  estates 
unto  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  the  King  of  Kings  and  the  Lord  of 
Lords,  and  to  all  those  perfect  and  most  absolute  laws  of  His, 
given  in  his  Holy  Word  of  truth,  to  be  guided  and  judged 
thereby." 

"Exodus  XXIV,  3-4 ;  2nd  Chron.  XI,  3-4 ;  2nd  Kings  XI,  1 7." 
The  signers  were: 
William  Coddington       Edward  Hutchinson       William  Baulstone 
William  Aspinwall  Philip  Sherman  John  Sanford 

Richard  Carder  John  Coggeshall  Wm.  Freeborne 

Randall  Holden  John  Walker  Wm.  Hutchinson 

William  Dyre  Henry  Bull  John  Porter 

Rev.  John  Clarke  Thomas  Savage  Edward  Hutchinson,  Jr. 

Samuel  Wilbore 

Callender  speaks  of  these  settlers  as  "largely  Antino- 
mians  and  adherents  of  Ann  Hutchinson,  who  were  called 
Turitans  of  the  highest  form.'  Their  opponents  in  Massa- 
chusetts Bay  called  the  Antinomian  doctrine  'Calvinism  run 
to  seed'."  Perhaps  the  phraseology  of  their  civil  Compact 
justifies  the  remark. 

Later  came  a  disagreement  and  the  settlement  of 
Newport  by  a  few  of  these  men.  In  this,  William  Dyre  took 
part.  Here  follows  the  Newport  Compact: 

"It  is  agreed  by  us  whose  hands  are  underwritten,  to  propa- 
gate a  Plantation  in  the  midst  of  the  Island  or  elsewhere;  and 
doe  engage  ourselves -to  bear  equal  charges,  answerable  to  our 


18  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

Strength  and  estate,  in  common.  And  that  our  determination 
shall  be  bv  major  voice  of  Judges  and  Elders,  the  Judge  to  have  . 
a  double  vote." 
Signed: 

William  Coddington,  Judge  Henry  Bull 

Nicholas  Easton             '  Jeremy  Clarke 

William  Brenton                        ■'  John  Coggeshall 

John  Clarke-  William  Dyre          Elders 

Thomas  Hazard  Clerk 

This  settlement,  called  Newport,  became  and  was  for 
many  years,  the  leading  one  on  the  Island.  Later,  it  and 
Portsmouth  were  combined,  though  still  separate  Towns. 
The  titles.  Judge  and  Elders,  were  abolished  and  the  chief 
officers  were  called  Governor,  Deputy-Governor  and 
Assistants. 

In  1 648,  William  Dyre  was  called  "Lieutenant." 
In  1653,  he  was  named  "Captain"  "to  go  against  the 
Dutch  by  sea.^^ 

:)c         >!c         jjc         ;lc         ^ 

While  suppositions  as  to  the  ancestry  of  William  Dyre 
have  appeared  in  print  from  time  to  time,  the  only  real 
attempt  to  discover  it  was  that  made  about  1899  by 
Professor  Louis  Dyer  of  Harvard  University  while  he 
was  at  Oxford.  His  findings  were  given  in  "Somerset  & 
Dorset  Notes  and  Queries,"  an  English  publication,  and 
were  afterward  reprinted  as  a  pamphlet  under  the  title, 

"WILLIAM  DYER,  A  SOMERSET  ROYALIST  IN  NEW  ENGLAND." 

This  passed  current  since  that  time  as  the  only  written 
statement  with  any  evidence  attached  and  supporting.  In  it 
he  made  these  assertions: 

L  That  William  Dyer  was  a  Somersetshire  man  accord- 
ing to  tradition  in  the  family. 

2.  That  in  the  course  of  several  years,  he  had  "looked  up 
facts  and  dates  about  a  very  large  number  of  Englishmen 
who  lived  at  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  and  the  beginning  of 
the  seventeenth  centuries  and  bore  the  name  of  William 
Dyer,  and  the  only  one  with  whom  it  is  possible  to  identify 
the  Rhode  Island  Colonist  is  the  William  Dyer,  entered  in 


WILLIAM    DYER  19 

the  ^Visitation  of  Somersetshire  of  1623'  among  the  Dyers 
of  Sharpham  Park,  as  eldest  son  of  George  Dyer  and 
Dorothy  Shirley  of  Bratton  St.  Maur  (Seymour),  near 
Wincanton,  and  a  great-nephew  of  the  distinguished 
Elizabethan  Judge,  Sir  James  Dyer."  Then  Professor  Dyer 
went  on  to  say  that  "There  is  no  mention  of  this  American 
Colonist,  William  Dyer,  in  English  documents  other  than 
Colonial,  unless  we  identify  him  with  the  William  Dyer 
above"  who  was  36  years  of  age  in  1623,  according  to  this 
"Visitation  of  Somersetshire"  of  that  year. 

3.  While  h^  speaks  vaguely  of  a  possibility  that 
William  Dyer  had  had  some  sea-faring  experience  in  his 
earliest  manhood,  he  states,  "we  find  him  at  the  age  of  40 
or  thereabouts  ( 1 627)  in  London  as  a  ^Milliner  in  the  N:',v 
Exchange'  "  and  adds,  "There  is  no  trace  of  him  on  the 
records  at  Haberdasher's  Hall,  but  something  might  per- 
haps be  found  in  the  records  of  the  Mercers  Company," 
which  latter  he  did  not  examine.  Further,  he  says,  "He  may 
perfectly  well  have  been  a  seafaring  man  enrolled  as  a 
member  of  a  London  Guild." 

4.  That  he  was  a  "Milliner  in  the  New  Exchange,"  he 
says,  "we  depend  upon  the  statements  to  that  effect  by  no 
less  a  person  that  Gov.  John  Winthrop."  The  first,  made 
in  October,  1637,  is  in  a  document  found  among  the 
Conway  papers  at  the  Public  Record  Office,  London  (Colo- 
nial Papers  IX-74)  signed  by  John  Winthrop,  in  which  he 
refers  to  William  and  Mary  Dyer  in  the  following  words: 
"One  Mary  Dyer,  wife  of  William  Dyer,  sometime  milli- 
ner in  the  New  Exchange,  London,  ^eing  both  young  and 
very  comely  fersons?^  The  second  statement  of  Winthrop's, 
is  that  from  his  Diary,  under  date  of  1st  month  (March) 
1638  in  his  account  of  Mrs.  Ann  Hutchinson  being  cast  out 
of  the  Church  at  Boston,  and  Mary  Dyer  of  her  own  will 
joining  and  following  her.  Winthrop  refers  to  her  as  "The 
wife  of  one  William  Dyer,  a  milliner  in  the  New  Exchange" 
and  adds,  "For  Mrs.  Dyer  going  forth  with  her,  a  stranger 
asked  what  young  woman  it  was? " 


20  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

5.  The  other  statement  which  Professor  Dyer  stressed 
was  that  "it  is  well  attested  that  the  Dyers  in  Somersetshire 
were  on  the  losing  side  in  the  struggle  between  Charles  I 
and  the  Roundheads.  Accordingly,  the  falling  fortunes  of 
his  people  might  be  assigned  as  William  Dyer's  reason  for 
migrating  to  Massachusetts  Bay." 

Analyzing  Professor  Dyer's  article: 

If  William  Dyre  of  Rhode  Island  were  the  William 
Dyer  of  the  "Visitation  of  Somersetshire  of  1623,"  he 
would  have  been  born  in  1587  and  been  48  years  of  age  in 
1635  when  his  first  child,  Samuel,  was  baptized  in  Boston. 
Presumably,  Mary,  his  wife,  was  about  his  age.  If  so,  she 
would  have  been  beyond  the  age  of  child-bearing  after 
1635.  Yet  they  had  six  more  children,  born  respectively  in 
1637,  1640,  1642,  1643/4,  1647,  and  the  last,  Charles, 
born  in  1650,  when  his  father  would  have  been  63  years 
old.  Moreover,  he  would  have  been  75  when  his  youngest 
child,  Elizabeth,  by  his  second  wife,  Catherine,  was  bornj 
and  he  would  have  been  90  in  1677  when  he  died — which 
he  was  not. 

The  second  premise  made  by  Professor  Dyer  that  came 
under  doubt,  was  that  which  indicated  that  William  Dyre 
was  a  Royalist.  On  August  30,  1 659,  when  his  wife  was  held 
incommunicado  in  prison  in  Boston,  William  Dyre  wrote 
a  pathetic  letter  to  the  Massachusetts  authorities,  complain- 
ing bitterly  of  their  treatment  of  his  wife.  It  is  found  in 
the  Chamberlain  Collection  in  the  Boston  Public  Library, 
and  was  published  in  the  Nation^  May  29,  1902,  through 
the  offices  of  Mr.  Worthington  C.  Ford. 

William  Dyre  writes: 

"Having  received  some  letters  from  my  wife,  I  am  given  to 
understand  of  her  commitment  to  close  prison.  .  .  . 

"Though  wet  to  the  skin,  she  was  thrust  into  a  room  wherein 
was  nothing  to  sit  or  lie  upon  but  dust.  Had  your  dog  been  wet, 


WILLIAM    DYER  21 

you  would  have  afforded  it  a  chimney  corner  to  dry  itself,  or 
had  your  hogs  been  penned  in  a  sty,  you  would  have  afforded 
them  some  dry  straw,  or  else  you  would  have  wanted  mercy  to 
your  beast,  but  alas,  Christians  now  with  you  are  used  worse 
than  hogs  or  dogs.  .  .  . 

"Even  the  worst  of  men,  the  Bishops  themselves,  denied  not 
the  visitation  and  relief"  of  friends  to  their  wants  which  /, 
myself,  have  oft  experienced  by  visiting  Mr.  Prine,  Mr.  Smart 
and  other  eminent  (....)  when  he  was  cotnmanded  close  in 
the  Tower.  I  had  resort  once  or  twice  a  week  and  never  fetched 
before  authority  to  ask  m,e  whereof  I  came  to  the  Tower  or 
King^s  Bench  or  Gate  House.  .  .  . 

"Hath  not  people  in  America  the  same  liberty  as  beasts  and 
birds  have  to  pass  the  land  or  air  without  examination?  ...  It  is 
not  to  be  forgotten  the  former  cruelties  you  used  towards  her 
when  she  carne  from  England,  having  been  tossed  at  sea  all 
winter,  but  a  little  refreshment  that  had  by  cross  winds  at 
Barbadoes,  yet  as  soon  as  come  into  Harbour  shut  up  in  prison 
and  there  kept  ...  for  no  transgression  at  all,  only  that  Mr. 
Bellingham  then  as  now,  said  she  was  a  Quaker.  .  .  . 

"Where  your  law  or  rule  to  keep  a  man's  wife  from  him  seven 
or  eight  weeks  and  a  mother  from  her  children,  in  a  capacity  of 
a  close  prison,  which  admits  of  no  baylement?  ..." 
"so  saith 

"her  husband 
W.  Dyre" 

"Newport,  this  30th  August,  1659 

"To  ye  Court  of  Assistants  now  assembled  at  Boston  this  6th 

September,  1659." 

This  was  endorsed:  "To  ye  Court  of  Assistants,  delivered  into 

ye  Court  by  his  wife,  Mary  Dyre,  7th.   7th  mo.  59."  (Sept.  7, 

1659) 

Note:  The  word  left  blank  (....)  is  so  stained  in  the  original 

letter  that  it  is  not  legible. 

While  this  letter  is  interesting  from  many  angles,  the 
principal  purpose  in  quoting  from  it  here,  is  to  show  that 
William  Dyre,  while  in  London,  between  the  midsummer 
of  1633  and  the  end  of  the  year  1634,  visited  Prynne, 
Smart  and  other  dissenters  in  the  Tower  of  London  and 
prison.  Prynne  was  a  dissenting  Barrister  who  had  had  his 
ears  cut  off,  been  put  in  the  Stock  in  St.  Paul's  Churchyard 
and  been  imprisoned  in  the  Tower  of  London  in  1633/4 


22  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

because  of  his  pamphlet,  "Histrio-Mastrix,"  a  treatise 
against  the  stage  plays,  which  was  regarded  as  an  aspersion 
upon  Queen  Henrietta. 

McGregor,  in  his  "History  of  Great  Britain,"  character- 
izes him  as  "a  man  who  carried  ideas  of  Puritanism  so  far 
as  to  denounce  the  most  harmless  amusements  with  the 
most  ridiculous  prejudice." 

How,  therefore,  could  a  man  who  was  a  sympathizer 
with  Puritan  dissenters,  going  to  the  length  of  visiting  them 
in  the  Tower  of  London  —  a  dissenter  himself,  as  shown  in 
New  England  and  having  already  indicated  it  before  going 
from  London  —  be  considered  a  Royalist  with  all  the  name 
implied  at  that  time? 

Convinced,  then,  that  the  ancestry  of  William  Dyre  was 
still  undiscovered,  and  having  secured  all  the  data  possible 
in  this  country,  we  determined  to  have  a  search  made  in 
England.  Through  the  interest  of  Mr.  G.  Andrews 
Moriarty  of  Bristol,  R.  L,  himself  a  genealogist  of  note, 
we  were  assured  that  the  key  to  possible  success  was  an  entry 
in  the  Lay  Subsidy  Rolls  in  the  Public  Record  Office  in 
London  —  mention  of  which  was  made  in  the  New  Eng- 
land Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  Vol.  61  (1907). 

The  Lay  Subsidy  Rolls  were  examined  and  in  an  assess- 
ment for  the  poll  tax  of  members  of  the  Fishmongers  Guild, 
the  following  entry  was  found: 

"August  19,  1641 — William  Dyer,  Millyner,  now  in  New 
England." 

A  search  of  the  records  of  the  Fishmongers  Guild  was 
made,  and  the  following  information  found: 

"Dier,  William,  son  of  William  Dicr,  yoman  of  Kerkbie  in 
the  Co.  of  Lincoln,  apprenticed  20.6.162  5  for  nine  years  (to 
date  from  Mids(summer)  1624)  to  Walter  Blackborne, 
fishmonger." 

The  next  step  was  to  find  which  Kirkby  in  Lincolnshire 
it  was  from  which  William  Dyre  came.  There  are  six 
Kirkbys  in  Lincolnshire,  viz:  Kirkby  on  Bain,  Kirkby  cum 
Osgoodby,  Kirkby  Green,  Kirkby  Underwood,  East 
Kirkby  and  Kirkby  Laythorpe. 


WILLIAM    DYER  23 

The  records  of  each  were  examined.  Nothing  was  found 
in  the  first  five  of  these,  through  a  search  of  the  Parish 
Registers. 

The  Parish  Registers  of  Kirkby  Laythorpe  are  in  exist- 
ence only  from  the  year  1660,  consequently  the  Bishop's 
Transcripts  were  relied^  upon  and  searched.  These  were 
found  for  the  years  1 590  to  1615,  and  here  was  discovered 
the  entry  desired,  giving  the  date  of  the  baptism  of  William 
Dyrej  that  of  his  brother,  Nicholas  (older)  j  that  of  his 
sister,  Margaret  (younger) ;  the  Transcript  being  signed 
on  Ladyday  1610  by  the  father,  William  Dyer,  Church- 
warden (the  one  who  had  apprenticed  his  son,  William — 
William  of  Rhode  Island — in  1623,  to  Walter  Blackborne, 
fishmonger).     - 

Extracts  from  the  Parish  Registers 
Kirkby  Laythorpe,  County  Lincoln 

1590  TO  1615 

1606/7  Nicholas  Dyer,  the  sonn  of  Will'm  was  bap- 
tissed  Februarie  the  XIX 

1609  William  Dyer,  the  son  of  William  Dyer  was 
baptized  the  XlXth  of  September 

1610  Ladyday.      William    Dyer,    churchwarden 
signs  the  transcript. 

1610  Margrett  Dyer,  the  daughter  of  WilPm  Dyer 
was  baptized  September  the  XXI jth 

1611  Missing. 

This  shows  that  William  Dyer,  identified  as  William 
Dyre,  the  Colonist  of  Rhode  Island,  was  baptized  at  Kirkby 
Lathorpe,  County  Lincoln,  England,  on  September  19th, 
1609,  and  that  his  father  was  William  Dyer,  Church- 
warden. 

A  further  search  was  made  and  is  now  continuing,  though 
as  yet  without  avail,  to  discover  the  ancestry  of  William 
Dyer,  the  father  of  William  of  Rhode  Island. 


24  RHODE    ISLAND   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

We  have  gone  so  far  as  to  satisfy  ourselves  that  he  was 
not  of  a  Lincolnshire  family.  The  rather  strong  possibility 
is  that  he  was  the  William  Dyer,  son  of  John  Dyer,  the 
younger,  and  his  second  wife,  Jane  Ernley  (Byfleet)  of  the 
"Visitation  of  Somersetshire  of  1623" — a  younger  brother 
of  George  Dyer  of  Bratton-St.  Maur  (Seymour)  mentioned 
in  Professor  Dyer's  pamphlet.  If  so,  he  was  a  nephew  of 
Sir  James  Dyer,  Chief  Justice  of  the  Court  of  Common 
Pleas  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  time,  whose  will  was  made  in 
1581.  We  are  by  no  means  sure  of  this,  though  a  study  of 
the  habitat  of  the  Dyers  of  England  points  strongly  to 
Somersetshire. 

The  discovery  of  the  baptismal  record  of  William  Dyre 
clears  up  many  points.  The  date,  September  19,  1609,  is 
consistent  with  Governor  Winthrop's  characterization  of 
him  as  "young"  in  1637,  when  he  was  about  28  years  of  age. 
It  confirms  our  opinion  that  the  age  of  his  wife,  Mary,  was 
not  far  from  his,  though  likely  a  bit  younger.  It  gives  us 
some  data  from  which  to  proceed  to  ascertain  his  further 
ancestry. 

A  reading  of  the  history  of  the  London  Companies  or 
Guilds,  leaves  no  doubt  of  the  meaning  of  the  word,  Milli- 
ner, attached  to  William  Dyre's  name.  A  Milliner  was  one 
who  sold  small  wares  and  he  was  so  styled  because  he 
imported  goods  chiefly  from  Milan  in  Italy.  The  trade  of 
Milliner  was  a  branch  of  the  Haberdasher's  trade.  The 
Milliners  imported  such  articles  as  "pouches,  broches, 
agglets,  spurs,  capes,  glasses,  French  and  Spanish  gloves, 
French  cloth  of  frizard  (Frieze),  daggers,  swords,  knives, 
Flanders-dyed  kersies,  Spanish  girdles,  dials,  tables,  etc." 
Ditchfield  in  his  book,  "The  Story  of  the  City  Companies," 
says  that  the  Milliner  often  became  a  wealthy  and  impor- 
tant person. 

The  privilege  of  becoming  a  member  in  one  of  the 
London  Companies  was  obtained  in  three  ways:  "by  patri- 
mony, apprenticeship  and  redemption."  Apparently 
William  Dyre  became  a  member  by  the  second  method. 


WILLIAM    DYER  25 

That  he  was  in  the  Fishmongers  Company,  though  a 
Milliner,  is  explained  by  the  fact  that  the  right  of  member- 
ship was  also  hereditary.  "All  lineal  descendants  of  a 
freeman  had  a  right  to  become  freemen.  Hence,  in  course 
of  time  all  the  freemen  may  in  no  way  be  connected  with 
the  trade  which  the  name^of  the  fraternity  bears." 

The  apprentices  of  the  Fishmongers  Company  were  kept 
very  strictly  and  the  rules  stated  that  "vicious  and  unruled 
apprentices,  and  using  dice,  cards,  or  any  such  games,  or 
haunting,  resorting  to  taverns,  or  for  other  misbehaving" 
should  be  punished, 

Walter  Blackborne,  to  whom  William  Dyre  was  appren- 
ticed, though  a  member  of  the  Fishmongers  Company 
probably  had  no  -connection  with  the  fishing  industry.  He, 
too,  was  doubtless  a  Milliner,  if  it  were  he  who  was  in 
Boston  in  1638  to  1640.  It  seems  positive  it  was  he,  for 
the  Boston  man  was  styled  "shopkeeper"  in  one  legal  docu- 
ment and  "Walter  Blackborne  of  London,  Haberdasher," 
in  another.  When  he  was  about  to  sail  for  old  England,  he 
gave  his  wife,  Elizabeth,  a  power  of  attorney,  dated  22  of 
1st  month  (March)  1640/1,  to  dispose  of  his  property  in 
New  England  and  to  receive  money  owing  him.  Some 
months  later  she  sold  his  dwelling  house  and  "shop  new 
built,"  payment  to  be  made  to  Walter  Blackborne  in  Lon- 
don. She  evidently  returned  to  England  afterward.  The 
will  of  "Walter  Blackborne  of  London,  Fishmonger"  was 
proved  at  London,  30th  December,  1657,  by  Elizabeth 
Blackborne,  the  relict.  He  expressed  in  his  will  the  desire 
to  be  buried  in  the  "north  Isle  of  Michael  in  Crooked 
Lane."  The  Fishmongers  Company,  ever  careful  to  dis- 
charge their  religious  obligations,  had  built  in  1 499,  a  chapel 
in  the  Parish  Church  of  St.  Michael  in  Crooked  Lane. 

The  discovery  of  the  apprenticeship  record  of  William 
Dyre  establishes  his  marriage  to  Mary  as  occurring  prob- 
ably in  or  near  London,  between  midsummer  of  1633  and 
March  1 635.  We  had  hoped  that  her  parentage  might  have 
been  found  in  time  to  give  it  with  that  of  William  Dyre  at 


26  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

this  most  appropriate  time  —  the  three  hundredth  anni- 
versary of  the  founding  of  Rhode  Island. 

Her  history,  after  her  arrival  in  New  England,  is  well 
known  and  has  been  the  subject  of  innumerable  treatises, 
but  back  of  that  time  it  is  shrouded  in  mystery. 

There  is  a  fascinating  story  of  her  birth  and  early  history, 
which,  if  true,  will  be  a  real  contribution  to  Rhode  Island, 
as  well  as  Massachusetts  history  —  but  that  is  another 
matter. 

We  are  glad  on  our  part,  even  at  this  late  day,  to  have 
made  this  little  contribution  to  Rhode  Island  history  and  its 
Tercentenary, through  the  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society. 

The  writer  wishes  to  say  that  in  this  research  and  investi- 
gation, the  late  Henry  B.  Bradford  of  Wilmington,  Dela- 
ware, a  graduate  of  Yale  College  and  himself  a  direct 
descendant  of  William  and  Mary  Dyre  of  Rhode  Island; 
and  Miss  Theresa  E.  Dyer  of  Brookline,  Massachusetts, 
have  had  quite  as  large  a  part  as  he  himself,  and  much  of 
the  success  of  our  joint  efforts  is  due  to  them,  especially  to 
Miss  Dyer. 

For  himself,  it  has  been  a  labor  of  pride,  since  he  is 
descended  himself  from  several  of  the  original  settlers  of 
Portsmouth  and  Newport,  and  his  wife  is  a  direct  descend- 
ant of  Roger  Williams  and  many  of  his  associates  in  the 
Providence  and  Warwick  settlements. 


Marriage  Records,  Westerly,  1724-1729 

Communicated  by  Susan  Stanton  Brayton 

Joseph  Clarke  (1642/3-1726/7)  was  the  town  clerk  of 
Westerly,  R.  I.,  from  the  incorporation  of  the  town  in  1 669 
until  1700.  He  copied  the  town  records — at  least  in  part — 
for  his  own  convenience,  in  a  book  yet  extant.  The  pages 
which  he  did  not  fill  were  used  by  his  descendants  for 
various  purposes. 


WESTERLY  MARRIAGE  RECORDS  27 

The  material  here  quoted  is  found  on  a  single  sheet  of 
paper,  whose  pages  are  numbered  1 5  and  1 6.  This  sheet  is 
pinned  into  the  above  mentioned  book.  The  entries  were 
made  evidently  by  the  same  person  and  at  the  same  time. 
The  signature  of  "Samuell  Clark"  is  in  a  different  hand. 
It  is  probable  that  these  records  were  copied  from  an  earlier 
and  original  manuscript. 

Samuel  Clarke  (1672-1769)  was  the  son  of  Joseph 
Clarke.  He  probably  lived  in  what  is  now  Richmond,  north 
of  the  Pawcatuck,  and  east  of  Beaver  River,  on  land  deeded 
to  him  in  171  7,  by  his  father,  who  had  acquired  it  in  1 694. 

Abstract  of  records  with  contemporary  verbiage  omitted. 

William  Fannin  of  Westerly  and  Liddia  Babcock  widow 
and  Relick  to  Robert  Babcock  Late  of  Westerly  November 
1 724  in  Westerly. 

Matthew  Randel  Ju^-  of  Stoningtown  and  Goodeth  Max- 
son,  Daughter  of  Joseph  maxson  of  y^-  town  of  Westerly 
18th  of  November  1725. 

Samuel  Mott  of  South  Kingston  and  Hannah  York  of  y^- 
town  of  Westerly  6th  day  of  January  1725/6. 

Elisha  Engrom  of  Stoning  Town  and  Rebeckah  Babcock 
of  y^-  town  of  Westerly  Second  Day  of  June  1 726. 

Gideon  Hoxie  of  y^-  Town  of  Westerly  and  Elizabeth 
Long  of  the  Town  and  Colony  above  sd  Seventh  Day  of 
January  1726/7. 

Peter  Wells  of  South  Kingston  and  Susanna  Barker  of  y^- 
town  of  Westerly  Seventh  Day  of  January  1 726/7 

John  Saunders  J^nero  Qf  Westerly  and  Reed  Pendelton  of 
y^-  town  and  Colony  above  sd  October  the  31  1728. 

Latham  Clark  of  y«-  town  of  Westerly  and  Elizabeth 
Larkin  of  the  Town  and  Colony  above  sd  29th  Day  of 
June  1728. 

Jonathan  Burdick  of  the  Town  of  Westerly  and  Judeth 
Clark  of  y^-  Town  and  Colony  above  sd  20th  Day  February 
1729. 

Silvanas  Greenman  and  Sarah  Renyals  both  of  South 
Kingstown  3 1  Day  of  October  1 729. 


28  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 


New  Publications  of  Rhode  Island  Interest 

Ancient  Paths  of  Pequot  by  William  Davis  Miller  is  a 
pamphlet  of  1 6  pages  with  a  map  by  Norman  M.  Isham, 
which  has  been  issued  by  the  Society  of  Colonial  Wars. 

A  Short  History  of  Beaver  Tail  Light  by  William 
Gilman  Low  has  been  issued  as  Bulletin  Number  7  of  the 
Jamestown  Historical  Society. 

The  Story  of  Pettaquamscutt  by  Mary  Kenyon  Huling 
of  Lafayette,  R.  L,  has  been  published  as  a  pamphlet  of 
27  pages  with  a  map. 

Trinity  Church  in  Newport,  Rhode  Island.  A  History 
of  the  Fabric  by  Norman  Morrison  Isham  is  an  illustrated 
volume  of  1 1 1  pages  published  by  the  Merrymount  Press, 
Boston. 

The  Story  of  the  Jezvs  of  Newport  by  Morris  A.  Gutstein 
is  an  illustrated  volume  of  393  pages. 

A  new  edition  of  Roger  Williams'  A  Key  into  the  Lan- 
guage of  America  has  been  published  by  the  Rhode  Island 
and  Providence  Plantations  Tercentenary  Committee,  Inc. 

An  article  by  Canon  A.  A.  Luce  on  Two  Sermons  by 
Bishop  Berkeley  appeared  in  the  September  1936  issue  of 
the  Proceedings  of  the  Royal  Irish  Acadefny. 


The  Gore  Roll  of  Arms 

By  Harold  Bowditch 

{Continued  from  Vol.  XX !X,  fage  128) 

41.  (41.)  (34.) 

WiNTHROP. 

Arms :  Silver  three  chevrons  gules  a  lion  sable. 

Wreath:   Silver,  gules. 

Crest:  On  a  mount  vert  a  running  hare  proper. 


GORE   ROLL   OF   ARMS  29 

Legend:  Waight  Winthrop  Esqr.  Major  gene'll.  /  of 
the  prouince  of  ye  Masechusets,  Chef  /  Justce  of  ye  Cort  of 
Asize  and  One  /  of  his  Maj's.  Counsell ...  1717. 

Notes:  Below  the  shield  appears  the  Winthrop  motto: 
Spes  Vincit  Thronumj  and  beside  the  sinister  side  of  the 
shield  is  written  2'^j  both"  are  in  ink  and  appear  to  be  con- 
temporary with  the  rest  of  the  work.  A  puzzling  circum- 
stance is  the  fact  that  although  Whitmore  mentions  the 
inclusion  of  the  motto  no  trace  of  it  appears  in  the  Child 
copyj  possibly  Mr.  Child  remembered  it  and  spoke  of  it  to 
Mr.  Whitmore.  The  other  notation  might  be  taken  to  indi- 
cate the  fact  that  this  is  the  second  occurrence  of  the 
Winthrop  arms  alone  in  the  Gore  Roll,  the  first  being  in 
No.  1  j  they  are  impaled  in  the  case  of  No.  10.  It  can  not, 
I  hope,  indicate  the  price  paid  for  the  painting — twopence! 

Whitmore  identifies  W^ait-Still  Winthrop,  who  died  in 
November  1717,  as  the  son  of  Governor  John  Winthrop 
of  Connecticut  and  the  grandson  of  Governor  John  Win- 
throp of  Massachusetts,  hence  the  nephew  of  Dean 
Winthrop  whose  arms  appear  in  No.  1 . 

42.  (42.)  (35.) 
Paige. 

Arms:  Silver  a  bend  sable  charged  with  three  eagles 
silver. 

Wreath :  Silver,  sable. 

Crest:  A  demi-eagle  silver. 

Legend:  Nicolas  Paige  of  Rumny  Marsh.  /  ColP.  of  ye 
Second  Rigament  of  Foot  /  in  ye  County  of  Suffolk.   1717. 

Notes:  Child,  owing  to  an  accidental  spot  which  he  mis- 
took for  the  dot  over  an  i,  misread  the  place  as  "Running 
Marsh,"  and  Whitmore  corrected  it  to  Rumney  Marsh 
(the  modern  Chelsea),  evidently  from  his  knowledge  of 
the  locality.  He  states  that  Nicholas  Paige  came  from 
Plymouth,  Devonshire,  in  1665,  married  Anne,  widow  of 
Edward  Lane  and  niece  of  Governor  Joseph  Dudley,  and 
died  late  in  1717.  Traces  of  metallic  copper  paint  are  to  be 


30  RHODE    ISLAND   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

seen  on  the  bend  in  the  Child  copy,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
somewhat  similar  Brown  arms,  No.  44. 

Edmund  Page  of  London,  haberdasher,  living  in  1633, 
grandson  of  Edmund  Page  of  Pype  Place  in  Shorne,  bore 
a  quartered  coat  attested  by  Mr.  Francis  Thine,  Lancaster 
Herald,  of  which  the  Page  quarter  was:  Silver  on  a  bend 
sable  three  doves  (not  eagles)  silver  beaked  and  legged 
gules j  crest:  A  demi-griffin  issuant  ermine  the  beak  and 
legs  gold  (Visitation  of  London  1633-1635). 

The  same  arms  and  crest,  except  that  the  demi-griffin 
has  the  beak  and  legs  gules,  is  given  for  Page  of  Kent 
(Edmondson). 

Page  or  Paige  of  Devon  bore:  Silver  a  bend  between 
three  eagles  sable  j  crest:  An  eagle  ermine  (Burke).  Pos- 
sibly this  was  the  coat  intended,  and  the  painter  confused  it 
with  the  similar  Brown  coat.  No.  44,  which  is  on  the  same 
page. 

43.  (43.)  {36.) 
Hurst. 

Arms:   Silver  a  star  of  16  rays  gules. 

Wreath :   Silver,  gules. 

Crest :  On  a  mount  a  hurst  of  three  trees  vert. 

Legend:  John  Hust  Esqr.  of  Salem  /  in  ye  County  of 
EsixMarchant/ 1717. 

Notes:  These  are  the  arms  of  Hurst  of  Sterford,  Hert- 
fordshire, whose  crest  was  "In  a  wood  proper  the  sun  or"j 
Hurst  of  Barrowby,  Lincolnshire,  bore  the  same  except 
with  twelve  raysj  and  Hurst  of  Sabridgeworth,  Hert- 
fordshire, bore  the  crest  of  the  Sterford  line  and  the  arms 
differenced  with  a  crescent  (Edmondson)  j  Burke  calls  the 
last  family  Hurse.    In  the  Child  copy  it  is  given  as  Huse. 

44.  (44.)  (37.) 
Brown. 

Arms:  Silver  a  bend  double-cotised  sable  on  the  bend 
three  eagles  silver,  a  crescent  (gules)  for  difference. 
Wreath :  Silver,  sable. 


GORE   ROLL   OF   ARMS  31 

Crest:  An  eagle  silver,  the  legs  and  tongue  gules. 

Legend:  Capt.  John  Brown  of  Salem  in  /  County  of 
Esix.  Marchant  /  1718. 

Notes:  When  Whitmore  described  it  the  illustration  in 
the  Child  copy  had  evidently  not  been  painted j  it  is  now: 
(Metallic)  silver  a  bend  (metallic)  copper  double  cotised 
orange-red  on  the  bend  three  eagles  gray  shaded  with 
darker  gray,  a  crescent  gules  for  difference  j  truly  a  remark- 
able coat,  and  one  which  invites  a  question  as  to  how  much 
Child  knew  about  heraldry. 

Dr.  Buck  suggests  that  the  family  is  Browne  of  Lan- 
cashire j  they  bore  exactly  this  coat  (without  the  crescent 
for  difference),  and  the  same  crest  except  that  the  eagle 
was  charged  on  the  wings  with  two  bars  sable  (Edmond- 
son).  The  latter  feature,  not  found  in  this  instance,  appears 
on  the  crest  of  Samuel  Brown,  No.  57. 

When  Whitmore  described  the  Child  copy  in  1865  he 
had  not  identified  this  John  Brown,  but  in  his  "Elements  of 
Heraldry"  in  1866  he  states  that  he  was  the  grandson  of 
William  Brown,  who  was  the  son  of  Francis  Brown  of 
Brandon,  co.  Suffolk. 

The  Brown  arms  and  crest,  excepting  that  the  bend  is 
single-  instead  of  double-cotised,  are  engraved  on  a  silver 
tankard  made  by  John  Coney  of  Boston  ( 1655-1722),  said 
to  have  been  originally  owned  by  one  Mary  Brown  who 
came  from  Salem  about  1 700,  and  now  owned  by  a  collector 
near  Boston. 

Perley's  History  of  Salem  I  366  speaks  of  William 
Brown,  the  son  of  Francis  Brown  of  Brundish,  co.  Suffolk, 
as  "the  most  important  settler"  in  Salem  in  the  year  1637, 
and  says:  "He  was  born  in  England,  March  1,  1608.  .  .  . 
He  was  a  merchant,  became  a  judge  and  statesman  and 
probably  the  richest  man  in  Salem  in  the  early  days.  .  .  . 
He  died  Jan.  20,  1687/8.  He  had  eleven  children."  A 
correspondent  of  the  Boston  Transcript,  20  July  1931, 
says  that  his  eldest  son,  William  Brown,  born  1639,  died 
1715/16,  had  twelve  children.  Whitmore  has  identified 


32  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

Capt.  John  Brown  (Gore  Roll  No.  44)  as  the  grandson  of 
William  Brown  the  immigrant,  and  Samuel  Brown  (Gore 
Roll  No.  57)  as  the  son  of  William  and  the  grandson  of  the 
immigrant  William  Brown,  so  Captain  John  and  Samuel 
were  either  brothers  or  first  cousins  j  the  fact  that  Samuel 
bore  the  undifferenced  arms  (No.  57)  and  that  Capt.  John 
differenced  with  a  crescent  suggests  that  they  were  respec- 
tively the  first  and  the  second  son  of  William,  son  of 
William  the  immigrant. 

These  arms  appear  on  the  gravestone  in  Salem  of 
William  Brown,  Esq.,  who  died  in  1687  (Heraldic  Jour- 
nal, II,  23). 

45.  (45.)  (38.) 
Wyborn. 

Arms:  Sable  a  fess  between  three  swans  silver,  beaks  and 
legs  gules. 

Wreath :  Silver,  sable. 

Crest:  A  dragon's  head  azure  (?  vert)  the  tongue,  teeth, 
lips,  spur  on  the  nose  and  inside  of  the  ear  gules. 

Legend:  Danill  Wibond  of  Boston  /  Capt.  of  Murrens 
on  bord  his  /  Maj  Ship  Chestor  :  1717. 

Notes:  Whitmore  says  "Sable,  a  fess  (gold  ?)  between 
three  swans  argent,  membered  gules"  j  apparently  the  fess 
in  the  Child  copy  was  blank  (it  is  now  silvered  over)  and  he 
suspected  that  it  should  be  gold.  In  the  Gore  Roll  it  is 
unpainted,  therefore  intended  for  silver.  Whitmore  iden- 
tifies the  arms  as  those  of  Wyborn,  co.  Kent. 

Edmondson  gives  for  Wyborne  of  Suffolk  and  Kent: 
Sable  a  fess  gold  between  three  swans  (another,  coots)  silver 
membered  gules,  and  mentions  no  crest  j  Burke  repeats 
Edmondson  for  these  two  branches  and  adds  the  arms  of 
Wyborn  of  Hawkwell  Place,  co.  Kent,  who  quarter  these 
arms  with  those  of  Sidley  and  bear  this  crest:  A  swan  as  in 
the  arms.  This  leaves  the  dragon-head  crest  shown  in  the 
Gore  Roll  unexplained. 


Form  of  Legacy 


"/  give  and  bequeath  to  the  Rhode  Island 

Historical  Society  the  sum  of 

dollars. " 


Roger  Williams  Press       \^J^ 


E.  A.  Johnson  Co. 


PROVIDENCE 


Rhode    Island 
Historical    Society 
c0llecti0^1'•'s  ^^ 


Vol.  XXX 


APRIL,  1937 


No.  2 


MAP 

SHOWING  THE 

ANCIENT  fXTUS 

TO 

PE^OT 


TH1-:   PATHS 

IHE   EARLIER   PATH    IS  SOLID   BLACK  — THE   LATER   PATH    IS   DOTTED 
EACH  DU  ISION  ON  THE  SCALE  INDICATES  A  MILE  — THE  LIGHTEST  LINES  SHOW  CON'TorUS 


CONTENTS 


Map  of  Pcquot  Path 

Yankee  Doodle 

byR.  W.  G.Vail     .... 

The  Ancient  Paths  to  Pequot 
by  William  Davis  Miller 

Pri\'ateer  Roby,  1757 

Communicated  by  Frederick  S.  Peck 

New  Publications  of  Rhode  Island  Interest 

Notes         ...... 

Treasurer's  Report      .... 

Gore  Roll  of  Arms 
bv  Harold  Bowditch 


PAGE 

Cover 
33 
31 

47 

48 
49 
50 

54 


RHODE 
HISTORICAL 


ISLAND 

SOCIETY 


COLLECTIONS 


Vol.  XXX 


APRIL,  1937 


No.  2 


Nathaniel  W.  Smith,  President 
William  Davis  Miller,  Secretary 


Robert  T.  Downs,  Treasurer 
Howard  M.  Chapin,  Librarian 


The  Society  assumes  no  responsibility  for  the  statements  or  the  opinions 
of  contributors. 


Yankee  Doodle* 

By  R.  W.  G.  Vail 

We  now  have  in  our  collection  of  broadside  ballads  what 
well  may  be  the  earliest  version  of  the  words  of  Yankee 
Doodle.  When  Mr.  O.  G.  T.  Sonneck,  Chief  of  the  Divi- 
sion of  Music  of  the  Library  of  Congress,  published  his: 
Report  on  ^^The  Star-Spangled  Banner, ^^  "Hail  Columbia" 
"America^"  "Yankee  Dodle"  m  1909,  the  earliest  text  of 
the  famous  old  song  which  he  was  able  to  find  was  one 
which  could  not  have  been  printed  earlier  than  1775.  Our 
broadside  version  of  the  song,  with  eighteen  verses  and  a 
chorus,  must  be  earlier  than  1775  and  was  probably  written 
to  celebrate  one  of  the  campaigns  against  the  French  in 
Canada  in  the  seventeen  forties  or  fifties,  and  may  perhaps 
have  been  printed  as  late  as  the  seventeen  sixties.  It  has  no 
imprint  or  date  but  its  two  woodcuts  and  other  printer's 
ornaments  would  seem  to  date  it  well  before  the  Revolution. 

Of  its  eighteen  verses,  nine  appear  with  many  changes  in 


♦Extract  from  the  Report  of  the  Librarian  of  the  American  Antiquarian 
Society  for  October  1936. 


34  RHODK    ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

the  first  Revolutionary  version  of  the  song,  while  there 
are  six  verses  of  the  latter,  including  the  references  to 
Washington,  which  are  not  in  the  earlier  version,  and  there 
are  nine  of  this  earlier  version  not  in  the  form  published 
about  1775. 

This  colonial  version  of  Yankee  Doodle  is  a  broadside 
measuring  13^  by  10  inches.  It  is  printed  in  two  columns 
with  a  row  of  printer's  ornaments  down  the  middle  and  two 
woodcuts  above,  neither  of  which  has  any  bearing  on  the 
song.  One  represents  the  head  of  a  Medusa-like  woman 
with  a  dragon  in  her  arms,  another  in  her  hair  and  a  super- 
natural bird  flying  to  attack  one  of  the  dragons.  The  other 
woodcut  represents  a  hunter  with  a  gun,  riding  on  the  back 
of  a  greyhound.  They  are  evidently  stock  woodcuts  previ- 
ously used  in  some  unknown  chapbook.  Below  the  woodcuts 
appears  the  caption  title:  Yankee  Song.  The  ballad  came 
from  the  collection  of  the  Reverend  Sidney  Dean,  a  well- 
known  Rhode  Island  minister,  and,  since  it  was  with  a  num- 
ber of  similar  pieces,  most  of  them  having  been  printed  in 
Warren  or  some  other  Rhode  Island  town,  it  is  quite  pos- 
sible that  this  piece  also  came  from  an  early  Rhode  Island 
press. 

The  first  three  verses  of  the  song  are  given  below  and  it 
will  be  noticed  that  the  second  verse,  with  its  reference  to 
the  campaign  in  Canada,  fixes  the  date  long  before  the 
Revolution.  The  third  verse,  with  variations,  appears  as 
the  first  verse  of  the  Revolutionary  version,  the  name 
"Goodwin"  of  the  earlier  version  being  changed  to 
"Gooding"  in  the  later  editions  in  order  to  make  the  word 
rhyme  with  "pudding." 

The  song  begins : 

There  is  a  man  in  our  town, 
ril  tell  vou  his  condition, 
He  sold  his  Oxen  and  his  Cows 
To  huv  him  a  commission. 


YANKEE  DOODLE 


35 


7 

■I  '<   ■ 
L 


TANK£e:!jSONG. 


Jl     I'll  leii  you  Jiis  cunJiiion, 
Ue  fold  Ilk  Ox»n  aiu!  his  Cavii 

'■';-  J^-     rim's. 


Whm  3  commfffi 
He  pnn'i!  to  be 
lie  liurll  nor  go 
Tor  (<:zr  of 

But  f.iPiher  ^t^\; 
Aioi 

And  ii'ierc 
As  ihiLk. 


vvn  to  camp 

J*  in, 
icii  and  boys 


tligjeliMa  litilfke:;g, 
e  ivyde  of  l.a^hcr, 
'\  *tih  little  clubs 


•'?»♦*?•■ 


;  rj^rjjia'w  4  JvBtmping  gun 
As  Ntf^  a  lo^'  "i^.jjiaple, 
I'lit  <tp<w  t«o  (n^  u  beds  ^ 

A  )<j.ii  (i.i  I  -.'-e'r't  eattig.  ;,' 

••« 
Every  time  th-:<fAmA  it  off 
It  took  a  horn  of  powder. 
It  maile  a  ii'nfc  like  Fanher's  gun 
AaJ  rung  a  nation  louJtr. 

I  wont  f>  ni°h  lo  eeta  peep 
I  h'v  the  uiiJer-pinniogr—  .,» 
Fithtr  \»ent  a»  lut'h  again,'^' 
1  ihoiighi  tin.  ducc  Was  ift  biau 

Brother  Si  h-  v,r -w  fti  bo!d 
I  thou,';!!!  he  wouij  have  ctxrk'd  it. 
Hi  hf'iik'l  3K»nt!  Ac  ether' fide 
Aiixl  hon||-lg','f'<Wfc^ppciM«, 

T  ^err  th-y  ha^  aft<l«tifr  thing. 
Fill!"  f  ■  ali'J  a  mortar  ; 
Itlv.kM  likr  iMothei'j.  jCinigcpot, 
It  heU  a  pai'  «1  »,-iivr. 


«W»i! 


..',i 


1  faw  a  man  a  talking  th^e 
You  iiii^,ht  hf-aril  t  >  the  barn  (jr, 

liiiliiijBi,';  and  ftclJing  {oor-j* 


There  he  kqfl  a  ndit^  r<«|iad 
Upon  a  fpankirg  Stallion, 
And  a!!  the  people  ilanding  rot 
A  thoufand  or  a  million. 


He  had  a  ribbon  on  his  hat,  ^ 
It  looked  nation  fine  fir  ! 

I  wanted  it  moft  ducedly  ,'>V 

To  give  to  my  Jemima.          ••  ■^irt' 

My  Jemima's  ver\  <"ick, 
I'm  fure  there's  loiiicthing  »i'<  *■ 
She  ufe'd  to  eat  '  't  fupr.^    jj. 
But  noir  her  Aomach  iails|kpi 

Brother  Si  is  gone  to  town  _,:, 

With  a  load  of  fliinglcs. 

And  if  he  can't  have  Ijffes  fpr^ 

For  brother  Jo  is  come  to  town. 
He's  Kon't  to  noi:k  thtm  all  oiT,  i 
He  plays  upon  a  fwainping  fiddle 
As  big  as  Father's  hog  (rough. 

Hufki'ng  time  is  coming  on 
Sl'hfy  ail  begin  to  laugh  fir- 
Father  is  a  coming  home  .4, 
To  kill  the  heifer  ualt  fir. 

Leflion  time  is  now  at  hani. 
We're  potng  to  uncle  C'hact'*, 
'i'here'l  be*fome  aMHhing  rouinl 
And  fome  a  lapptng^lfei. 

Now  hufning  time  is  over 
They  have  a  duced  fi<: 
^'1  be  loine  an 
wiB'tovei 
CI 
'Cornjlullit  tu-ili , 
Ci/rt  u/jtdfroite  reund J 
Old  fiery  itnKtjp  iottm 
And  murtjxr  p£i  I  fuunJ  f« 


In  the  library  of  the  American  Antiquarian  S</afty 


36  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

When  a  commission  he  had  got 
He  prov'd  to  be  a  coward, 
He  durst  not  go  to  Canada 
For  fear  of  being  devoured. 

But  father  and  I  went  down  to  camp 
Along  with  Captain  Goodwin, 
And  there  we  saw  the  men  and  boys 
As  thick  as  Hastypudding. 

Then  follow  six  verses,  variants  of  which  appear  in  the 
Revolutionary  version.  The  tenth,  eleventh  and  twelfth 
verses  of  the  original  were  largely  rewritten  and  the  name 
of  "Captain  Washington"  inserted  in  the  Revolutionary 
version  in  place  of  the  description  of  the  anonymous  drill 
master  of  the  earlier  form  of  the  song.  The  last  six  verses  of 
the  older  song  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  visit  to  camp, 
though  they  are  very  interesting.  The  curious  original 
chorus  is  entirely  different  from  that  of  any  later  version  of 
the  song.  It  is  as  follows: 

Corn  stalks  twist  your  hair  off, 
Cart-wheel  frolic  round  you. 
Old  fiery  dragon  carry  you  off, 
And  mortar  pcssel  pound  you. 

The  earliest  Revolutionary  version  of  the  song  was  prob- 
ably rewritten  and  improved  by  Edward  Bangs,  to  whose 
authorship  the  entire  text  has  been  erroneously  attributed. 
His  version  was  probably  inspired  by  a  visit  to  the  patriot 
camp  at  Cambridge  in  1 775.  It  was  hrst  published,  so  far  as 
we  know,  in  a  broadside  entitled:  "The  Farmer  and  his 
Son's  return  from  a  visit  to  the  Camp."  Dr.  A.  S.  W. 
Rosenbach  owns  the  only  recorded  copy.  It  was  promptly 
reprinted  by  the  same  printer,  probably  in  Boston,  with  a 
few  unimportant  improvements  in  phraseology  and  punctu- 
ation, with  the  title:  "The  Yankey's  return  from  Camp." 
Of  this  edition,  our  library  has  the  only  known  copy. 

The  song  was  popular  in  broadside  form  until  after  the 


THE  ANCIENT  PATHS  TO  PEQUOT  37 

War  of  1812,  several  editions  being  in  our  library,  but  in 
none  of  them  is  the  song  called  Yankee  Doodle.  The  tune 
Yankee  Doodle,  which  has  always  been  used  with  these 
words,  dates  back  to  the  time  of  Cromwell  and  was  used 
with  other  words  to  ridicule  the  Cavalier  officer.  Prince 
Rupert  of  the  Palatinate,  a  brave  and  skillful  general, 
though  something  of  a  fop  in  his  personal  appearance.  He 
was  particularly  feared  and  hated  by  the  Roundheads  and 
the  following  well  known  verse  was  written  by  them  in 
ridicule  of  their  most  feared  enemy: 

Yankee  Doodle  came  to  town, 
Riding  on  a  pony; 
Stuck  a  feather  in  his  hat, 
And  called  it  macaroni. 

Sonneck  states  that  this  verse  was  written  in  ridicule  of 
Cromwell  but  Katherine  Elwes  Thomas'  The  real  person- 
ages of  Mother  Goosey  1930,  p.  259-270,  correctly  states 
that  the  original  Yankee  Doodle  was  Prince  Rupert.  For  a 
fuller  discussion  of  the  many  versions  of  the  song,  see 
Sonneck's  Re'port,  mentioned  at  the  beginning  of  this  note. 


The  Ancient  Paths  to  Pequot' 

By  William  Davis  Miller 

It  has  been  the  popular  belief  that  the  Ancient  Path  to 
Pequot  followed  the  route  of  the  present  Post  Road  from 
Westerly  to  Providence.  For  some  years  prior  to  the 
discovery  of  the  depositions  considered  in  this  article, 
evidences  had  occurred  that  threw  a  growing  shadow  of 

^Originally  published  by  the  Society  of  Colonial  Wars  in  the  State  of 
Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Plantations  and  presented  at  the  General 
Court  of  the  Society,  held  in  Providence,  June  1936.  It  is  herewith 
republished,  with  additional  notes,  by  the  courteous  permission  of  the 
Governor  and  the  Council  of  the  Rhode  Island  Societv. 


38  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

doubt  upon  this  belief.  The  Pettaquamscutt  Purchasers 
laid  out  roadways  for  the  benefit  of  their  own  divisions  of 
land  and  for  those  which  they  allotted  to  others.  This  would 
appear  to  have  been  true  of  the  lots  along  the  shore  from 
Wakefield  to  the  present  South  Kingstown-Charlestown 
line,  the  west  line  of  the  Purchase,  at  the  head  of  which 
lots  the  present  Post  Road  runs;  and  also  in  the  case  of  the 
"Town  Lots"  on  the  eastern  slope  of  Tower  Hill.  In  the 
latter  case  the  western  bound  of  these  lots  is  almost  invari- 
ably given  as  "by  the  Road  at  the  Head  of  the  Lots"  but 
never  "by  the  Ancient  Path  to  Pequot."  This  latter  bound 
is  not  used  until  we  near  the  Annaquatucket  River.  These 
facts,  which  at  first  aroused  interest,  later  led  to  a  conviction 
that  the  Pequot  Path  was  not  the  basic  route  of  the  Post 
Road  south  of  this  river.  Added  to  this  there  came  to  the 
mind  of  the  writer  a  statement  made  by  James  N,  Arnold 
that  the  old  Indian  paths  were  to  the  westward  of  the  Post 
Road.  Therefore  the  depositions  came  not  as  an  upsetting 
surprise  but  rather  as  confirmation  of  a  personal  conclusion. 
It  is  probably  safe  to  say  that  we  shall  never  know  the 
exact  route  followed  by  those  ancient  Indian  paths  that 
crossed  the  Narragansett  country  to  the  lands  of  the 
Pequots."  Speculation  and  tradition  have  guided  us  in 
diverse  ways,  leading  us  to  believe  that  this  road  or  that 
was  laid  out  by  the  early  settlers  on  those  deep  worn  tracks 
used  for  many  generations  by  the  Indians.  Such  speculations 
and  traditions  have  been  accepted  in  the  absence  of  any  early 
evidence  and  it  was  not  until  a  few  years  ago  that  Edward 
H.  West  discovered  depositions  in  the  Portsmouth  Records 
which  bring  us  nearer  to  the  truth,  without,  however,  elimi- 
nating completely  the  element  of  speculation;   although 


"Fortunatelv  this  statement  may,  it  is  believed,  now  be  modified.  That 
careful  antiquarian  and  field  worker  in  the  early  lore  of  the  South  County, 
Albert  E.  Lownes,  states  that  he  has  traced  an  ancient  path  from  the 
eastern  shores  of  Wordcn's  Pond  to  Stony  Fort.  From  the  evidence  he  has 
presented  it  would  appear  that  it  is  certain  that  at  last  one  of  the  Indian 
paths  had  been  verified. 


THE  ANCIENT  PATHS  TO  PEQUOT  39 

they  greatly  reduce  its  ratio.  From  these  depositions  and 
from  the  clues  they  furnish  the  following  description  of 
the  approximate  routes  of  the  Pequot  paths  is  presented. 

The  first,  and  by  far  the  most  important  evidence,  is 
presented  in  the  deposition  of  Wait  Winthrop: 

"Wait  Winthrop,  aged  73  years,  Testifyeth  that  the  old 
Road  or  Path  he  hath  many  times  Travelled  in  his  Younger 
Time  in  Company  with  several  other  Travellers  between 
Pequitt  (Now  New  London)  and  Boston  Through  the 
Nareganset  Country  was  by  the  great  Pond  from  thence 
over  the  Long  Hill  or  High  Land  above  Rouse  Helme  his 
later  Dwelling  and  from  said  high  Land  aSlant  to  the  lower 
part  of  the  Great  Plain  leaving  ye  bare  Hills  below  the 
Plain  which  was  then  called  Sugar  Loaf  Hills  a  great  Way 
to  ye  Eastward  the  Country  being  mostly  clear  so  that  we 
could  se  a  long  way  before  as  we  crossed  the  said  Plain  in  a 
Direct  Course  as  it  seemed  to  me  untill  we  passed  the 
Brook  that  runs  down  East  ward  and  in  the  Same  Direct 
bears  the  Path  or  Road  led  us  near  the  Plain  Field  below 
where  Mr  Updike  now  lives  and  this  was  accounted  the 
Pequit  Road  or  Path  and  I  never  knew  or  heard  of  any  other 
until  many  years  after  we  went  by  the  Stone  fort  and  so  by 
old  Mr.  Eldredges  House  and  so  by  the  Taun  House  to 
Maj  Smiths  now  Mr.  Updikes  which  way  is  far  east  ward 
of  the  old  Road  Which  Leads  Directly  from  the  Great  Plain 
to  the  Field  abovesaid  and  which  Path  I  believe  is  not  so 
worn  out  but  it  may  yet  be  seen  to  pass  the  Brook  far  to  the 
Westward  of  ye  sd  Tan  House" 

Wait  Winthrop 

Boston  of  the  Massachusetts       March  8  th  1719 

The  aforegoing  affidavit  being  of  his  own  hand  Writing 


^The  "Taun  House"  or  "Tan  House"  is  without  doubt  that  of 
William  Bently.  He  was  a  currier,  was  in  the  Narragansett  Country  in 
1679  and  in  April  1705  "had  liberty  granted  by  town  to  set  up  a  house, 
convenient  for  the  carrying  on  of  his  currying  trade."  J.  O.  Austin, 
Genealogical  Dictionary  of  R.  I.,  p.  19.  (see  note  6) 


40  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

was  distinctly  read  to  me  by  the  Said  Wait  Wiiithrop  Esq. 
and  then  was  Signed  &  Swan  by  me 

Samuell  Sewell  J  P" 

Winthrop  unfortunately  does  not  give  the  route  of  the 
path  from  New  London,  nor  does  he  designate  at  what 
point  it  crossed  the  Pawcatuck  River  into  the  Narragansett 
Country.  However,  there  is  in  the  Rhode  Island  Historical 
Society  a  sketch  plat,*  together  with  a  descriptive  letter, 
relative  to  the  path  from  New  London  to  a  point  about 
three  miles  northeasterly  of  Westerly.  The  path  crossed 
the  Pawcatuck  at  "Pawcatuck  Ford,"  a  few  hundred  yards 
from  where  the  present  bridge  in  Westerly  stands,  and 
then  bore  northerly  to  the  house  of  Harmon  Garret,  alias 
Wequashcooke.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  plat  stops  at 
this  point  for  it  would  be  of  value  to  have  known  the 
approximate  route  to  Worden's  Pond.  It  was  evidently  by 
this  path  that,  in  the  year  1645,  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  trav- 
elled, and  made  the  following  notes  in  his  diary: 

^^ {November)  29  Saturday.  Fair  Wether,  the  wind 
Northerly  &  a  little  Ely  toward  night.  We  lodged  at 
Notoriope  his  Wigwa,  neere  the  great  pond,  the  water 
runs  hence  into  Pacatucke.  We  were  come  about  20  miles 
from  Minaboge  where  we  ly.  Saw  Wequashcooke  only  as 
we  passed  his  house." 

The  "great  Pond"  mentioned  by  both  the  Winthrops  is, 
of  course,  the  Worden's  Pond  of  today  and  from  which  the 
Pawcatuck  River  flows.  About  a  mile  south  of  the  pond, 
in  a  sandy,  pine  grown  plain,  with  a  small  pond  of  fresh 
water  adjacent,  is  the  probable  site  of  "Notoriope  his 
Wigwa,"  for  even  to  this  day  can  there  be  found  evidences 
of  an  Indian  settlement  of  considerable  size.  Old  inhabi- 
tants state  that  it  was  a  winter  camp  of  the  Indians." 


■*Rhodc  Island  Maps,  vol.  26,  p.  20. 

^Mr.  Lownes  has  found  evidences  of  camp  sites  on  the  east  shore  of 
Worden's  Pond  and  thereby  presents  another  possible  location  for 
"Notoriope  his  Wigwa."  Search  has  failed  to  reveal  just  who  Notoriope 
was  and  what  was  his  position  in  the  Narragansett  hierarchy. 


THE  ANCIENT  PATHS  TO  PEOUOT  41 

"The  great  Pond"  having,  therefore,  been  identified  as 
Worden's,  the  next  land  mark  mentioned  by  Wait  Winthrop 
must  be  considered.  "From  thence  over  the  Long  Hill  or 
High  Land  above  Rouse  Helme  his  later  Dwelling."  By 
examining  a  map  of  South  Kingstown  it  can  well  be  under- 
stood why  this  swing  was  made  to  the  eastward.  The 
great  swamp  spread  to  the  northwest  and  northerly  of  the 
Great  Pond  and  was  impassible  save  when  frozen  in  the 
cold  of  winter.  It  is  fortunate  that  "his  later  dwelling"  is 
added  to  the  name  of  Rouse  Helme  for  his  earlier  holdings 
were  several  miles  to  the  eastward.  The  Pettaquamscutt 
Purchasers  granted  to  Rouse  Helme  two  lots  of  land,  one  a 
"Town  Lott"  of  twenty  acres  on  the  eastern  slope  of 
Tower  Hill  and  also  two  hundred  and  fifty  acres  situated 
just  east  of  what  is  now  known  as  Curtis  Corners.  The 
"Town  Lott"  Helme  sold  to  Thomas  Hazard  in  1696.  Li 
1 692  Samuel  Sewell  confirmed  the  deed  of  the  two  hundred 
and  fifty  acres  to  Helme  stating  in  the  deed  "on  which  he 
(Helme)  now  liveth"  .  .  .  In  his  will  Helme  gives  to  his 
son  Rouse  the  western  portion  of  this  land  "and  all  Housing 
and  Orchards  .  .  ."  Therefore  "Rouse  Helme  his  later 
Dwelling"  can  be  definitely  placed. 

Curtis  Corners,  as  mentioned  above,  is  at  the  beginning 
of  the  rise  of  "the  Long  Hill  or  High  Land"  that  is  that 
long,  high  ridge  on  which  the  village  of  Kingston  is  situ- 
ated. However,  somewhat  south  of  that  village,  it  would 
appear  that  the  path  turned  down  the  slope  to  the  westward. 
Winthrop  states  that  the  path  went  "aSlant"  down  the 
hill,  that  is  in  a  north  westerly  direction,  made  necessary  to 
avoid  swampy  ground.  At  a  point  northeast  of  Larkin's 
Pond  this  path  must  have  reached  "the  lower  part  of  the 
Great  Plain,"  known  even  today  as  the  Plains,  probably 
nearby,  and  passing  an  Indian  fort  which  was  situated  east 
of  the  Chipuxet  on  the  Ministerial  Road  just  south  of  the 
road  to  West  Kingston.  It  is  interesting  to  conjecture 
whether  or  not  this  was  Pesicus  Fort  mentioned  by  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  in  his  diary: 


42  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

"(  1 645  November)  30  We  came  to  the  trading-house  at 
Coco,  Mr.  Wilkox  house,  where  were  2  English  yt  traded 

for  ye  Duch  Govr,  John  Piggest  &  John 

Mr  Williams  man.  I  stepped  over  a  trap  just  in  ye  path 
right  agt  Pesicus  fort  &  saw  it  not  before  I  was  over  it,  my 
man  calling  to  me  of  it  as  I  stepped  over  it.  George  ye 
Indian  was  over  before  me  &c." 

It  would  seem  quite  possible  that  the  fort  by  the  Chipuxet 
was  Pesicus  Fort.  It  was  obviously,  from  Winthrop's  diary, 
between  Worden's  Pond  and  Richard  Smith's  trading 
house.  It  would  not  appear  to  be  Stony  Fort,  for  we  have 
Wait  Winthrop's  word  that  the  path  by  that  fort  was  not 
known  until  later  and,  as  the  old  Queen  was  a  contemporary 
of  Pesicus,  it  would  not  apply  to  Queens  Fort,  which  fort, 
moreover,  would  not  seem  to  have  been  situated  on  either 
of  the  Pequot  Paths. 

From  this  fort  the  lands  of  the  "Great  Plain"  extend  to 
the  northward  almost  to  the  Ten  Rod  Road.  The  path,  in 
all  probability,  kept  to  the  eastward  of  the  Chipuxet  and 
the  two  ponds  through  which  it  flows.  Thirty  Acre  and 
Hundred  Acre  by  name,  and  followed,  approximately,  the 
course  of  the  present  railroad  tracks,  keeping  to  the  eastward 
of  them,  until  it  reached  Slocum,  where  the  level  lands 
spread  out  at  the  northerly  end  of  the  Kingston  ridge. 
Incidentally  it  should  be  noted  that  the  hills  "called  Sugar 
Loaf  Hills"  were  left  "a  great  Way  to  ye  Eastward."  If 
this  refers  to  Sugar  Loaf  Hill  situated  south  west  of  Wake- 
field and  to  Little  Sugar  Loaf  Hill  near  Tuckertown,  which 
it  apparently  does,  it  would  at  once  eliminate  the  possibility 
of  the  Post  Road  through  Wakefield  of  having  been  the 
Pequot  Path. 

From  Slocum  the  course  of  the  path  has  again  been  open 
to  discussion,  the  suggestion  having  been  made  that  it  might 
have  run  by  the  way  of  Indian  Corner  to  Allenton. 
Winthrop  disposes  of  this  possibility  in  the  following  words: 
"we  crossed  the  said  Plain  in  a  Direct  Course  as  it  seemed 
to  me  untill  we  passed  the  Brook  that  runs  down  East 


THE  ANCIENT  PATHS  TO  PEQUOT  43 

ward  .  .  ."  If  the  path  had  gone  by  Indian  Corner  he 
would  have  not  gone  in  a  direct  course.  Reference  to  the 
map  will  show  this,  and  it  will  also  show  that  the  path,  as 
traced  on  it,  follows  very  nearly  a  direct  course  until  the 
Annaquatucket  River  is  crossed.  This  river  was  well  known 
in  the  seventeenth  century  and  is  the  largest  river  between 
Hunts  River  and  the  Pettaquamscut.  If  the  course  of  the 
path  as  given  may  be  assumed  to  be  approximately  correct, 
it  would  be  the  only  brook  (Palmer  calls  it  "Brook  or 
River")  flowing  in  an  easterly  direction  that  would  cross 
the  path. 

After  crossing  the  brook  Winthrop  states  that  "in  the 
same  Direction  bears  the  Path  or  Road  led  us  near  the 
Plain  Field  below  where  Mr.  Updike  now  lives.  .  .  ." 
Referring  again  to  the  map  it  is  to  be  noted  that  once  the 
Annaquatucket  River  is  crossed  if  the  path  turned  to  the 
eastward  it  would  follow  very  nearly  that  section  of  the 
Ten  Rod  Road  between  Wickford  Junction  and  Collation 
Corners,  and  would  lead  a  traveller  down  below  Updike's, 
who  at  the  date  of  the  deposition  was  in  possession  of 
Richard  Smith's  house  at  Cocumscussuc.  It  has  been  sug- 
gested that  the  path  went  further  north  and  turned  eastward 
on  Stony  Lane.  If  this  had  been  the  case,  Winthrop  would 
have  come  out  above  Updikes  and  not  below,  as  he  stated. 

The  deposition  of  Nehemiah  Palmer  upholds  Winthrop's 
testimony,  save  in  the  slight  difference  as  to  the  course  of 
the  path  after  the  Annaquatucket  had  been  crossed.  This 
deposition  is  printed  here  for  comparison  with  Winthrop's. 
It  is  to  be  noted  that  Palmer  travelled  the  path  about  1 656 
and  that  further  he  refers  to  Updike's  as  "Maj  Smiths 
trading  House  now  Lodowick  Updikes  .  .  ." 

"Nehemiah  Palmer  Sen.  aged  seventy  nine  Years  or 
thereabouts  now  living  in  Stonington  in  his  Majesties 
Colony  of  Conecticut  testifyeth  and  sayeth  that  about  Sixty 
years  ago  I  traveled  the  Road  betwixt  Rehoboth  and  Pequit 
often  times  an  the  Road  I  used  to  Travel  on  went  by  the 
great  Pond  sid  and  from  there  over  the  long  Hill  above  is 


44  RHODE   ISLAND    HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

where  Rouse  (Helme)  of  or  herby  dweleth  and  over  the 
lower  edg-e  of  the  Great  Plain  and  so  over  the  Brook  or 
River  and  so  on  a  direct  Course  to  Maj  Smiths  trading 
House  now  Lodowick  Updikes  and  the  Road  went  above 
where  Mr.  Eldredge  dwelt  a  considerable  distance  (off)  of 
the  Road  that  has  been  Troden  since  as  I  know  of,  and  that 
there  was  no  English  Inhabitants  after  we  came  from 
Warwick  to  Paucatuck  River  excepting  Mr.  Smiths  Trading 
House  as  I  know  of. 

25   Jan.    1716." 

Much  confusion  has  been  caused  by  several  depositions 
which  indicated  that  the  Pequot  Path  would  seem  to  have 
been  situated  east  of  the  Post  Road  through  Allenton  and 
Belleville.  The  following  depositions  of  John  Eldred, 
Senior,  and  the  statement  of  Thomas  Eldred,  Senior,  point 
to  the  fact  that  Eldred  had  land  bound  west  by  the  Country 
Road  (the  present  Post  Road)  and  east  by  the  "Antiant 
Pequot  Path." 

"John  Eldred  Senr  of  Kingstown  to  Loving  friend 
Samuel  Holway  Quitclaim  all  my  right  I  have  unto  a  cer- 
tain tract  of  land  which  the  sd  Holway  hath  now  within 
fence,  lying  and  being  in  Kingstown  between  the  Country 
Rhod  now  in  use  and  the  Antiant  Pequit  Path  and  is 
bounded  on  the  East  upon  sd  Pequit  Path  on  the  West  upon 
the  sd  Country  Rhod  On  the  South  upon  William  Bentlys 
fence  on  the  North  upon  a  Rhod  that  Leads  to  Joseph 
Smiths  Mill 
19  Nov.  1716." 

"The  Deposition  of  John  Eldred  Senr  of  Kingstown  in 
the  Collony  of  Rhode  Island  &c:  Being  an  Antient  Inhabi- 
tant And  Engaged  according  to  Law  testifieth  and  Sayeth 
That  ye  Antient  Pequet  path  or  Road  yt  lead  to  New  Lon- 
don went  to  ye  Eastward  of  his  fathers  house,  and  so 
Extended  Northward  to  ye  River  Called  or  known  by  ye 
Name  of  Annoquetuckett  River  And  so  Extending  still 
Northward,  to  the   Eastward  of  A  track  of  land  where 


THE  ANCIENT  PATHS  TO  PEQUOT  45 

Benjamin  Bently''  Now  lives  on,  and  so  still  further  still 
Extending  Northward  to  ye  Eastward  of  that  trackt  of  land 
now  In  Controversey  Bettween  Capt.  James  Updike  of  $d 
town  and  Daniel  Updike  of  Newport  Both  of  ye  Aforesd 
Collony,  and  Saml  Boone  Of  ye  Sd  Kingstown  in  ye  Aforesd 
Collony,  And  further  this  Deponant  Sayeth  Not. 

Tanken  Upon  Engagement  this  31st  day  of  August  1  722 

William  Spencer  Justice 
Before  me  in  Kingstown 
In  presence  of  James  Updike 

Thomas  Eldred  Sen.  Being  an  Antient  In  habitant  of  ye  Sd 
town  testyfyeth  to  ye  truth  of  ye  Above  written  ye  Day 
and  Year  Above.  Sd  In  ye  Presence  of  Capt  James  Updike 

Before  me  William  Spencer  Justice" 

This  can  now  be  explained  by  two  facts.  First,  the  state- 
ment of  Wait  Winthrop  in  the  latter  portion  of  his  deposi- 
tion that  he  "  .  .  .  never  knew  or  heard  of  any  other  until 
many  years  after  we  went  by  the  Stone  fort  and  so  by  old 
Mr.  Eldredges  house  and  so  by  the  Taun  Home  to  Maj. 
Smiths  now  Mr.  Updikes  ..."  Second,  it  has  been  deter- 
mined that  there  existed  a  now  abandoned  road  to  the  east 
of  the  Post  Road  between  Allenton  and  Belleville,  which 
was  probably  the  route  of  the  Stony  Fort  Path,  and 
between  these  roads  lay  Eldred's  land,  thereby  explain- 
ing his  bounds  as  he  gave  them. 

Now  as  to  this  later  path  "by  the  Stone  Fort."  The  situa- 
tion of  Stone  or  Stony  Fort  is  indicated  on  the  map  and  is 
substantiated  by  an  early  deed.  It  would  appear  to  have 
been  a  fort  of  some  importance  and  from  the  domestic 
implements  found  in  its  immediate  vicinity  and  from  the 

''Benjamin  Bcntl\'  was  the  son  of  the  William  Bently  (see  note  3).  He 
was  also  a  currier.  John  Eldred's  deed  and  deposition  place  for  us  the 
position  of  the  Tan  House  especially  when  compared  with  the  deposition 
of  Wait  Winthrop.  In  other  words  it  was  situated  just  north  of  the 
Annaquatucket  River  on  the  easterly  side  of  the  present  Post  Road. 


46  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

large  quantity  of  chips  found,  and  to  be  found,  a  short 
distance  to  the  northward,  it  may  be  believed  to  have  been 
the  center  of  an  Indian  settlement  of  considerable  size. 
Winthrop  does  not  give  further  details  regarding  the  begin- 
ning of  this  path  than  by  "Stone  Fort"  but  it  may  be  pre- 
sumed that  it  was  a  branch  of  the  older  trail  leaving  that 
trail  on  the  "Long  Hill"  where  it  bore  to  the  westward  and 
down  "a  Slant  to  the  lower  part  of  the  Great  Plain.  .  .  ." 
If  this  be  correct  the  later  trail  would  then  follow,  more  or 
less,  the  Old  South  Road  to  Kingston  Village,  cross  the 
main  street  at  the  well  and  follow  the  North  Road  to  its 
end,  then  bearing  eastward  to  Stone  Fort  and  then  North- 
ward. Whether  it  then  followed  the  present  road  to  Slocum 
and  then  by  the  road  to  Allenton  by  Indian  Corner  or 
whether  it  bore  eastward  after  passing  the  Fort  and  so  by 
the  Platform  to  Pender  Zekes  Corner  and  down  Ridge  Hill 
along  the  original  line  of  the  Post  Road  cannot  be  deter- 
mined, but  it  is  believed  the  latter  course  was  taken,  which 
was  followed  by  the  road,  laid  out  in  1702,  from  the 
Westerly  line  to  the  East  Greenwich  line.  (E.  R.  Potter, 
Early  History  of  Narragansetty  second  edition,  p.  223.) ' 

Through  the  mists  of  antiquity,  therefore,  we  can  discern 
these  ancient  paths,  not  clearly  and  accurately  as  to  every 
bend  and  turn  perhaps,  but  distinctly  enough  so  that  their 
general  course  may  be  determined.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that 
further  depositions,  further  land  evidence,  may  come  to 
light  that  will  present  facts  that  will  fill  the  gaps  in  the 
evidence  at  hand  but  until  such  documents  are  presented 
and  verified,  ""further  this  Deponant  Sayeth  not."" 


'In  Rhode  Island  Land  Evidence^  vol.  II,  145,  a  deed  from  Kachana- 
quant  to  the  Pettaquamscut  Purchasers  dated  February  2  5,  1661,  men- 
tions another  path  to  Pequot,  which  is  described  as  "the  second  Indian 
path  that  goes  to  Pequot."  (Also  quoted  by  E.  R.  Potter,  Eari'^  History  of 
Narragansett,  second  edition,  p.  276).  From  the  contexual  descriptions  of 
known  places  in  the  deed,  this  path  would  appear  to  have  passed  to  the 
north  and  west  of  the  Great  Swamp.  It  has  been  noted  that  Indian  forts 
were  located  on  the  paths  in  other  instances  and  it  is  therefore  interesting 


PRIVATEER  ROBY,    1757  47 

to  find  in  the  Nezv  Tofografhical  Survey,  Southern  Rhode  Island,  Everts 
&  Richards,  Philadelphia,  1895,  the  record  of  an  old  Indian  fort  situated 
just  east  of  the  Usquepaug  River  and  a  little  south  of  the  present  South 
County  Trail.  It  is  about  two  and  one-half  miles  west  by  north  from  the 
site  of  the  Swamp  Fight  Monument.  If  the  surmise  is  correct  that  this 
Second  Path  ran  to  the  north  and  west  of  the  Great  Swamp  it  might  have 
conceivably  passed  this  fort.  It  may  therefore  be  said  that  the  path 
described  by  Wait  Winthrop  was  the  First  Path,  the  one  above  mentioned 
the  Second  and  that  the  Stony  Fort  path  was  but  a  later  branch  of  the 
First.  However,  this  Second  Path  has  yet  to  be  determined  and  until  more 
evidence  is  produced  its  route  must  remain  conjectural. 


Privateer  Roby,  1757 

Communicated  by  Frederick  S.  Peck 

(Several  documents  relating  to  the  privateer  Roby  were  printed 
in  the  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society  Collections,  July  1936. 
The  following  document,  the  original  of  which  is  in  Mr.  Peck's 
library,  relates  to  the  same  vessel. — Editor^ 

Articles  of  Agreement  this  Eleventh  Day  of  November  in 
the  3rd  year  of  his  Majesty's  Reign  George  the  Second 
King  of  Great  Britain  Anno  Domini  1757  —  By  and 
Between  Jonathan  Viall  of  Warren  in  the  County  of  Bristol 
in  the  Colony  of  Rhode  Island  Cooper  on  the  one  part  and 
Samuel  Barns  of  Warren  aforesd  on  the  other  part  Wit- 
nesseth  that  the  said  Jonathan  Viall  for  and  in  Considera- 
tion of  fifty  pounds  old  Tenor  of  Rhode  Island  to  be  paid  to 
him  or  his  heirs  in  Twenty  days  after  the  Return  of  the 
Sloop  Robe  a  Private  man  of  War  now  lying  in  Warren 
Harbour  and  out  ward  Bound  on  a  cruse  against  his 
Majesty's  enemy  which  Said  Sum  of  fifty  pounds  aforesaid 
is  to  be  paid  in  the  Time  aforesaid  by  the  above  named 
Samuel  Barns  or  his  heirs  who  is  hereby  to  have  hold  possess 
and  enjoy  the  one  Quarter  part  of  one  Single  Share  or 
proportion  of  the  Said  Jonathan  Viall  in  each  and  every 
Prize  which  the  said  Jonathan  Shall  be  entitled  to  During 
his  Cruse  on  Board  Said  Sloop  without  any  Act  or  molesta- 
tion of  the  Said  Jonathan  or  any  under  him  and  in  Case  the 


48  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

Said  Sloop  Robe  Shall  return  from  her  Cruse  without  taking 
any  prize  notwithstand.  the  Said  Samuel  Barns  Shall  by  no 
means  with  hold  the  Said  fifty  Pounds  by  Shall  and  will  pay 
the  Same  at  the  Time  above  mention  to  the  Said  Jonathan 
or  to  his  heirs  according  to  the  true  intend  and  meaning  of 
these  Presents  In  Witness  whereof  the  Two  parties  have 
hereunto  set  their  hands  &  seals  the  day  above  writen 
In  presence  of  us  Jonathan  Viall    ( Seal) 

John  Rogers  Richmond 

Joseph  Viall        (Seal) 
Ruth  Viall 
November  14.  1757. 

Then  Received  of  Samuel  Barns  ye  full  Sum  of  fifty  pound 
in  full 

Received  pr  me 

Jonathan  Viall 
Joseph  Viall 

New  Publications  of  Rhode  Island  Interest 

Rhode  Island  Boundaries  1 636-1936  by  John  Hutchins 
Cady  is  a  3 1  page  book  with  six  full  page  maps.  ( Rhode 
Island  State  Planning  Board. ) 

An  illustrated  article  on  Williani  Claggett  of  Neiicporty 
Clockmaker  appears  in  the  January  1937  issue  of  Old  Time 
New  England. 

The  New  England  Quarterly  for  December  1936  con- 
tains an  article  on  Margaret  Fuller  and  the  British  Reviewers 
by  Frances  M.  Barbour. 

Wickford  and  Its  Old  Houses  by  Hunter  C.  White  is  an 
illustrated  pamphlet  of  35  pages,  published  by  The  Main 
Street  Association  of  Wickford. 

The  English  Ancestry  of  Anne  Marhury  Hutchinson  and 
Katherine  Marhury  Scott  by  Meredith  B.  Colket,  Jr.,  was 
published  in  1 936  by  the  Magee  Press,  Philadelphia. 

Old  Westerle^  Rhode  Island.  Rhode  Island's  Jubilee 
Year,  by  George  B.  Utter,  with  drawings  by  Milo  R.  Clarke, 


NOTES 


49 


is  a  booklet  of  55  pages,  issued  by  the  Westerly  Chamber 
of  Commerce. 

Several  Purchases  of  the  Lands  West  of  Wickford  is  the 
December  1936  publication  of  the  Society  of  Colonial  Wars 
in  Rhode  Island. 

The  Transactions  of  the  Colonial  Society  of  Massachu- 
setts for  April  1934  contains  an  article  on  John  Maylem  of 
Newport,  Poet  and  Warrior,  by  Lawrence  C.  Wroth. 

Lexical  Notes  from  Rhode  Island  Toiim  Records  by 
Claude  M.  Simpson,  Jr.,  appears  in  Dialect  Notes.  It  deals 
with  Rhode  Island  usage  of  English  words  differing  from 
recorded  usage. 

A  History  of  Greene  and  Vicinity  1 845-1929 y  by  Squire 
G.  Wood,  has  been  published  as  a  booklet  of  101  pages. 
(Greene  Public  Library,  Greene,  R.  I. ) 

Susan  Braley  Franklin's  Historical  Sketch  of  Second 
Baptist  Church,  Ne-jcport,  Rhode  Island,  has  been  printed 
as  a  pamphlet  of  2 1  pages. 

The  Records  of  the  Vice- Admiralty  Court  of  Rhode 
Island  is  volume  3  of  the  American  Legal  Records,  pub- 
lished by  the  American  Historical  Association,  Washington, 
D.C.,  1936. 

The  Lower  Blackstone  River  Valley.  History  of  Paw- 
tucket,  Central  Falls,  Lincoln  and  Cumberland,  is  an 
illustrated  book  of  169  pages  prepared  by  Hon.  Roscoe 
M.  Dexter,  chairman  of  the  Lower  Blackstone  Valley  Dis- 
trict, Tercentenary  Jubilee  Celebration. 

Notes 

The  following  persons  have  been  elected  to  membership 
in  the  Society: 

Mr.  Charles  W.  Farnham         Mrs.  Charles  P.  Benns 
Mrs.  Charles  E.  Dudley  Mr.  Devere  Allen 

Mr.  Charles  P.  Benns  Dr.  Walter  I.  Sweet 

Mrs.  Lilla  I.  Conant  Mr.  Frederic  N.  Beede 

Mr.  Walter  Knight  Sturges 


50  RHODE  ISLAND   HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Rhode  Island  Historical  Society 
Treasurer's  Report 

INCOME  ACCOUNT  FOR  THE  YEAR   1936 


Receipts 

Annual  Dues $2,3  3  5.00 

Dividends  and  Interest 3,544.5  1 

Rental  of  Rooms 1 00.00 

State  Appropriation  1 ,625.00 


$7,604.51 
Expenditures  exceed  income 239.89 


$7,844.40 


Expenditures 

Binding   $       90.21 

Books  256.93 

Electric  Light  and  Gas 58.42 

Lectures  126.88 

Expense   103.83 

Grounds  and  Building 167.50 

Heating   700.00 

Publication  5  38.66 

Salaries  5,580.00 

Supplies    145.09 

Telephone    62.25 

Water  8.00 

Newspaper  6.63 

$7,844.40 


treasurer's  report  51 

STATEMENT  OF  CONDITION,  DECEMBER  31,   1936 

Assets 

Grounds  and  Building $    2  5,000.00 

Investments: 

Bonds 

$3,000.   Central  Mfg.  District $3,000.00 

4,000.   Dominion  of  Canada,  5s,  1952 4,003.91 

4,000.   61   Broadway  Bldg.,   1st  Mtge.,  5J^s, 

1950    4,000.00 

4,000.   Minnesota  Power  Sc  Light  Co.,  1st  5s, 

195  5    3,930.00 

2,000.   Ohio  Power  Co.,  1st  &Ref.  5s,  1952 1,974.00 

1,000.   Indianapolis   Power  &  Light,    1st    5s, 

1957    994.50 

1,000.  TexasPower&Light,  IstRef.  5s,  1956  1,021.2  5 

1,000.   Pennsylvania  Railroad,  Deb.  4>^s,  1970  922.50 
1,000.   Pennsylvania  Water  &  Power  Co.,   1st 

5s,  1940  1,005.42 

5,000.   BethlehemSteelCorp.,  4>^s,  1960 5,225.00 

3,000.   Western  Mass.  Com.,  3>4s,  1946 3,086.25 

3,000.  Consolidated  Gas  Co.  of  N.  Y.,  3>4s, 

1946    3,131.25 

Stocks 

54  shs.  New  York  Central  Railroad  Co $3,654.62 

30  shs.  Lehigh  Valley  Railroad  Co 2, 11 2.50 

7  shs.  Lehigh  Valley  Coal  Co 23  5.39 

1 25  shs.  Pennsylvania  Railroad  Co. 7,638.35 

40  shs.  Milwaukee  Elec.  Ry.  &  Light  Co.,  Pfd.  3,900.00 

70  shs.  American  Telephone  &  Telegraph  Co.  6,591.72 

3  50  shs.  Providence  Gas  Co 5,755.68 

1  5  shs.  Providence  National  Bank  \ 

1  5  shs.  Providence  Nat'l  Corp.  Trust  Ctf.      J  ' 

45  shs.  Blackstone  Canal  National  Bank 1,050.00 

52  shs.  Atch.,  Top.  &  Santa  Fe  Rv.  Co.,  Com.  6,247.8  5 

45  shs.  Public  Service  of  N.  J.,  Ss,  Cum.  Pfd.  4,3  1  7.63 

22  shs.  Continental  Can  1,446.02 

40  shs.  Bankers  Trust  Co.  of  N.  Y 2,61  5.00 

2  shs.  Guaranty  Trust  Co.  of  N.  Y 706.00 

Savings  Account 2,000.00 

82,078.46 

Cash  on  hand    4,522.87 

$111,601.33 


52  RHODE    ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

Liabilities 

Equipment  Fund  $    25,000.00 

Permanent  Endowment  Fund: 

Samuel  M.  Noyes $  1 2,000.00 

Henry  J.  Steere 1 0,000.00 

James  H.  Bugbce 6,000.00 

Charles  H.  Smith 5,000.00 

William  H.  Potter 3,000.00 

Charles  W.  Parsons 4,000.00 

Esek  A.  Jillson 2,000.00 

John  Wilson  Smith 1,000.00 

William  G.  Weld 1,000.00 

Charles  C.  Hoskins 1 ,000.00 

Charles  H.  Atwood 1,000.00 

Edwin  P.  Anthony 4,000.00 

John  F.  Street 1,000.00 

George  L.  Shepley 5,000.00 

Franklin  Lyceum  Memorial 734.52 

56,734.52 

Publication  Fund: 

Robert  P.  Brown $    2,000.00 

Ira  P.  Peck 1 ,000.00 

William  Gammell 1,000.00 

Albert  J.  Jones 1 ,000.00 

William  Ely  1 ,000.00 

Julia  Bullock 500.00 

Charles  H.  Smith 100.00 

6,600.00 

Life  Membership  5,600.00 

Book  Fund  3,0 1 2.41 

Reserve  Fund 760.88 

Revolving  Publication  Fund 242.45 

Surplus  1  2,5 38. 1  5 

Surplus  Income  Account 1,1 12.92 


$111,601.33 


treasurer's  report  53 

PRINCIPAL  ACCOUNT  FOR  THE  YEAR   1936 


Receipts 

Reserve  Fund  $  7.00 

Revolving  Publication  26.50 

Savings  Account  2,595.86 

Shell  Union  Oil  Corp 2,040.00 

Monongahela  Valley  Traction  Co 4,200.00 

Narragansett  Electric  Co 2,040.00 

Koppers  Gas  &  Coke  Co 2,0 50.00 

Providence  National  Corp. 264.00 


$13,223.36 

Balance  January  1,-1936 5,1  10.08 


$18,333.44 


Payments 

Reserve  $         30.2  5 

Bethlehem  Steel  Corp 5,225.00 

Continental  Can  1 29.74 

Bankers  Trust  Co.  of  N.  Y 2,6 15.00 

Western  Mass.  Com. 3,086.25 

Consolidated  Gas  of  N.  Y. 3,131.25 

Guaranty  Trust  of  N.  Y 706.00 


$14,923.49 
Balance  December  31,  1936 3,409.95 


$18,333.44 


G.  A.  Harrington, 

Treasurer. 


54  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

The  Gore  Roll  of  Arms 

By  Harold  Bowditch 

{co/itinued  from  vol.  AAA',  fage  32) 

46.  (46.)  (39.) 
Hutchinson. 

Arms:  Party  gules  and  azure  a  lion  silver  in  an  orle  of 
(eight)  crosslets  gold  a  label  silver  for  difference. 

Crest:  In  a  coronet  gold  a  cockatrice  azure,  comb,  beak, 
wattles  and  barb  on  the  tail  gules. 

Legend:  Eliakim  Hutchinson  Esqr.  /  On  of  his  Maj. 
Counsell  for  ye  /  Prouince  of  ye  Masechuset  1718. 

Notes:  As  in  the  case  of  No.  40  the  crest  and  the  sinister 
side  of  the  shield  are  really  green,  but  no  doubt  intended 
for  azure. 

Although  there  are  ten  crosslets  in  the  arms  in  No.  40, 
this  coat,  charged  with  a  label,  shows  but  eight,  four  on  each 
side  below  the  label. 

Whitmore  says  that  Eliakim  Hutchinson  was  the  son  of 
Richard  Hutchinson  of  London  and  the  cousin  of  Edward 
Hutchinson. 

For  notes  on  the  arms  see  No.  40. 


The  next  nine  coats,  Nos.  47-55  inclusive,  as  well  as 
Nos.  59  and  61,  appear  to  have  been  taken  from  the  manu- 
script Chute  pedigree  believed  to  have  been  brought  to 
this  country  by  the  immigrant  Lionel  Chute  of  Ipswich; 
Whitmore  calls  attention  to  this  and  refers  to  the  New 
England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  XIII,  123, 
where  this  interesting  document  is  copied.  It  is  still  pre- 
served in  the  Chute  family. 


GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  55 

47.  (47.)  (Omitted.) 
Barker. 

Arms:  Per  fess  nebuly  azure  (?  vert)  and  sable  three 
martlets  gold,  a  canton  ermine. 

Wreath :  Gold,  sable.    , 

Crest:  A  sitting  bear  silver. 

Legend:  Robart  Barker  of  Ipswich  /  in  ye  Comt.  of 
Suffolk  Gr  Britton  /  1718. 

Notes:  These  arms  are  found  in  the  Promptuarium  as 
well  as  in  the  Chute  Manuscript.  They  appear  to  be  a  vari- 
ant of  the  arms  of  Barker  of  Grimston-hall,  co.  Suffolk: 
Per  fess  nebuly  gold  and  azure  three  martlets  counter- 
changed;  Barker  of  Ipswich,  co.  Suffolk,  bore  exactly  the 
arms  shown  in  the  Gore  Roll  (azure,  not  vert)  and  two 
crests,  ( 1 )  (apparently  earlier)  A  sitting  bear  gold  with  a 
collar  sable,  and  (2)  (evidently  modern)  A  sitting  grey- 
hound silver  with  a  collar  and  ring  to  which  is  attached  a 
line  gold  which  he  holds  from  him  with  his  dexter  foot 
(Edmondson). 

48.  (48.)  (Omitted.) 
Lucas. 

Arms:  Silver  a  fess  between  six  annulets  gules. 

Crest:  From  a  coronet  gold  a  demi-dragon  gules. 

Legend:  Sr.  Thomas  Lucas  of  Colchester,  /  Gr  Britton 
1718. 

Notes:  These  arms  are  from  the  Chute  Manuscript, 
and  a  Sir  Thomas  Lucas  is  found  in  the  Promptuarium 
Armorum. 

Edmondson  gives  these  arms  for  Lucas  of  Colchester  in 
Essex  and  of  co.  Suffolk,  with  two  crests:  (1)  From  a 
coronet  gold  a  d.^tvcix-grifin  with  wings  expanded  gules,  and 
(2)  From  a  coronet  gold  a  dragon's  head  gules. 


56  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

49.  (49.)  (Omitted.) 
Chute.  Breton. 

Arms:  Two  coats  impaled:  Baron:  Gules  three  swords 
barwise  silver  pomels  and  hilts  gold.  Femme:  Quarterly 
per  fess  indented  silver  and  gules  in  the  first  quarter  a  molet 
sable. 

Wreath:   Silver,  gules. 

Crest:  A  demi-talbot  silver,  the  tongue  gules,  with  a 
collar  and  ring  to  which  is  fastened  a  coiled  line  gold  held 
in  his  dexter  paw. 

Legend:  John  Bretton  of  Tollingham.  /  in  NorfFolk 
Gr  Britton  1718/  Jnpaled  On  ye  Dexter  Side  with  Choute 
/  Choute  &  Bretton. 

Notes:  Chowte  is  found  in  the  Promptuarium  Armorum 
and  the  Breton  arms  are  from  the  Chute  Manuscript. 

The  Chute  arms  are  those  of  Chute  of  the  Vine  in  Hamp- 
shire and  of  COS.  Somerset  and  Kent  (Edmondson). 
Challoner  Chute  of  the  Middle  Temple,  Counsellor  of  the 
Law,  living  in  1634  (Burke  says  that  either  he  or  his  son  of 
the  same  name  was  Speaker  of  Richard  Cromwell's  House 
of  Commons),  the  great-grandson  of  Anthony  Chute  of 
CO.  Kent,  bore:  the  same  arms  with  the  addition  of  an  orle 
of  molets  gold  (Visitation  of  London  \63'}-\63S). 

The  Breton  arms  are  those  of  Breton  of  Wichingham, 
CO.  Norfolk  j  the  Breton  crest  is  given  as  A  demi-talbot 
gules  eared  gold^  collared  and  lined  gold,  holding  in  his 
jeet  the  line  coiled  up  (  Edmondson). 

50.  (50.)  (Omitted.) 

Wood. 

Arms:  Sable  a  bend  silver  on  the  bend  three  fleur-de-lys 
sable,  a  crescent  (gold)  for  difference. 

Wreath :   Silver,  sable. 

Crest:  A  wolf's  head  erased  proper  with  a  collar  and  ring 
gold  the  edges  of  the  collar  gules. 


GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS 


57 


Legend:  John  Wood  of  west  Cuthon  in  ye  /  Yocksheir 
Gr.  Britton  1718. 

Notes:  These  arms  are  found  in  the  Promptuarium 
Armorum  1 8b  and  in  the  Chute  Manuscript. 

The  arms  are  those  of  Wood  of  Staffordshire  and  of 
West  Cutton  and  Thorpe^  in  Yorkshire  j  the  crest  is  given 
as:  A  wolf's  head  erased  sable  collared  and  ringed  goldj 
granted  6  May  1578  (Edmondson). 

In  early  heraldry  the  collar  would  mark  the  head  as  that 
of  a  dog  (alaunt,  or  wolf-hound)  as  opposed  to  that  of  a 
wolf,  but  at  such  a  late  date  as  1578  such  a  distinction  would 
have  been  lost. 

-   51.  (51.)  (Omitted.) 
Stourton. 

Arms:  Sable  a  bend  gold  between  six  fountains. 

Wreath :  Gold,  sable. 

Crest:  A  demi-friar  proper  habited  in  brown  holding  in 
his  right  hand  a  scourge  with  three  lashes  proper  at  the  end 
of  each  a  five-pointed  rowel  gules. 

Legend:  Edward  Sturtton  Esqr.  /  Gr.  Britton      1718. 

Notes:  These  arms  occur  in  the  Promptuarium  Armorum 
102b  and  in  the  Chute  Manuscript. 

In  the  Child  copy  the  "fountains"  are  made  silver,  thus 
losing  the  significance  of  the  coat  which  alludes  to  the  fact 
that  the  river  Stour  rises  from  six  heads,  three  each  within 
and  without  the  park  pale  of  Lord  Stourton. 

The  arms  are  those  of  Sturton  of  Sturton  in  Notting- 
hamshire and  of  Ourmengen  in  Dorsetshire^  the  crest  of 
the  latter  line  is:  A  demi-friar  habited  in  russet  girt  gold, 
in  his  right  hand  a  whip  of  three  lashes  and  in  his  left  a  cross 
(Edmondson).  Burke  gives  the  same  crest  for  Lord  Stour- 
ton. The  cross  in  the  friar's  left  hand  is  not  shown  in  the 
Gore  Roll,  nor  does  it  appear  in  Fairbairn. 


58  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

52.  (52.)  (Omitted.) 
Chichester. 

Arms :  Cheeky  gold  and  gules  a  chief  vair. 

Wreath:  Gules, gold. 

Crest:  A  bird  with  wings  elevated  proper  (brown  with  a 
little  white  on  the  wings)  beak  and  legs  gules  holding  in  his 
bill  a  serpent  proper  (green  above,  white  below). 

Legend:  Robart  Chichester  of  Raly  in  /  ye  Con.  of 
Deuen  in  Gret  Britton  /  1718. 

Notes:  These  arms  are  from  the  Chute  Manuscript  and 
are  found  in  the  Promptuarium  Armorum. 

Whitmore  blazons  the  chief  vairy  gold  and  gules  but  in 
the  Child  copy  it  is  gold  and  silver. 

The  arms  and  crest  are  those  of  Chichester  of  Melbury 
Osmond,  co.  Dorset,  and  of  Raleigh,  co.  Devon  (Edmond- 
son).  The  bird  should  be  a  stork  or  a  heron,  but  the  illustra- 
tion in  the  Gore  Roll  shows  a  bird  of  indeterminate  species 
with  an  only  moderately  long  bill,  and  the  coloring  makes 
it  doubtful  that  the  artist  had  a  stork  or  heron  in  mind. 

53.  (61.)  (Omitted.) 

Mansale. 

Arms:  Silver  a  chevron  between  three  maunches  sable. 

Wreath:  Silver,  sable. 

Crest :  An  eagle's  head  gold  the  beak  and  tongue  gules. 

Legend:  John  Mansale  of  the  city  /  of  Bristol  Mar- 
chant:  G.  Brit/  1719. 

Notes:  These  arms  are  found  in  the  Promptuarium 
Armorum  1  la,  and  in  the  Chute  Manuscript. 

The  arms  are  those  of  Mansel  or  Maunsell  of  various 
places  in  Wales  and  Ireland  (Berry,  Burke)  and  one  line  of 
Mansell  bore  the  same  design  in  reversed  tinctures 
(Edmondson)j  the  crest  shown  in  the  Gore  Roll  has  not 
been  identified  through  the  usual  books  of  reference. 


GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  59 

54.  (62.)  (45.) 
Chute. 

Arms:  Gules  powdered  with  molets  gold  three  swords 
barwise  silver  the  pomels  and  hilts  gold  the  first  and  third 
with  points  to  the  sinister  and  the  other  to  the  dexter,  on  a 
canton  per  fess  silver  and  vert  (?  azure)  a  leopard  gold. 
Wreath:  Silver,  gules: 

Crest:  A  cubit  arm  in  armor  the  naked  hand  proper 
grasping  a  broken  sword  silver  the  pomel  and  hilt  gold. 

Legend:  Thomas  Chute  of  Marble  /  head  in  ye  County 
ofEsixl719. 

Notes:  The  Promptuarium  Armorum  90a  shows  this 
coat  and  mentions  Philip  Chowte  or  Chewte  of  Horneley 
Apledore  in  Kent,  standard-bearer  to  Henry  VIII,  who 
received  this  canton  as  an  augmentation.  To  be  correct  it 
should  be  per  fess  silver  and  vert,  the  Tudor  livery  colors, 
charged  with  a  leopard  from  the  royal  arms,  and  as  a  matter 
of  fact  the  painting  in  the  Gore  Roll  shows  the  lower  part 
green  j  but  the  change  that  has  taken  place  in  the  blue  pig- 
ment throughout  most  of  the  book  leaves  one  in  doubt  as  to 
the  original  color.  The  augmentation  was  granted  to  Philip 
Chewte  for  his  services  at  the  siege  of  Boulogne  j  the  aug- 
mented arms  are  apparently  incorrectly  assigned  to  Thomas 
Chute  of  Marblehead,  for  Burke  says  that  the  line  of  Philip 
Chewte  became  extinct  in  1721,  which  was  the  date  of  death 
of  Sir  George  Chute,  bart.,  M.  P.  for  Winchelsea,  and 
Thomas  Chute  does  not  seem  to  have  belonged  to  this  line. 
Whitmore   quotes   the   New   England   Historical   and 
Genealogical  Register,  XIII,  123,  for  a  transcript  of  the 
Chute  Manuscript  Pedigree  which  is  believed  to  have  been 
brought  to  America  by  the  immigrant  Lionel  Chute  of 
Ipswich,  Massachusetts,  and  says:  "it  is  stated  that  Lionel 
Chute  of  Ipswich  was  son  of  Anthony  Chute,  and  the 
descendant  of  Alexander  Chute  of  Taunton,  co.  Somerset, 
A.  D.  1 268.  Lionel's  son  James  married  an  Epes  of  Ipswich, 
and  had  a  son  Thomas,  born  in  1692,  the  one  here  men- 


60  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

tioned."  William  E.  Chute  in  the  Chute  Genealogy  says 
that  he  was  born  in  Byfleld-Newbury  in  1690,  moved  to 
Marblehead,  and  later  to  Windhani,  Maine.  On  the  other 
hand,  William  Goold,  writing  on  Thomas  Chute  the  First 
Settler  of  Windham,  Maine,  in  1882,  says  that  Thomas 
Chute  of  Windham  was  born  in  London  in  1 690,  emigrated 
to  Marblehead  before  1725  and  kept  a  public  house  there. 

Apparently  the  elder  line  of  Chute,  which  became  Chute 
of  The  Vine,  extinct  in  1 776,  used  the  simple  coat  as  shown 
in  No.  49  j  this  line  descends  from  Anthony,  the  brother  of 
Philip  Chute  the  standard-bearer,  and  is  consequently  not 
entitled  to  the  augmentation  j  this  Anthony  had  two  sons, 
( 1 )  Arthur  Chute  of  Wrentam,  co.  Suffolk,  the  ancestor  of 
the  line  of  Chute  of  The  Vine  which  bore  the  simple  coat 
except  that  Challoner  Chute,  father  or  son,  added  an  orle 
of  molets  gold,  a  difference  which  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  perpetuated j  and  (2)  Lyonell  Chute  who  died  in 
1592,  the  father  of  Lionel  Chute  who  came  to  Ipswich, 
Massachusetts,  in  1634. 

If  Thomas  Chute  of  Marblehead  belonged  to  this  line 
from  Lionel  of  Ipswich,  as  is  supposed,  he  should  appar- 
ently have  used  the  simple  red  shield  with  three  swords 
(see  No.  49)  j  but  if  he  was  born  in  London,  as  stated  by 
Goold,  he  must  have  belonged  to  a  different  branch,  and  in 
that  case  might  have  been  entitled  to  the  augmented  coat 
which  is  given  him  in  the  Gore  Roll. 

55.  (55.)  (Omitted.) 
Barkeley. 

Arms:  Gules  a  chevron  between  ten  (6,4)  crosses  patty 
silver. 

Wreath:   Silver,  gules. 

Crest:  A  unicorn  passant  gules. 

Legend:  Sr.  John  Barkley  of  Stratton  '  Jn  Summorset 
shir  G.  Britton/  1719. 


GORE   ROLL   OF   ARMS  61 

Notes:  These  arms  occur  in  the  Chute  Manuscript  under 
the  name  Hartley,  and  in  the  Promptuarium  Armorum  6b. 

They  are  the  well  known  Barkeley  or  Berkeley  arms  and 
may  be  found  in  Edmondson  and  many  other  works, 

56.  {56^.}  (Omitted.) 
Whithorne. 

Arms:  Per  chevron  counterflowered  sable  and  silver  in 
chief  two  escallops  and  in  base  a  tower  counterchanged. 

Wreath :   Silver,  sable. 

Crest:  Five  spears,  one  erect,  four  two  and  two  parallel 
in  saltire,  proper. 

Legend:  Gorge  Whithorn  of  Kingston  /  Jn  ye  Jsland 
of  Jameca  1719." 

Notes:  These  arms  are  in  the  Promptuarium  Armorum 
125b  under  the  name  of  Whithorne. 

The  name  is  not  found  in  Edmondson;  Berry  and  Burke 
record  the  arms  but  in  reversed  form  for  Whitehorn:  Per 
chevron  flory  silver  and  sable  in  chief  two  towers  and  in 
base  an  escallop  all  counterchanged;  crest.  Five  spears  sable 
the  heads  gold,  one  in  pale  and  four  in  saltire.  Possibly  the 
artist  confused  the  design  with  that  of  the  somewhat  similar 
Mun  coat.  No.  39. 

57.  (57.)  (42.) 

Brown. 

Arms:  Silver  a  bend  double  cotised  sable  on  the  bend 
three  eagles  silver. 

Wreath:  Silver,  sable. 

Crest:  An  eagle  silver,  charged  with  a  bar  gemel  sable, 
beak  and  legs  gold. 

Legend:  Samuell  Brown  Esqr.  of  Salem  /  Justice  of  ye 
Cort  of  Common  plee  (r — written  over)  /  Coll',  of  the 
first  Rigament  of  foot  /  in  ye  County  of  Esix.  On  of  his 
Maj  Counsell. 

Notes:  The  Child  copy,  colored  after  Whitmore  had 


62  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

written  his  description,  now  shows  the  bend  and  the  cotises 
gules  and  the  eagles  on  the  bend  gilded.  Whitmore  identi- 
fies this  individual  as  the  son  of  William  and  Hannah 
(Curwin)  Brown  and  the  grandson  of  William  Brown  of 
Salem  who  was  the  son  of  Francis  Brown  of  Brandon,  co. 
Suffolk.  See  also  No.  44. 

58.  (58.)  (43.) 
Brindesley, 

Arms:  Party  sable  and  gold  a  chevron  between  three 
escallop^s  counterchanged  in  a  border  silver  charged  with 
(eight)  roundles  azure. 

Wreath :   Gold,  sable. 

Crest:  An  escallop  gules. 

Legend:  Francis  Brindle  of  Newport  /  in  ye  CoUoney 
of  Roadisland  Mar.  /  Now  of  Boston        1719. 

Notes:  The  word  "Mar",  omitted  by  Child  and  hence 
by  Whitmore,  presumably  means  "Marchant".  Whitmore 
identifies  this  Francis  Brinley,  as  he  writes  the  name,  as  the 
son  of  Thomas  Brinley  of  Datchett,  Buckinghamshire,  and 
says  that  he  was  an  Assistant  and  died  in  171 9. 

Under  the  names  Brindesley,  Brinsley  and  Brindsley, 
Edmondson  gives:  Per  chevron  gold  and  sable  three  escal- 
lops counterchanged,  which  may  be  taken  as  the  simplest 
and  hence  the  earliest  form  of  this  coatj  under  Brindesley 
Berry  gives:  Party  gold  and  sable  a  chevron  between  three 
escallops  counterchanged,  which  is  the  reverse  of  the  coat 
given  in  the  Gore  Roll  but  lacking  the  border;  the  arms 
with  the  border  do  not  appear  in  the  books  consulted. 

Chapin  records  the  fact  that  Francis  Brinley  of  Newport 
used  an  armorial  seal  in  1686  and  1688,  showing  these  arms 
without  a  border  (Rhode  Island  Heraldry,  p.  45),  and  the 
same  arms,  with  a  lion's  head  erased,  with  a  crown,  for  a 
crest,  appear  on  his  will  (Heraldic  Journal,  II,  3 1 ). 

Note  that  the  bordered  coat  appears  again  on  the  death  of 
the  widow  of  Francis  Brindesley,  No.  73. 


GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  63 

59.  (59.)  (Omitted.) 

COLEPEPER. 

Arms:  Silver  a  bend  engrailed  gules. 

Wreath :  Silver,  gules. 

Crest:  A  falcon  with  wings  raised  silver,  beak  and  legs 
gules,  bells  gold. 

Legend:  Sr.  Thomas  Culpeper  Barron  /  of  Thornesway 
in  ye  County  of  /  Kent :  G :  Britton       1719. 

Notes:  These  arms  are  found  in  the  Promptuarium 
Armorum  and  in  the  Chute  Manuscript. 

Child,  before  Whitmore  had  described  his  copy,  colored 
the  field  azure  j  it  is  hard  to  see  how  he  could  have  made 
such  a  blunder,  for  besides  offending  the  eye  of  anyone 
practised  in  heraldry  through  its  obvious  contravention  of 
the  rule  against  placing  color  on  color,  he  was  making  a 
material  alteration  in  a  well  known  coat,  known  even  in 
America  since  Thomas  Colepeper,  second  Baron  Colepeper 
of  Thoresway,  became  Governor  of  Virginia  in  1675  and 
took  office  in  1680. 

This  coat,  if  painted  in  1719,  was  reminiscent,  for  Sir 
Thomas,  the  second  baron,  died  in  1688/9  and  was  suc- 
ceeded in  turn  by  his  two  brothers,  the  second  of  whom  died 
in  1725  when  the  title  became  extinct.  It  is  perhaps  for  this 
reason  that  Dr.  Buck  has  raised  the  question  whether  the 
word  Baron  should  not  read  Baronet. 

60.  (60.)  (44.) 
Dudley. 

Arms:  Gold  a  two-tailed  lion  azure. 

Wreath:  Gold,  azure. 

Crest:  A  lion's  head  erased  azure  the  tongue  gules. 

Legend:  Joseph  Dudly  of  Roxburey  in  ye  Con  /  of 
Suffolk  Esqr:  Gouenar  of  ye  prouin  (r )  /  of  ye  Masechu- 
sets  bay  New  England  /  and  New  Hanshear      1 720. 

Notes:  Whitmore  says  "This  was  the  son  of  Governor 


64  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

Thomas  Dudley.  .  .  .  We  may  note  that  the  Dudley  lion 
was  usually  vert,  instead  of  azure."  The  painting  in  the 
Gore  Roll  offers  another  of  the  puzzling  instances  where 
the  decision  as  to  the  original  color  is  hard  to  reach.  The  lion 
and  the  lion's  head  are  frankly  green  now,  but  no  more 
green  than  is  the  sinister  half  of  the  Hutchinson  coat  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  same  sheet  (No.  64),  and  they  do  not 
have  the  yellowish-brown  tinge  which  is  seen  in  objects 
which  are  known  to  be  intended  for  vert.  Nevertheless, 
vert  may  have  been  intended,  and  I  leave  the  point  unde- 
cided. Child  when  he  made  his  copy  painted  the  lion  azure, 
although  the  edges  of  the  figure  are  in  places  green,  prob- 
ably through  carelessness  in  handling  the  paint  over  the 
yellow  background.  The  tincture  of  the  lion  as  used  by  the 
American  family  remains  in  doubt,  for  although  the  Dud- 
leys, Earls  of  Warwick,  are  said  to  have  used  a  lion  vert 
there  appears  to  be  a  conflict  of  testimony.  The  following 
citations  show  the  variation  in  the  tincture  of  the  lion. 

Dudley:  Gold  a  lion  vert,  tail  forked. 
Dudley:  Gold  a  lion  vert. 

(Edmondson,  Berry,  Burke.) 

Dudley:  John,  Earl  of  Warwick  1547,  Viscount  Lisle, 
afterwards  Duke  of  Northumberland,  K.  G.  j 
descended  from  the  Lady  Margaret,  daughter  of 
Richard  Beauchamp,  Earl  of  Warwick  j 

Dudley:  Ambrose,  Earl  of  Warwick  1562,  K.  G.,  died 
1589^ 

Gold  a  lion  azure  with  two  tails. 
(Heylyn.) 

Dudley  (England):  Gold  a  lion  azure,  tail  forked. 

(d'Eschavannes. ) 


Form  of  Legacy 


"/  give  and  bequeath  to  the  Rhode  Island 

Historical  Society  the  sum  of 

dollars." 


Roger  Wii.i.iams  I'rtss       M^R}^ 


1-^.  A.  Johnson  Co. 


I'ROVIDENCC 


n 


Rhode    Island 

Historical    Society 

Collections 


Vol.  XXX 


JULY,  1937  ...1 


No.  3 


CHEST    PRESENTED   TO   THE    TOWN    OF    HOPKIN  TON     1!V    STEPHEN    HOPKINS 
IN    175  7   FOR    IIIE  PRESERVATION  OF  TTS  RECORDS. 

N ozv  in  the  Society's   Aliiscuin 


Issued  Quarterly 


68  Waterman  Street,  Providence,  Rhode  Island 


CONIENIS 


Hopkinton  Records  Chest    .....   Cover 

Recollections  of  the  Mexican  War 

by  Nelson  Viall 65 

New  Publications  of  Rhode  Island  Interest    .  .  83 

Notes 84 

Lands  West  of  East  Greenwich 

Communicated  by  G.  Andrews  Moriarty 

Notes  by  William  Davis  Miller       .  .  .  85 

Gore  Roll  of  Arms 

by  Harold  Bowditch 88 


RHODE 
HISTORICAL 


ISLAND 

SOCIETY 


COLLECTIONS 


Vol.  XXX 


JULY,   1937 


No.  3 


Nathaniel  W.  Smith,  President 
William  Davis  Miller,  Secretary 


Robert  T.  Downs,  Treasurer 
Howard  M.  Chapin,  Librarian 


The  Society  assumes  no  responsibility  for  the  statements  or  the  opinions 
of  contributors. 


Recollections  of  the  Mexican  War 

By  Nelson  Vlall"^ 

From  original  ?nanuscript  i/i  the  library  of  the  Society 

It  was  my  fortune  to  be  a  member  of  the  "Providence 
Artillery",  (now  called  "United  Train  of  Artillery")  in 
the  year  1846.  The  movement  of  General  Taylor  from 
Corpus  Christi,  to  the  relief  of  Fort  Brown,  on  the  Rio 
Grande,  was  the  theme  of  conversation  throughout  the 
state.  Meetings  were  called  by  commanders  of  the  various 
military  companies,  after  the  battles  of  Palo  Alto  and 
Resaca-de-la-Palma,  for  the  purpose  of  offering  their 
services  to  the  Government.  The  act  passed  by  Congress 
to  increase  the  army,  by  adding  ten  regiments,  to  be  en- 
listed for  the  war,  defined  the  quota  of  Rhode  Island  to 
be  one  company  of  infantry.  Although  there  were  four 
companies  in  process  of  organization,  but  one  could  be 
mustered  into  service  j  to  Captain  Joseph  S.  Pitman  and 
Lieut.  John  S.  Slocum  was  assigned  the  duty  of  preparing 


*The  author  mentions  that  he  was  promoted  to  be  a  sergeant,  thus 
showing  that  he  was  a  corporal  and  states  that  John  \'iall  was  his  brother. 


66  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

it  for  the  field.  The  second  lieutenancy  was  subsequently 
filled  by  the  appointment  of  John  Glackin  of  Woonsocket. 
The  Legislature  made  an  appropriation,  January  1 847 
of  $2,500,  for  volunteers  for  the  Mexican  War.  George 
W.  Guild  was  appointed  hrst-sergeant.  Frequent  change 
was  made  in  the  grade  of  the  non-commissioned  officers, 
as  their  qualifications  developed.  The  following  is  the 
roster  after  entering  the  Valley  of  Mexico: 
Sergeants 

1st    William  H.  White     of  Newport,  R.  I. 

2nd  John  Viall  of  Providence,  R.  I. 

3rd  Albion  C.  Libby  of  Maine 

4th  Alpheus  W.  Randall   of  Providence,  R.  I. 

5th   James  E.  Powell  of  Texas 

Corporals 

1st    Nelson  Viall  of  Providence,  R.  I. 

2nd  George  W.  Guild        of  Providence,  R.  I. 

3rd  David  K.  Richmond   of  Providence,  R.  I. 

4th   Henry  Williams  of  Providence,  R.  I. 

Musician 

George  W.  King  of  Johnston,  R.  I. 

In  the  early  spring  of  1847,  the  company  took  passage 
on  a  sloop  for  Fort  Adams,  Newport,  R.  I.,  where  it  was 
perfected  in  drill;  at  this  time  no  other  company  of  the 
New  England  regiment  ( to  which  we  were  to  be  attached) 
had  been  organized.  Orders  were  received  to  proceed  to 
Fort  Columbus,  New  York  harbor;  we  returned  to  Prov- 
idence and  took  the  old  Stonington  route  for  New  York. 
At  Stonington  we  were  delayed  until  next  day,  a  heavy 
gale  of  wind  preventing  the  steamer  from  leaving  her 
dock.  However,  an  incident  occurred  early  in  the  evening, 
which  made  the  delay  more  tolerable;  at  roll-call  it  was 
discovered  that  one  man,  private  F.  was  absent:  after 
diligent  search  he  was  found  among  the  steerage  passengers, 
in  earnest  conversation  with  a  woman  of  about  his  own 
age;  they  had  not  met  before  for  years,  but  they  were 
now  intent  upon  making  up  for  lost  time.   His  deep  interest 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THE   MEXICAN    WAR  67 

in  the  girl  was  the  only  excuse  he  had  to  offer  for  being 
absent  from  roll-call.  Lieut.  Slocum  was  informed  of  his 
delinquency  and  was  about  to  reprimand  him.  The  soldier 
pleaded  for  the  officer  to  hear  him,  "Lieut."  said  he,  "I 
am  strongly  attached  to  this  girlj  we  were  engaged  to  be 
married;  the  fault  was  mine;  we  became  separated,  and 
for  three  years  we  have  not  met,  until  by  chance  I  saw  her 
among  the  passengers  bound  for  New  York  in  pursuit  of 
work.  Now  I  desire  to  fulfill  my  promise  made  then,  but 
how  to  do  it  in  my  present  condition  I  am  at  a  loss  to  know, 
Lieut,  will  you  advise  me  what  to  do."  Lieut.  Slocum, 
alive  to  the  gravity  of  the  case,  conferred  with  Capt.  Pitman, 
and  it  was  decided  to  have  a  wedding;  a  detail  was  sent  on 
shore  to  procure  a  clergyman;  after  much  delay,  and 
during  a  lull  in  the  storm,  they  arrived  on  board  the 
steamer.  The  knot  having  been  tied,  hearty  cheers  and 
congratulations  were  given  to  the  pair,  each  man  of  the 
company  no  doubt  feeling  that  an  additional  laundress  in 
the  company  would  be  a  great  help  in  a  sanitary  point  of 
view.  A  purse  was  made  up  to  defray  expenses,  by 
officers  and  men;  a  balance  remaining,  it  was  invested  in 
a  set  of  jewelry  for  the  bride.  The  Captain  of  the  steamer 
kindly  offered  the  bridal  state-room,  into  which  they 
were  conducted  at  a  late  hour,  when  all  retired  to  await 
the  fury  of  the  gale  to  expend  itself. 

The  following  day  we  arrived  at  Fort  Columbus.  The 
fort  being  garrisoned  by  a  company  of  artillery  of  the 
regular  army,  all  guard  duty  was  performed  by  them. 
During  the  evening  I  procured  pen,  ink  and  paper,  seated 
myself  on  the  floor  of  the  barracks,  and  wrote  a  letter  home 
to  "the  girl  I  left  behind  me"  and  the  one  who  subsequently 
became  my  wife.  A  soap  box  with  a  candle  stuck  upon  it 
formed  the  best  means  for  correspondence.  Being  located 
on  the  second  floor,  and  my  thoughts  entirely  absorbed, 
I  heard  nothing  from  below  until  a  gruff  voice  from  the 
foot  of  the  stairs  cried  out,  "put  out  that  light".  My  reply 
was  "all  right",  I  had  arrived  just  at  the  interesting  part 


68  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

of  my  letter,  when,  again  I  heard  a  loud  tread  upon  the 
stairs  j  the  door  opened  with  a  slam  and  the  Sergeant  of 
the  guard  stood  before  mej  "I  told  you  to  put  your  light 
out  j  did  you  not  hear  the  taps"?  I  assured  him  I  had  not. 
In  my  letter  I  had  become  so  absorbed,  that  all  else  was 
oblivion  to  me.  The  Sergeant  excused  me,  and  I  went  to 
bed,  with  anything  but  the  kindest  of  feelings  for  that 
Sergeant. 

After  a  few  days  stay  in  Fort  Columbus,  the  company 
embarked  on  the  brig  Wilson  Fuller,  for  Brazos  Santiago 
in  Texas.  Our  passage  was  a  most  unpleasant  one.  The 
vessel  was  less  than  300  tons  measurement.  The  men 
being  placed  in  the  hold  with  but  one  hatchway  for  venti- 
lation, and  this  served  also  as  a  means  of  getting  to  and 
from  our  close  quarters. 

April  28,  1847  we  were  enjoying  the  freedom  from  the 
ships  hold  on  the  sand  hills  of  Brazos  Santiago.  On  the 
29"'  of  April  we  marched  to  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande 
river,  distance  eight  miles.  The  land  is  low  and  marshy 
on  the  route,  and  the  water  brackish  and  unfit  to  drink ^ 
this  is  true  of  Rio  Grande  City;  the  water  consumed  being- 
taken  from  the  river  above  the  flow  of  the  tide,  and  brought 
down  the  river  and  sold  to  consumers. 

April  30*''  the  company  embarked  on  board  steamer 
William  M'^Gee  for  Camp  Instruction,  ten  miles  below 
Matamoras.  On  our  arrival  we  were  attached  to  the  1  1*'' 
Infantry,  Col.  Ramsey  commanding.  Here  for  the  first 
time  the  Company  was  drilled  in  battalion  movements.  A 
more  strict  discipline  was  exacted,  and  I  began  to  feel  that 
the  Sergeant  of  the  guard  at  Fort  Columbus,  was  not  the 
only  martinet  in  the  service.  By  degrees  the  recruit  has 
the  conceit  taken  out  of  him.  It  requires  time  to  make  a 
soldier;  old  militia  notions  must  be  abandoned,  and  the 
Articles  of  War  and  the  Army  Regulations  made  a  basis 
in  the  duties  of  a  soldier.  The  drawing  of  the  lines  of 
discipline  at  Palo  Alto  caused  some  of  our  men  to  chafe, 
and  at  last  desert.   Privates  Inman  and  Slocuni  on  the  15''' 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THE    MEXICAN   WAR 


69 


A   MEXICAN   BANNER   CARRIED    BY   A   REGIMENT  OF 

INFANTRY  OF  THE    PROVINCE  OF  OAXACA    IN  THE 

BATTLE  OF  CERRO  GORDO,  APRIL    17,    1847 

In  the  Soc!e/\'s  Museum 


of  May  left  the  Company  and  were  dropped  from  the  roll. 
Brigadier  General  Cadwallader  commanded  the  post  which 
consisted  of  2000  men  of  all  arms. 

During  our  stay  we  interchanged  visits  with  the  Mass. 
Volunteers  Col.  Caleb  Cushing,  who  occupied  Matamoras. 
On  the  23'^^  of  May  we  broke  camp  pursuant  to  orders 
received,  to  proceed  to  Vera  Cruz.  The  11 "'  Regiment 
embarked   on   steamer   Col.    Hunt   for   Brazos   Santiago, 


70  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

from  which  place  we  sailed  on  the  transport  brig  Meteor 
for  Vera  Cruz.  A  passage  of  seven  days  brought  us  to 
anchor  under  the  lee  of  the  Castle  of  San  Juan  de  UUoa. 
Landing  the  command  by  means  of  surf  boats  was  next 
in  order.  The  troops  were  landed  some  two  miles  north 
of  the  city,  on  the  sandy  beach,  which  shoaled  so  gradually 
that  our  boats  containing,  say  a  hundred  men  each,  could 
not  approach  within  a  hundred  yards  of  the  shore  when 
the  keel  would  touch  j  a  line  attached  to  an  anchor  pre- 
viously thrown  out  is  now  made  fast,  and  as  the  rolling 
surf  permits,  men  jump  into  it  and  make  the  shore  as 
best  they  can.  Some  losing  their  footing,  are  rolled  many 
yards  up  the  beach  before  regaining  their  feet  to  escape 
the  next  roller.  We  encamped  on  the  beach  within  a  short 
distance  of  the  surf.  While  in  this  camp  the  men  took  a 
sea  bath,  daily,  by  companies  which  was  of  great  benefit 
as  a  sanitary  measure.  On  the  morning  of  June  4*^^  at  two 
o'clock  we  struck  our  tents  in  obedience  to  orders  of  Gen. 
Cadwallader  to  march  to  the  City  of  Puebla.  Our  sick 
were  left  in  hospitals  at  \'era  Cruz.  Our  march  of  nine 
miles  to  the  town  of  Sante  Fe  was  very  fatiguing.  Our 
bivouac  for  the  night  without  a  supply  of  water,  was  no 
doubt,  the  first  time  many  of  us  had  been  brought  to  a 
realizing  sense  of  its  value,  to  man  and  beast.  The  hot  sun 
began  to  tell  upon  the  health  of  the  men.  Captain  Pitman's 
health  was  failing;  he  bought  a  mare,  with  a  colt  some  six 
weeks  old,  also  an  improvised  saddle.  He  found  the  mare 
of  great  assistance  to  him.  There  being  no  supply  of  water 
found,  the  column  moved  at  an  early  hour  to  Sopelota,  a 
distance  of  eight  miles,  where  water  was  obtained  in  abund- 
ance. We  encamped  on  the  bank  of  a  beautiful  river  at 
three  o'clock  P.  M.  and  in  a  short  time  our  men  largely 
availed  themselves  of  the  privilege  of  a  bath  in  the  river. 
Captain  Pitman  suffered  niuch  on  this  day's  march  from 
the  effects  of  the  sun,  and  during  the  evening  showed  signs 
of  mental  derangement.  He  recovered,  however,  and 
moved  with  the  column  the  following  day.    As  we  ap- 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THE   MEXICAN    WAR  71 

preached  Puenta  National  or  the  National  Bridge,  some 
30  miles  from  Vera  Cruz,  the  enemy's  pickets  of  lancers 
were  observed  falling  back,  but  watching  closely  our  move- 
ments. As  the  advance  of  two  companies  of  U.  S.  Dagroons 
approached  within  range,  the  Mexicans  opened  a  sharp  fire 
and  retired  to  the  naturally  fortified  heights  commanding 
the  bridge  on  both  sides  of  the  river.  Our  Mountain 
Howitzer  Battery  opened  fire  upon  the  enemy,  while 
Colonel  Ramsey  directed  a  company  of  the  11*''  Infantry 
to  cross  the  bridge  and  attack  the  heights.  Captain  Pitman 
and  Lieut.  Slocum  both  urged  the  Col.  to  send  the  Rhode 
Island  Company  on  this  duty.  This  he  consented  to  do, 
Capt.  Joseph  Hooker  of  G^n.  Cadwallader's  Staff  charged 
across  the  bridge  with  the  Rhode  Island  Company.  We 
met  with  a  barricade  made  in  the  center  which  impeded 
our  progress  some  moments.  The  Company  was  under  fire 
for  the  first  time,  and  its  behavior  was  excellent.  Clearing 
the  barricade  we  crossed  the  bridge  and  charged  the  enemy's 
works  on  the  heights,  Captain  Hooker  followed  with  us 
until  the  steep  hill  and  broken  ground  prevented  his  horse 
from  advancing  farther  Capt,  Pitman  led  his  Company 
bravely  up  the  heights.  At  this  time  it  was  quite  dark. 
Our  fire  had  been  reserved  until  we  had  nearly  gained  the 
heights,  when  the  Capt.  gave  the  command  to  charge  bat- 
talion. Our  men  with  a  cheer  gained  the  enemy's  position 
to  find  they  had  fled.  They  being  well  mounted,  could 
keep  up  their  fire  until  we  were  near  them,  when  all  dis- 
appeared in  the  wooded  country  in  the  rear.  Into  the  woods 
we  followed  some  distance  when  a  halt  was  made,  and 
quite  a  difference  of  opinion  existed,  as  to  the  true  course 
back  to  the  old  fort  occupied  by  the  enemy.  Lieut  Slocum 
having  located  the  north  star,  we  were  soon  out  of  the 
thicket,  and  regaling  ourselves  on  the  provisions  which  the 
Mexicans  were  forced  to  leave  in  their  hurried  retreat. 
Cheer  upon  cheer  was  answered  by  the  troops  now  crossing 
the  bridge  and  occupying  the  town.  This  was  done  under 
the  fire  of  the  enemy,  who  had  not  been  dislodged  from 


72  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

the  fort  approaching  the  bridge.  They  were  very  much 
demoralized  by  the  hre  from  our  Howitzer  Battery.  Our 
train  was  a  large  one,  containing  specie  and  clothing.  This 
was  pushed  forward  into  park  as  rapidly  as  possible.  As 
morning  approached  the  enemy  left  the  fort  and  retired 
from  view.  At  daylight  the  dead  were  buried,  and  some 
thirty  wounded  were  sent  under  an  escort  of  dragoons  to 
Vera  Cruz.  This  caused  a  delay  of  two  days,  when  we 
resumed  the  march  for  Puebla.  The  enemy  had  posted 
himself  in  a  strong  position  a  few  miles  above  the  National 
Bridge  and  opened  hre  upon  the  train  as  it  approached. 
Their  position  being  concealed  they  were  able  to  do  us  much 
damage.  Many  wagons  of  the  train  were  abandoned  in  con- 
sequence of  all  the  animals  attached  to  them  being  killed. 
Our  casualties  here  were  not  so  heavy  as  at  the  bridge. 
Our  Company  had  two  wounded,  Private  Lines  whom 
Captain  Pitman  had  detailed  to  lead  his  mustang,  received 
a  wound  in  the  hand,  which  tore  the  back  portion  away, 
and  permanently  disabled  him.  After  a  sharp  encounter 
w^ith  the  Mexicans  they  were  driven  from  their  position. 
Our  dead  were  hurriedly  buried  beside  the  road,  the 
train  closed  up,  the  abandoned  wagons  fired,  and  the  march 
resumed.  Our  Captain  had  undergone  a  severe  strain; 
his  mind  was  badly  aifected,  and  much  of  the  time  he  was 
unfit  for  duty.  On  Lieut.  John  S.  Slocum  devolved  the 
command  of  the  Company  during  the  frequent  attacks  of 
the  Capt's.  malady.  Slocum  was  a  born  soldier;  loved  by 
all  who  knew  him;  a  strict  disciplinarian,  with  the  tact  to 
exact  obedience  without  incurring  a  feeling  of  opposition. 
General  Cadwallader  became  convinced  that  this  mounted 
force  of  the  enemy  would  occupy  every  pass  and  mountain 
top  on  our  route  to  Puebla.  The  train  extended  miles  on 
the  road  with  a  guard  of  four  men  to  a  wagon.  It  was 
doubled  up  on  the  road  as  far  as  practical. 

On  our  arrival  at  Puenta  del  Reys  or  Kings  Bridge  the 
enemy  had  taken  a  strong  position.  It  was  determined  to 
reduce  the  train  in  consequence  of  the  number  of  animals 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THE    MEXICAN    WAR  73 

killed  and  broken  down,  thus  being  able  to  repel,  or  make 
an  attack  more  successfully.  Large  quantities  of  clothing 
was  placed  in  the  thatched-roof  houses  and  burned.  Kings 
bridge  is  a  fine  structure  of  eight  arches  each  of  forty  feet 
span  and  built  of  stone.  One  of  these  arches  the  enemy 
subsequently  destroyed,  but  yankee  ingenuity  leveled  the 
river  bed,  thus  causing  a  uniform  flow  of  about  two  feet 
in  depth  over  the  road  bed  of  stone.  This  was  used  when 
our  army  evacuated  the  country. 

As  we  marched  into  the  interior  the  enemy  would  attack 
us  at  every  pass  in  the  mountains  where  they  could  find 
an  easy  means  of  escape  when  charged  upon  by  infantry. 
We  passed  the  enemy's  works  at  Cero  Gordo  without 
annoyance  and  arrived  at  Jalapa  where  a  halt  of  several 
days  was  made.  The  scenery  of  the  surrounding  country 
is  very  beautiful  j  the  snow-capped  mountain  of  Orizaba 
looms  up  in  the  distance,  while  the  valleys  produce  a  great 
variety  of  tropical  fruits  in  abundance. 

During  the  worst  season  of  the  year  the  merchant  and 
better  portion  of  Vera  Cruz  retire  to  Jalapa  to  avoid  the 
vomito.  The  natives  insist  that  this  is  the  sight  of  the 
original  Paradise.  An  old  Spanish  ofiicer  says  that  Jalapa 
was  a  piece  of  Heaven  let  down  to  earth.  The  argument 
is  that  Paradise  must  have  been  in  the  tropics,  in  a  region 
elevated  far  above  the  baleful  heat  and  malaria  of  the 
low-lands;  in  a  climate  where  all  plants  could  grow  to  the 
utmost  perfection.  And  such  is  Jalapa.  It  was  but  a  short 
march  from  Jalapa  across  the  mountains  to  Perote  passing 
over  an  elevation  of  10,400  feet,  the  highest  elevation  that 
a  stage  coach  had  then  ever  reached,  and  from  which  a 
traveller  can  often  times  enjoy  the  sight  of  a  thunder  storm 
in  the  valley  below,  while  on  the  mountains  the  sun  shines 
in  all  its  glory.  On  this  short  march  one  can  see  nearly  all 
the  vegetable  kingdoms  of  the  world.  So  accurately  are 
the  strata  of  vegetation  adjusted  to  the  strata  of  the  atmos- 
phere that  they  inhabit  as  to  lead  one  to  suppose  that  a 
gardener  had  laid  out  the  fields  one  upon  another  upon 


74  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

the  sides  of  the  mountain.  As  you  go  down  the  other  side 
of  the  mountain  a  different  world  presents  itself.  It  is  a 
fine  grain  growing  country,  fenced  in  by  rows  of  the 
Maguey  or  Century  plant,  which  furnishes  the  beverage 
called  Talque  which  is  in  common  use  among  the  natives. 
We  soon  arrived  at  the  town  of  Perote  noted  for  its  robbers. 
To  the  north  of  the  town  stands  the  castle  of  San  Carlos, 
a  square  fort  with  a  moat  and  glacis.  It  is  built  in  the  best 
style  of  fortifications  of  the  last  century,  and  designed  as 
a  depository  of  silver  and  gold  when  it  was  not  deemed 
prudent  to  send  it  to  the  coast.  At  one  time  the  accumula- 
tion of  silver  was  so  great  that  it  is  said  to  have  amounted 
to  $40,000,000.,  weighing  thirteen  hundred  tons,  or  a 
little  short  of  the  whole  silver  export  of  two  years. 

Col.  Ramsey  encamped  the  11th  infantry  on  the  plain 
south  of  the  castle.  Sickness  had  become  so  prevalent  in 
our  company  that  one  half  were  unfit  for  duty.  Albert 
Tripp  a  Providence  man,  whose  wife  accompanied  him 
as  a  laundress,  died,  and  was  buried  near  the  castle  wall. 
Mrs.  Tripp  had  the  sympathy  of  every  member  of  the 
company.  She  had  left  Providence  to  share  the  dangers 
and  hardships  of  the  campaign  with  her  husband.  To 
have  him  sicken  and  die  on  the  march  well  nigh  broke  her 
heart.  Mrs.  Tripp  remained  at  the  castle  when  we  resumed 
our  march  in  obedience  to  an  order  that  all  laundresses 
should  remain  here.  The  fact  that  the  women  were  obliged 
to  ride  on  the  wagons  of  their  respective  companies,  exposed 
to  the  fire  of  the  enemy  almost  daily,  made  this  order  neces- 
sary. Mrs.  Tripp  found  employment  with  the  commanding 
officer  of  the  garrison  of  Perote.  Following  the  death  of 
Tripp  was  that  of  Sergeant  Benj.  Dawley  of  Newport, 
who  was  laid  beside  poor  Tripp.  It  was  with  jov  we  re- 
ceived orders  to  move  from  this  place,  and  with  a  sad 
parting  from  our  sick  comrades,  we  resumed  our  march 
to  Puebla  los  Angelo.  Here  we  joined  the  army  under 
Gen.  Winfield  Scott.  A  month  was  passed  in  drill,  company 
and  battalion  movements.    We  began  to  doubt  whether 


RECOLLECTIONS   OF   THE    MEXICAN    WAR  75 

we  should  ever  see,  or  join  our  own  Regiment,  the  9th 
New  England.  News  was  at  last  received  that  Gen.  Frank- 
lin Pierce  would  arrive  the  following  day.  The  Rhode 
Island  Company  seemed  to  feel  very  much  as  a  child  does 
when  it  is  about  to  leave  the  arms  of  the  nurse  for  those 
of  its  Mother.  We  should  now  be  identified  with  officers 
who  had  a  common  interest.  Colonel  Ransom's  reputation 
had  preceded  him,  and  Co.  A.  of  the  9th  infantry  anxiously 
awaited  the  dawn  of  another  day,  when  they  were  to  march 
out  of  Puebla  to  meet  their  Regiment,  not  a  company  of 
which  had  been  organized  when  the  Rhode  Island  Com- 
pany embarked  for  Mexico.  It  was  a  pleasant  greeting 
as  Colonel  Ransom  met  Captain  Pitman.  Lieuts.  Slocum 
and  Glackin  for  the  first  time.  We  at  once  joined  our 
Regiment  amid  cheers  and  congratulations  from  the  1  1th 
infantry,  in  which  our  men  had  found  strong  and  lasting 
attachments.  We  were  assigned  excellent  quarters  in  this 
beautiful  city,  where  Gen.  Scott  was  organizing  the  army 
into  four  divisions,  and  perfecting  it  by  daily  drill  to 
advance  upon  the  Capitol.  In  the  early  part  of  August  1 847 
the  army  moved  by  divisions  out  of  the  city,  each  division 
having  its  proper  assignment  of  dragoons  and  light  bat- 
teries. The  army  was  in  excellent  condition.  It  met  with 
no  opposition  from  the  enemy  on  its  march  to  the  Valley 
of  Mexico.  At  the  little  town  of  Saint  Martius,  Sergeant 
John  Viall  became  entirely  unfit  for  duty  with  an  attack  of 
inflamatory  rheumatism.  Many  of  our  men  were  affected 
in  health  in  consequence  of  the  sudden  change.  At  Rio 
Frio  we  suffered  much  with  cold.  The  ascent  of  the  Sierra 
Popocatapetl  though  not  fatiguing,  called  into  requisition 
overcoats  and  blankets  to  keep  comfortable.  We  were  about 
9,000  feet  above  the  sea  level,  amidst  the  clouds.  The 
snow-capped  peak  of  this  mountain  towered  up  on  our  left 
1 7,852  feet,  over  three  and  one  half  miles  high.  We  moved 
on  and  upward  through  the  moving  volume  of  misty  vapor 
to  the  highest  point  of  the  National  Road.  As  we  turn  an 
angle  a  most  enchanting  sight  meets  the  eye.    The  Valley 


76  RHODE   ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

of  Mexico  lies  before  us.  Cities  and  villages  are  scattered 
here  and  there,  with  their  brown  domes  and  glittering- 
crosses,  interspersed  with  beautiful  lakes.  Long  causeways, 
with  their  tall  shady  trees  intersect  the  valley  in  every 
direction.  The  first  impulse  to  the  beholder,  is  to  stop  and 
feast  his  eye  upon  the  panorama  before  him.  As  this 
scenery  came  into  view  long  and  hearty  cheers  were  given 
by  each  command.  The  following,  from  the  pen  of  Col. 
William  G.  Mosely  of  our  division  is  a  truthful  pen  picture 
of  this  scenery,  "Dark,  frowning  fortresses  j  the  isolated 
and  bleached  ruins  of  ancient  Aztec  cities  j  bare  conical  hills, 
half  concealing,  half  disclosing  some  picturesque  hamlet 
or  hacienda,  with  its  lights  and  shadows.  The  connstellated 
hills  of  Chapultepec,  with  its  grand  border  of  venerable 
cypresses  —  the  favorite  retreat  in  bygone  days,  and  final 
resting  place  of  the  Montezumas.  And  finally  in  the 
center  of  this  gorgeous  circlet  of  natures  diadem — the 
richest  jewel  of  all — sits  enthroned  the  peerless  City  of 
Mexico;  the  shrine  of  the  Aztecs;  the  halls  of  the  Monte- 
zumas. Around  and  encircling  this  miniature  world  of 
Utopian  beauty  but  actual  realities,  runs  a  lofty,  smooth 
outline  of  purplish  mountains,  like  the  richly  wrought 
frame-work  of  a  masterpiece  of  art.  Looking  down  imme- 
diately before  us  was  seen  a  long,  glittering  serpentine  pile, 
the  advance  division  of  the  army.  It  seemed  like  some 
huge  reptile  gliding  into  this  garden  of  Eden,  to  fascinate 
and  destroy". 

The  reconnaissance  of  El  Penon  had  demonstrated  the 
fact  that  this  strong  position  was  impregnable,  simply  be- 
cause we  had  not  the  men  to  lose  in  the  storming,  to  be  able 
to  take  the  inner  defenses  of  the  city. 

The  attitude  of  the  two  opposing  forces  was  like  that  of 
two  mailclad  warriors,  met  in  the  shock  of  battle.  Eying 
each  other  with  searching  scrutiny;  thrusting  with  sword 
or  lance. 

The  Americans  although  the  weaker  of  the  two,  yet 
more  agile,  bold  and  skillful,  were  the  assailants,  and  never 


RECOLLFXTIONS  OF  THE    MEXICAN    WAR  17 

in  the  history  of  war,  was  there  more  need  for  daring, 
science  and  promptitude.  With  an  opposing  force  three 
times  our  own;  behind  strong  central  fortifications,  with 
accurate  knowledge  of  every  foot  of  the  country,  and  ani- 
mated with  the  ardent  national  pride  of  defending  their 
Capital,  "jce  had  to  con'quer^  or  suffer  total  annihilation. 
We  had  cut  loose  from  our  base.  We  had  no  allies,  the 
country  was  strange  and  unknown,  and  our  supplies  were 
limited. 

On  the  fourteenth  of  August  our  division  was  at  Chalco 
on  the  lake  of  the  same  name.  It  presented  a  singular 
maritime  appearance  in  that  elevated,  mountainous  region. 
Quite  a  fleet  of  small  fishing  and  market  boats  had  been 
seized,  and  hauled  on  shore  in  anticipation  of  their  use. 
It  was  a  bold  and  hazardous  move.  Every  step  was  terra 
incognita.  Many  of  the  inhabitants  fled  at  our  approach; 
others  kept  a  sullen  taciturnity,  or  gave  incorrect  informa- 
tion. The  road,  blind,  obscure  and  but  seldom  used,  ran 
along  the  shore  of  the  two  lakes  where  the  ground  was 
low,  marshy  and  subject  now  and  then  to  overflow.  It 
ran  across  the  spurs  of  the  Sierras  that  radiated  into  the 
valley.  Occasionally  it  penetrated  a  defile  between  the 
abrupt  shoulder  of  the  hill  and  the  lake,  or  led  across  a 
narrow  causeway,  flanked  on  either  side  by  impracticable 
marsh. 

Altogether  it  was  a  savage,  forbidden  way  for  an  army 
with  a  siege  train,  and  heavily  laden  wagons.  Still  it  was 
practicable.  It  had  been  overlooked  by  that  ubiquitous 
Asmodeus  of  Mexican  warcraft,  Santa  Anna.  The  rapidity 
of  our  movements,  marching  and  countermarching,  before 
the  eastern  approaches  of  the  city  had  apparently  perplexed 
him,  and  made  him  unmindful  of  this  the  weak,  vulnerable 
point  in  his  armor.  It  w^as  the  true  cout)  de  guerre  of  the 
campaign,  as  it  flanked  the  formidable,  skillfully  con- 
structed works  at  El  Penon  and  Mexicalzingo,  rendering 
them  powerless  for  defense,  and  letting  down  the  Mexican 
from  his  self  security.   The  reconnoissance  was  made  w^th 


78  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

the  utmost  rapidity,  and  secrecy,  seconded  by  wide  awake 
vigilance  and  caution,  to  within  a  few  miles  from  the 
village  of  San  Augustin  on  the  Acapulca  road.  The  return 
to  headquarters  the  same  day  was  equally  expeditious.  The 
route  was  perfectly  practicable,  though  rough,  and  capable 
of  easy  defense,  therefore  no  time  was  lost  in  the  forward 
movement  of  our  division  the  next  day. 

None  too  soon  had  the  advance  been  made,  for  we  en- 
countered obstructions  at  every  assailable  point.  Here, 
huge  boulders  detached  from  the  rocky  spurs,  blocked  up 
a  narrow  defile;  there,  a  marshy  tract  was  flooded  by 
cutting  the  dykes  j  trees  felled  where  they  could  be  thrown 
to  cause  delay.  But  no  enemy  displayed;  no  hostile  shot 
was  fired,  although  Alvarez  with  his  Pintos  were  supposed 
to  be  in  the  vicinity. 

We  made  the  flank  movement  with  perfect  success,  and 
planted  our  standard  on  the  great  southern  highway  at 
San  Augustin  as  a  base  of  operations,  and  all  the  myrmidons 
of  Mexico  could  not  shake  us  from  that  base.  Our  sword's 
point  had  touched  the  weak  vulnerable  part  in  our  adver- 
sary's armor,  and  a  vigorous  thrust  would  send  it  home 
and  close  the  conflict." 

The  night  of  August  18*''  1847  the  9*'^  New  England 
Regiment  occupied  the  town  of  San  Augustine.  The  enemy 
made  a  show  of  resistance.  In  our  skirmish  a  Capt.  and 
several  men  were  killed,  Santa  Anna  being  present  in  per- 
son, withdrew  falling  back  to  Contreras. 

A  melancholy  duty  devolved  upon  the  writer  at  this 
place.  A  brother.  Sergeant  John  Viall  having  become  help- 
less from  an  attack  of  inflammatory  rheumatism  had  occu- 
pied a  baggage  wagon  with  other  sick  since  we  left  Rio  Frio. 
We  removed  him  to  the  hospital  in  a  delirious  state.  The 
long  time  that  he  had  occupied  the  wagon,  laying  in  one 
position,  had  chafed  the  skin  from  his  back  in  many  places. 
Leaving  him  at  the  hospital  without  even  a  recognition  on 
his  part,  I  returned  to  my  company  with  a  sad  heart.  I 
recall  this  event  as  the  most  trying  to  me  of  any  during 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THE   MEXICAN    WAR  79 

the  campaign.  With  rest  and  proper  care,  however,  he 
rallied  and  joined  his  regiment. 

Our  Division  commanded  by  Gen.  Gideon  Pillow  con- 
sisted of  the  9*'\  1  r'\  12'",  14*'^  and  15"^  regiments,  a  volti- 
guer  or  riflle  regiment,  a  battery  commanded  by  Capt. 
Magruder  and  a  howitzer  battery  by  Lieut.  Callender.  We 
moved  early  on  the  morning  of  the  1 9*'"  of  August,  and  took 
a  position  immediately  in  front  of  the  enemy,  who  was 
strongly  intrenched  at  Contreras.  I  will  use  Gen.  Pillow's 
report  here  to  describe  the  battle. 

"Perceiving  that  the  enemy  was  in  large  force  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  valley,  with  heavy  batteries  of  artillery 
commanding  the  only  road  through  a  vast  plain  of  broken 
volcanic  stone  and  lava,  rent  into  deep  chasms  and  fissures, 
effectually  preventing  any  advance  except  under  hre,  I 
resolved  to  give  him  battle.  For  this  purpose  I  ordered  Gen. 
Twiggs  to  advance  with  his  finely  disciplined  division  and 
with  one  brigade  to  assault  the  enemy  in  front.  With  the 
other  to  turn  his  left  flank  and  assail  it  in  reverse.  Capt, 
Magruder's  fine  field  battery  and  Lieut.  Callender's  how- 
itzer battery  ( both  of  which  constitute  a  part  of  my  division) 
were  placed  at  the  disposal  of  Brig.  Gen.  Twiggs.  This 
officer  in  executing  my  order  of  attack,  directed  Brevet 
Brig.  Gen.  Smith  to  move  with  his  brigade  on  the  enemy's 
front,  while  Colonel  Riley  with  his  was  ordered  to  turn 
his  left  and  assail  him  in  the  rear.  To  sustain  these  move- 
ments Brig.  Gen.  Cadwallader  was  ordered  to  advance  with 
his  brigade  and  support  Col.  Riley,  and  Brig.  Gen.  Pierce 
with  his  command  to  support  the  column  moving  on  the 
enemy's  front.  LTnder  Gen.  Smith  this  last  command  was 
soon  closely  engaged  with  the  enemy,  as  were  also  the 
batteries  of  Capt.  Magruder  and  Lieut.  Callender.  Col. 
Riley's  having  now  crossed  the  vast  broken  up  plain  of  lava 
(passing  the  village  on  the  right)  while  in  the  act  of  turning 
the  enemy's  left,  was  confronted  with  several  thousand 
lancers,  who  advanced  to  the  charge,  when  a  well  directed 
fire  from  the  brigade,  twice  compelled  them  to  fall  back 


80  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

in  disorder,  under  cover  of  their  artillery.  About  this  time 
Gtn.  Cadwallader  had  also  crossed  the  plain,  when  some 
five  or  six  thousand  of  the  enemy  were  observed  moving 
rapidly  from  the  direction  of  the  Capital  to  the  field  of 
action.  Col.  Morgan  with  his  large  and  fine  regiment, 
which  I  had  caused  to  be  detached  from  the  rear  of  Pierce's 
brigade,  was  now  ordered  to  the  support  of  Cadwallader 
by  the  direction  of  the  General  in  Chief,  who  had  now 
arrived  on  the  field.  The  Gen.  having  discovered  this 
large  force  moving  on  his  right  flank  and  to  the  rear,  with 
decided  military  tact,  and  promptitude,  threw  back  his 
right  wing  and  confronted  the  enemy,  with  the  intention 
to  give  him  battle  notwithstanding  his  overwhelming  force. 

"This  portion  of  the  enemy's  force  moved  steadily  for- 
ward until  a  conflict  seemed  inevitable,  when  Col.  Morgan's 
regiment  having  reached  this  part  of  the  field  presented  a 
front  so  formidable  as  to  induce  the  enemy  to  change  his 
purpose,  and  draw  oif  to  the  right  and  rear  of  his  former 
position. 

"During  all  this  time  the  battle  raged  fiercely  between 
the  other  portions  of  the  two  armies,  with  a  constant  and 
destructive  fire  of  artillery.  Magruder's  battery  from  its 
prominent  position  was  much  disabled  by  the  heavy  shot 
of  the  enemy,  as  were  Callender's  howitzers.  A  part  of  the 
enemy's  artillery  had  been  turned  upon  Riley's  command 
while  engaged  with  large  bodies  of  lancers.  But  even  these 
combined  attacks  could  only  delay  the  purpose  of  the  gal- 
lant old  veteran  and  his  noble  brigade. 

"The  General  in  Chief  having  arrived  on  the  field  with 
Gen.  Shields'  Brigade  of  \'olunteers,  consisting  of  the  New 
York  and  So.  Carolina  regiments  ordered  them  to  move  up 
to  the  support  of  the  forces  under  Gen.  Cadwallader.  But 
it  had  now  grown  so  late  in  the  evening  that  Gen.  Shields 
did  not  get  into  position  until  after  dark.  Night  having 
come  on  (but  not  until  entirely  dark)  this  fierce  conflict 
was  suspended,  to  be  renewed  on  the  morrow.  The  battle  all 
this  dav  was  conducted  under  mv  immediate  orders  and 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THE   MEXICAN    WAR  81 

within  my  view.  A  short  time  before  sunset,  having  pre- 
viously engaged  in  the  fight  all  the  forces  at  my  disposal, 
myself  and  staff  started  to  cross  the  plain  to  join  in  the 
terrible  struggle,  on  the  immediate  field  of  action.  During 
the  night  Gen.  Smith  with  the  forces  present  to  renew  the 
action  at  daylight  and  coftiplete  the  original  order  of  attack  j 
before  dark  however  the  enemy  had  placed  two  pieces  of 
artillery  on  a  height  nearly  west  of  Cadwallader's  position, 
which  had  opened  several  discharges  upon  his  forces.  Gen. 
Smith  just  before  daylight  moved  a  portion  of  his  forces  up 
the  ravine  to  the  rear  of  the  enemy's  position,  so  as  to  be  in 
easy  turning  distance  of  his  left  flank  leaving  Col.  Ransom 
w^ith  the  9"'  and  12*''  infantry  to  make  a  strong  diversion 
in  front. 

"The  day  being  sufficiently  advanced,  the  order  was  given 
by  Gen.  Smith  for  the  general  assault,  when  Gen.  Smith's 
command  upon  the  left,  and  Col.  Riley  with  his  brigade 
upon  the  right,  supported  by  Gen.  Cadwallader  with  his 
command,  moved  up  with  the  utmost  gallantry,  under  the 
furious  fire  from  the  enemy's  batteries,  which  were  imme- 
diately carried.  A  large  number  of  prisoners  were  taken, 
including  four  Generals,  with  23  out  of  the  original  28 
pieces  of  artillery,  and  a  large  amount  of  ammunition  and 
public  property.  The  retreating  enemy  was  compelled  to 
pass  through  a  severe  fire  both  from  the  assaulting  forces 
and  Cadw^allader's  brigade,  as  well  as  Shields'  Command, 
which  had  remained  at  the  position  occupied  by  the  former 
General  the  previous  night,  with  the  purpose  of  covering 
the  movements  upon  the  battery. 

"The  forces  of  the  enemy  engaged  at  this  place,  in- 
cluding the  reinforcements  of  the  preceding  evening,  con- 
stituted a  force  of  about  16,000  men,  5,000  of  whom  were 
cavalry.  The  whole  was  under  the  immediate  command 
of  General  Santa  Anna  in  person,  assisted  by  Generals 
V^alencia,  Salas,  Blanco,  Mendoza,  Garcia  and  others.  The 
last  four  nientioned  were  taken  prisoners. 

"Our  forces  consisted  of  mv  division  (Pillow's)  Gen- 


82  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

erals  Twiggs'  and  Shields'  Commands,  amounting  to  about 
4,500  men. 

"The  loss  of  the  enemy  as  near  as  I  can  ascertain  was 
between  1500  and  2000  killed  and  wounded,  800  prisoners, 
including  the  four  Generals  previously  mentioned,  four 
Colonels,  thirty  Captains  and  many  officers  of  inferior 
grades, 

"Brig.  Gen.  Pierce,  though  badly  injured  by  the  fall 
off  his  horse  while  gallantly  leading  his  brigade  into  the 
thickest  of  the  battle  on  the  19*'',  did  not  quit  the  field, 
but  continued  in  command  of  his  brigade,  two  regiments 
of  which,  the  9"'  and  12"'  infantry  under  the  immediate 
command  of  the  gallant  Colonel  Ransom  and  Lieut.  Colo- 
nel Bonham  on  the  19"'  and  Captain  Woods  on  the  20"' 
assailed  the  enemy's  work  in  front  at  daylight  with  great 
intrepidity,  and  contributed  much  to  the  glorious  consum- 
mation of  the  work  so  handsomely  commenced  on  the 
preceding  day.  The  commanders  of  regiments  and 
inferior  officers  all  behaved  with  gallantry  no  less  distin- 
guished, though  in  subordinate  positions  to  those  named 
above  as  commanding  divisions  and  brigades.  .  .  .  Having 
myself  crossed  the  plain  and  reached  this  bloody  theatre 
as  the  last  scene  of  the  conflict  was  closing,  as  soon  as  suit- 
able, dispositions  were  made  to  secure  the  fruits  of  the 
victory.  I  resolved  upon  pursuing  the  discomforted  enemy, 
in  which  I  found  that  General  Twiggs  and  Smith  had 
already  anticipated  me  by  having  commenced  the  move- 
ment. I  had  moved  rapidly  forward  in  execution  of  this 
purpose  until  I  reached  the  town  of  Coyadcan,  where  the 
command  was  halted  to  await  the  arrival  of  the  General 
in  Chief,  who  I  was  informed  was  close  at  hand.  Upon  his 
arrival  the  important  fact  was  ascertained  that  the  enemy's 
forces  at  San  Antonio,  having  perceived  that  the  great 
battery  had  been  lost,  and  the  total  defeat  and  rout  of  their 
forces  at  Contreras,  by  which  their  rear  was  open  to  assault, 
had  abandoned  the  work  at  San  Antonio  and  fallen  back 
upon  their  intrenchments  in  rear  at  Churubusco".  .  .  . 
(  To  be  concluded ) 


NEW  PUBLICATIONS  83 


New  Publications  of  Rhode  Island  Interest 

The  United  States  Naval  Institute  Proceedings  for 
March  1937  contains  an  article  on  Abraham  Whipple, 
entitled  The  Navy's  Fdrgotten  Hero,  by  Lieut.  Horace 
S.  Mazet. 

Episodes  in  Warwick  History  by  Ernest  L,  Lockwood 
with  illustrations  of  old  houses,  is  a  booklet  of  40  pages 
published  by  the  City  of  Warwick  Historical  Committee. 

hooking  up  the  Rhode  Island  Tree  of  Nature  Leadership 
by  William  Gould  Vinal  appeared  in  School,  Science  and 
Mathematics  for  February  1937,  published  by  the  National 
Recreation  Association,  315  Fourth  Avenue,  New  York. 

"^  The  Yale  Journal  of  Biography  and  Medicine  for  March 
1937  contains  an  article  by  Ernest  Caulfield  on  Dr.  John 
Walton,  Yale,  1720,  later  of  Providence,  R.  I. 

Some  biographical  notes  on  Christian  Lodowick,  school 
teacher  at  Newport,  R.  I.,  in  1684,  compiled  by  Henry 
J.  Cadbury,  appeared  in  the  Journal  of  the  Friends'  Histor- 
ical Society  for  March  1936.  References  to  Christian  Lodo- 
wick  will  be  found  in  the  R.  I.  H.  S.  Collections  XVII,  89 
and  XXI,  100. 

Rhode  Island  Tercentenary  1636-1936,  a  report  by  the 
Rhode  Island  Tercentenary  Commission  of  the  celebration, 
is  an  illustrated  booklet  of  157  pages  containing  a  brief 
account  of  the  various  celebrations,  publications,  tablets  and 
other  activities  of  the  Tercentenary's  observance. 

The  Daughters  of  the  American  Revolution  Magazine 
for  March  1937  contains  several  articles  relating  to  Rhode 
Island. 

The  I talo- Americans  in  Rhode  Island^  Their  Contribu- 
tions and  Achievements,  by  Ubaldo  U.  M.  Pesaturo,  is  an 
illustrated  volume  of  172  pages. 


84  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Roger  Williams^  Peacemaker,  an  address  delivered  by 
George  W.  Gardiner  at  the  Tercentenary  Celebration  at 
North  Kingstown,  has  been  published  as  a  pamphlet  of 
8  pages. 

Coaster^ s  Harbor  Island  and  the  Newport  Naval  Train- 
ing Station  by  Thomas  J.  Willianis  is  an  illustrated  pam- 
phlet of  2>3  pages  printed  by  the  Training  Station  Press. 

Janies  MacSparran,  Colonial  Minister  of  Narragansett^ 
is  the  title  of  an  article  by  Lieut.  Ottis  C.  Skipper  in  the 
April  1937,  issue  of  the  Bulletin  of  the  Citadel,  the  Mili- 
tary College  of  South  Carolina,  Charleston,  S.  C. 

The  Catholic  Church  in  Rhode  Island  by  Rev.  Thomas 
F.  Cullen  is  a  volume  of  482  pages  issued  as  a  Tercentenary 
publication. 

History  of  Portsmouth,  1 638-1 936,  by  Edward  H.  West 
is  a  booklet  of  64  pages. 

\     Rhode  Island's  Tercentenary  Miscellanies,  by  Arthur 
W.  Browni,  is  an  illustrated  volume  of  223  pages. 

Connne)norating  Three  Hundred  Years  is  an  illustrated 
memorial  volunie  of  80  pages,  published  by  Rhode  Island 
and  Providence  Plantations  Tercentenary  Committee,  Inc. 
1936. 


Notes 

The  following  persons  have  been  elected  to  membership 
in  the  Society: 

Dr.  Henry  M.  Wriston 

Mr.  Howard  B.  Smith 


LANDS  WEST  OF  EAST  GREENWICH  85 

A  Petition  for  the  Settlement  of  Lands 
West  of  East  Greenwich 

Communicated  by  G.  Andrews  Moriarty, 
with  Explanatory  Notes  by  William  Davis  Miller 

Petition  of  Joseph  Sheffield  and  Caleb  Arnold 
To  the  Honourable  The  Gov'  &  Councill  and  house  of 
Representatives  sitting  in  Generall  Assembly  at  Newport 
the  first  Wednesday  in  May  1705. 
The  Humble  Petition  of  Joseph  Sheiffield  and  Caleb 
Arnold  both"  of  Portsmouth  in  the  Colony  aforesaid 
Humbly  Sheweth 

That  Whereas  your  Honours  Petitioners  with  severall  other 
Person  Concerned  have  made  some  Progress  For  settling 
of  some  part  of  the  Narragansett  Country  which  your 
Honours  Petitioners  think  may  be  great  Benefitt  to  this 
Colony  if  bee  allowed  by  your  Honours  to  settle  a  Town- 
ship of  about  twenty  Thousand  acres  within  the  Bounds 
herein  after  mentioned  Northerly  upon  the  south  line  of 
Warrwick  Purchase  &  Easterly  upon  Greenwich  west  line 
as  it  was  Granted  by  the  Colony;  Westerly  upon  the 
dividing  Line  between  the  Colony  of  Connecticot  &  Rhode 
Island  &  to  Extend  southerly  till  it  makes  up  the  comply- 
ment  of  twenty  Thousand  acres  or  there  abouts  Not  to 
Extend  upon  any  man  just  Right  the  granting  of  which 
will  be  of  Gr^at  Benefitt  In  Generall  to  the  People  of  the 
country  Wee  humble  conceive  &  for  the  settling  of  many 
of  the  Inhabitants  of  this  Colony  who  want  land  For  to 
supply  The  Necessatys  of  there  Familys  all  w*"''  is  submitted 
to  your  Honours  Judgement  &  we  shell  ever  pray 

May  the  5'''  1705 

Joseph  Sheffield 
Caleb  Arnold 


86  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Past  to  the  house  of  Deputies 
p  order  Weston  Clarke.  Red"" 
The  opinion  of  this  house  of  Deputies  is  that  the  Petition 
of  Cap/  Joseph  Sheffield  &  Cap.'  Caleb  Arnold  be  refered 
to  the  sitting  of  the  next  Assembly  by  reason  the  Narra- 
gansett  Country  has  been  so  long  in  Contention  as  calls  for 
serious  Consideration  &  sever"  townships  &  Purchases  has 
been  granted  w''''  if  we  were  satisfied  it  would  not  Infring 
on  the  lands  already  granted  it  might  be  well  w^''  that 
proviser  the  Inhabitants  of  this  Government  may  have  the 
Priviledge  to  settle  it  with  the  aforesaid  Petitioners  Paying 
equall  with  them. 

Past  to  the  house  of  Majestrates 
p  order  Edward  Carr  Clerke 
( Endorsed ) 

Sheffield  etc.  Petition,  with  the 
other  votes  included  are 

N°  17 
C.  O.  5  864  XX.  Public  Record  Office,  London,  Eng. 

*  * 

The  above  petition  of  Joseph  Sheffield  and  Caleb  Arnold, 
although  unsuccessful,  adds  a  further  light  on  the  settle- 
ment of  the  Narragansett  Country.  Found  in  the  records 
of  the  Colonial  Office  in  London,  it  does  not  appear,  as  far 
as  is  known,  in  any  record  of  the  colony  of  Rhode  Island 
and  is  not  referred  in  Bartlett's  edition  of  the  Colonial 
Records. 

Captain  Joseph  Sheffield  would  appear  to  ha\'e  been  the 
son  of  Ichabod  and  Mary  (  Parker  )  Sheffield.  He  was  born 
in  Newport  in  1661  and  died  in  1706.  He  held  important 
offices  in  the  Colony,  being  an  assistant  in  1696  and  from 
1 698  until  his  death.  He  was  one  of  the  hve  commissioners 
appointed  by  the  Colony  to  meet  the  Connecticut  men  in  an 
attempt  to  settle  the  boundary  claims  of  the  two  colonies. 
Capt.  Caleb  Arnold,  son  of  Governor  Benedict  Arnold, 
was  also  born  in  Newport  in  16+2  and  died  in  1727.  He 
held  the  office  of  Deput)'  h\e  times. 


LANDS  WEST  OF  EAST  GREENWICH 


87 


Their  activities  in  other  settlements  are  not  certain  but 
Gov.  Arnold  was  a  Pettaquamscutt  Purchaser  and  the 
Sheffields  owned  land  in  the  Purchase  at  a  later  date.  It 
is  possibly  there  that  they  had  "made  some  progress  for 
settling". 

The  lands  regarding  ^vhich  these  two  men  petitioned 
were  situated  in  the  present  township  of  West  Greenwich. 
At  present  this  township  contains  approximately  fifty  square 
miles  or  thirty-two  thousand  square  acres.  Sheffield  and 
Arnold  requested  only  twenty  thousand  acres  but  as  their 
suggested  bounds  on  the  east,  west  and  north  are  the  same 
as  those  of  the  present  township,  i.  e..  East  Greenwich,  the 
Connecticut  line  and  Warwick,  the  remaining  twelve  thou- 
sand acres  must- have  been  to  the  southward. 

The  above  facts  present  an  interesting  point,  which 
despite  its  possible  irrelevancy  to  the  question  under  dis- 
cussion, may  be  considered  here.  In  1677  the  township  of 
East  Greenwich  was  laid  out,  to  be  five  thousand  acres. 
The  present  township,  very  similar  in  bounds  to  the  plat 
of  William  Hall  in  1716,  contains  approximately  ten 
thousand  two  hundred  and  fifty  acres.  The  original  five 
thousand  acres  would  bring  the  south  line  about  a  half 
mile  north  of  the  present  Frenchtown  Road,  so  called. 
In  1 68  5  the  Proprietors  of  Narragansett  granted  the  French 
Huguenots  land  north  and  south  of  the  above  mentioned 
Frenchtown  road.  It  is  believed  that  this  grant  was  made 
in  good  faith,  as  being  land  under  the  control  of  the  Narra- 
gansett Proprietors.  East  Greenwich,  however,  encroached 
southward,  and  the  remonstrance  of  Dr.  Pierre  Ayrault, 
dated  the  same  year  as  the  Sheffield-Arnold  Petition,  1 705, 
tells  graphically  of  the  intrusion  of  the  men  of  East  Green- 
wich. What  is  of  interest  in  connection  with  this  Sheffield- 
Arnold  Petition  is  that  if  twenty  thousand  acres  are  laid 
off  by  the  bounds  of  the  petition,  the  southern  bound 
practically  coincides  with  the  southern  bound  of  the  original 
five  thousand  acres  of  East  Greenwich.  Numerous  infer- 
ences may  be  drawn  therefrom,  despite  evidences,  between 


88  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

1677  and  1705,  of  the  activity  of  East  Greenwich  men. 

That  Capt.  Sheffield  and  Capt.  Arnold  were  unsuccessful 
may  be  seen  from  the  following  extract  from  a  resolve  in 
the  Rhode  Island  Colonial  Records,  session  of  October 
1706. 

"Whereas,  it  hath  been  represented  to  this  Assembly, 
that  there  are  severall  persons  settled  in  the  Narragansett 
country  to  the  westward  of  East  Greenwich,  that  are  not 
settled  under  any  jurisdiction  as  to  township  .  .  .  this 
Assembly  ...  do  enact  .  .  .  that  all  {such)  inhabitants 
.  .  .  shall  be  under  the  jurisdiction  of  East  Greenwich  until 
further  order."  West  Greenwich  was  finally  created  a 
separate  township  in  1741. 

Therefore  it  would  appear  that  the  petition  of  Joseph 
Sheffield  and  Caleb  Arnold  was  not  favorably  received, 
although  it  may  have  been  the  "representation"  to  the 
Assembly  of  the  condition  of  settlements  on  the  lands  in 
question. 

The  Gore  Roll  of  Arms 

By  Harold  Bowditch 

{continued  jrom  z'ol.  A' A' A',  page  64) 

Governor  Thomas  Dudley,  the  father  of  Governor 
Joseph  Dudley,  used  on  his  seal  a  lion  with  a  single  tail  and 
a  crescent  for  difference  ^  Joseph  Dudley  appears  to  have 
dropped  the  crescent  and  added  another  tail  to  his  beast. 
The  ancestry  of  Governor  Thomas  Dudley  is  obscure,  and 
although  he  used  an  armorial  seal  his  right  to  it  has  not 
been  proved.  The  Visitation  of  London  XGH-IG^S  records 
a  non-armigerous  Dudley  family  containing  a  Thomas, 
living  in  1634,  with  two  sons,  Henry  and  Francis.  A  recent 
correspondent  in  the  Boston  Transcript  states  that  the 
Dudley  Family  Association  has  no  knowledge  of  Governor 
Thomas  Dudley's  pedigree  beyond  his  father,  ont  Captain 
Roger  Dudley  of  Northampton. 


GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  89 

61.  {53.)  (40.) 
Gee.  Thacher. 

Arms:  Two  coats  impaled:  Baron:  Azure  a  chevron 
silver  between  three  leopard's  faces  gold  on  the  chevron 
three  fleurs-de-lys  gules.  Femme:  Gules  a  cross  moline  and 
a  chief  silver  on  the  chief  three  grasshoppers  sable. 

Wreath :  Gold,  gules. 

Crest:   A  standing  wolf  looking  backward  ermine. 

Legend:  Josua  Gee  of  Boston  in  ye  Cou'  /  of  Suffolk 
Ship  Wright  1 720  /  Gee  &  Thachor. 

Notes:  In  the  legend  the  name  Thacher  seems  to  have 
been  originally  written  Thathor,  and  a  c  then  written  over 
the  t. 

These  arms  are  in  the  Chute  Manuscript  and  in  the 
Promptuarium  Armorum. 

Whitmore  gives  no  tinctures  for  either  coat,  but,  since  he 
wrote,  the  picture  in  the  Child  copy  has  suffered  a  good 
deal:  on  the  baron's  side  the  chevron  is  painted  pink  with 
vertical  hatching,  the  heads  are  silvered,  and  the  fleurs-de- 
lys  gilded^  on  the  femme's  side,  the  field  is  sable  and  the 
cross  is  gilded. 

The  arms  given  for  Gee  are  not  found  under  that  name 
in  Edmondson,  Berry  or  Burke.  In  the  Heraldic  Journal 
II  (  1  866  )  77  there  is  a  cut  showing  these  arms  and  the  wolf 
crest  cut  on  a  table-tomb  in  Copp's  Hill  burying  ground  in 
Boston,  and  marked  "The  Armes  and  Tomb  Belonging  to 
the  Family  of  GEE."  The  accompanying  article,  quoting 
Savage,  says  that  the  immigrant  Peter  Gee  had  a  son 
Joshua  who  married  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  the  Rev. 
Thomas  Thornton  and  wiilozv  of  the  Rev.  Peter  Thatcher; 
their  son  Joshua  junior,  Harvard  1717,  became  a  minister, 
had  a  son  Joshua  (third  of  the  name)  and  died  in  1748. 
It  is  certainly  anomalous  to  find  a  husband's  arms  impaling 
those  of  his  wife's  first  husband! 


90  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

The  "Gee"  arms  turn  out  to  be  those  of  Gay,  Guy  or  Gye. 
Identified  through  Pap  worth,  they  are  found  in  Burke 
under  Guy  of  Oundle,  Northamptonshire,  and  of  Wiltshire, 
but  with  this  crest:  A  lion's  head  azure  with  a  collar  partly 
azure  and  sable,  between  two  wings  gold.  Under  the  name 
of  Gye  of  the  Cellar  they  appear  in  Glover's  Ordinary,  a 
compilation  by  Robert  Glover,  Somerset  Herald  in  the 
reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  By  giving  the  name  Guy 
its  French  pronunciation  it  is  easy  to  see  how  it  became 
spelled  Gee  in  England. 

The  impaled  arms  are  not  found  exactly  as  given  in  the 
Gore  Roll: 

Thecher  or  Thetcher:  Thomas,  of  London,  merchant, 

living  1633,  son  of  Thomas  T.  of  co.  Sussex — 
Gules  a  cross  moline  and  a  chief  silver  on  the  chief 
three  grasshoppers  vert. 

Visit.  London  l633-'35. 

Thatcher  (Sussex  and  Essex) — 

Gules  a  cross  moline  silver  on  a  chief  gold  three 

grasshoppers  proper.  Edmondson. 

Thatcher  (Ringmer,  co.  Sussex,  from  the  Visitation 

of  1634)— 

Gules  a  cross  moline  and  a  chief  silver  on  the  chief 

three  grasshoppers  azure. 

Thatcher  —  the  arms  given  by  Edmondson;  crest: 

A  Saxon  sword  or  sceaux  proper.  Burke. 

All  agree  in  having  the  field  gules  and  the  cross  silver; 
in  two  the  chief  is  silver  and  in  two  gold,  and  the  grass- 
hoppers are  always  vert  or  proper  except  that  in  one  blazon 
they  are  azure. 

These  arms  are  on  the  seal  of  Thomas^  Thatcher  on  his 
will,  1722  ( Heraldic  Journal  IV  77.) 

The  crest  has  not  been  identified.  A  standing  wolf  look- 
ing backward  -proper  is  for  Barnwell  and  Heway,  gules  or 
sable  for  Daniell,  and  the  tincture  not  specified  for  Nash 
and  Pascoe.   A  wolf  passant  and  looking  backward,  silver 


GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  91 

with  Other  characteristics  is  for  Folliott  and  its  variants,  and 
if  standing  for  Fleetwood  ( Fairbairn). 

61.  (54.)  (41.) 

SwEETSER. 

Arms:  Silver  a  fess  azure  on  the  fess  three  saltires  couped 
gold. 

Wreath:  Gold,  azure. 

Crest:  An  earl's  coronet  proper. 

Legend:  Wigelsworth  Swetsur  of  /  Boston  in  ye  Cont. 
ofSuffolf/  1720. 

Notes:  Although  the  crest  was  copied  by  Child  Whit- 
more  omits  mention  of  it.  He  states  that  Seth  Sweetser  who 
came  in  1 637  from  Tring,  co.  Hertford,  had  a  son  Benjamin 
who  married  Abigail,  probably  the  daughter  of  Edward 
Wigglesworth  and  had  a  son  Wigglesworth  Sweetser  who 
had  a  son  of  the  same  name. 

These  arms  are  not  found  in  Edmondson,  Berry  or  Burke. 
Dr.  Buck  suggests  that  they  are  intended  for  those  of  Gale, 
CO.  Devon:  Azure  a  fess  silver  on  the  fess  three  saltires 
azure,  another  gules  j  the  crest  is  not  given  (  Edmondson). 

63.  {63.)  (46.) 
Phillips. 

Arms:  Silver  a  lion  sable  with  a  collar  gules  and  from 
it  a  chain  passing  over  the  back  and  ending  in  a  ring  gold. 

Wreath:  Silver,  sable. 

Crest:  A  lion  as  in  the  arms. 

Legend:  Samuell  Phillips  of  /  Boston  in  ye  Cont  of 
Suffolk/         1721. 

Notes:  This  coat  appears  in  the  Promptuarium  Arm- 
orum  98a.  Christopher  Phillips  of  Rainham  St.  Martin,  co. 
Norfolk,  born  about  1 593,  had  the  Rev.  George  Phillips  of 


92  RHODE  ISLAND   HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Boxford,  CO.  Suffolk  and  of  Watertown,  Massachusetts;  he 
had  the  Rev.  Samuel  Phillips  of  Rowley,  who  had  Samuel 
Phillips  of  Salem,  goldsmith,  probably  this  individual  (  W.) 
These  arms,  with  the  exception  that  the  collar  as  well  as 
the  chain  is  gold,  apply  to  Phillips  of  Netley  in  Shropshire 
and  of  Picton  in  Pembrokeshire  ( Edmondson ) ;  the  same 
arms  with  the  addition  of  a  crown  and  the  substitution  of  a 
line  for  the  chain,  apply  to  James  Philip  of  London,  living 
1634,  fifth  in  descent  from  Philip  ap  John  of  Scotland 
House  who  held  land  in  Dodington  and  Alkington  ( Visita- 
tion of  London  \633-l635  ).  In  the  first  case  the  crest  re- 
peats the  arms,  in  the  second  a  demi-lion  is  used. 

64.  (64.)  (47.) 
Hutchinson. 

Arms  and  crest  identical  with  No.  40,  which  see. 
Legend:  William  Hutchinson  Esqr,  /  of  Boston  in  ye 
Count,  of  Suffolk  /  Justice  of  ye  Peice  (?)        1721. 

Notes:   Identified  as  the  son   of  Eliakim  Hutchinson 

(W.). 

For  notes  on  the  arms  see  No.  40. 

65.  (65.)  (48.) 
Pell.  Clarke. 

Arms:  Quartered:  1  &  4.  Ermine  on  a  canton  azure 
a  pelican  gold,  beak  legs  and  blood  gules.  2.  &  3.  Gules 
three  swords  erect  silver  pomels  and  hilts  gold. 

Wreath:   Gold,  azure. 

Crest :   On  a  chaplet  of  leaves  vert  a  pelican  as  in  the  arms. 

Legend:  Edward  Pell  of  Boston  in  /  ye  Cont.  of  Suffolk 
Paintor  /  Pell  &  Clarke  1 720. 

Notes:  The  Promptuarium  Armorum  83b  attributes  this 
coat  ( the  third  quarter  not  colored)  to  Richard  Pell  1  594  of 


GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  93 

Thimbleby,  Lincolnshire.  Edmondson  gives  the  Pell  arms 
and  crest  as  granted  in  1  594  to  Pell  of  Dimblesby,  Lincoln- 
shire. 

When  Whitmore  wrote  the  only  tinctures  appear  to  have 
been:  the  pelicans  in  the  Pell  quarterings  gold,  the  Clarke 
quarterings  complete,  arfd  in  the  crest  the  chaplet  vertj 
and  Vermont,  in  his  America  Heraldica,  apparently  think- 
ing that  there  were  two  paintings  in  the  Gore  Roll,  says 
"We  find  the  name  of  Pell,  impaling  (sic)  Clarke  in  the 
(Boston)  Gore  Roll  of  Arms,  No.  65.  The  name  of 
Echvard  Pell  is  found  in  the  same  roll,  facing  a  very  imper- 
fect painting  of  the  same  shield."  The  Child  copy  appar- 
ently stands  as  it  did  when  Whitmore  described  it. 

The  arms  as  here  given  and  the  crest  with  the  additional 
feature  of  golden  flowers  in  the  chaplet  were  granted  19 
October  1  594  by  Richard  Lee,  Clarenceux.  The  immigrant 
ancestor  of  the  New  England  family  of  Pell,  which  is  en- 
titled to  these  arms  and  crest,  was  John  Pell  who  arrived  in 
Boston  in  October  1670,  the  son  of  the  Rev.  and  Right  Hon. 
John  Pell,  D.D.,  F.  R.  S.,  of  London;  they  were  borne  as 
well  by  the  Hon.  John  Pell,  lord  of  the  Manor  of  Pelham 
in  New  York,  1687,  authenticated  by  Robert  Bolton,  Esq. 
(Heraldic  Journal  II  192). 

The  Clarke  arms  are  those  of  Clarke  of  Salford,  co.  War- 
wick (  Edmondson  ).  So  far  as  I  know  no  American  Clarke 
family  is  entitled  to  them. 

66.  {66.)  (49.) 
Savage. 

Arms:   Silver  six  lions  sable. 

Crest:  From  a  coronet  gold  a  lion's  paw  erect  sable  the 
claws  gules. 

Legend:  Thomas  Sauig  Esqr.  of  Boston  Collonel  of 
the  First  Rigament  /  of  Foot  in  ye  Comt  of  Suffolk      1 720. 

Notes:  These  arms  were  in  use  by  the  first  generation,  for 


94  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

they  appear  on  the  background  of  the  portrait  painted  in 
1679of  Major  Thomas  Savage,  born  1608,  died  1682.  He 
came  from  Taunton,  co.  Somerset,  to  Boston  in  1635  and 
later  went  to  Rhode  Island.  His  son  Colonel  Thomas 
Savage  bequeathed  to  his  son  Habijah  "my  seal-ring  that 
was  my  father's",  in  all  probability  the  armorial  seal  that  he 
is  known  to  have  used  in  1705  (Heraldic  Journal  II  7), 
showing  the  same  arms.  This  Colonel  Thomas  Savage  of 
the  second  generation  is  the  individual  who  figures  in  the 
Gore  Roll. 

67.  (67.)  (50.) 
Yeomans.  Shrimpton. 

Arms:  Two  coats  impaled:  Baron:  Sable  a  chevron  be- 
tween three  spear  heads  silver.  Fern  me:  Silver  a  cross  sable 
on  the  cross  five  escallops  silver. 

Wreath:  Silver,  sable. 

Crest:  An  arm  embowed  in  armor  silver  garnished  gold 
the  naked  hand  grasping  the  forward  part  of  a  broken  spear 
proper. 

Legend:  Elizabeth  Wife  of  John  /  Yemons  Esqr.  of  ye 
Jland  of  /  Antego.  1721./  Yemond  &  Shrimpton. 

Notes:  Whitmore  describes  the  spear  heads  as  spears,  and 
blazons  the  impaled  arms  as  "Argent,  on  a  cross  gold  five 
escallops  of  the  field",  which  is  correct  for  the  present  color- 
ing in  the  Child  copy.  He  identifies  John  Yeomans  as  the 
grandson  of  John  Yeomans,  Lieutenant-Governor  of  Anti- 
gua, and  his  wife  as  the  daughter  of  Samuel  Shrimpton 
junior  and  the  great-grand-daughter  of  Henry  Shrimpton. 

Yeomans  or  Yeamans  of  Bristol,  co.  Somerset,  and  of 
Redlands,  co.  Gloucester,  bore:  Sable  a  chevron  between 
three  cronels  of  spears  silver j  crest:  A  dexter  arm  holding 
a  spear  proper  (Edmondson).  Cronels  might  have  been 
described  as  spear  heads  and  thus  have  led  to  the  version 
given  in  the  Gore  Roll,  or  different  branches  of  the  same 


GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  95 

family  might  have  used  slightly  different  forms  of  the  arms. 
The  Shrimpton  arms  are  identical  with  those  shown  in 
No.  5,  for  Anna  the  wife  of  Peter  Sargent.  They  have  not 
been  found  in  Edmondson  or  Burke.  Papworth  lists  them 
under  the  names  of  Stonham,  Vastons  or  Wastoylej  with 
the  escallops  gold  instead  of  silver,  under  Beauvais,  Ston- 
ham and  Wastoyle.  The  name  Shrimpton  is  not  found  in 
connection  with  arms  of  this  design. 

68.  (68.)  (51.) 

TuTTLE. 

Arms:  Azure  a  bend  silver  double  cotised  gold  on  the 
bend  a  lion  passant  sable. 

Wreath:  Silver,  sable. 

Crest:  A  dove  silver,  bill  and  legs  gules,  holding  in  its 
bill  an  olive  branch  vert. 

Legend:  Zakariah  Tuttell  of  Boston  /  in  ye  Count  of 
Suffolk  Lef tenant  /  of  Castel  William.  1721. 

Notes:  These  arms  are  in  the  Promptuarium  Armorum. 
Whitmore  identifies  them  as  the  arms  of  Tothill.  Edmond- 
son gives  for  Tothill  of  Exeter  ( co.  Devon)  Azure  a  bend 
(single) -cotised  gold  on  the  bend  a  lion  passant  sable  j  crest, 
on  a  mount  vert  a  turtle-dove  proper  in  his  beak  a  sprig 
vert  fructed  gold.  The  Visitations  of  Devon  of  1564  and 
1620  attribute  these  arms,  and  the  latter  this  crest  except 
that  the  bird  is  called  a  Cornish  chough  proper,  to  William 
Tothill,  alderman  of  the  city  of  Exeter,  who  had  four  sons  j 
the  second,  John,  the  third,  Richard,  and  the  fourth,  Robert, 
are  not  followed  further  j  the  first,  Geffrey,  of  Peamore,  co. 
Devon,  was  Recorder  of  Exeter.  He  had  three  children: 
Henry,  of  Peamore  j  second,  Robert,  and  third,  Arys  ac- 
cording to  the  1564  Visitation  but  Neys  according  to  that 
of  1620,  of  whom  no  further  account  is  given.  Henry  was 
the  father  of  two  daughters  of  whom  one,  Grace,  married 
William  Tottle  of  Devon. 


96  RHODE  ISLAXD  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

69.  (69.)  (52.) 
Wade. 

Arms:   Azure  a  saltire  between  four  escallops  gold. 
Wreath:   Gold,  azure. 

Crest:   A  rhinoceros  silver,  horn  and  hooves  gold. 
Legend:   Mrs.  Ann  Waide  of  Medford  /  in  ye  County 
of  Medelsex/ 1721. 

Notes:  These  arms  are  drawn  on  a  lozenge.  In  the  crest, 
which  Whitmore  blazons  as  a  hipp'jopotamus  although  the 
Child  copy  clearly  shows  a  rhinoceros,  there  are  touches  of 
yellow  on  the  beast's  armor-plate,  notably  on  a  horn  which 
projects  from  the  withers,  and  of  red  in  the  mouth  and  ear. 

Whitmore  says:  "The  Wades  of  Medford  were  sons  of 
Jonathan  of  Ipswich,  Mass.,  who  owned  lands  in  Denver, 
CO.  Norfolk.  This  Anna  may  be  the  daughter  of  Nathaniel 
Wade  and  Mercy  Bradstreet,  born  in  1685."  The  family 
arms  on  a  lozenge  indicate  an  unmarried  woman,  but 
heraldic  custom  denies  to  a  woman  the  use  of  a  crest.  The 
term  "Mrs."  does  not  necessarily  indicate  a  married  woman, 
but  is  to  be  read  "Mistress"  and  is  commonly  used  as  an 
expression  of  respect,  as  in  the  case  of  a  daughter  of  a  well 
born  family. 

The  Promptuarium  Armorum  9b  gives  these  arms  as 
those  of  Sir  William  Wade,  Clerk  of  the  Council.  They  are 
the  arms  of  Wade  of  Middlesex j  crest,  A  rhinoceros  silver 
(Edmondson). 


Form  of  Legacy 


"/  give  and  bequeath  to  the  Rhode  Island 
Historical  Society  the  sum  of 
dollars. " 


\r        I 


Roger   Wii  i  iams  Priss        '^1^' 


I'..  A.   Johnson  Co. 


PROVIDENCE 


Rhode    Island 

Historical    Society 

Collections 


Vol.  XXX 


OCTOBER,   l9CfT\   l'^  hr^Noi  4 


^CA_0J 


•■•^-"■-Miii -        r   ii*.***"'  ■ 


EARLY   PROVIDENCE   BOOK  PLATE 


{See  page  97) 


Issued  Quarterly 


68  Waterman  Street,  Providence,  Rhode  Island 


CONTENTS 


Early  Providence  Book  Plates         .         Cover  and  97 

New  Publications  of  Rhode  Island  Interest            .  101 

Notes 101 

Recollections  of  the  Mexican  War 

by  Nelson  Viall 102 

Gore  Roll  of  Arms 

bv  Harold   Bowditch  .  .  .  .116 


RHODE 
HISTORICAL 


ISLAND 

SOCIETY 


COLLECTIONS 


Vol.  XXX 


OCTOBER,   1937 


No.  4 


Nathaniel  W.  Smith,  President 
William  Davis  Miller,  Secretary 


Robert  T.  Downs,  Treasurer 
Howard  M.  Chapin,  Librarian 


The  Society  assumes  no  responsibility  for  the  statements  or  the  opinions 
of  contributors. 


Early  Providence  Book  Plates 

The  half  century  following  the  American  Revolution 
was  the  period  in  which  book  plates  struck  from  type  and 
type  ornaments  were  in  vogue  in  Providence  and  northern 
Rhode  Island. 

Some  of  these  book  plates  consist  of  lettering  only,  while 
others  have  the  lettering  surrounded  by  a  border  of  one  or 
more  rows  of  type  ornaments. 

Of  the  more  simple  design  with  only  a  single  border  of 
type  ornaments  are  the  book  plates  of  Welcome  Arnold 
(died  1 798  ),  George  R.  Burrill  (  1 795),  William  M.  Dyer, 
Joseph  Nightingale  Greene,  Moses  B.  Harris,  Stephen 
Gano,  Janetta  Howland  (1816),  Jonathan  Longley, 
Stephen  S.  Wardwell  (1820),  Resolved  Waterman  (1813), 
and  Lvdia  Smith.  Joseph  Lindley's  book  plate,  dated 
Providence,  1790,  and  James  Maxwell's  book  plate,  dated 
Warren,  1814,  are  rather  the  most  pretentious  of  the  plates 
with  a  single  border  of  type  ornaments. 

A  more  ornate  design  called  for  a  double  border  of  type 
ornaments  and  is  illustrated  by  the  book  plates  of  Henry  G. 
Gladding  ( 1  8 1 6  ),  Joseph  H.  Low,  Moses  Lippitt  and  Ann 
E.  Martin  (1819). 


98  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 


Welthja,  Kent^^ 
BO0K  179s 


%  The  Property  of  st 

^    W  E  L  C  O  M  E      A   R  N  O  L  D.     & 

^  i 


The  book  plates  of  William  G.  Goddard,  James  Potter 
Dunwell  and  Henry  G.  Lothrop  are  of  this  class  but  from 
the  type  ornaments  used  would  seem  to  be  of  a  much  later 
date. 

A  few  persons,  printers  or  book  collectors,  sought  to 
elaborate  the  design  further  and  produced  plates  with  a 
triple  border  of  type  ornaments  such  as  the  Joseph  \V. 
Greene  plate  and  the  W.  R.  Danforth,  Jr.,  plate.  In  a  few 
cases  type  ornaments  were  worked  into  a  sort  of  design 
as  in  the  case  of  the  Stephen  Wardwell  plate  and  the  H. 


EARLY  PROVIDENCE  BOOK  PLATES  99 

Waterman  plate,  the  latter  apparently  the  culmination  or 
zenith  in  book  plate  designing  reached  by  the  imagination 
of  the  Providence  master  printers  of  the  early  nineteenth 
century. 

Side  by  side  with  these  primitive  type  ornament  plates, 
we  also  find  simple  engraved  plates,  such  as  the  Zachariah 
Allen  plate  and  the  John  H.  Hamlin  plate,  the  latter 
engraved  by  William  Hamlin  of  Providence.  Both  of  these 
engraved  plates  show  the  influence  of  the  type  ornament 
style. 

With  the  mcrease  in  wealth  and  culture  that  accompanied 
the  development  of  our  country  in  the  nineteenth  century, 
the  type-set  book  plates  of  Providence  gave  way  more  and 
more  to  the  el-aborate  engraved  and  etched  book  plates 
which  were  in  use  throughout  the  world.  Eventually  the 
type  ornament  design  became  relegated  to  library  book 
plates  and  binders  labels,  and  the  Providence  master 
printers'  excursion  into  the  realms  of  book  plate  designing 
became  a  thing  of  the  past,  one  small  though  interesting 
phase  of  the  development  of  arts  and  design  in  America, 

In  many  cases  these  book  plates  can  be  identified  as  the 
work  of  a  certain  printer  by  comparing  the  type  ornament 


rif  p  R  o  p  E  R  T  y  0/         M 

JOSHUA  LINDLEY.  % 


"  The  Wicked  bcrroireih, 
_«  But  returmthmt.]' 
Providence,  Oftober  at,  \190. 


100 


RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 


t^  The  Property  of  y^ 

li  MOSES  LIPPITT.  ►! 


#4;ly!di>:'::yijl)li^!llVi|i|!l.<ljjl^!::iji;'t.:^^ 


|;:»^^^tiii|i'iiwt->|i 


l*.P 


???  *E;sTr¥  ^,r.,;-i^  - v^ ; ' 


i-  p/ioyjnE.ycE  i'r  i  j 


on  other  works  known  to  have  been  printed  by  that  printer. 
For  instance,  in  the  Welcome  Arnold  plate  and  in  the 
Moses  Lippitt  plate,  the  type  ornaments  are  those  known  to 
have  belonged  to  the  Providence  printer,  Bennett  Wheeler 
(  1782-1806),  and  so  the  presumption  is  that  Wheeler  set 
up  these  plates.  In  passing  it  might  be  well  to  note  that 
Wheeler  was  particularly  fond  of  using  type  ornaments 
and  his  contemporary,  John  Carter,  was  much  more  sparing 
in  then"  use. 


NEW  PUBLICATIONS  101 

The  type  ornaments  in  the  book  plates  of  William  Dyer, 
Jonathan  Longley  and  Joseph  Nightingale  Greene  are 
similar  to  those  used  by  H.  Mann  at  Providence  in  1813 
and  by  Brown  and  Wilson  in  Providence  in  1815.  It  is 
possible  that  Mann  did  not  actually  have  a  press  and  that 
he  may  have  employed  Brown  and  Wilson  to  do  the  work. 


New  Publications  of  Rhode  Island  Interest 

The  United  States  Naval  Institute  Proceedings  for 
August  1937  contains  an  article  on  William  H.  Allen  of 
Providence  and  the  Chesapeake-Leopard  affair  by  Wilbur 
E.  Apgar. 

Roger  WilliamSy  a  Marshall  Woods  Lecture  by  Law- 
rence C.  Wroth  has  been  printed  as  a  pamphlet  of  41  pages. 

Roger  Williams^  Descendants,  (Five  Generations^  ^ 
is  a  pamphlet  of  16  pages  published  in  1937  by  the 
Roger  Williams  Family  Association.  The  Registrar  is 
Mrs.  Charles  H.  Weeden,  66  Lincoln  Ave.,  Riverside,  R.  L 


Notes 

The  following  persons  have  been  elected  to  membership 
in  the  Society: 

Mrs.  George  Warren  Gardner 
Mr.  William  Greene  Roelker 


102  RHODE  ISLAND   HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Recollections  of  the  Mexican  War 

By  Nelson  Viall 

(^Concluded  from  page  82) 

At  this  point  the  9"'  New  England  Regiment  was  de- 
tached and  reported  to  Brig.  Gen.  Shields  for  duty.  With 
a  desire  to  be  accurate  I  copy  from  a  report  of  this  officer 
to  the  Commander  in  Chief  as  our  brigade  commanded  by 
General  Pierce  was  placed  under  his  immediate  command 
to  accomplish  a  definite  purpose,  Gen.  Shields  saysj  "I 
moved  off  with  the  remainder  of  my  force  and  joined  the 
positions  of  the  2"''  and  3"'  divisions  already  en  route  on 
the  main  road.  On  this  march  we  were  joined  by  the 
General  in  Chief,  who  assumed  command  of  the  whole, 
and  the  march  continued  uninterruptedly  until  we  arrived 
before  Cherubusco.  Here  the  enemy  was  found  strongly 
fortified,  and  posted  with  his  main  force,  probably  25,000 
men.  The  engagement  was  commenced  by  the  2"*^  division 
under  Twiggs,  soon  joined  by  the  P'  under  Worth,  and 
was  becoming  general,  when  I  was  detached  by  the  Com- 
mander in  Chief  with  my  two  regiments  and  Pierce's 
Brigade  the  9''\  12"'  and  15*''  with  the  mountain  howitzer 
battery,  and  ordered  to  gain  a  position  if  possible  to  attack 
the  enemy's  rear,  and  intercept  his  retreat.  Leaving  Coy- 
odcan  by  a  left  hand  road  and  advancing  about  a  mile  upon 
it  I  moved  thence  with  my  command  towards  the  right, 
through  a  heavy  corn  field,  and  gained  an  open  but  swampy 
field,  in  which  is  situated  the  hacienda  De  los  Portules. 
On  the  edge  of  this  field,  beyond  the  hacienda,  I  discovered 
the  road  by  which  the  enemy  must  retire  from  Cherubusco, 
and  found  his  reserve  of  about  4,000  infantry  already 
occupied  it,  just  in  rear  of  the  town.  As  my  command 
arrived  I  established  the  right  upon  a  point  recommended 
by  Capt.  Robert  E.  Lee,  Engineer  officer,  in  whose  skill 
and  judgment  I  had  the  utmost  confidence,  and  commenced 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THE  MEXICAN  WAR 


103 


a  movement  to  the  left,  to  flank  the  enemy's  on  his  right, 
and  throw  my  troops  betw^een  him  and  the  city.  But  finding 
his  right  supported  by  a  heavy  body  of  cavalry  of  some 
3,000  strong,  and  seeing  too,  that  with  his  infantry,  he 
answered  to  my  movements  by  a  corresponding  one  towards 
his  right  flank,  gaining  ground  faster  than  I  could  owing  to 
the  heavy  mud  and  swamp  through  which  I  had  to  operate, 
I  withdrew  the  men  to  the  cover  of  the  hacienda,  and 
determined  to  attack  him  upon  his  front.    I  selected  the 
Palmetto  regiment  as  the  base  of  my  line,  and  this  gallant 
regiment  moved  forward  firmly  and  rapidly  under  a  fire 
of  musketry  as  terrible  perhaps  as  any  which  soldiers  ever 
faced.    The  New  York  12''^  and  15^'^  deployed  gallantry 
on  the  right,  and  the  9''^  New  England  on  the  left,  and  the 
whole  advanced,  opening  their  fire  as  they  came  up,  and 
moving  steadily  forward.    The  enemy  began  to  waver 
and  when  my  order  to  charge  was  given,  the  men  rushed 
upon,  and  scattered  his  broken  ranks.   As  we  reached  the 
road,  the  advance  of  Worth's  Command  appeared  driving 
the  enemy  from  his  stronghold  of  Cherubusco.    I  took 
command  of  the  front  and  continued  in  pursuit  until  passed 
by  Colonel  Harney  with  his  cavalry,  who  followed  the 
routed  foe  into  the  very  gates  of  the  city. 

"In  this  terrible  battle,  in  which  a  strongly  fortified 
enemy  fought  behind  his  works  under  the  walls  of  his 
Capital,  our  loss  is  necessarily  severe.  This  loss  I  regret 
to  say  has  fallen  most  severely  on  my  command.  In  the 
regiments  of  my  own  brigade,  numbering  about  600  in  the 
fight,  the  loss  is  reported  240  killed  and  wounded  In 
this  last  engagement  mv  command  captured  380,  including 
6  officers.  Of  this  number  42  had  deserted  from  the 
American  Army  during  the  war,  and  at  their  head  was  found 
the  notorious  Reily  who  had  fought  against  our  troops 
at  Monterey  and  elsewhere.  A  detailed  report  of  the  loss, 
as  also  of  the  prisoners  captured  by  the  command  accompany 
this  report. 

"Pierce's  brigade,  under  my  command  in  this  action, 


\ 


104  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

lost  a  considerable  number  in  killed  and  wounded.  Among 
the  latter  the  gallant  Col.  G.  W.  Morgan  of  the  15"\ 
This  command  having  joined  its  division  immediately 
after  the  action,  1  have  as  yet  received  no  official  report 
of  its  loss".   .   ,   . 

I  will  here  leave  the  gallant  Shields  and  his  report,  to 
refer  to  an  incident  of  the  battle,  the  capture  of  42  deserters, 
who  under  the  command  of  Reily,  had  been  forced  to 
abandon  their  heavy  battery  by  Worth's  Command,  and 
in  their  retreat  towards  the  city,  found  themselves  entirely 
surrounded.  Through  the  instigation  of  the  Mexican 
Clergy — while  our  army  lay  intrenched  opposite  Mata- 
moras,  before  war  had  actually  commenced — a  number  had 
deserted,  Reily  being  among  them.  These  men  were  tried 
by  general  court-martial  and  30  of  the  number  were  found 
guilty  of  desertion  after  war  had  been  declared,  and  were 
sentenced  to  be  hung.  This  sentence  was  carried  into  effect 
by  Colonel  Harney  on  the  13'''  of  Sept.  at  the  town  of 
Miscode  where  a  gallows  was  erected  in  plain  view  of  the 
castle  of  Chapultepec.  It  was  said  by  those  who  witnessed 
the  execution  that  some  of  the  condemned  men  requested 
Col.  Harney  to  await  the  result  of  the  battle  which  was 
then  going  on,  as  they  felt  sure  of  our  defeat.  Their 
retaliation  would  be  visited  upon  our  prisoners.  This  re- 
quest was  granted,  and  these  30  perjured  wretched  stood 
in  government  wagons,  under  the  long  gallows  with  the 
ropes  around  their  necks  and  as  midday  approached  they 
watched  eagerly  the  result  of  the  storming  of  the  castle. 
At  last  the  American  flag  waved  from  the  cupola  of  Chapul- 
tepec, when  Colonel  Harney  gave  the  command  for  the 
teamsters  to  drive  out,  thus  launching  30  perjured  comrades 
into  eternity.  The  bodies  remained  on  the  gallows  5  days, 
and  were  visited  by  me  three  days  after  we  entered  the 
City  of  Mexico.  An  armistice  had  been  agreed  upon  from 
the  20*''  of  August  until  the  8"'  of  Sept.,  by  which  its  terms 
provided  that  neither  army  should  strengthen  its  position. 
In  fact  the  armistice  was  broken  within  a  few  davs  after 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THE  MEXICAN'  WAR  105 

the  battle  of  Cherubusco,  by  the  enemy,  who  had  kept  their 
foundry  at  Molino  del  Rey  in  full  blast,  turning  out  brass 
field  pieces  to  replace  those  lost.  The  bells  of  the  churches 
and  convents  were  seized  upon  for  this  purpose.  Gen. 
Scott  learning  this,  directed  Gen.  Worth  to  move  on  the  S**" 
of  Sept.,  attack  the  works  and  destroy  the  foundry.  Worth's 
division  found  the  enemy  in  strong  force  at  Casa  Mata, 
and  the  foundry,  and  after  a  desperate  effort  Pierce's 
Brigade  was  sent  to  his  support.  As  we  approached  the 
works,  the  guns  of  the  castle  of  Chapultepec,  which  had 
previously  been  directed  upon  Worth's  Column,  now 
opened  upon  us.  As  we  advanced  at  double  quick,  it  was 
found  to  be  the  best  policy  to  close  with  the  enemy,  who 
was  contesting  every  inch  of  ground  hand  to  hand  with 
Worth's  division,  thus  being  relieved  from  the  galling 
fire  from  the  castle,  which  if  continued  would  have  been 
as  fatal  to  their  own  troops  as  to  ours.  After  the  object 
had  been  accomplished  we  withdrew,  leaving  Molino  del 
Rey  on  fire,  and  in  ruins,  and  Casa  Mata  an  intrenched 
work  with  a  ditch,  was  blown  up.  It  is  now  known  that 
Gen.  Leon  held  Molino  del  Rey,  and  Gen.  Rangel  assisted 
by  Gtn.  Perry  the  fort  of  Casa  Mata,  and  Gen.  Ramirez  the 
center  with  artillerv.  3251  Americans  met  four  times  that 
number,  and  took  800  prisoners  and  52  commissioned  offi- 
cers. It  was  subsequently  learned  that  Santa  Anna  super- 
intended the  arrangements  in  person.  From  the  8' '  of  Sept. 
until  the  1 1"\  our  regiment  occupied  the  town  of  Piedad 
and  as  Gen.  Pillow's  division  took  the  most  prominent 
part  in  reducing  the  castle  of  Chapultepec,  I  will  again 
refer  to  his  report  of  that  battle  "Headquarters  3''^  Division 
U.  S.  Army  Sept.  1  8"'  1  847  Captain  ...  On  the  morning 
of  the  12'''  inst.  at  3  o'clock  A.  M.,  I  moved  with  my  com- 
mand, consisting  of  the  field  battery  of  Capt.  Magruder, 
the  voltigeur  regiment,  the  9*'',  1  V^\  14*''  and  1  5*''  regiments 
of  infantry,  (the  12*''  regiment  constituting  a  part  of  the 
garrison  at  Mexcode)  and  the  mountain  howitzer  and 
rocket  battery  from  Tucubaya  to  the  battle  field  of  the  8*' 


106  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

instant  where  my  dispositions  were  made  to  take  possession 
of  Molino  del  Rey.  Having  organized  a  force  for  this 
purpose,  under  command  of  Lieut.  Col.  Hebert,  at  day- 
light his  command  moved  steadily  and  in  beautiful  order 
under  a  hot  fire  of  shot  and  shell,  from  Chapultepec,  and 
seized  the  mills.  I  ordered  Gen.  Cadwallader  with  his 
brigade  to  hold  possession  of  this  position,  and  to  defend  the 
approaches  (which  unite  at  that  place)  from  the  City  of 
Mexico,  and  from  Sante  Fe.  In  a  short  time  afterward 
an  immense  body  of  lancers,  with  a  considerable  force  of 
infantry  made  their  appearance  in  the  valley  above  me, 
and  moved  forward  in  the  direction  of  my  position,  until 
almost  within  reach  of  my  field  pieces.  With  Gen.  Pierce's 
brigade,  Magruder's  battery  and  Major  Sumners  fine  com- 
mand of  dragoons  ( that  officer  having  now  reported  to  me 
for  duty)  I  made  every  arrangement  for  this  reception. 
Having  thus  executed  the  order  of  the  Gen.  in  Chief  "to 
take  possession  of  the  mills,  to  hold  them,  and  from  this 
position  defend  the  batteries  intended  to  be  opened,  pre- 
paratory to  the  assault  on  Chapultepec,  and  not  to  provoke 
a  general  engagement  with  the  enemy".  I  did  not  under 
my  orders  feel  inyself  at  liberty  to  become  the  assailant, 
and  the  enemy  regarding  "prudence  as  the  better  part  of 
valor"  did  not  think  proper  to  assail  me. 

"At  night  I  drew  my  whole  force  down  to  the  mills 
immediately  under  the  fire,  and  almost  under  the  walls 
of  Chapultepec,  while  the  enemy  advanced  from  the  valley, 
and  occupied  the  position  which  I  had  held  during  the  day, 
close  in  my  rear.  Being  now  almost  completely  enveloped 
by  the  enemy,  with  Chapultepec  and  its  strong  garrison 
immediately  in  my  front,  and  the  enemy's  large  force  of 
lancers  and  infantrv  in  close  approximation  to  my  rear  and 
on  my  left  flank.  My  command  was  compelled  to  lay  on  its 
arms  during  the  night.  Early  on  the  morning  of  the  13"' 
Capt.  M'Kenzie,  2"''  artillery,  reported  to  me  for  duty, 
with  a  command  of  260  rank  and  file  from  the  P*  division. 
At  daylight  the  cannonade,  which  had  ceased  at  dark  on 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THE  MEXICAN  WAR  107 

the  previous  day,  was  resumed  and  kept  up  on  both  sides 
until  about   8  o'clock.    In  the  meantime  I  was  actively 
engaged  in  making  the  necessary  preparations  for  storm- 
ing Chapultepec.    With  this  view  I  placed  two  pieces  of 
Magruder's  held  battery  inside  the  extensive  row  of  build- 
ings (of  which  the  mills- were  a  part)  to  clear  a  sand  bag 
breastwork  which  the  enemy  had  constructed  outside  the 
main  wall  surrounding  Chapultepec,  and  so  as  to  command 
a  breach  in  the  wall.   I  had  also  passed  the  howitzer  battery 
through  the  houses  and  walls  of  the  mills,  and  placed  it 
in  battery  so  as  to  aid  me  in  driving  the  enemy  from  a 
strong  intrenchment  extending  nearly  across  the  front  of 
the  forest,  and  commanding  my  only  approach  to  Chapul- 
tepec.  While  these  batteries  were  admirably  served  under 
Capt.  Magruder  and  Lieut.  Reno,  I  placed  four  companies 
of  the  voltiguer  under  command  of  Lieut.   Col.   J.   E. 
Johnston,  in  position  with  instructions  that,  upon  the  cessa- 
tion of  the  artillery  fire,  they  should  advance  by  a  rapid 
movement  on  the  outside,  and  under  cover  of  the  mam 
wall,  and  to  enter  the  enclosure  at  the  breach.   At  the  same 
time  I  placed  four  other  companies  of  voltiguers  under 
command  of  Colonel  Andrews  at  a  narrow  gateway  opening 
from  the  rear  of  the  mills,  with  orders  to  advance  in  front, 
to  unite  with  Col.   Johnston's  Command,   to   deploy  as 
skirmishers,  and,  by  a  simultaneous  movement  upon  the 
enemy's  flank  and  front,  to  drive  him  from  his  entrench- 
ments and  the  large  trees,  behind  which   he  had  taken 
shelter.   I  had  placed  the  9"^  and  1  5"^  regiments  of  infantry 
in  position  to  advance  as  close  supports  to  the  stormmg 
forces,  and,  if  necessary,  become  a  part  of  it.    I  ordered 
Colonel  Andrews,  as  soon  as  the  regiment  of  voltiguers 
had  cleared  the  intrenchments  and  woods,  to  form  in  rear 
of  M'Kenzie  as  a  support  or  assaulting  force  according  to 
the  exigencies  of  the  moment.   .   .   . 

"The  voltiguers  having  driven  the  enemy  from  the 
wooHs  rapidly  pursued  him  until  he  retreated  into  the 
interior  fortifications.    Close  in  their  rear  followed  the  9*' 


108  RHODE   ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

and  15'*'  regiments  with  equal  impetuosity,  until  these 
three  regiments  occupied  the  exterior  works  around  the 
summit  of  Chapul tepee.  Captain  NPKenzie's  command 
had  not  yet  come  up,  the  5"',  6"'  and  8"'  infantry  of  Worth's 
di\'ision,  ordered  forward  as  a  reserv^e,  advanced  their 
position  and  formed.  As  soon  as  Capt.  M^Kenzie's  com- 
mand was  in  position  with  the  ladders  the  work  was  almost 
instantly  carried  and  the  Mexican  flag  torn  from  the  castle 
by  the  gallant  Major  Semour  of  the  9"'  regiment,  and 
the  American  run  up  in  its  place.  To  the  voltiguers  belongs 
the  honor  of  having  first  planted  its  colors  upon  the  parapet. 
The  color  bearer  of  the  regiment  having  been  shot  down, 
the  colors  were  immediately  seized  by  the  gallant  and 
fearless  Capt.  Barnard  who  scaled  the  parapet  and  unfurled 
the  flag  under  a  terrible  fire  from  which  he  received  two 
wounds.  The  chief  honor  of  this  victory  is  due  to  those 
gallant  corps,  the  voltiguers,  the  9"'  and  15"'  regiments  of 
infantry,  who  drove  the  enemy  from  his  exterior  intrench- 
ments  and  positions,  took  possession  of  and  enveloped  the 
crest  of  the  counterscarp,  and  held  this  position  under  a 
heavy  fire  of  grape,  canister  and  round  shot  from  the 
enemy's  artillery  (  1  1  pieces  in  number)  and  a  very  superior 
force  of  small  arms,  until  the  arrival  of  the  ladders,  and  to 
Capt.  M^Kenzie's  Command  who  brought  up  the  ladders, 
and,  with  the  corps  alread)'  mientioned  so  gallantly  stormed 
and  carried  the  main  works.  .  .  .  The  gallant  Col.  Ran- 
som of  the  9'''  infantry  fell  dead  from  a  shot  in  the  fore- 
head while  at  the  head  of  his  command  waving  his  sword, 
and  leading  his  splendid  regiment  up  the  heights  to  the 
summit  of  Chapultepec.  I  had  myself  been  a  witness  to 
his  heroic  conduct  until  a  moment  before  when  I  was  cut 
down  by  his  side.  My  heart  bleeds  with  anguish  at  the  loss 
of  so  gallant  an  ofiicer.  The  command  of  his  regiment 
devolved  upon  Major  Seniour,  who  faltered  not  but  with 
his  command  scaled  the  parapet,  entered  the  citadel  sword 
in  hand,  and  himself  struck  the  Mexican  flag  from  the 
walls.   .   ,   , 


RECOLLKCTIOXS  OF  THE  MEXICAX   WAR  109 

"Having  carried  Chapultepec,  and  being  unable  to  pro- 
ceed with  my  command,  the  Gen.  in  Chief  ordered  it  for- 
ward under  Generals  Quitman  and  Worth,  and  my  entire 
division  except  the  1  5^''  infantry  (  which  was  left  to  garrison 
Chapultepec  and  to  guard  the  prisoners,  by  order  of  the 
Gen.  in  Chief)  acti\'ely  participated  in  the  subsequent 
achievements  of  our  arm\',  resulting  in  the  capture  and 
possession  of  the  City  of  Mexico. 

"In  carrying  the  strong  works  the  enemy  sustained  very 
heavy  lossj  the  grounds  around,  and  the  works  upon 
Chapultepec,  and  e\'ery  a\'enue  of  retreat  from  it  were 
literally  strewed  with  his  dead.  At  one  place  50  dead 
bodies  were  counted  in  one  heap,  but  no  means  are  left  me 
of  ascertaming  iiis  loss  with  accuracy.  Several  hundred 
were  gathered  up  by  my  men  and  buried  while  policing 
the  yard  of  Chapultepec.  Among  the  killed  were  Gen. 
Perez  and  Col.  Cano  of  the  engineers,  and  Gen.  Saldana 
was  wounded. 

"We  took  about  800  prisoners,  among  whom  were 
Major  Ge:n.  Bravo,  Brid.  Gens.  Monterde,  Nonega,  Dora- 
mentes  and  Saldana,  also  3  Colonels,  7  Lieut.  Colonels, 
40  Captains,  24  first  Lieuts.  and  25  second  Lieuts.   .   .   . 

"Gen.  Bravo  communicated  to  me  through  Midshipman 
Rogers,  there  were  upwards  of  6,000  men  in  the  w^orks 
and  surrounding  grounds.  The  killed,  wounded  and 
prisoners,  agreeable  to  the  best  estimate  I  can  form,  were 
about  1800j  an  immense  number  of  the  enemy  were  seen 
to  escape  over  the  wall  on  the  north  and  west  side  of 
Chapultepec. 

"My  own  force  actKally  engaged  in  storniing  the  work 
did  not  exceed  1,000  men.  .  .  .  My  total  loss  in  killed, 
wounded  and  missing  from  my  proper  division  during  the 
days  of  operation  is  143." 

Our  stay  in  the  castle  was  very  brief.  I  captured  a 
Colonel's  horse  within  the  bomb-proof,  a  beautiful  animal 
with  saddle  and  bridle  trimmings  of  solid  silver.  My  com- 
rades w^ere  congratulating  me  upon  my  good  fortune  when 


110  RHODE    ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

the  voice  of  Lieut.  Slocum  was  heard  ^'■Co.  A.  fall  'ni." 
My  visions  of  future  pleasure  with  that  mustang  with  his 
fine  trappings,  was  soon  changed  to  the  reality  that  we  were 
to  follow  the  enemy  who  had  fallen  back  and  occupied  the 
gates  of  the  City  of  Mexico. 

Major  Semour  having  assumed  command  of  the  9*''  regi- 
ment after  the  fall  of  Col.  Ransom,  moved  out  of  the  castle 
and  engaged  the  enemy  on  the  avenue  leading  to  the  Belin 
gate.  Through  the  center  of  this  avenue  ran  the  aqueduct 
that  supplied  the  city  with  water.  It  is  built  of  solid  mason 
work,  arched,  and  8  feet  wide  by  15  high.  The  arches 
were  used  as  a  cover  by  the  enemy,  but  were  equally  as 
beneficial  to  us  when  they  were  forced  back.  The  afternoon 
of  the  13*''  was  devoted  to  the  work  of  carrying  the  gates 
of  Belen  and  San  Cosme.  A  number  of  our  men  had  fallen 
at  Chapultepec,  and  the  first  man  wounded  of  our  company 
at  the  gate  of  Belen  was  drummer  George  W.  King  of 
Johnston,  R.  I.  A  piece  of  shell  struck  his  drum,  passing- 
through  it,  and  carrying  away  a  portion  of  his  knee.  His 
feelings  of  pain  seemed  to  be  equally  divided  between  his 
knee  and  the  loss  of  his  drum.  Capt.  Pitman,  Lieuts. 
Slocum  and  Glackin  behaved  in  a  most  gallant  manner. 
Much  depended  upon  regimental  commanders  in  this 
battle,  as  the  troops  moved  by  flank  up  the  avenue  on  either 
side  of  the  aqueduct.  While  the  enemy  had  a  battery  which 
was  located  at  the  gate  of  Belin,  sweeping  the  avenue  to 
the  base  of  the  heights  of  Chapultepec,  a  distance  of  two 
miles,  while  on  the  right  and  left  of  the  gate  a  cross  fire  of 
artillery  made  the  arches  of  the  aqueduct  anything  but  a 
comfortable  cover,  the  land  on  both  sides  being  interspersed 
with  lakes  and  marshes,  made  it  impossible  to  attack  it  in 
any  other  manner.  The  engagement  continued  until  night, 
the  enemy  still  holding  the  city  gate.  Our  men  lay  down 
after  the  firing  had  ceased,  in  the  avenue  and  arches  of  the 
aqueduct,  hungry  and  exhausted.  The  only  water  to  quench 
our  thirst  was  obtained  from  the  canal  on  either  side  of  the 
a\'enue  into  which  the  eiiem\''s  dead — men  and  horses — 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THE  MEXICAN  WAR  1  1  1 

had  been  thrown  to  make  room  for  our  troops  to  occupy 
the  ground  for  the  night.  The  water  supply  of  the  aqueduct 
had  been  cut  soon  after  the  occupation  of  Chapultepec.  We 
lay  upon  our  arms  within  two  hundred  yards  of  the  gate, 
expecting  to  renew  the  battle  at  day-break.  As  the  thin 
streak  of  light  showed  itself  over  the  mountain  range,  we 
were  on  the  alert,  expecting  their  batteries  to  open.  A 
movement  of  our  command  developed  the  fact  that  the 
enemy  had  retired  during  the  night.  Our  men  exhibited 
the  wildest  enthusiasm,  such  cheers  and  greetings  I  never 
witnessed  before.  The  citizens  made  some  slight  resistance 
from  the  house-tops  and  church  steeples,  but  Reno's  moun- 
tain howitzer  battery  was  taken  to  the  tops  of  their  houses, 
mounted,  and  opened  a  hre  which  they  had  little  expected, 
and  in  a  few  hours  the  city  was  in  the  peaceful  possession  of 
our  army.  The  9**"  regiment  was  assigned  quarters  in  a 
Carmelite  Convent,  the  monks  being  permitted  to  retain 
limited  quarters  in  the  Church  connected  with  the  institu- 
tion, where  daily  worship  continued  during  the  five  months 
of  its  occupancy  by  the  8"'  infantry.  Here  Sergeant  John 
Viall  joined  his  company  being  unable  as  yet  to  walk.  His 
recovery  was  gradual,  two  months  expired  before  he  was 
reported  for  duty.  Here  also  our  w^ounded  in  the  previous 
battles  were  returned  to  their  regiments.  After  a  careful 
examination  of  the  strength  of  the  regiment,  it  was  found 
that  it  had  lost  by  casualties  one-half  of  its  numbers.  It 
was  therefore  ordered  to  reduce  the  number  of  companies 
from  ten  to  five.  Aside  from  our  routine  of  garrison  duty, 
passes  were  granted  to  visit  points  of  interest  through  the 
city  and  adjoining  country.  A  description  of  the  central 
portion  of  the  city  is  herewith  presented.  The  Plaza  or 
great  square  of  the  city  is  fronted  on  the  north  by  the 
cathedral  and  archbishop's  palace,  to  the  south  of  which 
lies  the  museum  and  market,  on  the  east  by  the  national 
palace,  on  the  west  by  the  Parian,  or  public  bazaar,  where 
every  article  of  male  or  female  dress  in  vogue  among  the 
people  is  kept  made  for  sale.   Every  interval  of  this  square 


112  RHODE    ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

not  occupied  by  these  massive  buildings  is  filled  up  with 
arcades,  under  which  are  small  fancy  stalls  of  flowers, 
books,  cutlery  and  jewelry,  while  above  is  the  Mexican 
Palais  Royal,  or  the  resort  for  gamblers.  Here  the  national 
game  of  monte  is  played  by  all  creeds  and  conditions,  from 
the  President  to  the  lowest  classes.  The  Clergy  with  their 
surplices  and  cowls,  enter  the  public  gaming  rooms  and 
indulge  in  the  game.  A  Mexican  would  laugh  at  the  idea  of 
playing  unless  money  was  put  up.  The  view  from  the  lofty 
towers  of  the  cathedral  is  beautiful.  This  edifice  though 
imposing  is  far  from  realizing  that  purity  of  the  gothic 
style,  that  several  other  churches  of  the  republic  can  boast. 
It  covers  an  area  of  hve  hundred  feet  in  depth,  by  four 
hundred  in  front,  and  in  the  magnihcence  of  its  proportions 
and  the  splendor  of  its  decorations  excites  the  admiration 
of  all  who  behold  it.  As  a  single  specimen  of  the  enormous 
wealth  of  the  interior,  the  main  altar  and  choir  is  surrounded 
by  a  railing  five  feet  high  and  200  feet  in  circumference, 
of  massive  thickness  and  composed  of  solid  gold  and  silver. 
and  surmounted  at  short  distances  with  silver  statues  of 
saints  and  apostles,  for  holding  wax  tapers  during  services. 
The  altar  itself  is  of  pure  silver,  wrought  and  chased  in 
the  most  beautiful  style,  and  covered  with  a  profusion  of 
weighty  vessels  of  gold  and  silver  of  countless  value.  Above 
in  a  miniature  temple,  is  the  figure  of  the  V^irgin  of  Reme- 
dios,  wearing  a  dress  of  diamonds  and  precious  stones  whose 
lowest  value  is  estimated  at  three  millions  of  dollars.  The 
national  museum  dedicated  to  the  preservation  of  the  few 
fragments  of  Mexican  art  and  history,  which  have  been 
recovered  from  the  wreck  of  the  past,  is  a  splendid  suite  of 
apartments,  with  portraits  of  the  vice-roys,  and  old  Spanish 
mcMiarchs,  fragments  of  thrones  and  armours.  By  far  the 
most  interesting  relics  are  the  suits  of  mail  of  Cortez  and 
Alvarez.  They  are  both  plain  and  simple  harnesses  of  steel. 
A  genuine  likeness  of  Cortez  in  his  vice-regal  suit  is  like- 
wise among  the  portraits,  portraying  the  characteristic  dig- 
nity and  firmness  of  this  martial  bigot,  who  committed  the 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THE  MEXICAN  WAR  113 

most  horrid  indignities  upon  his  captives.  Among  the 
multitude  that  throng  the  vicinity  of  the  parian,  and 
gossip  among  its  numerous  shops,  is  the  Evangelistas,  or 
professional  letter  writers,  w^ho  attract  no  inconsiderable 
attention  from  the  curious  stranger.  Seated  on  a  low  port- 
able stool  on  the  edge  ®f  the  pavement,  a  board  across 
their  knees  for  a  writing  desk,  on  which  is  ink  and  various 
kinds  of  colored  paper.  These  grave,  learned  and  confi- 
dential scribes  are  ever  to  be  found  at  their  post,  ready  to 
indite  missives  of  business  or  sentiment,  as  the  humor  of  the 
applicant  requires.  Poetry  or  prose,  a  billet-doux  or  sonnet, 
an  elegy  or  epitaph  is  equally  in  their  line,  and  all  or  any 
executed  with  an  expedition  commensurate  with  the  neces- 
sity of  the  case.  .Their  clerkly  apparel  of  sable  frocks  and 
slouched  hats,  the  intellectual,  sympathizing,  sentimental 
expression  of  countenance,  their  pantomimic  tact,  ready 
apprehension  and  quiet  tones,  all  conspire  to  win  their  way 
at  once  to  the  confidence  of  such  as  feel  dependent  on  their 
craft.  Should  the  matter  to  be  communicated  be  one  of 
distress  the  Evangelista  can  scarce  proceed  for  his  sym- 
pathy j  should  it  prove  a  blushing  narrative  of  passion,  the 
insinuating  delicacy  of  his  glances  reassures  and  sustains 
the  timid  narrator  j  if  rage  or  disdain  be  its  theme,  it  is 
easy  to  interpret  from  his  flashing  eye  and  rapid  chirography 
how  fully  embarked  he  feels  in  the  service  of  his  employer. 
The  9""  infantry  remained  about  five  months  in  the 
valley  of  Mexico.  A  portion  of  the  time  the  R.  I.  company 
was  quartered  at  the  hacienda  of  San  Borgia  three  miles 
from  the  city,  for  the  protection  of  the  proprietor,  Senor 
Prethil,  who  was  much  annoyed  by  guerrillas  and  convicts 
so  recently  set  at  liberty  without  restraint.  This  planter 
furnished  one  division  of  the  army  w^ith  feed,  and  also 
milk  for  its  hospital.  His  estate  contained  2,400  acres  of 
land  dotted  here  and  there  with  small  villages,  the  inhab- 
itants of  which  were  largely  in  his  employ.  The  Mexican 
army  having  been  disbanded  caused  the  most  turbulent 


114  RHODE    ISLAND   HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

element  of  it  to  organize  into  guerrilla  bands,  who  robbed 
indiscriminately  wherever  an  opportunity  offered. 

At  Real  del  Monte  80  miles  north  of  the  Capital  was 
an  English  settlement  engaged  in  mining  gold  and  silver. 
After  the  capitulation  they  were  required  to  pay  the  tax 
(formerly  paid  to  Mexico)  to  the  military  government 
established  by  Gen,  Scott.  The  proprietors  requested  of 
the  Gen.  to  send  troops  for  their  protection.  The  9"' 
infantry  with  one  light  battery  and  one  company  of  cavalry 
was  sent  to  Pachuca  for  that  purpose.  While  garrisoned 
at  Pachuca  the  regiment  was  increased  by  one  company  of 
recruits.  Lieut.  J.  S.  Slocum  having  been  promoted  to  a 
Captaincy  for  gallantry  in  the  battles  around  the  Capital, 
was  assigned  to  the  command  of  it.  It  was  my  good  fortune 
to  be  appointed  a  Sergeant,  and  to  be  transferred  to  Captain 
Slocum's  Company  (  E  ).  Although  the  duty  of  instruction 
and  drill  was  more  arduous  with  new  recruits,  I  was  proud 
of  the  promotion,  and  also  to  be  with  Capt.  Slocum  for 
whom  I  had  the  greatest  love  and  respect.  More  than  six 
months  was  past  at  Pachuca.  Meantime  many  changes  in 
the  field  and  staff  had  taken  place.  Col.  J.  M.  Withers, 
and  Lieut.  Col.  Jere  Clemence  of  Alabama  were  assigned 
to  the  9"'  regiment.  Major  F.  T.  Lalley  of  Maine  remained 
with  the  9^''  until  it  was  mustered  out  of  service  at  Fort 
Adams,  R.  I.  in  August  1848. 

During  the  larger  portion  of  our  stay  at  Pachuca  I  was 
on  detached  duty  with  the  Regimental  Quartermaster 
Lieut.  Justin  Hodge  of  Conn,  who  placed  me  in  charge 
of  the  post  bakery.  Bands  of  guerrillas  invested  the  country 
roads  in  every  direction  making  it  necessary  to  furnish  an 
escort  to  the  miner's  train  to  and  from  the  City  of  Mexico. 
One  guerrilla  chief,  a  Priest  named  Padre  Jaruta,  had 
some  200  followers,  and  their  rendezvous  was  located  in 
the  mountains  some  20  miles  distant  from  our  post.  It 
became  known  to  the  Col.  that  the  wily  Priest  was  increasing 
his  number,  with  the  view  to  attack  the  escort,  that  was 
soon  to  leave  Pachuca  for  the  Capital,  with  the  product 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THE   MEXICAN  WAR  1  15 

of  the  mines.  His  plan  was  to  attack  the  train  when  well 
on  its  way  to  the  city,  and  if  successful  to  return  with  the 
two  guns  captured  and  attack  the  post.  The  Col.  determined 
to  make  a  night  attack  upon  the  robbers  stronghold  in  the 
mountains.  Every  animal  to  be  procured,  mule  or  horse, 
was  pressed  into  service  for  the  expedition.  Capt.  Slocum 
called  at  the  Quartermaster's  department  and  made  known 
the  object  of  the  expedition.  I  was  the  owner  of  two  horses, 
one  of  which  I  rode  that  night  and  the  other  was  loaned  to 
my  old  comrade  Corporal  David  K.  Richmond.  Within 
two  hours  the  column  was  ready  to  move.  The  company 
of  dragoons  took  the  right,  then  came  the  infantry,  mount- 
ed, some  on  mules  from  the  wagon  train,  and  others  on 
mustangs,  all  selected  with  an  eye  to  their  being  able  to 
undergo  a  20  mile  ride.  As  the  column  approached  their 
rendezvous  near  one  o'clock  in  the  morning  their  picket 
fired  two  shots.  The  Col.  at  once  ordered  a  charge,  and 
had  the  band  waited  to  have  offered  battle  they  must  all 
have  been  captured.  A  half  dozen  prisoners,  quite  a  large 
number  of  horses  and  equipments  were  captured.  In  the 
court  yard  was  a  large  fire  around  which,  from  appearances, 
they  had  been  carousing  when  our  approach  was  signaled  by 
their  pickets.  Cards  and  money  were  found  on  the  tables 
in  the  building  where  they  were  gambling  w^hen  the  alarm 
was  given.  Their  horses  being  picketed  outside  the  enclo- 
sure made  it  easy  for  them  to  escape  in  the  darkness  of  the 
night.  A  large  number  of  fighting  cocks  were  captured, 
and  many  souvenirs  of  this  noted  guerrilla  chief  were 
secured  by  our  men,  after  which  the  command  returned  to 
Pachuca.  There  is  no  doubt  we  met  many  of  this  band  on 
the  road  as  meek  spectators  of  los  diablos  Americano.  This 
raid  caused  this  robber  chief  to  change  his  base.  Our  gar- 
rison was  never  annoyed  by  him  after  his  grand  stampede. 
Nothing  of  importance  occurred  until  the  order  was 
received  to  march  to  Vera  Cruz.  From  this  point  we  took 
steamer  New  Orleans,  and  there  embarked  on  the  bark 
Maid  of  Orleans  for  New  York,   from  thence  to   Fort 


1  16  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Adams,  R.  I.,  where  the  regiment  was  mustered  out  of 
the  service  of  the  L^nited  States  in  August  1  848. 

Each  year  on  the  19"'  of  July  the  few  remaining  sur- 
vivors of  the  Mexican  War,  the  9^'  New  England  regiment 
with  the  Mass.  Volunteers  meet  at  Nantasket  Beach  "to 
fight  their  battles  o'er  again."  The  war  department  credit 
R.  I.  with  furnishing  183  men  in  the  war.  This  includes 
Co.  A.  of  the  9'''  regiment  with  all  who  joined  the  navy 
and  regular  army.  Of  the  one  hundred  men  who  left  the 
state  at  the  call  of  Government  to  fill  the  bill  passed  by 
Congress  adding  ten  regiments  to  the  regular  army,  there 
are  but  six  survivors  who  can  be  found.  The  company 
participated  in  the  following  battles:  Contreras,  Churu- 
busco,  Molino  del  Rey,  Chapultepec  and  Garita  Belen  or 
gates  of  the  City  of  Mexico,  not  to  mention  a  large  number 
of  skirmishes  over  the  route  of  270  miles  from  \'era  Cruz 
to  the  Capital. 

The  Gore  Roll  of  Arms 

By  Harold  Bowditch 

{contifiue/i  jroni  z'ol.  A' A' A',  page  Q6) 

70.  (70.)  {S3.) 

MONTFORT, 

Arms:   Gold  four  bends  azure. 

Wreath:  Gold,  azure. 

Crest:  A  lion's  head  azure. 

Legend:  Jonathan  Montfort  of  /  Boston  in  ve  Count  of 
Suffolk/ 1722. 

Notes:  Although  the  arms  are  given  in  the  Child  copy  as 
above  described  Whitmore  blazons  them  as  bendy  of  eight, 
which  is  not  strictly  accurate  j  the  crest  he  calls  a  lion's  head 
couped,  which  is  probably  what  was  intended  —  i.  e.,  the 
head  rising  directly  from  the  wreath  —  and  this  is  what  is 
shown  in  the  Child  copy,  although  in  the  Gore  Roll  there  is 


GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  1  1  7 

at  least  one  tuft  of  hair  which  overlies  the  wreath  and  might 
give  rise  to  the  use  of  the  word  erased. 

These  arms  are  found  in  the  Promptuarium  Armorum 
107a. 

They  are  widely  distributed  in  England  under  the  names 
Mountford  and  Mountfort,  variously  bendy,  bendy  of  six, 
of  eight  or  of  ten,  or  else  showing  four  or  six  bends,  usually 
with  gold  but  sometimes  with  silver  accompanying  the  blue. 
The  crest  of  A  lion's  head  couped  azure  is  attributed  to 
Mountford  of  Radwinter,  co.  Stafford,  and  of  Warwick- 
shire, whose  arms  were  Bendy  of  ten  gold  and  azure  (Ed- 
mondson ).  A  pedigree  of  the  Mountfort  family  is  given  in 
the  Heraldic  Journal  II  79,  80. 

71.  (71.)  (54.) 
Stoddard. 

Arms:  Sable  three  stars  within  a  border  silver  a  crescent 
(gold)  for  difference. 

Crest:  A  horse's  head  erased  silver  round  the  neck  a 
coronet  gold. 

Legend:  Dauid  Stodard  of  Boston  /  Cont.  of  Suffolk: 
NauilOfficer  /  in  ye  Port  of  Boston        1 723. 

Notes:  In  making  his  copy  Child  apparently  drew  a 
horse's  head  rising  from  a  crown  and  then  added  under  the 
crown  three  tufts  in  order  to  change  the  crest  to  correspond 
with  what  is  shown  in  the  Gore  Rollj  but  Whitmore,  no 
doubt  describing  what  he  felt  ought  to  be  shown,  calls 
Child's  effort  "A  demi-horse  erased  — ,  environed  round 
the  body  with  a  coronet,  gold".  Child  correctly  records  the 
name  of  the  arms  bearer  as  David,  but  this  has  been  misread 
by  Whitmore,  or  misprinted  by  his  printer,  as  Daniel  j  which 
has  occasioned  a  previous  owner  of  my  copy  of  the  Heraldic 
Journal,  probably  Winslow  Lewis,  whose  name  is  pasted  on 
the  cover,  to  add:  "rDavid,  who  d.  March  8,  1  722-3.  N.  E. 
H.G.Reg.  15-197."  This  identification  is  no  doubt  correct. 

These  arms  are  in  the  Promptuarium  Armorum   55b 


118  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

under  the  name  of  George  Stoddard  of  London,  grocer. 
They  are  not  in  the  Visitation  of  London  1633-1635.  Stod- 
dard of  CO.  Suffolk  bore  these  arms,  and  the  crest  was:  A 
demi-horse  ermine  round  his  body  a  coronet  gold  (  Edmond- 
son ),  which  must  have  been  intended  by  the  painter  of  the 
Gore  Roll;  and  it  was  no  doubt  this  description  which  led 
Whitmore  into  his  erroneous  description. 

72.  (72.)  (55.) 
Dudley.  (Tyng.) 

Arms:  Two  coats  impaled:  Baron:  Gold  a  two-tailed 
lion  vert.  Femme:  Silver  a  bend  cotised  sable  on  the  bend 
three  martlets  gold. 

Wreath:  Gold,  vert. 

Crest: A  lion's  head  vert  the  tongue  gules. 

Legend:  Wido  of  Joseph  Dudly  /  Esqr.  of  Roxburey  in 
ye  Count /of  Suffolk        1722. 

Notes:  The  impaled  arms  are  painted  on  a  lozenge.  In 
this  instance,  at  least,  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  color  both 
of  the  lion  in  the  Dudley  arms  and  of  the  crest  is  vert,  not 
azure,  for  it  may  be  compared  with  the  known  azure  in  the 
arms  of  Wade  (No.  69)  and  Montfort  (No.  70)  on  the 
same  page  and  of  Brindesley  ( No.  73  )  and  Pern  (No.  75) 
on  the  following  page.  In  the  legend  a  space  is  left  before 
the  word  "Wido",  as  if  the  writer,  uncertain  of  the  hrst 
name,  had  intended  to  enter  it  later  ^  although  there  is  a 
small  stroke  of  ink  at  a  high  level,  as  though  it  might  be  the 
remains  of  a  tall  letter  such  as  an  1,  there  is  no  trace  of 
erasure  or  thinning  of  the  paper. 

Whitmore  says  "This  is  evidently  Rebecca,  daughter  of 
Eciward  Tyng  and  wife  of  Governor  Joseph  Dudley.  She 
survived  her  husband  and  died  in  September  1  722.  These 
arms  of  Tyng  are  on  an  old  plate,  still  preserved  in  the 
family.  See  also  No.  79."  In  the  Child  copy,  and  therefore 
in  Whitmore's  description,  the  bend  in  the  femme's  arms  is 
double  cotised,  but  in  the  original  the  cotises  are  single. 


GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  1  1  9 

For  notes  on  the  Dudley  arms  see  No.  60. 
For  notes  on  the  Tyng  arms  see  No.  79. 

73.  (73.)  (56.) 
Brindesley.  Burghdon. 

Arms:  Two  coats  impaled:  Baron:  Party  sable  and  gold 
a  chevron  between  three  escallops  counterchanged  all  with- 
in a  border  silver  charged  with  roundles  azure.  Femme: 
Silver  three  cinqfoils  azure. 

Wreath:  Silver,  sable. 

Crest:  An  escallop  gules. 

Legend:  Mary  Wido  of  Francis  Brinle  /  of  Newport 
in  ye  Colliney  of  Rod  Jsland.        1772  /  Brinle  &  Burden. 

Notes:  The  impaled  arms  are  painted  on  a  lozenge  j  the 
border  of  the  baron's  arms  stops  at  the  line  of  impalement, 
as  is  customary,  and  consequently  there  are  but  five  round- 
les. 

The  Child  copy,  followed  by  Whitmore,  renders  the 
names  Brinley  and  Borden. 

The  Brindesley  arms,  with  the  same  crest,  appear  under 
No.  58  and  are  there  discussed. 

Mr.  Howard  M.  Chapin,  writing  in  1927  when  only  the 
Child  copy  and  the  Whitmore  description  were  available, 
said  "The  widow  of  Francis  Brinley  was  Hannah,  not  Mary, 
and  according  to  Savage  (I  254)  and  Austin  (256)  her 
family  name  was  Carr,  not  Borden.  It  is  possible  that  she 
was  a  widow  when  Brinley  married  her  and  that  her  maiden 
name  was  Borden.  The  second  Francis  Brinley  and  his  wife 
Deborah  Lyde  were  both  living  in  1722.  The  only  Mary 
Brinley  of  record  was  Mary  Sanford  who  married  William 
Brinley  and  became  a  widow  in  1704j  she  married  Josiah 
Arnold  the  same  year  and  was  his  wife  at  the  time  of  her 
death  in  1 72 1 ."  (See  Rhode  Island  Heraldry  p.  50. ) 

A  search  in  The  Siege  of  Carlaverock,  Berry,  Edmond- 
son,  Burke,  Paul  and  Papworth  has  failed  to  confirm  the 
femme's  arms  to  the  name  Burden  j  they  appear  to  be  a 


120  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

variant,  with  the  cinqf  oils  azure  instead  of  sable,  of  the  arms 
of  Burgedon  (Glover's  Ordinary  in  Berry),  Bourghdon  or 
Burghdon  (Edmondson,  Papworth). 

74.  (■74.)  (57.) 
Jekyll. 

Arms:   Gold  a  fess  between  three  hinds  passant  sable. 

Wreath:   Silver,  sable. 

Crest:  A  horse's  head  silver  the  bit  and  reins  gules  (there 
is  no  bridle). 

Legend:  John  Jeakle  of  Boston  Esq.  /  Colector  of  the 
Customs  for  the  /  Counts  of  Suffolk  Medlesex:  Plimoth 
/  Branstable:  Bristol .  .  1723. 

Notes :  In  the  Child  copy  the  name  is  spelled  Jehyll,  but 
Whitmore  has  it  Jekyll.  In  the  index  of  his  copy  Child 
spells  it  Jeakle  and  notes  that  it  was  "nearly  obliterated  in 
the  original,  and  perhaps  erroneously  spelt",  which  is  far 
from  the  fact,  for  it  is  absolutely  clear  and  perfectly  pre- 
served. 

Dr.  Buck  has  noted  opposite  this  coat,  printed  in  the 
Heraldic  Journal,  "not  catalog.  ( Promptuarium  Armor- 
um).  CO.  Essex  1670". 

The  arms  are  those  of  Jekyll  of  London  and  of  co.  Essex, 
whose  crest  is  A  horse's  head  silver  with  a  mane  sable,  the 
bridle  sable  studded  and  tasselled  gold  (Edmondson). 

75.(75.)  (Omitted.) 
Pern. 

Arms:  Gold  a  chevron  between  three  pelican's  heads 
erased  azure  beaks  gules. 

Crest:  From  a  coronet  gold  a  pelican's  head  azure  the 
beak  gules. 

Legend:  Capt.  Henry  Pearn  of  ye  Jland  of  St.  Christ- 
ophers .  .  /  1  723. 

Notes:  Child  renders  the  name  Burn  and  is  followed  by 
Whitmore.  Note  the  identitv  of  the  crest  with  that  of  Salt- 


GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  121 

onstall,  No.  24.  These  arms  appear  in  the  Promptuarium 
Armorum  66a.  They  are  those  of  Pern  or  Perne  of  co. 
Cambridge  j  Edmondson  gives  two  varieties,  (1)  of  co. 
Cambridge,  the  field  gold,  granted  1575,  and  (2)  of  Ely, 
CO.  Cambridge,  the  field  silver,  granted  1 5  June  1 575  j  both 
have  a  difference  of  a  golden  six-pointed  molet  or  star,  and 
both  carry  the  same  crest:  From  a  coronet  silver  a  pelican's 
both  carry  the  same  crest:  From  a  coronet  silver  a  pelican's 
head  gold.  This  is  presumably  an  accidental  duplication  of 
records  j  but  the  grant  of  differenced  arms  suggests  that  the 
undifferenced  arms,  which  appear  in  the  Gore  Roll,  are 
earlier. 

.       76.  (76.)  (58.) 

PiCKMAN. 

Arms:  Gules  two  battle-axes  (pikes)  in  saltire  gold  be- 
tween four  martlets  silver. 

Wreath:  Gold,  gules. 

No  crest. 

Legend:  Benjman  Pickman  of  Salem  in  ve  Countv  of 
Esix/1723. 

Notes:  Although  the  weapons  are  clearly  battle-axes  — 
comparatively  short,  and  with  a  one-handed  grip  at  the 
end  —  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  originally  they  were  in- 
tended to  be  pikes,  allusive  to  the  name. 

Whitmore  says:  "Benjamin  Pickman  of  Salem,  says 
Savage,  was  third  son  of  Nathaniel  of  Bristol,  England, 
where  he  was  baptized  at  Lewen's  Mead,  (Bristol)  in  1 645, 
had  a  son  Benjamin,  who  died  in  171 8,  leaving  a  son  Ben- 
jamin, born  1708.  These  arms  are  also  in  the  Salem 
Churchyard." 

^  Edmondson,  who  gives  these  arms  under  the  name  of 
Pickman  without  indicating  the  locality,  blazons  the  weap- 
ons pole-axes. 

Although  this  family  was  prominent  in  Salem  their  use 
of  arms  does  not  seem  to  have  begun  very  early  j  a  silver  cup 


122  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

bearing  them  was  "The  Gift  of  the  Province  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Bay  to  Benjamin  Pickman  Esqr.  1749"  they  are 
engraved  on  a  silver  tankard,  the  gift  of  Benjamin  Pickman 
to  the  First  Church  in  Salem  in  1 759  and  on  a  tea-pot  made 
by  John  Coney  for  Mary  Toppan  on  her  marriage  in  1  761 
to  Benjamin  Pickman. 

77.  (77.)  (59.) 

DuMMER. 

Arms:  Azure  three  fleurs-de-lys  and  a  chief  gold,  on  the 
chief  a  demi-lion  issuant  azure,  tongue  and  claws  gules. 

Wreath:  Gold,  azure. 

Crest:  A  demi-lion  as  in  the  arms  holding  in  his  dexter 
paw  a  fleur-de-lys  gold. 

Legend:  William  Dummer  Esq.  of  Boston  /  in  ye  Cont. 
of  Suffolk  Leftanant  Gou  /  enor  of  ye  Prouince  of  ye 
Masechuset.  /  On  of  ye  Counsell.  Capt.  of  Castl.  William 
/  1723. 

Notes:  These  arms  were  used  by  Gov.  Dummer  on  his 
official  privy  seal  j  he  was  grandson  of  Richard  Dummer  of 
Bishopstoke,  Hants.  (Whitmore,  Elements  of  Heraldry 
92). 

"The  arms  are  those  of  Pyldrenj  the  belief  is  that 
Richard  Pyldren  married  Matilda  Dummer,  heiress,  and 
died  1540  at  Owlesbury,  Hampshire,  England,  having  ap- 
parently assumed  his  wife's  name  but  not  her  arms,  which 
were:  Azure  a  crescent  between  six  billets,  three,  two  and 
one,  gold ;  their  great-grandsons  Richard  and  Stephen,  both 
of  Bishopstoke,  came  to  America  in  1 638,  Stephen  returning 
in  1647j  descendants  of  both  settled  in  New  England; 
Governor  William  Dummer  descends  from  Richard" 
("Vermont"). 

The  name  Pyldren  is  not  found  in  Edmondson,  Berry 
or  Burke. 

A  variant  of  these  arms,  with  the  demi-lion  in  chief  sable 
instead  of  azure,  and  quartering:  Gules  nine  billets  silver, 


GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  123 

four,  three  and  two,  and  in  base  a  bezant,  is  to  be  found  in 
Guillim  (ed,  1724,  page  266  of  the  second  section,  a  page 
missing  from  some  copies) ;  both  coats  are  for  Dummer, 
the  second  "in  respect  of . . .  descent  from  Sr.  Richard  Dum- 
mer Kt.  heretofore  of  Dommer  (now  call'd  Dummer)  in 
the  said  County  of  Southhampton". 

Bolton  ( American  Armory,  1927)  says  that  earlier  exam- 
ples of  the  arms  of  America,  for  example  a  flagon  given  by 
the  Hon.  William  Dummer  to  the  Mollis  Street  Church 
in  Boston  in  1753,  show  the  demi-lion  in  the  arms  sable 
instead  of  azure.  Nevertheless,  the  painting  in  the  Gore 
Roll,  showing  him  azure,  antedates  this  flagon  by  thirty 
years.  The  engraver  of  the  flagon  probabh'  followed  the 
design  given  in  Guillim  1 724. 

Burke  says  that  these  arms  were  granted  or  confirmed  to 
the  Dummer  family  in  1711,  but  Foster's  Grantees  of  Arms 
to  the  End  of  the  Seventeenth  Century  lists  them  ( with  the 
variant  of  the  demi-lion  apparently  gules )  as  a  grant  by 
Segar,  Garter,  who  died  in  1 633.  For  this  reason  it  appears 
probable  that  the  action  of  1711  was  an  allowance  to  the 
Dummer  family  to  bear,  in  addition  to  the  fleur-de-lys  and 
demi-lion  arms,  those  with  the  billets  and  roundle  as  a 
quartering  in  token  of  descent  from  Dommer  (  "now  calPd 
Dummer").  There  is  nothing  against  this  in  the  long  state- 
ment found  in  Guillim  1  724,  here  quoted  only  in  part;  and 
in  favor  of  it  is  the  fact  that  no  Pyldren  arms  have  come  to 
light. 

78.  (78.)  (Omitted.) 
Warr. 

Arms:  Gules  a  pair  of  wings  in  lure  silver  over  all  a  bend 
azure. 

Wreath:   Silver,  gules. 

Crest:  A  demi-ostrich  with  wings  elevated  silver  holding 
in  his  beak  gules  a  key  erect  gold. 

Legend:  John  Waire  of  ye  Jland  of  /  Jemeca  Marchant 
../  1723. 


124  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Notes:  These  arms  are  found  in  the  Promptuarium 
Armorum  43a  under  the  name  of  Richard  Warre  of  Tither- 
ton,  Wiltshire. 

The  arms  and  crest  are  those  of  Warr^  and  Warr  of 
Hestercombe,  Somersetshire,  and  of  Fetherton,  Wiltshire, 
differenced  the  arms  with  a  crescent  silver  (Edmondsonj. 

79.  (79.)  (60.) 
Tyng. 

Arms:  Silver  a  bend  cotised  sable  on  the  bend  three 
martlets  gold. 

Wreath:  Gold,  sable. 

Crest:  A  bird  with  closed  wings. 

Legend:  Jonathan  Tyng  Esq.  of  Woborn  in  ye  /  Cont. 
of  Midellsex  Coll  of  ye  Second  /  .  .  .  iment  of  Foot  in 
sd  Count.  Justice  of  /  Inferior  cort  in  ye  Count.  1  723  ( r ). 

Notes:  The  crest  is  drawn  in  pencil  and  uncoloredj  the 
bird  has  a  square  tail  and  resembles  a  Cornish  chough. 

This  leaf  had  become  detached  and  the  margins  soiled 
and  rolled,  and  the  extreme  corner  is  missing  j  consequently 
there  is  loss  of  the  first  three  letters  of  the  first  word  in  the 
third  line,  but  it  was  obviously  intended  for  "Regiment". 
The  word  "Inferior"  is  likewise  almost  illegible  j  appar- 
ently Child  gave  it  up,  for  he  says  simply  "Justice  of  the 
Court".  He  interprets  the  date  1  724,  and  he  may  be  right; 
it  looks  now  like  1 74U,  which  is  clearly  wrong;  but  it  is  pos- 
sible that  the  O  is  part  of  the  descending  f  in  the  last  word 
"of"  in  the  third  line,  which  would  leave  1 74,  and  this  may 
be  interpreted  as  intended  for  1724.  On  the  other  hand, 
what  looks  like  a  4  may  be  a  defective  2,  and  what  looks  like 
a  O  may  be  a  3.  In  any  event,  the  intended  date  was  prob- 
ably either  1 723  or  1 724.  The  name  was  originally  written 
Ting  and  then  written  over  Tyng. 

Dr.  Buck  has  noted:  r"Twing  page  19"  not  found; 
Prompt.;  this  apparently  means  that  a  notation  in  the  index 
of  the  Promptuarium  Armorum  leads  nowhere. 


CORK  ROLL  OF  ar:\is  125 

Whitmore  says  "He  was  son  of  Edward  Tyng,  and  died 
in  January,  1  724  j  the  family  was  one  of  the  most  prominent 
in  Massachusetts,  and  was  connected  by  marriage  with  many 
of  the  families  noted  as  using  arms". 

These  arms  are  puzzling  and  are  not  found  under  the 
name  in  the  usual  books  of  reference.  They  suggest  the 
arms  of  Tong,  Tonge  or  Tongue,  as  follows: 

Tonge  (West  Thickley:  Sable  (azure  in  1615) 
on  a  bend  silver  cotised  gold  between  six  mart- 
lets (  r  tincture  )  a  molet  gules  ( gold  in  1615). 
Crest:  A  cubit  arm  holding  a  grappling-iron 
proper.  (Visitations  of  Durham  1575-1666.) 
Tongue :  Sable  a  bend  between  six  martlets  silver. 
Crest:   A  shield  gold  between  two  myrtle- 
branches  in  orle  proper. 
Tonge  (  Thickley,  Durham ) :  Azure  a  bend  cotised 
silver  between  six  martlets  gold.  Crest:  A  hand 
holding  a  grappling-iron  proper.   ( Visitation 
of  Durham  1615.) 
Tong  ( Tunstall,  Kent ) :  Azure  a  bend  cotised  be- 
tween six  martlets  gold.    Crest:   On  a  rock 
proper  a  martlet  rising  gold. 

(Edmondson  1780.) 
Tonge :  Azure  a  bend  cotised  between  six  martlets 

gold. 
Tonge:  Azure  a  bend  per  bend  gold  and  silver 
cotised  gold  between  six  martlets  silver. 

(Burke  1847.) 
The  arms  that  appear  in  the  Gore  Roll  under  the  name 
of  Tyng  are  found  in  Papworth  as  those  of  Dawney  of  cos. 
Chester  and  York  and  of  Goldsworthy.  Without  the  cotises 
they  are  given  under  eleven  names,  no  one  of  which  resem- 
bles Tyng, 


126  RHODE    ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

80.  (80.)  (61.) 

TiLSTON. 

Arms:  Azure  a  bend  cotised  between  two  sheaves  gold. 

Crest:   From  a  mural  crown  gules  a  bear's  head  silver. 

Legend:  James  Tilston  of  Boston  /  in  the  Count  of 
Suffolk /1 724. 

Notes:  These  arms  are  given  in  the  Promptuarium  Arm- 
orum  22b  under  the  name  of  Ralfe  Tilston  of  Hurley  in 
Essex  ( r ) . 

Whitmore  states  that  they  are  the  arms  of  Tillotson  j  but 
in  this  he  does  not  appear  to  be  entirely  accurate,  for  Ed- 
mondson  gives  as  the  Tillotson  arms:  Azure  two  cotises  be- 
tween two  sheaves  gold,  i.  e.,  the  arms  in  the  Gore  Roll 
lacking  the  bend.  But  for  Tilston  of  Huxleigh,  co.  Chester, 
and  for  Tilstone  or  Telstone  of  co.  Chester  Edmondson 
gives  exactly  the  arms  in  the  Gore  Roll,  and  for  the  former 
family  adds  the  crest:  Out  of  a  mural  coronet  a  bear's  head, 
not  mentioning  the  tinctures  of  the  crest.  Burke  says  that 
these  arms,  under  the  names  of  Tilston  or  Tilson,  were  con- 
firmed 28  August  1580. 

81.  (81.)  (62.) 
Frazer.  Foulis. 

Arms:  Two  coats  inipaled:  Barofi:  Quartered:  1.  &  4. 
Silver  three  antique  crowns  gules.  2.  &  3.  Azure  three  cinq- 
foils  (f raises  )  silver.  Fejjujie:  Silver  three  leaves  erect  vert. 

Wreath :  Silver,  gules. 

Crest:  A  stag's  head  between  two  demi-battle-axes  erect 
blades  outward  gold. 

Legend:  John  Frixwell  of  Boston  /  Marchant  1723 
/  Friszell  &  Fowle. 

Notes:  Whitmore  says:  "The  Second  Church  in  Boston 
possesses  the  following  articles  of  communion  plate,  w^ith 
coats  of  arms  engra\ed  thereon.  1st.  A  large  flagon,  the  gift 


GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  127 

of  Mr.  John  Frizell  who  died  April  10,  1723,  bearing 
quarterly  1  and  4,  argent  three  crowns;  2  and  3,  azure  three 
cinqfoils.  These  are  the  arms  of  Frizell  or  Frazer,  but 
apparently  reversed.  Still  this  may  be  in  accordance  with 
Scottish  heraldry  and  mode  of  distinguishing  cadency. 
.  .  ."  (The  illustration  of  "this  engraving  in  Buck's  "Old. 
Plate"  p.  1 65  shows  the  same  crest  as  in  the  Gore  Roll  and 
the  motto:  Jesu  est  Pret. )  Apparently  the  reference  is  to  the 
order  of  the  quarterings,  for  Paul  gives  for  Fraser  of  Lovat, 
1  837:  Quartered:  1.  &  4.  Azure  three  f raises  silver;  2.  &  3. 
Silver  three  antique  crowns  gules;  but  Burke  gives  for 
Frazer:  Quartered:  1.  &  4.  Silver  three  radiants  gules, 
2.  &  3.  Azure  three  cinqfoils  silver;  crest:  A  stag's  head 
erased  gold  the  antlers  silver,  between  two  battle-axes 
proper. 

The  Frazer  family  arms  are  the  three  allusive  fraises  or 
strawberry  leaves.  The  quartering  of  the  three  crowns  was 
granted  to  Sir  Simon  Frazer  for  having  thrice  saved  the  life 
of  Robert  Bruce  at  the  battle  of  Methven  (Burke);  by 
many  lines  of  Frazer  it  is  borne  with  a  difference  in  the 
second  and  third  quarters  (Paul).  Its  character  as  a  royal 
augmentation  may  explain  its  precedence  over  the  family 
arms  when  it  appears  in  the  hrst  and  fourth  quarters,  as 
given  by  Burke. 

These  arms  would  be  appropriate  for  Frizell  only  if  it 
can  be  shown  that  Frizell  is  a  variant  name  for  some  line  of 
Frazer  that  properly  claims  the  coat. 

Foulis  of  Ingieby  Manor,  Yorkshire,  bore:  Silver  three 
bay-leaves  proper  (Edmondson  ) ;  Burke  gives  Fowles  as  a 
variant  spelling  and  laurel-leaves  as  a  variant  charge,  but 
it  would  be  impossible  to  distinguish  between  the  two. 

The  leaves  in  the  Gore  Roll  painting  are  slender  and 
pointed,  with  hairy  edges;  the  stem  of  each  bends  sharply 
to  the  sinister  at  the  point  where  it  has  been  torn  off.  This 
charge  puzzled  Child  who  drew  the  leaves  as  trees,  each  on 
its  own  little  grass-plot. 


128  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

82.  (82.)  (Omitted.) 

ROSWELL. 

Arms:  Party  gules  and  azure  a  lion  silver. 

Wreath:   Silver,  gules. 

Crest:  A  lion's  head  silver. 

Legend:   Henry  Roswell  of  London  /  Marchant  1723. 

Notes:  The  Promptuarium  Armorum  42b  shows  this  to 
have  been  a  Wiltshire  family. 

Edmondson  gives  these  arms  under  the  name  Roswell 
without  mentioning  the  locality. 

Dr.  Buck  has  noted  that  the  lion  should  be  double  tailed  j 
this  may  be  taken  from  the  Promptuarium  Armorum,  but 
is  not  borne  out  by  Edmondson. 

83.(83.)  (Omitted.) 
Selwyn. 

Arms :  Silver  a  bend  cotised  sable  on  the  bend  three  rings 
gold. 

Wreath :   Silver,  sable. 

Crest:  Two  lion's  paws  erased  the  dexter  gules  and  the 
sinister  gold  supporting  between  them  a  stock  of  a  tree  erect 
in  flames  at  the  top  proper. 

Legend:  John  Silyen  of  the  North  /  of  England  G. 
Britton/  1723. 

Notes:  Child  notes  in  his  index  that  the  name  was 
"nearly  obliterated  in  the  original",  which  is  not  the  case. 

These  arms  are  given  under  Selwyn  ( ? )  of  Sussex  in  the 
Promptuarium  Armorum  1 33b  j  this  is  in  the  south,  not  the 
north  of  England. 

The  arms  are  those  of  Selwyn  of  Stonehouse,  Gloucester- 
shire j  Selwyn  of  Essex  and  of  Sussex  1611  bore  the  same 
with  a  border  engrailed  gules  and  this  crest:  Two  lion's  paws 
erased  gold  holding  a  beacon  in  pale  fired  proper  (  Edmond- 
son). 


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Rhode  Island  Pewter 


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CONTENTS 


PAGE 


Rht)dc  Island  Pcwtcrers 

by  Madelainc  R.  Brown,  M.D.      . 

\\)1  Limes  from  Book  Shelves  in  Old  South  County 
bv  William  Davis  Miller      .  .  .  . 


Notes 


17 


New  Publications  of  Rhode  Island  Interest 


18 


List  of  Members  of  the  Society 


Ciore  Roll   of  Arms 

bv  Iriarolci  Bowditch 


24 


LIBRARY  OF  CONGRESS 

JAN  2  0  193b 

0,V»S10H  OF  DOCUMENTS 


RHODE 
HISTORICAL 


ISLAND 

SOCIETY 


COLLECTIONS 


Vol.  XXXI 


JANUARY,   1938 


No.   1 


Nathaniel  W.  Smith,  President 
William  Davis  Miller,  Secretary 


Robert  T.  Downs,  Treasurer 
Howard  M.  Chapin,  Librarian 


The  Society  assumes  no  responsibility  for  the  statements  or  the  opinions 
of  contributors. 


Rhode  Island  Pcwterers 

By  Madelaine  R.  Brown,  M.D.* 

During  the  seventeenth  and  first  half  of  the  eighteenth 
century  the  pewter  in  this  country  was  of  English  make,  and 
as  long  as  it  was  in  use,  large  quantities  of  pewter  were 
imported.  The  American  craftsmen  were  dependent  upon 
importation  of  the  raw  materials  or  on  melting  up  old 
pewter,  for  there  was  no  available  supply  of  lead  and  tin. 
This  fact  limited  the  number  of  workers  and  destroyed  a 
great  deal  of  the  older  pewter.  We  have  records  of  two 
hundred  American  pewterers  and  pieces  by  only  half  of 
these,  so  that  marked  American  pewter  of  the  eighteenth 
century  is  a  scarce  article.  That  there  were  seventeenth 
century  pewterers  in  this  country  is  shown  by  early  deeds 
and  records,  but  these  men  were  doubtless  largely  dealers 
in  English  pewter  or  menders  of  old  plates.  No  pewterers 
came  over  on  the  Mayflower  but  four  Massachusetts  men 
are  so  mentioned  in  the  next  twenty  years,  one  from  Salem 
and  three  from  Boston. 


^Delivered  before  the  R.  I.  Hist.  Soc,  Nov.  15,  1937. 


Z  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

The  principal  centers  of  pewter  manufacture  in  the 
eighteenth  century  were  Boston,  Newport,  New  York  and 
Philadelphia.  Rhode  Island,  however,  can  w^ell  be  proud 
of  her  early  workers  in  Newport,  and  later  in  Providence. 
No  other  state  boasts  two  such  centers,  and  in  the  smallest 
state  in  the  union  at  that.  The  first  recorded  Rhode  Island 
pewterer  is  Thomas  Byles  of  Newport,  who  completed  his 
apprenticeship  in  1711.  In  1738  he  moved  to  Philadelphia 
and  remained  there  until  1771.'  Lawrence  Langworthy 
was  an  English  maker  who  came  to  Newport  between  1719 
and  1732.  He  died  in  1739  and  on  his  tombstone  in  City 
Cemetery,  Newport,  may  be  seen  what  is  said  to  be  the  only 
impaled  coat  of  arms  on  a  tombstone  in  colonial  Rhode 
Island.  Unfortunately  we  have  no  pewter  by  these  makers, 
although  there  is  in  existence  a  three  legged  iron  pot  with 
L.  Langworthy  1730  on  the  handle. 

The  late  Mr.  Charles  Calder  of  this  city  is  responsible 
for  most  of  our  knowledge  concerning  Rhode  Island  pew- 
terers  and,  as  you  know,  his  remarkable  collection  is  in  this 
room.  His  two  articles  printed  in  this  Society's  collections 
1924"  and  1926"  are  shining  examples  of  excellent  illustra- 
tions and  of  a  tremendous  amount  of  information  packed 
into  a  few  pages.  In  fact,  no  author  in  my  experience  has 
practised  quite  such  self  restraint.  Benjamin  Day  is  his 
earliest  listed  name  unearthed  in  the  1  749  Newport  Town 
Records.  Mr.  Calder  knew  of  no  pewter  made  by  this  man, 
but  in  the  last  few  years  a  solid  handled  porringer  and  two 
very  well  designed  squat,  lidless  tankards  or  mugs  marked 
B.D,  have  been  found.  I  shall  be  able  to  show  you  a  picture 
only,  of  one  of  these  as,  unfortunately,  they  are  closely 
guarded  by  their  proud  New  York  owners. 

The  second  name  mentioned  by  Calder  was  John  Fryers, 
found  in  Newport  Land  Evidence  1759.  A  mug  marked 
I.F.  has  been  attributed  to  this  maker  by  Myers  in  his 
"Notes  on  American  Pewter".' 

Finally  we  come  to  those  makers  with  whom  we  have  a 
more  personal  touch  and  some  unquestioned  examples  of 


RHODE    ISLAND    PEWTERERS 


their  work.  In  the  Newport  Mercury,  November  14,  1  763, 
Joseph  Belcher  "Hereby  informes  his  Customers  and 
others  that  he  has  removed  from  the  House  and  Shop  he 
lately  improved  on  Eastern  Point,  in  Newport,  to  the  House 
lately  improved  by  Mr.  Lake  Babcock  in  Thames  St.  next 
door  to  the  Collectors;  where  he  has  to  sell  Braziery  and 
Founders-Ware,  cheap  for  cash. 

"He  gives  Money  for  old  Brass,  Copper  and  Pewter." 

In  the  Providence  Gazette,  March  4,  1769.  "Joseph 
Belcher  of  Newport,  Takes  this  Method  to  inform  his 
Customers  and  others,  that  he  Makes  and  Sells  Pewter- 
Ware,  Wholesale  and  Retail,  as  cheap  as  can  be  bought  in 
Boston  or  elsewhere;  those  who  please  to  favor  him  with 
their  Custom  May  depend  on  being  as  well  used  by  Letter 
as  if  present."' 

From  this  evidence  one  would  surmise  that  there  were  no 
pewterers  in  Providence  in  1 769  and  that  he  was  competing 
with  Boston  in  a  laudable  campaign  of  "Buy  Rhode  Island". 
He  may  have  worked  as  early  as  1751  as  his  marriage  to 
Hannah  Gladding  is  recorded  in  that  year.  There  are  a  few 
porringers  and  plates  of  his  in  the  hands  of  collectors  and 
we  have  here  one  of  his  eight  inch  plates  bearing  three  of 
his  unusual  touchmarks,  a  dove  surrounded  by  the  letters 
of  his  name.  His  son,  Joseph,  Jr.,  continued  the  business  in 
1776  and  moved  to  New  London  in  1784.^ 

Last  of  the  Newport  makers  is  the  Melville  family  —  six 
in  number  though  we  have  no  pewter  by  two  of  them. 
David  Melville,  his  son,  Thomas,  and  his  nephews,  Thomas 
and  Samuel,  covered  a  period  from  1776  to  1824.  Their 
solid  handled  porringers  are  beautiful  for  their  simplicity 
and  are  one  of  the  most  sought  after  items  in  American 
Pewter.  I  shall  show  you  some  of  these  and  also  one  with  the 
Rhode  Island  open  work  handle  bearing  the  state  seal.  This 
type  handle  is  peculiar  to  the  Melvilles  with  two  exceptions, 
one  illustrated  in  Mr.  Kerfoot's  book  by  Joseph  Belcher,'' 
and  one  in  Mr.  Pratt's  article  in  "Antiques"  by  Thomas 
Danforth,  3rd.''    Several  Rhode  Island  makers  used  the 


4  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

anchor  on  a  shield  but  this  also  bears  the  surrounding  motto 
"We  hope  in  God". 

The  first  Providence  workers  sprang  from  Middletown, 
Connecticut.  Samuel  Hamlin  and  Gershom  Jones  were 
brothers-in-law,  having  married  Thankful  and  Desire  Ely 
of  Middletown,  and  shortly  thereafter  Hamlin  moved  to 
Providence  and  set  up  business  in  1771.  Three  years  later 
Jones  joined  him  and  a  partnership  was  formed.  Due  to 
family  disagreements  the  firm  of  Hamlin  and  Jones  was 
destined  to  last  only  seven  years  and  in  1781  Hamlin  an- 
nounced in  the  Providence  Gazette  that  he  carried  on  at  his 
shop  West  Side  of  the  Great  Bridge.  Much  of  the  Rhode 
Island  pewter  to-day  in  the  possession  of  collectors  and 
museums  was  made  by  these  two  men  and  Samuel  junior, 
who  worked  as  late  as  1  856.  Half  the  American  porringers 
in  existence  bear  the  name  Hamlin.  Hamlin  and  Jones 
both  made  large  fifteen  inch  chargers  of  excellent  quality, 
extremely  rare  items  in  American  pewter  and  practically 
limited  to  Rhode  Island  makers.  One  strange  fact  is  that 
while  there  are  a  hundred  Hamlin  basins  about,  no  one  has 
ever  found  one  by  Jones  and  while  there  are  many  eight  inch 
plates  bearing  either  Jones'  earlier  touch  mark,  the  rampant 
lion,  or  the  later  eagle  and  Rhode  Island  state  seal,  Hamlin's 
eight  inch  plates  are  extremely  rare.  It  may  be  that  special- 
ists existed  in  pewter  manufacture  long  before  they  came 
into  fashion  in  other  professions.  Aside  from  pewter,  the 
Weather  Vane  on  the  first  Baptist  Church  was  made  in 
Hamlin's  shop. 

Both  Hamlin  and  Jones  learned  their  trade  from  a 
member  of  the  great  family  of  Connecticut  pewterers,  the 
Danforths,  and  from  the  partner  of  Thomas  Danforth,  2nd, 
Jacob  Whitmore  of  Middletown.  The  dolphin  handled 
porringer  found  in  the  grave  of  the  Indian  princess 
Ninigret  and  now  in  the  possession  of  this  Society  is  similar 
to  those  made  by  Joseph  Danforth,  son  of  the  man  who 
taught  the  first  Providence  pewterers  their  trade.  The  early 
touch  mark  of  Gershom  Jones  is  the  same  as  that  used  by 


RHODE    ISLAND    PEWTERERS  0 

many  of  the  Danforths,  a  rampant  lion  in  gateway  and  his 
hall  marks  are  similar  to  those  of  Thomas  Danforth,  2nd. 

William  Billings  1791-1813  was  evidently  an  ingenuous 
young  man.  His  ad  in  the  Providence  Gazette  November 
5th,  1791:  "Pewterer,  Coppersmith,  and  Brazier,  In  the 
Main  Street,  Providence,  near  Messieurs  Joseph  and 
William  Russell  Store,  and  directly  opposite  Col.  Knight 
Dexter.  Makes  and  sell  all  kinds  of  Pewter  Ware  warranted 
good  as  any  made  in  town  or  country. 

"Young  in  life  and  having  a  desire  to  be  employed  as  well 
as  to  please,  he  flatters  himself  that  those  gentlemen  who 
wish  to  promote  industry  and  the  young,  will  honor  him 
with  their  commands,  which  will  be  gratefully  acknowl- 
edged and  attended  with  dispatch  and  fidelity."' 

We  have  many  excellent  plates  of  different  sizes  and  a 
few  porringers  made  by  Mr.  Billings.  These  last  named 
have  a  large  anchor  on  the  handle  and  the  initials  W.  B. 

And  now  we  come  to  a  man  who  puzzled  Mr.  Calder 
greatly.  Records  and  advertisements  showed  hnn  to  be  a 
pewterer  and  even  a  bill  of  sale  of  pewter  moulds  from  this 
maker  to  his  own  grandfather  was  in  Mr.  Calder's  posses- 
sion. Yet  no  pewter  by  this  maker  had  come  to  light.  This 
man  was  Josiah  Keene.  In  1926  Mr.  Myers  illustrated  in 
his  book  a  porringer  with  the  Rhode  Island  type  handle 
bearing  the  letter  I.  K."*  There  is  very  little  doubt  that  this 
porringer  was  made  by  Keene.  It  is  now  in  the  Yale  museum 
since  Mr.  Garvan  bought  the  Myers  collection  and  pre- 
sented it  to  the  college. 

Of  course,  there  is  no  wine  that  goes  to  the  head  of  a 
collector  like  the  idea  of  possession  of  the  only  one.  In  the 
autumn  of  1932  when  my  interest  in  Rhode  Island  pewter 
was  only  some  two  months  old  I  found  an  eight  inch  plate 
bearing  the  letters  A  H  and  underneath  them  E  N  E 
I  had  read  Mr.  Calder's  articles  and  the  name  Josiah  Keene 
came  to  me.  In  comparing  this  plate  with  one  of  William 
Calder's  (the  purchaser  of  his  moulds)  it  was  found  to  be 
identical.  The  reasons  for  the  scarcity  of  Keene  pewter  ma} 


6  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

be,  first  that  he  worked  for  a  very  short  time,  and  second 
that  he  may  have  struck  all  his  touch  marks  as  carelessly  as 
this  one.  Although  Keene's  mark  is  very  similar  to  that  of 
Samuel  Hamlin's  it  is  believed  that  he  was  apprenticed  to 
Gershom  Jones  and  in  proof  of  this  the  Keene  plate  is 
identical  with  an  early  Jones  plate.' 

William  Calder  started  his  career  in  1817  with  the  trade 
of  a  plot  of  land  valued  at  $109.00  for  Josiah  Keene's 
moulds.  He  worked  until  1856  and  made  a  great  variety 
of  excellent  pewter. 

Mr.  Calder  was  told  by  his  father  that  William  Calder 
was  apprenticed  to  Samuel  Hamlin.  From  the  dates  this 
must  have  been  the  son  of  the  original  Samuel,  who  was  said 
to  have  learned  his  trade  in  Newport.  It  seems  unlikely 
that  Hamlin  would  have  sent  his  son  away  to  learn  the 
trade  but  perhaps  even  in  those  days  young  men  wanted  to 
go  away  to  school.  At  any  rate,  the  marks  of  the  Hamlins 
and  Melvilles  are  similar  and  it  is  possible  that  the  first 
Melville  was  apprenticed  to  the  elder  Hamlin  in 
Providence. 

In  the  early  days  of  Calder's  career  styles  began  to 
change.  Pewter  flatware  was  going  out  and  china  was 
coming  in,  Britannia  was  superseding  pewter  for  hollow- 
ware.  His  daybook  for  the  years  1826  to  1838  is  in  the 
possession  of  Mrs.  Charles  Calder  and  just  a  year  ago 
Professor  Percy  Raymond,  President  of  the  Pewter  Collec- 
tors Society,  published  an  article  on  this  book  in  "Antiques".'' 
During  this  period  Calder  sold  3,103  tea  pots  while  plates 
were  about  tied  with  coffee  pots  24  to  84  per  year.  These 
entries  do  not  involve  cash  sales  so  that  when  we  see  the 
entries,  Nich.  Sheldon  —  1  Gallon  Coffee  Pot  (he  must 
have  had  a  large  family  )  and  Jesse  Metcalf  —  1  Warming 
Pan,  we  may  be  sure  that  they  charged  their  purchases. 

As  proof  of  the  approaching  machine  age  Calder  sold 
2,454  spindle  caps  to  cotton  mills  during  1  838.  Has  any- 
one ever  seen  a  pewter  or  Britannia  spindle  cap: 

Church  business  also  expanded  rapidly  from    1830  to 


RHODE    ISLAND    PEWTERERS 


1838,  flagons,  communion  cups  anci  plates,  and  christening 
bowls  appeared  with  increasing  frequency  in  the  daybook. 

The  last  Rhode  Island  pewterer  is  no  more  than  the 
words  "Glennore  Cranston,  Rhode  Island."  George 
Richardson's  name  appears  on  articles  so  marked  but  no 
trace  of  him  or  the  Glennore  Company  can  be  found  in 
Providence  County  records.  He  worked  in  Boston  from 
1 8 1  8  to  1 828  and  died  in  1 830  at  the  age  of  83.  Therefore, 
he  would  have  been  in  Cranston  before  1818.  Since  the 
articles  bearing  his  Rhode  Island  mark  are  tea  pots,  sugar 
bowls,  a  pint  pot  and  a  pitcher,  it  seems  unlikely  that  they 
were  made  before  1818.  In  1  8 1 7  Keene  owned  no  moulds 
for  such  hollow-ware  and  none  of  the  Rhode  Island  pew- 
terers,  Hamlin^  Jones  and  Billings  working  until  about 
1813  made  any  tea  pots.  It  may  be  that  Richardson  manu- 
factured the  pieces  for  the  Glennore  Company  of  Cranston, 
though  Mrs.  Laura  Woodside  Watkins  in  her  article  on 
Richardson  believed  that  he  worked  in  Cranston  before 
moving  to  Boston.  The  data  on  Richardson  were  collected 
by  her  father,  the  late  Charles  L.  Woodside,  famous  collec- 
tor of  antiques,  and  printed  by  Mrs.  Watkins,  with  some 
additions  in  "Antiques"  last  April''.  One  of  Richardson's 
sugar  bowls  bearing  the  Cranston  mark  was  used  by  Kerfoot 
as  a  frontispiece  for  his  book,  the  only  comprehensive  work 
on  American  pewter  to  date,  and  was  considered  by  him 
one  of  the  finest  pieces  made  in  this  country. 

Now  that  we  have  come  to  the  end  of  the  list  of  the  Rhode 
Island  workers  in  a  vanished  craft,  I  should  like  to  show 
some  pictures  of  their  work  in  comparison  with  that  of  other 
regions. 

References 

^  Laughlin,  L.  "American  Pewter"  Bulletin  The  Pewter  Collector's 
Club  of  America.   No.  2. 

-  Calder,  C.  "Rhode  Island  Pewterers"  Rhode  Island  Historical  Collec- 
tions, 17:65,  July  1924. 

•"■  Calder,  C.  "Some  Additional  Notes  on  Rhode  Island  Pewterers" 
Rhode  Island  Historical  Collections,  19:3  7,  April  1926. 


8  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

■*  M^'crs,  L.  G.  "Notes  on  American  Pcwtcrers"  Countr\'  Life  Press, 
Garden  City,  N.  Y.,  1926. 

■'  Kerfoot,  G.  B.,  American  Pewter  Houghton  Mifflin,  Cambridge, 
Mass.,  1924. 

"'  Pratt,  P.  G.,  "American  Pewter  as  a  Collectible  "Antiques'',  18:399, 
1930. 

'  Brown,  M.,  "Josiah  Keene,  Rhode  Island  Pewterer"  Rhode  Island 
Historical  Collections,  26:69,  July  193  3. 

'^  Ra\-mond  P.  "Wm.  Calder  a  Transition  Pewterer  "Antiques", 
30:109,  November,  1936. 

''  Watkins,  L.  W.  "George  Richardson,  Pewterer"  "Antiques",  31:1  94, 
April  1937. 


Volumes  from  Book  Shelves  in 
Old  South  County 

^V  William  Davis  Miller 

With  one  or  two  possible  exceptions  even  the  most  fer- 
vent admirer  of  his  forebears  cannot  claim  that  any  early 
settler  in  the  broad  Narragansett  lands  could  boast  of  the 
possession  of  a  library.  This  statement  can,  with  safety,  be 
extended  to  include  the  majority  of  the  Narragansett 
Planters,  rich  in  lands,  cattle,  slaves  and  all  that  were  part 
of  that  exceptional  social  community  of  the  northern  colo- 
nies. Books  they  owned,  it  is  true,  but  their  paucity,  as 
recorded  by  tradition,  and  by  that  less  exciting  but  more 
exacting  evidence,  the  inventory,  waives  even  the  possi- 
bility of  the  consideration  of  the  mooted  question  "when 
does  a  collection  of  books  become  a  library".  The  title  of 
this  short  account,  therefore,  is  chosen  advisedly  despite 
the  fact  that  our  ancestors  sometimes,  according  to  the 
inventories,  stored  their  books  in  attic,  cellar  and  outbuild- 
ings. Later,  after  the  coinmencement  of  the  nineteenth 
century,  large  collections  were  formed  to  which  the  term 


VOLUMES    FROM    BOOK    SHELVES 


library  is  justly  applicable,  and  it  is  from  onQ  such  library 
that  the  following  books,  and  their  owners,  are  to  be 
considered. 

Early  in  the  second  quarter  of  the  last  century  a  young- 
man,  recently  graduated  from  Harvard  University,  began, 
because  of  his  love  of  boolcs,  to  build  up  a  library  which,  at 
the  time  of  his  death,  became  the  largest  private  library  in 
the  South  County  —  and  it  is  to  be  questioned  if  its  size  is 
to  be  exceeded  today  in  Washington  County.  Judge  Elisha 
R.  Potter,  antiquary,  historian,  educator  and  jurist  of 
Kingston,  was  a  student  rather  than  a  collector.  No  exact 
enumeration  of  his  library  has  ever  been  made,  but  the 
number  of  volumes,  pamphlets,  maps,  and  manuscripts  can, 
from  the  writer's  personal  acquaintance  with  the  collection, 
safely  be  set  at  over  five  thousand  volumes.  It  was  a  general 
library,  although  four  classifications,  which  were  his  prin- 
cipal interests,  predominated j  the  classics  (Judge  Potter 
was  one  time  instructor  in  the  classics  at  the  Kingston 
Academy ),  history,  law  and  agriculture.  It  is  not,  however, 
the  library  itself  that  is  to  be  considered  at  this  time  but 
only  such  books  that  came  to  its  shelves  bearing  evidence 
of  former  ownership  by  the  early  settlers  of  the  Narragan- 
sett  County,  the  Planters  who  followed  them  and  the 
merchants  and  professional  men  who  made  up  the  growing- 
community  in  the  eighteenth  and  early  nineteenth  centuries. 
It  may  be  therefore  regretted  that  a  little  sixteenth  century 
volume,  Vetustiss'unoni))!  Authorum  Georgicay  BucoUca  et 
Gnomica  Poeiiiata,  which  at  the  index  bears  the  inscription 
of  ownership,  "Ronsardus",  with  a  now  illegible  Greek 
inscription^  must  not  be  discussed  j  nor  can  we  search  for  the 
identity  of  a  gentleman  whose  armorial  book  plate  pro- 
claims him  as  one  Henricus  Fly,  e  Coll.  En.  Nas  Oxon^  and 
whose  seeniingly  explanatory  motto  was  Homo  Sudi.    In- 


^  Monsieur  Champion  of  Paris  who  examined  a  photograph  ot  this 
signature  states  that  it  was  not  written  by  Ronsard  hut  hv  his  secretary 
Amadis  Iam\n. 


10  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 


UliZSBA  a  POTTER  JUN      r^       > 


*  4 


************ 


EARLY   BOOK   LABEL  OF  JUDGE  ELISHA  R.   POTTER 

teresting  as  these  may  be,  they  belong  to  another  country  — 
and  another  chapter. 

The  earliest  books  belonging  to  one  who  ventured  into 
the  disputed  lands  of  the  Narragansett  Country  are  two 
calf  bound  duodecimos,  both  once  in  the  possession  of 
John  Saffin',  an  early  proprietor  in  Narragansett,  through 
Thomas  Willet,  father  of  his  first  wife,  Martha.  The  first 
of  these  books  bears  evidence  of  a  long  and  interesting 
series  of  ownership.  Entitled  Summa  V eteruni  Inter pretuni 
in  Universufn  Dialectum  Arestotalis,  published  in  Franck- 
fort  in  1613,  it  bears  on  its  fly  leaves  and  pages  the 
names  of  three  owners  before  Saffin  and  two  subsequent  to 
him.  The  first  signature  on  the  fly  leaf  is  that  of  Thomas 
Wilkinson,  with  the  date  1619,  regarding  whom  nothing- 
can  be  traced  although  he  was  probably  not  of  the  colonies 
at  the  time  he  came  into  possession  of  the  book.  One  would 
wish  to  believe,  and  it  is  a  probability,  that  the  little 
Aristotle  crossed  the  sea  in  the  luggage  of  its  next  recorded 
owner,  Richard  Denton.  Denton  (1603-1663),  an  English 
divine,  gave  up  his  work  at  Coley  Chapel  in  1640  and 
immigrated  to  New  England  from  whence  he  moved  to 
Hampstead,  Long  Island."   Just  ten  years  later  there  was 

-  For  an  account  of  this  seventeenth  centur\'  merchant  see  T/it'  Xote 
Book  oj  John  Sajfin  1665-1  7()S  with  an  introduction  h\'  Caroline  Hazard, 
New  York,  1928. 

■'  Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  London,  \<)1.  XI\  ,  p.  380. 


VOLUMES    FROM    BOOK   SHELVES  11 

written  on  the  verso  of  the  same  fly  leaf  the  following, 
"Thomas  Willett  His  Book  Anno  Dom.  1673".  Did  the 
first  English  mayor  of  New  York  find  this  book  in  a 
Manhattan  book  stall?  Captain  Thomas  Willett  (1610- 
1674)  through  purchase  and,  probably,  by  inheritance  (as 
the  records  are  somewhat  clouded)  secured  a  large  tract  in 
the  Boston  Neck  Purcnase  at  and  about  the  present 
Saunderstown,  which  lands,  comprising  661 3^  acres,  are 
shown  on  the  Withington  plat  in  the  name  of  Willett's  son- 
in-law  John  Saflin,  whose  name  appears  next  upon  the  title 
of  the  Aristotle  with  a  Latin  inscription  unfortunately 
obliterated  by  a  later  and  disinterested  owner.  The  book 
remained  in  this  family  for  a  generation  at  least  as  on  the 
fly  leaf  at  the  end  of  the  book  is  written  "Saflin  J"°  His 
Book".  Later  the  book  left  the  Narragansett  Country  and 
went  to  the  shelves  of  Judge  Benjamin  Lynde  (1666- 
1745)  of  Salem,  father  of  Chief  Justice  Lynde,  who  in- 
scribed his  name  on  the  title  page  as  "Benjamin  Lynde 
14:5:1685." 

The  second  volume  from  Safiin's  book  shelf  cannot  boast 
of  such  a  pedigree  as  the  Aristotle  but  has  a  more  personal 
association  with  the  Saflin  family.  However,  as  this  copy 
of  The  Logicians  School-Master  lacks  its  title  and  the  first 
sixty-four  pages,  it  is  possible  that  evidence  of  previous 
ownership  is  thereby  lost.  On  the  blank  verso  of  leaf  349- 
350  is  found  the  following:  "John  Saflin  Anno  1670"  and 
"Hie  Liber  Pertinet  ad  Mr.  Johannem  Saffinum  Ex  dono 
patris  mei  Anno  Dom.  1675"  Near  the  end  of  the  book 
we  find  the  name  of  W(illett)  Carpenter,  Saflin's  great- 
nephew  by  marriage. 

Matthew  Robinson  (1709-1795)  was  one  of  the  few 
who  might  claim  that  his  books  were  of  a  number  suflicient 
to  be,  in  that  period,  classed  as  a  library.  The  inventory  of 
his  estate  enumerates  the  books  by  title,  an  uncommon  pro- 
cedure as  books  were  usually  entered  as  "books"  with  a  low 
appraisal  value.  Their  considered  importance  probably  was 
the  cause  of  this  careful  listing.    Wilkins  Updike  in  his 


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VOLUMES    FROM    BOOK    SHELVES  13 

Memoirs  of  the  Rhode  Island  Bar  said  that  "his  library  was 
large,  and  well  selected  in  law,  history,  and  poetry;  prob- 
ably the  largest  possessed  by  any  individual  in  this  state  at 
that  day  — ",  a  statement  which  may  be  received  with 
reservations.  Updike  further  related  that;  "taking  all  his 
works  together,  those  that  were  purchased,  and  those  that 
were  presented  to  him,  what  he  carefully  noted  on  them,  no 
doubt  exists  that  he  possessed,  before  his  death,  a  more 
curious  and  valuable  collection  for  antiquarian  information 
than  any  other  person  in  the  state  —  a  great  antiquarian, 
and  embraced  in  his  character,  the  elements  of  great  curios- 
ity, inquisitiveness  and  research." 

Robinson,  whose  father,  Robert  Robinson,  "sustained 
many  honorable  posts  under  the  reigns  of  Queen  Anne, 
King  George  1st  and  King  George  2nd",  practiced  law  in 
Newport  until  the  year  1750  when  he  removed  to  the 
Narragansett  Country,  "the  particular  motives  for  this 
change  of  residence  are  unknown".  There,  a  short  distance 
west  of  West  Kingston,  near  the  Shickasheen  Brook,  he  built 
a  house  "after  the  style  of  an  English  lodge"  which  he 
called  Hopezvell.  To  Hopewell  he  brought  his  library  and 
his  household  goods  which,  from  the  examples  which  sur- 
vive and  from  those  listed  in  his  inventory,  were  of  con- 
siderable importance.  After  his  death,  forty-five  years  later, 
his  library  and  all  his  possessions  were  sold  at  auction.  It  is 
related  when  his  library  was  sold  by  the  single  volume 
without  regard  to  sets,  "and  irretrievably  scattered". 

Many  of  the  books,  however,  ultimately  came  into  Judge 
Potter's  hands,  each  volume  bearing  Robinson's  signature 
and  the  date  of  acquisition,  usually  on  the  title  page,  in  his 
fine  clear  hand  writing.  From  these  books  it  can  be  deter- 
mined that  his  library  was  more  catholic  than  stated  by 
Updike  to  whose  "law,  history  and  poetry"  should  be  added 
theology,  the  classics  and  gardening  and  agriculture.  Space 
prohibits  the  specific  mention  of  but  a  few  titles  at  this  time. 
The  earliest  book,  in  the  Potter  library,  that  is  known  to 
have  belonged  to  Robinson,  is  a  gift  he  received  in  1737. 


14  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

It  is  a  vellum  bound  quarto  of  Terence,  Latin  and  English 
text,  published  by  John  Leggett  of  London  in  1 629.  On  the 
title  page  Robinson  wrote  "Ex  dono  Thomas  Creese  (  r  )  ad 
Matthew  Robinson  Novi  Portus  Nova  Anglia  Hodie  20 
Maii  1737".  It  is  another  book  of  many  owners,  three  of 
whom  have  left  their  marks,  "Tho  Lawson  possidit",  "Ro: 
Kent  est  verus  possessor  huius  libris"  and  "Crescenty 
Walteri  Liber  Ex  dono  Patris  Sui  l'"°Maij  Die  1710". 
After  this  display  of  learning  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  that 
Robinson  aired  his  knowledge  of  Latin. 

A  folio  edition  of  Maxinies  of  Reason:  or  The  Reason  of 
the  Coninio)!  Laiv  of  England,  was  acquired  in  174-1  ;  in 
1  744  he  purchased  the  two  volumes  of  The  Gardners  Dic- 
tionarv,  London  1  735  and  also  a  copy  of  Practical  Discourse 
Concerning  Future  Judgement.  Five  years  later  he  added 
to  his  library  the  handsome  folio,  A  Ne'x  Systeni  of 
Agriculture  being  a  Complete  Body  of  Husbandry  and 
Gardening,  by  John  Laurence,  London,  1726.  Robinson 
made  copious  notes  on  the  fly  leaf  of  this  book,  as  he  did  in 
many  others  volumes,  and  between  the  pages  are  pressed 
leaves  of  trees  and  shrubs  which  one  would  wish  to  have  the 
hardihood  to  believe  had  been  placed  there  by  the  master 
of  Hopezi'ell  —  but  were  probably  so  preserved  b\'  Judge 
Potter  or  by  Cyrus  French,  father  of  William  French,  the 
hatter  of  Little  Rest,  who  were  both  later  owners  of  the 
book. 

In  1668,  among  the  French  settlers  who  were  granted 
lands  in  the  northern  portion  of  the  Narragansett  Country 
by  the  self-styled  Proprietors,  was  one  Moses  LeMoine. 
His  grandson  John,  his  surname  now  anglicized  to  Mawney, 
married  Amey,  the  daughter  of  the  Providence  nierchant 
Robert  Gibbs  of  the  Boston  family  of  that  name.  It  would 
appear  that  John  Mawney  had  numerous  books,  one  of 
which  originally  belonged  to  his  father-in-law.  It  is  a  small, 
(measuring  but  5x11  cm)  much  used  and  abused  pharma- 
copoeia in  Latin.  These  lists  of  drugs  would  appear  to  have 
been  an  indispensable  item  in  many  colonial  households. 


VOLUMES    FROM    BOOK    SHELVES  15 

On  the  fly  leaf  of  this  little  book  is  the  signature  of  Gibbs 
and  the  date  1725  and  beneath  it  that  of  John  Mawney. 

Another  book  loving  descendant  of  the  French  settlers 
was  Judith  Ayrault,  granddaughter  of  that  unjustly  per- 
secuted Pierre  Ayrault.  A  considerable  number  of  her  books 
came  to  Judge  Potter  and'among  them  is  found  Meditations 
and  Contemplations  by  James  Hervey,  bearing  her  strong 
signature  in  both  volumes  with  the  date  1751.  Pope's  An 
Essay  on  Man  is  another  with  her  signature.  The  inscrip- 
tion in  A  Companion  for  a  Sick  Bed  by  Thomas  Coney, 
London,  1751,  states  that  it  was  a  gift  from  Mrs.  Elizabeth 
Bours,  of  the  important  Newport  family  of  that  name. 

From  Newport  also  came  a  copy  of  Les  Adventures  de 
Telemaque  a  gift  from  Dr.  Thomas  Moffatt,  who  was  one 
of  those  responsible  for  the  establishment  of  the  snuff  mill 
at  the  head  of  the  Pettaquamscutt  River  and  the  bringing 
over  of  the  Stuart  family  from  Scotland  to  operate  it.  The 
recipient  was  Powell  Helme,  son  of  Chief  Justice  James 
Helme  of  Tower  Hill.  The  gift  was  made  in  1763. 

Only  one  book  has  been  found  in  the  Potter  library  which 
had  at  one  time  belonged  to  Lieutenant-Governor  William 
Robinson,  one  of  the  richest  of  the  Narragansett  Planters. 
This  is  but  one  of  the  considerable  number  he  was  known  to 
have  possessed.  A  duodecimo  copy  of  New  Memoirs  by 
Marquis  d'Argens,  its  first  owner  would  appear  to  have 
been  Viscount  Granville  whose  armorial  book  plate  is 
pasted  in.  Another  owner  was  the  Mrs.  Bours  already 
mentioned. 

With  the  beginning  of  the  last  quarter  of  the  eighteenth 
century  the  number  of  books  bearing  the  names  of  South 
County  owners  increase.  This  is  not  surprising  in  view  of 
the  growth  of  the  population  and  of  the  wealth  of  the  com- 
munity. However,  it  cannot  be  said  that  the  same  type  of 
books  appear  as  in  the  earlier  years  of  fewer  owners  with 
greater  learning.  The  names  of  John  Hagadorn,  Levi 
Totten  and  members  of  the  Helme  family  should,  how- 


16  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

ever,  be  mentioned  among  those  whose  books  are  evidence 
of  more  than  average  taste  and  education. 

Two  books,  nevertheless,  deserve  mention.  The  first,  of 
hardly  exciting  contents.  The  New  Annual  Register  1781  y 
bears  on  the  title  page  the  name  of  "Chv.  de  Tully".  The 
real  interest  lies,  however,  in  the  signature  on  the  fly  leaf: 
"Henry  Babcock  given  me  by  Chevalier  Tully".  Was  this 
Colonel  "Harry"  Babcock  of  Westerly,  that  dashing  officer, 
who  at  the  age  of  twenty-one  attained  the  rank  of  Lieu- 
tenant Colonel  in  the  British  Colonial  forces  and  who  was 
later  to  distinguish  himself  in  the  American  Army  during 
the  Revolution,  the  man  who  kissed  the  then  Queen  of 
England?  A  dry  book  for  such  a  man  and  not  over  much 
of  a  gift  from  the  Chevalier  —  but  a  record  nevertheless! 

The  last  book  to  be  considered,  and  obviously  out  of  its 
chronological  order,  is  included  for  the  simple  reason  that 
it  makes  possible  a  slightly  humorous  ending  to  what  has 
been  a  rather  arid  discourse.  Much  thumbed  and  man- 
handled, surely  passed  from  house  to  house,  evidently  in 
the  village  of  Little  Rest,  possibly  because  its  title  gave 
rise  to  prohibited  or  repressed  feelings  which  are  now 
relieved  by  a  myriad  of  "pulp"  magazines  —  OvicPs  Art 
of  Love  .  .  .  to  which  are  added  The  Count  of  Love:  A  Tale 
from  Chaucer:  and  The  History  of  Love  could  surely  tell 
a  tale  of  its  readers.  The  first  twenty-two  pages  are  lit- 
erally worn  out  of  the  book  by  the  various  owners,  of 
whom  those  who  have  inscribed  their  names  include:  John 
Wait,  the  Silversmith,  Dorcas  Watson,  W.  Wilcox,  John 
Hagadorn,  Sally  Sheffield,  Samuel  Butt  and  Lucy  and  Sally 
Clarke. 

Evidently  the  perusal  of  these  tales  evoked  a  rustic  muse, 
whose  feet  tread  none  too  surely  to  the  measure,  for  on 
nearly  every  available  blank  space  are  written  "verses"  of 
which  the  most  dignified  is: 


VOLUMES  FROM   BOOK  SHELVES  17 

"Marriage  the  glorious  Crov^n  of  Love 
A  Blessing  unto  you  will  prove 
Your  Spouse  will  be  a  handsome  man 
And  to  Please  thee  will  do  all  he  can 
A  Young  Lady's  fourtin  (sic)'''' 

Later  is  found  this: 

Him  whom  you  suffer  a  Sweet  Kiss  to  steal 
Angels  would  Envy  could  they  Envy  feel 
But  him  to  whom  you  Every  Charm  resign 
May  Vie  with  Gods  and  taste  of  Bliss  Devine 

And  on  page  236  some  sour  cynic  has  scrawled:  "Love  is 
Like  a  Looseness  it  wont  let  Poor  Bill  go  about  his 
business". 

In  conclusion  it  should  be  said  that  there  were  other  early 
residents  of  the  Narragansett  Country  who  owned  not  only 
a  sizeable  number  of  books  but  in  fact  small  libraries  5 
volumes  from  which  did  not,  however,  appear  on  the 
shelves  of  Judge  Potter.  Daniel  Updike,  for  twenty-four 
years  Attorney  General  of  the  Colony  and  one  of  the 
founders  of  the  Redwood  Library  in  Newport,  had  a  large 
library.  Judge  Henry  Marchant  should  also  be  mentioned. 
I  remember,  a  number  of  years  ago,  being  shown  by  a 
descendant  impressive  folios  bearing  the  Judge's  armorial 
book  plates.  Dr.  MacSparran  had  his  book  shelves  and 
there  were  other  men  of  Narragansett  who  might  have 
said,  as  did  the  Reverend  William  Cole,  "with  my  books, 
garden  and  love  of  antiquities,  the  longest  day  appears  too 
short." 

Notes 

The  following  persons  have  been  elected  to  membership 
in  the  Society: 

Miss  Mabel  W.  Ennls 
Mr.  Richard  A.  Hoffman 
Mr.  George  R.  McAuslan 


18  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

New  Publications  of  Rhode  Island  Interest 

The  Bulletin  of  the  Newport  Historical  Society  for 
September  1937  contains  an  article  on  the  U.  S.  S,  Con- 
stellation by  Allyn  J.  Crosby. 

Early  Homes  of  Rhode  Island  by  Antoinette  F.  Down- 
ing is  an  illustrated  volume  of  480  pages. 

Rhode  Island,  A  Guide  to  the  Smallest  State  written  by 
the  Federal  Writers'  Project  of  W.  P.  A.  under  the  direc- 
tion of  Jarvis  M,  Morse,  is  an  illustrated  volume  of  500 
pages. 

These  Plantations  by  J.  Earl  Clauson,  a  book  of  120 
pages,  contains  a  collection  of  his  articles  published  in  the 
Evening  Bulletin. 

Rhode  IsUnul's  Early  Defenders  and  their  Successors, 
written  by  Brig.  Gen.  J.  J.  Richards  in  1930,  a  book  of  103 
pages,  has  been  published  by  the  Rhode  Island  Penduluni 
at  East  Cjreenwich. 

Journey  from  Virginia  to  Salem,  Aiassachusetts,  1799 
by  Thomas  Fairfax,  9th  Baron  Fairfax  of  Cameron,  which 
was  privately  printed  in  London  in  1936,  contains  ref- 
erences to  Providence  and  Newport,  which  occupy  about 
three  pages. 

Richard  Smith,  First  English  Settler  of  the  Narragansett 
Country  by  Daniel  Berkeley  Updike,  has  just  been  printed 
by  the  Merrymount  Press. 

The  account  of  the  visit  of  Felix  Christian  Spoerry,  a 
Swiss  surgeon,  to  Rhode  Island  in  1661  is  published  in 
the  New  England  Quarterly  for  September  1937. 

Le  Vrai  Mouvement  Sentinellists  en  Nouvelle  Angle- 
terre  1923-1929  et  L' Affaire  du  Rhode  Island  by  E.  J. 
Daignault,  has  recently  been  published  by  Les  Editions  du 
Zodiaque,  Montreal,  Canada. 

Dorr  Pamphlet  No.  1 .  State  House  versus  Pent  House. 
Legal  Problems  of  the  Rhode  Island  Race  Track  Row 
by  Zechariah  Chafee,  Jr.,  is  a  volume  of  165  pages,  pub- 
lished by  The  Booke  Shop,  Providence. 


LIST  OF  MEMBERS 


19 


List  of  Active  Members  of  the  Rhode  Island 
Historical  Society 


DECEMBER,  1937 


Mr.  Frederick  W.  Aldred 
Mr.  Edward  K.  Aldrich,  Jr. 
Miss  Lucv  T.  Aldrich 
Hon.  Richard  S.  xAldrich 
Mr.  Stuart  M.  Aldrich 
Mr.  Devere  Allen 
Mr.  Philip  Allen 
Miss  Ada  Almy 
Mrs.  Everard  Appleton 
Miss  Marguerite  Appleton 
Mr.  Arthur  H.  zArmington 
Miss  Maude  E.  Armstrong 
Mrs.  Edward  E.  Arnold 
Mr.  Frederick  W.  Arnold 
Miss  Mittie  Arnold 
Mr.  James  H.  Arthur 
Mr.  Donald  S.  Babcock 
Mr.  J.  Earle  Bacon 
Mr.  Albert  A.  Baker 
Mrs.  Charles  K.  Baker 
Mr.  Harvey  A.  Baker 
Mr.  J.  Willard  Baker 
Miss  Mary  H.  Balch 
Mrs.  Sarah  Minchin  Barker 
Miss  Sarah  Dyer  Barnes 
Mr.  Fred  H.  Barrows 
Mr.  Earl  G.  Batty 
Miss  Marjorie  L.  Bean 
Mrs.  Daniel  Beckwith 
Mr.  Henry  L.  P.  Beckwith 
Mr.  Frederic  N.  Beede 
Mr.  Herbert  G.  Beede 
Mrs.  Herbert  G.  Beede 
Mr.  Horace  G.  Belcher 
Mr.  Horatio  E.  Bellows 


Mr.  Charles  P.  Benns 
Mrs.  Charles  P.  Benns 
Mr.  Bruce  M.  Bigelow 
Mr.  George  E.  Bixby 
Capt.  William  P.  Blair 
Mr.  Zenas  W.  Bliss 
G.  Alder  Blumer,  M.D. 
Mr.  J.  J.  Bodell 
Mr.  Richard  LeB.  Bowen 
Rev.  Arthur  H.  Bradford 
Mr.  Claude  R.  Branch 
Rabbi  William  G.  Braude 
Miss  Alice  Brayton 
Miss  Susan  S.  Brayton 
Dr.  R.  G.  Bressle'r 
Miss  Ida  F.  Bridgham 
Mrs.  William  E.  Brigham 
Miss  Eva  St.  C.  Brightman 
Mrs.  Clarence  A.  Brouwer 
Mr.  Clarence  Irving  Brown 
Mr.  Cyrus  P.  Brown 
Mr.  Frank  Hail  Brown 
Mr.  John  Nicholas  Brown 
Madelaine  R.  Brown,  M.D. 
Mr.  Wilbur  D.  Brown 
Capt.  Ernest  Henry  Brownell 
Miss  Madeleine  M.  Bubier 
Mr.  Harris  H.  Bucklin 
Mr.  Edward  J.  C.  Bullock 
Mr.  Edwin  A.  Burlingame 
A.  T.  Butler,  Esq. 
Miss  Irene  B.  Butler 
Col.  G.  Edward  Buxton 
Mrs.  S.  H.  Cabot 
Mrs.  Edwin  A.  Cady 


20 


RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 


Mr.  John  H.  Cadv 

Mrs.'Charles  A.  C'alder 

Frank  T.  Calef,  M.D. 

Mr.  Herbert  C.  Calef 

Mrs.  W.  R.  Callender 

Mrs.  Wallace  Campbell 

Mr.  Thomas  B.  Card 

Mrs.  George  W.  Carr 

Mrs.  Marion  P.  Carter 

Miss  Anna  H.  Chace 

Mr.  Malcolm  G.  Chace 

Mrs.  Everitte  S.  Chaffee 

Prof.  Robert  F.  Chambers 

Mr.  Arthur  D.  Champlin 

Mr.  George  B.  Champlin 

Miss  Anna  Chapin 

Charles  V.  Chapin,  M.D. 

Mrs.  Charles  V.  Chapin 

Mr.  Howard  M.  Chapin 

Mrs.  Howard  M.  Chapin 

Mr.  Frederic  L.  Chase 

Mr.  Albert  W.  Claflin 

Mrs.  Edward  S.  Clark 

Prof.  Theodore  Collier 

Mrs.  Clarkson  A.  Collins,  Jr. 

Mr.  James  C.  Collins 

Mrs.  Mabel  B.  Comstock 

Mr.  Walter  J.  Comstock 

Mrs.  A.  R.  Conant 

Mrs.  Charles  D.  Cook 

Mr.  Albert  B.  Coulters 

Prof.  Verner  W.  Crane 

Mr.  Frank  H.  Cranston 

George  H.  Crooker,  M.D. 

Mr.  Harry  Parsons  Cross 

Frank  Anthony  Cummings,  M.D. 

Mrs.  Frank  Anthony  Cummings 

Mr.  Arthur  Cushing 

Prof.  S.  Foster  Damon 

Murray  S.  Danforth,  M.D. 

Mrs.  Murray  S.  Danforth 

Mr.  William  C.  Dart 

Mr.  Foster  B.  Davis 

Miss  Marv  Elliott  Davis 

Mrs.  R.  C.  Davis 


Prof.  Edmund  B.  Delabarre 

Mr.  Paul  C.  DeWolf 

Miss  Alice  S.  Dexter 

Miss  Eunice  W.  Dexter 

Mr.  Walter  Frederick  Dickinson 

Miss  Louise  Diman 

John  E.  Donley,  M.D. 

Mr.  Louis  W.  Downes 

Mrs.  Louis  W.  Downes 

Mrs.  G.  E.  Downing 

Mr.  Robert  T.  Downs 

Mrs.  Charles  E.  Dudley 

Miss  Dorothy  D.  Dunlop 

Mr.  Henry  A.  DuVillard 

Miss  Margarethe  L.  Dwight 

Miss  Anna  Jones  Dyer 

Col.  H.  Anthony  Dyer 

Mr.  Charles  G.  Easton 

Mr.  Frederick  W.  Easton 

Mr.  Cyrus  T.  Eddy 

Miss  Isabel  Eddv 

Mrs.  William  Holdcn  Eddy 

Miss  Harriet  C.  Edmonds 

Miss  Edith  Edwards 

Mrs.  Seeber  Edwards 

Mr.  Walter  Angell  Edwards 

Mr.  Zenas  H.  Ellis 

Mr.  William  Ely 

Miss  Mabel  W.  Ennis 

Mr.  Ralph  C.  Estes 

Mr.  William  Wood  Estes 

Mrs.  William  Wood  Estes 

Mr.  Charles  Owen  Ethier 

Mr.  Charles  W.  Farnham 

Mr.  Royal  Bailev  Farnum 

Mr.  Walter  F.  Farrell 

Mr.  Augustus  H.  Fiske 

Mrs.  Charles  Fletcher 

Mr.  Elliot  Flint 

Mr.  Allan  Forbes 

Mr.  Hovey  T.  Freeman 

Hon.  Joseph  W.  Freeman 

Hon.  G.  Frederick  Frost 

Mr.  R.  Clinton  Fuller 

Frank  T.  Fulton,  M.D. 


LIST  OF  MEMBERS 


21 


Hon.  Joseph  H.  Gainer 

Mrs.  Robert  Ives  Gammell 

Mr.  William  Gammell 

Mr.  William  Gammell,  Jr. 

Miss  Abbie  P.  Gardner 

Mrs.  George  Warren  Gardner 

Prof.  Henry  B.  Gardner  ^ 

Mrs.  John  T.  Gardner 

Mr.  Preston  Hicks  Gardner 

Mr.  Daniel  F.  George 

Mrs.  Louis  C.  Gerry 

Hon.  Peter  G.  Gerry 

Mrs.  Peter  G.  Gerry 

Mrs.  Alice  C.  Gleeson 

Mr.  Robert  H.  I.  Goddard 

Rabbi  Israel  M.  Goldman 

Mr.  George  T.  Gorton 

Mr.  Harry  Hale  Goss 

Mrs.  Richard  Rathborne  Graham 

Mr.  Eugene  S.  Graves 

Mrs.  Eugene  S.  Graves 

Miss  Eleanor  B.  Green 

Hon.  Theodore  Francis  Green 

Mr.  Denison  W.  Greene 

Mrs.  Joseph  Warren  Greene,  Jr. 

Mr.  Thomas  C.  Greene 

Mr.  Ralph  M.  Greenlaw 

Mr.  William  B.  Greenough 

Mr.  Russell  Grinnell 

Mr.  E.  Tudor  Gross 

Mr.  R.  F.  Haffenreffer 

Hon.  J.  Jerome  Hahn 

Miss  Annette  Mason  Ham 

Mrs.  Livingston  Ham 

Mrs.  Albert  G.  Harkness 

Mr.  Benjamin  P.  Harris 

Miss  Mary  A.  Harris 

Mr.  Everett  S.  Hartwell 

N.  Darrell  Harvey,  M.D. 

Mr.  William  A.  Hathaway 

Miss  Caroline  Hazard 

Mr.  Thomas  G.  Hazard,  Jr. 

Mr.  Charles  F.  Heartman 

Mrs.  W.  E.  Heathcote 

Prof.  James  B.  Hedges 


Mr.  Bernon  E.  Helme 
Mr.  John  Henshavv 
Mr.  Joseph  G.  Henshaw 
Mr.  kobert  W.  Hcrrick 
Mr.  G.  Burton  Hibbert 
Mr.  William  A.  Hill 
Mr.  Frank  L.  Hinckley 
Mr.  Richard  A.  Hoffman 
Mrs.  William  H.  Hoffman 
Mrs.  John  S.  Holbrook 
Mr.  George  J.  Holden 
Mrs.  John  W.  Holton 
Mr.  Charles  A.  Horton 
Mr.  M.  A.  DeWolfe  Howe 
Mr.  Wallis  E.  Howe 
Mrs.  William  Erwin  Hoy 
Mrs.  George  H.  Huddy,  Jr. 
Mr.  Sidney  D.  Humphrey 
Mr.  S.  Foster  Hunt 
Mrs.  Duncan  Hunter 
Mr.  Richard  A.  Hurley 
Mr.  James  H.  Hyde 
Mrs.  C.  Oliver  Iselin 
Mr.  Norman  M.  Isham 
Miss  Mary  A.  Jack 
Mrs.  Donald  Eldredge  Jackson 
Mr.  Thomas  A.  Jenckes 
Mrs.  Edward  L.  Johnson 
Mr.  William  C.  Johnson 
Dr.  Lewis  H.  Kalloch 
Mr.  Francis  B.  Keeney 
Mr.  Charles  A.  Keller 
Mr.  Howard  R.  Kent 
Mr.  Charles  H.  Keyes 
Mr.  H.  Earle  Kimball 
Lucius  C.  Kingman,  M.D. 
Miss  Adelaide  Knight 
Mr.  C.  Prescott  Knight,  Jr. 
Mr.  Robert  L.  Knight 
Mrs.  Robert  L.  Knight 
Mr.  Russell  W.  Knight 
Prof.  Harry  L.  Koopman 
Mrs.  Dana  Lawrence 
Charles  H.  Leonard,  M.D. 
Miss  Grace  F.  Leonard 


22 


RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 


Mrs.  Austin  T.  Levy 

Mr.  Dexter  L.  Lewis 

Mr.  Ferdinand  A.  Lincoln 

Mr.  Charles  Warren  Lippitt 

Mr.  Gorton  T.  Lippitt 

Mrs.  Pomeroy  Lippitt 

Mr.  Arthur  B.  Lisle 

Mrs.  Arthur  B.  Lisle 

Mr.  Charles  W.  Littleheld 

Mr.  Ivory  Littlefield 

Rev.  Augustus  M.  Lord 

Mr.  T.  Robley  Louttit 

Mr.  W.  Easton  Louttit,  Jr. 

Mr.  David  B.  Lovell,  Jr. 

Mr.  Albert  E.  Lownes 

Mr.  Harold  C.  Lyman 

Mr.  Richard  E.  Lyman 

Mr.  George  R.  McAuslan 

Mr.  William  A.  McAuslan 

Mrs.  William  A.  McAuslan 

Mr.  Norman  A.  MacColl 

Mr.  William  B.  MacColl 

Mr.  Arthur  M.  McCrillis 

Miss  Grace  E.  Macdonald 

Mr.  Benjamin  M.  MacDougall 

Miss  Muriel  McFee 

Mr.  Charles  B.  Mackinney 

Mr.  Ralph  A.  McLeod 

Mr.  Wayne  McNally 

Mrs.  Herbert  E.  Maine 

Mrs.  William  L.  Manchester 

Mr.  Charles  C.  Marshall 

Mr.  Edgar  W.  Martin 

Mrs.  John  F.  Marvel 

Mr.  Harold  Mason 

Mr.  John  H.  Mason 

Mrs.  George  S.  Mathews 

Mr.  Archibald  C.  Matteson 

Mr.  William  L.  Mauran 

Mrs.  William  L.  Mauran 

Mrs.  Frank  Everitt  Maxwell 

Mr.  Harry  V.  Mayo 

Mr.  W.  Granville'Mcader 

Mrs.  Charles  H.  Merriman 

Mrs.  E.  Bruce  Merriman 


Mr.  Harold  T.  Merriman 
Mrs.  L  B.  Merriman 
Mrs.  E.  T.  H.  Mctcalf 
Mr.  G.  Pierce  Metcalf 
Mr.  Houghton  P.  Metcalf 
Mrs.  L  Harris  Metcalf 
Hon.  Jesse  H.  Metcalf 
Mrs.  Jesse  H.  Metcalf 
Mr.  Stephen  O.  Metcalf 
Mr.  William  Davis  Miller 
Mrs.  William  Davis  Miller 
Mr.  George  L.  Miner 
Mr.  Marshall  Morgan 
Mr.  George  A.  Moriarty,  Jr. 
Mrs.  William  Robert  Morrison 
Mrs.  Bentlcy  W.  Morse 
Mr.  Jarvis  M.  Morse 
Mr.  F.dward  S.  Moulton 
Mrs.  Edward  S.  Moulton 
William  M.  Muncy,  M.D. 
Walter  L.  Munro,  M.D. 
Hon.  x'\ddison  P.  Munroe 
Mrs.  Addison  P.  Munroe 
Mr.  Walter  M.  Murdie 
Mr.  George  P.  Newell 
Mr.  Louis  C.  Newman 
Miss  Eliza  Taft  Newton 
Mr.  Roger  Hale  Newton 
Mr.  Paul  C.  Nicholson 
Col.  Samuel  M.  Nicholson 
Ira  Hart  Noyes,  M.D. 
Miss  Marv  Olcott 
Mrs.  Frank  F.  Olnev 
Mr.  Harald  W.  Ost'by 
Mr.  G.  Richmond  Parsons 
Mrs.  G.  Richmond  Parsons 
Miss  Marv  H.  Parsons 
Mr.  Frederick  S.  Peck 
Mrs.  Frederick  S.  Peck 
Mr.  Horace  M.  Peck 
Mr.  Stephen  L  Peck 
Mr.  William  H.  Peck 
Mr.  William  T.  Peck 
Mrs.  F.  H.  Peckham 
Katherine  F.  Peckham,  M.D. 


LIST  OF  MEMBERS 


23 


Mr.  Clarence  E.  Peirce 

Mr.  John  P.  B.  Peirce 

Mr.  Charles  M.  Perry 

Mr.  Howard  B.  Perry 

John  M.  Peters,  M.D. 

Mr.  Arthur  L.  Philbrick 

Mr.  Charles  H.  Philbrick 

Mr.  Alexander  Van  Cleve  PhillijDS 

Mr.  Arthur  S.  Phillips 

Mrs.  Frank  Nichols  Phillips 

Mr.  Thomas  L.  Pierce 

Mr.  Albert  H.  Poland 

Prof.  Albert  K.  Potter 

Dr.  Arthur  M.  Potter 

Mrs.  Dexter  B.  Potter 

Mrs.  Thomas  I.  Hare  Powel 

Miss  Ethelyn  Irene  Pray 

Mrs.  Howard  W.  Preston 

Mr.  Robert  Spencer  Preston 

Miss  Evelyn  M.  Purdy 

Helen  C.  Putnam,  M.D. 

Mr.  Patrick  H.  Quinn 

Mrs.  George  R.  Ramsbottom 

Mrs.  C.  K.  Rathbone 

Hon.  Elmer  J.  Rathbun 

Mrs.  Irving  E.  Raymond 

Mr.  Charles  C.  Remington 

Mr.  Dana  Rice 

Mr.  Herbert  W.  Rice 

Mrs.  Herbert  W.  Rice 

Mr.  Henrv  Isaac  Richmond 

Mrs.  Fred  Robinson 

Mr.  Louis  E.  Robinson 

Mr.  Robert  Rodman 

Mr.  William  Greene  RoJker 

Rev.  Arthur  Rogers 

Mr.  Kenneth  Shaw  Safe 

Mrs.  Harold  P.  Salisbury 

Mrs.  G.  Coburn  Sanctuary 

Mrs.  George  C.  Scott 

Mrs.  David  Sands  Seaman 

Mr.  Henry  M.  Sessions 

Miss  Ellen  D.  Sharpe 

Mr.  Henrv  D.  Sharpe 

Eliot  A.  Shaw,  M.D. 


Mrs.  Frederick  E.  Shaw 
Mrs.  Philip  C.  Sheldon 
Mr.  Clarence  E.  Sherman 
Mr.  Harry  B.  Sherman 
Mrs.  Arthur  F.  Short 
Mrs.  Charles  Sisson 
Mrs.  Byron  N.  H.  Smith 
Mrs.  Charles  H.  Smith 
Mrs.  Edwin  C.  Smith 
Mr.  Howard  B.  Smith 
Joseph  Smith,  M.D. 
Hon.  Nathaniel  W.  Smith 
R.  Morton  Smith,  M.D. 
Mr.  Walter  B.  Smith 
Mr.  Ward  E.  Smith 
Miss  Hattie  O.  E.  Spaulding 
Hon.  Ernest  L.  Sprague 
Mrs.  James  G.  Staton 
Hon.  Charles  F.  Stearns 
Mr.  Thomas  E.  Steere 
Mr.  Oscar  Frank  Stetson 
Miss  Maud  Lyman  Stevens 
Mr.  Edward  Clinton  Stiness 
Mr.  Charles  C.  Stover 
Mrs.  Charles  C.  Stover 
Mr.  Charles  T.  Straight 
Mr.  H.  Nelson  Street 
Mr.  Henry  A.  Street 
Mr.  Walter  Knight  Sturges 
Mr.  Frank  H.  Swan 
Hon.  John  W.  Sweeney 
Dr.  Walter  I.  Sweet 
Mrs.  Walter  I.  Sweet 
Miss  Louisa  A.  Sweetland 
Mr.  Roval  C.  Taft 
Prof.  Will  S.  Taylor 
BenjaminF.  Tefft,  M.D. 
Mrs.  J.  P.  Thorndike 
Louisa  Paine  Tinglev,  M.D. 
Mr.  F.  L.  Titsworth 
Mrs.  William  O.  Todd 
Mrs.  Stacy  Tolman 
Mr.  Frederick  E.  Tripp 
Mr.  William  J.  Tully 
Mr.  D.  Berkeley  Updike 


24 


RHODE   ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 


Hon.  William  H.  \'anderbilt 

Mr.  William  A.  \'iall 

Mrs.  Helen  C.  \'ose 

Mrs.  Arthur  M.  Walker 

Mr.  A.  TIngley  Wall 

Mrs.  Maurice  K.  Washburn 

Mr.  Frank  E.  Waterman 

Mrs.  Lewis  A.  Waterman 

Prof.  Arthur  E.  Watson 

Col.  Byron  S.  W^atson 

Mr.  John  J.  Watson 

Mr.  W.  L.  Watson 

Mrs.  William  B.  Weeden 

Mr.  Richard  Ward  Greene  Welling 

Mr.  John  H.  Wells 

Mr.  Edward  H.  West 

Mrs.  Frank  Williams  Westcott 


Mrs.  Elizabeth  X.  White 
Mr.  Willis  H.  White 
Mrs.  Henry  A.  Whitmarsh 
Mr.  Frederick  Bernavs  Wiener 
Mr.  Frank  J.  Wilder' 
Mrs.  Elizabeth  K.  Wilkinson 
Mr.  Daniel  L.  Willmarth,  Jr. 
Miss  Amev  L.  Willson 
Mr.  William  A.  Wing 
Mr.  Wilson  G.  Wing 
Mrs.  George  P.  Winship 
Rev.  William  Worthington 
Mr.  Nathan  M.  Wright 
Dr.  Henr\  M.  Wriston 
Mr.  Lawrence  C.  Wroth 
Mr.  Frederick  W.  York 


The  Gore  Roll  of  Arms 

By  Harold  Bowditch 

{cont'Diued  from  vol.  A'.VA',  fage  1 28) 


84.  (84.)  (63.) 
Waldron. 

Arms:  Silver  three  bull's  heads  cabossed  sable  the  horns 
gold. 

Wreath:  Gold,  sable. 

Crest:  A  sitting  (heraldic)  tiger  brown  powdered  with 
roundles  silver,  mane,  tail  and  tufts  silver,  tusks,  tongue, 
snout  and  inside  of  ear  gules. 

Legend:  Richard  Walldron  Esq.  of  Ports  mouth  in 
Pusquatiqua  Alis   '  New  Hamshere.        1  724. 

Notes:  These  arms  are  in  the  Promptuarium  Armorum 
47a. 


GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  25 

Waldron  of  East  Bridgeford,  Nottinghamshire,  bore 
these  arms  (Edmondson).  Maurice  Walrond  of  London, 
living  in  1 634,  second  son  of  Humphrey  Walrond  and 
grandson  of  Henry  Walrond  of  Sea  in  co.  Somerset,  bore 
the  same  with  a  crescent  for  difference,  and  this  crest:  A 
sitting  tiger  sable  powdered  with  roundles  silver,  his  mane 
gold  *  Walrond  of  Bradfield,  co.  Devon,  had  the  same  arms 
and  crest  except  that  the  golden  mane  is  not  specified 
(Burke). 

This  marks  the  end  of  what  appears  to  be  the  work  of  the 
original  painter;  the  following  fifteen  coats  are  largely  un- 
painted,  and  the  execution  of  the  drawing  is  in  the  main 
inferior  to  the  coats  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  work.  Nos.  85 
to  88  occupy  the.  verso  of  the  sheet  on  which  Nos.  81  to 
84  are  painted;  89  to  92  occupy  the  recto  and  93  to  95  the 
verso  of  the  next  sheet,  the  last  place  being  left  vacant; 
96  to  99  occupy  the  recto  of  the  following  sheet,  the  rest  of 
the  book  being  blank. 

85.  (85.)  (64.) 
Borland. 

Arms:  Barry  silver  and  gules  a  leaping  boar . 

Wreath: , . 

Crest:  A  broken  sword  chevronwise,  pomel  and  point 
on  the  wreath . 

Motto  (  on  a  scroll  above  the  arms) :  Press  Through. 

Legend:   Boarland. 

Notes:  This  drawing  is  partly  tricked.  Child  represents 
a  blue  boar  upon  an  uncolored  mount  on  a  silver  field  with 
two  bars  gules;  he  shows  the  sword  in  two  disconnected 
pieces  floating  in  the  air.  Whitmore  in  his  description  omits 
the  mount  and  calls  the  sword  a  lance.  He  comments: 
"These  arms  are  used  by  a  Scotch  family,  and  also  by  the 
Borlands  of  Boston,  Mass.",  and  "John  Borland  of  Boston 


■"  (Visitation  of  London    1633-163  5). 


26  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

used  these  arms  on  his  seal.  He  died  in  1727.  His  brother 
Francis  was  of  Glasford,  North  Britain."  The  arms,  crest 
and  motto  are  found  under  the  name  of  Borelands  of  Edin- 
burgh: Barry  silver  and  gules  over  all  a  boar  rampant 
azure  j  crest:  A  broken  lance  proper  j  motto:  Press  Through 
(Burke).  It  appears  to  have  been  this  description  which  led 
Whitmore  to  call  the  sword  a  lance.  Thomas  Borlands, 
Bailie  of  Portsburgh,  bore  the  same  arms  (Paul ). 

The  seal  on  the  will  (  1  726  )  of  John  Borland  shows  these 
arms,  a  broken  lance  for  a  crest,  and  above  the  whole  com- 
position the  motto  "Press  Through"  ( Heraldic  Journal 
II  89). 

86.  (86.)  (6S:) 

CuSHING. 

Arms:  Quartered:  1.  &  4.  Azure  an  eagle  contourne  sil- 
ver. 2.  &  3.  Silver  three  dexter  hands  bendwise couped, 

a  canton  cheeky  of  nine  gules  and  gold.  (The  canton  hides 
one  of  the  hands. ) 

Wreath : , . 

Crest :  Two  lion's  paws  erect supporting  a  crown 

from  which  hangs  by  a  thread  a  heart  gules. 

Legend:  Gushing. 

Notes:  Drawing  in  faint  ink,  partly  hatched,  partly 
tricked. 

In  Child's  copy  the  eagles  are  not  contourne j  they  are 
gilded,  on  a  blank  heldj  the  second  and  third  fields  are 
silvered,  the  hands  uncolored,  and  the  canton  in  the  second 
is  blank  and  silver,  in  the  third  blank  and  gold;  the  only 
tincture  in  the  crest  is  the  gilded  crown. 

Whitmore  refers  to  the  Cushing  pedigree  in  the  New 
England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register  for  1865. 

In  the  inventory  of  Thomas'  Cushing  there  is  mention  of 
a  coat  of  arms.  (Heraldic  Journal  II  124). 

Dr.  Buck  comments:  "Cosyn  in  Norfolk,  quarterings  of 
Denvers,  co.  Norfolk"  and  refers  to  the  Promptuarium 
Armorum  32a. 


GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  27 

Cosyn  of  Norfolk  bore  for  arms:  Gules  an  eagle  silver 
(Edmondson)  and  Cosen  of  Norfolk  had  this  crest:  On  a 
chapeau  azure  turned  up  ermine  an  heraldic  tiger  sitting- 
gold  (Fairbairn ). 

Denvers  of  Walpole,  co.  Norfolk,  bore:  Gules  three 
dexter  gauntlets  fendent  silver,  a  canton  cheeky  gold  and 
azure. 

Dr.  Buck  calls  attention  to  the  resemblance  of  the  crest  to 
that  of  Legat  of  Essex,  Kent  and  Norfolk:  Two  lion's  paws 
erect  gules  supporting  a  mitre  gold  (Burke  ). 

87.  (87.)  (Omitted) 
Paddock. 

Arms: two  gemels on  a  chief live  trefoils 

slipped,  three  and  two, . 

Wreath : , . 

Crest:   From  a  tower a  demi-pelican . 

Legend:  Paddock  of  Glocester'.  Paddack  Somersett"". 

Notes:  This  drawing  is  neither  hatched  nor  tricked. 

Child  gives  us  a  curious   rendition,  which   might  be 

described  as  follows:  Per  fess and  gules,  a  fess  gold 

charged  with  a  bar  gules,  in  chief  five  trefoils  slipped  three 
and  two,  goldj  or  else:  Per  fess  gold  and  gules  a  fess  per 
fess  counterchanged  on  a  chief five  trefoils,  etc.  Whit- 
more  comments  merely:  "An  unfinished  sketch". 

The  arms  are  not  found  under  the  name  in  the  \'isitations 
of  Somersetshire  1531,  1573  and  1623,  nor  in  Edmondson, 
Berry  or  Burke. 

An  article  in  the  Boston  Transcript  5  Oct.  1936  describes 
a  hooked  rug  in  the  possession  of  descendants  of  Peter 
Paddock  of  Yarmouth,  Mass.  (b.  1687,  d.  1760)  showing 
what  are  apparently  the  same  arms  as  in  the  Gore  Roll: 

Arms:  Barry  (8)  sable  and  gold  on  a  chief  silver  five 
trees  on  a  terrasse  proper. 

Crest:  Out  of  a  battlemented  tower  gold  a  demi- 
pelican  . 

Motto:  Sempre  pre. 


28  RHODE    ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

88.  (88.)  (Omitted.) 
Sprague. 

Arms:  Gules  a  fess  cheeky  azure  and  gold  between  three 
fleurs-de-lys  gold. 

Crest:   From  a  naval  crown a  demi-lion with  a 

crown , 

Legend:  Sr.  Edward  Sprague  Knt. 

Notes:  The  arms  in  this  drawing  are  hatched j  the  crest 
is  not. 

Child  gives  a  correct  rendition  although  Whitmore  calls 
the  fleurs-de-lys  trefoils  j  as  he  oinits  mention  of  the  fact 
that  the  fess  is  cheeky  it  may  be  that,  when  he  wrote,  these 
lines  had  not  been  put  in. 

These  arms  are  those  of  Spraggs  (Edmondson)  whose 
crest  is  given  as:  A  talbot  passant  silver  resting  his  foot  on  a 
fleur-de-lys  gules  ( Burke )  j  but  G.  W.  Chamberlain  in 
"The  Spragues  of  Maiden"  (1923,  page  13)  quotes  from 
"The  Genealogist"  Vol.  26  page  248  :  Sir  Edward  Spragge, 
Knt.  —  the  same  armsj  crest:  From  a  naval  coronet  gold  a 
demi-lion  with  two  tails  gules  and  a  crown  goldj  granted 
by  Garter,  1688.  Chamberlain  disavows  any  known  connec- 
tion between  Sir  Edward  and  the  Spragues  of  Maiden, 
Massachusetts,  and  Mr.  Phineas  Shaw  Sprague  of  Boston, 
descended  from  the  Maiden  family,  received  from  the  Col- 
lege of  Arms  in  1927  a  grant  of  another  coat. 

89.(89.)  (Omitted.) 
Lathrop. 

Arms:  Gyrony  gules  and  azure  an  eagle  silver. 

Wreath :   Silver,  gules. 

Crest:  A  cock  azure,  beak  wattles  and  legs  gules,  comb 
gold. 

Legend:   By  the  Name  of  Lathrop. 

Notes:  The  picture  is  painted  in  dull  colors,  the  azure 
being  a  bluish  gray  much  like  the  shading  on  the  eagle. 

Child  colors  the  cock  pink  with  red  comb,  wattles  and 
legs,  the  bill  being  unpainted. 


GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  29 

Dr.  Buck  says,  "Lenthorp,  or  and  sable  —  Promptu- 
arium  Armor um  63b"  and  adds  a  query  whether  the  name 
should  not  be  Lenthorne  and  the  crest  a  chough. 

Lenthorne  bore  Gyrony  gold  and  sable  an  eagle  silver  j 
the  arms  of  Lenthorp,  Lenthrop  and  Leventhorp  of  cos. 
Essex  and  Hertfordshire  ai:e  quite  different  (  Edmondson). 

90.  (98.)  (70.) 

KiLBY. 

Arms :   Silver  three  bars  and  in  chief  three  rings  azure. 

Wreath:   Silver,  azure. 

Crest:  An  ear  of  maize  gold  stripped  open,  the  leaves 
vert. 

Mottos:  (On  a  scroll  above  the  arms)  PersistOj  (on  a 
scroll  below  the  arms  )  Gratia  Gratiam  Parit. 

Legend:  Christopher  Kilby  Esq. 

Notes:  The  picture  is  painted  in  rather  pale  colors j  the 
scrolls  are  touched  with  yellow  at  the  folds. 

According  to  a  biographical  notice  by  Charles  W.  Tuttle 
in  the  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register 
26  (1872)  pp.  43-48  Christopher  Kilby  of  Boston  was  born 
25  May  1705,  the  son  of  John  and  Rebecca  (Simpkins) 
Kilby  of  Boston.  In  1726  he  became  a  partner  in  business 
with  the  Hon.  William  Clark,  merchant,  whose  daughter 
Sarah  he  married  in  that  year^  this  partnership  came  to  an 
end  in  1 735  and  the  same  year  Kilby  went  into  partnership 
with  the  Hon.  William  Clark's  son  Benjamin.  His  wife 
Sarah  (Clark)  died  in  1739  leaving  two  daughters,  Sarah 
and  Catherine,  and  he  married  (2)  Martha who  sur- 
vived him  but  had  no  children.  He  died  in  England  in 
1771.  His  daughters  went  to  England  about  1747  and 
Catherine  is  thought  to  have  died  soon  after  j  Sarah  married 
in  1754  Nathaniel  Cunningham  of  Boston  who  died  two 
years  later  leaving  two  daughters  Susannah  and  Sarah.  The 
widow  Sarah  (Kilby)  Cunningham  married  (2)  in  1757 
Captain  Gilbert  McAdams  of  an  ancient  Ayrshire  family; 
the  family  then  went  to  New  York  and  eventually  returned 


30  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

to  Ayrshire.  Most  of  the  posterity  of  Christopher  Kilby  are 
to  be  found  in  England  and  Scotland  ^  his  great-grand- 
daughter was  the  first  wife  of  the  7th  duke  of  Argyll. 

G.  E.  C.'s  "Complete  Peerage"  states  that  John  Douglas 
Edward  Henry  Campbell,  7th  duke  of  Argyll,  married  ( 1  ) 
in  1822  Elizabeth,  the  eldest  daughter  of  William  Camp- 
bell of  Fairfield,  Ayrshire,  by  his  first  wife  Sarah  Cunning- 
ham of  Cambridge,  New  England. 

Christopher  Kilby  was  a  man  of  great  wealth  and  in- 
fluence and  at  the  time  of  the  great  fire  in  Boston  in  1 760  he 
contributed  a  very  large  sum  for  the  relief  of  the  townj 
Kilby  Street  in  the  business  district  is  named  in  his  honor. 
(Tuttle,  Reg.  26  43-48. )  He  was  Sir  William  PepperelPs 
agent  in  obtaining  the  augmentation  to  his  arms. 

The  arms  attributed  to  Christopher  Kilby  in  the  Gore 
Roll  are  not  found  in  Pap  worth ;  the  same  design  with  other 
tinctures  is  given  under  the  names  of  Cooke,  Gray  or  Grey 
of  Ireland  granted  1612,  Moston,  Multon,  Seyncks  and  its 
variants,  and  Visnel. 

Burke  gives  for  John  Kilby,  Esq.,  chosen  Alderman  of 
York  in  1603,  Silver  three  boars  and  in  chief  three  rings 
azure  ^  with  the  single  exception  of  the  word  "boars"  for 
"bars"  the  blazon  describes  the  arms  in  the  Gore  Roll, 
although  of  course  the  two  coats  would  be  widely  different 
pictorially.  Papworth  gives  no  name  except  Kilby  of  York 
under  the  blazon  given  by  Burke,  having  of  course  taken 
it  from  that  bookj  nor  does  he  give  any  other  reference  to 
the  name  Kilby  for  these  arms,  thus  leaving  Burke  as  our 
sole  authority  for  them. 

The  earliest  edition  of  Burke  to  which  I  have  had  access 
is  that  of  1844;  the  first  edition  was  issued  in  1842;  the 
editions  of  1  844,  1  847  and  1  884  all  give  the  same  version. 

The  name  Kilby  is  not  found  in  Berry  (  1  828  ),  Edmond- 
son  (  1  780  ),  Kent  (  1  755  reprint  of  1  726  ),  Guillini  (  1  724  ), 
a  manuscript  book  of  arms  chiefly  of  Yorkshire  families  of 
about  1640-1643  in  my  library,  or  Yorke  (1641  J  under 
Lincolnshire  gentry. 


GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  31 

There  is  a  parish  of  Kilby  in  Leicestershire  from  which 
the  name  probably  originates,  and  Lower  ( Patronymica 
Britannica,  1  860  )  points  out  that  names  ending  in  -by  are 
found  only  in  the  so-called  Danish  counties,  particularly 
in  Lincolnshire,  stating  that  the  termination  signifies  pri- 
marily a  dwelling,  afterwards  a  village  or  town.  A  search 
through  various  Visitations  of  Lincolnshire,  Leicestershire 
and  Yorkshire  has  failed  to  bring  the  arms  to  light. 

As  the  arms  in  the  Gore  Roll  have  not  been  found  under 
the  name  of  Kilby,  and  as  the  Kilby  arms  with  boars  instead 
of  bars  have  not  been  found  earlier  than  1  8-1-4  ( though  they 
may  be  in  Burke  1  842),  it  seems  probable  that  the  painter 
of  the  Gore  Roll  was  not  working  from  a  printed  descrip- 
tion but  from  an  actual  example,  such  as  a  seal,  a  painting, 
or  a  piece  of  embroidery j  and  this  influences  one  to  lean 
toward  the  opinion  that  the  blazon  in  Burke  is  erroneous 
and  owing  to  a  misprint.  Even  Papworth  slips  here,  for  the 
blazon  with  the  boars  is  under  the  heading  "Bears".  If 
Burke's  blazon  be  correct  it  suggests  a  Scottish  "composed" 
coat  similar  to  that  of  Alexander  Innes  of  that  Ilk  as  shown 
on  his  seal  of  1  542:  Three  boar's  heads  erased  (for  Innes), 
in  chief  three  molets  (for  Aberchirder ),  as  illustrated  in 
"Scots  Heraldry"  by  Thomas  Innes  of  Learney,  Carrick 
Pursuivant  (  1934). 

The  crest  of  an  ear  of  maize  suggests  local  origin  5  noth- 
ing like  it  is  found  in  Fairbairn,  the  only  Kilby  crest  in  the 
book  referring  to  a  family  with  an  entirely  different  coat  of 
arms. 

The  presence  of  a  motto  above  the  crest  suggests  Scottish 
origin,  but  a  search  of  Nisbet  (1804),  Seton  ( 1863),  Paul 
(1893,  1903)  and  Johnston  (1912)  yields  no  clue,  nor 
does  the  list  of  mottos  found  in  Fairbairn. 

The  arms  given  in  the  Gore  Roll  as  those  of  Christopher 
Kilby  recur  in  No.  92  on  an  escutcheon  of  pretence  referring 
to  the  marriage  of  his  daughter  Sarah  to  Captain  McAdams. 


32  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

91.  (90.)  (66.) 

WiNSLOW. 

Arms:  Silver  a  bend  gules  on  the  bend  six  lozenges  con- 
joined gold. 

Wreath :   Silver,  gules. 

Crest:  A  broken  stump  of  a  tree  sprouting  on  each  side 
a  branch  with  leaves  all  proper. 

Legend:  Joshua  Winslow  Esq. 

Notes:  The  picture  is  painted  in  colors.  In  the  Child 
copy  the  field,  as  well  as  the  lozenges,  is  gilded;  this  must 
have  been  done  after  Whitmore  wrote  his  description, 
which  is  "Argent,  on  a  bend  gules  eight  lozenges  conjoined, 
gold"  and  he  adds,  "More  correctly  the  bend  should  be 
gules  lozengy  gold",  a  blazon  which  I  do  not  understand, 
although  Edmondson  seems  to  have  done  so,  for  he  gives: 
Winslow  —  Gold,  a  bend  lozengy  silver  and  gules  (  which 
is  comprehensible ),  and  Gold,  a  bend  gules  lozengy  gold. 

These  arms  were  used  by  Governor  Edward  Winslow 
on  the  seal  on  his  will  in  1 654,  but  this  seal  does  not  indicate 
the  tinctures;  they  have  been  in  use  by  the  family  for  many 
years  in  varying  tinctures,  sometimes  with  the  field  silver 
and  the  lozenges  gold,  as  in  the  Gore  Roll,  and  sometimes 
with  the  field  gold  and  the  lozenges  silver.  A  painting 
owned  by  Miss  Margaret  Warren  of  Dedham  which  be- 
longed to  her  grandfather  who  died  about  1870  and  appears 
to  be  in  the  style  of  about  1  850  shows  both  the  field  and  the 
lozenges  silver,  thus  agreeing  with  a  tankard  made  by 
Edward  Winslow  (died  1753)  lent  by  Arthur  Winslow  to 
the  Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston,  in  1925  j  but  the  hatch- 
ing on  old  silver  is  not  to  be  relied  on,  for  another  tankard 
made  by  Jacob  Hurd  (died  1 758  )  lent  by  Winslow  Warren 
to  the  same  museum  in  1927  shows  the  lozenges  hatched  to 
represent  sable.  A  painting  of  the  arms  made  about  1  870, 
of  which  a  copy  is  owned  by  a  member  of  the  family  in 
Canada,  shows  a  gold  field  and  the  silver  lozenges  running 
to  the  margins  of  the  red  bend;  and  as  this  version  corre- 
sponds to  one  of  the  blazons  given  by  Edmondson  it  seems 
probable  that  it  is  correct. 


F'ORM  OF  Legacy 


"/  give  and  bequeath  to  the  Rhode  Island 

Historical  Society  the  sum  of 

dollars." 


RoGUR   Williams  Piu.ss       r^Jlw^^ 


\i.   A.    Jl)llNSt)N    Co. 


PROVIDENCE 


Rhode    Island 
Historical     Society 

C  O  L  L  E  C  T 1 0  N  S  y)^ 


Vol.  XXXI 


APRIL,   1938 


No.   2 


Governor  Joski'H  Wan  ton 

Issued  Quarterly 


Si'^  pci^f  33 


68  Waterman  StreeTj  Providence,  Rhode  Island 


CONTENTS 


Governor  Joseph  Wanton   .....    Cover 

The  Wanton  Family  and  Rhode  Island  Loyalism 

by  Jarvis  M.  Morse 33 

Mrs.  Joseph  Wanton 45 

The  Fenner  Garrison  House 

by  Howard  M,  Chapin        ....  46 

Librarian's  Report      ......  49 

New  Publications  of  Rhode  Island  Interest    .          .  51 

Notes         ........  51 

Treasurer's  Report     .          .          .          .          .          .  52 

Gore  Roll  of  Arms 

by  Harold  Bowditch  .          .          .          .          .  56 


RHODE       'rf^E       ISLAND 
HISTORICAL     \^^%y  SOCIETY . 

COLLECTIONS 

*  — 

Vol.   XXXI  APRIL,   1938  No.    2 

Harry  Parsons  Cross,  President  Robert  T.  Downs,  Treasurer 

William  Davis  Miller,  Secretary  Howard  M.  Chapin,  Librarian 


The  Society  assumes  no  responsibility  for  the  statements  or  the  opinions 
of  contributors. 


The  Wanton  Family  and  Rhode  Island 
Loyalism 

By  Jarvis  M.  Morse 


The  misfortunes  of  the  Wanton  family  in  the  Revolution 
provide  a  striking  illustration  of  Rhode  Island's  policy 
with  regard  to  the  loyalists.  Joseph  Wanton  (1705-80), 
a  wealthy  merchant  and  fairly  competent  executive,  was 
governor  of  the  Colony  in  the  turbulent  years  preceding 
the  outbreak  of  war  with  Great  Britain.  His  public  career, 
though  less  distinguished,  resembles  that  of  Thomas 
Hutchinson  of  Massachusetts.  Governor  Wanton  did  not 
favor  independence,  nor  military  resistance  to  England, 
but  in  other  respects  he  sympathized  with  the  American 
cause.  In  the  crisis  of  1775  his  behaviour  was  passive;  he 
demonstrated  his  loyalty  to  British  rule  simply  by  refusing 
to  aid  the  patriot  uprising.  For  this  equivocal  conduct  he 
was  deposed  from  the  governorship,  but  not  otherwise 
molested.  After  his  death,  his  estate,  along  with  the  prop- 
erty of  his  more  ardently  pro-British  sons,  became  involved 
in  the  legal  proceedings  which  compose  the  main  subject 


34  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

of  this  narrative.  The  confiscation  of  the  Wanton  property 
did  not  benefit  the  State  financially,  nor  did  it  seriously 
impair  the  rights  of  most  of  the  governor's  heirs.  The 
whole  transaction  may  serve  as  an  example  of  Rhode 
Island's  moderate  and  equitable  revolutionary  spirit. 

Joseph  Wanton,  born  in  1705,  came  from  a  family  active 
in  politics,  privateering,  and  commerce.  Three  other 
Wantons  preceded  him  in  the  governor's  chair: — his  father 
William,  an  uncle  John,  and  a  cousin  Gideon.  Joseph 
Wanton  spent  most  of  his  life  in  Newport;  he  was  an 
Episcopalian,  and  a  generous  contributor  to  the  parish 
benevolences  of  historic  Trinity  Church, 

Wanton  was  in  the  royal  customs  office  at  Newport, 
either  as  collector  or  deputy,  from  1738  to  1761.  In  this 
position  he  had  one  very  unpleasant  experience.  While 
attempting,  in  August  1743,  to  seize  some  goods  on  the 
Angola  for  non-payment  of  duty,  he  was  set  upon  by  a 
mob  and  roughly  handled.  Though  in  this  instance  he 
successfully  prosecuted  six  of  his  assailants  for  assault. 
Wanton  was  not  inclined  to  be  overzealous  in  enforcing 
unpopular  laws.   Smuggling  was  one  of  his  own  avocations. 

Joseph  Wanton  has  often  been  referred  to  as  a  wealthy 
merchant,  but  most  of  the  material  relating  to  his  com- 
mercial dealings,  still  in  manuscript  form,  remains  to  be 
investigated.  The  firm  of  Joseph  &  William  Wanton,  active 
in  the  1760's  and  1770's,  probably  took  its  name  from  the 
governor's  sons — Joseph  Jr.^  and  William.  This  company, 
to  which  the  elder  Wanton  undoubtedly  contributed  some 
funds  and  much  fatherly  advice,  imported  molasses  and 
other  West  Indies  products,  and  exported  lime,  oak  staves, 
butter,  fish,  cheese,  beef,  pork,  ironware,  and  spermaceti 

^  Many  printed  references  to  the  Wanton  family  do  not  distinguish 
carefully  between  Joseph,  the  governor,  and  his  eldest  son.  Joseph  Jr.  was 
born  1730,  was  a  graduate  of  Harvard,  an  assemblyman  on  several  occasions 
between  1756  and  1772,  a  lieutenant-colonel  in  the  French  and  Indian 
War,  and  deput}' governor  1764-6S,  1767-68. 


THE  WANTON  FAMILY  35 

candles.  Its  activities  were  similar  to  those  of  many  other 
Rhode  Island  trading  houses. 

When  Wanton  became  governor,  in  1  769,  the  strained 
relations  between  America  and  Great  Britain  made  his 
position  very  uncomfortable.  As  an  elected  official.  Wanton 
had  to  keep  on  good  terras  with  his  constituents,  but  as  a 
representative  of  British  authority  he  was  obligated  to 
enforce  unpopular  trade  regulations.  Until  1775,  Wanton 
tilled  this  dual  role  with  considerable  finesse.  Officially  he 
frowned  on  acts  of  defiance  to  British  authority,  such  as 
mob  attacks  on  customs  officials  (  1 769,  1771),  the  scuttling 
of  the  sloop  Liberty  at  Newport  ( 1769 ),  and  the  burning 
of  the  Gas-pee  off  Warwick  (1772).  As  a  native  Rhode 
Islander,  however,  with  an  American  point  of  view  on  such 
matters,  Wanton  did  not  strive  very  energetically  to 
apprehend  the  guilty  parties.  His  non-interference  in  these 
preliminary  outbreaks  against  British  authority  eased  the 
way  for  his  retirement  from  office  when  war  rendered  a 
neutral  position  untenable. 

Wanton  was  elected  governor  for  a  seventh  term  in 
April,  1775.  Within  a  few  days  of  the  election,  when  new's 
arrived  of  the  encounters  at  Lexington  and  Concord,  the 
legislature  voted  to  raise  1500  men  for  an  "army  of  obser- 
vation." Wanton's  unwillingness  to  countenance  separa- 
tion from  the  British  empire  appeared  in  the  form  of  an 
official  protest,  April  25,  declaring  that  the  army  act 
imperilled  Rhode  Island's  charter  privileges  and  would 
involve  the  country  in  civil  war.  "Torn  from  the  body  to 
which  we  are  united  by  religion,  liberty,  laws  and  com- 
merce," ran  this  protest,  "we  must  bleed  at  every  vein." 
About  a  week  later  the  legislature  suspended  Wanton  from 
exercising  his  functions  as  governor,  and  at  the  end  of 
October  it  deposed  him,  since  he  had  "continued  to  demon- 
strate that  he  is  inimical  to  the  rights  and  liberties  of 
America."  The  ex-governor  failed  to  deliver  to  his  suc- 
cessor, Nicholas  Cooke,  certain  official  papers  and  docu- 
ments, but  he  offered  no  resistance  to  their  seizure  by  the 


36  RUODli  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

sheriff  of  Newport  County.'  Wanton  was,  purposely,  "not 
at  home"  when  the  sheriff  took  from  his  house  the  charter 
of  the  colony  and  several  bundles  of  public  records. 

In  Rhode  Island,  as  elsewhere  in  America,  British  civil 
authority  collapsed  soon  after  the  19th  of  April  1775. 
Most  of  the  royal  governors  and  their  satellites  fled  the 
country.  As  the  war  progressed  the  several  states,  with 
encouragement  from  the  Continental  Congress,  began  to 
confiscate  both  real  and  personal  property  belonging  to 
persons  suspected  of  sympathizing  with  the  British  cause. 
Before  the  confiscation  proceedings  had  ended,  in  some 
cases  many  years  after  the  war,  several  states  made  con- 
siderable cash  profit,  particularly  New  York,  Georgia,  and 
Pennsylvania.  The  first  Rhode  Island  seizures  were  made 
in  the  summer  of  1775,  when  a  half-dozen  sizeable  estates 
were  taken  by  Brigadier-General  Esek  Hopkins.  After 
October,  1775,  the  assembly  appointed  committees  or  other 
special  agents  to  rent  confiscated  houses  and  farms  for  the 
benefit  of  the  State. 

These  early  confiscation  orders  did  not  affect  the 
Wantons,  though  some  other  war  measures  kept  the  family 
in  the  public  eye.  The  ex-governor's  eldest  son.  Colonel 
Joseph  Wanton,  was  summoned  before  the  legislature  in 
February,  1776,  to  answer  charges  of  unpatriotic  conduct. 
When  cleared  of  the  accusation,  he  presented  a  claim  for 
damages  to  a  two-masted  boat  which  General  Hopkins 
had  commandeered.  The  Colonel,  soon  to  become  a  ref- 
ugee, was  awarded  £16.  Perhaps  the  State  got  its  money 
back  when  it  sold  a  Wanton  \'essel  (the  same  oner  )  in 
1780.  For  refusing  to  subscribe  to  a  local  Test  Act,  in 
July  1  776,  Colonel  Wanton  was  interned  on  his  Jamestown 
farm.  The  practice  of  confining  suspected  persons  to  rural 
areas  became  general;  many  loyalists  were  removed  from 
seacoast  towns  to  Glocester  and  Exeter. 


"  f'or  a  more  extended  account  of  Wanton's  governorship  and  deposition, 
see  the  substantially  accurate  treatment  in  |.  R.  Bartlett's  genealogy  of  the 
Wanton  Famih'. 


THE  WANTON  FAMILY  Z7 

The  State  began  to  sell  personal  and  miscellaneous  prop- 
erty in  the  summer  of  1776,  leaving  houses  and  lands  for 
later  auction.  A  general  confiscation  act  was  not  adopted 
until  October,  1779.  There  was  no  urgent  need  for  a 
general  law  before  this  date  because  a  majority  of  the 
well-to-do  loyalists  lived  in  or  near  Newport,  w^hich  had 
been  occupied  by  the  British ;  the  patriot  government 
could  not  seize  Newport  property  until  the  enemy  had 
evacuated  the  city.  Ex-governor  Wanton  remained  in 
Newport  on  the  American  reoccupation,  but  his  sons  went 
to  New  York  with  the  British. 

In  November,  1779,  the  State  seized  the  property  of 
refugees,  including,  from  the  former  holdings  of  Colonel 
Joseph  Wanton,  some  1123  acres  of  land  on  Conanicut, 
Prudence,  and  Gould  Islands,  a  dwelling  house  in  New- 
port, and  a  lot  and  wharf  on  Easton's  Point.  From  William 
Wanton  were  taken  897  acres  on  Prudence  Island,  a  lot  on 
Easton's  Point,  and  two  houses  in  Newport.  This  action 
needs  no  further  explanation,  since  it  was  covered  by  a 
clause  in  the  October  law^  citing  refugees,  but  subsequent 
proceedings  against  the  ex-go\Trnor,  and  modifications 
favoring  other  members  of  the  family,  deserve  special 
consideration. 

Without  going  too  deeply  into  genealogy,  it  may  be 
noted  that  Governor  Wanton  (  his  wife,  Mary  Winthrop, 
died  in  1767)  had  three  sons  and  live  daughters.  One  of 
the  sons,  John,  died  before  the  Revolution;  Joseph  Jr.  and 
William  are  familiar  to  us.  Colonel  Joseph  Wanton  was 
twice  married;  first  to  a  daughter  of  James  Honeyman, 
deputy  judge  of  the  vice-admiralty  court,  and  second  (in 
1775)  to  Sarah,  daughter  of  Jahleel  Brenton.  By  his  first 
marriage  the  Colonel  seems  to  have  had  three  daughters; 
by  his  second  wife  a  son,  a  third  Joseph  Wanton,  who  was 
a  mere  infant  when  the  father  fled  from  New^port  leaving 
mother  and  child  behind.  William  Wanton  also  took  for 
his  first  wife  one  of  James  Honeyman's  daughters;  his 
second  marriage,  in  Canada  after  the  war,  does  not  concern 


38  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

US.  Of  the  senior  Wanton's  five  daughters,  Catherine  mar- 
ried ( 1 )  Robert  Stoddard  of  Newport,  and  ( 2 )  a  British 
army  surgeon  named  Destailleur  j  Ruth  married  Governor 
William  Brown  of  Bermuda;  Anne  married  Winthrop 
Saltonstall  of  New  London,  Conn,  j  Elizabeth  and  Mary 
married,  respectively,  Thomas  Wickham  and  John  Cod- 
dington  of  Newport.  Governor  Joseph  Wanton  died  in 
the  latter  city  July  19,  1780,  and  Colonel  Joseph  Wanton 
died  in  New  York  on  August  8  of  the  same  year. 

From  the  beginning  of  confiscation  proceedings  in  1775, 
the  legislature  exercised  direct  and  scrupulous  control  over 
all  matters  relating  to  the  disposal  of  loyalist  property. 
After  private  lawsuits  against  confiscated  estates  were  sus- 
pended in  December,  1  779,  the  assembly  became,  in  effect, 
a  probate  court.  The  resulting  orders  for  the  settlement 
of  disputed  titles,  the  liquidation  of  commercial  debts,  and 
the  relief  of  impoverished  families  were  extraordinarily 
detailed  and  particular.  No  modern  assembly  could  spare 
the  time  to  consider  such  minute  details,  but  this  particu- 
larity was  possible  in  Revolutionary  days  because  the  State's 
population  was  so  small  (about  54,000),  and  because  there 
were  few  loyalists  to  be  dealt  with.  Everybody  knew 
everybody,  hence  special  committees  could  treat  as  indi- 
vidual cases  the  distress  of  widows,  of  wives  whose 
husbands  had  fled  within  the  British  lines,  and  of  young- 
children  left  without  adequate  care. 

This  particularity,  accompanied  by  a  desire  to  deal  fairly 
with  the  innocent  families  of  male  refugees,  brought  about 
several  concessions  for  the  heirs  of  the  younger  Joseph 
Wanton.  In  March,  1781,  his  young  widow  Sarah,  being 
in  "reduced  circumstances,"  was  allowed  to  rent  her  hus- 
band's Conanicut  Island  farm.  The  State  paid  her  the 
n"ioney  collected  from  the  previous  year's  tenant,  and  agreed 
to  remit,  at  the  end  of  the  ensuing  year,  the  money  she  was 
asked  to  pay  in  advance.  By  this  legerdeniain,  in  other 
words,  Sarah  Wanton  obtained  the  farm  rent-free.  A 
few  months  later  the  Colonel's  widow  asked  permission  to 


THE  WANTON   FAMILY  39 

receive  goods  from  her  brother-in-law,  William,  in  New 
York.  She  was  allowed  to  accept  specie,  since  "hard  cash" 
would  be  a  boon  to  local  merchants  plagued  with  Con- 
tinental paper  money.  Sarah  Wanton  was  subsequently 
permitted,  because  she  had  brought  considerable  property 
to  her  husband  upon  th^ir  marriage,  to  sub-let  for  profit 
both  the  Conanicut  and  the  Gould  Island  farms  taken  from 
the  Colonel.  This  concession  was  a  special  favor  contrary 
to  the  general  intent  of  a  law  of  October,  1780,  which 
debarred  widows  from  claiming  dower  right  in  the  estates 
of  loyalists.  Although  she  obtained  temporary  use  of  some 
property,  however,  Sarah  Wanton  never  regained  title  in 
fee-simple.  In  1785  the  young  widow  married  William 
Atherton,  a  former  resident  of  Jamaica  j  when  she  died  two 
years  later,  Atherton  went  to  England  leaving  the  little  boy, 
Joseph,  in  this  country.  For  the  support  of  the  latter  in 
1789,  John  Malbone,  as  "next  friend  to  Joseph  Wanton, 
orphan,"  was  given  one  year's  use  of  the  W^anton  farm  in 
Jamestown.  After  this  date  the  descendants  of  the  French 
and  Indian  War  colonel  recede  from  our  view.  No  con- 
cessions of  the  above  nature  were  made  for  the  ex-governor's 
other  son,  William,  because  he  was  able  to  support  himself. 
After  the  Revolution  he  became  customs  collector  at  St. 
John,  New  Brunswick,  where  he  died  in  181 6. 

The  transactions  already  noted  comprise  but  a  small 
fraction  of  the  Wanton  settlement.  In  August,  1781,  the 
State  broached  the  sale  of  the  Easton's  Point  wharf  and 
lands,  but  Count  de  Barras,  commander  of  the  French  fleet, 
asked  permission  to  use  them  as  a  receiving  base  for  naval 
supplies.  The  auction  of  this  realty  was  deferred  until 
1786.  In  October,  1781,  a  member  of  the  legislature  was 
ordered  to  investigate  in  Jamestown  the  "unauthorized 
transfer"  of  some  fence  rails  from  the  Wanton  farm  to  one 
formerly  belonging  to  Thomas  Hutchinson.  The  State 
tenants  on  the  latter  were  required  to  restore  the  rails.  In 
January,  1782,  a  house  on  the  south  side  of  the  Parade  in 
Newport,    formerly    the    joint    property    of    Joseph    and 


40  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

William  Wanton,  was  sold  to  Dr.  Isaac  Senter  for  $1,200 
in  silver,  one  of  the  few  profitable  sales  made  from  the 
Wanton  estates. 

Legal  action  against  property  belonging  to  Joseph  and 
William  Wanton  proceeded  in  regular  form,  but  litigation 
involving  their  father's  estate  followed  devious  turnings. 
There  was  some  doubt  as  to  whether  the  elder  Wanton's 
property  was  subject  to  confiscation,  though  a  wag  suggested 
that  the  late  governor  could  be  considered  a  refugee  since,  by 
dying,  he  had  left  the  State  without  permission.  In  any 
event  his  Newport  house  was  appropriated  j  it  was  rented, 
in  May  1 783,  to  Benjamin  Almy  for  £30.  When  the  tenant 
complained  that  the  house  was  "very  leaky,"  he  was  author- 
ized to  repair  it  at  State  expense,  not  to  exceed  £6. 

In  the  summer  of  1784,  Winthrop  Saltonstall,  widower 
of  the  governor's  daughter  Anne,  petitioned  the  assembly 
for  the  return  of  this  Newport  house  and  lot.  He  claimed 
that  the  estate  had  been  confiscated  under  a  misapprehension 
that  it  was  the  property  of  the  exiled  son,  William.  The 
petition  was  granted  j  the  assembly  decided  that,  since  the 
governor  died  intestate,  his  property  was  never  conveyed 
to  William  Wanton,  and  that  the  governor's  legal  heirs 
(Saltonstall,  Mary  Wanton  Coddington,  Elizabeth  Wanton 
Wickham,  etc.)  could  reclaim  it.  In  addition,  the  State 
reimbursed  these  non-loyalist  heirs  for  the  rent  which  had 
been  collected  from  Almy,  the  government  tenant. 

Another  release  of  this  sort  was  made  on  some  realty 
taken  from  the  younger  Joseph  Wanton.  In  August,  1784, 
it  was  discovered  that  a  Newport  house,  then  occupied  by 
Thomas  Rumreill,  had  never  belonged  to  Colonel  Wanton 
but  had  been  devised  by  the  will  of  James  Honeyman, 
Wanton's  father-in-law,  to  Honeyman's  grandchildren,  i.  e. 
to  Wanton's  daughters.  The  State  permitted  the  latter, 
even  though  they  had  married  British  ofiicers,  to  repossess 
the  property.  Mention  of  the  State  tenant,  Rumreill,  brings 
to  mind  another  example  of  the  detailed  manner  in  which 
loyalist  property  was  administered.    When  the  sheriff  of 


THE  WANTON   FAMILY  41 

Newport  County  was  authorized  in  June,  1783,  to  sell  a 
house  formerly  belonging  to  George  Rome,  Rumreill  was 
allowed  to  transfer  the  windows  of  the  Rome  house  to  the 
one  ( the  Wanton  house )  which  he  occupied. 

The  settlement  of  ordinary  business  claims  against 
loyalist  estates  proved  tq  be  a  very  troublesome  matter. 
According  to  the  bills  presented  by  many  of  the  Wanton 
creditors,  it  would  seem  that  the  governor's  family  did  not 
pay  its  debts  promptly.  In  1781,  for  example,  the  State 
allowed  Gideon  Sisson  £17,  3  shillings  for  some  crepe, 
gauze,  black  gloves  and  thread  sold  to  William  Wanton 
in  1776.  Charles  Townshend  submitted  in  1784-  a  bill  for 
£1,3  pence  for  repairing  William  Wanton's  clock  on  several 
occasions  since  1764.  This  claim  was  refused.  In  1785, 
Robert  Stoddard  was  allowed  £1335,6  shillings,  8  pence  on 
a  note  which  had  become  payable  in  1768.  Are  we  to  con- 
clude that  the  Wantons  lived  beyond  their  means  in  satisfy- 
ing a  taste  for  large  wigs  and  costly  food,  or  that  creditors 
padded  their  bills  when  the  public  treasury  became  pay- 
master? Probably  a  little  of  both.  It  is  suggestive  to  note 
that,  when  James  W^hitmarsh  submitted  a  bill  in  1785  for 
more  than  £134  for  repairs  made  on  the  Wanton  brig 
Chance^  the  State  paid  only  a  part  of  the  charge  since  he 
had  previously  hied  a  much  smaller  account  for  the  same 
work.  Fearful  lest  claims  should  devour  all  the  proceeds, 
the  legislature  ordered  Thomas  Wickham  (Elizabeth 
Wanton's  husband ) ,  who  was  going  to  New  York  on  busi- 
ness in  1782,  to  secure  the  account  books  of  the  firm  of 
Joseph  and  William  Wanton.  He  Was  also  told  to  inform 
William  Wanton  that  the  legislature  might  have  to  dis- 
continue its  aid  to  Sarah  Wanton,  Joseph's  widow.  William 
took  the  hint;  he  kept  in  touch  with  the  assembly  for  several 
months  thereafter,  and  thus  saved  the  State  from  being- 
imposed  upon  by  the  Wanton  creditors. 

A  preliminary  report  on  the  liquidation  of  the  Wanton 
property  was  made  in  March  1785,  and  a  more  complete 
account  a  vear  later.   Claims  against  the  estate  submitted  bv 


42  RHODE  ISLAND  IIISTOKUAL  SOCIKTY 

1785  totalled  more  than  £4UUUj  a  part  of  this  sum  had 
already  been  paid  out  by  the  general  treasurer,  but  about 
£1192  was  still  in  dispute.  By  1786,  legitimate  debts 
remaining  unpaid  had  mounted  to  more  than  £2287. 
Accounts  receivable  were  estimated  at  about  £1100,  but 
more  than  £948  of  this  sum  was  owed  by  Governor  Brown 
of  Bermuda,  from  whom  no  payment  was  to  be  expected. 
About  £151  was  due  on  small  accounts,  regarding  which  a 
committee  declared:  "we  imagine  it  will  be  almost  impos- 
sible to  Collect  the  same  unless  the  Debtors  are  so  Honest 
as  to  pay  the  Same  without  a  Law  Suit." 

Rhode  Island  realized  very  little  profit  from  the  Wanton 
transactions.  From  proceeds  of  £5474  were  paid  claims 
amounting  to  at  least  £5196.  In  1786  there  were  a  few 
pieces  of  real  estate  yet  to  be  disposed  of,  including  a  New- 
port wharf  "in  very  ruinous  condition."  Even  when  the 
latter  was  sold  for  a  good  price,  other  expenses  had  to  be 
met,  including  fees  for  the  various  State  agents  who  had 
administered  and  auctioned  off  the  properties.  Unexpected 
claims  appeared  for  several  years.  In  1787,  for  instance, 
the  town  of  Jamestown  protested  that  a  piece  of  the  farm 
taken  from  Colonel  Wanton  had  been  reserved,  by  the  will 
of  a  previous  owner,  for  a  windmill  site.  The  State  released 
half  an  acre  to  the  town.  As  late  as  1  795  the  general  treas- 
urer had  to  pay  Robert  Lawton  more  than  £249  on  a  debt 
long  due  from  the  firm  of  Joseph  &  William  Wanton.  The 
Wanton  property  was  by  no  means  the  only  confiscated 
estate  which  yielded  little  profit.  After  wasting  a  great  deal 
of  energy  in  probating  small  claims,  the  legislature  released 
ten  or  twelve  other  loyalist  estates  to  the  private  creditors. 

The  meticulous  nature  of  loyalist  legislation  stands  out 
most  strikingly  in  measures  affecting  the  personal  freedoni 
of  the  wives  and  families  of  refugees.  Thus  we  find  Mary 
Brightman,  the  mother  of  three  small  children,  being- 
allowed  the  milk  from  one  confiscated  cow.  The  wife  of 
James  Austin  was  given  one  cow,  two  heifers,  two  barrels 
of  cider,  and  her  husband's  furniture.  Elizabeth  Wightman, 


T  H  K  W  A  X  lO  X   FA  M  1  L  Y  43 

who  had  to  support  an  idiot  child,  was  granted  the  use  of 
her  husband's  boat,  and  of  a  part  of  his  house,  which  she 
could  either  live  in  or  rent  to  someone  else.  And  a  Newport 
miss  was  permitted  to  go  to  New  York,  while  the  British 
troops  were  still  there,  in  order  to  leave  her  illegitimate 
child  with  its  father. 

Loyalism  was  not  a  serious  problem  in  Rhode  Island, 
There  was  little  violence,  and  practically  no  mob  action 
against  the  Tories^  at  least  a  half-dozen  estates  were 
returned  to  the  original  owners;  land  seizures  and  other 
restrictive  measures  were  carried  out  in  a  legal  and  orderly 
fashion.  Two  circumstances  contributed  to  the  success  of 
these  methodical  proceedings:  —  the  conscientious  admin- 
istration of  anti-loyalist  laws,  and  the  small  number  of 
loyalists.  Some  fifty  Tories,  mostly  men,  left  Newport  with 
the  British  army  in  October,  1 779.  Perhaps  an  equal  number 
lived  in  South  County,  and  a  few  in  scattered  localities 
elsewhere.  Not  more  than  a  hundred  loyalists  had  sufficient 
property  for  the  State  to  bother  with;  some  confiscated 
properties  belonged  to  former  residents  of  Massachusetts, 
including  Thomas  Hutchinson,  Andrew  Oliver,  and  Samuel 
Sewall.  If  we  credit  the  active  Rhode  Island  loyalists  with 
an  average  family  of  five,  the  total  number  would  be  about 
a  thousand,  or  less  than  two  per  cent  of  the  population.  By 
occupation  the  loyalists  came  from  all  walks  of  life,  though 
a  majority  were  merchants.  Of  the  thirty-seven  Tories 
exiled  in  July  1  780,  twenty-two  were  merchants  or  traders, 
four  were  listed  as  "gentlemen,"  four  as  mariners,  one  was 
a  cordwainer,  five  could  be  classified  as  farmers,  and  one 
was  a  clergyman  —  George  Bisset,  the  rector  of  Trinit\' 
Church. 

It  would  be  very  difficult  to  determine  just  how  much  the 
State  treasury  profited  from  confiscation.  Agents  turned  in 
their  collections  haphazardly,  and  were  paid  for  their  work 
at  the  convenience  of  the  legislature.  The  State  lost  some 
profit  by  having  to  sue  tenants  for  arrears  of  rent,  and  to 
proceed  against  some  purchasers  of  confiscated  estates  for 


44  RllODK  ISLAND  U  ISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

not  meeting  deferred  payments  on  time.  Estates  were  fre- 
quently rented  for  produce  —  corn,  rye,  cheese,  butter  — 
which  was  not  reported  in  cash  terms.  Some  lands  were 
allocated  to  soldiers  in  lieu  of  wages j  hrewood  for  poor 
relief  was  cut  from  loyalist  woodlotsj  and  state-controlled 
lands  were  exempted  from  taxation.  Many  of  the  financial 
records  available,  moreover,  cannot  easily  be  translated  into 
modern  values  because  they  were  kept  in  terms  of  Con- 
tinental paper  money  which  sometimes  depreciated  so 
rapidly  that  its  worth,  in  specie,  changed  monthly. 
Apparently  the  State  made  the  most  profit  on  sales  to 
Providence  men,  since  the  patriot  group  in  that  city,  includ- 
ing the  Brown  family,  could  afford  to  submit  substantial 
bids  at  land  auctions.  Several  loyalist  holdings  were  sold  to 
State  officers  and  members  of  the  legislature.  In  1789,  a 
committee  was  appointed  to  make  a  general  report  on  con- 
fiscated estates,  with  special  attention  to  sums  of  money  still 
due  the  government.  The  report,  made  in  1791,  stated  that 
the  whole  business  was  in  the  utmost  confusion:  —  records 
had  been  lost,  people  who  knew  about  some  important 
dealings  had  died,  debts  could  not  be  collected,  some  claims 
could  not  be  substantiated,  and  so  on.  The  State  had  liquid- 
ated its  major  realty  holdings  by  1800. 

Rhode  Island  administered  all  property  temporarily  in 
its  care  with  a  fine  regard  for  equity  as  well  as  for  law.  Such 
scrupulosity  is  not  common  to  revolutionary  movements. 
The  story  of  the  loyalists  indicates  that  Rhode  Islanders 
possessed  a  generous  measure  of  that  \'ital  force  known  as 
the  "New  EnR-land  Conscience." 


Mrs.  Joseph  Wanton 


46  RllODK  ISLAND  11  ISTORICAL  SOCIETY 


The  so-called  "Fenner  Garrison  House" 

Sometime  before  King  Philip's  War,  Arthur  Fenner 
built  a  house  near  the  Pocasset  River  in  what  is  now  the 
City  of  Cranston,  near  the  present  northern  line  of  the  city. 
The  Rev.  J.  P.  Root'  stated  that  this  house  was  "said  to  have 
been  built  in  1662,  and  Miss  Kimball"  thought  that  it  was 
built  shortly  after  1654.  This  house  is  indicated  on  a  plat 
of  1661"  and  Mr.  Isham^  considered  that  it  was  built  about 
1655. 

According  to  a  tradition  the  house  was  used  as  a  garrison 
house  during  King  Philip's  War. 

Root,  doubting  the  tradition,  wrote  in  1886  in  regard  to 
this  house',  "If  it  was  ever  selected  as  a  garrison  house 
during  the  Indian  wars,  to  which  the  terror  stricken  inhabi- 
tants might  flee  for  refuge  from  their  savage  foes,  as  tradi- 
tion afiirms,  its  burning  rendered  the  position  untenable  and 
Fenner  doubtless  removed  to  Stamper's  Fort,  as  his 
headquarters." 

Root  also  tells  us  that  Fenner's  second  house,  which  was 
built  after  King  Philip's  War  on  the  same  site,  had  for 
generations  been  known  as  "Fenner  Castle" '. 

Richard  M.  Baylies  in  his  History  of  Providence  County'' 
(  1  891 )  follows  the  tradition  stating  "The  garrison  house  or 
castle  of  Captain  Arthur  Fenner"  was  erected  "about  1 668." 
He  evidently  confused  the  second  house,  the  so-called 
"castle"  with  the  earlier  house  which  was  said  to  have  been 
the  garrison  house. 

J.  Earl  Clauson  in  his  Cnuistoii:  a  Historical  Sketch' 
(1904)  records  the  tradition  as  follows:  "Captain  Arthur 
Fenner  was  placed  in  command  of  a  body  of  eight  men  to 
defend  a  garrison  house  on  the  banks  of  the  Pocasset  River 
near  what  is  now  Thornton  village." 

1  he  reason  for  beliex'ing  that  the  Arthur  Fenner  house 
"near  the  Pt)casset"  was  a  garrison  house,  is  that  during  the 


THE  FEXXER  GARRISON  HOUSE  47 

nineteenth  centurv'  it  was  referred  to  as  the  Fenner  Garrison 
House. 

The  reasons  for  not  believing  that  the  Arthur  Fenner 
house  "near  the  Pocasset"  was  a  garrison  house  in  King 
Philip's  War  are: 

1.  There  is  no  contemporary  reference  to  it  as  a  garrison 
house. 

2.  A  garrison  house  was  authorized"  for  Providence,  on 
June  14,  1676.  Two  places  had  been  suggested,  both  in 
the  compact  part  of  Providence,  one  at  the  north  end  and 
the  other  in  the  southern  part  of  the  town.'' 

3.  The  Fenner  House  near  the  Pocasset  was  isolated  and 
there  would'have  been  no  military  advantage  in  fortify- 
ing it.  It  could  scarcely  have  been  used  as  a  refuge  for 
persons  living  in  the  vicinity,  as  the  Jireh  Bull  house  was 
used,  because  there  were  no  families  living  in  that 
vicinity. 

4.  The  house  was  destroyed  before  January  14,  1 676'"  and 
Fenner  was  not  appointed  commander  of  the  garrison 
house  "  until  June  14,  at  least  five  months  after  his  house 
"in  the  woods"  near  the  Pocasset  River  had  been 
destroyed. 

5.  The  house  wherein  he  was  stationed  in  the  compact  part 
of  Providence,  was  called  the  garrison  house,  and  so 
might  well  have  been  referred  to  as  the  Arthur  Fenner 
Garrison  house  and  this  nariie  might  later,  in  the  con- 
fused nineteenth  century  traditions,  have  been  trans- 
ferred from  this  house  to  Arthur  Fenner's  homestead  in 
Cranston. 

Documents 

I 

On  January  14,  1675-6  (Jan.  14,  1675  old  style)  Roger 
Williams  refers  to  "an  Indian  house  half  a  mile  froni  where 
Capt.   Fenner's  house   (now  burned)   did  stand."''    The 


48  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

parenthesis  are  Williams  and  the  letter  shows  that  Fenner's 
house  in  the  woods  near  the  Pocasset  River  had  been  burned 
before  January  14,  1676. 

II 

Roger  Williams  also  wrote  in  regard  to  Fenner's  house: 
"It  pleased  the  Most  High  to  stur  up  the  Spirit  of  the 
noble  Genl  Winslow  and  his  Army  to  adventure  to  pursue 
the  Barbarians  in  a  (New  England)  Bitter  Winter,  Capt. 
Fenner  had  lost  his  houseing  &  Cattle  but  his  Stacks  of  hay 
(22)  &  his  fencing  &c  God  sufferd  Not  the  Pagans  to 
destroy.  But  your  army  (  against  their  wills )  found  it  nec- 
essary to  fodder  their  Horses  and  make  themselves  Lodg- 
ings with  the  22  stacks  and  to  make  them  selves  hres  with  all 
his  fencing  and  with  whatever  was  about  the  farm,  Com- 
bustable.'"' 

The  fact  that  Winslow  and  his  arniy  encamped  at  the 
ruins  of  Fenner's  house  and  the  fact  that  later  Fenner 
commanded  a  garrison  at  Providence  seem  to  have  become 
merged  and  confused  in  a  popular  oral  tradition  that  Fenner 
commanded  a  garrison  at  his  own  house  near  the  Pocasset 
River. 

H.  M.  C. 


^A  paper  read  before  the  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society  in  1886  and 
printed  in  Rhode  Island  Historical  Magazine,  VII,  23. 

"Gertrude  S.  Kimball  in  Providence  in  Colonial  Times,  113. 

'^' Documentary  History  oj Rhode  Island  bv  H.  M.  Chapin,  I,  op.  p.  158. 

*  Early  Rhode  Island  Houses  bv  Isham  and  Brown,  2  5. 

'^ Rhode  Island  Historical  Magazine,  \\\,  24. 

M,  747. 

^p.8. 

*/?./.  Col.Rec.  II,  545. 

'■'R.  I.  H.  S.  Coll.  \\  168  (Staples'  Annals  of  Providence). 

^"Narragansett  Clnh  Publications,  VI,  379. 

^^R.I.Col.Rec.U,  546. 

'^-Narragansett  Club  Pub.  \,  379. 

'■'R.  I.  Historical  Tracts,  XIV,  60,  Letter  dated  Aug.  2  5,  1678. 


librarian's  report  49 

Report  of  the  Library  Committee  and  of  the 
Librarian  for  1937 

In  the  report  for  1935,  which  was  prhited  in  the  Collec- 
tions for  April  1936,  we  outlined  the  aims  and  objectives  of 
the  Society  and  noted  the  extent  of  our  progress  in  these 
directions. 

It  may  be  of  interest  to  examine  the  present  condition  of 
our  building  and  see  how  well  it  is  serving  its  purpose. 

While  the  shelving  in  the  Rhode  Island  Historical 
Society  building  is  sufficient  to  take  care  of  the  normal 
growth  of  the  library  for  the  next  few  years,  in  fact  possibly 
for  the  next  ten  years,  the  space  available  for  portraits  and 
for  museum  objects  is  already  overcrowded. 

More  than  half  of  the  portraits  owned  by  the  Society 
have  to  be  stored  on  the  third  floor  owing  to  lack  of  available 
wall  space.  At  hrst  glance  such  an  overcrowded  condition 
would  seem  to  call  for  an  immediate  enlargement  of  the 
building.  However  an  examination  of  the  portraits  from 
the  points  of  view  of  the  importance  of  the  subject  in  Rhode 
Island  affairs,  and  the  importance  of  the  artist  in  the  history 
and  development  of  art  in  America,  shows  clearly  that  most 
of  the  stored  portraits  are  kept  merely  because  they  are 
portraits  of  Rhode  Islanders,  not  because  of  the  importance 
of  the  subject  nor  of  the  artist. 

It  seems  quite  reasonable  indeed  that  a  state  portrait 
gallery  might,  and  indeed  should,  restrict  the  portraits  on 
display  to  those  of  persons  prominent  and  influential  in  the 
affairs  of  the  state,  and  to  those  by  artists  who  have  been 
influential  in  the  development  of  art  in  the  state.  The 
question  might  then  be  asked,  why  preserve  the  other 
portraits  at  all.  The  answer  to  this  is  threefold:  these 
portraits  in  years  to  come  may  be  of  interest  and  value  to 
genealogists  who  can  trace  descent  from  the  subject,  or  to 


50  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

historical  students,  who  may  find  some  evidence  in  regard 
to  clothing,  hair  arrangement  and  other  social  customs, 
which  may  not  have  been  recorded  in  any  other  easily 
accessible  place,  to  students  of  the  history  of  art,  who  may 
find  in  these  portraits  trends  in  composition  and  technique, 
which  may  throw  light  on  the  development  of  American  art. 

The  most  difficult  problem  for  the  immediate  future 
policy  of  the  Society  is  that  of  the  museum.  Already  the 
space  available  for  museum  objects  is  inadequate  for  those 
now  owned  by  the  Society  and  there  is  no  space  for  future 
growth. 

The  acceptance  of  objects  for  our  museum  has  already 
been  restricted  to  objects  that  illustrate  some  mode  of  life 
now  changed  or  forgotten,  and  to  objects  that  are  associated 
with  some  person  or  event  of  importance  in  the  history  of 
our  state. 

With  adequate  space  and  with  sufficient  funds  for  the 
purchase  of  proper  cases,  the  number  of  objects  in  our 
museum  could  be  increased  many  fold  in  a  few  years  without 
any  expenditures  for  purchases. 

Without  such  additional  space  and  funds,  it  is  already 
necessary  for  us  to  curtail  considerably  the  number  of  objects 
which  we  can  accept.  A  temporary  relief  of  our  museum 
congestion  resulted  from  our  loaning  a  large  number  of 
rather  large  objects  to  the  South  County  Barn  Museum. 

To  properly  house  in  modern  museum  cases  our  museum 
which  is  on  the  second  floor  of  this  building,  would  cost 
about  $15,000.  To  adequately  house  the  objects  stored  on 
the  third  floor  would  cost  $5,000  more,  but  the  third  floor 
space  will  only  be  available  for  museum  objects  for  perhaps 
ten  years,  for  after  that  time  it  will  be  needed  for  books 
accumulated  in  the  normal  routine  growth  of  the  library. 
Then  it  will  be  necessary  either  to  enlarge  the  building  or 
to  deposit  many  of  our  museum  objects  in  some  other 
institution. 


NEW  PUP.LICATIOXS 


51 


New  Publications  of  Rhode  Island  Interest 

The  Case  aga'mst  Anne  Hutchinson  by  Edmund  S. 
Morgan  is  an  article  in  ^the  December  1937  issue  of  the 
New  England  Quarterly. 

Notes  and  Queries  Concerning  the  Early  Bounds  and 
Divisions  of  the  Toiinship  of  East  Greenwich  by  William 
Davis  Miller  was  issued  in  December  1937  by  the  Society 
of  Colonial  Wars  in  Rhode  Island  as  a  pamphlet  of  19 
pages. 

Descendants  of  Robert  Burdick  of  Rhode  Island  by 
Nellie  W.  Johnson,  1400  pages,  was  published  at  Syracuse, 
New  York  in  1937. 

Rochanibeau  Monument  and  Foreign  Propaganda  by 
Perry  Belmont  is  a  pamphlet  of  32  pages  printed  at 
Newport  in  1938. 


Notes 

The  following  persons  have  been  elected  to  membership 
in  the  Society: 


Mrs.  Leroy  E.  Dickinson 
Mr.  Robert  Jenks  Beede 
Mr.  Edwin  Harris 
Mr.  George  R.  Urquhart 

Mrs.  Raymond  M.  Nickerson 
Mr,  Coles  Hegeman 


Mr.  Llewellyn  W.  Jones 
Mr.  R.  Foster  Reynolds 
Mr.  Amos  M.  Bowen 
Mr.  Robert  F.  Shepard 
Mrs.  Horton  Baker 
Mrs.  Albert  Horton 


Mr.  Mortimer  L.  Burbank 


52  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Rhode  Island  Historical  Society 
Treasurer's  Report 

INCOME  ACCOUNT  FOR  THE  YEAR   1937 


Receipts 

Annual  Dues   $2,180.00 

Dividends  and  Interest  3,784.26 

Rental  of  Rooms  100.00 

State  Appropriation  1,500.00 

Newspaper 2.50 

$7,566.76 


Expenditures 

Binding $       45.33 

Books 218.33 

Electric  Light  and  Gas 59.46 

Lectures 1  18.95 

Expense    81.52 

Grounds  and  Building 41 .28 

Heating 700.00 

Publication   440.63 

Salaries   5,5  80.00 

Supplies    1  37.30 

Telephone 5  3.70 

Water  8.00 

$7,484.50 

Surplus  Income  Account  82.26 


$7,566.76 


treasurer's  report  53 

STATEMENT  OF  CONDITION,  DECEMBER  31,   1937 


Assets 

Grounds  and  Building  $   25,000.00 

Investments: 

$3,000.   Central  Mfg.  District $3,000.00 

4,000.   Dominion  of  Canada^  5s,  1952 4,003.91 

4,000.   Minn.  Power  &  Light  Co.,  1st  5s,  195  5    3,930.00 
2,000.   Ohio  Power  &  Co.,  1st  &  Ref.  5s,  1952    1,974.00 

1,000.   Indianapolis  P.  &  L.,  1st,  5s,  1957 994.50 

1,000.  TexasP.  &L.,  IstRef.  5s,  1956 1,021.25 

1,000.   Pennsylvania  R.  R.,  Deb.  4i^s,  1970         922.50 
1,000.   Penn.'Water&  Power  Co.,  1st  5s,  1940    1,005.42 

5,000.   Bethlehem  Steel  Corp.  4>^s,  1960 5,225.00 

3,000.  Western  Mass.  Com.  314s,  1946 3,086,25 

3,000.   Consolidated  Gas  Co.  of  N.  Y.   3}'4S, 

1946  3,131.25 

4,000.    Broadway  Exch.  Corp.  1st  Mtge.  Cert,  l 

1950  r4,000.00 

8  shs.  Class  A  Broadway  Exch.  Corp. J 

$     500.   Pennsylvania  Railroad  Co.  314s,  1952         500.00 
500.   New  York  Central  Railroad  Co.  3;4s^ 

1952   509.39 

54  shs.  New  York  Central  Railroad  Co 3,654.62 

30  shs.  Lehigh  Valley  Railroad  Co 2,112.50 

7  shs.  Lehigh  ^'alley  Coal  Co 23  5.39 

125  shs.  Pennsylvania  Railroad  Co 7,638.35 

40  shs.  Milwaukee  Elec.  Ry.  &  Lt.  Co.,  Pfd.    3,900.00 
70  shs.  American  Telephone  &  Telegraph  Co.   6,591.72 

3  50  shs.  Providence  Gas  Co. 5,75  5.68 

1  5  shs.  Providence  National  Bank /        - 1  j  /  -> 

1  5  shs.  Providence  Nat'l  Corp.  Trust  Cert.^ 

45  shs.  Blackstone  Canal  National  Bank 1,0  50.00 

5  2  shs.  Atchison,  Topeka  &  Santa  Fe  Rv.  Co. 

Com ' 6,247.85 

45  shs.  Public  Service  of  N.  J.,  5s,  Cum.  Pfd.  .   4,3  1  7.63 

22  shs.  Continental  Can ' 1 ,446.02 

40  shs.  Bankers  Trust  Co.  of  N.  Y 2,61  5.00 

2  shs.  Guaranty  Trust  Co.  of  N.  Y.  706.00 

Savings  Account 2,000.00 

83,087.85 

Cash  on  hand  3,5  39.74 

$1  11,627.59 


54  R 1 1  ODE  1  SLA  X  D  H  1 STORI CAL  SOCI ET  Y 

LlABU.I  riKS 

Equipment  Fund  $    25,000.00 

Permanent  Endowment  Fund: 

Samuel  M.  Noyes $  1  2,000.00 

Henry  J.  Stecre 10,000.00 

James  H.  Bugbee 6,000.00 

Charles  H.  Smith 5,000.00 

William  H.  Potter 3,000.00 

Charles  W.  Parsons 4,000.00 

Esek  A.  jillson 2,000.00 

John  Wilson   Smith 1,000.00 

William  G.  Weld 1,000.00 

Charles  C.  Hoskins 1 ,000.00 

Charles  H.  Atwood 1,000.00 

Edwin  P.  Anthony  4,000.00 

John  F.  Street 1 ,000.00 

George  L.  Shepley  5,000.00 

Franklin  Lvceum   Memorial 734.52 

56,734.52 


Publication  Fund: 

Robert   P.   Brown 2,000.00 

Ira  P.  Peck 1 ,000.00 

William  Gammcll  1,000.00 

Albert  J.  Jones 1,000.00 

William  Ely 1 ,000.00 

Julia  Bullock  500.00 

Charles  H.  Smith 1  00.00 

6,600.00 

Life   Membership  5,600.00 

Book  Fund  3,0  1  2.41 

Reserve  691 .88 

Revolving  Publication  Fund 25  5.45 

Surplus   12,538.15 

Surplus  income  .Account  1,195.18 


$1  1  1,627.59 


treasurer's  report  55 


PRINCIPAL  ACCOUNT  FOR  THE  YEAR    193: 


Receipts 

Reserve  Fund  $  6.00 

Revolving  Publication  Fund  13.00 

$  19.00 

Balance  January  1,  1937 3,409.95 

$3,428.95 

Payments 

Reserve  Fund  $         75.00 

Pennsyh^inia  Railroad  Company 500.00 

New  York  Central  Railroad  Company' 509.39 

$1,084.39 
Balance  December  31,  1937 2,344.56 

$3,428.95 
Respectfully  submitted, 

Robert  T.  Downs, 

Trecisurer 

January  6,  1938 


56  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

The  Gore  Roll  of  Arms 

By  Harold  Bowditch 

{continued  jroni  vol.  XXXI ,  page  32) 

92.  (99.)  (71.) 
McAdams.  Kilby,  Clark. 

Arms:  Gules  three  crosslets  fitchy  gold;  charged  with 
an  escutcheon  of  pretence  quartered: 

1 .  &  4.  Silver  three  bars  and  in  chief  three  rings  azure. 

2.  &  3.  Silver  a  bend  lavender  between  three  roundles 
sable  on  the  bend  a  ragged  staff  sable. 

Wreath :  Gold,  gules. 

Crest:  A  crosslet  gold  and  a  sword  silver  pomel  and 
hilt  gold  point  uppermost  crossed  saltirewise. 

Motto  (on  a  scroll  above  the  crest):  Crux  Mihi  Grata 
Quies. 

Legend:  Gilbert  McAdams  -  /  McAdams  &  Kilby.  Be- 
side the  sinister  side  of  the  shield  are  written  in  ink,  one 
above  another,  the  names:  McAdams,  Kilby,  Clark. 

Notes:  The  picture  is  painted  in  somewhat  pale  colors; 
the  extraordinary  color  of  the  bend  in  the  second  and  third 
quarters  of  the  escutcheon  is  probably  accounted  for  by  the 
artist  having  originally  painted  a  bend  in  some  color,  prob- 
ably red,  and  then  having  found  it  was  a  mistake  and  having 
washed  it  and  covered  it  with  white  paint;  and  then  having 
painted  the  ragged  staff  on  this  surface.  For  this  reason  it 
seems  probable  that  the  intended  arms  are:  Silver  a  ragged 
staff  in  bend  between  three  (2,  1 )  roundles  sable. 

As  stated  under  No.  90,  Captain  Ciilbert  McAdams,  of 
an  ancient  Ayrshire  family,  married  in  1757  Sarah,  widow 
of  Nathaniel  Cunningham  and  daughter  of  Christopher 
Kilby  by  his  first  wife  Sarah,  daughter  of  the  Hon.  William 
Clark.  As  Sarah  was  the  only  surviving  child  of  Christopher 
Kilby  the  presence  of  an  escutcheon  of  pretence  is  explained; 
but  as  her  mother  Sarah  Clark  had  brothers  (  Robert  and 


GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS 


57 


Benjamin,  both  living  in  1 7+9  j  see  Heraldic  Journal  II  48, 
74-76  )  she  was  not  an  heraldic  heiress  so  that  her  daughter 
should  not  properly  have  quartered  her  arms. 

The  Kilby  arms  have  been  considered  under  No.  90. 
The  quartering  intended  for  Clark,  A  ragged  staff  be- 
tween three  roundles,  is  t-o  be  found  on  two  gravestones  in 
Copp's  Hill  Burying  Ground  in  Boston :  that  of  John  Clarke, 
armiger,  physician,  who  died  in  1728,  and  that  of  William 
Clark,  Esq.,  merchant,  whose  date  of  death  is  not  given 
(Bridgman,  Epitaphs  in  Copp's  Hill  Burying  Ground, 
illustrated. ) 

In  the  Heraldic  Journal  II  48,  74-76,  are  articles  from 
which  the  following  synopsis  of  the  pedigree  is  made: 
John'  Clark,  of- Newbury,  physician,  died   1664imarried 

Martha  Saltonstall  and  had 
John'   Clark,   only   son,  physician,   died    1690j    married 

Martha  Whittingham  and  had 
John'  Clark,  physician,  died  1728,  buried  at  Copp's  Hill ^ 

married  ( 1 )  Sarah  Shrimpton  through  whom  his  des- 
cendants continue.   John'  and  Martha  (Whittingham) 

Clark  also  had 
William'  Clark  whom  the  writer  identifies  as  the  Hon. 

William  Clark,  merchant,  who  is  buried  at  Copp's  Hill ; 

married  Sarah who  was  his  administratrix  in  1742. 

Their  eldest  daughter 
Sarah*  Clark  married  in    1726  Christopher  Kilby,  born 

1704,  died  1771  ^   (she  died  1739  — see  Register  26 

pp.  43_48).  They  had 
Sarah  Kilby  whose  marriage  to  Captain  Gilbert  Mcxldams 

is  commemorated  in  No.  92  of  the  Gore  Roll. 
The  coat  here  given  for  Clarke  and  previously  used  on 
the  stones  at  Copp's  Hill  has  not  been  found  under  this 
name  in  Edmondson  or  Burke  j  it  appears  to  be  a  variant  of 
a  well  known  Clark  coat:  Silver  a  bend  gules  between  three 
roundles  sable  on  the  bend  three  swans  silver.  So  far  as  I 
know  no  valid  claim  to  this  coat  exists  on  the  part  of  any 
American  Clark  familv. 


58  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Papworth  gives  a  bend  raguly  between  three  or  six 
roundles  for  Walworth,  a  bend  embattled  between  six 
roundles  for  Burnell,  and  a  ragged  staff  in  bend  between 
seven  roundles  for  Sayre. 

The  coat  given  for  McAdams,  Gules  three  crosslets  titchy 
gold,  is  found  in  Papworth  only  under  the  name  Kirby, 
and  with  the  crosslets  silver  under  Fitz  Eustace  j  the  name 
McAdams  is  not  found  attached  to  any  coat  of  this  type. 
Nor  is  this  coat  to  be  found  under  the  name  of  McAdams  in 
Burke  (1884),  Paul  (1903),  Seton  (1863)  or  Nisbet 
(1804).  Considering  Tuttle's  statement  (Register  26  43- 
48)  that  Captain  Gilbert  McAdams  came  from  an  ancient 
Ayrshire  family  this  is  surprising,  the  more  so  as  both  the 
crest  and  the  motto  have  some  connection  with  the  name. 

The  crest  is  found  in  Fairbairn  for  Macadam  of  Scotland: 
A  crosslet  jitchy  and  a  sword  in  saltire  gules ^  but  Fairbairn 
gives  no  coats  of  arms.  Fairbairn  records  another  crest  for 
Macadam  or  McAdam  of  Scotland:  A  stag's  head  couped 
proper,  and  for  the  family  who  bear  this  crest  he  records 
two  mottos:  Calm!  and  Crux  Mihi  Grata  Quies. 

Johnston  is  a  little  more  specific  about  these  mottos,  stat- 
ing that  Crux  Mihi  Grata  Quies  is  placed  under  the  arn^is 
and  Calm  above  the  crest. 

To  sum  up  the  whole:  the  Kilby  arms  appear  to  be  un- 
recorded except  in  the  Gore  Roll  j  the  Clark  arms  appear  to 
be  a  variant  of  a  well  known  coat  for  that  name,  and  close 
to  the  arms  of  Walworth  and  of  Sayre  j  and  the  McAdams 
arms,  not  found  elsewhere,  bear  a  modification  of  a  recorded 
Macadam  crest  and  are  accompanied  by  a  motto,  above  in- 
stead of  below  the  picture,  which  attaches  to  a  dijfferent 
McAdam  family. 

93.  (91.)  (67.) 
Sayward. 

Arms:   Gules  a  fess  silver  between  two  chevrons  ermine 
on  the  fess  three  leopard's  faces  gules. 
Wreath:  Silver,  gules. 


GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  59 

Crest:  A  lion's  head  silver  spotted  with  sable  fas  there 
is  little  or  no  mane  it  may  be  intended  for  an  ounce's  head ). 

Legend:  Say  ward  of  York  /  1760. 

Notes:  This  is  a  finished  painting.  Whitmore  says  that 
Henry  Sayward  was  of  York,  Maine,  in  1 664.  He  describes 
the  crest  as  a  tiger's  head^but  mentions  no  tincture  j  in  the 
Child  copy  it  is  a  thick  necked  head  colored  purple  with  a 
coppery  sheen,  such  as  might  be  produced  by  an  indelible 
pencil,  and  spotted  with  white. 

The  arms  are  evidently  intended  for  those  of  Seward. 
Seward  of  Stoke  Meyned,  co.  Devon,  bore:  Gules  a  fess 
gold  between  two  che^'rons  ermine,  on  the  fess  three 
leopards  azure  (  Edmondson )  j  Burke  gives  a  variant  of  the 
arms  of  this  family,  blazoning  on  the  fess  three  leopard's 
faces  azure,  which  with  two  alterations  of  tincture  gives  us 
the  arms  appearing  in  the  Gore  Rollj  he  also  records  for 
Seward  of  Teignhead,  co.  Devon,  a  coat  of  the  same  design 
but  differing  tinctures:  Silver  a  fess  azure  between  two  chev- 
rons ermine  on  the  fess  three  leopard's  faces  silver. 

The  crest  has  not  been  found  under  a  number  of  spellings 
of  the  name. 

94.  (92.)  (Omitted.) 

ScOLLAY. 

Arms:  Azure  three  ducks  silver. 

No  wreath,  no  crest. 

Legend:  Scolly. 

Notes:  A  crude  drawing,  the  field  tricked  "azuer"  and 
one  of  the  birds  "argent". 

Whitmore  records  no  tinctures;  but  in  the  Child  copy  in 
its  present  condition  the  field  is  gilded  and  the  birds  are 
wholly  blue. 

The  intended  species  of  the  birds  would  be  hard  to  say; 
assuming  that  they  are  intended  for  swans,  the  coat  is  that 
of  Scholar:  Azure  three  swans  silver  (  Edmondson ). 


60  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

95.  (93.)  (Omitted.) 
Whitwell, 

Arms:  Gules  a  fess  cheeky  silver  and  sable  double  cotised 
gold. 

Wreath : , . 

Crest:  A  griffins'  head  erased  gold. 

Legend:   By  the  Name  of  Whitwell. 

Notes:  A  carelessly  executed  drawing  with  the  tinctures 
tricked.  Whitmore  omits  mention  of  the  crest. 

Whitwell  of  Staffordshire  bore:  Gules  a  fess  cheeky  be- 
tween two  gemels  gold  (Edmondson);  this  blazon  omits 
the  tinctures  of  the  fess,  which  are  gold  and  sable  (Burke). 
The  only  variation  in  the  Gore  Roll  drawing  is  that  the 
gold  in  the  fess  is  replaced  by  silver. 

96.(94.)  (Omitted.) 
Kneeland. 

Arms:  Sable  a  lion  gold  holding  in  his  dexter  paw  an 
escutcheon  silver  charged  with  a  cross  patty  gules. 

Wreath:  Gold,  gray  (i.  e.,  sable). 

Crest:  A  demi-lion  silver  the  tongue  and  claws  gules. 

Legend:  Thos.  Kneeland  of  Essex. 

Notes:  This  is  a  finished  though  poorh'  executed  paint- 
ing. The  demi-lion  of  the  crest  is  heavily  shaded  with  gray, 
and  the  same  color  has  been  used  in  the  crest-wreath. 

Dr.  Buck  supplies  the  identification:  Keling,  co.  Middle- 
sex, 1632.  Keling  of  Hackney,  co.  Middlesex,  bore  exactly 
the  arms  shown  in  the  Gore  Roll  with  the  additional  feat- 
ures that  the  lion  holds  in  both  paws  an  escutcheon  charged 
with  a  cross  fitchy  at  the  foot  gules,  and  this  may  be  true  in 
the  Gore  Roll  painting  as  well,  for  it  is  hard  to  tell  whether 
the  little  point  is  accidental  or  not;  their  crest  was:  From  a 
mural  crown  a  demi-lion  and  escutcheon  as  in  the  arms.  The 
arms  and  crest  of  Keiling  of  Newcastle  under  I>ine,  Staf- 
fordshire, were  essentially  the  same  ( l\dmondson  ). 


GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  61 

97.  (95.)  (68.) 
Peperell. 

Arms:  Silver  a  chevron  gules  between  three  pine-apples 
vert,  a  canton  gules  charged  with  a  fleur-de-lys  silver,  on 
the  chevron  the  badge  of  a  baronet. 

Crest:   From  a  mural  crown  with  three  buds  between  the 

battlements  silver  an  arm  embowed  in  armor the  naked 

hand  supporting  a  staff  erect from  which  flies  a  flag 

silver. 

Mottos:  (Above  the  crest)  Peperi  j  (below  the  arms)  in 
ink:  Virj  this  has  been  smudged  and  replaced  in  pencil: 
Virtute  P. 

Legend:  None. 

Notes:  These  arms  are  clumsily  drawn  in  ink,  with  most 
of  the  tinctures  indicated  in  tricking.  No  name  is  attached  j 
but  the  arms,  as  Whitmore  observes,  "are  clearly  those  of 
Sir  William  Peperell"  j  he  misnames  the  crown  in  the  crest 
a  ducal  coronet. 

William  Peperell,  merchant,  was  born  in  Tavistock,  co. 
Devon,  came  to  America  and  lived  in  Kittery,  Maine  j  his 
son  William  Peperell,  merchant,  member  of  the  Council 
for  32  years,  was  created  a  baronet  for  his  success  in  captur- 
ing Cape  Breton  ( Louisburg)  in  1745,  and  died  in  1759 
(Heraldic  Journal  I  183).  The  claim  to  arms  on  the  part 
of  this  family  is  found  in  a  letter  ( see  New  England  His- 
torical and  Genealogical  Register  19.147)  from  Sir  William 
Peperell:  speaking  of  a  gravestone  which  he  intends  to  have 
erected  in  memory  of  his  father,  who  died  in  1  733,  he  says, 
"I  would  have  his  Coat  of  arms  cut  on  it,  which  is  three  pine 
apples  proper,  but  you  will  find  it  in  ye  Herald's  Oflice,  it 
being  an  Ancient  Arms"  (Heraldic  Journal  I  88). 

William  Peperell,  Esq.,  Governor  of  New  England,  was 
created  a  baronet  15  November,  20  George  II  (1746) 
(Heylyn).  In  the  list  of  the  baronets  of  England  we  find: 
Peperell  of  the  province  of  Massachusetts  Bay  in  New- 
England,  patent  15  November  1746j  arms:  Silver  a  chev- 


62  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

ron  gules  between  three  pine-apples  vert,  on  a  canton  gules 
a  fleur-de-lys  silvery  crest:  In  a  mural  coronet  gold  an 
armed  arm  embowed  hefjceen  tzvo  laurel-branclies  issuing 
from  the  coronet  proper,  grasping  a  staff,  thereon  a  flag 
silver;  over  the  crest  this  word:  Peperi;  motto  under  the 
arms:  Virtute  Parta  Tuemini  (Edmondson).  The  Peperell 
family  seems  to  have  used  these  arms  at  least  since  the  mid- 
dle of  the  sixteenth  century  j  tricked  in  Harleian  Manus- 
cript 4632  by  Sir  Christopher  Barker  who  died  in  1 549  are 
the  Peperell  arms:  Silver  a  chevron  gules  between  three 
pine-apples  vertj  and  in  Additional  Manuscripts  28,  834 
by  Ralph  Brooke,  Rouge-croix  Pursuivant,  1587,  we  find 
for  Peperell  of  Cornwall  exactly  the  same  arms  ( Armory 
of  the  Western  Counties).  Piperell  of  Pineford,  co.  Devon, 
had  the  same  arms  (Risdon,  1608-1628). 

Nevertheless  the  arms  may  have  been  originally  those  of 
Apperley,  which  would  give  them  as  good  an  allusive  value 
as  when  borne  by  Piperell  of  Pineford;  for  Fox-Davies,  in 
his  "Complete  Guide  to  Heraldry"  page  277  says,  "The 
arms  of  John  Apperley,  as  given  in  the  Edward  III  Roll, 
are:  Argent,  a  chevron  gules  between  three  pineapples 
(fir-cones)  vert,  slipped  or".  This  would  seem  to  refer  to 
the  so-called  Cotgrave  Roll;  but  I  do  not  find  this  name  or 
blazon  in  the  "Rolls  of  Arms  of  the  Reigns  of  Henry  III. 
and  Edward  III."  edited  by  N.  H.  Nicolas  in  1829,  nor  in 
a  similar  Roll  of  the  time  of  Edward  I. 

Edmondson  assigns  to  Appuley  or  Appurley  the  same 
arms  except  that  the  pine-apples  are  gules;  and  to  Pepenrell 
or  Perperell  of  Cornwall  exactly  the  arms  given  by  Fox- 
Davies  under  Apperley  as  well  as  the  same  coat  with  the 
two  tinctures  of  the  pine-apples  transposed. 

Papworth  assigns  to  Grove:  Silver  a  chevron  between 
three  pine-apples  pendent  gules,  that  is,  the  arms  given  by 
Edmondson  to  Appuley  or  Appurley;  but  to  John  Apperley 
the  pine-apples  "pendents  tenons",  quoting  Jenyn's  Ordi- 
nary, partly  printed  by  Nicholas  in  1829  froni  the  manu- 


GORE  ROLL  OF  ARiSlS  63 

script  in  the  College  of  Arms  but  of  greater  length  in  Har- 
leian  Manuscript  6589. 

Sir  William  Peperell's  original  grant  and  confirmation 
of  arms,  augmentation  and  crest  is  preserved  in  The 
Athenaeum,  Portsmouth,  N.  H. 

98.  (96.)  (Omitted.) 
Beach. 

Arms:  Gules  three  lions  passant  gold  over  all  a  bend 
sable  charged  with  three  stag's  heads  cabossed  gold. 

Wreath: , . 

Crest:  A  bird  with  wings  elevated . 

Legend:  By  the  Name  of  Beach. 

Notes:  This  is  a  drawing  in  ink,  the  arms  alone  tricked. 
The  arms  of  Beche  were:  Gules  three  lions  passant  silver ^ 
on  a  bend  sable  three  huck^s  heads  cabossed  bold  (Edmond- 
son).  There  is  little  to  be  gained  by  arguing  whether  the 
charges  should  be  stag's  heads  or  buck's  heads  in  the  case  of 
a  sketch. 

99.  (97.)  (69.) 
Bell. 

Arms:  Azure  a  fess  ermine  between  three  church-bells 
gold. 

No  wreath,  no  crest. 

Legend:  Bell  of  Boston. 

Notes:  Tricked  drawing  in  ink  slightly  paler  than  the 
foregoing.  This  coat  is  found  in  the  Promptuarium  Arm- 
orum  125a. 

In  Trinity  Churchyard,  Newport,  Rhode  Island,  these 
arms  appear  on  the  gravestone  of  Martha,  wife  of  Mr. 
William  Bell,  who  died  in  1737  (Heraldic  Journal  III  9). 
The  tinctures,  except  ermine,  are  not  indicated.  The  crest 
is  an  eagle  ermine  (  Chapin,  Rhode  Island  Heraldry  p.  54). 

Various  families  of  Bell  seem  to  have  used  arms  similar  to 
these,  for  example: 


64  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Bell:  Sable  a  fess  ermine  between  three  church-bells 
silver •■,  Bell:  Sable  a  chevron  ermine  between  three  church- 
bells  silver;  crest,  A  hawk  with  wings  expanded  proper, 
bells  gold  ( Edmondson). 

Bell  of  Sunderland,  co.  Durham:  Sable  a  chevron  ermine 
between  three  church-bells  silver;  crest,  A  hawk  close 
proper,  beak  and  bells  gold;  Bell:  Azure  a  fess  between 
three  church -bells  gold  (  Burke  j. 

The  last  is  perhaps  the  closest  to  the  example  in  the  Gore 
Roll,  but  the  fess  as  well  as  the  bells  is  gold.  The  arms 
given  by  Burke  for  Bell  of  Sunderland,  co.  Durham,  are 
not  found  in  the  Visitations  of  Durham  of  1  575,  1615  and 
1666. 


This  is  the  end  of  the  original  Gore  Roll;  but  for  the 
sake  of  completeness  I  shall  add  a  coat  found  only  in  the 
Child  copy,  numbered  100,  and  apparently  inserted  after 
Whitmore  had  written  his  description  in  1865. 

(100.) 
Green. 

Arms: on  a  chief a  hind  passant  between  two 

stars  gold. 

Wreath:  Gold,---. 

Crest:  A  stag's  (buck's? )  head  gold. 

Legend:    (in  faint  pencil)  Green. 

Notes:  Child  copied  Whitmore's  description  into  the 
volume  containing  his  copy  of  the  Gore  Roll,  and  added  in 
pencil:  "1 00  From  Burke.  Arg.  Fretty  az,  on  each  a  Bezant, 
on  a  chief  a  Buck  trippant  betw.  2  mullets  or,  pierced  gu." 

Green  of  Milton-Chevsdon,  co.  Somerset,  granted  1 529: 
Silver  a  fret  azure  charged  with  nine  bezants,  on  a  chief 
sable  a  stag  tripping  gold  between  two  molets  gold  pierced 
gules;  crest:  A  cubit  arm  erect  clothed  vert  the  cuff  gold, 
holding  in  the  hand  a  bunch  of  holly  in  fruit  proper 
(Burke). 


Form  of  Lkgacy 


"/  give  and  bequeath  to  the  Rhode  Island 

Historical  Society  the  sum  of 

dollars." 


Roger  Williams  Press        'Mw'^ 


^t" 


E.  A.  Johnson  Co. 


PROVIDENCE 


Rhode    Island 
Historical     Society 

wV'-'^i''  1533  -. 

C  O  L  L  E  C  T  I  OW  S 


Vol.  XXXI 


JULY,   1938 


No.  3 


PORTR.^IT  OF  CORNELIUS  SOWLE 
P.MNTED  IN   CANTON,   CH1N.\ 

Nu'ci-  ill  the  S(uif/\'s  Gallery 


Issued  Quarter! \' 


68  Waterman  Street,  Providence,  Rhode  Island 


CONTENTS 


Cornelius  Sowle Cover 

Chinese  Portraits         ......  65 

William  H.  Townsend         .          .          .          .          .  67 

Stage-Coach  Routes    .          .          .          .          .          .  68 

Notes 71 

The  Influence  of  Birds  on  Rhode  Island 

Nomenclature     .          .          .          .          .          .  72 

Primogeniture  in  Rhode  Island    ....  76 

The  Notary  Public  in  Early  Rhode  Island      .          .  78 

The  Correction  of  Errors  in  Dates  in  some 

Block  Island  Records 79 

Privateer  Sloop  Independent         ....  82 

The  Gore  Roll  of  Arms  by  Harold  Bowditch  .          .  90 


RHODE 
HISTORICAL 


ISLAND 

SOCIETY 


COLLECTIONS 


Vol.  XXXI 


JULY,  1938 


No.  3 


Harry  Parsons  Cross,  President 
William  Davis  Miller,  Secretary 


Robert  T.  Downs,  Trejsiirer 
Howard  M.  Chapin,  Librarian 


The  Society  assumes  no  responsibility  for  the  statements  or  the  opinions 
of  contributors. 


Chinese  Portraits 

In  the  early  nineteenth  century  American  ship  captains 
often  had  their  portraits  painted  when  in  China.  The 
Chinese  artists  copied  the  occidental  style,  but  in  some  cases 
added  a  certain  radiant  luminosity  behind  the  head  which 
is  an  interesting  characteristic  of  this  work.  Two  of  these 
portraits  are  illustrated  in  this  issue  of  our  Collections. 

The  portrait  of  Cornelius  Sowle  of  Providence,  (illus- 
trated on  the  cover)  was  painted  at  Canton,  China.  Sowle 
was  lost  at  sea  in  1818.  The  portrait  was  presented  to  the 
society  in  1  893  by  his  grandson,  Charles  Sowle  Dyer. 

The  portrait  of  William  H.  Townsend  ( illustrated  on 
page  67)  was  painted  in  Canton,  China,  in  1818,  as  the 
following  note  by  him  indicates: 

"This  painting  is  the  production  of  a  Chinese  artist  in 
Canton,  China,  November  1 8  1 8,  for  a  portrait  of  me.  1  was 
then  nearly  16  years  old  and  with  my  father,  who  was 
master  of  the  ship  Lion  of  this  (then)  town  and  belonging 
to  E.  Carrington  &  Co.  We  have  arrived  at  Whampou,  the 
port  of  Canton  from  Providence  via  Cape  Horn  &  \^al- 
pariaso,  in  Chili,  in  the  summer  of  1818,  had  been  blockaded 


()6  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

in  the  latter  port  for  several  months  by  a  Spanish  squadron, 
Chili  being  then  at  war  with  Old  Spain,  &  while  in  this 
position,  the  U.  S.  sloop  of  War  Ontario,  Capt.  Jas.  Biddle, 
arrived,  who  was  boarded  by  the  squadron  &  forbid  going 
into  the  port.  The  Ontario's  Crew  were  at  quarters  &  Capt. 
Biddle  said  he  was  bound  to  Valpariaso  &  was  going  there, 
&  he  did.  Soon  after,  the  Battle  of  Maypo  was  fought  &  the 
patriot  general,  San  Martin  was  \'ictorious. — Chili  was 
freed  from  the  Spanish  yoke  &  the  American  ships  went  to 
sea,  under  Convoy  of  the  Ontario. 

Our  route  was  across  the  Pacific,  touching  at  La  Domin- 
ica, the  Marquesas,  Christmas  Island,  Borneo,  thro  the 
Sooloo  sea,  Samarang  and  up  the  China  sea.  Going  up  the 
China  sea  fell  in  with  ship  Cordelia,  Capt  Magee  from, 
Boston,  receiving  news  from  him,  she  having  left  Boston 
about  the  time  we  left  Chili.  While  this  painting  was  in 
progress  I  was  attacked  by  a  Billious  fever  &  my  life 
dispaired  of,  just  recovering  when  the  ship  was  ready  for 
sea  for  home,  sailed  about  the  20th  of  Dec.  1  8  1  8  &  arrived 
in  Prov.  River  April  5,  1819. 

July  25,  1865 

Wm.  H.  Townsend 
Now  in  my  63rd  year" 


PORTRAIT  C)l'    WILLIAM    II.     1(J\\,NS1:NU 
PAINTED  IN  CANTON,  CHINA 

N(Ki-  in  ihe  Socif/v's  GiiUcrv 


68  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 


Stage-Coach   Routes 

The  seventeenth  century  saw  the  winding  Indian  trails 
gradually  transformed  into  white  men's  footpaths  and 
subsequently  improved  and  developed  into  bridle  paths. 
Madame  Knight  in  1704  described  her  trip  on  horseback 
from  Providence  to  New  London  along  the  old  Pequot 
path. 

With  the  eighteenth  century  came  extensive  road  build- 
ing— the  old  bridle  paths  were  widened  and  smoothed  and 
made  serviceable  for  wheeled  vehicles.  Oxen  and  horses 
began  to  travel  these  crude,  rough  roads. 

A  stage  route  was  established  from  Boston  to  Newport, 
then  the  most  important  town  in  Rhode  Island,  as  early  as 
1  7 1 6,  as  is  shown  by  an  advertisement  in  the  Boston  News 
Letter  of  Oct.  15,  1716,  which  is  as  follows: 

"These  are  to  give  Notice,  That  a  Stage-Coach  will  set 
out  from  the  Orange-Tree  in  Boston,  to  Newport  in  Rhode- 
Island,  and  back  again,  once  a  Fortnight,  while  the  Ways 
are  passable:  To  be  performed  at  reasonable  Rates  by 
Jonathan  Wardall  of  Boston  and  John  Franklin  of 
Newport." 

A  somewhat  similar  advertisement  appears  two  years 
later  in  the  May  5,  1718,  issue  of  the  News  Letter.  It 
reads: 

"These  are  to  give  Notice  that  the  Stage  Coach  between 
Boston  and  Rhode  Island  for  once  a  Fortnight,  will  set  out 
the  first  turn  on  Tuesday  the  13th  Currant  from  Mr. 
Wardells  at  the  Orange  Tree  in  Boston,  with  whom  all 
Persons  may  agree." 

A  more  detailed  advertisement  of  April  4,  1  720,  gives  us 
an  idea  of  the  prices  charged  at  that  time. 

"These  are  to  give  Notice,  that  the  Stage  Coach  between 
Boston  and  Bristol  Ferry,  for  once  a  Fortnight,  the  Six 
ensuing  Months,  Intends  to  set  out  the  first  turn  from 
Boston,  at  Five  a  Clock  on  Tuesday  Morning  the   12th 


not  Jxceidii^  .iCattieu  JlO 

\Sleyw|itk4'B[wse  .,/:L/& 

LCoach 

I A  TVsonWil  Hai-fB ..  ...^„ 5 

NeaKJ  cattfci  %iA  r  (iyiPves  pa^eakd  i  1 
tSwit\e  m  ^To|?tefDr  cvssryilftect^  ...101 


J*,  4 


^r  every  ^vagg^on,  ciirt,  truck  or  sled  drawn  by  (vv4 
Worses  or  gxon   lO  cents  If  dra^vn  bv  three  cattle  12?  cents 
[f  drawn  hy  more  than  thi-ee  cattle  15  cents,  for  o^ery  sleig;ii- 
[DruAvn  V»v  one  horse  6  cents  if  drawn  by  inoi*e  tli«n  one 
Horse  12^  cents ,  for  ovei'v  ecacli ,  chnriot.  ph«etoii  or 
ICurrielc  ^5  cents, for  everv  chaise. cliair.siilkey  orothcrj 
[Pleasure  carri-agc  drwwn  by  one  horse  l'2Uents  for  every 
[^Iditional  horse  6  cents,  for  every  hoise  nnd  horse  car  < 
lOrwatf^on  6  cents, for  a  person  «nd  horse  6 cents,  horses 
[Or  nimes  in  droves  _g  ccntspxu^LJie^,  neat  catt  Ic  in  <li-.ove»| 
[Icentper. head,  sheep  or  swiiiein  droves  Went  per.  hcadj 
IForallloiiidsover  fifty  hunds  ci^^joMnds^  cent  per.hundi 
l^r'eacli  addiiipnuA  hutidred.  _:; 


(II, O  TOI.I,  SIGNS 


70  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Current,  and  be  at  the  said  Ferry  on  Wednesday  Noon, 
where  those  from  New-Port  may  then  there  arrive  and  be 
brought  hither  on  Friday  Night.  Such  as  have  a  mind  to  go 
for  Bristol  or  Rhode-Island,  may  agree  with  John  Blake  at 
his  House  in  Sudbury  Street,  Boston,  for  their  Passage  to 
the  said  Ferry,  at  25s,  each  Person,  with  14  Pounds  wight 
of  Carriage,  and  3d  for  every  Pound  over." 

The  News  Fetter  of  April  14th  carried  the  following 
notice: 

"The  Stage  Coach  between  Boston  and  Bristol  Ferry, 
sets  out  at  Five  a  Clock  on  Tuesday  Morning  next  the  19th 
Currant,  and  return  on  Fridays  Such  as  want  a  Passage  may 
agree  with  John  Blake  in  Sudbury  Street,  Boston". 

The  stage  business  attracted  Peter  Belton,  who  had  been 
a  post-rider.  His  advertisements  of  April  24th  and  Septem- 
ber 4th,  1721,  tell  their  own  story. 

"These  are  to  give  Notice,  that  Peter  Belton,  late  Post 
Rider,  Designs  once  every  Week  to  go  and  come  between 
Boston  and  New-Port  on  Rhode-Island;  in  order  to  carry 
Bundles  of  Goods,  Merchendize,  Books,  Men,  Women  and 
Children,  Money,  &c.  He  sets  out  on  Tuesday  Morning 
next,  the  25th  of  this  Instant  April  from  his  House  at  the 
Sign  of  the  Rhode-Island  and  Bristol  Carrier  in  Newbury 
Street  at  the  South  End  of  Boston,  where  good  Lodgings 
and  Entertainment  both  for  Men  and  Horse  are  to  be  had. 
He  Returns  from  Rhode  Island  and  Bristol  to  Boston  every 
Saturday  Night." 

"These  are  to  give  Notice  that  Peter  Belton  at  the  Sign 
of  the  Rhode-Island  and  Bristol  Carrier  in  Newbury  Street, 
at  the  South  End  of  Boston  j  has  a  Road  Waggon  for  carry- 
ing Goods,  Men,  Women  and  Children,  between  Boston, 
Bristol  and  Rhode  Island  once  every  Week,  sets  out  on 
Tuesday  Morning  next,  and  so  every  Tuesday  to  return  on 
Saturday". 

In  1736  Thorp  and  Cusno  of  Boston  obtained  from  the 
General  Assembly  of  Rhode  Island  an  exclusive  franchise 


STAGE-COACH  ROUTES  71 

for  seven  years  for  the  operation  of  a  stage  coach  line 
between  Boston  and  Newport. 

This  company  placed  the  following  advertisement  in  the 
News  Letter  of  June  16,  1737: 

"This  is  to  give  Notice  to  all  Gentlemen,  Ladies,  and 
others,  That  one  of  the  Stage  Coaches  belonging  to  Alexan- 
der Throp  and  Isaac  Casno,  will  be  ready  to  set  out  from 
Boston  to  Newport,  on  Tuesday  the  28th  of  this  Instant, 
and  is  to  be  left  on  that  Island  j  and  on  Tuesday  the  5th  of 
July  next  the  other  Coach  is  to  set  out  from  this  Place,  and 
so  return  once  a  Week,  'till  further  Notice  be  given". 

The  Boston  Gazette  informs  us  that  these  two  stage 
coaches  were  imported  from  London. 

A  stage  had-  been  established  between  Providence  and 
Newport  as  early  as  1763  and  the  route  is  given  in  the 
"Almanack  for  1763"  which  was  printed  at  Providence  by 
William  Goddard.  It  is  as  follows: 

"Road  to  NEWPORT. 

From  PROVIDENCE  over  the 

lower  Ferry,  to 


Rehoboth, 

Clay          3K 

Warren,  over  the 

Fer.  Carr,  9 

Bristol, 

Turner,     4 

Ferry  House, 

Pierce,       2 

Portsmouth, 

Turner,     3 

Newport, 

Nichols,    9 

Ferry  and  Conanicut  Island,      4 

Narraganset  Fer.  Franklin,         3 

Tower-Hill,         J. 

Case,  Esq}  4" 

The  figures  designate  miles. 

Notes 

Mrs.  Edward  P.  Jastram,  Prof.  Carl  Bridenbaugh, 
Mr.  Philip  C.  Wentworth,  and  Mr.  Slater  Washburn  have 
been  elected  to  membership  in  the  Society. 


72  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

The  Influence  of  Birds  on  Rhode  Island 
Nomenclature 

Birds  have  from  time  immemorial  been  observed  by 
human  beings  and  throughout  the  ages  have  had  a  marked 
influence  on  human  thought  as  is  shown  by  the  many  verbs 
and  nouns  in  common  use,  whose  origin  is  derived  from  the 
real  or  supposed  action  or  appearance  of  birds. 

It  is  not  at  all  surprising  then  to  And  birds'  names  playing 
a  prominent  part  in  the  names  applied  by  human  beings  to 
the  localities  about  them.  Rhode  Island  is  no  exception  to 
this  procedure  and  our  state  contains  within  its  borders 
almost  fifty  place-names  derived  from  thoughts  about  birds. 

Wild  bird  names  predominate.  Goose,  cormorant,  eagle, 
duck  and  gull,  are  the  most  popular.  Then  follow  swan 
and  turkey.  Fifteen  kinds  of  birds  are  represented,  not 
including  the  robin  and  goslin  place  names  which  are 
disputed. 

The  Anatidae  family,  of  which  the  duck,  the  goose  and 
the  swan  are  the  best  known  representatives,  contributed 
at  least  twenty-one  place-names  or  almost  half  of  the  "bird 
place-names"  in  Rhode  Island. 

The  humble  goose,  so  often  and  so  unjustly  "much 
maligned,"  gave  to  Rhode  Island  more  place-names  than 
any  other  bird.  The  word  goose  appears  in  twelve  of  our 
local  place-names,  four  times  in  the  combination  phrase 
"goose  neck"  and  three  times  as  "wild  goose." 

Even  way  back  in  the  exploring  days  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  the  Dutch  sailors  applied  the  name  of  "genseey- 
land"  to  some  land  in  Narragansett  Bay.  The  word  is  said 
to  be  a  variant  spelling  of  the  Dutch  words  "gans  eiland," 
meaning  "goose  island."  The  exact  location  of  "genseey- 
land"  has  not  been  determined  but  it  may  have  been  applied 
to  Bristol  Neck,  the  Dutch  perhaps  thinking  that  there  was 
a  passage  from  Hundred  Acre  Cove  to  the  Kickamuit  River 
and  Mount  Hope  Bay. 


RHODE  ISLAND  NOMEXCLATURE  73 

Usher  Parsons  in  his  "Indian  Names  of  Places  in  Rhode 
Island"  tells  us  that  the  Indian  place-names  Seekonk  ( of 
our  Seekonk  River)  and  Sakonnet  are  both  derived  from 
the  Indian  words  "seki"  and  "konk"  which  in  Algonquin 
means  black  goose.  This  would  increase  the  names  of  goose 
derivation  to  fifteen.  However,  J.  Hammond  Trumbull 
and  Sidney  S.  Rider  disagree  with  Parsons  in  this  derivation 
of  these  words,  thus  leaving  the  point  open  to  discussion. 
There  is  another  unsolved  problem  in  connection  with  goose 
named  places  which  might  add  one  more  place  name  for 
it  is  not  certain  that  Goose  Pond  and  Wild  Goose  Pond  in 
South  Kingstown  are  identical  and  if  they  are  not,  then  the 
goose  place  names  might  reach  the  number  of  sixteen, 
instead  of  the  thirteen  credited  to  them.  The  Census  of 
1885  lists  an  unlocated  Goose  Island  in  North  Kingstown, 
which  is  probably  an  error  for  one  in  South  Kingstown. 

These  goose  place  names  are: 

1.  Goose  Island  in  Point  Judith  Pond  northwest  of 
Jonathan  Island. 

2.  Goose  Island  in  Point  Judith  Pond  east  of  Great 
Island. 

3.  Goose  Island  in  Green  Hill  Pond  in  South  Kings- 
town. 

4.  Goose  Neck  in  Newport. 

5.  Goose  Neck  Cove  in  Newport. 

6.  Goose  Neck  Creek  in  Newport. 

7.  Goose  Neck  Spring  in  North  Kingstown. 

8.  Goose  Point  in  Providence. 

9.  Goose  Pond  in  South  Kingstown. 

1 0.  Wild  Goose  Ledge  in  North  Kingstown. 

1 1.  Wild  Goose  Point  in  North  Kingstown. 

1 2.  Wild  Goose  Rock  in  North  Kingstown. 

13.  Genseeyland  in  Bristol  County. 

Four  place  names  honor  the  duck,  three  the  swan  and 
one  the  teal.  They  are: 

14.  Duck  Cove  in  North  Kingstown. 
1  5.   Duck  Pond  in  Warwick. 


74  RHODE  ISLAND  ]lISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

16.  Duck  Pond  in  South  Kingstown. 

1  7.  Duck  Pond  in  Richmond. 

18.  Swan  Island  in  Providence. 

19.  Swan  Point  in  Providence. 

20.  Swan  Pond  in  Lincoln. 

21.  Teal  Pond  in  Narragansett. 

The  claim  to  the  second  largest  group  is  in  dispute  be- 
tween the  eagles  and  cormorants  (  whose  Latin  name  corvus 
marinus  literally  means  "sea  crow").  Both  present  seven 
place-names,  but  the  cormorants  have  more  place-names 
now  in  use  than  do  the  eagles,  and  also  avoid  a  possible 
duplication  which  might  be  argued  as  disqualifying  two  of 
the  eagle  places,  numbers  30  and  33  as  practically  identical 
with  numbers  31  and  32,  respectively. 

The  cormorants  appear  as: 

22.  Cormorant  Cove  in  New  Shoreham. 

23.  Cormorant  Hill  in  Westerly. 

24.  Cormorant  Point  in  New  Shoreham. 

25.  Cormorant  Point  in  Narragansett. 

26.  Cormorant  Reef  in  Middletown. 

27.  Cormorant  Rock  in  Aliddletown. 

28.  Cormorant  Rock  in  Narragansett,  formerly  Cor- 
morant Reef. 

The  eagles  present: 

29.  Eagle,  a  former  school  district  in  Scituate. 

30.  Eagle  Park,  a  district  in  Providence  formerly  Eagle 
Peak. 

3  1 .  Eagle  Peak,  a  knoll  formerly  in  Providence. 

32.  Eagle  Peak,  a  hill  in  Burrillville. 

33.  Eagle  Peak,  a  former  Burrillville  school  district. 

34.  Eagle  Woods  in  Providence. 

35.  Eagle ville  in  Tiverton. 

The  gulls  now  follow  with  four  place-names,  and  the 
turkeys  with  three: 

33.  Gull  Point  on  Prudence  Island. 

34.  Gull  Rock,  off  Sheep  Point  in  Newport. 

35.  Gull  Rock  in  I>ittle  Compton. 

36.  Gull  Rocks  in  Newport  Harbor. 


RHODK  ISLAND  NOMENCLATURE  75 

37.  Turkey  Hill  in  Portsmouth. 

38.  Turkey  Meadow  Brook  in  Coventry. 

39.  Turkeyville  in  Burrillville. 

The  remaining  place-names  are  scattered,  one  to  each  of 
seven  kinds  of  birds. 

40.  Crow  Hill  in  Smit>hfield. 

41.  Hen  Island  in  Portsmouth,  sometimes  called  Hen 
and  Chickens. 

42.  Owls  Nest  on  Gould  Island  in  the  Sakonnet  River. 

43.  Partridge  Beach  in  Jamestown,  probably  really  a 
corruption  of  Parting  Beach,  not  originally  a  bird's  name. 

44.  Plover  Hill  on  Block  Island. 

45.  Sparrow  Island,  alias  Spar  Island,  in  Mount  Hope 
Bay. 

46.  Swallow's  Hole  in  Middletown. 

These  forty-six  place-names  complete  the  list  of  undis- 
puted names.  To  this  list  there  might  be  added  tentatively 
Seekonk  and  Sakonnet,  which  have  already  been  discussed, 
the  unlocated  Goose  Island  in  North  Kingstown  and  the 
possible  Wild  Goose  Pond  in  South  Kingstown,  and  also 
Turkey  Meadow  in  Coventry,  the  existence  of  which  might 
be  presumed  from  the  name  Turkey  Meadow  Brook.  This 
would  increase  the  list  from  forty-six  to  fifty-one. 

In  addition  to  the  names  already  listed  there  is  a  group 
of  Robin  names  which  may  have  been  derived  from  the 
bird,  but  more  probably  from  the  family  surname  of  Rob- 
bin.  These  names  are:  Robin  Hill  in  Providence,  Robin 
Pond  in  Cumberland  ( probably  identical  with  Robin  Hol- 
low Pond  ),  Robin  Hollow,  Robin  Hollow  Pond  and  Robin 
Hollow  Brook.  The  three  latter  are  now  generally  spelled 
"Robbin"  and  are  in  Cumberland.  While  these  five  names 
may  have  been  derived  from  the  bird,  it  seems  probable  the 
Roljbin  Brook,  a  name  applied  to  two  streams  in  North 
Providence,  was  from  the  family  surname. 

Goslins  Rock  in  North  Kingstown  seems  to  be  from  a 
family  name  and  so  unfortunately  not  really  eligible  for 
the  list. 


76  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 


Primo2:eniturc  in  Rhode  Island 

Was  primogeniture  ever  in  force  in  Rhode  Island: 

This  query  is  received  so  often  at  the  Rhode  Island  His- 
torical Society  that  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  answer  the  ques- 
tion in  print.  By  primogeniture  is  meant  of  course  that  all 
the  real  estate  of  a  person  who  dies  intestate,  that  is  without 
leaving  a  will,  is  inherited  by  the  eldest  son. 

The  earliest  enactment  in  regard  to  this  matter  seems  to 
be  the  "Act  for  distributing  and  settleing  intestate's  estates" 
which  was  passed  by  the  General  Assembly  at  its  June  ses- 
sion in  1718.  The  act  reads : 

"Whereas,  it  hath  been  found  by  experience  in  this 
colony,  to  be  very  wrongful  and  injurious  to  the  public 
good,  as  well  as  private  interest,  of  the  younger  children  of 
persons  dying  intestate,  that  the  whole  real  estate  of  such 
persons  dying  intestate,  should  descend  to  the  eldest  son, 
and  thereby  the  other  children,  whose  labors  have  been  very 
useful,  and  advantageous  to  their  parents  in  reducing  and 
improving  such  real  estate,  should  be  left  destitute."  (  R.  I. 
Col.  Rec.  IV,  pages  238-239. ) 

The  wording  of  this  act  definitely  proves  that  primo- 
geniture was  in  effect  in  Rhode  Island  at  the  time  of  the 
passage  of  the  act  in  June,  1718,  and  that  it  had  previously 
been  in  effect  for  some  time. 

Therefore,  it  appears  that  Sidney  S.  Rider's  statement, 
(Book  Notes  23,  p.  25  )  that  "There  was  no  legal  primo- 
geniture in  the  descent  of  property  under  the  Charter" 
referring  to  Rhode  Island  Charter  of  1663  is  not  in  accord- 
ance with  the  facts  and  has  given  rise  to  the  belief  that 
primogeniture  was  not  in  force  here  between  1663  and 
1718.  Rider  appears  to  have  mistaken  the  meaning  of  the 
phrase  in  the  Charter  of  1  663  which  reads  that  the  lands  in 
Rhode  Island  are  "to  be  holden  of  us,  our  heirs  and  succes- 
sors, as  of  the  Manor  of  East  Greenwich,  in  our  County  of 
Kent,  in  free  and  common  soccage,  and  not  in  capite,  nor  by 


PRIMOGENITURE  IX  RHODE  ISLAND 


17 


knight  service."  It  will  be  seen  that  this  phrase  refers  merely 
to  the  way  the  land  is  to  be  held,  and  does  not  relate  to  the 
manner  in  which  it  should  be  inherited  in  the  case  of  intestate 
estates.  Rider  assumed  that  the  explanatory  allusion  to  the 
way  land  was  held  in  the  Manor  of  East  Greenwich  in 
Kent,  carried  with  it  all  ipf  the  current  usage  in  regard  to 
land  in  Kent,  and  hence  the  custom  of  gavelkind  by  which 
the  real  estate  of  a  person  dying  intestate  was  divided 
equally  among  all  his  sons. 

This  was  not  the  interpretation  of  the  phrase  by  the 
courts  of  Rhode  Island  during  the  period  from  1663  to 
1718,  and  so  Rider's  statement  is  wrong  and  the  statements 
of  Arnold  (II,  61)  and  Weeden  (R.  I.  185)  that  primo- 
geniture was  in  effect  before  1718  are  correct.  See  also  the 
case  of  Smith  vs.  Smith,  1854,  in  R.  I.  Reports  IV,  pp. 
8  and  9. 

That  primogeniture  was  in  force  in  Rhode  Island  before 
1718,  and  in  fact  from  the  time  of  the  Charter  of  1  GGl,  viz 
1 663-1 7 1  8,  is  shown  by  the  following  items,  in  all  of  which 
cases  there  were  other  children. 

On  May  13,  1678,  John  Crandall  as  "son  and  heir  of 
John  Crandall  of  Newport,  deceased"  deeded  to  his  broth- 
ers certain  land  formerly  belonging  to  his  father.  ( Austin, 

58.) 

On  Nov.  3,  1677,  Benedict  Arnold  "as  eldest  son  and 
heir  of  William  Arnold  late  of  Pawtuxet  deceased"  sold 
land  to  his  brother  Stephen.  (Austin,  242.) 

On  Aug.  20,  1666,  Benjamin  Barton  is  styled  "son  and 
heir  of  Rufus  Barton  deceased."  His  father  died  intestate 
but  the  Town  Council  made  a  "will."  (Austin,  250. ) 

William  Helme,  "eldest  son  and  heir  of  Christopher 
Helme,"  confirmed  a  sale  of  land  on  Jan.  1 3,  1 66 1 .  (  Austin, 
323.) 

In  1717  Jonathan  Knight,  Jr.,  deeded  to  his  brothers 
some  land  of  their  father  who  died  intestate  in  1  7 1 7  without 
having  executed  the  deeds  to  these  parcels  of  land.  (  Austin, 
331.) 


7H  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

In  the  case  of  Mott  vs.  Hubbard  in  1  71-1-  it  was  decided 
that  Sarah  Mott,  daughter  of  Thomas  Jennings,  deceased, 
elder  brother  of  Gabriel  Jennings,  deceased,  was  not  heir  of 
Gabriel,  because  the  heirship  to  Gabriel,  deceased  intestate 
without  children,  was  in  his  eldest  surviving  brother  (Rich- 
ard Jennings).  (Austin,   114.) 

"Moses  Dexter  of  North  Providence,  in  the  County  of 
Providence,  laborer,  preferred  a  petition  and  represented 
unto  this  Assembly  that  his  brother,  Joseph  Dexter,  inher- 
ited a  large  and  valuable  estate  from  his  grandfather,  Capt. 
Stephen  Dexter,  of  sd  North  Providence,  deceased,  at  a 
time  when  by  law  all  estates  descended  to  the  eldest  male 
heir".   (Acts  of  the  General  Assembly,  February   1792.) 

The  statute  of  1718  was  in  force  only  ten  years  and  was 
repealed  in  1  728  as  "tending  to  destroy  inheritances." 


The  Notary  Public  in  Early  Rhode  Island 

The  office  of  notary  public  was  sort  of  a  monopoly  in 
colonial  Rhode  Island,  held  until  1751  by  the  General 
Recorder,  as  the  Secretary  of  State  was  then  called.  From 
1751  to  the  end  of  the  colonial  period  only  two  were  per- 
mitted in  the  colony,  one  at  Newport  and  one  at  Providence. 
In  1792  each  county  was  allowed  one  notary  public  but  in 
1 822  the  limit  to  their  number  was  removed  and  there  were 
soon  a  great  many. 

The  office  of  Notary  Public  was  not  created  in  Rhode 
Island  until  October  31,1  705,  when  the  General  Assembly 
passed  the  following  act: 

"An  Act  for  settling  the  office  of  a  Publick  Notary  in  this 
Colony. 

"It  is  enacted  by  this  present  Assembly  and  the  authority 
thereof.  That  the  Recorder  chosen  in  this  CoUony  yearly 
at  the  election  of  Generall  Officers,  shall  keep  the  office  of  a 
Publick  Notary;  and  that  no  person  shall  officiate  in  said 
office  untill  he  be  so  chosen  and  engaged  to  the  sanie.  And 


NOTARY  PUBLIC  IN   EARLY  RIKMiK  ISLAM)  79 

the  Recorder  that  is  now  present,  shall  officiate  in  said  office 
until!  the  next  election  of  Generall  Officers,  according  to 
the  Charter". 

In  the  Digest  of  1  719  the  Notary  Public  Act  is  recorded 
in  the  following  words: 

"AN  ACT,  Establishing  a  Notary  Publick,  within  this 
Colony. 

"Be  it  Enacted  by  the  General  Assembly,  and  by  the 
Authority  of  the  same.  That  the  General  Recorder  of  the 
Colony  for  the  time  being,  shall  be  Publick  Notary  of  this 
Colony  y  and  he  is  hereby  fully  Impowered  and  Authorized, 
to  Act,  Transact,  Do  and  Finish,  all  and  whatsoever  Mat- 
ters, Causes  or  things,  Relating  to  Drawing  of  Protests,  or 
Protesting  Bills,  &c.  as  are  by  Law  Required,  and  that  he 
shall  be  Engaged  thereto,  for  the  which  he  shall  take  the 
following  Fees,  and  no  more. 

£  s  d 

To  Swearing  to  Protest  00  03  00 

To  Drawing  Ditto  00  03  00 

To  Sealing  Ditto  00  03  00 

To  Registring  Ditto  in  the  Office  00  03  00 

To  Copy  Ditto  00  03  00" 

It  will  be  noted  that  the  wording  is  somewhat  different 
from  the  act  as  passed  in  1705  and  that  an  explanation  of 
the  duties  of  the  Notary  Public  are  added. 


The  Correction  of  Errors  in  Dates 
in  Some  Block  Island  Records 

From  a  letter  by  the  late  George  R.  Burgess 

I  believe  1  have  discovered  in  the  New  Shoreham  Record 
Book  indisputable  evidence  that  a  number  of  vital  records 
as  given  by  James  N.  Arnold  are  dated  about  twenty  years 
later  than  thev  occurred. 

This  was  not  due  to  carelessness  in   transcnbmg,  but 


80  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

rather  to  the  fact  that  one,  possibly  two,  of  the  town  clerks 
made  their  sevens  with  a  loop,  in  most  cases  entirely  closed, 
I  find  that  some  of  these  apparent  nines  had  an  upward 
stroke  after  the  stem,  resembling  a  script  q.  Robert  Guthrig 
was  elected  town  clerk  in  April,  1677,  and  served  in  1678, 
1679  and  1680  as  well.  James  Sands  entered  records  pre- 
vious to  this,  although  he  did  not  sign  as  clerk.  Some  of  his 
sevens  have  also  been  read  as  nines.  Many  of  the  other 
records  entered  as  occurring  in  the  90's  can  be  proved  to 
have  belonged  in  the  70's  and  in  addition  to  that,  all  of  the 
clerks  in  the  90's  made  legible  sevens. 

My  lirst  questioning  of  his  dates  was  caused  by  seeing  the 
record  of  the  town  meeting  of  April,  1698,  on  page  53. 
1  had  seen  James  Sands'  tombstone  in  the  Block  Island 
cemetery  enough  times  to  remember  that  it  said  he  died  in 
1695.  Later  on  I  came  across  a  record  in  the  book  showing 
Guthrig  was  drowned  December  3,  1692,  while  crossing 
from  Newport  in  a  storm.  I  was  pretty  sure  that  Guthrig 
had  made  the  record  on  page  53,  and  so  I  went  through 
the  book  and  made  a  list  of  all  the  town  clerks  and  the 
years  in  which  they  served.  With  this  as  a  guide  I  picked 
out  the  handwriting  of  each  one  who  served  in  the  1 690's 
and  it  was  quite  apparent  that  none  of  them  could  have 
made  the  entries  during  the  years  1676  to  1681/2,  as  the 
handwriting  was  entirely  different.  This  meeting  checks  out 
as  really  being  held  in  1678. 

Perhaps  one  instance  of  the  fact  that  Guthrig  made 
almost  no  distinction  between  a  seven  and  a  nine  is  enough 
to  prove  the  fact.  On  page  23  in  the  list  of  freemen  admitted 
to  the  Colony,  is  found  proof  of  Guthrig's  9's  and  7's  being 
similar,  as  the  clerk  given  under  this  date  served  20  years 
earlier  according  to  the  Colonial  Records. 

Cruthrig  did  make  a  few  entries  in  the  70's  with  the  7's 
readable  as  such.  You  will  note  on  page  52  of  the  book, 
that  where  the  entries  would  be  in  1679,  if  entered  in 
chronological  order,  there  is  a  distinction,  that  is,  he  has 
added  an  up  stroke  after  the  long  down  stroke  forming  a  9, 


THE  CORRECTION  OF  ERRORS  81 

making  it  look  something  like  a  script  q.  I  suppose  it  is 
possible  that  this  was  his  distinction  between  a  7  and  9. 

I  have  also  noted  in  several  places  the  figure  1  made  in 
such  a  way  that  it  would  be  taken  for  a  2  had  it  not  been 
written  with  the  year,  i.  e.  2677  for  1677.  This  may  account 
for  such  dates  as  "22th"  which  occur  in  several  places. 

These  vital  records  are  all  together  in  the  record  book  in 
the  order  given,  most  of  them  I  am  sure  are  in  Guthrig's 
hand  and  possibly  all  of  them,  although  there  seems  to  be 
a  slight  difference  between  the  first  few  and  the  balance, 
possibly  due  to  a  different  quill.  The  hand  shows  that  the 
records  for  one  year  and  more  were  made  at  one  sitting. 

I  checked  some  of  these  records  and  found  if  they  are 
correct,  as  given  by  Arnold,  that  children  were  born  to  one 
couple  several  years  before  their  marriage  and  in  two  or 
three  instances,  babies  were  married  at  the  early  age  of 
1  8  months  and  up.  One  man  had  a  child  recorded  fourteen 
years  before  his  marriage  was  recorded. 

I  believe  by  averaging  up  several  decades  from  Arnold 
it  will  be  seen  there  are  less  records  in  the  70's  and  more  in 
the  90's  than  would  have  been  normal. 

Here  is  the  list  with  the  dates  I  believe  correct. 
Joseph  Billington  married  Sept.  16,  1672 
Mary  Billington  born  Sept.  16,  1674 
Josiah  Hulling  married  Jan.  1 1,  1675 
Susanna  Hulling  born  May  1 8,  1677 
Nathaniel  Briggs,  son  of  Nath.,  born  Aug.  1,  1675  (given 

as  Nebbiah) 
Thomas  Briggs,  son  of  Nath.,  born  Sept.  1,  1677 
Tormot  Rose  married  22  July  1676  (given  as  Samuel) 
Daniel  Rose,  son  of  Tormut,  born  May  1,  1677 
William  Dodge  married  April  24,  1 674 
Sarah  Dodge,  daughter  of  William,  born  Jan.  24,  1675 
Mary  Dodge,  daughter  of  John,  born  Dec.  29,  1677 
John  Dodge  married  Oct.  24,  1676,  (given  Feb.  4,  1696) 
Martha  Akers,  daughter  of  John,  born  Feb.  28,  1675 
William  Harris  married  July  24,  1 672  (  omitted) 


82  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

William  Harris,  son  of  William,  born  Feb.  1  0,  1  675 
Thomas  Harris,  son  of  William,  born  March  22,  1677 
Samuel  George  married  Dec.  29,  1678  (omitted) 
Josiah  Hulling,  son  of  Josiah,  born  Nov.  9,  1679  (given 

as  74) 
Bethiah  Tosh,  daughter  of  William  Tosh,  born  Sept.  1676 
Alexander  Innes  died  Oct.  27,  1 679  (omitted) 
James  Tosh,  son  of  William,  born  Dec.  16,  1 679  (  omitted ) 
If  you  compare  my  list  with  Arnold  you  will  hnd  he  has 
omitted  a  number  of  them  and  has  also  made  a  few  errors 
in  copying  other  dates.  In  his  record  of  William  Harris, 
I  believe  he  has  married  the  senior  to  his  son's  wife. 


Privateer  Sloop  Independent 

A  Journal  kept  hy  Peleg  Hozey,  Master 

(From  Original  Manuscript 
in  the  Rhode  Island  Historical  Societ\-  Library) 

A  Journal  of  A  Voig  kept  By  Jabez  W^hipple  Cap.^  of  the 
Armed  Sloop  the  Independent  Boun  on  A  Cruse  with  Gods 
primishon  this  24  Day  of  July.  1776 

Wensday  *''24  of  July   1776 

toDay  weid  ancor  at  providence  at  3  P  M  and  Seluted 
my  oners  with  A  gun  at  4  pased  the  Alford  and  Clumbas 
ling  of  patuxet  and  Gave  them  three  Chers  and  put  ower 
pilot  a  Boord  John  Browns  Bot  and  then  prosided  for 
Newport  at  12  that  night  ancred  of  south  End  of  prudence 
all  hands  employd  giting  all  things  Erredeness  so  Ends  this 
24  hours 

Thursday  July  "'25  1776 

At  foure  this  morning  waid  Ancor  and  proseded  for 
Newport  Arivd  at  Newport  at  Eight  all  hands  Employd 
fixing  riging  and  Guns  went  on  Shore  and  purched  sundry 
things  for  the  Slup  that  wos  omited  at  providence  And  Got 
All  hands  on  Boord  and  sailed  for  Bristor  ferey  at  nine 


PRIVATEER  SLOOP  IXDEPEXDEXT  83 

ocloke  Small  winds  and  Calni  at    12  Ancorcd  of  costers 
harbar  so  Ends  this  24  ours 

Fryday  July  "^26  1776 
At  5  this  morning  weid  Ancor  and  proseded  for  Bristo 
ferry  Ancred  at  Bristo  fery  at  2  P  M  and  went  on  Shore 
and  purchesed  sum  plank  for  the  Carpender  and  Resevd 
one  Baril  of  powder  of  M"-  Lefall  and  put  on  Shore  Georg 
Brown  Sick  and  made  sail  a  Metetly  for  fogland  ferry 
wind  And  tide  coming  aGainst  me  ancored  a  mile  Below 
comanfence  point  All  hands  Employd  giting  Redy  for  see 
so  Ends  this  24  owers 

Saterday  July  "'27  1776 
At  four  this  morning  waied  ancor  at  comonfence  point 
now  calm  Got  out  Owers  and  Rod  to  howlands  fery  their 
Ancored  and  filed  2  cask  of  water  the  carpender  went  on 
shor  and  Ground  his  tools  at  1  1  the  wind  Bresed  up  Maid 
saile  for  frogland  Ancred  at  fogland  a  Bout  fore  wind  and 
tide  a  Ganst  me  all  hands  Employd  Giting  redy  for  See  the 
next  morning  as  if  thought  proper  to  Be  in  sum  Redness 
as  you  Enformed  me  their  was  a  menestered  Sloop  of  ten 
guns  on  the  cost  so  Ends  this  24  howers 

Sunday  Morning  July  "'28  1776 
At  four  this  morning  called  all  hands  sent  a  man  to  Mast 
hed  to  Look  out  he  crys  out  2  Sail  a  Ship  and  a  Skip  the 
ship  was  sum  Disten  Of  the  Slup  stood  in  with  for  aBout 
two  Gunshot  of  and  put  a  Bout  and  stood  of  the  Ship  stand- 
ing in  a  While  the  Slup  put  About  and  Stood  in  a  Gain 
cold  all  hands  to  Qrters  Loded  all  fore  and  Aft  wad  Ancor 
and  Stood  out  and  spook  with  him  It  proved  to  be  Cap*" 
Buckling  and  his  prise  put  on  boord  won  hand  sick  proseded 
on  our  \'oig  Beet  out  as  far  as  sunking  Roks  wind  and  tide 
a  Gainst  me  saw  one  Of  the  frigats  standing  in  for  Gay  heed 
thought  propper  to  com  In  And  Ancor  at  sichewest  that 
night  I  saw  two  Brigs  Standing  In  I  Sent  my  Boot  on  Boord 
It  proved  to  Be  Capt"  Chases  prise  and  Captn  warners 
prise  so  Ends  this  24  howers. 


84  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Munday  July  "'29  1776 
At  four  this  morning  waid  Ancor  and  proseded  for  the 
Vinyard  Arived  At  homses  hole  that  Night  A  Bout  Six  the 
tid  and  wind  Against  Me  So  Ends  this  24  howrs. 

Tusdayjuly*\30  1776 
The  furst  part  of  this  24  howers  calm  we  hid  up  our 
water  Took  on  Boord  a  prise  master  and  2  hands  more  the 
Latter  part  of  this  24  owers  a  Very  hevy  Swell  of  and 
Thunder  and  Lightning  so  Ends  this  24  owers 

Wensday  July  *''3  1  1776 
At  six  this  morn  waid  Ancor  at  homses  hole  and  proseded 
one  our  cruse  At  twelve  sandy  point  Bore  south  small  wind 
and  tid  a  Gainst  me  we  saw  a  scuner  coming  over  the  Showls 
As  she  came  near  we  shoed  our  cullars  She  haled  her  wind 
We  out  oars  the  peopel  Left  her  and  took  to  their  Boot  we 
Went  on  Boord  shee  had  sum  houshould  Good  on  Boord 
To  Nantuket  We  cared  her  in  under  sandy  poynt  and 
Brought  her  to  Ancor  And  Delivered  her  up  to  the  master 
Being  calm  curant  a  Gainst  us  Lay  their  All  ought  so  End 
this  24  owers 

Thursday  Augst  1  Daly  Accounts 
At  4 Am  come  to  Sail  from  sandy  point  of  Nantuckt  A 
Am  took  my  Departur  From  sancutte  heed  In  Lattd  41-10 
Londgd  60:40  a  8  sancutte  heed  Bor  WBS  Distence   5 

Leagues  Latt  in 41-10     Londg  68:48 

9 14 

Latt  In  41"  19  Longd  68"  34  In 

At  10  Am  saw  severell  sail  of  fishing  Secuners  a  Fishing 
we  hove  tew  and  cotch  five  cood  fish  a  M"  made  Sail  cotch 
plenty  of  mackrell  this  End  this  24  ours 

Remarks  on  Fryday  August  2,  1  776 

the  furst  part  of  this  24  owers  Begins  with  plesant  hasey 

wether  a  2  p  m:  Spoke  with  a  scuner  bound  to  plymoth 

From  fishing  Mor  sounded  on  Gorgs  got  28  fatham  of  a 

3  AM  sounded  got  37  fatham  on  Georges  a  8  A  M  Got 


I'RIVATKER  SLOOP  INDEPENDENT  85 

Douii  topsl  yard  squally  and  rain  Inclining  to  Be  foggy 
2  reps  in  the  in  the  mainsai  Latt  &  Deed  Reckning 

Remarks  On  Saterday  ^^3  Augst 

The  furst  part  of  this  24  hours  Begins  With  hayse 
wether  out  Reefs  sat  Jebb  thick  wether  fogge  sum  rain 
At  2  Ani  Judgd  to  Bee 'of  the  Bank  At  6  AM  pleasant  with 
a  Larg  Sea  at  1  0  AM  All  Small  Sails  Satt  A  Good  Ob- 
zservation 

Remarks  on  Sunday  August  "'4  1776 

The  furst  part  of  this  24  Hours  Begins  With  plesant 
Wether  Larg  Sea  took  In  top  Sail  At  8  AM  One  Eight 
Dollar  Bill  Lost  a  10AM  took  In  ye  tops  Gallon  Sail  the 
wind  Breses  Towards  the  Later  part  plesant  A  Good 
Ozservation. ' 

Remarks  on  monday  Augst  "'5  1776 

The  First  of  these  24  Hours  Begins  With  plesent  wether 
smuth  See  handed  Sail  Aid  took  In  topsail  and  set  forsail 
a  6d  in  Flying  Jibb  Reefs  Masail  In  foursail  at  p  m  Sot 
Trysail  a  Lgarge  sot  To  sail  at  12  D  Took  in  Topsail  at 
6  AM  sot  F  sail  and  Jebb. 

Remarks  on  Tusday  Augst  *''6  1776 

first  part  Blows  Very  heavy  high  sea  at  6  Am  sat  y  trisal 
Bunets  on  forsal  at  4  p  m  Got  the  small  Guns  In  the  hole 
Larg  Sea  At  6  AM  Bunets  on  the  forsail  Refs  out  Ma'' 
Sail  Got  out  flying  Jibb  Boom  sot  Jibb  a  1 1  AM  Saw  two 
sail  Gave  chase  provd  to  be  A  man  of  war  and  tender  hove 
a  Bout  Gave  Chase  to  us 

Dayly  Remarks  on  Wensday  "7  Augst  1776 
Saw  the  two  formentioned  Vesels  In  chase  of  us  heavy 
sea  we  Draw  from  the  ship  but  the  Slup  Gains  upon  us  all 
hand  to  Qarters  a  6  PM  the  slup  Gave  over  chase  Bore 
Away  to  ward  the  Ship  a  7  Lost  sight  of  them  we  Sot  sqr 
Sail  to  ward  Estward  sot  T  sail  and  all  the  small  Sail  Latt' 
part  plesant  wether  smuth  Sea  a  Good  Odservation 

Remarks  on  thursday  Augst  *''8   1776 
the   furst   part   of   this   24   hours   Begins   with    plesant 


86  RHODE    ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

wether  smuth  sea  Middel  plesent  Light  Brezess  Beniman 
Syms  raysiiig  a  muteny  on  Boord  the  Slupe  Independence 
1  peleg  hozey  master  Gave  a  Frappi ng  I  found  it  to  be 
the  Method  to  take 

Remarks  on  fryday  Augst  "'9:  1776 
the  furst  part  of  this  24  Howars  Begins  plesant  saw  a  mast 
heed  nothing  a  10  AM  Saw  3  Sail  Stering  to  go  N  E  2 
Sqr  Rigd  won  Slup  the  slup  Being  a  head  put  a  Bout  Stood 
to  ye  others  Am  put  a  Stood  after  them  Being  two  Legus 
to  winderd  mad  ye  Best  Way  After  them  Latf'  plesent 
nothing  more  remarkabell  on  this  sid  a  Good  Obezsevation 

Remarks  on  Augst  "'10  Saterday  1776 

This  furst  part  of  this  24  hours  Begins  With  plesent 
Still  in  chase  Is  for  mentioned  At  6  Pm  came  up  with  the 
Slup  Brume  It  provd  to  be  captn  kNot  with  2  prises  Won 
a  snow  and  ye  other  a  Brigg  Middle  Vry  Light  Brezes  and 
plesant  Smouth  Sea  a  6  Am  To  Sail  Small  Sails  to  Are 
Nothing- 
Remarks  On  Sunday  August  1  1  1  776 

first  part  these  24  hours  Pleasent  Sniooth  sea  att  1  am 
sot  sqr  sail  att  4  Pm  took  in  sqr  sail  sot  Foresail  att  6  am  sot 
sqr  sail  &  the  small  sails  Lattr  part  Pleasent  Light  Breases 
Smooth  sea  all  hands  Will  on  Bord  the  Sloop  Independence 
this  Day. 

Remarks  On  Monday  August  12   1776 

first  part  Pleasent  Joibd  Ship  Middle  Part  Pleasent 
smooth  Sea  att  9  am  sqs  by  thunder  and  Lightning  Rain 
Continued  One  hour  Lattr  part  Nothing  in  Sight  a  Good 
Observation 

Remark  On  Tuseday  August  13  1  776 

first  part  Pleasent  smooth  sea  att  2  am  Laid  a  Bout  stotKi 
to  the  west  ward  att  6  am  La  Bout  Stood  to  the  southward 
and  westward  att  1 0  am  Laid  Bout  st(K)d  to  ye  N  ward  Noth- 
ing in  sight  to  Day  good  Observation 

Remarks  On  Winsday  August  14,  1776 
first  part  Pleasent  with  Light  Bres  att  6  Am  all  hands 


PRIVATEER  SLOOP  INDEI'ENDENT  87 

imploid  a  Dancings  Pleasent  Middle  part  Smuth  sea  att 
3  am  made  Sail  at  7  saw  a  sail  staning  to  Wards  Us  att  1 1 
am  Came  Up  with  hir  she  Being  a  ship  from  st  Vinsints 
Brought  her  two  Capt  Came  on  Bord  of  Us  She  provdto  Be 
a  prise  took  hir  in  Provision  so  Ends  this  Days  Work. 

Remarks  On  Thusday  August  15,  1776 
first  part  Pleasent  smooth  sea  In  Company  with  the  prise 
with  the  prise  Master  and  1 0  men  on  Bord  of  her  att  6  am 
Saw  2  Ships  standing  to  the  N  E.  Gave  thm  Chase  att  1 0 
saw  that  one  was  a  ship  of  force  the  wind  Blowing  frish 
Reaft  the  m  sail  gave  them  over  Bore  Up  to  the  prise  got 
one  Dolphin 

Remarks  On  Fryday  August  16,  1776 
first  part  sq'oly  sum  Rain  a  Large  Sea  a  2  Came  Up  the 
prise  all  will  On  Bord  the  moderate  weathir  Middle  part 
att  8  am  Out  Boat  sent  On  Bord  the  ship  with  a  Barriel  of 
flour  pleasent  weather  Lattd  pr  Observation  Recking  Cor- 
recked  toDay 

Remarks  On  Saturday,  August  17  1776 
first  part  Pleasant  Smooth  sea  Varible  att  times  Clowdy 
weathr  Lattr  part  I  find  the  Varation  to  be  Y^  point  Westrly 
All  Well 

Remarks  On  Sunday  August  18   1776 
This  Fust  Part  Plesant  Light  Winds  Smuth  Sea  Middle 
Part  Rain  Lost  Sight  the  Ship  &  Tow  Saw  Hire  again  to 
Windard  Sot  T  Sail  Latt.  part  Good  Observation 

Remarks  On  Monday  August  19  1776 
The  First  Part  Pleseant  Wether  Light  Breases  as  pr 
Loag  at  6  Spok  with  Ship  to  W  &  N  at  7  am  Hove  a  Bout 
Stood  to  E  &  N.  A  Good  Observation 

Remaks  On  Tusday  August  20  1  776 
The  First  Part  of  Pleasant  Weither  Smuth  See  Sent  the 
Boat  on  Board  The  Ship  To  Bend  a  New  Sute  of  Sailes 
Sett  the  T  Sail  Blew  Fresh  Took  it  In  a  Gain  a  6  am  Took 
in  F  Jibe  Sqly  to  ye  N  ward  Good  Obsrvation 


88  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Remarks  On  Wensday  August  21  1776 
The  First  Part  Sqly  Spoke  with  the  Ship  on  Board  all 
well  Saw  a  Brigg  to  Winderd  Runing  Down  Sat  Closte  on 
Board  Before  Dessecoverd  Brought  hir  Tew  came  under 
our  Starne  halve  From  antego  Bound  to  London  Took 
hir  in  Pershashon  Capt.  John  Lightbourn  came  on  Bord 
Brought  hir  Papers  Brigg  Name  Fanny  Good  observation 

Remarks  On  Thusday  August  22  1776 
The  First  Part  Pleasant  Large  See  at  6  putt  Cap 
Edwmon  on  Bord  the  Prise  Brigg  as  prise  master  and  Took 
Persheshon  of  hir  at  6  saw  a  Sale  to  E  ward  at  8  Fired 
4  Shot  at  hir  wold  not  Bring  Tow  Saw  hir  to  Bee  a  Brigg 
of  1 2  Guns  Left  Chase  Bore  Down  to  the  Priseses 

Remaks  on  Fryday  August  23  1776 
The  Fust  Part  Pleasent  Small  Sea  2  Passingers  Belong- 
ing To  the  Brigg  Came  on  Board  Spent  the  afternoon  at  6 
hands  Sq''  Sail  a  4  am  Cam  on  a  harde  Sqole  a  6  D  Saw  2 
Saile  to  Sw  hove  about  Stood  to  the  S  ward  a  8  hove  about 
to  Gitt  the  Vessell  In  hir  wake 

Ramarks  On  Saturday  August  23  1 776 
The  Fust  Part  Squaley  Large  Sea    [  —  ]    P.   M  out 
Reefs  at  Set  F  Jibl  Saw  a  Large  Ship  to  windward  Runing 
Down  heavy  Sea  Saw  a  Brigg  Strin  Standing  to  the  No 
ward  Latt  part  Wethear  as  pr  Logg  Good  Obser- 

vation 

Remarks  On  Sunday  August  25  1776 
The  Fust  Part  heavea  Sqales  Thunder  and  Lighting 
Lasted  one  our  Then  Pleaseant  Saw  a  Stran  wee  out  Reef 
set  F  Jibb  thick  Wethear  to  the  Southward  Refft  M.  Saile 
Took  Bunnitt  of  the  head  Sales  Betweene  Ten  &  1 1  Spoke 
with  our  Prise  Brigg  the  man  at  Mast  head  Caled  out  Sales 
Brigg  &  a  Sloop  hire  cost  N.  E.  Lattd.        obsevation 

Remarks  On  Monday  August  26  1776 
The  Fust  heavy  Squales  Large  Sea  Compeny  with  our 
Prise  at  4  Ack  Saw  a  Sail  to  the  S  W  Standing  after  us 
Squaley  These  24  Houers  Latt 


PRIVATEER  SLOOP   INDEPENDENT  89 

Remarks  On  Tuesday  August  27  1776 
The  Fust  Part  weither  as  pr  Logg  Handed  all  Saile  hove 
Tew  att  4  Made  Saile  Large  Sea  att  6  Setteled  M  Sail 
Took  in  T  Sail  Continence  Latt  Observation 

Remarks  on  Wednessday  At  28 
The  Fust  Squaly  as  pt  Logg  In  and  out  reeft  the  24 
Houres  Spoke  with  the  Brigg  Sent  the  Bote  on  Board  Latt 
pr  Observation 

Remarks  On  Tursday  Augt  29  1776 
The  Furst  Weither  pr  Logg  Winds  Kneeling  E  ward 
Sent  The  Dochter  on  Bord  the  Brigg  One  Man  Very  Much 
hirt  Heavey  Sea  Much  Rain  and  theke  Weither  a  8  AM 
Saw  5  Saile  to  y  E  ward  one  Large  one  gave  chash 

Remarks  on  Fryday  Augst  30  1776 
The  Fust  Part  Small  Breeses  Smuth  Sea  and  Fogge 
Histed  out  the  Bote  Finding  all  Well  on  Bord  there  att 
8  PM  Sounded  Gott  35  Fatham  Black  &  White  Sand  Sum 
Broken  Shels  Intenmixt  Frain  that  to  31  35  &  37  Plente 
Tide  ript  Sam  Times  Clear  For  one  Our  to  Cither  the 
Fogge  Saw  Severle  Banks  Looking  Like  Land  Latter  Part 
Smuth  Light  Winds.  Plenty  of  Fogg  Ends  this  24  hours 
all  well  on  Bord 

Remarks  On  Satureday  Augst  3 1 
The  Fust  Part  hasy  Weither  Fresh  Breeses  a  1 2  Am  Gott 
Soundings  70  Fathem  Read  and  White  Sand  at  4  Soundings 
Gott  45  Do  Fogge  Light  Breses  a  1 0  Sounded  37  Do  Fogge 
A.  M  Sounded  gett  30  Do  Lather  Part  Light  Breeses  Smuth 
Sea  Fogge  Thick  Weether  Observation 
( To  be  concluded) 


90 


RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 


The  Gore  Roll  of  Arms 

By  Harold  Bowditch 

{itnU'nnii-,1  friii/t  vol.  .VA'.V/,  page  64) 

Summary  and  Conclusions 

The  Gore  Roll  represents,  chiefly,  the  arms  that  were 
used  in  New  England  at  the  dates  designated  below  the 
paintings. 

Heraldic  custom  was  not  strictly  adhered  to,  as  is  evi- 
denced in  the  case  of  No.  6 1 ,  where  the  arms  of  the  husband 
impale  those  of  his  wife's  first  husband. 

The  sources  from  which  the  arms  are  taken  are  probably 
three-fold,  (1)  heraldic  manuscripts,  (2)  printed  books, 
and  (3)  paintings,  embroideries,  engraved  silver  and  seals; 
of  these  ,  the  last  would  not  be  expected  to  give  the  tinctures. 

The  paintings  in  the  Gore  Roll  may  be  classified  accord- 
ing to  possible  source  as  follows: 

1 .   From  heraldic  manuscripts, 
(a)   From  the  Promptuarium  Armorum  (see  page  1      ). 


1, 

10, 

41. 

Winthrop. 

40, 

46,  64.   Hutchinson 

8, 

3  5. 

Lcvcrett  (=  Lever?  ) 

47. 

Barker. 

11. 

Frost. 

48. 

Lucas. 

15. 

Chamberlain. 

49, 

54.          Chute. 

16. 

Pole. 

50. 

Wood. 

18. 

Skinner. 

51. 

Stourton. 

23. 

Hawkins. 

52. 

Chichester. 

24. 

Whittinghani. 

5  3. 

Mansale. 

27. 

Cutting   (  =  Cooper?) 

5  5. 

Barkeley. 

28, 

32, 

7. 

Stoddard. 

56. 

Whithorne. 

32. 

Roberts. 

59. 

Colepeper. 

34. 

Addington. 

61. 

Gee. 

37. 

Belchier. 

63. 

Phillips. 

38. 

Lemon. 

65. 

Pell. 

39. 

Mun. 

65. 

Clarke. 

47. 

Barker. 

48. 

Lucas. 

49,  54. 

Chute. 

49. 

Breton. 

50. 

Wood. 

51. 

Stourton. 

THE  GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  91 

68.  Tuttle.  80.  Tilston. 

69.  Wade.  82.  Roswell. 

70.  Mountfort.  83.  Selwyn. 
75.   Pern.  84.  Waldron. 
78.  Warr. 

(b)  From  the  Chute  Pedigree  (see  page  1  ).  Many  of 
the  arms  here  given  have  no  proved  connection  with  New 
England. 

52.   Chichester. 
5  3.   Mansales. 
5  5.   Barkeley. 
56.  Whithorne. 
59.   Colepeper. 
61.   Gee. 

(c)  From  the  Miner  Pedigree  (see  page  2  ).  This 
was  evidently  not  a  source  for  the  Gore  RoUj  the  two 
manuscripts  contain  only  two  names  in  duplicate,  and  the 
arms  given  under  these  names  differ.  Professor  Arthur 
Adams  of  Hartford  kindly  examined  the  Miner  Pedigree 
for  the  writer  in  January  1935  and  found  that  the  Hervie 
arms  are  there  given  as:  Gules  on  a  fess  (not  a  bend)  silver 

three  trefoils  slipped (.? gules,  r sable),  and  the  Dyer 

arms  differ  wholly  from  those  in  the  Gore  Roll,  being:  Per 
fess  indented  gules  and  gold. 

2.   From  books  printed  before  the  dates  assigned  to  the 
arms  in  the  Gore  Roll : 

(a)  From  Yorke's  "Union  of  Honour",  1 64 1 : 

1  3.  Spencer.   See  also  under  Guillim. 

19.  Harvey.   The  trefoils  are  given  as  vert.    See  also  under  Guillim. 

60,  72.   Dudley.   The  Dudley  arms  given  arc  those  of  lord  Sutton,  baron 
Dudley.   See  also  under  Guillim. 

(b)  From  Guillim's  "Display  of  Heraldry",  various  edi- 
tions. 

4.  Owen.   Eds.  1632  to  1724  inclusive;  not  in  ed.  1610  /  11. 

7,  9.   Legge.  Ed.  1679.  The  field  is  ^z//;-^. 
12.  Latimer.   Ed.  1660'.   The  cross  is  ^o/</. 

1  3.  Spencer.   Eds.  1610  /  II  to  1660"  inclusive. 


92  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

19.  Harvey.    Eds.   1660\   1660",   1679.    The  ed.   1679,  under  the 

name  Harvey,  presents  a  plate  showing  the  trefoils  in  the  arms 
tinctured  azure  although  described  in  the  text  as  vert;  the  crest 
in  this  illustration  undoubtedly  served  as  the  model  for  that  shown 
in  the  Gore  Roll,  although  in  the  book  the  leopard  is  tricked  as 
proper  powdered  with  ermine  spots  gold,  holding  a  trefoil  slipped 
vert. 

20,23.    Foster.    Kds.  1660',  1660". 

25.  White.    Eds.   1660",   1679.    In  the  former  edition,  on  a  sheet 

w^hich  may  be  a  later  insertion  of  1664  or  after,  the  arms  of  Sir 
Stephen  White  of  London,  of  a  Norfolk  familv,  are  given  as  Gules 
a  chevron  between  three  boar's  heads  couped  silver  armed  gold; 
the  ed.  1679  repeats  the  record.  The  illustration  shows  the 
end  of  the  neck  ragged  with  many  small  tabs,  exactly  as  in  the 
Gore  Roll,  and  therefore  presumably  served  as  the  model  for  the; 
latter. 

28.  Evance.  Ed.  1679,  arms  of  John  Evance  of  London,  Esq. 

60,  72.  Dudley.  Eds.  1660',  1660".  In  the  ed.  1660'  these  arms  are 
given  for  Dudley  in  the  fifth  quartering  of  the  arms  of  Sir  Wing- 
field  Bodenham,  knt.,  as  well  as  for  Sir  Andrew  Sutton,  alias 
Dudley,  knt.  In  the  ed.  1600"  they  appear  as  the  arms  of  John 
Sutton,  called  Dudley,  viscount  L'Isle,  later  duke  of  Northumber- 
land, and  of  his  sons  Ambrose  earl  of  Warwick  and  Robert  earl  of 
Leicester. 

Governor  Thomas  Dudley  used  on  his  seal  a  single-tailed  lion 
and  a  crescent  for  difference;  and  the  addition  of  another  tail 
(and  the  omission  of  the  crescent)  on  the  arms  of  his  son  Gov- 
ernor Joseph  Dudley  makes  it  look  as  though  he  believed  in,  or 
wished  to  believe  in,  a  connection  with  the  English  peerage. 

66.  Savage.    Eds.  1660',  1660". 

74.  Jckyll.   Ed.  1679. 

81.  Fowle.    Eds.   1660',  1660'',  1679.    These  arms  are  given  under 

the  name  of  Foulis,  of  which  Fowle  is  a  variant.  See  also  under 
Morgan. 

(c)    PVom  Morgan's  "Sphere  of  Gentry",  1661: 

2.  Crofts.    These  arms,  but  without  the  crescent  for  difference,  ap- 

pear as  the  arms  of  Crofts  of  Lancashire.  Guillim,  eds.  1 660'  and 
1660",  gives  for  the  arms  of  John  Crofts  of  Stow,  co.  Suffolk, 
created  baronet  1660:  (lold  three  bull's  heads  couped  sable. 


THE  C;ORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS  93 

43.  Hurst.   Silver  a  sun  gules. 

73.  Burghdon.  Sir  Ralph  de  Bourgdon  bore:  Silver  three  cinqfoils 
sable. 

8  1 .  Fowle.   Under  the  spelling  of  Foules:  Silver  three  oak  leaves  vert. 

See  also  under  Kent. 

( d )   From  Kent's  "Grammar  of  Heraldry",  ed.  1716: 

60,  72.    Dudlev.   The  arms  of  Sutton,  anciently  barons  of  Dudley. 

74.  Jekyll. 

8  1 .  Fowle.    Fowlis  bore:   Silver  three  oak  leaves  vert. 

3.   From  family  possessions,  such  as  paintings,  embroid- 
eries, and  engravings  on  plate  or  stone. 

5,  13,  31.  Sargent..  Peter  Sargent  used  an  armorial  seal  in  1 693  (Heraldic 
Journal  I  118). 

5,  67.  Shrimpton.  The  Shrimpton  family  appears  to  have  used  arms, 
for  in  addition  to  the  record  by  Judge  Sewall  of  the  use  of 
"scutcheons"  at  the  funeral  of  Colonel  Samuel  Shrimpton  in  1697 
/'8  (see  page  8  ),  there  exists  a  bill  for  hatchment  against 

the  estate  of  Col.  Samuel  Shrimpton  in  1688  (Bolton);  they 
appear  to  have  been  the  arms  here  shown,  for  they  are  engraved 
(without  tinctures)  on  a  tankard  marked  M  S  made  by  John 
Coney  (born  1655,  died  1722)  for  Mary  Shrimpton  (born 
1677)  who  married  (1)  in  1692  Robert  Gibbs  (born  1665,  died 
1702)  and  (2)  Samuel  Sewall,  and  the  Gibbs  and  Shrimpton 
arms  appear  on  a  portrait  of  a  member  of  the  Gibbs  family 
(Bolton). 

8.  Sedgewick.  The  claim  is  made  that  a  tankard  engraved  with  these 
arms  was  brought  to  this  country  by  the  immigrant,  Major- 
General  Robert  Sedgewick,  in  1635. 

9,  30.    Brattle.   The  arms  are  found  on  a  basin  given  by  Jeremiah  Dum- 

mer  to  the  Rev.  William  Brattle  in  1695  (Bolton). 

10,3  3.  Richards.  These  arms  appear  on  the  seal  used  by  Wclthean 
Richards,  widow  of  Thomas  Richards,  on  her  will  in  1679 
(Heraldic  Journal  II  7). 

1  4.  Checklev.    These  arms  recur  on  the  gravestone  in  the  Granary 

Burving  Ground  in  Boston  of  Richard  Checkley  who  died  in 
1  742,  the  nephew  of  Anthony  Chickley  who  appears  in  the  Gore 
Roll  (Heraldic  Journal  II  131-132);  and  the  supplement  to 
Bolton's  "American  Armor\  "  mentions  the  Checklev  arms  on  a 


94  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

paten  in  St.  George's  Church,  Newport,  Rhode  Island,  without 
mention  of  the  date  or  the  name  of  the  maker.  The  Rev.  Nelson 
W.  Brvant,  Rector  of  this  church,  has  kindly  furnished  a  rubbing 
showing  the  arms  (a  chevron  between  three  molets,  no  crest,  no 
tinctures  shown)  and  the  punch-mark;  the  latter  is  that  of  John 
Coney,  who  was  born  in  165  5  and  died  in  1722.  Mrs.  Buchler 
of  the  Silver  Department,  Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston,  supplies 
the  information  that  the  letters  D  W  are  found  on  the  bottom  of 
the  paten,  thought  by  Jones,  author  of  "American  Church  Silver" 
to  be  the  initials  of  the  original  owner,  and  that  there  is  no  known 
Chcckley  provenance  for  the  piece,  its  history  before  1  83  3,  when 
it  was  given  to  the  church  by  a  member  of  the  Wolfe  family,  being 
whollv  unknown.  It  is  therefore  logical  to  try  to  connect  the  arms 
with  a  name  beginning  with  W  rather  than  with  Checkley,  and 
the  Wyllvs  arms  are  Silver  a  chevron  sable  between  three  molets 
gules. 

20.  Apthorp.  Old  silver  owned  in  the  family  is  said  to  have  been 
brought  from  England  and  to  have  these  arms  engraved  on  it, 
but  correspondence  has  failed  to  elicit  more  exact  data. 

21.  Phips.  These  arms  were  used  by  Governor  Sir  William  Phips  on 
his  will ;  he  died  in  1695  (Heraldic  Journal  1  15  3). 

24.  Saltonstall.    The  arms  are  of  record  in  the  College  of  Arms  as 

those  of  this  family  (see  Heraldic  Journal  I  161-164)  and  Sir 
Richard  Saltonstall  used  them  on  his  seal  (Massachusetts  Historical 
Society,  Collections,  4th  Series,  \4I  Plate  Y). 

29.  Dyer.   See  mention  in  the  text  of  seals  in  1660  and  1688. 

34.  Norton.   See  mention  in  the  text  of  a  seal  of  1663. 

42.  Paige.    These  arms  and  crest  are  on  the  seal  used  by  Nicholas 

Paige  of  Boston  in  1679  —  Massachusetts  Archives,  Document 
61,  page  196  (Bolton). 

44,  5  7.  Brown.  The  arms,  but  said  to  be  single-cotised,  arc  on  the 
monument  of  William  Brown  of  Salem  who  died  in  1687 
(Heraldic  fournal  II  23).  Single-cotised,  they  appear  on  a  tank- 
ard made  by  Coney  (born  165  5,  died  1722)  which  has  been 
traced  back  to  about  the  vear  1700;  this  is  in  private  hands  and 
has  been  examined  by  the  writer. 

58,  73.  Brindesley.  Although  this  famil_\-  is  said  to  have  come  from 
Exeter  their  name  is  not  found  in  the  Armor}'  of  the  Western 
Counties  nor  in  the  \'isitations  of  Devon  in  1  564  and  1620.  4'he 
above  arms,  except  that  the  border  is  omitted,  appear  on  the  will 
of  Francis  Brinlev  who  died  in   1719  (Heraldic   Journal  II   3!  ). 


THE  GORE  ROLL  OE  ARMS  .        95 

61.  Thacher.     These   arms   are   on    the   seal   of   the    Rev.    Thomas 

Thacher,  1676  (New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical 
Register  VIII  177,  178). 

67.  Yeomans.   A  cream-jug  bearing  these  arms,  mentioned  by  Bolton 

without  date,  proves  to  have  been  made  by  Fuller  White  of 
London  in  175  5  /  56,  and  is  therefore  too  late  to  have  served  as 
a  model  for  the  Gore  Roll.) 

77.  Dummer.   See  the  text  for  mention  of  a  confirmation  or  grant  of 

1711.  Jeremiah  Dummer,  said  to  have  been  the  brother  of 
Governor  William  Dummer  of  Massachusetts,  and  an  agent  for 
Massachusetts  in  England  from  1710  to  1721,  used  a  bookplate 
showing  these  arms  (see  Allen's  American  Book  Plates  1894). 

79.  Tyng.    Vermont  says  "plate  is  also  in  existence,  with  old  hall 

marks,  bearing  the  same  devices".   This  has  not  been  verified. 

LIST  OF  AUTHORITIES  FOR  THE  NOTES 

Armory  of   the   Western   Counties,   An.   S.    Baring   Gould   and    Robert 

Twigg.    1898.  " 
Berry,  William.    Encyclopaedia  Heraldica.    (1828.) 
Bolton,  Charles  K.,  American  Armory,  1927. 
Buck,  Howard  M.,  M.  D.,  Boston,  Mass.  Manuscript  notes  in  his  copy 

of  the  Heraldic  Journal. 
Buck,  J.  H.   Old  Plate,  Ecclesiastical,  Decorative  and  Domestic.    1888. 
Burke,  John  and  John  Bernard.    General  Armory  of  England,  Scotland 

and  Ireland.    Third  edition,  1847. 
Chapin,  Howard  M.,  Librarian,  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society,  Provi- 
dence, R.  1.    (1)  Personal  letters.    (2)  A  Roll  of  the  Arms  used  in  the 

English   Colony   of   Rhode    Island    in    New    England,    1636-1776. 

Providence,  R.  I.,  1929. 
Collins,  Arthur,  and   Roper,  Abel.    The  Peerage  of  England.    Second 

edition,  1710. 
Dallaway,   fames.    Inquiries  into  the  Origin  and  Progress  of  the  Science 

of  Heraldry  in  England.    1793. 
Edmondson,  Joseph,  Mowbrav  Herald  Extraordinary.   A  Complete  Body 

of  Heraldry.     1780. 
d'Eschavannes,  Jouffro}'.    Armorial  Lhiiversel.    1848. 
Fairbairn's  Book  of  Crests  of  the  Families  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland. 

(1905.) 
Guillim,     John,    Rouge-Dragon    Pursuivant.    A    Display    of    Heraldrie 

1610-^1611,  1632,  1638,  1660  (bis),  1664,  1679,  1724. 
Hargreaves,  Major  Reginald,  M.  C.  "Mr.  Crofts,  the  King's  Bastard" 

1929. 
Heraldic  Journal,  The.  ^  olumes  I,  II  and  I\'  (1865,  1866,  1868)  edited 

by  William  W.  Whitmore;  \'olume  III  (1867)   edited  by  William 

S.  Appleton. 


96  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

Hevlyn,  Rev.  Peter.   A  Help  to  English  History.   Edited  b}'  Paul  Wright. 

'1773. 
Johnson's  Universal  Cvclopaedia.   Edited  by  Charles  K.  Adams.     1  898. 
Johnston,  G.  Harvey.   Scottish  Heraldry  Made  Easy.   Ed.    1912. 
Kent,  Samuel.   The  Grammar  of  Heraldry.    1716. 
Kent,  Samuel.   The  Banner  Displayed.    175  5. 
Lincolnshire  Pedigrees.    Edited  bv  A.   R.   Maddison.     Publ.   Harl.  Soc. 

L  — LII,  1902-1906. 
Memorial  History  of  Boston.    ]'',dited  by  Justin  Winsor.    1  880-1881 . 
Nisbet,  Alexander.    A  System  of  Heraldry.    Ed.  I  804. 
Papworth,  John  W.,  and  Morant,  Alfred  W.    An  Ordinary  of  British 

Armorials.    1874. 
Paul,  fames  Balfour,  Lvon  King  of  Arms.   An  Ordinary  of  Arms  contained 

in  the  Public  Register  of  all  Arms  and  Bearings  in  Scotland.    1  893. 

1903. 
Promptuarium  Armorum.    Manuscript,   1602-1616,  by  William  Smith, 

Rouge-Dragon  Pursuivant.    In  private  hands  and  too  frail  to  be  con- 
sulted now.   Examined  about  191  5  by  Dr.  Howard  M.  Buck  who  has 

added    notations    referring   to   this   manuscript    to    his   copy   of   the 

Heraldic  Journal. 
Risdon,   Tristram.    The   Note    Book   of  Tristram    Risdon,    1608-1628. 

(Devonshire  arms.)    1897. 
Seton,  George.   The  Law  and  Practice  of  Heraldry  in  Scotland.    1  863. 
Siege  of  Carlaverock,  The,    1300.    Indited  by  Nicholas  Harris  Nicolas. 

1828. 
Sims,  R.   An  Index  to  the  Pedigrees  and  Arms  contained  in  the  Herald's 

Visitations  and  other  Genealogical  Manuscripts  in  the  British  Museum. 

1849. 
"Vermont"  (Bowman),  E.  de  \'.  America  Heraldica.    1886. 
Visitation   of  Durham   .   .    1575,    1615,   and    1666.     Edited   by   Joseph 

Foster.    1887. 
\'isitation  of  London  .  .  1633,  1634  and  163  5.   Edited  by  Joseph  Jackson 

Howard  and  Joseph  Lemuel  Chester.    I'ubl.  Harl.  Soc.  X\'  and  X\'ll, 

1880  and  1883. 
Visitations  of  Somerset  1  531,  1  573,  1  591.    Edited  by  Frederic  William 

Weaver.    188  5. 
\'isitation  of  Somerset  1623.    Isdited  b\'  Frederic  Thomas  Colbw    I'ubl. 

Harl.  Soc.  XL    1876. 
Whitmore,  William  H.  The  Gore  Roll  of  Arms.    Heraldic  Journal,  \'()I.  1 

(1865).  pp.  113-140. 
Whitmore,  William  H.    'Fhe  l'".lements  of  Heraldrv.    1866.    Gore's  List, 

pp.  80-94. 
Yorke,  James,  of  Lincolne,  Blacksmith.     I'he  Union  of  Honour.    1641. 


Form  of  Legacy 


"I  give  and  bequeath  to  the  Rhode  Island 

Historical  Society  the  sum  of    

dollars." 


JioGI-H   Wll   l.lAMh   I'ki>^  "^Iw^^ 


^ 


V .  A.  Johnson  Co. 


PROVIDF,NCU 


Rhode    Island 

Historical     Society 

Collections 


Vol.  XXXI 


_         ''•k\N 

^   P  b,  R  p  i:  r  u  \  L 


No.  4 


C    K. 


l,c   Prime,   Epaa,  Cycl.  of  the  Sun,  Dominical   uTJTiTKtSSST^,  High  \Vati;r,   Day  of  th.  Month,   Day 

Enjjtjnd.  3nd   lemarVable  Pays  fot 


■  T,.,!,  c)   lit  dm 


, .  OJjai^t™  ^.o^.j.;^.^..^;-;;  ^.^-j,;,,.  , 


,  t.«  .1.  />.,.; .~  »>...i.  t;  .»■  ^.y  j  't- fe'ij, ;"' ■'■■I  ifj  ;i/Ti  .'■ 
^?"V._'ZI^_, ._..".,.  .",!'..v„,  .Ki,i,  i,c— -I- ,     ,  ''^*"iSa~%='w™'^'"?°<:T'S'S?Jiii'»"|"i^^ 


nlcal   Letiei 


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Issued  Qu:irrcrl\- 
68  Waterman  Street,  Pkomofnck,  Riioni    Isi  \m) 


CONTENTS 


Perpetual  Almanac  of  1730 


PAGE 


.  Cover 


The  Shepley  Library 


97 


French  Manuscript  Revolutionary  Map 
of  Narragansett  Bay    . 


99 


The  Division  of  the  Home  Lots  of 
Providence 
by  John  Hutchins  Cady 


01 


Silas  Cooke,  A  Victim  of  the  Revolution 
by  Susan  Stanton  Brayton     . 


08 


Privateer  Sloop  Independent 


122 


Notes 


23 


The  Gore  Roll  of  Arms 
by  Harold  Bowditch 


124 


RHODE 
HISTORICAL 


ISLAND 

SOCIETY 


COLLECTIONS 


Vol.  XXXI 


OCTOBER,   1938 


No.  + 


Harry  Parsons  Cross,  President 
William  Davis  Miller,  Secretary 


Robert  T.  Downs,  Treasurer 
Howard  M.  Chapin,  Librarian 


The  Society  assumes  no  responsibility  for  the  statements  or  the  opinions 
of  contributors. 


The  Shepley  Library 


In  June,  thanks  to  a  public  spirited  group  of  generous 
Rhode  Islanders,  the  Society  was  able  to  purchase  the 
George  L.  Shepley  collection  of  Rhode  Island  books  and 
prints. 

The  Shepley  library  is  the  largest  and  most  important 
collection  of  books  ever  obtained  by  the  Society  at  one 
time.  It  contains  a  large  number  of  rare  Rhode  Island 
books,  broadsides  and  prints  which  fill  most  of  the  impor- 
tant gaps  in  this  section  of  the  Society's  library. 

Most  interesting  perhaps  of  the  rare  books  is  the  Calen- 
drier  Franqaise  which  was  printed  on  the  press  that  was 
brought  to  America  on  the  Neptune  during  the  American 
Revolution.  This  press  was  set  up  on  shore  at  Newport  and 
this  French  almanac  was  printed  in  1780.  There  are  only 
two  copies  of  this  almanac  now  known  to  be  in  existence. 
Both  are  owned  by  the  Society  and  are  imperfect.  The  one 
which  has  been  owned  by  the  Rhode  Island  Historical 
Society  for  over  twenty  years  lacks  the  last  four  leaves  and 
the  one  in  the  Shepley  collection  lacks  the  title  page.  These 
two  books  now  united  constitute  a  complete  copy,  the  only 
known  copy  in  existence. 


98  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

Other  interesting  items  are  a  perpetual  almanac  printed 
as  a  broadside  by  James  Franklin  about  1730,  the  broad- 
side advertisement  of  the  North  American  Calendar  for 
1781,  Roger  Williams'  book  entitled  Major  Butier^s 
Fourth  Paper,  the  Sotzmann  Map  of  Rhode  Island  printed 
in  German  in  1797,  and  a  collection  of  twenty  pamphlets 
printed  by  Gregory  Dexter  in  England  before  he  came  to 
Providence. 

The  collection  contains  a  large  number  of  manuscripts 
and  pictures  which  supplement  the  Societ\''s  remarkably 
extensive  collection. 

Among  the  manuscripts  are  two  original  letters  of  Roger 
Williams  in  his  own  handwriting,  the  original  charter  of 
the  town  of  Warwick,  a  manuscript  map  of  Xarragansett 
Bay  made  by  French  officers  during  the  Re\'olution,  and 
part  of  the  Champlain  Papers,  the  business  papers  of  a 
Newport  merchant.  The  Champlain  papers  were  divided 
into  three  groups.  One  part  was  given  to  the  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society,  about  thirty  years  ago,  and  was  printed 
in  two  volumes  as  "The  Commerce  of  Rhode  Island^', 
another  part  came  to  the  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society 
about  twent}'  \'ears  ago,  and  the  third  was  purchased  by 
Colonel  Shepley.  There  are  also  two  hundred  Rhode 
Island  Revolutionary  Muster  Rolls,  and  two  Rhode  Island 
Revolutionary  orderly  books. 

The  collection  also  contains  a  comprehensive  collection 
of  books  on  Rhode  Island  history  and  Rhode  Island  biog- 
raph\'  which,  while  duplicating  what  the  Society  already 
has,  will  serve  a  most  useful  purpose.  As  the  librar}'  rules 
do  not  allow  Rhode  Island  books  to  circulate  when  the 
Society  owns  only  one  copy,  these  newly  acquired  volumes 
of  standard  works  on  Rhode  Island  history  will  form  a 
duplicate  library  on  this  subject  which  can  circulate  among 
our  members.  For  a  long  time  the  most  obvious  need  of 
the  Society  has  been  a  circulating  collection  of  this  type. 

Over  a  hundred  genealogies,  new  to  the  Societ\"'s  library, 
were  added  to  our  shelves,  and  over  a  hundred  badly  worn 


\  •     1  is?  f»«'  /f 


<i 


Co 
pq    •»» 


100 


RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 


genealogies  were  replaced  by  ones  in  good  condition.  Simi- 
lar replacements  are  being  made  in  all  classes  of  our  Rhode 
Island  Books. 

Many  new  items  are  included  in  the  groups  of  Rhode 
Island  state  publications,  books  relating  to  Rhode  Island 
towns,  Rhode  Island  imprints,  the  publications  of  Rhode 
Island  organizations  and  ephemeral  advertising  leafllets 
and  programs  which,  while  of  little  or  no  commercial  value, 
will  be  of  great  use  to  future  students  and  research  workers. 

Those  who  made  possible  the  purchase  of  this  collec- 
tion were: 


Mrs.  Daniel  Beckwith 
Mr.  Cyrus  P.  Brown 
Mr.  John  Nicholas  Brown 
Mr.  William  S.  Cherry 
Mrs.  Murray  S.  Danforth 
Miss  Caroline  Hazard 
Mr.  Clinton  P.  Knight 
Mr.  W.  Easton  Louttit,  Jr. 
Mrs.  William  E.  Louttit 
Mr.  G.  Pierce  Metcalf 


Hon.  Jesse  H.  Metcalf 
Mrs.  Jesse  H.  Metcalf 
Mr.  Stephen  O.  Metcalf 
Mr.  William  Davis  Miller 
Mr.  Paul  C.  Nicholson 
Mrs.  Paul  C.  Nicholson 
Miss  Ellen  D.  Sharpe 
Mr.  Henry  D.  Sharpe 
Mr.  Thomas  E.  Steere 
Mrs.  Kenneth  F.  Wood 


HOME  LOTS  OF  PROVIDENCE  101 

The  Divisions  of  the  Home  Lots  of 

Providence 

By  John  Hutch  ins  Cady 

Two  divisions  of  home  lots  were  made  by  the  propri- 
etors of  the  purchase  of  Providence,  the  first  about  two 
years  after  its  settlement  in  1636,  and  the  second  in  1718. 

On  the  basis  of  records  contained  in  a  manuscript  pub- 
lished about  1660,  still  on  file  in  the  City  Clerk's  office, 
the  area  of  the  lots  in  the  first  division  has  been  established, 
approximately,  as  bounded  by  the  Towne  street  (North 
Main  and  South  Main  streets')  on  the  west,  Dexter's  Lane 
(Olney  Street)  on  the  north,  the  Highway  at  the  Head 
of  the  Lots  (Hope  Street )  on  the  east,  and  Mile  End  Cove 
( Wickenden  Street)  on  the  south,  with  two  lanes  running 
east  and  west  where  Meeting  Street  and  Power  Street,  re- 
spectively, are  now  located/ 

The  lots  in  the  second  division  were  located  "on  the 
southerly  and  easterly  side  of  Weybosset  Street,  on  the 
west  side  of  North  Main  Street  north  of  Canal  Market, 
and  on  the  south  side  of  Olney  Street",  a  total  of  "one 
hundred  and  one  lots,  being  one  for  each  proprietor,  which 
were  drawn  for  by  the  proprietors  or  their  assigns"'.  Two 
plats  of  the  second  division  of  lots,  excluding  those  on 
Weybosset  Street  ( which  are  not  being  considered  at  this 
time),  are  on  file  at  the  City  Hall  entitled,  respectively, 
"A  Draught  of  ye  Lotts  Laid  out  in  the  Second  Division 
of  house  Lotts  in  Providence  .  .  ."'  and  "A  map  of  the 
house  Lotts  in  the  Towne  Street,  Stampers  Hill,  accepted 

^  Wm.  R.  Staples:  Annals  of  the  Town  of  Providence,  page  36; 
Chas.  W.  Hopkins:  The  Home  Lots  of  the  Early  Settlers;  Howard  M. 
Chapin:  The  Lands  and  Houses  of  the  First  Settlers  of  Providence,  R.  L 
Hist.  Coll.,  January,  1919. 

-  Staples  Annals,  page  37. 

^  Plats  of  Streets  and  Highways  in  Providence,  Book  I,  page  12. 


102  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

3d  Febr'y  1717/18  Taken  from  the  Chest  containing  the 
Papers  of  the  Ancient  Harris  Family.  .  .  ."  The  house  lots 
as  platted  were  much  smaller  than  those  of  the  first  divi- 
sion, none  exceeding  eight  thousand  square  feet  in  area. 
Numerous  highways  are  indicated  on  the  plats"*:  the  original 
Towne  street,  which  formerly  terminated  at  the  northern- 
most home  lot,  was  extended  "fourty  foot  wide"  and  ap- 
parently continued  as  the  road  to  Pawtucketj  "A  street 
Twenty  foot  wide  over  Stampers  hill"  ( later  known  as 
Stampers  Street,  and  merged  into  North  Main  Street  when 
the  latter  highway  was  widened  in  1920)  intersected  the 
Towne  street  near  the  top  of  Constitution  Hill  and  ran 
some  nine  hundred  feet  to  the  north;  farther  to  the  west 
was  a  highway  winding  down  the  hillside  in  a  southerly 
direction  from  the  Towne  street  to  the  Moshassuck  River  j 
the  present  Olney  Street  is  shown  on  the  plats,  as  well  as  a 
"gangway"  which  later  became  Benefit  Street. 

Most  of  the  house  lots  of  the  second  division  were  located 
west  of  the  Towne  street;  four  lots,  in  addition  to  the 
"prison  lot",  were  platted  in  the  triangular  space  where 
North  Main  and  Benefit  streets  now  converge;  two  lots 
are  shown  east  of  the  Towne  street,  just  south  of  Olney; 
and  on  one  of  the  plats  twelve  lots  are  indicated  on  the 
south  side  of  Olney  Street  east  of  North  Main. 

A  comparison  of  the  plan  of  the  original  home  lots  as 
reconstructed  by  Charles  W.  Hopkins'  with  the  plats  of 
the  second  division  shows  an  overlapping  of  all  of  the  lots 
east  of  North  Main  Street  as  laid  out  in  the  later  allotment 
of  lands.  Obviously  the  proprietors  could  not  have  in- 
cluded in  the  second  division  lands  already  privately 
owned;  therefore  those  apparently  overlapping  lots  were 
not  a  part  of  the  earlier  division. 

The  original  owner  of  the  most  northern  home  lot  was 
Gregory  Dexter,  the  northern  boundary  of  whose  land, 
according  to  Mr.  Hopkins,  was  a  lane,  known  as  Dexter's 

*  See  accompanying  1  Sth  centur\-  map. 
^  The  Home  Lotts  of  the  Earl\-  Settlers. 


PROVIDENCE 

]N   THE  MIDDLE  Of  THE 

Eighteenth  Centuj^y 

o Jbo' jooo' 

5cale.         I    I    I    I    I    I    I    I    I    I   1 


Prawn    by  John  JlutcnJn5  Cady 


104  RHODE   ISLAND   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

lane,  where  Olney  Street  is  now  located.  The  platting  of 
house  lots  on  the  south  side  of  Olney  Street  in  the  second 
division  indicates,  however,  that  Dexter's  northern  line 
was  nearly  one  hundred  feet  south  of  Olney  Street.  It 
seems  probable,  therefore,  that  the  western  end  of  Dexter's 
lane  was  common  land,  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  wide, 
more  or  less.  On  the  north  side  of  the  common,  i.e.  the 
present  northeast  corner  of  North  Main  and  Olney, 
Epenetus  Olney  established  a  tavern.  The  town  stocks 
were  set  up  on  the  common''  and  the  village  smithy  also 
stood  there' .  Coincident  with  the  second  allotment  Dexter's 
lane  was  probably  moved  northward  to  the  present  location 
of  Olney  Street. 

The  triangular  area  between  North  Main  and  Benefit 
streets,  as  platted  for  house  lots  in  the  second  division,  was 
bounded  on  the  south  by  Joseph  Whipple's  land.  Ap- 
parently at  this  point  the  Towne  street  originally  turned 
eastward  and  paralleled  the  north  bound  of  the  fifth  home 
lot  for  a  short  distance  before  resuming  its  northward 
course*  in  order  to  avoid  the  ravine''  which  extended  down 
to  the  mill  pond.  This  fact  is  borne  out  by  the  record  of  a 
conveyance  of  four  house  lots  by  Benedict  Arnold  to  John 
Whipple,  September  10,  1666,  "Bounded  on  ye  North 
party  by  ye  Common  &  partly  by  ye  howSelott  of  Edward 
Manton"^".  Possibly  the  ravine  was  later  partially  filled 
and  rocks  or  other  obstructions  removed,  which  made  it 
possible  to  straighten  the  Towne  street  at  this  point  and 
make  available  the  triangular  area  of  common  land  for  sale. 

The  nineteen  original  house  lots  north  of  Meeting 
Street  were  computed  by  Mr.  Hopkins  to  have  an  average 
width  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-two  feet;  the  revised 
location  of  the  northernmost  lot,  as  described  above,  would 

^  Early  Records  of  Providence,  \'ol.  \'III,  page  142. 

^  Earlv  Records  of  Providence,  \'ol.  XI,  page  49. 

*  See  accompanying  17th  century  map. 

"  Dorr:   The  Planting  and  Growth  of  Providence,  page  14. 

^"  Early  Records  of  Providence,  \'ol.  XX,  page  281. 


GO  40 


60  lOO        /lO       itiO 


PROVIDlNC[ 

JN      THE 

Seventeenth  Century 

o yoo'  1000 

5cale         I   I   I   I   I   I  -r-r-r-i-| 
JJraWn    oy  John  Jlutcnins  Cady 


106  RHODE    ISLAND    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 

reduce  that  average  to  one  hundred  and  thirteen  feet.  The 
four  lots  deeded  to  Joseph  Whipple  by  Benedict  Arnold 
were  described  as  four  hundred  and  fifty  feet  wide  in  the 
aggregate,  an  average  of  one  hundred  and  twelve  and 
one-half  feet  for  each  lot.  The  Roger  Williams  lot  was 
marked  "6  poles  4  feet  wide"  (112  feet)  on  "A  True 
plat  of  Benefit  Street.  .  .  .  February  the  11th,  1748"''j 
this  lot  must  originally  have  been  over  twenty  feet  wider, 
however,  to  have  extended  from  the  north  line  of  Bowen 
Street  northward  to  include  Williams'  house,  the  location 
of  which  has  been  fixed  at  a  spot  north  of  Howland  Street. 
With  respect  to  the  area  of  the  original  home  lots,  Mr. 
Hopkins  made  the  following  computations:  nineteen  lots 
in  the  northern  section  averaged  five  and  one-half  acres 
each,  twenty-one  lots  in  the  middle  section  averaged  a 
little  over  five  acres,  and  twelve  lots  in  the  southern  sec- 
tion averaged  four  and  one-half  acres.  The  total  area  of 
the  home  lots  included  within  the  bounds  shown  on  the 
accompanying  map  of  Providence  in  the  seventeenth 
century,  after  deducting  the  land  used  for  the  two  original 
lanes,  is  approximately  three  hundred  and  thirty-two  acres. 
On  that  basis  the  fifty-two  home  lots  averaged  a  little  over 
six  and  one-third  acres  per  lot,  an  area  considerably  in 
excess  of  Mr.  Hopkins'  estimate.  The  question  is  there- 
fore asked  whether  all  of  the  lots  were  as  long  as  commonly 
believed  and  whether  the  highway  at  the  head  of  the  lots, 
whose  lines  Hope  Street  is  supposed  to  follow,  might 
not  have  been  located  farther  to  the  west.  In  support  of 
that  theory  is  the  record  of  the  appropriation  by  the  Town 
to  William  Arnold  of  his  house  share  measuring  in  length 
"five  score  and  twelve  poles  .  .  .  the  poles  being  sixteen 
feet  and  one  half"'",  or  1848  feet,  whereas  the  length 
from  North  Main  Street  to  Hope  Street  at  the  location  of 
the  Arnold  lot  is  approximately  2300  feet.  On  the  other 
hand  the  bounds  established  for  the  present  Meeting  and 

^^  Plats  of  Streets  and  Highways  in  Providence,  Book  I,  page  17. 
^'  Hopkins:   The  Home  Lots  of  the  Early  Settlers,  page  23. 


HOME  LOTS  OF  PROVIDENCE  107 

Power  Streets  in  1731  and  1758,  respectively^"^,  apparently 
identify  Hope  Street  as  the  eastern  bound  of  the  Home 
lots.  The  courses  of  the  "highway  that  leads  up  into  the 
Neck  by  the  County  House  from  the  Towne  Street  to  the 
highway  at  the  head  of  the  town  lots"  aggregated  one 
hundred  and  seventy-seven  poles  j  and  those  for  the  "high- 
way lieing  from  Towne  Street  eastwardly  into  a  highway 
that  goes  across  at  the  end  of  the  town  lots  between  the 
lands  of  Joseph  Whipple  and  Nicholas  Power"  totalled 
one  hundred  and  thirty-four  poles.  Those  distances  are 
approximately  the  present  lengths  of  the  two  streets  from 
North  and  South  Main  to  Hope. 

The  houses  of  the  early  settlers  were  located  near  the 
Towne  street;  on  the  hillside  behind  them  were  the 
orchards  and  family  burial  lots;  the  area  over  the  brow 
of  the  hill  to  the  eastern  end  of  the  lots  was  forest  and 
swamp  land.  The  highway  at  the  head  of  the  lots  was 
probably  little  more  that  a  foot  trail.  It  is  doubtful  if 
the  original  owners  knew,  or  cared,  just  where  their  lots 
ended.  The  informal  method  of  measuring  distances  with 
poles,  which  varied  from  sixteen  to  eighteen  feet  in  length, 
and  the  necessity  of  dodging  trees  and  swampy  places  when 
the  surveys  were  made,  may  well  account  for  the  numerous 
inconsistencies  found  in  dimensions  given  in  the  early 
records  of  the  colony. 


^•^  Early  Records  of  Providence,  Vol.  IX,  pages  59,  76. 


108  RHODE   ISLAND    HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

Silas  Cooke  —  A  Victim  of  the  Revolution 

By  Susan  Stanton  Brayton 

After  the  expulsion  of  the  British  from  Boston  in  1776, 
the  Island  of  Rhode  Island  and  the  adjacent  waters  became 
the  New  England  storm  centre  in  the  War  of  the  Revolu- 
tion. As  early  as  1772  in  fact,  the  burning  of  the  Gaspee, 
an  English  vessel  sent  to  check  smuggling,  whose  com- 
mander had  exceeded  his  authority  in  the  search  for  con- 
traband articles,  had  inaugurated  a  series  of  events  which 
brought  distress  and  suffering  to  Rhode  Island.  An  English 
fleet  patrolled  the  bay,  committing  depredations  on  the 
smaller  islands  and  the  coast  of  the  mainland. 

In  December  1776  Sir  Peter  Parker  was  sent  with  a 
British  squadron  to  Rhode  Island.  Upon  the  approach 
of  his  fleet  a  large  number  of  people  living  on  the  coast, 
with  their  stock  and  other  possessions,  were  conveyed  to 
shelter  in  the  interior.  On  December  8  his  army  disem- 
barked and  after  a  night  of  pillage  marched  to  Newport, 
establishing  quarters  for  some  of  the  soldiers,  on  the  way, 
in  farm  houses  in  Middletown. 

The  general  in  command  of  the  British  garrison,  Major 
General  Prescott,  was  a  man  of  brutal  tendencies,  and 
fortunately  was  removed  for  a  time,  having  been  captured 
and  sent  to  Washington.  During  his  year's  absence,  Gen- 
eral Pigot  was  in  charge. 

In  1778  in  an  attempt  to  dislodge  the  British,  General 
Sullivan  with  Greene  and  Lafayette  was  sent  to  co-operate 
with  the  French  fleet  and  army  under  Count  d'Estaing. 
The  fleet,  after  maneuvers  with  the  English,  was  disabled 
in  a  storm  and  proceeded  to  Boston  for  repairs.  Sullivan 
defeated  the  English  forces  in  the  Battle  of  Rhode  Island 
on  August  29,  but  was  unable  to  follow  up  his  victory  and 
retreated  to  the  mainland.  For  another  year  the  islanders 
endured  the  horrors  of  pilhige  and  starvation.  In  October 


\ 


SILAS  COOKE  109 

1779  the  British  garrison  was  ordered  to  evacuate  the 
island  and  a  fleet  of  transports  arrived  to  embark  the  army 
and  as  many  of  the  Tories  as  cared  to  accompany  them. 
They  departed  leaving  a  trail  of  desolation  behind  them. 
The  city  of  Newport  never  recovered  from  the  blow  dealt 
to  her  commerce.  v 

In  July  1780,  Admiral  de  Ternay,  with  a  fleet  of  ten 
ships  and  an  army  of  6000  men  commanded  by  the  Count 
de  Rochambeau,  arrived  in  Newport  from  France,  to  give 
aid  to  Washington.  The  fleet,  however,  was  blockaded  in 
Narragansett  Bay  by  a  British  squadron  j  and  the  army 
spent  a  year  in  idleness  on  the  island,  finally  moving  to 
the  seat  of  war  in  the  South. 

Among  th.ose  who  chose  to  remain  in  Newport  upon 
the  approach  of  the  British  in  1776,  was  Silas  Cooke,  a 
prosperous  merchant  and  distiller.  He  was  also  a  farmer, 
having,  in  May  1776,  taken  a  sub-lease  of  Whitehall  in 
Middletown,  an  estate  once  owned  by  Bishop  Berkeley, 
who  had  given  it  to  Yale  College,  in  1 769. 

Silas  Cooke  had  served  England  among  the  Rhode 
Island  troops  in  the  French  and  Indian  War,  and  was 
generally  called  Captain  Cooke.  He  was  listed  in  Dr.  Ezra 
Stiles'  diary  as  a  Tory.  Two  of  his  daughters  married  into 
the  Brenton  family  which  was  Royalist  in  sympathy.  Early 
in  the  war  his  son  Silas  Cooke,  Jr.,  had  failed  to  take  an 
oath  demanded  by  the  Colony  and  had  been  ordered  to 
remove  to  South  Kingstown. 

Captain  Cooke  fared  badly  at  the  hands  of  the  British 
army  of  occupation  j  his  garden  and  hen  roosts  became  the 
prey  of  Sullivan's  needy  soldiers  j  and  when  the  French 
came  in  1780,  he  was  ordered  to  surrender  buildings  for 
their  use. 

One  of  Captain  Cooke's  daughters  married  Henry  Mar- 
chant.  Among  the  papers  of  the  Marchant  family  there 
were  recently  found  memoranda  and  lists  drawn  up  by 
Silas  Cooke  setting  forth  his  losses  and  damages  during  the 
five  troublous  years,  1776-1781. 


110  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

His  writing  is  well  nigh  undecipherable,  his  spelling 
is  erratically  phonetic,  and  his  use  of  capitals  quite  original. 
The  story  of  his  sufferings  is,  however,  vivid  and  pictur- 
esque. It  is  transcribed  exactly  as  written,  with  the  addition 
of  punctuation  marks  for  clearness. 

In  a  small  note  book  of  paper  sheets  stitched  together 
are  26  pages  of  Captain  Cooke's  grievances,  supplemented 
on  several  loose  sheets  by  itemized  statements  of  values, 
rents,  etc. 

MEMORANDOM. 

Dec.  7,  1776  This  morning  I  sent  my  horse  cart  by  Vigo 
Gidley  with  a  Load  of  Turnips  and  Cabages  to  Town,  in 
his  return  was  Met  by  an  officer  of  Coll.  J""  Cook.  Stopt 
his  cart  by  Mr.  Benj.  Peckham's  house.  Tooke  ye  horse, 
the  Cart,  Sadel,  Bridel,  Hames,  Coller,  &c  from  ye  Negro, 
Loaded  ye  Cart  with  Sheap  and  Carried  them  of.  1  never 
have  got  any  one  of  ye  artikles  yit.  N.B.  ye  horse  cost 
hard  money  Dollars  64,  Cart  47,  Hames  1,  Coller  1, 
Bridel  1,  Sadel  3---  117 

Dec.  7.  After  Braikfast  I  send  my  ox  Cart  upon  ye  Island 
for  a  load  of  Wood  for  Presarved  Fish.  2  pr  Cattel  in 
their  Return  was  Met  by  sundry  Carts  earring  War  Like 
Bagage  to  ye  Ferrey.  Theay  tooke  one  pair  of  ye  Cattel 
and  carrid  them  of  the  Island.  mySelf  and  other  person 
jug"^  ye  Cattel  to  Weigh  Neare  1800  Weight,  no  Satis- 
faction as  yit.  also  ye  Iron  Chane.  Judged  the  Cattel  to  be 
Worth  120  Dollars  ^   &  26 

Chane  &  Yoke  3 

Dec.  7,  1776  this  day  at  Neare  12  o'clock  the  Fleet  was 
Sean  off  a  Coming  from  N.  Yorke.  Theay  arriv*^  a  Littel 
before  Nighte  at  Wm  Stoddards  Cove.  They  Landed  their 
Troops  ye  Next  day.  General  Clinton  Commanded  the 
Land  forces.  Sir  Peter  Parker  ye  Navy. 
Dec.  12,  1776  This  day  I  had  Quartered  upon  me  in  my 
house  at  White  Hall  by  Captain  Henry  Savage  and  Jn° 


SILAS  COOKE  111 


Piper  Depity  Quarter  Masters  Generals  Brigadier  General 
Huyne,  his  Adjutant,  Mr.  Harker,  &  Eight  Servants, 
Theay  ware  furnished  with  3  Differant  Rooms  with  fire 
places.  Theay  remaind  at  my  house  untill  ye  26  of  May 
1777.  1  furnished  them  with  wood  during  ye  time  theay 
Remand  at  my  house  -untill  ye  26  Day  of  May  which  I 
measured  to  them  which  was  65  cord.  Theay  stole  and 
burnt  for  me  13  or  14  hundred  Rayles;  theay  stole  26 
Turkeys,  32  Gease,  138  Dunhil  fowles;  the  General  had 
a  Roome  with  a  bead  and  beding,  his  adjutant  a  Roome, 
Bead  &  Beading,  also  their  servants.  I  Never  rec'^  any  pay 
for  Wood  &c,  &c,  &c.  But  have  an  order  for  ye  Wood  upon 
Henry  Savage  &  John  Piper.  Was  always  told  when  a 
General  acc^  -was  setteled  Should  be  paid. 

N.B.  Mr.  Henry  Savage  and  ]i\°  Piper  ordered  my 
littel  Carte  be  Deliv*^  Gen.  Huyne.  Was  don.  No  Return 
made. 

When   ye   Troops   first   arriv''   Stephen   Cooke,   Barak 
Master  Demanded  the  Keays  of  my  Store,    it  was  Deliv 
him  ye  15  day  of  Dec.  1776,  at  which  time  their  remand 
in  ye  Store  a  Bl.  of  Tarr,  320  lb  Copper. 

N.B.  October  12,  1779  Stephen  Cooke  Deliv'^  me  ye 
keay  of  my  Store.  The  Bl.  of  Tarr  gone,  also  the  Coper 
and  Refus''  to  allow  me  Rent  or  pay  for  Tarr  &  Coper. 

Applied  to   General   Prescot.    answer  I   have  nothing 

to  Say. 

When  ye  King's  Troops  first  arri\'''  in  Dec''  1 776  Stephen 
Cook  Barack  Master  Quarterd  in  my  house  I  Bought  of 
Nicholas  Carr,  neare  my  Still  house,  36  Solders.  Theay 
remand  their  untill  June  following,  at  which  time  theay 
left  it.  I  fasened  up  ye  house.  Theay  had  Taken  away 
all  ye  Lockes  and  Dores  innside  of  ye  house,  also  ye  Wash 
house — The  Solders  after  the  house  was  left  begun  to 
pull  up  ye  Clapbords  and  Tooke  out  ye  Windows.  I  applyd 
to  General  Pigett  to  have  leave  to  pull  ye  house  Down. 
Was  Refus"^.  Still  ye  Solders  was  at  Worke.  I  appley'^ 
again.    He  told  me' if  I  could  find  any  of  his  Solders  a 


112  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Distroying  ye  house  he  would  punish  them.  I  hired  2 
persons  to  Watch  and  they  found  Sergant  Roberson  and 
Several  Solders  at  Worke  a  hauling  Down  Som  part  of 
ye  house.  I  appley''  again,  the  Sargent  Denied  it  untill 
proof  made — then  Confest — after  that  he  gave  me  Leave 
to  pull  down  what  was  Left,  Which  was  only  part  of  ye 
frame. 

N.B.  before  the  King's  Troops  arriv'^  I  Refus''  500 
Dollars  for  ye  house  and  to  be  Remov"^  from  ye  Ground 
in  7  Days. 

Maj''  Jn"  Morrison  Commisary  General  in  ye  begining 
of  Aug.  1777  Tooke  my  Still  house  and  hid  it  with  Hay 
in  Bundels  which  Remand  their  untill  ye  Later  end  of 
March  1778.  Still  Kept  the  Keays.  he  also  fild  my  Still 
house  that  my  son  Peter  Cooke  Improved,  at  ye  Same  time, 
ye  Hay  Taken  away  ye  begining  of  April.  Still  kept  ye 
keays. 

D'Estaing  arriv''  ye  28  of  July,  1778.  he  Departed 
from  ye  Island  ye  1  1  or  12  of  Aug*  1778 

Aug.  3,  1778  This  day  Capt  Davoin,  Agent  Tolman, 
&  Mr.  Dunlap  took  ye  Keays  of  my  Stabel  from  my  Negro. 
Turned  out  of  ye  Stabel  my  horse  &  Cow  and  put  in  their 
Horses.  I  appley'^  to  General  pigott  for  redress,  his  an- 
swer was  that  their  horses  must  be  in  my  Stabel  Except  I 
would  find  another  for  them.  Theay  Drove  Down  the 
Petison  between  ye  Stabel  and  Chase  house  so  was  oblig 
to  remove  my  Chase.  Theay  then  put  in  more  horses.  I 
appelyed  to  ye  General  again,  told  him  that  their  horses 
was  eating  up  all  my  Hay.  the  answer  was  theay  must 
eate  Hay  and  had  a  Wright  to  take  it  any  Ware.  They 
eate  up  at  least  6  Tuns  Hay 

When  General  Sullivan  was  upon  ye  Island  General 
Pigote — Capt.  Durabant,  Capt.  Henry  Savage  &  John 
Piper  Demanded  my  still  house  floures  to  Make  Platforms 
for  their  Carrage  Guns.  Theay  tooke  1744  feet  plans  from 
my  upper  Still  house  also  from  my  Still  house  that  Peter 
Cooke  improv'^  762  feet  Plank. 


SILAS  COOKE  113 

Dec.  2,  1777  the  last  Neight  I  had  one  of  my  Cows 
taken  from  my  Barn  and  Carred  up  in  ye  Meadow  &  Kildj 
in  ye  morning  we  found  ye  head  &  Hide  only. 

When  General  Sullivan  was  a  coming  upon  the  Island, 
General  Pigott,  General  Prescott,  Capt  du  Aubant,  Henry 
Savage,  John  Piper  ordered  all  my  fence  round  my  upper 
Lott  to  be  Taken  away  and  given  to  the  Solders  also  Every 
Bodys  Else  had  ye  Same  fate 

Theay  Drove  Every  Body's  Cattel  within  ye  Lines  ye 
Same  time  promised  if  any  Lost  Should  be  paid  for.  there 
was  I  suppose  more  than  one  half  kild  to  fead  ye  Solders. 
I  lost  3  Cows,  application  made  for  payment,  not  a  fard- 
ing  to  any  person.    Som  others  lost  all  their  Cows  &  oxen 

Feb.  12  This  Day  Stephen  Cooke  Barack  Master,  the 
General  Prescote,  Henery  Savage  &  Jn"  Piper  ordered  ye 
wharfs  to  be  cutt  up  for  the  Solders  hreing.  Mine  was  Cutt 
up.  I  had  in  ye  wharf  which  I  made  my  Self  96  cord  of 
pine  which  I  paid  for.  When  ye  ace**"  come  to  be  setteld 
they  allow  me  for  7  Cord  of  Wood.  5  Dollars  a  Cord  only. 
Everybody  in  proportion.  I  Compland  to  General  Pres- 
cote.  i\nswer  I  have  Nothing  to  Say. 

When  theay  first  arrived  theay  puld  down  all  my  Ciardin 
fence  oppersett  my  Still  house — also  all  my  fence  round 
my  Garden  S  of  ye  Church — also  my  fence  Round  my 
lott  of  Land  North  of  the  Church  Land — also  all  my 
fence  Round  my  Lott  out  of  ye  Town  joyning  Jn"  Law- 
ton's  Land. 

Mr.  John  Piper,  July  30,  1778,  took  my  horse,  Sadel 
&  Bridel  from  Mr.  Burdick  Boy  when  at  Reads  Mill  at  ye 
time  ye  french  fleet  first  arriv^  ye  horse  I  gott  again,  no 
Sadel  nor  Bridel. 

July  30,  1778  Coll.  Ennes  of  the  artillery  Took  my 
3  horses  and  Negro  man  to  Cart.  Which  he  kept  untill 
the  30  of  Aug*,  no  pay.  one  of  ye  Horses  was  Worked 
so  much  he  Deyed  in  a  few  days  after  I  got  him.    no  pay. 

Memorandom  The  12  day  of  April  1777  Capt.  Da- 
bunt,  Harry  Savage,  &  Jn"  Piper  ordered  my  Scow  to  be 


114  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Taken  to  Carry  Warr  Like  Stores  in  ye  Neck.  He  had 
3  Oares  belonging  to  the  Scow  which  they  had.  ye  Scow  was 
almost  New.  — N.B.  I  never  could  git  ye  Scow.  When 
they  Was  agoeing  away  they  cutt  hir  up. 

MEMORANDOM 

Oct.  10,  1778  This  day  General  Prescot  General  — , 
a  Hasshan  General,  Capt.  Henry  Savage  &  Maj'  Barrey 
Demanded  Keays  of  my  Stabel  opperset  to  my  Still  house 
to  putt  their  Hoshen  artillery  horses  in.  was  Deliver'^ 
Their  was  Two  Tuns  of  Hay  in  ye  Loft  which  thay  prom- 
ised to  pay  for,  but  Never  could  git  the  money  —  Thay 
Took  away  their  horses  ye  24  of  May.  When  they  had 
ye  Stabel  it  was  Devided  in  Two  parts  for  10  horses,  a 
Dore  in  Each  Division,  thay  have  Taken  away  ye  Division 
Bouth  Locks  from  Each  Dore.  no  pay  for  Hay  or  any- 
thing Else. 

MEMORANDOM 

Nov'  4,  1778  This  day  Maj'  John  Morrison  Com- 
mersary  and  his  Depity  Mr.  Parkin  also  John  Forrester 
putt  upon  my  farme  White  Hall  the  Sheap  and  Cattel 
Belonging  to  ye  armeyj  Sheap  936,  Cattel  16.  They  re- 
maind  upon  ye  Farme  untill  ye  9  of  April.  John  Forrister 
was  furnished  with  a  Roome  in  my  house;  ye  other  Officers 
and  Solders  had  my  Small  house  in  ye  yard  to  Live  in.  Jn° 
Forrister  was  head  officer  in  the  time  they  were  at  my  house, 
thay  cutt  up  hve  Gaytes  post  and  use  to  Burn,  also  42  Appel 
Trees,  5  plum  do,  14  peach  do;  Every  Cherrey  Tree  ex- 
cept one,  132  in  number,  486  Lockes  ( locusts),  and  a  large 
Number  of  Button  &  other  Tres,  832  in  all 

They  Broke  ye  Windows  &  Window  Frames  in  ye  Littel 
house,  floures,  Dores,  etc.,  etc.  Cost  me  to  put  in  som 
Kind  of  Order  24  Dollars — they  also  cute  me  down  a 
Nusury  of  Cherrey  Trees,  Suppose  neare  2000  in  Number. 
Theay  also  Broke  my  Barn  floures  and  Divisions,  Burnt 
a  Number  of  my  Rayles.    I  appley''  to  Maj'  Morrison  & 


SILAS  COOKE  115 

Mr.  Parkin  to  have  them  Remov''  in  Vain,  at  last  I  waited 
on  Gen'  Prescottj  he  told  me  the  Stock  must  be  their  for 
John  Forrister  said  their  was  no  place  on  ye  Island  fitt  for 
him  and  ye  Solders  to  be  at  with  ye  Stock  and  Forrister 
had  advis''  to  that  in  ye  first  place.  The  Sheap  and  Cattel 
Remand  so  late  in  ye  Spring  that  I  did  not  Cuct  above 
half  ye  Grass  as  I  did  ye  year  before. 

N.B.  Jn°  Forrister  tells  me  that  Mr.  Wm.  Wanton 
had  200  Sheap  in  ye  flock.  Mr.  Wm.  Wanton  agrees  to 
pay  2'"  ( r  )  ahead  per  Weake  a  Sheap. 

I  drew  out  an  ace'  against  Maj''  Morrison  for  keeping 
the  Stock  and  Damages  don  in  Cutting  Down  my  Trees, 
Gaytes,  horse  Barn,  &c.  he  refus'^  to  pay  anything.  I  apply'^ 
to  General  Prescott,  Whom  told  me  that  if  I  did  not  L,ike 
it  he  Would  Take  ye  Farme  himself  in  ye  Spring  Except 
I  paid  him  ye  Rent  from  ye  time  ye  Kings  Armey  was 
upon  ye  Island. 

Memorandom  Feb.  22,  1779  at  ye  Neight  of  ye  above 
day  I  had  my  house  Robed,  I  suppose  by  ye  38  Ridgement, 
of  vize —  1  Silver  Tankard  Marked  S*^Rj  1  Silver  Cann 
Marked  only  with  \'e  Makers  Name  on  y^  Bottom,  S. 
Casey;  1  Silver  Porrager  S^Rj  1  Silver  Pepper  Box 
Marked  R.W.  or  S^R;  1  Silver  Tabel  Spoon,  1  Silver 
Tea  Spoon;  1  pr  Silver  Sugar  Tongues;  1  pr  Silver  Shooe 
Buckels;  1  pr  Silver  Neay  Buckels;  1  Blew  Cloke;  1  Sur- 
tute;  2  Beaver  Hatts;  1  Tea  Chist  with  10  or  12  Dollars 
in  it;  Several  Hanchifers,  aporns.  Stockings  &c, 

N.B.  their  was  a  Coart  Marshel  held  to  Enquire  Con- 
cerning this  Theft — my  Neay  Buckels  was  found  upon 
one  Jack  Edwards  of  ye  38.  I  have  all  the  Reason  in  ye 
World  to  Suspect  very  foul  play  in  ye  affaire. 

Memorandom  Sept.  8,  1779  this  day  Stephen  Cooke, 
Barrick  Master,  D''  ye  Kea\'s  of  my  Still  and  Refuse  to 
pay  Rent. 


116  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

This  day  Deliv''  Mr.  Francis  Brindley  ye  Keays  of  ye 
Still  house  to  putt  Straw  in.  promised  to  pay  Rent,  ye 
Commissary  Mr.  Heigh  says  he  will  give  200  Dollars 
a  year. 

Sept.  20.  this  day  Deliv''  Mr.  Brindley  ye  Keays  of  my 
upper  Still  house  for  Straw,  Mr.  Hakey  to  pay  200  Dollars 
a  year. 

Oct.  25     this  day  the  Kings  Troops  left  the  Island. 

Memorandom  Oct.  26,  1779  this  day  General  Gaytes 
Entered  ye  Town  with  his  Troops.  28  this  day  the 
Keays  of  my  Still  houses  No  1  &  2  ware  D*^.  Young  Mum- 
ford  was  with  ye  Straw.  I  expect  to  be  paid  Rent  for  ye 
Distill  houses. 

To  crown  all 

Sundrys  lost  upon  White  Hall  Farme  at  the  time  General 
Sullivan  was  upon  ye  Island  by  his  army  &c  — 
15  Acores  Corn,  4-1/2  Potatoes,  5-1/2  Barley 

7  Oatesj  24  Tuns  Hay;  4  Large  Hoggs, 
23  Gease,  19  Ducks,  54  Dunghill  fowls j 
20  Beads  Onions  of  42  feet  in  Length  to  Produce 
60  or  80  Bushel;  24  Cheese,  642  Large  Cabage, 
10  or  12  Bushe  Beats,  a  hhd  MoUases  of  108  Gallon. 
Cost  me  2/6  sterling  per  gallon;  842  Rayls  to  Bake 
their  Bread;  5  hows,  2  spades,  1  pick  ax,  2  Hay  forks; 
800-1000  feet  pine  Boards. 

Sundry  other  artikles;  no  act  of  as  yett. 

Damage  in  ye  Coopers  Shopp,  Vize  ye  Chamber  Floures, 
500  feet  Bourds,  400  feet  Joyce,  4  Sope  Frames  for  Hard 
Sope  I  suppose  30  Dollars, 
fence  Round  ye  Lower  Still  house  Gardin 

Suppose  300  Cord 

Stones  from  Bouth  Still  House  Worfes.   a  Large  fish  hh'^ 
full  of  Chalk. 


SILAS  COOKE  117 

The  second  paper  of  importance  is  headed — 

"Account  of  Losses  &  Damages  sustained,  and  what  was 
furnished  by  Silas  Cooke,  for  the  use  of  his  Majesty's 
troops,  while  at  Rhode  Island  uncier  the  command  of  the 
Generals  Prescott  &  Pigot.'' 

It  contains  a  list  of  thfe  articles  lost,  rent  for  houses  used, 
etc.,  with  the  valuation- set  upon  each,  and  is  substantially 
the  same  as  the  memoranda  of  Silas  Cooke.  It  is  beauti- 
fully and  correctly  penned.  The  total  amount  of  damage 
is£  1490  -8  -  10. 


There  are  three  papers  relating  to  the  quartering  of 
the  French  in  1780. 

Mr.  Silas  Cook  Newport,  July  20,  1780 

will  give  the  Distill  House  that  did 

belong  to  Peter  Cook  for  the  use  of  the  Forrige  department. 

Jabez  Champlin  BM. 
Mr.  Silas  Cook     '  Newport,  Aug*  3,  1780 

will  give  his  Stone  on  Browns  Wharf  for  the  use  of 
Forrige  department 

Jabez  Champlin  BM 

Mr.  Silas  Cook  Newport,  Octo^  17,  1780 

will  give  Quarters  for  one  Lieutenant  of  de  Royal  Deux- 

ponts  Regiment 

No  176  Jabez  Champlin  BM. 


Next  in  order  is  a  paper  headed  "Resolve  of  Congress" 
reading  thus: 

Monday,  Sept.  17th,  1781 

Resolved.  That  it  be  recommended  to  the  executive  power 
of  the  State  of  Rhode  Island  &c  to  settle  and  pa\'  tne 
reasonable  rents  not  already  paid  of  such  store  houses  as 
have  been  used  by  order  of  the  commanders  of  the  Frencn 
fleet  and  army  in  that  State,  and  charge  the  same  to  the 
LTnited  States. 


118  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Arnold's  History  of  Rhode  Island  states  that  on  May  7, 
1787  Congress  proceeded  in  earnest  to  settle  the  accounts 
of  the  States  with  the  general  government  and  directed  the 
Treasury  Board  to  appoint  five  commissioners;  in  June 
1787  the  Assembly  appointed  Rouse  J.  Helme  and  John 
Jenckes  to  complete  the  accounts  of  the  State  against  the 
General  Government,  preparatory  to  the  visit  of  the  treas- 
ury commissioners;  in  September  1788  Congress  extended 
the  time  for  adjusting  the  accounts  of  the  several  states 
and  appointed  three  commissioners  to  examine  those  claims 
for  which  no  vouchers  could  be  found. 

In  1788,  therefore,  Silas  Cooke,  by  dictation,  presented 
the  following  bill 

The  United  States  of  America  to  Silas  Cooke,       Dr. 

To  Hay,  Oats,  and  Barley  as  per  Peleg  Sherman's  f orrige 
Master's  Cert^*^  of  Feb.  14,  1780  £  234-0-0 

To  Interest  from  the  14th  of  Feb.  1780  to  ye 
22d  Dec.  1780  at  6  per  cent  124-0-0 


£358 

To  one  horse  and  Cart  and  their  tackle  taken  out 
of  my  Service  &  possession  by  a  State  Officer  on 
the  7th  Day  of  Dec  1  776  then  in  Col.  John  Cooks 
Department  for  which  I  never  rec'^  any 
Compensation,  the  whole  amounting  to  £  35-2  Real 
Money  as  per  Memo.  Book  35-2-0 

To  Interest  for  1  2  years  at  6  per  cent  25-0-0 

£60 

To  1  United  States  Certificate  for  two  hundred 

Specie  Dollars  of  the  27  of  October  1779  60-0-0 

To  Interest  nine  years  32-8-0 

£92-8-0 


SILAS  COOKE  119 


To  the  Rent  of  my  Distill  House  from  the  27th 

October,  1779  to  the  18th  of  July  1780  for 

Straw  is  9  month  at  £  5,  Silver  money  per 

month  45. 

To  8  years  Interest  21.-2- 


£66-2 
To  Rent  of  Storage  &c  due  on  Ac^  of  the  French 
Troops  on  the  Island  of  Newport  as  per  Resolve 
of  Congress  amounting  to  302-8-10 

To  Interest  seven  years  168-14- 


£471     2-10 


£1047-18-1 
Copy  as  delivered  to  Jn°  Jencks  &  Rouse  J.  Helme 
Esq*  agreable  to  appointment  &  order  of  Assembly 
Dec-"  1788. 

The  reverse  of  the  sheet  contains  an  itemized  memorandum 
of  damages  done  on  Farm  in  the  Sullivan  Expedition  on 
Rhode  Island.    These  amounted  to  £  369-7. 


Another  paper,  substantially  the  same  as  the  one  de- 
livered to  Rouse  J.  Helme  and  John  Jencks,  has  been 
checked  by  the  commissioner  as  having  been  entered. 


On  March  25,  1780  Silas  Cooke  transferred  his  lease 
of  Whitehall  to  his  son  Silas  Cooke,  Jr. 

Two  letters  are  extant  relating  to  this  estate  indicating 
that  the  circumstances  of  the  war  had  made  it  difficult  for 
Captain  Cooke  to  be  prompt  in  the  payment  of  rent. 

Newport,  Rho.  Island,  13  Feb'y  1781 
Rev''  Sir, 

I  duly  rec''  your  favor  of  the  hfth  instance  in  reply  to 
which  am  very  sorry  to  be  informed  of  the  young  gentle- 
man's impatience.   I  had  determined  previous  to  the  receipt 


120  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

of  yours  to  discharge  all  arrearages  of  rents  to  the  25th 
March  next,  which  will  be  punctually  performed,  and 
should  any  accident  retard  the  payment  a  few  days,  am 
in  hopes  they  will  be  induced  to  use  clemency  with  me, 
as  they  may  depend  on  being  made  entirely  safe  as  to  their 
demands.  My  son  will  be  with  you  in  person  on  or  before 
the  25th  March  next  when  everything  will  be  done  for  their 
satisfaction.  Interim,  beg  leave  to  inclose  you  a  Memo- 
randum of  the  sufferings  of  the  Farm  in  the  Expedition 
on  the  Island,  &  hope  that  also  may  serve  to  excite  mod- 
eration in  the  Breasts  of  those  Gentlemen. 

I  am 

With  Profound  Respect 
Rev^  Sir 

Your  very  Humble  Ser\'ant 
Silas  Cooke 
To  the 

Rev"^  Doct'r  Ezra  Stiles 
President 


Yale  College 
New  Haven 


Newport,  Rhode  Island 
25th  May,  1781 


Rev.  Sir, 

I  duly  received  your  favor  from  Mr.  Channing  of  the 
eighth  instant.  Observe  the  contents.  Am  greatly  obliged 
to  your  very  polite  attention  and  the  gentleman's  kind 
wishes  in  our  favour,  previous  to  the  receipt  of  yours  above 
mentioned,  or  the  last  vote  of  the  corporation,  I  had  dis- 
charged Miss  Scott's  notej  as  you  will  perceive  by  the  date 
of  her  receipt  on  ye  same  which  I  now  enclose  you  as  a 
voucher,  this  for  my  own  satisfaction  as  well  as  to  fulfill 
my  promise  to  you  on  my  departure  from  New  Ha\'en. 
I  am  now  to  request  the  favour  of  you  to  forward  me  two 
receipts  of  the  same  tenor  and  date  for  the  last  hve  years' 
rents  due  on  \V.  Hall  farm.  Two  are  necessar\-  for  this 
reason,  the  perst)n  who  has  purchased  the  lease  will  requ're 


SILAS  COOKE  121 

one,  and  as  I  have  idemnified  him  in  the  instrument  of  con- 
veyance one  is  also  requisite  for  me.  Am  of  opinion  the 
receipts  wrote  in  full  for  the  principle  and  interest  will  be 
most  satisfactory  to  both  parties. 

I  am  with  great  respect,  Rev.  Sir,  your  very  humble  and 
obedient  servant 

S.  Cooke,  Jr. 


Greaty  impoverished  by  the  war,  in  1 790,  Captain  Cooke 
advertised  his  Newport  property  for  sale — house,  store, 
garden — lot  and  distillery,  and  with  his  wife  retired  to 
the  home  of  his  son-in-law,  Colonel  Robert  Brown  in  South 
Kingstown.   There  he  died  in  1792. 

Silas  Cooke  probably  never  received  any  compensation 
for  his  losses  j  but  it  is  on  record  that  on  September  22, 
1795,  there  was  paid  to  John  Brown  of  South  Kingstown, 
administrator  of  his  estate,  the  sum  of  $66.61,  this  being 
Cooke's  proportion  of  the  funds  which  had  been  appropri- 
ated by  the  state  for  the  settlement  of  such  claims  as  his. 


122  RHODE  ISLx\ND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 


Privateer  Sloop  Independent 

A  Journal  kept  by  Peleg  Hozey,  Master 

(From  Original  Manuscript 
in  the  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society  Library) 

{concluded  from  vol.  A'A'A'Z,  page  89) 

Remarks  On  Sunday  Sept  1  1776 
The  Fust  Part  of  this  Thike  and  Fogge  Weither  Smuth 
Sea  Sounded  Gott  37  Fathem  Sum  times  Case  and  Then 
Fine  Black  Sand  and  Sum  Shels  Brocken  Middle  Part 
Plesant  Clear  Weither  This  Day  Being  the  onely  Day 
Seing  Sun  Sett  For  this  1 2  Day  att  6  A.  M  Saw  5  Sails  to 
Windard  att  10  D°  Saw  3  Saile  to  Leward  Standing  to  the 
Southard  Spoke  With  one  of  them  out  of  Nantucitt  1 0  Days 
Nantucett  Island  Bore  W  by  S  18  Lagaues  Destent  Wind 
Being  head  Stood  to  Southward  Latt  Part  Still  In  Com- 
peny  with  the  Brigg  and  Fishing  men  all  well  on  Bord 

Remarks  on  Monday  Sept,  2  1776 
This  Fust  Part  Pleasent  Weither  Smuth  Sea  Still  in 
Compeny  with  Brigg,  the  wind  Enclines  to  the  westward 
Middle  Part  Fresh  Breeses  a  12  AM  Crost  The  Great 
Ripp  at  6  AM  Made  the  Land  Bareing  West  Distance 
3  Leagues  In  8  Fathem  Wartes  Sonutheble  Head  Makes 
Very  hie  one  Part  Markes  Likes  Scrubs  oaks  the  other  Part 
White  Sand  Saw  3  Wind  Miles  a  cross  the  Low  Land  & 
Saw  the  Town  Land  Making  Longger  then  It  is  Lade  Down 
a  Sandey  Poynt  Making  In  3  Homeks  Latter  Part  Pleasant 
All  Hands  Well  on  Board 

Remarks  on  Tuseday  Septamber  3  1776 
The  Fust  Part  Pleasant  Weither  Smuth  Sea  At  6  PM, 
came  to  Ancher  In  Compeney  With  one  Franch  Sloop  one 
Prise  Brigg  Belonging  to  the  Cabbatt  and  our  one  Prise 


PRIVATEER  SLOOP  123 

Brigg  a  AM  came  to  Ancher  att  Sanday  Poyant  Bore  SW 
Desteance  one  Mile  The  Town  open  In  Sight  our  Brigg 
Being  2  Leagues  to  Windard  Lather  1  Part  Pleseant  all 
Well  on  Bord 

Remarkes  Wendseday  Sept.  4  1776 
The  Fust  Part  Pleasent  Smuth  Sea  Light  Breeses  a  2 
Came  to  Saile  In  Compeny  With  the  Foresaid  Vessill  att 
10  PM  Come  to  Ancher  In  Homps  hole  our  Prises  In 
With  us  at  6  AM  histe  out  the  Bote  Corred  the  Capt  on 
Shore  the  wind  Being  a  head  obliged  us  to  Lay  By 

Remarkes  on  Thursday  Sept  5  1 776 
This  24  Houers  It  Being  Plesasent  Weither  all  heands 
on  Board  the  wind  conteunerd  a  Head  Meddle  Part  Wind 
at  Noth  Blow  Very  heave  Both  Anchers  Down  Boat  on 
Bonbord  a  5  A.  M.  came  to  Saile  in  compeny  With  5  Sail 
a  1 1  come  to  Ancher  at  Tarploin  Cove  Two  Boats  Come 
on  Borde  With  Solders  Fitted  out  the  Boate  and  Sent  on 
Shore  To  Fill  Sum  warter  all  Well  on  Bord. 


Notes 

Mrs.  Sidney  L.  Wright,  Jr.,  has  been  elected  to  mem- 
bership in  the  Society. 

The  Society  notes  with  regret  the  death  of  Miss  Edith 
May  Tilley,  Librarian  of  the  Newport  Historical  Society, 
whose  willing  cooperation  with  the  Society  for  over  thirty 
years  has  been  of  invaluable  assistance. 


124  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

The  Gore  Roll  of  Arms 

By  Harold  Bowditch 

{concluded  from  vol.  XXXI,  page  96) 

The  following  table  will  facilitate  reference. 

The  first  column  shows  the  folio,  recto  or  verso,  on  which 
the  arms  in  question  appear  in  the  original  Gore  Roll. 

The  second  column  shows  the  serial  numeration  of  the 
arms  used  in  this  description. 

The  third  column  shows  the  numeration  in  the  Child 
copy  and  in  Whitmore's  description  of  1  865  in  the  Heraldic 
Journal  of  the  corresponding  coats. 

The  fourth  column  shows  the  numeration  used  by  Whit- 
more  in  his  description  of  1 866  in  the  Elements  of  Heraldry 
of  the  corresponding  coats. 

1  r 


1  V 


2r 


2  V 


3  r 


1 

2 
3 
4 

1 
2 
3 
4 

1 

2 

Winthrop. 
Crofts. 
Middlecot. 
Owen. 

5 
6 

7 
8 

5 
6 

7 
8 

3 
4 

5 
6 

Sargent.  Shrimpton. 

Taye. 

Legge. 

Leverett.  Sedgwick. 

9 
10 
11 
12 

9 
10 
11 
12 

7 

8 

9 

10 

Brattle.  Legge. 
Richards.  Winthrop. 
Frost.  Davis. 
Norden.  Latimer. 

13 
14 
15 
16 

13 
14 
15 
16 

11 

12 

13 

Sargent.  Spencer. 
Chickley. 
Chamberlain. 
Pole. 

17 
18 
19 
20 

17 
18 
19 
20 

14 

F.vans. 

Skinner. 

Harvey. 

Apthorp.    Manshridge 

THE  GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS 


125 


3  V 


4r 


4v 


5  r 


5  V 


6r 


6v 


7r 


7v 


8  r 


21 

21 

15 

Phips. 

22 

22 

16 

Foster. 

23 

23 

17 

Foster.  Hawkins. 

24 

24 

18 

Saltonstall.  Whittingham, 

25 

25 

19 

White. 

26 

26 

20 

Tailer. 

27 

27  ^ 

— 

Cutting. 

28 

28 

21 

Stoddard.  Evance. 

29 

29 

22 

Dyer. 

30 

30 

23 

Brattle. 

31 

31 

24 

Sargent. 

32 

32 

25 

Stoddard.  Roberts. 

33 

3  3 

26 

Richards. 

34 

34 

27 

Addington.  Norton. 

35 

35 

28 

Cook.  Leverett. 

3'6 

36 

29 

Cook. 

37 

37 

30 

Belchier. 

38 

38 

31 

Lemon. 

39 

39 

32 

Calewell.  Mun. 

40 

40 

33 

Hutchinson. 

41 

41 

34 

Winthrop. 

42 

42 

35 

Paige. 

43 

43 

36 

Hurst. 

44 

44 

37 

Brown. 

45 

45 

38 

Wyborn. 

46 

46 

39 

Hutchinson. 

47 

47 

— 

Barker. 

48 

48 

— 

Lucas. 

49 

49 



Chute.  Breton. 

50 

50 

— 

Wood. 

51 

51 

— 

Stourton. 

52 

52 

— 

Chichester. 

53 

61 

— 

Mansale. 

54 

62 

45 

Chute. 

55 

5  5 

— 

Barkeley. 

56 

56 

— 

Whithorne. 

57 

57 

42 

Brown. 

58 

58 

43 

Brindesley. 

59 

59 

— 

Colepeper. 

60 

60 

44 

Dudley. 

126  RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

8v 


9r 


9v 


10 


10  V 


11 


11  V 


12  r 


12v 


13r 


61 

5  3 

40 

Gee.  Thacher. 

62 

54 

41 

Swcctser. 

63 

63 

46 

Phillips. 

64 

64 

47 

Hutchinson. 

65 

65 

48 

Pell.  Clarke. 

66 

66 

49 

Savage. 

67 

67 

50 

Yeomans.  Shrimpton. 

68 

68 

51 

Tuttle. 

69 

69 

52 

Wade. 

70 

70 

53 

Mont  fort. 

71 

71 

54 

Stoddard. 

72 

72 

55 

Dudley.  Tyng. 

73 

73 

56 

BrindcslcA-.  Burghdon. 

74 

74 

57 

Ickvll. 

75 

75 

— 

Pern. 

76 

76 

58 

Pickman. 

77 

11 

59 

Dummer. 

78 

78 

— 

Warr. 

79 

79 

60 

Tyng. 

80 

80 

61 

Tilston. 

81 

81 

62 

Frazer.  Foulis. 

82 

82 

— 

Roswell. 

83 

83 

— 

Selwyn. 

84 

84 

63 

Waldron. 

85 

85 

64 

Boreland. 

86 

86 

65 

Gushing. 

87 

87 

— 

Paddock. 

88 

88 

— 

Sprague. 

89 

89 

— 

Lathrop. 

90 

98 

70 

Kilby. 

91 

90 

66 

Winslow. 

92 

99 

71 

McAdams,  Kilhy.  Clark, 

93 

91 

67 

Sayward. 

94 

92 

— 

Scollay. 

95 

93 

— 

Whitwell. 

96 

94 

— 

Knceland. 

97 

95 

68 

Peperell. 

98 

96 

— 

Beach. 

99 

97 

69 

Bell. 

— 

100 

— 

Green. 

THE  GORE  ROLL  OF  ARMS 


127 


INDEX  OF  ARMS  AND  CRESTS 

The  figures  refer  to  the  serial  numbers,  not  to  pages.  The 
names  in  capitals  occur  in  the  Gore  Roll,  the  others  in  the 
notes. 


ADDINGTON   v.   3+ 

ap  John 63 

Apperlev,  Appulev,  Appurley  ,.   97 

APTHORP,  Athorpe  1...   20 

BARKELEY    5  5 

BARKER    : 47 

BEACH  98 

Beauvais   67 

Beche  98 

BELCH(I)ER  37 

BELL :. 99 

Berkeley  5  5 

Borden  73 

Boreland,  Borelands, 

BORLAND   8  5 

BRATTLE  9,  30 

BRETON    49 

Brind(e)slev,  Brindle, 

BRIN(s)'LEY 58,  73 

BROWN  44,  57 

BURDEN,   Burghdon 73 

Burn  75 

Burnell  92 

CALEWELL  39 

Ce(e)]v 14 

CHAMBERLAIN  15 

CHECKLEY  14 

Chetwvnd 14 

CHICHESTER 52 

Chicklev  14 

CHUTE  49,  54 

CLARK(E)  65,  92 

COLEPEPER   59 

COOK(e)  35,  36,  90 

Cooper   27 

Cosen,  Cosyn 86 

Couper,  Cowper  27 

Cressy  29 


CROFTS  2 

Cupper  27 

CUSHING   86 

CUTTING  27 

DA\lS(on)    11 

Dawney    79 

Denvers 86 

DUDLEY 60,  72 

DUMMER 77 

DYER   29 

EV^^NCE,  EVANS 17,  28 

Fitz  Eustace  92 

FO(r)STER 22,23 

Foulis,  FOWLE  81 

Frazer,  FRIZELL 81 

FROST   1 1 

Gale  62 

Gay,  GEE 61 

Goldsworthy  79 

Gray  ' 90 

Green  100 

Grev  90 

GroVe  97 

Guy,  Gye  61 

HAR\TY    19 

HAWKINS    23 

Hu(r)se,  HU(R)ST 43 

HUTCHINSON 40,  46,  64 

}^y 6 

Jeakle,  JEKYLL 74 

"joy  6 

ke(l)ling  96 

KILBY 90,  92 

Kirby   92 

KNEELAND  96 

LATHROP   89 

LATIMER 12 

Legat    86 


128 


RHODE  ISLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 


LEGG(E)  7,  9 

Leman,  LEM(m)ON 38 

Lenthoine 89 

Lenthorp,  Lenthrop,  Leven- 

thorp 89 

Lever    8 

LE\T.RETT  8,  3  5 

LUCAS    48 

Macadam,  McADAMS  5  3 

MANSALE    5  3 

MANSBRIDGE  20 

Ma(u)nsel(l)  5  3 

MIDDLECOT    3 

MONTFORT  70 

Multon  90 

MUN  39 

NORDEN   12 

NORTON  34 

OWEN  4 

PADDOCK  87 

PA(I)GE  :...  42 

Paul    16 

PELL  .„...  65 

PEPERELL  97 

PERN    75 

PHILLIPS  63 

PHIPS   21 

PICKMAN    76 

Piperell  97 

POLE,  Pool(e)  16 

Pyldren  77 

R:cver    29 

RICHARDS 10,  33 

Rider    29 

ROBERTS  32 

ROSWELL    82 

Rowley  29 

SALTONSTALL  24 

SARGENT 5,  13,  31 

SAVAGE    66 

Savre  92 

SAYWARD   93 


Scholar,  SCOLLAY 94 

SEDG(E)WICK  8 

SELWYN  83 

Seward    93 

Sevncks  90 

SHRIMPTON 5,  67 

Sillv   14 

SKINNER  18 

SPENCER  13 

Spragge,  Spraggs,  SPRAGUE      88 

Stonham  5,  67 

STODDARD 28,  32,  71 

STOURTON 51 

SWEETSER 62 

TAILER,  Tatler 26 

TAYE    6 

Tavlor    26 

THA(t)CHER   61 

Thomas  20 

Tillotson,  TILS(T)ON  80 

Tong(e),  Tongue 79 

Tothill,  TUTTLE 68 

Twing    79 

TYNG 72,  79 

\'astons  5,  67 

\'isnel   90 

WADE  69 

Waire  78 

WALDRON,  Walrond  84 

Walworth  92 

WARR  78 

Wastoyle 5,  67 

WHITE  25 

WHITHORNE  56 

WHITTINGHAM  24 

WHITWELL    95 

WINSLOW  91 

WINTHROP 1,  10,41 

WOOD    50 

WYBORN  45 

Ycamans,  YEOMANS 67 


H   99    78      ''-^ 


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