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Rhode Island 

Historical Society 


Vol. XXIX 

JANUARY, 1936 

No. 1 


See page 10 

Issued Quarterly 

68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island 




Early Paper Currency . . . Cover and 1 

Advertisement of 1678 

Communicated by Fulmer Mood ... 1 

A Rhode Island Imprint of 1 73 1 

Communicated by Douglas C. McMurtrie . 3 

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest . . 9 

New Members . . . . . . . 10 

Notes 10 

The Gore Roll 

by Harold Bowditch . , . . . 11 

Ships' Protests 30 








Vol. XXIX 

JANUARY, 1936 

No. 1 

H. Anthony Dyer, President Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer 
Howard W. Preston, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions 
■of contributors. 


An Early American Advertisement 
Concerning Rhode Island, 1678 

Cotnmunicated by Fulmer Mood 

The advertisement which is given below is now printed, 
it is believed, for the first time since it was originally pub- 
lished. The original is to be found in the archives of the 
Public Record Office, London, where I consulted it first 
in the autumn of 1934. On referring to Charles Evans, 
American Bibliography, volume I, and Willard O. Waters, 
American Imprints, 1 648- 1 797, in the Huntington Library, 
Supplementing Evans' American Bibliography (Hunting- 
ton Library Bulletin Number 3, February, 1933) I could 
not locate this item, and provisionally decided that it was 
unknown. But in conversation with Mr. Waters at the 
Huntington Library I learned that that indefatigable ex- 
plorer, Worthington Ford, had preceded me on the trail, 
and that he had listed the document as number 64 in his 
work on Massachusetts Broadsides and Ballads, 1639-1800. 

The advertisement is filed in the collection at the Public 
Tlecord Office as C. O. 1/42, 149. I. It should be read in 


connection with three other documents listed as number 836, 
number 837 and number 839 of the Calendar of State 
Papers, Colonial, America and West Indies, 1677-1680, 
London 1896. 

Although this specimen of domestic promotion literature 
is indeed primitive, when compared with the identical type 
of literature produced in London at about the same period, 
yet it would seem as though a useful purpose is being served 
by presenting it here, as historians of Rhode Island and of 
American advertising may perhaps find in it some thing 
of interest. 


WHereas the Lands of Narrhaganset^ and Niantick Coun- 
try es, and parts adjacent, are places very pleasant and 
fertile, fit and commodious for plantation, and several 
Townships; the true & legal Right whereof belongs to 
certain Gentlemen in New-England , (the most part of 
them dwelling within the Colony of the Massachusetts) 
by purchase from the chief Sachims, that were sole Proprie- 
tors of the same; and was long since allowed and approved 
by the Honoured Commissioners of the united Colonies, 
and recorded in the Book of Records for the Colony of 
Connecticot, under which Goverment and Jurisdiction the 
Land aforesaid lyeth. 

These are therefore to certifie & inform all Christian 
Peo-pley that are willing or may be desirous to settle them- 
selves in a regular way of Townships on the said Lands, 
that they may please to apply themselves to the Subscribers 
hereof in Bostony who are by the said Gentlemen, the 
Proprietors, chosen and appointed a Committee to act in 
any of their Concerns touching the Premises ; with whom all 
such Persons may treat and agree on very easie and reason- 
able Terms. 

T^^y-Tj . w on. 7 1 Simon Brads treet. 

IJatedm noston the JOth. of j , ,^ ^^ 

T 1 1 ^ -7 o John Safhn. 

July. 16 7 8 T-r 1 Tj . , • 

rJtsha Hutchinson. 


A Rhode Island Imprint of 1731 

Communkated by Douglas C. McMurtrie 

In the Public Record Office, London, is preserved an 
early Rhode Island imprint which appears to be previously 
unrecorded. It is a four-page leaflet bearing the imprint: 
"Newport, Rhode Island: Printed by J. Franklin. 1731." 
It may be thus described: 
Jenks, William, and Walton, John. 

The I Arguments j Of The Honourable | William 
Jenks Esqj and Wr'.John Walton, B. A. & V, D. M. | 
Against the rash and irregular Proceedings of the Prov- 
ince of I the Massachusetts-Bay, against the Inhabi- 
tants of that Land | in Controversy between the said 
Province and the Colony | of Rhode-Island. . . [Colo- 
phon, p. 4] : Newport, Rhode-Island: Printed by 
/. Franklin, 173 1. 
16x26.5 cm. 4 p. 
Public Record Office, C. O. 5/838 
As this printed document does not lend itself to repro- 
duction, and as the contents seem of considerable interest, 
it seems worth while to transcribe the text herewith: 


The Land in Controversy is in Fact within the Charter 
of Rhode Island Colony, and so Rhode-Island may justly 
claim the same, unless the Province can shew some Title, 
or Right, paramount to that Charter. 

ARGUM. II. It has not yet appeared that the Province 
ever had any Charter of the same j for they pretend to hold 
it by Ply^nouth Charter, which was bounded by the Country 
of Sewampsit, which leaves out the Land in Controversy, 
and also considerable other Land, lying between Rhode 
Island Colony and Old Plymouth, which never was at all 


comprehended in the Province Charter, and yet belongs to 
His Majesty, and contains, by Estimation, a Tract of Land 
Twenty Miles long, and Seven Miles wide, at one End, 
and only a Point at the other. 

ARC III. It doth not yet appear, that there hath been any 
Agreement, whereby the Province could justly claim the 
Jurisdiction of the said Landj and especially, because the 
pretended Settlement made by the King's Commissioners, 
was done without the Assistance of Richard Nichollsy and 
so was contrary to their Commission: And what was done 
was only p-o Tempore, till the King's Pleasure could be 

2. What was done by the Commissioners, was expresly 
contrary to their Orders; for they were to settle the Bounds 
according to Charter, which they did not do; for, a North 
Line from Pattucet Falls, which is according to Rhode- 
Island Charter, in Fact takes in the Land in Controversy; 
and the Delivery of the Charter to Rhode Island, gave 
them the Possession of the Jurisdiction, et Jus in foro Regis. 

3. The King afterwards chose thirteen Commissioners to 
settle the said Line, and expresly declared. That the First 
had done Nothing. So that the King's Pleasure is known, 
and the Doings of the former Commissioners vacated. 

4. The Colony of Rhode-Island never assented to any 
Thing done by the Commissioners, and that because it was 
done contrary to their Orders, and to the Charter, and 
without Richard Nicholls; and so nothing passed by 

ARC IV. The Province made an Act which superceded all 
Processes respecting Taxes, till the Line should be settled: 
So that it seems unreasonable to do Violence to their own 
Acts, and to interpret them expresly contrary to their Gram- 
matical Sense; and especially seeing that Act was federal, 
and founded upon a Letter sent from the Colony of Rhode- 
Island, and could no more be violated, than a Grant of 
Land be vacated. 


And if the Province intends to be more religious than 
Rhode-Islandy we would entreat its People to set good 
Examples, and learn to keep their Covenants, and show a 
Christian Moderation, and not prey upon their Neighbours, 
nor let Might overcome Right; but let them imitate Christ, 
and not cast Stumbling Blocks in the Way, to hinder the 
Growth of Christianity. 

ARC V, But suppose for Argument's Sake, that Rhode- 
Island had not Right to the Land; yet inasmuch as they 
claim it, and have (by Order of Assembly) granted Prohi- 
bitions, forbidding all Persons at their utmost Perils to 
meddle with any Rates, and commanding all the Inhabi- 
tants, by a special Warrant to assist the Constable in appre- 
hending all such Persons as should dare to strain for Rates, 
how unreasonable is it to pretend to punish those who 
obey'd the Authority of Rhode-Island Colony? For it was 
impossible to obey both Governments. Our Saviour has 
told us. No Man can serve two Masters. These poor People 
who live upon the Land in Controversy have two Masters, 
qui sunt oppositiy one opposite to the other; and let them 
disobey which they please, they are sure to be punished, 
viz. according to the Method of the Province; which to us 
seems contrary to a Christian Temper, as well as contrary 
to Law and Justice, and that which we think cannot be 
accounted for by any other than an Arbitrary Power: For by 
the same Rule, Rhode-Island might Punish them for not 
resisting the Province. Now we should think it more rea- 
sonable for the Province and Colony to fight the Battle, 
than each by Turns to tug and tear the poor People that 
ly between them: For if they have done any thing by Order 
of Authority, they can't in Justice be punished. 

1 . Because if the Thing was wrong, they were not Judges 
of it. 

2. They dare not dispute the Authority of Rhode-Islandy 
for fear of being punished. 

3. It was the Authority that ought to be blamed, if there 
was any Blame. 


4. While the Line was unsettled, the People ought 
wholly to be let alone, or to submit to which Government 
they please; otherwise we affirm, there can be no fair Tryal 
of their Cases relating to Rates and Taxes, and that because 
all such Cases should be tryed in eodem Comitatu: And who 
can yet say in what County the Land in Controversy lies? 
So that the Jurisdiction of Bristol Court may justly be 
deny'd: And who in that Case can be Judge? Will any Man 
be so left of God, as to judge in his own Case? The Law 
forbids Relations to sit as Judges, and a Sheriff that is 
Cousin to one of the Partys, may not pannel the Jury, 
because the whole Array may be challenged if he does. How 
then can the Persons living on the Land in Controversy be 
tryed by Boston or Rhode-I sland Government, since they 
are all Partys in both the Province and Colony. Vide Trials 
per Pais, which will -plainly shew, that the Court has no 
Jurisdiction of the Case: The Sheriff can't pannel the Jury, 
nor are there any Men fit for Jurors, because they are all 
interested in the Case, and will all take the Benefit of the 
Country Rates, and are engaged as a Party: And it seems 
the Province has had sufficient Experience of its own Mis- 
takes in judging in its own Case. And tho' we own them to 
be wise Men who rule the Province, yet. Nemo simper 
sapity <y Humanum est errare. No Men wise at all Times, 
and especially when they are interested in the Case. Then 
all good Men should be jealous of themselves, lest they 
should be sway'd by Interest j and should be willing to leave 
the Matters to impartial Judges. So in the Case before us, 
What Need is there of vexatious Suits to be carry'd on by 
the Violence of one Party, since if the Foundation be settled, 
all things will soon come to rights. For the People own the 
Authority of the best of Kings, and are as true Subjects as 
any in the World; but till they know in what Government 
they live, they look upon themselves at their Liberty to 
submit to which they please; and that because as at first. 
Men submitted themselves to Government by Consent, and 
deposited their own share of Dominion into the Hands of 


Rulers. So these People look upon themselves so far in the 
same original State, as to have Liberty of submitting to that 
Government which they think has received Power from our 
most Rightful Sovereign King GEORGE, by his continu- 
ing the Charter granted. Not that they pretend to assume 
the original Right Mankind had in sharing in Government j 
for they re Joyce 'tis in th'e Hands of our Gracious King: 
But they are submitting to those Persons whom their Con- 
science witness to have been impowered by the King's Char- 
ter, and are waiting to know his Majesty's Pleasure respect- 
ing the Line. If they fall into the Province, they'll obey 
their Authority. 

Object. But why did not the People submit to Boston 
Province since they had the Possession of the Land? 

Anszv. 1. They' could not in Conscience submit, because 
the Land is expresly taken into Rhode Island Charter, and, 
as they think, was never rightly claim'd by Boston^ and so 
they would have been Rebels to deny the King's Charter to 
Rhode Island J and yield Obedience to an exorbitant Power, 
which, as they think, was never allow'd by the King. 

2. The Province never had any legal possession of the 
Land; for it was neither chartered to them, nor theirs by 
Agreement: And their forcing Rates gives them no Posses- 
sion, unless an unjust Usurpation, or rather forcible Entry, 
could give Possession. But supposing Plymouth Charter 
had included the Land, yet since his Majesty afterwards 
granted the same by Charter to Rhode Island, how can the 
Province, Vi et Armis, take the same away, any more than 
Ply^nouth can assume the whole of its ancient Jurisdiction? 
Unless the Province can suppose themselves so much above 
his Majesty, as to disregard his Instructions, break his 
Charters, and imprison his Majesty's good Subjects, and all 
in Compliance to their own Humours, and to promote their 
own Interest. For as the King is Dominus SupremuSy he as 
such ought to be regarded, and his Charters so valid as not 
to be violated by his Subjects. Therefore the Cause ought 
first to be heard by such an Excellent Judge as is our Gra- 


cious and most Excellent King, who is as much prized in 
Rhode-Island Colony, as in any Parts of the World: Or it 
should be try'd by such Judges as His Majesty directs to, 
and all Processes should be discontinued till the Line be 
settled. For why should Children go to Club Law, endan- 
gering Life and Limbs, and cause much Hatred, when they 
have a tender Parent ready to put an End to their Differ- 
ence? Why should we have civil Wars, and cause needless 
vexatious Suits? Why should we judge in our own Cases, 
and disturb one another, when there is no Necessity of it, 
but the Matter might well be finished in another Method? 
If Men would be Christians, they must promote Justice, 
though it were in their Power to violate the same: For the 
Satisfaction of a good Conscience, and the Promotion of the 
Honour of Christianity, might justly out ballance the 
deceitful Views of filthy Passion, and worldly Interest. And 
as we must all give an Account of our Actions to the most 
upright Judge, who then would do such things as would be 
abhorr'd by a Seneca or a Cato, and break thro' the sacred 
Rules of Justice, and measure the same by the Length of 
their Swords? Oh that the present Honourable Judges 
would endeavor to put an End to all Occasions of Com- 
plaint of this kind! They well know, the Province is much 
out of Favour in England, by its Opposition to its Gover- 
nours, ^c. And it has submitted to decide the Controversy 
with New-Hampshire, and why won't they take the same 
Method with us? Why will they of the Province insist 
upon judging in their own Case, unless they think His 
Majesty will never hear of it? 

ARC VI. The Province will not lose their Rates, if they 
stay till the Line be settled, viz. If the Land falls into their 
Government; for then they may settle the Arrearages. But 
on the other Hand, if it falls into Rhode Island Colony, 
how will the People get their Rates back? And who will 
satisfy for all their vexatious Suits? If the Province will be 
bound to return all the Rates they have ever taken, or shall 


take, provided the Land falls into Rhode Island^ we dare 
be bound to produce Bondsmen, that they shall not be 
resisted in taking the Rates. 

ARC VII. Such Quarrels will be resented by His 
Majesty, in such a Manner as will be detrimental to the 

ARC VIII. Have we not the same Reason to catch the 
Province Men, and fine them in our Government, v'vz. 
Those who acted in carrying away and fining our Men. And 
we believe it would never quit the Cost, to raise an Army in 
the Bay to fight Rhode Island; for we are able to defend 
our selves, so as that it would cost more to take us than the 
Gore of Land is worth j and such Fighting is a poor Exam- 
ple: For who would be willing to kill one of his own Nation 
for the sake of the Jurisdiction of a small Piece of Land? 
And who knows what may be done in the Mob, either in 

Publick or Private. And besides 

King will never suffer any of his loving Subjects to be 
abused, but will assume the Authority justly due to him- 
self, and will still the tumultuous Rage of those who impi- 
ously exercise Authority over their innocent Neighbours, 
and will relieve the Distressed, when they crave his Paternal 
Aid. And we believe the Province will be mistaken in sup- 
posing, that the Colony of Rhode Island will not assist and 
stand by the Inhabitants who have yielded to their Govern- 
ment: For this last Week our Honourable Governour has 
granted several Warrants, in order to Protect them. And 
we hope and trust, that God and good Men will protect 
them whilst in a just Cause. 

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest 

Early Medical History in Rhode Island by Walter L. 
Munro, M.D., has been reprinted from the Rhode Island 
Medical Journal as a pamphlet of thirty-eight pages. 


The Catholic Educational Review for September 1934 
contains an article on Rhode Island's Early Schools and 
Irish Teachers by Richard J. Purcell. 

Patrick M 'Robert's A Tour Through Part of the North 
Provinces of America, Edinburgh, 1776, recently reprinted 
in the Pennsylvania Magazine, April 1935, and as a sepa- 
rate, by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania contains a 
letter dated at Newport in 1 774, giving the author's impres- 
sions of Rhode Island. 

The Arnold Memorial, William Arnold of Providence 
and Pawtuxet 1 587-1 675, and a genealogy of his descend- 
ants, which was compiled by Elisha Stephen Arnold, has 
recently been printed as a volume of 3 1 1 pages. 

New Members 

The following persons have been elected to membership 
in the Society: 

Mr. Alexander Van Cleve Phillips 
Mr. Marshall Morgan Miss Marjorie L. Bean 

Miss Madeleine M. Bubier. Mr. Ralph A. McLeod 


The illustration of the one cent piece of local paper cur- 
rency is contributed through the courtesy of the owner, 
Mr. Ed. H. Wolff, 7 1 2 W. 1 2th Street, Pueblo, Colo. 

The Gore Roll, the most important American colonial 
heraldic document, has been known only through an imper- 
fect copy until the original manuscript was recently discov- 
ered. Its present owner. Dr. Bowditch, has contributed the 
following account of it. 


The Gore Roll of Arms 

By Harold Bowditch 

Four early manuscript collections of paintings of coats of 
arms of New England interest are known to be in existence} 
these are known as the Promptuarium Armorum, the Chute 
Pedigree, the Miner Pedigree and the Gore Roll of Arms. 

The Promptuarium Armorum has been fully described 
by the late Walter Kendall Watkins in an article which 
appeared in the Boston Globe of 7 February 1915. The 
author was an officer of the College of Arms: William 
Crowne, Rouge Dragon, and the period of production lies 
between the years 1 602 and 1616. Crowne came to America 
and must have brought the book with him, for Mr. Watkins 
has traced its probable ownership through a number of 
Boston painters until it is found in the hands of the Gore 
family. That it served as a source-book for the Gore Roll is 
clear and it would have been gratifying to have been able to 
examine it with this in mind j but the condition of the manu- 
script is now so fragile, the ink having in many places eaten 
completely through the paper, that the present owner is 
unwilling to have it subjected to further handling. Fortu- 
nately it was carefully examined about the year 1 9 1 5 by the 
well-known expert in matters of heraldry, Dr. Howard M. 
Buck of Boston, and the present compiler has the advantage 
of the courteous loan of the notes made on that occasion. 

The Chute Pedigree is also in private hands. There is 
good evidence that this manuscript, containing the English 
alliances of the Chute family, was brought to America by 
the immigrant, Lionel Chute of Ipswich, Massachusetts, 
about 1 635. A description will be found in the New England 
Historical and Genealogical Register, XIII, 123, and in 
the Heraldic Journal, I, 142. Its heraldic contents appear 
in the Gore Roll. 


The Miner Pedigree is in the custody of the Connecticut 
Historical Society in Hartford, Connecticut. An officer of 
this Society states that Thomas Minor obtained the manu- 
script from the College of Arms in 1 684. For notices of this 
manuscript see the New England Historical and Genealogi- 
cal Register XVIII, 161 ff., and the Heraldic Journal, 
I, 168. Its heraldic contents consist of the arms of Miner 
consorts, shown impaled by the arms of Miner. None are 
copied into the Gore Roll. 

The Gore Roll of Arms first received public notice in 
1 865. In that year Mr. William H. Whitmore described in 
the Heraldic Journal, Volume I, an early American roll of 
arms, known at that time only through a copy made by 
Mr. Isaac Child, then living, which contained 99 paintings 
of coats of arms, chiefly of New England, and in the main 
of Massachusetts, families. In 1866 Mr. Whitmore re- 
published in his Elements of Heraldry that portion of the 
list which referred to New England; and, as each of his 
lists is numbered serially, the numbers designating the arms 
differ almost from the first. 

In 1865 Mr. Whitmore wrote: "The original MS. is at 
present inaccessible," and in 1866: "One manuscript, how- 
ever, of quite considerable antiquity, recording the bearings 
of numerous families in New England, was in existence 
recently, and is doubtless still preserved. . , . The original 
manuscript has disappeared within a few years." 

Mr. Child made his copy about the year 1847 and after 
his death late in 1 885 it was presented to the New England 
Historic Genealogical Society. This copy has been the only 
source of knowledge respecting the contents of the original 
Gore Roll. A careful examination in 1 926 revealed the fact 
that it differs greatly from Mr. Whitmore's description. 
Whether the alterations were made between 1 865, when 
Mr. Whitmore described it, and 1885, when Mr. Child 
died, or after its acquisition by the Society in 1886, is a 
matter of speculation. 



The differences from the published description were so 
numerous and so marked that the writer prepared a descrip- 
tion of the Child copy as it was in 1 926 with a view to publi- 
cation j but this is rendered unnecessary by the reappearance 
of the original Gore Roll, still in the hands of members of 
the Gore family, after its whereabouts and even its very 
existence have, for the past seventy years, been matters of 
doubt in the minds of those interested in heraldry. 

The arms are painted in a blank book bound in full parch- 
ment; its condition is good, one leaf only having become 
detached and its edges consequently folded and worn, but 
without loss of essential text. The lower margins of the 
leaves are damp stained, rendering some of the writing 

Fig. 1 

The paper is Dutch, and bears two water-marks, one or 
the other appearing on each sheet. The principal water- 
mark is shown, reduced, in Figure 1 , the actual diameter of 


the outside circle being 3 7/16 inches or 8.7 centimeters. 
The other water-mark is the name H O N I G, the manu- 
facturer of the paper. The principal water-mark was found 
on some sheets which once made part of Dr. Thomas Dale's 
translation of Regnault's "System of Physics," published in 
London, apparently in the year 1731, and to the kindness of 
Professor Percy Bridgman and Professor George Sarton, 
both of Harvard University, is owing the verification of this 
date. Through the courtesy of Mr. William J. Hoffman of 
New York, the well known authority on Dutch-American 
genealogy and heraldry, the writer was put into communi- 
cation with Van Gelder Zonen of Amsterdam, the cele- 
brated old firm of paper makers, who maintain a laboratory. 
This firm identified the name Honig as that of another firm 
of paper makers, in the province of Zaan, and kindly wrote 
to a descendant, Mr. G. J. Honig of Zaandyk, a well known 
historian, in order to determine accurately the date of manu- 
facture of the paper; but this was not possible owing to the 
absence of any initials accompanying the name Honig. 

The leaves of the book measure 1 2^ x 7 J^ inches. There 
is one fly leaf; the next 13 leaves contain the paintings of 
arms, and the remaining 62 leaves are blank. 

On the inside of the front cover, in the upper left corner, 
is written in ink "No. 14," presumably a notation of the 
position of the book on the shelf of a previous owner; and 
across the top is written in ink in an old hand, "Stoderd 
Chaise Light Stone Colour Small [Smalt?] Cam'" the 
last word being blotted and illegible. As the Gores were 
coach painters this is no doubt a professional notation. 

The middle of the inside front cover, the position usually 
occupied by a book plate, contains two pieces of paper appar- 
ently cut from an old newspaper or hand bill; the upper 
shows a rude cut of the Massachusetts arms, crest and motto, 
and the lower reads, "Explanation of the Device for the 
Arms of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. Sapphire, 
an Indian dressed in his Shirt and Mogginsins, belted 
proper; in his right Hand a Bow, Topaz; in his left an 


Arrow, its Point towards the Base of the Second j on the 
dexter Side of the Indian's Head, a Star, Pearl, for one of 
the United States of America: Crest, on a Wreath a dexter 
Arm, cloathed and ruffled proper, grasping a broad Sword, 
the Pummel and Hilt Topaz, with this Motto, Ense petit 
placidam sub Libertate Quietem." The wording is taken 
from an act of the legislature of the year 1780. Opposite the 
tinctures, which are given by precious stones, the tinctures 
by common colors and metals and by planets have been 
entered in ink. 

The fly leaf contains a pencilled notation: "These arms 
were drawn by John Gore father of Gov. Christopher 
Gore." As Christopher Gore was elected Governor of 
Massachusetts in 1 809 this note can not be earlier than that 
date, and from the appearance of the handwriting it may be 
a good deal later; but it is not later than 1 865 because Mr. 
Whitmore speaks of John Gore's name being in the book, 
and it does not appear elsewhere. The fly leaf also shows a 
fleur-de-lys drawn in pencil. 

The paintings of arms begin on the second leaf; there are 
four to a page and they are painted on both sides of the 
sheets. They are not numbered. 

The arms of men are shown in the somewhat full bot- 
tomed type of shield popular in the seventeenth century, 
those of women on straight-sided lozenges. No helmets, 
and consequently no mantlings, are shown. Crest wreaths 
when present usually rest directly upon the shield, although 
in some instances a little space intervenes. The style of the 
paintings is, considering the period, good, and the work- 
manship excellent and evidently that of an accomplished 
heraldic painter. No metallic colors are used; silver is rep- 
resented by white, that is, blank paper, and gold by yellow. 
The colors are in the main well preserved; where ink has 
been used for black, as in small areas such as cotises, it is 
now a dark brown, but large areas are painted with a dense 
black pigment; the blues have in many cases turned green 
and this is true especially when there happens to be yellow 



paint on the opposite side of the sheet, so that it is some- 
times puzzling to know whether blue or green was origi- 
nally applied, although the known greens are apt to be 
different, and of a dull tint verging toward the yellow or 
brownish side. 

In order to show the contrast between the original manu- 
script and the Child copy I have chosen for reproduction a 
coat which is wholly black and white, although there is 

Fk;. 2 


color in the crest: No. 28 in the Child copy, the arms of 
Stodard and Evance impaled. 

Figure 2 shows these arms as they appear in the original 
Gore Roll, Figure 3 as in the Child copy. Both are in the 
original size. 

Figure 3 is typical of all the paintings in the Child copy. 
It shows a shield of ugly shape surrounded by a meaning- 
less border which was at first yellow and is now gilded, and 

Fig. 3 

the white portions of the design are covered with metallic 
silver or possibly aluminum paint. In making this drawing 
Mr. Child evidently drew the stars forgetful of the border, 
and then had to draw the line defining the border through 
two of the stars. In this instance, in spite of the clumsy 
effect, no one practised in heraldry could mistake what was 
intended; but this is not true of a number of other paintings 
in the Child copy, where there appear beasts of very uncer- 
tain species as well as instances of totally incorrect coloring. 


An example of the latter is seen in the case of the Culpeper 
arms (No. 59) where Mr. Child painted the field azure 
instead of silver, although there is no possibility of doubt 
in the original. 

John* Gore, the reputed painter of this book of arms, 
was a coach painter in Boston, the son of Obadiah^ Gore, 
carpenter, and Sarah Kilby. He was born in 1718, fled to 
Halifax as a Loyalist in 1776, was banished in 1778 but 
pardoned in 1787, and returned to Boston in the same year. 
He died in 1796. John* Gore was the father of John^, 
Samuel'"^ and Christopher^ Gore. SamueP, born 1750/51, 
died 1831, followed his father's business j Christopher^ is 
well known as a Governor of Massachusetts and a benefac- 
tor of Harvard College. 

The first 84 shields in the Gore Roll, all evidently by 
the same hand, are dated between 1682 and 1724, and all 
excepting one lie between 1701 and 1724. These are fol- 
lowed by 15 shields, with one exception (1760) undated, 
by a less skilled handj two exhibit the Kilby arms, and as 
John* Gore's mother was a Kilby the family may have had 
special knowledge of the arms used by this family. 

The early dates attached to the paintings and the later 
period of the life of John* Gore show that, although there 
is no inconsistency between his lifetime and the production 
of the paintings on paper exhibiting a water-mark which 
was in use as' early as 1731, yet that the paintings can not 
be a running record of commissions executed for his clients, 
but must represent the gathering together into one blank 
book of a collection of coats of arms in earlier use in Boston, 
in other parts of New England, and a few from other places. 
Whether this earlier collection was in the form of a book 
of arms, a series of designs on paper, or merely verbal 
descriptions, must remain a matter of speculation; but the 
fact that so many of the designs come from the Promp- 
tuarium Armorum and that the English coats from the 
Chute Pedigree are all re-entered in the Gore Roll sug- 
gest that John* Gore was making a collection of the coats 


of arms in use here as known to him, with some additions. 
As his father was a carpenter and not a painter it is logical 
to suppose that such records of arms as are not readily run 
down in contemporary books and manuscripts came from 
the workshop of some other painter in Boston. 

The late Mr. Walter Kendall Watkins, in his article 
on the Promptuarium Armorum which has been mentioned, 
lists a number of Boston painters in tracing the ownership 
of that manuscript, before it came into the possession of the 
Gore family, where it remained until 1885. The immediate 
predecessor of John' Gore as a painter in Boston was 
Edward Stanbridge who died in 1 734; he was the nephew 
of Katherine Masters. Katherine Masters married (first) 
Thomas Child, painter j after his death in 1706 she carried 
on his business, and married (second) "Dr." Lancelot Lake, 
also a painter; he died before 1716, in which year his 
widow married (third) John Menzies, merchant. Mr. 
Watkins has traced the supposed ownership of the Promp- 
tuarium Armorum through Edward Stanbridge, and it is 
possible that he also left a series of designs or descriptions 
which fell into the hands of John* Gore and were incor- 
porated by him in the Gore Roll. The supplementary arms 
at the end, including the two showing the arms of Kilby, 
may have been the work of John' Gore at a later period, 
or that of his son SamueP Gore. 

Another possibility is that the arms were originally 
painted by Edward Pell, for the arms here numbered 65 
are recorded as those of "Edward Pell of Boston, paintor, 

SamueP Gore, painter, had three sons: John^, George® 
and Christopher*' Gore. George*' and Christopher" were 
painters, the latter being in partnership with his father in 
1806 or 1807. The ownership of the Gore Roll has so far 
not been traced beyond SamueF. John" died without issue 
in 1817; George" had a son SamueF who married in 1843 
Lucy P. Child (which may have a connection with Isaac 
Child's having copied the manuscript about the year 1 847), 


but had no children j and Christopher*" had no sons. The 
connection of this family with the family of Gore among 
whose descendants the Gore Roll was found in 1 934 has not 
been made clear. 

The slight variation from chronological sequence in 
the dates attached to the paintings suggests that they were 
made from a set of loose leaves, containing either descrip- 
tions or illustrations, which were not sorted perfectly before 
beginning. It is assumed that they represent, in the main, 
orders given by customers for paintings of arms, for there 
was a good deal of call for the work of the heraldic artist 
at that period, probably in large part for the decoration of 
coaches, although apparently "funeral scutcheons" formed 
the principal part of the output of the heraldic painter. 
Mr. Whitmore (Heraldic Journal I 114-115) says "The 
only suggestion we can make is, that since the dates under 
so many of these shields coincide with the death of the 
bearers, the painter may have been employed to engrave 
the coffin-plates, or to furnish hatchments or banners, both 
of which we know were used here at the funerals of noted 
citizens." Mr. Howard M. Chapin of Providence has 
kindly furnished the following quotation from the diary 
of Judge Samuel Sewall, of whom it has been truly said 
that he had an obsession for attending funerals: 

"Feb. 14 1697/8 Col. Sam. Shrimpton was buried. 
Mourning Coach also and Horses in Mourning, Scutcheons 
on their sides and Death's heads on their foreheads." 

Sewall also mentions "scutcheons" in connection with 
the funerals of Dean Winthrop in 1703/4 (on the pall), 
Madam Richards in 1704 (on the coffin), Fitz-John 
Winthrop in 1707, John Foster in 1710/11, Mrs. Abigail 
Foster in 1710-11, John Pole in 1711, John Walley in 
1711, Elizabeth Stoddard in 1713, Captain Belcher in 
1717, and Mrs. Katherine Winthrop, relict of Waitstill 
Winthrop, in 1725, when "the escutcheons on the hearse 
bore the arms of Winthrop and Brattle, the Lion Sable." 
Other calls upon the skill of the heraldic painter may have 


been instigated by the desire for armorial paintings for 
household decoration, whereas drawings would suffice 
for designs for seals, engraved silver and sculptured 

The Gore Roll is the earliest known American roll of 
armsj it furnishes a valuable list of coats of arms as used 
in New England in the earliest years of the eighteenth 
century j it has no value as determining the right of any 
individual to the arms shown over his name, but as the 
period when the unjustified assumption of the arms of 
others became prevalent seems to have come a little later 
than the date of the majority of the paintings in the Gore 
Roll, its value and interest are by so much enhanced. The 
large folio edition of Guillim's Display of Heraldry ap- 
peared in 1724, and it is probably not a coincidence that it 
was about this time, when many families which had pre- 
viously been in very moderate circumstances had made 
fortunes in trade and become important, that we find 
gravestones, embroideries and so forth displaying arms 
for which no right has been found. 

In the following list I have confined my description to 
the original Gore Roll, with notes on discrepancies which 
appear in the Child copy as it now is, which I have marked 
(CC), and quotations from Whitmore's description pub- 
lished in 1865, designated (W). The authorities for my 
additional notes are given in the text and elaborated in 
the bibliography at the end of the article. 

As has been stated, the paintings are not numbered in 
the original Roll, and the numbers assigned to them in 
this list refer to their order in the book. They do not coin- 
cide with the numbers used by Whitmore in the Heraldic 
Journal for 1865, for these differ from the numbers used 
in his Elements of Heraldry of 1866, but for convenience 
in reference Whitmore's numbers have been added in 
parentheses, first those of 1865 and next those of 1866. 
At the end of the list is the Green coat which appears only 


in the Child Copy, and was therefore added after the pub- 
lication of Whitmore's descriptions. 


1.(1.) (1.) 


Arms: Silver three chevrons gules a lion sable. 

Wreath: Silver, gules. 

Crest: On a mount vert a running hare proper. 

Legend: Dean Winthrop of Pulling point / Comt. Suf- 
folk: 1701: 

Notes: See the Promptuarium Armorum, 127b. 

The arms as here given, with plain chevrons, were passed 
by patent by Garter in 1 594, and were used with a label by 
Governor John Winthrop on his seal (Heraldic Journal 
118). The genuineness of the grant of the same arms except 
with crenellated chevrons to John Wynethrop in 1592 by 
Dethick, Garter, as published a few years ago by the Mas- 
sachusetts Historical Society, is open to doubt. 

Deane Winthrop was the sixth son of Governor John 
Winthrop and died in 1704 (W). 

2. (2.) (Omitted.) 

Arms: Lozengy silver and sable a crescent (gules) for 

Wreath: Silver, sable. 

Crest: A demi-lion silver. 

Legend: Capt. Henry Croffts son to the lat / Duck of 
Monmouth comandor of / hur Maj's Ship Gospor ... 1 702 

Notes: In the arms azure replaces sable and the demi- 
lion of the crest is gules; the name is spelled Crafts (CC). 

Although there is doubt of the paternity of the Duke of 
Monmouth, Charles IL acknowledged him as his son, by 
Lucy Walter, and as a child he was put into the charge of 


William Crofts, Baron Crofts of Saxham, and hence called 
James Crofts. The arms of the Baron of Saxham were: 
Gold three bull's heads couped sable. James Crofts married 
Lady Anne Scot, and Charles II. then changed his name 
from Crofts to Scot. In 1 662 he was created Duke of Mon- 
mouth, and in 1685 he headed the rebellion against 
James II. which cost him his life. He had two illegitimate 
sons by Mrs. Eleanor Needham: James, who died in 1732, 
and Henry, whose arms are here given in the Gore Roll; 
no arms are recorded for the latter in the College of Arms, 
so that this record appears to be unique. Collin's Peerage 
states that he died unmarried in 1704, but this date is 
obviously an error. 

The arms here given are those of Crofts of Cheshire 
(Edmondson) and have nothing to do with the family 
from which Capt. Crofts derived his surname. 

As an illegitimate son, it may be doubted that he could 
have borne his father's arms unchanged j but his father the 
Duke of Monmouth was himself an illegitimate, and there 
appears to be much confusion about his arms. Guillim's 
Heraldry of 1664 and a manuscript book of arms owned 
in 1 67 1 by Thomas Holford, Portcullis Pursuivant in 1 GGZ 
and Windsor Herald in 1687, blazon them: Quartered: 
1. & 4. Ermine a pile of England; 2. & 3. Gold within a 
tressure of Scotland an escutcheon of France. The dates 
1 664 and 1 67 1 are contemporary with the life of the Duke 
of Monmouth and both fall after his elevation to that title. 
Guillim, edition of 1679, and Heylyn, edition of 1773, 
blazoned his arms: the quartered arms of Charles II. dif- 
ferenced with a baton sinister silver, over all an escutcheon 
charged with the arms of Scot: Gold on a bend azure a 
crescent between two stars gold. The earlier of these two 
dates is again contemporary with the life of the Duke, so 
that his arms appear to have been altered between 1671 
and 1 679, no doubt for the purpose of certifying his (doubt- 
ful) descent from Charles II. 


Hargreaves says that the Duke of Monmouth was em- 
powered to use the first arms in 1663 and the second in 
1667, and that he omitted the baton sinister in 1680. 

Henry Crofts, the second son of the Duke of Monmouth, 
appears three times in the diary of Judge Samuel Sewall: 
on the arrival of Governor Joseph Dudley, 1 1 June 1702, 
"Mr. Addington, Eliakim Hutchinson, Byfield and Sewall, 
sent per the Council, go with Capt. Crofts in his Pinace to 
meet the Governour, and Congratulat his Arrival"; 16 
December 1702, "Heard the church (King's Chapel) Bell 
ring for Capt. Crofts. He dyed last night" j and 19 De- 
cember 1 702, "Is buried in the New burying place in Capt. 
Hamilton's Tomb. Corps was first had into the church and 
a Funeral Sermon preach'd. For Debauchery and Irre- 
ligion he was one of the vilest Men that has set foot in 
Boston. Tis said he refused to have any Minister call'd to 
pray with him during his Sickness, which was above a fort- 

The reason for assigning the arms of Crofts of Cheshire 
to Capt. Henry Crofts is hard to see. One may assume that 
the funeral of the son of a duke and the reputed grandson 
of a king called for some sort of heraldic display, and the 
funeral director must have been hard pressed to know what 
arms to use. If Captain Crofts had died possessed of an 
armorial ring or seal one would have expected to find on it 
some modification of one or the other of the two coats 
which his father had used, or possibly the arms of the 
Baron Crofts of Saxham who had had the care of the 
Captain's father, although the latter arms could not pos- 
sibly have been claimed by right of inheritance. Lacking a 
seal and needing a coat of arms, it seems probable that the 
arms of Crofts of Cheshire were found in some book of 
arms and pressed into service. At any rate, this unique 
record of the arms assigned to Captain Henry Crofts can- 
not be said to bear any weight as authority. 


3. (3.) (2.) 


Arms: Azure an eagle silver on a chief gules three escal- 
lops gold. 

Wreath: Gold, azur^. 

Crest: A demi-eagle silver holding in his beak an escal- 
lop gold. 

Legend: Richard Midecut of Boston Esqr. / Con of 
Suff. One of his Maj's Counsell / of the Prouince of Moss. 

Notes: A pencil note (CC) beside the crest: opposite the 
dexter wing "outside Gules, Inside Or" and opposite the 
sinister wing "Reversd" has no justification in the original 
Roll. The tinctures of the eagle in the CC have been added 
since Whitmore described it in 1 865. 

Middlecot of Lincolnshire bore these arms except that 
the eagle was ermine ; in the crest the eagle was ermine and 
had a golden crown about his neck (Edmondson). 

Richard Middlecot came from Warminster, Wiltshire, 
and died in 1704 (W). 

4. (4.) (Omitted.) 

Arms: Gules a boar passant silver with a collar and chain 
gold fastened to a holly-tree on a mount vert. 

Wreath : Gold, vert. 

Crest: A boar's head erect silver. 

Legend: Do John Owen of the Jland / of Antego . . . 

Notes: This painting is a faithful copy of the arms of 
George Owen, Esq., Baron of Klimes, Pembrokeshire, as 
given in Guillim, ed. 1632 to 1724 inclusive. No crest is 
there shown. Edmondson repeats the charge for the crest; 
Burke gives an eagle's head erased at the neck gold. 


5. (5.) (3.) 
Sargent and Shrimpton. 

Arms: Two coats impaled: Baron: Silver a chevron 
between three dolphins sable. Femtne: Silver a cross sable 
charged with five escallops silver. 

Wreath: Silver, sable. 

Crest: A demi-lion azure holding between his paws an 
escallop gold. 

Legend: Anna Wife of Peter Sargant Esqr. / Boston 
1 702 / Sargant & Shrimpton. 

Notes: The Sargent arms are repeated in Nos. 13 and 
31, those of Shrimpton in No. 67. The Shrimpton arms do 
not appear in Edmondson or Burke; Papworth lists them 
under the names Stonham and Vastons or Wastoyle. The 
crest is not identified. 

6. (6.) (4.) 

Arms: Silver a chevron and chief azure on the chief 
three martlets silver. 

Wreath: Silver, azure. 

Crest: An eagle's head azure, the beak gold. 

Legend: John Taye of Medford in ye / Comt' of 
Medlesex . . . 1702 

Notes: Child misread the name Jay or Joy; Whitmore 
calls the crest, which in the Child copy is accurate except for 
its tincture (silver), a cormorant's head. There are several 
variants of the arms of Tay of Essex, of which one: Silver 
a fess between in chief three martlets and in base a chevron 
azure (Burke) is by Edmondson assigned to Teys of Essex. 
The arms of Jay and Joy are quite different. 


7. (7.) (5.) 

Arms: Sable a stag's head cabossed silver. 

Crest: From a crown gold five ostrich feathers silver 
turned over azure. ^ 

Legend: John Leeg of Boston Esqr. / Com' Suffolk 

Notes: Edmondson gives for Legge of Kent and of 
Chichester in Sussex: Azure a stag's head cabossed silver; 
crest, Out of a ducal coronet gold a plume of feathers silver 
and azure. Burke gives for Legge, earl of Dartmouth 
(1711) the same arms, and specifies that of the five feathers 
in the crest three are silver and two azure. Although 1711 
is presumably subsequent to the date of the painting in the 
Gore Roll it seems probable that the same arms and crest 
are intended, and that the sable field and the details of 
coloring of the feathers are an error. Whitmore calls atten- 
tion to the same arms (but no crest) on the gravestone of 
John Legge, Esqr., in Marblehead, where the date of his 
death is given as 8 October 1718; by mischance the year is 
omitted in the Heraldic Journal I 1 06, and is supplied from 
a personal examination of the stone. 

8.(8.) (6.) 
Leverett. (Sedgewick.) 

Arms: Two coats impaled: Baron: Silver a chevron 
between three running leverets sable. Femme: Silver a 
cross gules on the cross five church bells silver. 

Wreath : Silver, sable. 

Crest: A human skull proper. 

Legend: Mad Anna Leuirit widow of / John Leurit 
Esqr. Gouinor of the / colloney of Masechusets 17:1 682 

Notes: The field of the femme's arms is colored gold 
and the wreath is gold and gules; the name is mis-spelled 


Louirit from an evident mis-reading of the early form of 
the letter e; and the figure 17 is omitted (CC). 

The figure 1 7 is probably an erroneous beginning of the 
entry of the date 1682, but it is not scratched out. 

The arms here assigned to Leverett appear under the 
name of Lever in the Promptuariuni Armorum, 89. They 
are to be seen on the grave stone of John Leverett, president 
of Harvard College (died 1724), the grandson of Gov- 
ernor John Leverett, and Governor Leverett himself used 
them on his seal ( Heraldic Journal I 84). Whitmore states 
(Heraldic Journal I 83) that Pishey Thompson speaks of 
the family as one of great antiquity in Lincolnshire and 
that it is recorded in the Visitation of 1 564 as bearing arms j 
Burke assigns these arms to Leverett of Great Chelsea in 
1662. On the other hand, Edmondson assigns these arms to 
Lever of Lancashire, recording quite different arms for 
Leverett. Governor Leverett is said to have been knighted 
(see Savage's edition of Winthrop's History of New Eng- 
land, II 245 note 2)j but Drake conjectured that he had 
died before the letter could be received (see his edition of 
The History of Philip's War by Thomas Church, 1827, 
page 145, note 2) thus accounting for the non-use of the 
prefix Sir. 

Whitmore identifies the femme's arms as those of 
Sedgewick, and points out that Savage says that Governor 
Leverett married Sarah Sedgewick, the daughter or the 
sister of Major Robert Sedgewick. 

The skull that does duty as a crest probably indicates 
that the painting was used as a hatchment. 

The arms are painted on a lozenge, as is proper for a 
widow, but appear in the Child copy on a shield of the same 
shape as all the rest. 

9. (9.) (7.) 
Brattle. Legge. 
Arms: Two coats impaled: Baron: Gules a chevron 


engrailed gold between three battle-axes erect silver gar- 
nished gold. Femme: Sable a stag's head cabossed silver. 

Wreath: Gold, gules. 

Crest: An arm embowed in armor the gauntlet grasping 
a battle-axe both silver garnished gold. 

Legend: Edwd. Bratqll of Marblehed in / ye Count, of 
Esex ---1707./ Brattell & Legg. 

Notes: This Edward Brattle was a younger brother of 
Thomas Brattle (see No. 30) and married Mary, the 
daughter of John Legge (W). As the Brattles were a 
Cambridge family, his residence in Marblehead may be 
explained by the presence there of members of the Legg 
family as mentioned in connection with No. 7. 

This painting constitutes the earliest record, so far as I 
know, of the Brattle armsj they are not to be found in 
Edmondson, Berry or Burke. Whitmore says that the father 
of Thomas Brattle (No. 30) and Edward Brattle (No. 9) 
was Thomas Brattle of Charlestown who died in 1683, in 
the opinion of Savage probably the wealthiest man in the 
colony. He is not known to have used arms, but in the next 
generation they are found, in addition to the two records 
in the Gore Roll, on the seal of Thomas Brattle (No. 30) 
who died in 1713 (Heraldic Journal, III, 42), on a silver 
basin made by Jeremiah Dummer (1645-1718) in 1695 for 
the Rev. William Brattle and given by him in 1 7 1 6 to the 
First Parish in Cambridge (Old Silver of American 
Churches, p. 109, quoted by Bolton), and, presumably the 
same arms, at the funeral in 1725 of Katharine, the widow 
of Waitstill Winthrop as mentioned by Sewall in his diary 
(see Chapin, Antiques, XVI, 4 Oct. 1929). 

The Legge arms have been commented on under No. 7, 
and it is to be noted that the field in No. 9 is again sable 
instead of azure. 

10. (10.) (8.) 

Richards. Winthrop. 

Arms: Two coats impaled: Baron: Silver four lozenges 


fesswise (not conjoined) gules between two bars sable. 
Fermue: Silver three chevrons gules a lion sable. 

No wreath, no crest. 

Legend: Anna Wido of John Richards Esq. / On of 
His Maj.'s Cons', of ye Prouin of Mass. / 1707 Richards 
& Winthrop. 

Notes: These arms are painted on a 'lozenge, not, as 
given in the Child copy, on a shield shaped like all the 

The wording of Whitmore's note in connection with 
the Richards arms shows that he had in mind an armorial 
seal: "John Richards, who used a seal in 1685, was son of 
Thomas Richards of Dorchester, whose widow, Welthian, 
also used them on her will, in 1 679." These are the arms of 
Richards of East Bagborough, co. Somerset (Edmondson). 

The impaled arms of Winthrop have been commented 
on under No. 1. 

Ships' Protests, 1698-1700 

{Continued jrom Vol. XXV III, page 110) 

Newport in Rhoad Island Octobr 19th day 1698: 
. . . wee the Subscribers Jonas Clark of boston . . . marrinr 
& Master of the good Sloope the Industery Burthen twenty 
tunns & Timothy Conningham mate of Sd Sloope being 
Laden at boston afore Sd with Marcht goods viz: Barbados 
goods dry goods Salt Riging &c: & in or voyage toward Said 
port It pleased god that on the thirteenth Instant being 
thirsday Last wee having wayed Anchor at Martins vin- 
yard^'' Neare Elizabeth Islands on or way ware Suddenly 
taken with voyalant Stress of weather So that braking or 
Main Sheet & Splitting or Sailes wee ware Redused to Such 
Extremety as in A mannor wee ware over whelmed & buried 
in the Sea having two foot water in or hold And Expecting 

^"Martha's Vineyard, then usually called Martin's Vineyard. 

ships' protests, 1698-1700 31 

Every moment the Loss of or Lives & goods but at Last 
with greatt diff eculty Arived and putt in Att tarpallian Cove 
& from thence Came to this port of Newport Much douting 
thare is Considerable damage done the Marchandize on 
bord by reason of Sd Storme to the truth of the Above Men- 
tioned particulurs wee hav taken our SoUom Engagments" 
& Sett to or hand Octobr 1 9th day 1 698 

Jonas Clarke 

Timonthy Coningham (11,80) 

To Mr Ralph Chapman & Mr John Hix Ship Carpenters: 
Whare as Complaint hath bene made unto mee by Mr 
daniell Hempson master of the Sloope Speedwell & Mr 
David Campanell belonging to Sd Sloope that they being 
Bound from the port of New Yorke to the port of Boston 
with Severall Marchandize upon fraight & on their voyage 
bound to Said port did on the 1 8 Instant Spring A leake 
which Did forse them to putt into this port from whence 
they Sayled the Same day being forst to keepe their pumps 
Continually going to keepe hir from Sinking yett never- 
theless they using their utmost Indevouer hath Recived 
Considerable damage in their goods having near two foot 
water in the hold & having Sense Made Som Sarch for her 
Leaks Doe find Said Sloope very Old & Rotten So that they 
Conclude Shee will not be fitting to prosed on their voyage 
. . . These are tharefore in his majtty name ... to Require 
you the Sd Ralph Chapman & John Hix to take A new And 
Exact Survay of Sd Sloope & make A true Returne thare of 
to mee upon your Sollom Engagments how you find her 
Given under my hand in Newport this 24th of October 


Sam Cranston Cover 

To the Honerd Cover of Rhoad Island . . . 

In Obedience to your Honers Order wee the Subscribers 

Ralph Chapman And John Hicks Shipwrights have made 

^•'Jos. Cealis and Danll Vernon signed as witnesses. 


A survay And vewed the Sloope Speedwell now in this port 
on Shore And doe heare by in Answer And Returne thare 
of certifie that to the best of or knowledg & Judgments thare 
in doe Account & Reckon in the Condition Shee is in Shee 
is Alltogether unfitt for the Sea without greatt Reparation 
:as Wittness our hands Newport October 24 1698 

Ralph Chapman 
John Hicks (11,86) 
. . . Jeames Hardy Commander of the briginteen Elizabeth 
John Packworth & George Brook Seemen of Sd brigen- 
teens"^ Company being upon our voyage from Queriso^' 
through the Behemoses'^ to Rhode Island it hapned on the 
24th day of may Last 1700 being then in the Lattitude of 
22 degrees 30 minnitts North Lattitude & about two A clock 
in the After noone of Sd Day being then out of Sight of Any 
Land & in faire weather or Said Briginten Struck upon A 
•Shole or banke that had but five foot water thare on or Sd 
vessell drawing 7 foott & no hopes of or gitting of but by 
•or Indevoring to Lighten or Sd Briginteen And Accord- 
ingly flung Over bord About ten tunn of Ballis'^ five 
hogseds Malasses & About 30 or 40 greatt Shott: or En- 
devours Succeded So well that through gods goodness wee 
Beatt over Sd Shoales into deape water And have Now 
Attained or Port the 6th of June 1 700 In testamony of the 
truth whare of wee . . . have Sollomly taken or oaths''' . . . 
in newport Above Sd the 7th of June 1700 

Jeames Hardy maser 

John X Packworth his mark 

George X Brook his mark (II, 114) 

^^The terms "brigantine" and "brig" seem to have been applied to the 
same rig by seventeenth and early eighteenth century New Englanders, 
-although the French had adopted the present usage at least as early as 1 720. 




^^Benj. Nubary and Tho. Fox signed as witnesses. 

Form of Legacy 

"/ give and bequeath to the Rhode Island 

Historical Society the sum of 

dollars. " 

Roger Williams Press |iy|V? 

E. A. Johnson Co. 


Rhode Island 

Historical Society 


Vol. XXIX 

APR(L, -WM.-- 

No. 2 


Issued Quarterly 

68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island 



Illustrations connected with 

Roger Williams' Life . . Cover and 33 

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest . . 44 

Treasurer's Report ...... 45 

Librarian's Report ...... 49 

Notes 51 

Gore Roll 

bv Harold Bowditch . . . . . 51 





Vol. XXIX 

APRIL, 1936 

No. 2 

Nathaniel W. Smith, President Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer 
William Davis Miller, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions 
of contributors. 

ROGER Williams' compass and sun-dial 

In the Society's Museum. 




From Agas* Map of London. 





ROGER Williams' parents were members of this church 




"•^■^^ /At( 

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Cioy. -f^ y^^/ ^^'^y '^''^af '^^y^ /(^2 

Ot J /<*«:,.; -t »( r /»<»»> Tf - d 

From original ozvned by Mr. Frederick S. Peck. 

4 X>^ 3 

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i^/^;.c•'.// C 


^./C ^C)- '/J. £ 


Wit . - , ^ 




A^ow j» Library of Brotvn Univ 




On the Monument oj the Reformation 
at Geneva, Switzerland. 



In Hall of Fame, Nezv York. 



From letters in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society. 

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest 

The New England Quarterly for December 1935 con- 
tains an article on Samuel Hopkins, of Newport, by Oliver 
W, Elsbree. 

The Beginning of Printing in Rhode Island by Douglas 
C. McMurtrie is a pamphlet of 24 pages, reprinted from 
Americana for 1935. 

Handbook of Historical Sites in Rhode Island is an 
illustrated pamphlet of 96 pages, issued in 1936 by the 
Department of Public Schools of Providence. 

Volume 2 of Richmond Fa?nily Records by Henry I. 
Richmond was published in London in 1935 as an illus- 
trated volume of 260 pages. 

The royal descent of Anne Hutchinson from King 
Edward I has been compiled by Mr. Benjamin F. WiJbour 
and presented to the Society in blue print form. 

Mary Broume^ wife of Caft Thos. Willett by Elizabeth 
Nicholson White was published in 1935 as a volume of 
266 pages. 

treasurer's report 45 

Rhode Island Historical Society 
Treasurer's Report 



Annual Dues $2,25 5.00 

Dividends and Interest 3,579.58 

Rental of Rooms 1 00.00 

State Appropriation 1,500.00 

Newspaper Account 4--63 


Expenditures exceed income 1 32.00 



Binding $ 16.68 

Books 228.80 

Electric Light and Gas 40.21 

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Grounds and Building $ 25,000.00 



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1950 4,000.00 

4,000. Minn. Power & Light Co., 1st 5s, 195 5 3,930.00 

4,000. Monongahela Valley Tr. Co., 1st 5s, 

1942 ,'. 3,685.00 

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2,000. Shell Union Oil Corp., 5s, 1947 1,979.00 

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125 shs. Pennsylvania Railroad Co. 7,638.35 

40 shs. Milwaukee Elec. Ry. & Lt. Co., Pfd. .. 3,900.00 

70 shs. American Telephone & Telegraph Co. 6,591.72 

350 shs. Providence Gas Co. 5,755.68 

1 5 shs. Providence National Bank 

1 5 shs. Providence Nat'l Corp. Trust Cert. 

45 shs. Blackstone Canal National Bank 1,050.00 

52 shs. Atch., Top. & Santa Fe Ry. Co., Com. 6,247.8 5 

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20 shs. Continental Can 1,316.28 

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v.. 1,777.62 




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Henry J. Steere 10,000.00 

James H. Bugbee 6,000.00 

Charles H. Smith 5,000.00 

William H. Potter 3,000.00 

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William G. Weld, 1,000.00 

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Reserve Fund $ 5.00 

Revolving Publication Fund 1 5.00 

Cedar Rapids Mfg. & Power Company 4,430.00 

Merchants Bank Bldg 22.38 

Electric Bond & Share 366.25 

American Power & Light 205.00 

Standard Gas & Electric 120.00 

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$ 9,273.63 

Balance January 1, 1935 2,575.26 



Deposit in Savings Account $4,595.86 

Reserve Fund 1 95.00 

Continental Can 1,316.28 

American Telephone & Telegraph Company 63 1 .67 

Balance December 31, 193 5 5,1 10.08 

Providence, R. I., January 13, 1936. 

Securities examined and found correct. 

Byron S. Watson, 

for A uditing Committee 

January 13, 1936 

librarian's report 49 

Extract from the Report of the Librarian 
for 1935 

The library of the Rhode Island Historical Society con- 
sists of three main groups of books: Rhode Island books, 
genealogical books, and historical books. 

The ideal for the Rhode Island group is to obtain as 
nearly as possible a complete collection of all printed mat- 
ter, books, leaflets, broadsides, newspapers and periodicals 
relating to Rhode Island. With this aim in view, we file and 
eventually bind the files of all newspapers, periodicals and 
serials published in Rhode Island, and buy, or when possible 
obtain as a gift, all new books relating to Rhode Island. Also 
from time to time, we obtain copies of the few early books 
dealing with Rhode Island which are still lacking from our 
shelves. Our Rhode Island collection is thus strengthened 
and built up by the addition of all current and many old 
Rhode Island books so that every year it more nearly 
approaches its ideal of completeness. 

The genealogical collection is one of the most used 
departments of our library. Our aim in this field is to have 
as complete as possible a collection of genealogies dealing 
with New England families and to this end over half of our 
annual appropriation for books is spent in this field. In addi- 
tion to our collection of printed genealogies, we have a 
large colle ^t-ion of manuscript material, the work of Rhode 
Island genealogists, which is of great value to workers in 
this field. 

The group of historical books consists of New England 
vital records, town records and histories, and of the publica- 
tions of historical societies, which latter volumes are largely 
received in exchange for our own publications. 

This collection serves a three-fold use. First, many of 
these books, especially the New England town records, and 
histories, contain much genealogical information which 


cannot be found in the genealogies, thus this department 
materially supplements the genealogical department, in 
fact to such an extent as actually to be a necessary part of any 
library where genealogical work is to be done. 

In the second place, the New England histories, and the 
historical magazines and historical society serials often con- 
tain articles on Rhode Island and important references to 
Rhode Island affairs not found in any books primarily relat- 
ing to Rhode Island, so that this group of books is also a 
necessary supplement to our Rhode Island collection and is 
in many cases absolutely essential for persons studying cer- 
tain phases of Rhode Island history. 

This group of historical publications has still a third use. 
Particularly in regard to the New England States, where 
the collection is practically complete as regards historical 
publications, and to a large extent in regard to the thirteen 
original states, this collection is sufficiently exhaustive to 
enable students working on many phases of American his- 
tory to use our library as their main workshop, even though 
their studies may take them far outside of the history of 
Rhode Island. 

Owing to lack of space, as well as lack of funds, we are 
unable to obtain the same completeness in the group of 
books dealing with states outside of New England, that we 
are able to attain in our New England collection. 

We have a remarkably large collection of manuscript 
material relating to Rhode Island, over two hundred thou- 
sand items, which supplements our library of printed books 
on Rhode Island and contains much social and economic 
history not included in printed works. 

The purpose of our historical museum is to visualize to 
the people of today, by exhibiting objects of historical 
interest, the life, the habits and the important occurrences of 
former times. Such exhibitions create in the mind of the 
observer a stronger appreciation of the reality of the prin- 
cipal facts, of the chronology, and of the significance of 
history. They give a sense of intimate touch with the past, 



and aid in understanding the present and future, through 
an understanding of that which has transpired. 

It is necessary to discriminate in selecting material for 
such a museum. Objects should not be shown simply because 
they are old, but because they illustrate some mode of life 
now changed or forgotten; or, by actual association with 
some significant event in history, aid in fixing in the mind 
of the observer the reality, importance and circumstance of 
that event. 

The objects in the museum have been arranged chrono- 
logically as far as their size and shape would permit, so that 
a walk around the balcony, keeping always to the right, will 
give a general idea of the chronological occurrence of events 
and use of objects. 


The collection of family papers, etc., hitherto placed on 
deposit by Mr. D. B. Updike, have been now given by him 
to the Society. 

The following persons have been elected to membership 
in the Society. 

Mr. Wayne W. McNally Capt. William P. Blair 
Miss Dorothy D. Dunlop Mrs. Constant Dorsey 
Mr. Frank E. Waterman Miss Ethelyn I. Pray 

The Gore Roll of Arms 

By Harold Bowditch 

{Continued from Page 30) 

The author regrets a misquotation of the words of the 
late Mr. Watkins appearing in the first installment of this 
article. Collections XXIX 1, page 11. The author of the 


PromptLiarium Armorum was William Smithy Rouge 
Dragon j the new owner was his successor in office, John 
Philipot; the next Rouge Dragon, William Crowne, came 
to Maine in 1657 and is believed to have brought the book 
with him. 

11. (11.) (9.) 
Frost. Davis. 

Arms: Two coats impaled. Baron: Silver a chevron 
gules between three trefoils slipped azure. Femme: Gules 
a stag passant gold. 

Wreath : Silver, azure. 

Crest: A man's head in full face proper, hair and beard 
gray, between two enclosing sprigs each with three leaves 

Legend: Charols Frost of Boston. 1707 / Frost & Dauis. 

Notes: In the Frost arms the trefoils are gules ^ in the 
Davis arms the held is silver j in the crest the head is uncol- 
ored (CC). 

Charles Frost, born 1683, was the son of John Frost and 
grandson of Nicholas Frost of Kittery, Maine, who was 
born at Tiverton, co. Devon, about 1595 (W). 

Frost arms: see Promptuarium Armorum — of York- 
shire? The arms of Frost of Yorkshire are: Silver a 
chevron gules between three trefoils slipped azure, as in the 
Gore Rollj also Silver a chevron sable between three tre- 
foils slipped vert (Edmondson). In a manuscript book of 
arms, principally of Yorkshire families, begun about 1643, 
is a later entry in pencil of the arms of Froste: Silver a 
chevron azure between three trefoils slipped . . . 

Davis arms: these arms are given under the name of 
Davison by Edmondson, but no locality is cited. 

12. (12.) (10.) 
NoRDEN. Latimer. 

Arms: Two coats impaled. Baron: Silver a fess gules 


between three beasts passant sable on the fess a crosslet 
fitchy gold between two trefoils slipped silver. Femme: 
Gules a cross patonce silver. 

Wreath: Silver, gules. 

Crest: A demi-talbot sable holding in his mouth a sprig 
of three leaves vert. 

Legend: Nathell Norden Esqr, of Marblehed / One of 
His Maj's Counsell for ye Prou- (illegible) / Norden & 

Notes: The beasts in the baron's coat are of an obscure 
species J perhaps they most closely resemble lambs, but 
with upstanding ears, or they might be hinds of a chubby 
form. The Child copy shows the following variations from 
the original: the -beasts, which suggest short-legged foxes, 
are colored lemon-yellow j the trefoils on the fesse are 
gilded; the wreath is silver and azure; and the beast in the 
crest is a demi-lion vert. 

Whitmore blazons two of the charges on the fesse as 
fleurs-de-lys, but this is clearly a slip, for both in the orig- 
inal Gore Roll and in the Child copy they are trefoils 
slipped. Influenced, perhaps, by what he knew of the arms 
of Norden, he called the beasts on the shield beavers, but 
was surely in error when he named the crest a demi-beaver. 
He states that Nathaniel Norden married Mary, daughter 
of Christopher Latimer or Lattimore of Marblehead, and 
that he died in 1727. 

The arms in the Gore Roll appear to be a combination of 
two coats of Norden of Kent. Norden (Easthill, Kent): 
Silver a fess gules between three beavers passant sable on 
the fess three crosslets fitchy gold; Norden (Kent) : Silver 
a fess gules between three sea-horses sable on the fess a 
crosslet fitchy between two trefoils slipped silver; the for- 
mer family bore for their crest A hawk silver, the bells gold, 
preying on a partridge silver, the beak gold (Edmondson). 

Edmondson gives the arms of Latimer as Gules a cross 
patonce (or flory) gold. In the Gore Roll it is shown as 


13.(13.) (11.) 
Sargent. Spencer. 

Arms: Two coats impaled: Baron: Silver a chevron 
between three dolphins sable. Femme: Silver quarterly 
with gules a fret gold, over all a bend sable charged with 
three escallops silver. 

Crest: From a coronet gold a demi-griffin silver with 
two collars gules. 

Legend: Lady Mary formerly wife To Sr. WilPm. / 
Phip Kt, Gouener of the prouin of Masc\ / Lat of Peter 
Sargant Esq of His Maj Con' / Sargant Spencer ... 1 705. 

Notes: Whitmore says that Peter Sargent, who came 
from London in 1 667, married as his second wife the widow 
of Governor Phips and daughter of Roger Spencer of Saco, 
Maine, 1652. He records, also, the use of the Sargent arms 
by Peter Sargent on a seal on a power of attorney, dated 
1693, preserved at Salem (Heraldic Journal, I, 118). 

Spencer of Yarnton, co. Oxford (baronet 1611) and 
Earl Spencer bore the arms recorded in the Gore Roll, and 
they are found in the first quarter of the arms of Baron 
Churchill (Burke). Variants of the crest shown in the Gore 
Roll will be found under Spencer of Norfolk, Suffolk, 
Bedfordshire and London (Edmondson). 

14. (14.) (12.) 

Arms: Azure a chevron between three molets gold. 

No crest. 

Legend: Anthoney Chickly Esqr. Atturny / Genarall of 
ye Prouince of ye / Masechusets 1 706 

Notes: Anthony, son of William and Elizabeth Check- 
ley, was baptized at Preston-Capes, Northants, England, 
31 July 1636 (W). 

A correspondent in the Boston Transcript of 8 September 
1 930 calls attention to records of early settlers in New Eng- 


land who had returned to England, including this item: 
"1 707, May 8th: Samuel Checkley, of Boston in New Eng- 
land, chirugeon, aged 45, now lodging at the widow Alex- 
ander's on Tower Hill, deposes. He has known the ship 
Reward ever since she was built. Thomas Dudley was mas- 
ter on her last voyage from Boston to London. Deponent 
was hired on 1 5th April, 1 706, to serve as chirugeon on the 
said ship. A list is given of the various people in Boston to 
whom money was paid for refitting the ship. C24/1277 pt. 
2/33. Dudley V. Overton." (The Genealogists' Magazine, 
V, 5 March 1930.) 

These arms are not found under Checkley or Chickley 
in Edmondson or Burke, and the arms of Chichele, 
Chicheley and Chichley are dissimilar. They are, however, 
the arms of Ceely (used by Silly of Cornwall), Cely of 
Somerset and Essex, Chetwynd and its variants, and several 
other families (Pap worth). 

15. (15.) (Omitted.) 

Arms: Gules an escutcheon within an orle of molets 

Crest: From a coronet gold an ass's head silver. 

Legend: John Chamborlin Esqr. of ye / Jland of 
Antego. 1707. 

Notes: Given as the arms of Chamberlaine of Warwick 
(Promptuarium Armorum, Burke). With the molets gold, 
and with the same crest, they are attributed to Chamber- 
laine of COS. Gloucester, Oxford and York (Edmondson). 
William Chamberleyne of London, 1 634, descended from 
Francis Chamberleyne of Newton Harcourt, Leicestershire, 
used in the first and fourth quarters of his coat Gules an 
escutcheon silver within an orle of cinqfoils gold, and the 
same crest (Visitation of London 1633-1635). 


16. (16.) (13.) 

Arms: Azure a lion silver within an orle of fleurs-de-lys 

Wreath: Silver, azure. 

Crest: A stag's head cabossed gules the antlers gold 
charged with two bars azure. 

Legend: John Poul of Boston Mas' / 1709. 

Notes: The name is mis-spelled Paul and the crest is 
wholly gules in the Child copy. 

Found under Pool or Poole in the Promptuarium 

Whitmore calls attention to these arms on the tomb of 
William Poole (died 1674) in the old burying ground in 
Dorchester, Massachusetts (Heraldic Journal, I, 9). 

The arms are those of the family of Pole (pronounced 
Pool)j Joseph Poole, descended from Edward Poole, 
mayor of Chester, who descended from Poole of Wirrall, 
bore: Azure powdered with fleurs-de-lys gold a lion silver j 
crest, A stag's head cabossed gules attired compony of four 
gold and azure — the shield is marked "Quere the diff^er- 
ence" (Visitation of London \633-\635). Edmondson 
attributes the same arms (calling the fleurs-de-lys in orle, 
as they are in the Gore Roil — a distinction without a difl^er- 
ence) and the same crest except that the antlers are compony 
of six, to Poole of Devonshire, Gloucestershire and Wilt- 
shire. Paul and Paule arms are dissimilar. 

William Pole of Dorchester and Elizabeth Pole of 
Taunton were the children of Sir William Pole of Col- 
combe, CO. Devon, the antiquary j see Memorials of the 
West by W. H. Hamilton Rogers, 1888, page 358. 

17. (17.) (Omitted.) 
Arms: Azure a winged stag passant gold. 


Wreath : Gold, azure. 

Crest: A stag's head gold. 

Legend: Edward Euines Esq. of Pembrouck in / 
Whales: Gouinor of the prouine / of Penselluaney - — 

Notes: Whitmore blazons the animal on the shield a 
winged antelope and describes the head forming the crest 
as erased 5 both statements are shown to be wrong, in the 
Child copy as well as in the original. 

Mr, Child, in the index of his book, says that the name 
was "nearly obliterated in the original," which is not the 
case, though it is more nearly true in the case of the name 
Euance in No. 28; even here, however, the name may be 

Dr. Buck comments: "Intended for the coat of John 
Evans, Deputy -Qov^mov of Pennsylvania, 1704-1709?" 
(Johnson's Universal Cyclopaedia calls this John Evans 
Governor as distinguished from Lieutenant Governor.) 

These arms are not found under Evans in Edmondson 
or Burke. Somewhat similar arms are those of Evelyn of 
Long Ditton, Surrey, and Godstow: Azure a griffin passant 
and a chief gold, and those of Evelin or Avelin of Surrey, 
granted in 1572: the same arms with three molets sable on 
the chief (Edmondson), 

18. (18.) (Omitted.) 

Arms : Sable a chevron gold between three griffin's heads 
erased silver the beaks gold, on the chevron a crescent gules 
for difference. 

Wreath : Gold, sable. 

Crest: A griffin's head as in the arms holding in her beak 
a sinister gauntlet proper (white, shaded with greenish). 

Legend: William Skinor of London / Marchant 


Notes: These are the arms of Skinner of Shelfield, co. 


Warwick (Promptuarium Armorum), Edmondson sub- 
stantiates this but states that the gauntlet in the crest is gold. 
Whitmore says it is gules, but this is not true of the original 
Roll or of the Child copy. 

19. (19.) (Omitted.) 

Arms: Gules a bend silver charged with three trefoils 
slipped azure. 

Wreath : Silver, gules. 

Crest: A wild-cat passant ermine holding in the dexter 
paw a trefoil slipped azure. 

Legend: Henry Harvie Fort Major / at Pilecence in 
Newfoundland/ 178/9. 

Notes: I have blazoned the crest as a wild-cat because 
the tail is too short for a leopard, but, like the leopard, the 
head is full-faced. Actually, the tail is too long for a wild- 
cat and too short for a domestic cat. The name of the fort 
in Newfoundland is probably meant for Placentia, but it is 
in doubt, because the end of the y in Henry runs into the 
second letter of the name j but it certainly is not "Provence" 
as in the Child copy, nor is the preceding word "of" as 
given by Whitmore. The date, given as 1 708 by Child and 
Whitmore, is really as here printed, an obvious error for 
1 70 8/9. In the Child copy the charges on the bend are made 
into quatrefoils, although described by Whitmore as trefoils 

Harvey of Suffolk bore: Gules on a bend silver three 
trefoils slipped vert; crest, A leopard sable bexanty collared 
and lined gold holding in the dexter paw a trefoil slipped 
gold (vert for Harvy) (Edmondson). 

20. (20.) (14.) 
Apthorp. (Mansbridge?) 
Arms: Two coats impaled: Baro7i: Party nebuly silver 


and azure two molets in fess counterchanged. Femme: 
Quarterly gold and gold four eagles gules. 

No crest. 

Legend: Mary Apthorp Wido of / Charles Apthorp of 
Boston Ma'/ 1709. 

Notes: The arms are shown on a lozenge. The femme's 
arms are difficult to blazon j the entire field is gold and the 
four eagles are separated by two cross lines drawn in ink, 
which separate the field into quarters. In Whitmore's time 
the field was evidently not painted, so that his blazon: 

Quarterly, and , four eagles displayed gules, was 

quite adequate j but in the Child copy as it exists now the 
field is covered with metallic silver (instead of gold) paint, 
preserving the crossed lines. Child spells the name Apthrop 
in both instances although it is clearly Apthorp in the 

The baron's arms are found in Burke attributed to 
Athorpe (probably a misprint) of Dinnington near Shef- 
field j possibly they represent a coat differenced for cadency 
(through ap Thomas) from that of Thomas of Busaverne, 
Currie and Lavant, Cornwall: Party nebuly silver and 
azure (Edmondson). 

For the impaled coat Dr. Buck suggests Mansbridge of 
London. William Mansbridge, son of John Mansbridge of 
London, "gent, and m'chant-taylor entred in the Visitacon 
a° 1568," bore: Quarterly silver and vert in each quarter 
an eagle displayed counterchanged (Visitation of London 
1633-1635). Edmondson ascribes to Mansbridge of Lon- 
don: Quarterly silver and gold, four eagles displayed with 
two heads vert. 

21. (21.) (15.) 

Arms: Sable a trefoil slipped ermine within an orle of 
molets silver. 

Wreath : Silver, sable. 

Crest: A lion's paw erect sable grasping a trefoil slipped 


Legend: Spencer Phips Esqr. of Cambridg in ye / Com' 
of Midelsex One of his Maj's Consl / and Justis of ye Pece 
for ye County. / 1710. 

Notes: Whitmore says, "These arms were used by Sir 
William Phips, and very probably were granted to him. 
The same are borne by the Marquess of Normanby, but 
despite the assertions of the Peerages, his ancestor, Con- 
stantine Phipps, was not a son of our Governor, and prob- 
ably only most remotely connected. We hope our English 
friends will explain this matter more satisfactorily." 

Edmondson (1780) records these arms under the name 
of Phipps, but with a molet silver replacing the trefoil in 
the crest, and states that the arms and the crest as given in 
the Gore Roll, with the trifling exception that in each case 
the trefoil is silver instead of ermine, were granted to Con- 
stantine Phipps in 1767. 

Sir William Phips was knighted in 1687 j was Governor 
of Massachusetts in 1692; and died in 1695. The seal on 
his will in the Suffolk County Probate Oflice shows these 
arms and this crest, but with unknown tinctures (Heraldic 
Journal, I, 152; 11,7). 

Professor Arthur Adams of Hartford writes in 1931: 
"Sir William died in London February 1 8, 1694/5. Dame 
Mary Phips was appointed administrator, June 13, 1695. 
She had a memorial tablet placed in the Church of St. Mary 
Woolnoth in London, The tablet is of white marble and has 
the coat of arms: Sable, a trefoil slipt, with an orle of eight 
mullets argent." 

An officer of the College of Arms writes in 1931: "Gov- 
ernor Phips received a Knighthood, not a Baronetcy, the 
date of the honour being 28 June 1687. The first appear- 
ance of the arms on our records is in the Grant of 1765 to 
the Normanby family, but this document is more in the 
nature of a Confirmation and mentions the fact that the 
ancestors of the Grantee had used the arms for a consider- 
able time. Their statement, in conjunction with the fact that 


the Governor used the same arms, implies that they must 
have been descended from the same family." 

Governor Phips came of very humble stock, but as Gov- 
ernor and still more as a knight he was entitled to arms of 
some sort J the arms that he used appear on his seal and 
were subsequently publicly displayed in the church in Lon- 
don (1695). These arms are not of previous record in the 
College of Arms, nor has anyone shown that they existed in 
any book as Phips armsj consequently they appear to be 
original with Governor Phips and therefore valid. 

When the Nomanby family applied for a confirmation of 
arms the claim of user was made; the arms had been on 
public display for the past seventy years on the tablet to the 
memory of Governor Phips, erroneously stated by the 
Peerages to have been the ancestor of the Marquess of 
Normanby; may this not have been the user referred to? 
It is to be noted, too, that the Normanby arms display the 
trefoil silver and not ermine, and it is stated to be silver on 
the memorial tablet, perhaps because the seal which served 
as the model was too small for the ermine spots, if they were 
there, to be clear; for the painting in the Gore Roll, dated 
1710, is unequivocal on this point. 

Spencer Phips, whose arms are given in the Gore Roll, 
was originally Spencer Bennet, the nephew of Governor 
Phips's wife, who adopted him, whereupon he assumed the 
name and arms of Phips; as Spencer Phips he was Lieu- 
tenant Governor of Massachusetts (Heraldic Journal, I, 

22. (22.) (16.) 

Arms: Silver a chevron vert between three bugle-horns 

Wreath : Silver, sable. 

Crest: A cubit arm, the sleeve silver the cuff gules, the 
hand proper grasping a half-spear fesswise silver. 

Legend : John Foster Esqr. Coll of the Liuegard / to the 
Earle of Belemount Gouen'r of / ye prouine of ye Mass. ; 


lustis of ye Common / pies of ye Conty of Suffolk & On of 
his Maj Consell / 1710. 

Notes: This coat, with a pheon gold for difference and 
the bugle-horns facing to the dexter instead of the sinister, 
occupies the first and fourth quarters of the arms exempli- 
fied to Mathew Forster of London 1633, vintner, by Sir 
William Segar, Garter; crest, An arm embowed in armor 
proper, a knot of ribbon vert at the wrist, the naked hand 
grasping a broken spear in bend sinister gold. This Mathew 
Forster was the son of Robert Forster of Nassington, 
Northamptonshire. The same arms, but differenced with an 
escallop gold, and the bugle-horns facing to the sinister as 
in the Gore Roll, but with strings gold, instead of sable, 
were exemplified to William Forster of London 1 633y clerk 
in the Ordnance Office, by Sir William Segar, Garter; 
crest. An arm embowed in armor silver garnished gold, the 
gauntlet grasping the handle of a broken spear in bend 
sinister gold. This William Forster was fifth in descent 
from Humfrey Forster of Cumberland, Esq. (Visitation 
of London 1633-1635.) 

Whitmore records a dish bearing the Foster arms in the 
possession of the Second Church in Boston and thinks that 
it had belonged to Col. John Foster (Heraldic Journal, I, 
59) j Bolton states that it was given to the Church in 1711 
by Abigail, wife of John Foster of Boston; the arms are 
illustrated in Buck's "Old Plate," p. 169. 

23. (23.) (17.) 
Foster. Hawkins. 

Arms: Two coats impaled: Baron: Silver a chevron 
vert between three bugle-horns sable (exactly as in No. 22). 
Femme: Silver a saltire sable charged with five fleurs-de- 
lys gold. 

Wreath : Silver, sable. 

Crest: On a mount vert a hind couchant silver. 

Legend : Susanah Wido of John Foster Esq. / of Boston. 
1710/ Foster & Hawkins. 


Notes: The arms are shown on a lozenge. 

Whitmore says, "This seems to be an error in the Chris- 
tian name. Abigail, daughter of Thomas Hawkins, married 
John Foster, and died in 1711." 

For the Foster arms see No. 22. 

The Hawkins arms are those of Hawkins of Kent, and 
are found in the Promptuarium Armorum, 81a (Dr. Buck). 

Edmondson gives these arms for Hawkins of Nash, co. 
Kent, and the same crest except that the hind is gold. 

24. (24.) (18.) 
Saltonstall. Whittingham. 

Arms: Two coats impaled: Baron: Gold a bend between 
two eagles sable.' Femme: Silver a fess sable over all a 
lion gules. 

Crest: From a coronet gold a pelican's head azure the 
beak gold. 

Legend: Gordon SoltinstoU Esqr. Gouen'r. / of His 
Maj 's. Coliney of Coneticut 1 7 1 2 /SoltinstoU & Whitingen. 

Notes: Beside the painting is a note in ink: \^ As this 
has blotted over upon the opposite page it was probably 
entered some time after the painting was made. 

Whitmore notes that Governor Saltonstall, son of 
Nathaniel and grandson of Richard Saltonstall jr. and 
Meriell Gurdon, married for his third wife Mary, the 
daughter of William Whittingham and widow of William 

The baron's arms and the crest are those of Saltonstall or 
Saltonston of London and of York (Edmondson). They 
were used on a seal by the immigrant Sir Richard Salton- 
stall who came to New England in 1 630 (Heraldic Journal, 
I, 160, 164). 

The femme's arms are found under Whittingham of 
Cheshire in the Promptuarium Armorum 94b (Dr. Buck). 
Dallaway gives the f esse vert instead of sable j Burke gives 
the latter coat as that of Whittingham of Penley, Herts., 


and with the fesse azure as that of Whittingham of Sussex. 
Appleton records an example of the Whittingham arms 
which has come down in descendants of the Brattle family 
to whom it may have come from the Saltonstallsj the 
blazon is Silver a fess vert over all a lion gules; crest: A 
lion's head erased gules the tongue azure (Heraldic Jour- 
nal, IV, 43). 

25. (25.) (19.) 

Arms: Gules a chevron between three boar's heads 
erased silver. 

Crest: From a mural crown gules a boar's head and neck 

Legend: Samuell Whit of Boston / Marchant - - 1711. 

Notes: Whitmore says "this has also to be identified." 

The arms and crest are those of White of Norfolk, of 
London in 1 634, and of Hackney in Middlesex, except that 
in the arms the heads are given as couped and with tusks 
gold and in the crest the bristles are given as gold ( Edmond- 
son). In Guillim, ed. 1724, we find: "He beareth Gules, a 
Chevron between three Boars Heads couped, Argent, 
armed Or, by the Name of White, and is thus borne by 
Sir Stephen White, Kt. formerly of the City of London, 
and now of the Parish of Hackney in Middlesex, descended 
from a Family of good Antiquity in Norfolk." As a matter 
of fact it is hard to say whether the painter of the Gore Roll 
meant the heads to be couped or erased; the necks are cut 
off in a nearly straight line, as though couped, but the line 
is broken by many small tags, as though finely erased. The 
point is not worth stress. 

Henry Pickering of Salem (born 1781, died 1838) used 
these arms on the second and third quarters of his seal; his 
mother was Rebecca White, descended through Benjamin, 
Isaac and John from John White of Watertown and Brook- 
line who died in 1691. This John White is not known to 
have come from an armigerous family. 

Form of Legacy 

"/ give and bequeath to the Rhode Island 

Historical Society the sum of 


Roger Williams Press '\jly' 

E. A. Johnson Co. 


Rhode Island 
Historical Society 


,,-•■■■- -" i333 

Vol. XXIX 

JULY,- 1936 

— "^g*^ -~ - — - 

No. 3 


Folsom points were discovered near Folsom, New Mexico, 

about ten years ago, and are considered by archaeologists 

to date from about 12,000 years ago. This is the first 

specimen found in Rhode Island. 

Sec page 91 

Courtesy of Mr. Idc 

Issued Quarterly 

68 Waterman SiREEr, Providence, Rhode Island 



A Folsom Point found in Rhode Island Cover and 91 

Mary Barnard 

by Emily Easton 


Esek Hopkins Documents 

Owned by Frederick S. Peck 



Eist of Members of the 

Rhode Island Historical Society 


The Gore Roll 

by Harold Bowditch . 






Vol. XXIX 

JULY, 1936 

No. 3 

Nathaniel W. Smith, President Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer 
William Davis Miller, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions 
of contributors. 

Mary Barnard 

By Emily Easton* 

Roger Williams and Mary Barnard were married in the 
church at High Laver, in Essex, on December 15, 1629. 
Roger Williams was chaplain to Sir William Masham, 
whose seat was Oates in High Laver j Mary Barnard was 
maid-in-waiting to Joan (Jug) Altham, Lady Masham's 
daughter by a former marriage. 

"Mr. Williams is to marry Mary Barnard, Jug Altham's 
maid," wrote Lady Masham in a letter to her mother, 
Lady Joan Barrington, which is preserved among the 
Barrington letters of the Egerton Manuscripts in the British 
Museum, — family letters which give an authentic picture 
of the home life of the country gentlemen of the time. 

Further record of the wife of Roger Williams is hard to 
find. George Eliot's dictum that the "happiest women have 

*Mrs. Frank T. Easton. Frank Tourtellot Easton was a descendant of 
Roger Williams in the seventh generation. 


no history" needs the amendment — "except in the history 
of their husbands." In the story of the later life of Roger 
Williams there is frequent indication of his helpmeet's share 
in his life and work 5 but only one mention of her earlier 
state, — the phrase "Mr. Barnard the brother of Mr. 
Williams his wife," in a letter of Nov. 1 4, 1 666, by William 
Harris, who reported having business with him. She had a 
brother among the settlers in the New World; and she was 
maid to a lady of quality in a prominent Puritan family. 
Two clues there are, therefore, to her early life. 

Hunting the needle, Mary Barnard, in the haystack of 
genealogical information available in the English archives 
has had some encouraging reward. Barnards, or Bernards 
(it is the same name), are legion; male Bernards, of course, 
but they have daughters, who though negligible and some- 
times registered only as so many "daughters," are generally 
given by name. There were Barnards in Margaretting, 
near High Laver, in Essex; but no Mary. However, exam- 
ination of the lineage of the Margaretting William Barnard, 
contemporary of Roger Williams, shows that he was nephew 
and heir of Ann Barnard Pemberton, wife of Sir James 
Pemberton, Lord Mayor of London in 1613, — Sir James 
Pemberton, brother of Alice Pemberton Williams, Roger 
Williams' uncle. Hence, William Barnard of Margaretting 
and Roger Williams of London were cousins by marriage. 
The relationship may have had something to do with the 
young chaplain's appointment at Oates; but his intimate 
association with Sir Edward Coke, his patron, principal 
among famous Puritans, would be a quite sufficient recom- 
mendation for a position in a parliamentarian household. 

Who was Mary Barnard? She was "Jug Altham's maid" ; 
she had a brother among the New England colonists. "A 
waiting gentlewoman was a lady of equal birth with her 
mistress, taking service, as Buckingham's mother did, on 
account of poverty."" Mary Barnard could not have been 

-Gardiner: History oj England, 1603-1642, vol. VIII, 8, footnote. 


of equal birth with her mistress, or it would have been 
so recorded. Such waiting-women, frequently poor rela- 
tions, were often daughters of clergymen. Lady Constable's 
maid was a daughter of the Reverend Ezekiel Rogers, 
long-time friend and correspondent of Lady Barrington, 
who was early in life chaplain to Lady Masham's father, 
Sir Francis Barrington, and therefore later interested 
in the grandchildren's marriages. In one of his letters to 
Lady Barrington, in 1 626, he wrote of a possible suitor for 
Lady Masham's daughter, a Mr. Slingsby, whose 

"father hath fair lands in the town of Knaresborough. I have written 
to your daughter Masham about him, only naming it if God deny a 
match so fit near hand she would not suddenly reject it." '^ 

Another clergyman who would be known to Lady Bar- 
rington was the eminent Puritan divine, Richard Bernard, 
of Batcombe. The Reverend Richard Bernard received his 
living at Worksop, where he was the incumbent for thirteen 
years before going to Batcombe, from Richard Whalley, 
Lady Barrington's brother-in-law, husband of Frances 
Cromwell and father of Edward Whalley, one of the regi- 
cides. Mr. Bernard had a daughter Mary, and a son who 
was also a colonist. At Worksop, in 1609, a daughter Mary 
was born to him. She had three older brothers, Besekiell, 
born in 1 602, Hoseell, born in 1 605, and Masakiell, born in 
1607. In the list of colonists crossing the seas during the 
years 1630-1635, is the entry: 

"Methusalah, Masachell, Musachiel Barnard, of Batcombe, England, 
tailor, aged twenty-four, with his wife Mary, aged twenty-eight, 
sons John, aged three, Nathaniel, aged one, and his servant Richard 
Person, Salter, aged thirty, came from Weymouth, England, March 
20, 1635, settled at Weymouth. Children Mary, born 27(7) 1635, 
Sarah, born 5(2)1637."' 

This Methusalah or Musachiel, of Batcombe, was no doubt 
Masakiell, son of Richard Barnard of Batcombe, though his 
age would be twenty-eight. The transposition of the ages of 

'Egerton MS. 2644, f. 240. 


Methusalah and his wife may well be one of the many con- 
fusing small errors in the voluminous records of those 
"crossing the seas." 

The Reverend Richard Bernard, Congregational minis- 
ter of Batcombe, was deeply interested in the spiritual 
adventures of the New England colonists. He wrote a 
treatise' "to censure the conduct of the churches in this coun- 
try because they require persons to join in a particular cove- 
nant and to declare the foundation of their hopes before 
they could be admitted to church privileges." The manu- 
script treatise was addressed to his "much esteemed and 
reverend brethren, the pastors and teachers, and his beloved 
the Christian believers as well without as within the congre- 
gations of Christ Jesus in New England." The Congre- 
gational churches in England were much more liberal in 
their discipline and practice than those in New England. 
In a "letter to an eminent divine in New England," written 
soon after the settlement of Massachusetts, Mr. Bernard 
criticized their judgment in denying baptism (of Mr. 
Coddington's child) and admission to their communion of 
Christians unless they brought a written testimony of their 
belonging to a particular church. He was afraid their change 
from the practices of their home church in England was due 
to the influence of the "New Plymouth men," those of that 
Separation, or Brownists, the churches of Mr. Robinson, 
Mr. Ainsworth, etc. 

Mr. Bernard was a well-known writer of Puritan litera- 
ture. Many of his books were published between his first, in 
1 598, an edition of Terence in Latin, with an English trans- 
lation, and his last, in 1641, a "Threefold Treatise on the 
Sabbath." His "Isle of Man" or "Proceedings in Manshire" 
( 1 627) is said to have given Bunyan the idea for "Pilgrim's 
Progress." Sympathy for the poor and the unfortunate, for 
prisoners, for "good" witches, inspired many of his books. 
"The Great Mystery of God's Mercy Yet to Come" was a 

■'Eliot: Ecclesiastical History of Massachusetts. 


long argument in behalf of the Jews. His benevolent and 
liberal views were of a sort congenial to a man of Roger 
Williams' type, whose charity and toleration welcomed 
Jews and men of every faith to his colony founded on 
"freedom of conscience." 

Final proof that Mary Barnard Williams was the daugh- 
ter of the Reverend Richard Barnard, of Batcombe, would 
be the evidence of that gentleman's will, identifying her by 
name 5 as the will of Alice Pemberton Williams made a 
bequest to her "son Roger, beyond the seas." But persistent 
search, both amateur and professional, in "all the sources 
for wills, family papers, pedigrees, printed works, ecclesi- 
astical records at the Public Record Office, etc., etc.," has 
failed to discover the will of the Reverend Richard Bernard, 
of Batcombe. Actual proof that Mary Barnard Williams 
was his daughter is therefore lacking. 

But the circumstantial evidence is strong: 

I. Mary Barnard was maid to Lady Masham's daughter in 

1. The Reverend Richard Bernard was an old and 
respected friend of Lady Masham's family, his 
patron in the living of Worksop being her brother- 
in-law, Richard Whalley. 

2. The Reverend Richard Bernard had a daughter, 
Mary, in age and breeding suitably eligible to be a 
maid-in-waiting to Lady Masham's daughter. 

IL Mary Barnard Williams had a brother among the early 
settlers in New England. 

1 . The Reverend Richard Bernard, of Worksop, had 
a son, Masachiell, two years older than his daugh- 
ter Mary. 

2. Masachiell, or Methusalah, Barnard, tailor of 
Batcombe, emigrated to New England in 1635. 
(Edward Whalley, son of Richard who was patron 
of Methusalah's father, was a clothier or woolen 
draper by trade.) 


Many Bernards are mentioned in colonial records and 
lists, but none that show any connection with Mary, wife 
of Roger Williams. In the Providence Records (XIV, 9), 
Feb. 8, 1665, Sam Barnard and Roger Williams are wit- 
nesses of a deed from Robert Williams to John Scott. The 
only Samuel Bernard listed among the emigrants is the 
one year old son of John and Phebe Bernard, who came in 
1634 and settled at Watertown. Phebe's mother died in 
Essex, England, in 1 638, leaving property to her daughter. 
Samuel would have been thirty-two years old in 1 665 j when 
the deed was witnessed, more than twenty years younger 
than Roger Williams' wife Mary. It would be pleasant to 
think he was Mary's brother who was a co-witness with 
Roger in a deed of Roger's brother. But the proof is lacking. 
Until contrary actual proof be found, it is fair to conclude 
that Mary Barnard Williams, the wife of the great religious 
pioneer in New England, was the daughter of the noted 
liberal Puritan divine, the Reverend Richard Barnard, of 
Batcombe, England. 

Though we cannot be sure who Mary Barnard was, we 
can form a definite idea of what she was — of what sort of 
girl became the bride of the young Roger Williams. She 
was a member of the household of a rich country gentleman, 
a Puritan member of Parliament, the famous parliament 
that defied the Stuart doctrine of the Divine Right of Kings. 
Oates was a political stronghold j the affairs of Parliament 
then were first of all matters of religion. 

Lady Masham's husband was a member of the famous 
Third Parliament of Charles I. So also were her brothers, 
Sir Thomas and Robert Barrington, and her cousins, Oliver 
Cromwell and John Hampden, all grandchildren of Henry 
Cromwell, of Hinchinbrooke, "golden Hinchinbrooke," 
where King James I was received, on his way from Scotland 
after his accession, with the most splendid entertainment 
ever given by a subject to his sovereign. The Commons of 
this Parliament was made up of many very rich men — in 
wealth it represented three times as much as the House of 


Lords — who were by this means very important menj 
for, especially in this crisis when the King's sole reason for 
summoning a parliament was his need of money, — money 
which he could get only through parliamentary grant, — 
riches meant power. Parliament's chief interest was the 
gaining of redress of thejr religious grievances, which had 
mounted like a rolling snowball to huge proportions during 
the reign of King James. From being loyal subjects, though 
Non-Conformists in the national church, a great proportion 
of them had become dissatisfied, even rebellious, dissenters 
from the church policy of the bishops and the King. 

Not only in the Houses of Parliament but also in the 
homes of their members questions of religion were para- 
mount in interest and discussion. Lady Joan Barrington was 
kept supplied with the latest news from the Parliament in 
London by letters from her sons. Sir Thomas wrote on 
November 30, 1628: 

"... being kept in London by my occasions I am enabled to be 
the more serviceable to you, in relation to the occurrents from this 
place where is a perpetual map of our times being the centre where 
all affairs of importance disclose themselves. The King has appointed 
a committee of privv councillors of both Houses 'for debate on 
settling of some good course for matters of religion. . . . The Lord 
Keeper yesterday did express the King's pleasure to the judges and 
bishops and all justices, promising laws should be exactly executed 
against priests, Jesuits; justices to give account of all non-conformist 
Papists, etc. . . . Then gave he a charge to all gentlemen to repaire to 
the country and to keep up hospitality and so concluded but left us 
not satisfied in any measure proportionate to the expectation which 
was among us concerning some of these points. . . .' " ^ 

Robert Barrington's letter to his mother, February 20, 
1629, indicated the tenseness and excitement in the House 
of Commons: 

"Madam, it was very late before I knew of Mr. Williams going 
down, yet I cannot let him pass without troubling you with a few 
lines. The Bishop has appointed me to attend him about the business 
with the College and I hope by the next to give you full discourse in 
the business. For news foreign or domestic there is at this time little 

^Egerton MS. 2644. 


Stirring. Mr. Williams who walks the City will be able to say more 
than I can who have not the least time to be from the business of the 
House which if ever than now doth require all possible diligence; he 
can partly tell you what late rubs we have met with to our great 
distraction. . . . "" 

Mr. Williams' home was in the City, the old walled town 
of London, quite separate and distinct from Westminster, 
the home of the King and the Court, and of Parliament. 
The City was the haunt of business and of trade, the 
meeting-place of the great and powerful guilds of 
merchants and tradesmen, as the Merchant Tailors, the 
Goldsmiths, etc., where the doings of Parliament were 
reported and discussed with passion. Roger Williams was a 
valued reporter of the news of the day to the family in Essex. 

On March 2, 1629, Sir Thomas Barrington wrote to 
Lady Barrington from Parliament: 

"... the times such as hardly ever no man knowing almost what to do; 
the distraction was so sudden and so great and the case so highly con- 
cerning the House. ... I must say we have a very great cause to bless 
God that we concluded the day without anv greater business the con- 
sequences whereof no man can say what it would have been ; yet it 
was so probable to me that for my part I was in discourse with myself 
what the events would be if that which was in my judgment so likely 
. . . 'tis far more easy to speak bravely than to be magnanimous in 
suffering; yet whose heart bleeds not at the threats of these times 
which is so stupid. God give us better grounds for comfort. . . . "- 

This was the stormy parliament which refused to pass the 
bill for tonnage and poundage which the King demanded 
for the sake of his revenue, but instead engaged in hot 
debate on religious questions, the growth of Arminianism 
(the doctrines of which were in opposition to the predestina- 
tion of Calvinism) on the one hand, and the developing of 
"Popish" ceremonies on the other. The Puritans were 
fanatical in their dread of an imagined trend toward the 
Church of Rome, under Bishop Laud, and through the 
influence of the Catholic queen, Henrietta Maria. Books 
upholding the absolute prerogative of the King in church as 

-Egcrton MS. 2645. 


well as state, vigorously supporting "the Divine Right of 
Kings," by Montague and Manwaring, were loudly de- 
nounced in debate. The King had rewarded both writers by 
higher places in the Church. Oliver Cromwell made his 
first speech in this Parliament: "If these be the steps to pre- 
ferment, what are we to expect?" and alluding to the 
preaching of "flat Popery at Paul's Cross." Fortified by the 
Petition of Right of the earlier session of this Parliament, 
now the law of the land, the Puritan faction openly opposed 
the King. Under the able leadership of Pym, after much 
passionate debate, resolutions against tonnage and pound- 
age and against changes in the opinions and practices of the 
orthodox church were drawn and passed on March 2 amid 
scenes of great confusion. The Speaker, who refused to put 
the question and tried to leave the House to report to the 
King, was held down in his chair, the doors locked, the reso- 
lutions read and passed. A week later Charles dissolved 
Parliament, which was not to meet again for eleven years, 
(except for the negligible Short Parliament of 1640) till 
the Long Parliament of 1640, the Parliament that cut 
off his head. Such were "the late rubs" and the distractions 
"so sudden and so great" of which Lady Barrington's sons 
wrote her on February twentieth and March second. 

Lady Harrington was a masterful woman, keeping her 
hands on the controls of the lives of her children and grand- 
children. Lady Masham wrote for her mother's advice on 
all sorts of household and family matters, chief of which, 
at the time of Roger Williams' sojourn at Oates, was the 
choice of a husband for the oldest daughter of the house, 
Joan Altham. "Jug" and her maid, Mary Barnard, were 
vitally interested in the question. Various candidates were 
discussed; the matter of the jointure was pre-eminent. 
Lady Masham's letters to her mother on the subject were 
many.^ As early as November 24, 1627: 

^Egerton MSS. 2643-2650. 


"My brother Knightly and I have treated long and procured an 
agreement in point of jointure, three hundred pounds and so much 
present maintenance." 

And later: 

"I have received a letter from my brother Knightly and it seems 
Sir Robert Revell thinks our demands very unreasonable. I did write 
to you what they were, three hundred a year jointure added to her 
own and her land to her own heir; but he would have it presently 
assured upon his son and his heirs, and then he would add so much 
jointure to her own or else if he may not have her land he would 
make her no jointure at all but should have her own again if her 
husband should die before her. 1 perceive that he is a very worldlv 
old man; he is not willing by any means that his son should live with 
him after he is married. I know not what the reason is. . . . " 

Still later: 

"I had lately a letter from my brother Knightlv and he gives me 
better hopes of the young man withal expressing the voung and old 
man's great desire of proceeding with the match. . . . His father 
desires to meet my husband for conclusion of matters of state, but we 
desire to do nothing without your advice. These shall be our demands 
which we will stand upon if you think fit, three hundred pounds 
maintenance besides her own lands and so much in jointure. I think 
it is as little as can be demanded. . . . His father, the old man, offers 
to settle twelve hundred pounds a year upon his son and his heirs 
males but I think it fit to be settled upon the issue whether male or 
female, specially considering he hath more lands which he may 
settle upon his younger son if his eldest die without issue male. I pray 
thee consider well of these things." 

Oliver St. John, the final choice, then a young barrister 
of great ability and promise ( he was later to become Solici- 
tor General, acting Attorney General, Chief Justice of the 
Court of Common Pleas), was affiliated with the powerful 
Puritan group, in political and religious interests j but his 
financial eligibility was not notable. Lady Harrington was 
to have the final say about Jug's marriage. Lady Masham 
wrote to her: 

"I thought good to let you know of a match for Jug, propounded 
by Sir Nathaniel Rich. The gentleman's name is Mr. St. )ohn that 
was lately in prison in the Tower. I hear very worthily of the man 
but it seems his estate is very small, not above two hundred a \ car . . ." 



"I acknowledge myself very much bound to vou for your love of 
Jug Altham in this lady's business wherein I would be loth to do any- 
thing without your advice and approbation. I confess the man moveth 
me much to approve of it but I know God commands me to have a 
care in the second place of outward conveniences; though I desire to 
accept of much less with such^'a man yet I shall be much taxed of her 
friends if I look not for a competency of outward estate, I think that 
may be pretty well, for these two lines, his and hers, will make 
between . . . one hundred pounds yearly besides what he may get in 
law; but some say he cannot get much yet, but Nathaniel Rich told 
me he thought Mr. St. John could not spend less than five hundred 
pounds yearly himself now as a single man. If that be so then his 
estate will be but little to pay house rent and maintain housekeeping; 
if they keep any over to sojourn in another business they cannot 
gather much to purchase for posterity. I beseech you to look at these 
things well and give us your confident advice. She hath good friends 
to advise for her with you and my brother Gerard and my brother 
Meux who I know desire to seek God's honor in the chief place and 
then God gives leave to seek other things as may assist to make our 
passage the more comfortable to that place where shall have no more 
of these vanities. The Lord fit us for so glorious a place. ... I beseech 
you if you think it not fit to proceed in the business that you will write 
your mind to Jug for she desires to be directed by you." 

Lady Barrington's advice was besought also by her son- 
in-law, Sir William Meux, for his daughter Joan, another 
of Lady Barrington's namesakes, cousin of Joan Altham, 
and visitor at Oates during the various marriage negotia- 
tions. Early in September (September 6), he wrote from 
Kingston to Lady Barrington at Harrow on the Hill, where 
she was staying: 

"I must alw.iys be thankful unto your ladyship both for myself and 
daughter, the more seeing your care and affection is not lessened 
toward me and mine. What 1 have promised by God's mercy and 
good will I will perform, but, good Madam, let there be no distaste 
that my child be not sent so far from me as either these two places 
mentioned in your last letter. I had rather hearken to my Lady 
Barrington for her bestowing in Staffordshire if there be hope of 
religion and discretion, which to doubt of I may wrong my Lady for 
her love and respect. When all is done I must submit myself to God's 
most holy will, but once again I earnestly entreat that if it be possible 
some nearer match may be had, about her friends about London or 


any place between this and your Ladyship. ... I had rather match her 
with less estate near me than with a greater far oflf, with some hopeful 
young lawyer if it might please God to bring it to pass." 
(EgertonMS. 2645,f. 59.) 

At the same time (September 4) Joan Harris wrote from 
London to her "most worthy Aunt Lady Barrington": 

"Since I saw you lately at Harrow I sent purposely to Sir William 
Masham and my lady his wife with a fair offer of marriage to my 
cousin Joan Altham, receiving a friendly letter of thanks for my care 
therein and most willing to entertain it but that there was an other 
match in treaty which if it brake off 1 should forthwith hear of it. 
But it is now three weeks past or thereabouts and hear nothing from 
them. But the offer being so fair, namely a thousand pounds a year in 
present possession and two hundred pounds a year more within two 
or three years, and a thousand pounds a year more after a grand- 
mother (who is very aged) and his lady mother's death, as I am 
desirous to press it with the more earnestness, yet leave it to God and 
their own judgment, I wish the certainty were known what Sir 
William Meux will give with my cousin his daughter who is not less 
in my well wishing than my cousin Altham and if my cousin Meux 
would be pleased to hearken to a match of seven or eight hundred 
pounds a year, most in possession, a young man, I mean a counsellor 
at law, I should not doubt but to record one of good note and quality." 
(Egerton MS. 2645, f. 52.) 

Lady Masham wrote to her mother: 

"Jug Altham longs for her cousin Joan Meux's company. If you 
please to give her leave to come hither I will send for her and bring 
her again to you. I have inquired about Mr. Archer and I perceive he 
will have none of her, I pray you if you send to my cousin Meux let 
him know so much. Yet his sister is to come hither who he puts much 
confidence in. It may be . . . she will work with her brother. I like 
the gentleman exceeding well by sight and by discourse." 

Country houses such as Oates were the scene of pleasant 
house parties, enjoying the delights of country life. At the 
Mashams the cherries were a bountiful crop, for preserving 
and for neighborly reciprocal gifts. Lady Masham sent her 
mother pullets and often received fat capons from Hatfield 
Broadoaks. The hunting in Essex was good. Sir Thomas 
Barrington sent his mother "a fat young buck, the best in the 
forest." Lady Barrington's grandchildren formed a gay 
group of young people. Often at Oates with Jug Altham, 


besides her maid, Mary Barnard, were her cousins, Jane 
Whalley, who lived with Lady Barrington as her maid, or 
lady in waiting, and Joan Meux — four young girls much 
interested in prospective matrimony. Lady Masham's hus- 
band and brothers brought young men home with them 
when they come from Parliament. Roger Williams, the 
"divinely mad" young parson who, as Sir William 
Masham's chaplain was a member of the family, was looked 
upon with favor by the girls as well as by the pious parlia- 
mentarians. Jane Whalley went so far as to get herself 
engaged to marry him. 

Jane's romance was spoiled by Lady Barrington's refusal 
to allow it. Why she objected is matter for conjecture since 
she soon arranged Jane's marriage with another minister, 
William Hook, curate in Axmouth, Devonshire, perhaps 
somewhat more desirable than Roger Williams, being the 
son of a gentleman. Her choice, however, proved a fortu- 
nate one. On Dec. 28, 1629, after she had been ill with an 
ague "these eighteen or nineteen weeks," Jane wrote from 
Clatford in Hampshire, of "Mr. Hook, whom I desire to 
thank God for, not forgetting my thanks to your Ladyship" j 
she wishes with all her heart that her cousin Joan Meux has 
no worse yokefellow than God has given her. She is per- 
suaded then that her aunt "would be exceedingly joyful to 
think that two of her grandchildren were so happily be- 
stowed. "Passionate and hasty, rash and inconstant" Jane 
was suffering remorse for her former disregard of her 
aunt's wishes: 

"Madam, out of obedience to God's commandments and for the 
satisfying of myne own conscience which has often chafed me I shall 
be bould to crave an earnest request beseeching you not to deny and 
that is you would be pleased to forgive me my carelesness and un- 
towarnes when I was your pore and unworthy servant, for I doe con- 
fess that I did much to offend God in being careles of my caling 
toward your Ladyship. I thank God that he has opened my eyes to see 
that it was a sin against his majesty for the which I earnestly desire 
mercy at his hands and the lyk pardon from you. I know that time will 
com whenas the devill and mine own conscience will acuse me of 


thoughts, much more of words and dedes, but I desire to do it myself 
and save them a labor, so that when death com the sting may be 
plucked out by virtu of Christ merrites. Good Madam, pray for me 
that God would be pleased to afford me the inward comforts of his 
holy spirit which is more worth than all the world besides. Oh, I 
know right well that time will com when I shall have special need of 
faith and patience and depending upon his power. At present I am 
furnished but with a small measure." (Egerton MS. 2645, f. 1 12.) 

Mr. Williams' letters^ to Lady Barrington, acquainting 
her with his wish to marry her niece, and later, taking her to 
task with spiritual rebuke for her refusal, so offended the 
lady that for some time he suffered her severe displeasure. 
She at length forgave him, at the instance of Sir William, 
who called him not only "a good soul but a good friend" 
to whom her "spiritual good was most precious." Sir 
William said, referring to the letter of censure: 

"I am now much more confirmed in my former mind that what 
he did proceeded out of love and conscience." (Egerton MS. 2650, 
f. 318.) 

The interesting young preacher, ill of a burning fever, 
weak to the point of death in harvest time, was an even more 
interesting invalid, unjustly persecuted by the powerful 
and masterful patroness of the family. Mary Barnard's 
heart capitulated entirely. She was ready to give up a life 
of luxury in distinguished company and exciting circum- 
stances for unknown vicissitudes with him in a faraway 

Such was Mary Barnard's preparation for a life of hard- 
ship as the wife of a pioneer and a missionary. What her 
formal education was is but a matter of conjecture. She was 
at home in the society of people of culture. But she was not 
a letter writer. In one of Roger's letters to her many years 
later, he said: "Thy holy and humble desires are strong, 
but I know thy writing is slow." Lady Masham's letters, 
though copious, were decidedly illiterate, The fact that 
Mary Barnard signed' with her initials, only, Roger 

^Printed in N. E. H. & G. Reg. XLIII, 316. 



Williams' deed of 1 66 1 , confirming the older deed of lands 
from the Indians to his friends, is no indication that she 
could not write. Signing public documents with initials was 
by no means uncommon. Edward Rawson, Secretary of the 
General Court of Massachusetts, signed some official papers 

E. R. 

Mary Barnard was well bred, well-versed in the refine- 
ments of the best society. (Court society was not the best.) 
She was also a lovely and lovable character, spiritually 
strong and fine, to whom her husband's eloquent words of 
spiritual wisdom were, by his own testimony, "sweeter than 
the honey and the honeycomb, and stronger refreshment 
than the strongest wines or waters, and of more value than 
if every line and letter were thousands of gold and silver."^ 
Talk was rife among the Puritans of emigration to the 
New World "for the cause of conscience." Opposition to the 
King's enforcement of his policy of Conformity to all the 
practices of the Church of England — newly introduced ones 
which the Puritans thought "savored of Popery," as the 
priest's wearing of the surplice, kneeling for communion, 
placing the altar permanently at the east end of the church — 
drove many of them to a determination to leave their native 
land and seek a home in New England where they could 
find liberty in their religious beliefs. Various attempts at 
founding plantations there had already been made. A party 
of Separatists had gone, first to Holland, then to New 
England, and founded a colony at Plymouth in 1620. John 
Endicott had taken another group, beginning the permanent 
settlement of Salem in 1628. The Companies for Planta- 
tions were supported by the Puritan leaders in Parliament, 
including Sir William Masham and Sir Thomas Barrington. 
John Winthrop's expedition which founded Boston in 
Massachusetts was being organized and financed in 1628} 
it finally landed in New England in June of 1629. More 
and more ships were being fitted out to join Winthrop's 

^Exferiments of Spiritual Life and Health, Roger Williams. 


colony. The opportunities and privileges of the "planta- 
tions"were common talk amid the religious discussion at 

Roger Williams had given mature consideration to the 
idea of emigrating to New England. He had turned down 
an offer to go with one of the expeditions — in his first letter 
to Lady Barrington he wrote of his "late New England 
call." Later he thought more favorably of it — his bride 
may have influenced him to accept a call to the New World 
■ — for just a year after his marriage they set sail on the 
ship Lyon, December 1, 1630, 

Esek Hopkins Documents* 

GEORGE the Second by the Grace of God King of Great 
Britain, France and Ireland Defender of the Faith TO 
ALL PEOPLE to whom these Presents shall come 
GREETING; WHEREAS We, by Our Declaration of 
the Seventeenth of May One Thousand Seven and Fifty 
Six, for the Reasons therein contained, have Declared War 
against France, AND WHEREAS by Virtue of certain 
Letters Patent under the Great Seal of the Kingdom of 
England granted and issued by Our Royal Predecessor 
Charles the Second of Famous Memory, heretofore King 
of that Part of Great Britain former called England, by the 
Name of Charles the Second by the Grace of God King of 
England, Scotland, France and Ireland Defender of the 
Faith and Soforth, upon the Eighth Day of July, in the 
Fifteenth Year of his Reign, to the Governor and Company 
of our English Colony of Rhode Island, and Providence 
Plantations, in New England in America; the Governor of 
Our said Colony, for the Time being, hath Power and 

♦Now in the library of Frederick S. Peck of Barrington. 


Authority to issue forth and grant Commissions to any of 
Our Loving Subjects, or others within Our said Colony, 
whom he shall deem fitly qualified in that Behalf, for the 
apprehending, taking, and Seizing the Ships Vessels and 
Goods belonging to France, or the Vassals and Subjects of 
the French King, or others inhabiting within any of his 
Countries, Territories, and Dominions, and such other 
Ships, Vessels, and Goods as are, or shall be liable to Con- 
fiscation, pursuant to the respective Treaties between Us 
and other Princes, States, and Potentates j and to bring the 
same to Judgment in Our High Court of Admiralty of 
England, or Such other Court of Admiralty as shall be 
lawfully authorised in that Behalf for Proceedings, Adjudi- 
cation and Condemnation, to be thereupon had, according 
to the Course of Admiralty and Laws of Nations. AND 
WHEREAS the Governor of Our Colony aforesaid hath 
thought Esek Hopkins fitly qualified, who together with 
Allin Brown, George Corlis, Ambrose Page, Nicholas Cook, 
Benjamin Smith, John Brown, Simeon Hunt, and Benjamin 
Bowen, all of Providence, in the Colony aforesaid Mer- 
chants, hath equipped, furnished, and victualled a Brigan- 
tine, called the Providence, of the Burthen of about One 
Hundred and Thirty Tons, mounting Sixteen Carriage, and 
Twenty Swivel Guns, whereof he the said Esek Hopkins is 
Commander, AND WHEREAS he the said Esek Hopkins 
hath given Sufficient Bond with Sureties, to US according to 
the Effect and Form set down in Our Instructions made 
the Fifth Day of June, in the Year of Our Lord One Thou- 
sand Seven Hundred and Fifty Six, a Copy of which In- 
structions is given to the Said Captain Esek Hopkins . . . 
KNOW YE THEREFORE that We do by these Presents 
grant Commission to and do license, and authorize the said 
Esek Hopkins to set forth, in Warlike Manner, the said . . . 
Brigantine, Called the Providence, under his own Com- 
mand, and therewith by Force of Arms to apprehend, Seize, 
and take the Ships, Vessels, and Goods belonging to France, 
or the Vassals and Subjects of the French King, or others 


inhabiting within any of his Countries, Territories, and 
Dominions 5 and Such other Ships, Vessels, and Goods, as 
are or shall be liable to Confiscation, pursuant to the respec- 
tive Treaties between Us and other Princes, States, and 
Potentates, and to bring the Same to such Port as shall be 
most convenient, in order to have them legally adjudged in 
Our said High Court of . . . Admiralty of England, or 
before the Judges of such other . . . Admiralty Court as shall 
be lawfully authorised within our Dominions, which being 
Condemned, it shall and may be . . . lawfull for the said 
Esek Hopkins to sell and dispose of such Ships Vessels and 
Goods, so adjudged and condemned, in such Sort and Man- 
ner, as by the Course of Admiralty hath been accustomed, 
except in Such Cases where it is otherwise directed by our 
said Instructions. PROVIDED always that the said Esek 
Hopkins keep an exact Journal of his Proceedings, and 
therein particularly take Notice of all Prizes which shall be 
taken by him, the Nature of Such prizes, the Times and 
Places of their being taken, and the Value of them, as near 
as he can j udge ^ as also of the Station, Motion, and Strength 
of the Enemy, as well as he or his Mariners can discover by 
the best Intelligence they can get j and also whatsoever else 
shall occur unto him, or any of his Officers, or Mariners, or 
be discovered, or declared unto him or them, or be found 
out by Examination of, or Conference with any Mariners 
or Passengers of or in any of the Ships, or Vessels taken, 
or by any other person or Persons, or by any other Ways and 
Means whatsoever, touching or concerning the Designs of 
the Enemy, or any of their Fleets, Vessels, or Parties j and 
of their Stations, Ports, and Places, and of their Intents 
therein j and of what Merchant Ships and Vessels of the 
Enemy, bound out or home, or to any other Place, as he, 
his Officers, or Mariners Shall hear of j and of what else 
material in these Cases may arise, to his or their Knowl- 
edge; of all which he shall from Time to Time to Time, as 
he shall or may have Opportunity, transmit an Account to 


Our High Admiral of Great Britain for the Time Being, or 
Our Commissioners for executing the Office of Our High 
Admiral for the Time being, or their Secretary, or the 
Governor for the Time being of Our Colony aforesaid j and 
to keep a Correspondence with him or them, by all Oppor- 
tunities that shall present. AND FURTHER PRO- 
VIDED that Nothing be done by the said Esek Hopkins or 
any of His Officers, Mariners and Company, contrary to the 
true Meaning of Our aforesaid Instructions j but that the 
aforesaid Instructions shall be by them, and each and every 
of them, as far as they or any of them are therein concerned, 
in all particulars, well and duly performed, and observed. 
AND we pray and desire all Kings, Princes Potentates, 
States, and Republicks, being Our Friends, and Allies, and 
all others to whom it shall Appertain, to give the said Esek 
Hopkins, all Aid, Assistance and Succour in their Ports, 
with his Said Brigantine, Company and Prizes, without 
Doing or Suffering to be done to him any Wrong, Trouble 
or Hindrance j We offering to do the Like when We Shall 
be by them thereunto desired, AND We will and require 
all Our Officers whatsoever to give him Succour and Assist- 
ance as Occasion shall require. AND FURTHER in Case 
the said Esek Hopkins shall at any Time be absent from 
said Brigantine We do hereby give and Grant unto Silas 
Cook who is the first Lieutenant of the said Brigantine all 
the Powers and Authorities above granted to the said Esek 
Hopkins j and invest him with full Power to do all and 
every the Matters and Things which the said Esek Hopkins 
could do if present, by Virtue of this Our Commission and 
Under the Same Restrictions and Limitation. . . . 

IN TESTIMONY Whereof We have caused the Great 
Seal of Our Colony of Rhode Island aforesaid to be here- 
unto affixed. WITNESS Our Trusty and Wellbeloved 
STEPHEN HOPKINS Esquire, Governor of Our Afore- 
said Colony of Rhode Island, at Providence in said Colony 
the Eighth Day of April in the year of our Lord One 


Thousand Seven Hundred and Fifty Seven and in the 
Thirtieth Year of Our Reign. 

Step. Hopkins 
* * * 

This commission to Esek Hopkins is especially interest- 
ing because this cruise of 1757 is not recorded in Smith's 
"Civil and Military List." In the following year, 1758, 
this brigantine Providence of 130 tons, 16 guns and 20 
swivels was commissioned on November 4 with Capt. Silas 
Cooke of Providence as her commander, and with Esek 
Hopkins and George Corliss listed as her owners. It will be 
noted that Silas Cooke had served as first lieutenant under 
Hopkins on the cruise of 1 757. 

It is covenanted and agreed between Silas Cooke of 
Providence — Commander of the privateer Sloop Roby 
and bound on a Cruise and Esek Hopkins of Providence 
Merchant that in case either or both of them shall be 
appointed agent or agents of any or all such prizes as shall 
be taken by the said Privateer during said Cruise and sent 
into the Colony of Rhode Island — they shall equally share 
between them all such Commissions Profits and Perquisites 
as shall arise from such Agency or Agencies that is to say 
each one a Moiety, and further that one half of all such 
monies or other valuable Things taken in said Cruise as it 
shall be inconvenient improper or unsafe to pay and dis- 
tribute out to the Officers and Company of said Privateer 
on Account of Appeals or other reasonable Cause shall be 
lodged in the Hands of each of the said Parties hereto. 
Witness our Hands and Seals interchangeably the twelfth 
Day of September 1 760 

Ezek Hopkins 

Step Hopkins 



The sloop Roby of Warren, owned by Martin Luther 
and Cromwell Child, both of Warren, and commanded by 
Capt. Silas Cooke of Providence, was commissioned a priva- 
teer on Sept. 12, 1760 [Manuscript in State Archives]. 
The commission issued to Capt. Silas Cooke on Sept. 12, 
1760, is in the library of Mr. Frederick S. Peck. 

She was undoubtedly identical with the Sloop Roby of 
Warren, of 50 tons, which was owned by Luther and Child 
in 1758, and was commissioned as a privateer under Capt. 
Simon Smith of Providence on July 27 5 and probably iden- 
tical with privateer of 50 tons, owned by Luther and Child 
and commanded by Capt. Mark Anthony DeWolf of 
Bristol, which was commissioned on April 22, 1757, but 
whose name is given as Rhoba, doubtless a clerical error for 
Roby. She may have been identical with the privateer 
sloop Roby of Warren, commanded by Capt. Caleb 
Cranston, which was listed as 41 tons, 10 guns, 10 swivels 
and 40 men, on an admiralty certificate dated March 10, 
1759. Her owners were given as Caleb Carr, Nathaniel 
Miller and Co. of Warren. As there is no record of a priva- 
teer Roby of Warren owned by Luther and Child being 
commissioned in 1759, it seems quite likely that this was 
the same vessel and that Luther and Child leased her that 
year to Carr, Miller and Co. [Manuscripts in State 
Archives. ] 


The following persons have been elected to membership 
in the Society: 

Mr. Herbert G. Beede Mrs. Fred Robinson 



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Miss Evelyn M. Purdy 

Helen C. Putnam, M.D. 

Mr. Patrick H. Quinn 

Mrs. George R. Ramsbottom 

Mrs. C. K. Rathbone 

Hon. Elmer J. Rathbun 
Mrs. Irving E. Raymond 
Mr. Charles C. Remington 
Mr. Dana Rice 
Mr. Herbert W. Rice 
Mrs. Herbert W. Rice 
Mr. Henry Isaac Richmond 
Mrs. Fred Robinson 
Mr. Louis E. Robinson 
Mr. Robert Rodman 
Rev. Arthur Rogers 
Mr. Kenneth Shaw Safe 
Mrs. Harold P. Salisbury 
Mrs. G. Coburn Sanctuary 
Mrs. George C. Scott 
Mrs. David Sands Seaman 
Mr. Henry M. Sessions 
Miss Ellen D. Sharpe 
Mr. Henrv D. Sharpe 
Eliot A. Shaw, M.D. 
Mrs. Frederick E. Shaw 
Mrs. George St. J. Sheffield 
Mrs. Philip C. Sheldon 
Mr. Clarence E. Sherman 
Mr. Harry B. Sherman 
Mrs. Arthur F. Short 
Mrs. Charles Sisson 
Mrs. Byron N. H. Smith 
Mrs. Charles H. Smith 
Edgar B. Smith, M.D. 
Mrs. Edwin C. Smith 
Joseph Smith, M.D. 
Hon. Nathaniel W. Smith 
R. Morton Smith, M.D. 
Mr. Walter B. Smith 
Mr. Ward E. Smith 
Hon. Ernest L. Sprague 
Mrs. James G. Staton 
Hon. Charles F. Stearns 
Mr. Thomas E. Steere 
Mr. Oscar Frank Stetson 
Miss Maud Lyman Stevens 
Mr. Edward Clinton Stiness 
Mr. Henry Y. Stites 
Mr. Charles C. Stover 



Mrs. Charles C. Stover 
Mr. Charles T. Straight 
Mr. H. Nelson Street 
Mr. Henry A. Street 
Mr. Frank H. Swan 
Hon. John W. Sweeney 
Miss Louisa A. Sweetland 
Mr. Royal C. Taft 
Prof. Will S. Taylor 
Benjamin F.Tefft,M.D. 
Mrs. J. P. Thorndike 
Dr. Louisa Paine Tingley 
Mr. F. L. Titsworth 
Mrs. William O. Todd 
Mrs. Stacy Tolman 
Mr. Frederick E. Tripp 
Mr. William J. TuUy 
Mr. D. Berkeley Updike 
Hon. William H. Vanderbilt 
Mr. William A. Viall 
Mrs. Helen C. Vose 
Mrs. Arthur M. Walker 
Mr. A. Tingley Wall 
Mrs. Maurice K. Washburn 
Mr. Frank E. Waterman 

Mrs. Lewis A. Waterman 

Mr. Arthur E. Watson 

Col. Byron S. Watson 

Mr. John J. Watson 

Mr. 'W. L.' Watson 

Mrs. William B. Weeden 

Mr. Richard Ward Greene Welling 

Mr. John H. Wells 

Mr. Edward H. West 

Mrs. Frank Williams Westcott 

Mrs. Elizabeth N. White 

Mr. Willis H. White 

Mrs. Henry A. Whitmarsh 

Mr. Frederick Bernays Wiener 

Mr. Frank J. Wilder 

Mrs. Elizabeth K. Wilkinson 

Mr. Daniel L. Willmarth, Jr. 

Miss Amey L. Willson 

Mr. William A. Wing 

Mr. Wilson G. Wing 

Mrs. George P. Winship 

Rev. William Worthington 

Mr. Nathan M. Wright 

Mr. Lawrence C. Wroth 

Mr. Frederick W. York 


Mr. M. W. Sterling, Chief of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 
Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C, wrote on April 13, 1936, to 
Mr. William T. Ide of East Providence, as follows: 

"Your letter of April 1 together with the specimen of Folsom point has 
been received. We have photographed the point and made an examina- 
tion of its composition. It is a very good example of the Eastern type of 
Folsom point. The flaking and retouching are especially good. The chan- 
nel flakes are not as long as is usually the case in the more typical specimens 
but a definite attempt has been made to remove a channel flake on both 
sides. The specimen also has the characteristic smoothing along the edges ot 
the base which can be detected by rubbing the thumb along the edge of 
the specimen. 

"The material is black chert, the source of which we have not yet been 
able to identify. It is possible that it may have been from a piece of 
glacial 'float'." 


The Gore Roll of Arms 

By Harold Bowditch 
{Continued from Page 64) 

26. (26.) (20.) 

Arms: Per saltire silver and gold a two-headed eagle 

Wreath : Silver, gules. 

Crest: A two-headed demi-eagle gules holding in each 
beak a crosslet fitchy gold. 

Legend: William Tailer Esqr. Coll. of the Second / 
Rigement of foot at the Taking of ye / Gourment of 
Portroyall. After Lef tent / Gournor of ye Prouine of Mas. 
& On of ye Counsell 1711. 

Notes: The field gold and gules, the eagle not tinc- 
tured; the crosslets not tinctured (W), The field gules and 
gold, the eagle silver; the crosslets silver (CC). 

Whitmore identifies this man as the son of William and 
Rebecca (Stoughton) Taylor and says that he used these 
arms on his seal; and that he died in 1 732. His seal is to be 
seen on a document preserved by the Bostonian Society 
whereon his name is spelled Tailer, and this is the spelling 
in his signature, a facsimile of which is to be found in the 
Memorial History of Boston, volume 2. 

This coat of arms appears to be a variant, intentional or 
not, of the coat given by Burke under the name of Tatler; 

Per saltire silver and gules a two-headed eagle ; crest, 

A two-headed demi-eagle — - holding in each beak a 
crosslet fitchy . 

27. (27.) (Omitted.) 
Arms: Azure two swords in saltire silver the pomels and 
hilts gold and a chief silver charged with three lions azure. 
Wreath: Silver, azure. 


No crest. 

Legend: James Cutting of Barbados / Marchant 1712. 

Notes: Dr. Buck contributes this note: "? Cupper, 
Couper, Cooper, Cowper. Lions gules. Promptuarium 
Armorum 41b," 

These arms have not been found in the usual reference 
books y the nearest approach seems to be the coat of Couper 
of London: Azure a saltire silver and a chief gold charged 
with three lions gules (Edmondson). The appropriateness 
of the swords as given in the Gore Roll to both names. 
Cutting and Couper, suggests the possibility that Edmond- 
son may have been describing a small seal in which the 
crossed swords looked like a saltire. 

' 28. (28.) (21.) 
Stoddard. Evance. 

Arms: Two coats impaled: Baron: Sable three stars 
within a border silver. Femme: Silver a fesse between 
three fleurs-de-lys sable. 

Wreath : Silver, sable. 

Crest: An arm embowed and erect in a sleeve gules the 
cuff gold, the hand proper grasping a gilly-flower gules the 
stalk and leaves vert. 

Legend: Elizabeth Wife of Simion Stodard Esq, / of 
Boston Marchant 1712/ Stodard & Euance, 

Notes: This painting is reproduced in Figure 2, 

Whitmore inadvertently describes the fesse in the 
femme's arms as a chevron; it is a fesse in the Child copy 
(see Fig. 3). He offers no identification of either individ- 
ual, but his notes on Simeon and Elizabeth Stoddard as 
given in the Gore Roll under No. 32 will be found copied in 
extenso. Is it possible that the painter made an error in the 
name and arms of the wife? Or did Simeon Stoddard marry 
two wives both named Elizabeth? Or are we dealing with 
two Simeon Stoddards? 

The Stoddard arms are those of George Stoddard, grocer 
(Promptuarium Armorum 55b). They are also the arms of 


Stoddard of co. Suffolk, but the crest is not the same 
(Edmondson); see also No. 71. 

The arms of the femme are given under the name of 
John Evance of the City of London, Esq. (Guillim, ed. 
1679) and under Evans of London and of Oswaldestre, 
Shropshire, with this crest: An arm embowed and erect 
vested gules cuffed or holding in the hand a pink (or gilly- 
flower) proper stalked and leaved vert (Edmondson). 

29. (29.) (22.) 

Arms: Silver a bend azure cotised sable on the bend 
three crescents gold. 

Wreath : Silver, azure. 

Crest: A cubit arm in armor proper the gauntlet grasp- 
ing a dagger erect silver the pomel and hilt gold. 

Legend: Gilles Dyre Esqr. Coll. of the / Liue gard to 
his Exi. Joseph Dudly / Esqr. of ye Prouinc & Sheearef 

of ye / Comt of Suffolk 1713. (The word which is 

intended for County is irregular and hard to decipher.) 

Notes: According to Whitmore the cotises are azure, but 
they are sable in the Child copy as well as in the Gore Roll. 
Giles Dyer died 12 August, 1713 (W), so this painting 
was probably made for a "funeral scutcheon." 

Mr. Howard M. Chapin, Librarian of the Rhode Island 
Historical Society, has called attention to a deed in the 
library of that Society; it is dated 1660, signed by Richard 
Morris and his wife Mary, and witnessed by William Dyer 
and William Brenton; following the signature of Mary 
Morris is an armorial seal showing: On a bend cotised three 
crescents. The question naturally arises whether this was 
the seal of the witness William Dyer. Mr. Chapin (see 
Rhode Island Historical Society Collections, XXIII, 2, 
p. 53y April 1930) cites as well a power of attorney (Mass. 
Archives, CXXIX, 163) executed by Mary Dyer'in 1688, 
the seal on which shows two coats impaled of which the first 


is On a bend cotised three crescents (the impaled arms being 
A dance between three molets). 

The arms given in the Gore Roll under Dyre, although 
apparently in use by those of the name in the colony since 
1 660, are not found under Dyer or its variants in the usual 
books of reference j they "tear a close resemblance to the 
arms of Rever or Rider (Silver a bend azure cotised sable 
on the bend three crescents silver) , of Cressy, or of Rowley 
(Silver on a bend cotised sable three crescents gold); a 
variant under the last name is Gold on a bend cotised sable 
three crescents silver (Papworth). 

30. (30.) (23.) 

Arms: Gules a chevron engrailed gold between three 
battle-axes erect silver garnished gold. 

Wreath: Silver, gules. 

Crest: An arm embowed in armor the gauntlet grasping 
a battle-axe all silver garnished gold. 

Legend: Thomas Brattell Esqr. Tresuror to/ Har- 
fred Colledg: and Fellow of ye / Royall Society at Boston 
in ye / Conty of Suffolk - - 1713. 

Notes: He was the son of Thomas Brattle of Charles- 
town, who died in 1683, the wealthiest man probably in the 
Colony, says Savage (W). Whitmore fails to mention that 
the chevron is engrailed. 

This Thomas Brattle's seal shows the engrailed chevron, 
but no crest (Heraldic Journal, III, 42). 

For a discussion of the arms see under No. 9. 

31. (31.) (24.) 

Arms: Silver a chevron between three dolphins sable. 
Wreath : Silver, sable. 

Crest: A bird (hawk? ) with wings raised silver. 
Legend: Peter Sargant Esqr. One of his / Maj's Coun- 
sell for the Prouince / of Masechuset 1714. 


Notes: He was from London. 1667, and died s. f. 
1714 (W). 

For a discussion of the arms see No, 13. 

The crest appears to bear no relation to the arms; per- 
haps at this date the Sargents used no crest, for in the 
Sargent-Spencer coat (No. 13) the Spencer crest was used, 
and in the Sargent-Shrimpton coat (No. 5) the crest has 
not been identified. Certainly by about 1 770, as, for exam- 
ple, in the case of the Sargent book-plate signed by Revere 
and certain silver made for the family by Revere, the crest 
was a dolphin ; Burke gives for the crest A dolphin embowed 
sable between two wings silver. 

32. (32.) (25.) 
Stoddard. Roberts. 

Arms: Two coats impaled: Baron: Sable three stars 
within a border silver. Femme: Party silver and gules a 
lion sable. 

Wreath : Silver, gules. 

Crest: A stag's head erased party per fess silver and 

Legend: Elizabeth Wife of Simion / Stodard of Boston 
Esqr. 1714 / Stodard & Robarts. 

Notes: In the Child copy the stars are gold. 

Whitmore, referring back to No. 28 as well, says: "These 
impalements are difficult of explanation. Simeon was son of 

Anthony Stoddard, and married 1st Mary , who died 

1708. He married 2d, May, 1709, Elizabeth, widow of 
Col. Samuel Shrimpton, who died in April 1713. (He mar- 
ried) Third, in May 1715, Mehitable (Minot), widow of 
Peter Sargent. His second wife, the widow Shrimpton, was 
the daughter of the widow Elizabeth Roberts of London." 
This coat displays the femme's arms impaled and her crest, 
which are to be found in the Promptuarium Armorum. 
They are the arms of Roberts of Shropshire, Leicestershire, 
Gloucestershire and Ireland; crest: An antelope's (or a. 
stag's) head erased, per fess gold and gules (Edmondson). 

Form of Legacy 

"/ give and bequeath to the Rhode Island 

Historical Society the sum of 

dollars. " 

Roger Williams '^1^' 

v.. A. Johnson Co. 



Rhode Island 
Historical Socieoty 


Vol. XXIX 

OCTOBER, 1936 

No. 4 


Roger Williams wrote "yet possibly Master Cotton may call to minde, 
that the discusser (riding with himself and one other of precious 
memorie (Master Hooker) to and from Sempringham) presented his 
Arguments from Scripture" (Bloody Tenent yet more Bloody, p. 12). 

From photograph obtained for the Society by the late Walter F. Angell 

Issued Quarterly 

68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island 


The Church at Sempringham 

Miguel Cortereal 

by Edmund B. Delabarre 


New Publications of Rhode Island Interest 




Variations in Roger Williams's Key 
by Lawrence C. Wroth . 

Gore Roll of Arms 

by Harold Bowditch 







Vol. XXIX 

OCTOBER, 1936 

No. 4 

Nathaniel W. Smith, President Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer 
William Davis Miller, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions 
of contributors. 

Miguel Cortereal: The First European 
to Enter Narragansett Bay* 

By Edmund B. Delabarre 

It was not without hesitation that I was persuaded to 
submit this paper to critical consideration. This was not 
because I lacked faith in the soundness of its main conclu- 
sions. The real difficulty has been that, dealing as it does 
with a period of history concerning which the discoverable 
facts are few and scattered, it has been necessary to rely 
partially upon possibilities in place of certainties. Yet I 
have found the study of these possibilities a fascinating 
pursuit, and they seem so significant to me that I have hope 
that there may be general agreement that they should not 
be left unrecorded. 

On the other hand, we are not to be confronted with 
speculative possibilities only. The unquestionable data are 
enough to establish the central fact indicated in the title of 
this paper. If that be granted, then it renders highly prob- 

*Read before the Rhode Island Historical Society, February 17, 1936. 


able most, if not all, of the other possibilities which are 
developed, and thus gives us a welcome glimpse into many 
interesting details of the early history of this region. In- 
stead of being left with only a scant vision into its condition 
in 1524, vague rumors of intervening and unrecorded con- 
tacts in the interval, then a number of recorded explora- 
tions after 1600, and the knowledge which followed the 
landing of the Pilgrims at Cape Cod and Plymouth in 
1620, we now gain in addition a number of somewhat 
troubled but fairly clear further insights into this earlier 

In this important anniversary year of our goodly Planta- 
tions, it is surely fitting that we should look anew into the 
question as to who among Europeans was the first to enter 
Narragansett Bay and to see the shores of Rhode Island. 
For a long time it was widely believed that the Northmen 
were clearly entitled to this distinction. From the very first, 
however, this claim was disputed. No more than about half 
of the disputants ever accepted the proposition, and it has 
become increasingly sure that there is no actual proof that 
the Northmen ever came so far south as New England. 
Naturally, so long as there is disagreement among eminent 
scholars, the probabilities favor the shorter distances for 
their voyages and hence the more northerly latitudes for 
their landfalls. 

If the Northmen are to be excluded from consideration, 
it has been commonly assumed that Giovanni da Verrazano, 
in 1 524, was the first known European who saw our shores. 
Probably even before him, however, and certainly during 
the rest of the sixteenth century after him, considerable 
numbers of fishermen and traders made unrecorded voy- 
ages along the New England coasts.^ Among numerous 
other evidences of this, Verrazano himself saw "many plates 

^See E. B. Delabarre, "Dighton Rock," 1928, p. 181; C. McL. 
Andrews, "The Colonial Period of American History," 193 5, chap. 1 ; 
C. C. Willoughbv, "Antiquities of the New England Indians," 193 5, 
pp. 230-242. 



of wrought copper" among the Indians at Newport," which 
Mr. Willoughby says "must have been obtained from pre- 
vious explorers of whom we have no definite account j for 
although an occasional implement and a few beads wrought 
from native copper have been found, nothing in the way of 
metal plates has been recovered in New England which 
was not made of European copper or brass. Many objects 
of these foreign metals have been taken from graves be- 
longing to the sixteenth century." The famous Fall River 
"skeleton in armor," of course, came from one such Indian 
grave. It is not at all unlikely that the previous explorer 
who supplied the metal reported by Verrazano may have 
been the one for whose visit here we are about to survey the 

Ever since the first indication of its possibility came to 
my notice in 1918, I have been defending the thesis that 
Miguel Cortereal of Portugal, at some time between 1502 
and 1 5 1 1 , is the one to whom can be accorded most reason- 
ably the honor of having been the first European in this 
vicinity. For reasons which will appear shortly, I have come 
recently to regard the year 1502 as the most probable date 
of his arrival. There is no direct documentary evidence to 
which we can appeal as a ground for this belief. Its credi- 
bility rests upon a number of other grounds, some sure and 
some debatable when taken separately, but all together 
forming a strong body of facts pointing in the one direction. 
There is nothing inherently improbable about any of the 
included features, and the less sure ones gain strength by 
association with the others. Together they weave into a 
harmonious and attractive story which connects otherwise 

^All known sources (see Note No. 10, below) speak here of "molte 
lamine (or lame)" of wrought copper. Some translators render this 
"several pieces," probably under the impression that New England 
Indians would not have possessed much copper and that such as they had 
would not be in the form of plates. Hakluyt, however, whom Willoughby 
follows, and E. H. Hall, translator of the most recently discovered and 
most reliable version, give Verrazano's meaning correctly when they speak 
of "many plates." 


scattered items and gives them more detail, meaning and 
importance. It is a story which grows in detail and persua- 
siveness through the repeated appearance of fresh bits of 
evidence in its favor. Some such new considerations have 
developed quite recently. They must be placed in their 
appropriate setting by giving first a brief review of the 
series of happenings, and the evidence for them, as these 
have been made known in my earlier writings. 

We know as an historical fact that in 1501 Caspar 
Cortereal explored Labrador and Newfoundland. In Sep- 
tember the ships separated. Caspar probably sailed south- 
wards for further exploration, and the others returned 
home. In the following year, since Caspar Cortereal had 
not come back, his brother Miguel set out with three ships 
in search of him. On reaching Newfoundland, probably in 
June, they separated, appointing a rendezvous for the 20th 
of August. The other ships met there, and after waiting 
vainly for some time for Miguel, returned to Portugal. 
Here the historical record ends, for nothing further was 
ever learned about the fate of the two brothers." 

We follow Miguel farther by aid of such new evidence 
as I have gathered. We may assume that he sailed at once 
to the south, knowing that his brother had taken that direc- 
tion. For reasons which follow, we may assume also that, 
probably in that same year, 1 502, his search carried him to 
Narragansett Bay and thence up the Taunton Creat River 
as far as Assonet Neck. Something of what happened there 
is related in a tradition which was found current among the 
Indians of that place by John Danforth in 1680 and by 
Edward A. Kendall in 1807. I connect this tradition with 
Cortereal, because it surely relates incidents of the first 
contact of the local Indians with Europeans, and there are 
other reasons for believing that this was on the occasion of 
CortereaPs arrival. If so, then he anchored near the rock 
which has since then become famous under the name 

^Edgar Prestage, "The Portuguese Pioneers," 193 3, pp. 272-276. 


"Dighton Rock," and which has given rise to so much con- 
troversy for more than 250 years. At that time, however, 
it probably had as yet no inscriptions upon it. Here, accord- 
ing to the tradition, he took Indians into his ship as hostages, 
and sent men ashore for water. These men were attacked 
and slain by the natives, very likely because the latter were 
frightened and angered by the seizure of the hostages. 
During the conflict firearms were used by men on the ship, 
the hostages escaped, and the Indian sachem was killed. 

For some reason Cortereal settled there among the 
natives. They were naturally friendly people, "kind and 
gentle," as Verrazano found them a few years later. After 
the heat of misunderstanding and conflict was over, 
Cortereal might readily have gained their confidence. The 
possession of firearms was an advantage. The other won- 
derful possessions and proficiencies of the strangers must 
have caused them to be looked upon as beings of a superior 
order. Why they interrupted their voyage is not sure. It 
may have been because of loss of men, or wreckage of the 
ship, or illness or injuries received, or lateness of the season. 
Kendall found rumors of a wrecked ship, and of white men 
passing a winter there long ago, and these rumors may pos- 
sibly supply a bare outline of further incidents connected 
with this event, and, as he suggests, explain the reason for 
the names "White Spring" and "White Man's Brook" 
which he found attached to a neighboring stream. 

Very naturally, having decided to remain here for a 
time at least, Cortereal promptly made himself sachem of 
the natives in place of the one who was slain. We shall see 
reason to believe that he associated with himself a native 
assistant in government, so that thereafter this tribe, unlike 
any other around it, was ruled by "two kings" down to the 
time when the Pilgrims came. We shall find reason also to 
believe that the strangers found favor with the Indian 
maidens and contributed to the later population of the tribe. 
Cortereal himself was still there as late as 1511. But he, 
and all his companions, either were dead or had gone on 


elsewhere by 1 524, for otherwise they would certainly have 
joined Verrazano during his fifteen days' stay in Newport 
Harbor in that year, and seized this opportunity to return 

What has been related thus far of events subsequent to 
CortereaPs known disappearance on the coast of New- 
foundland in 1 502 is largely surmise, supported by a num- 
ber of strongly indicative facts. The assumed incidents are 
accepted as pertinent to our narrative because taken thus 
they illumine it as a whole, and it gives significance to them. 
Now we arrive at a fresh item of positive evidence, justify- 
ing some features of those surmises. In 1511 Miguel 
Cortereal cut his name and the date on Dighton Rock. It 
is only recently that this fact has been discovered, thanks to 
improved methods of photography. His reason for doing 
this, I conjecture, was the hope that he might thus attract 
the attention of some passing explorer and so get taken 
home. If we ask why he waited so long before making the 
record and did it so far inland, we can only conjecture that 
he preferred to maintain his own residence on Assonet Neck 
and to keep men on the outer coasts on the lookout for 
possible passing ships j and that only in 1511 did it occur to 
him to carve these lines, both because thus he would have 
an additional means of attracting attention, and, if no res- 
cuer came, he would be leaving a record which would 
endure after his death and reveal his fate. Besides name and 
date, he engraved also in Latin the statement that he was 
Dux or sachem of the local Indians. To these records he 
added the coat-of-arms of the Portuguese King: a shield 
concentrically within another shield (that is, technically, a 
"bordered shield"), containing a "live-spot" design which 
the Portuguese call quinas (pronounced keen-as). Just as 




5 BY 7/^ INCHES. 


our emblem is the "Star-spangled Banner," so that of 
Portugal is known as the "Quinas." If CortereaPs object 
in making his inscription was what I have suggested, then 
most certainly he would also have planted a flag near the 
rock, to attract attention when the rock was covered by the 
tide, and that flag would undoubtedly have borne the 

Some conservative historians and archaeologists are reluc- 
tant to accept my reading of the Dighton Rock record. In 
the latest summary of my researches, in the Journal of 
American History for 1932, I believe that I have proved 
its authenticity practically beyond question. Still, since there 
are doubters, as well as because of the intrinsic interest of 
the additional items to which I appeal in support of it, I 
have sought for as many as possible of such supporting 
considerations. Aside from those which have been intro- 
duced above, I have called attention in earlier writings to 
the following favoring arguments. ( 1 ) The style of letters 
and numerals used in the record is characteristic of the 
period. There is abundant and increasing evidence of this 
fact. (2) The Wampanoags were a superior race, a fact 
which might well be accounted for by early white influence 
and admixture of white blood. It was Wampanoags whom 
Verrazano found at Newport "most civilized in customs" 
and with "two kings beautiful in form and stature," for this 
tribe then owned the Island of Aquidneckj and their intel- 
ligence and flne character while under the rule of Massasoit 
is well known. Verrazano was greatly impressed by them 
and "formed a great friendship with themj" whereas the 
nearest other Indians whom he met he speaks of as rude, 
barbarous and unfriendly. (3 ) That their custom of having 
two kings, and the names of some of them in Colonial times, 
may also be traceable to CortereaPs influence, is another 
suggestion which I have made before. This is one of the 
ideas which is about to be developed more fully. 

Thus far, I have aimed to indicate in brief outline the 
nature of the evidence which I had assembled up to the time 


when my latest publication upon this subject was issued. 
Three things in it are wholly or nearly sure: the fact of the 
voyages and of the disappearance of the two brothers j the 
presence of Miguel CortereaPs name on Dighton Rockj 
the probability that the Indian tradition derives from the 
incidents of his arrival there. However sure it may actually 
be, this reading of the worn and not easily decipherable 
Dighton Rock inscription is not by any means entirely clear 
and is not readily accepted yet by many persons whose opin- 
ion is influential. For this reason, although I am now fully 
convinced of its correctness, I continue to search for fresh 
items of supporting evidence. 

Very recently I have made acquaintance with a new study 
which increases the probability that Miguel Cortereal may 
well have explored as far as Narragansett Bay in 1502. In 
the Revue Hispanique for 1903 (vol. X, pp. 485-593), 
H. P. Biggar has an article on the voyages of the Cabots 
and of the Corte-Reals. It was the custom of these early 
explorers to map, as well as they could, the coasts which 
they discovered, and to give names to all the prominent 
features. Often it is possible to determine the date of their 
presence at a particular place, because not infrequently they 
gave to it the name of the saint whose day it was. Early 
cartographers gained much of their information about these 
coasts and names, among other sources, from the masters of 
the ships which returned from the two Cortereal expedi- 
tions of 1501 and 1502. Studying these early maps, Biggar 
has worked out the itinerary of these two voyages up to the 
time when, in each case, the accompanying ships started the 
return home without their leader. What is of interest to us 
is that, according to him, Caspar in 1501 made his landfall 
in Labrador and sailed southward along the coasts as far as 
Conception Bay in Newfoundland. There he sent home the 
other two ships, but himself "resolved to continue his ex- 
ploration of the coast further towards the south," because 
"he wished to make clear if this really was a mainland and 
also to find out its connection with the islands discovered by 


Columbus near the equator." In the following year, 
Miguel's vessels separated at the harbor of St. John's for 
the sake of more thorough exploration. Miguel himself, 
knowing his brother's intention which naturally he had 
learned from the ships which returned the year before, 
would surely have taken the southerly course and pene- 
trated as far as the season permitted. 

An earlier historian of the Cortereal voyages, Henry 
Harrisse, had assumed that Caspar made his landfall in 
Newfoundland, explored northward, and was finally lost 
on the Labrador coast or beyond. In such case, however, 
Miguel would have searched to the north, not south, and 
it would be difficult to account for his presence in this region. 
Biggar's opposite mterpretation of Caspar's actual course 
and intentions is accepted by a number of recent historians, 
of whom Edgar Prestage, in "The Portuguese Pioneers," 
and John B. Brebner, in "The Explorers of North 
America," are examples. If Caspar's known plan was to 
find out the connection between the lands discovered by 
him and "the islands discovered by Columbus," we can see 
good reason for Miguel's extension of his vain search as far 
as Narragansett Bayj and if we assume that he suffered 
shipwreck or other untoward accident there, besides the 
serious loss of a considerable number of his men, we would 
have full explanation of his failure to return to Portugal. 

In what follows we are to consider two sets of newly 
developed ideas which may have real value in support of 
the Cortereal history as I have developed it, and add some- 
thing to it. One set rests firmly upon an observation made 
by Verrazano, but proceeds to draw certain inferences that 
may be questionable. The other set rests upon speculations 
regarding the affinities, derivations, and meanings of cer- 
tain Indian names and titles, and here we are on very 
uncertain ground. Both are advanced, therefore, not as 
established fact but as interesting possibilities. If the ulti- 
mate decision of those who truly know about these matters 
should prove hostile to their acceptability, then nothing will 


be lost except a hope that they might have been significant. 
Their withdrawal will not in any way weaken the force of 
our other lines of evidence. On the other hand, if they are 
valid in whole or in part, then they add interesting detail 
and corroboration to the rest of our new chapter in the early 
history of this region. 

The derivation and meaning of Indian names is often a 
difficult problem, and a perilous one for the amateur to 
meddle with. Even experts, while sometimes venturing to 
suggest possible meanings, do so in many cases hesitantly 
and without agreement among themselves. Under these 
circumstances, even the amateur's suggestions may have 
some chance of having hit upon the correct solution. My 
own knowledge of Indian languages extends very little 
beyond what this limited study has brought me. For sources, 
I have looked very little beyond the familiar "Key Into 
the Language of America," by Roger Williams, the "Indian 
Grammar Begun," by John Eliot, and the "Natick Dic- 
tionary," compiled by J. H. Trumbull and issued as 
Bulletin 25 of the Bureau of American Ethnology. This 
superficial study of the early sources applying particularly 
to this region has led to certain tentative conclusions which 
appear to my exceedingly restricted knowledge to be at 
least permissible. I have no hesitation in acknowledging 
that I have submitted them to the expert judgment of 
W. B. Cabot of Boston and Dr. Frank G. Speck of the 
University of Pennsylvania, both of whom find much to 
criticise. Nevertheless, I still think that they are promising- 
enough to be worth placing on record, and so I do this with 
cheerful readiness to acquiesce in any fate which may await 
them if there is any way in which the questions at issue can 
be positively settled. 

Nevertheless, for a nuniber of reasons, there would 
appear to be little prospect of a decisive conclusion adverse 
to the suggestions which we are about to submit. Students of 
Inciian dialects as they are spoken now may arrive at opin- 
ions which would not hold so surely of the languages as they 


were spoken in 1500 or in the early 17th century. Of the 
languages in 1 500 we know nothing positively, except that 
they can not have been very different from their form 
when recorded later. Of the dialects spoken in this region 
in the earliest Colonial times we know only what has been 
given, with considerable orthographic uncertainty, in such 
sources as were mentioned above. How did the speech of 
the Wampanoags differ from that of their neighbors.? Not 
much, of course. Yet Roger Williams remarked, of the 
Indians with whom he came in contact, that "their Dialects 
doe exceedingly differ." So far as I have discovered, no one 
ever recorded the Wampanoag peculiarities of speech, not 
even the Rev. Samuel Danforth of Taunton, whose "Indian 
Vocabulary" was founded, apparently, solely upon Eliot's 
Bible in the Natick dialect. My conclusion is that within 
narrow limits, using such clues as we have, violating no 
surely established facts, we are left free to speculate about 
the etymology and correct orthography of Wampanoag 
terms as used about 1 500 or in Colonial times, and to attach 
value to our speculations in so far as they co-ordinate wide 
ranges of fact and offer lucid and probable explanations of 
otherwise puzzling matters. 

The following Table and Notes will help in understand- 
ing some of the deductions which follow. 

sa chem 1 sa chem 

saun chem 2 chepas so tam 

son k squa 3 tah soo tam 

sa kim au 4 ketas soo t 
keen omp 5 Massa soi t 
Ousame kin 6 

Wosame quin 7 

Quade quin a 8 

NoT-Es — (a) It is suggested that the syllables in the second column on 
the left and the second column on the right, are equivalent forms of the 
same word or meaning ; that is, sa = son = soi, etc. Similarly, in the third 
column on each side, chem = k^= kin =^ quin ^= t = tam, etc. Such 
equivalence is not implied in the other columns. 


(b) On the left side of the Table, 2 is a variant of 1 used, among 
others, by John Danforth in 1680 as a Wampanoag form of the word. 
3 is one of many variants meaning "squaw sachem." 4 is a Delaware 
equivalent of sagamore; although in form of a verb ("he is a chief"), 
Trumbull, in his notes to Williams' "Key," calls it a form of the same 
word as "sachem." In 5, the -ornf is used in compounds with the meaning 
"man"; the whole means "a brave, a captain, a leader." 6 and 7 are two 
among many different spellings of one name. 8 is another name. 

(c) On the right side of the Table, 2 is given by Williams (p. 194) as 
meaning "dead sachim." 3 and 4 both mean "king"; the tah, it is sug- 
gested, may imply "lifted up," hence "prominent, great"; the ketas is 
probably equivalent to kehte, "great," or even to kehte-nias^ "great great," 
the m being dropped out as in the similar case of keht{77i)anit, discussed 
on a later page. So both 3 and 4 seem to mean "a very great sachem." 

(d) "Their language is exceeding copious, and they have five or six 
words sometimes for one thing" (Williams, in "Directions" prefacing the 

(e) They have "a curious care of Euphonie" (Eliot, p. 252), leading 
to many interchanges of vowels and consonants. 

(f) They take "delight" in using abbreviations or contractions in the 
compounding of words (Eliot, pp. 252, 254, 261). 

(g) The English transcription of Indian words has been always ex- 
ceedingly variable and unreliable. For instance, Sidney Rider, in his 
"Lands of Rhode Island" (1904, pp. 206ff), says that there are not fewer 
than sixty-five different forms of writing the name "Notaquonckanet." 

We may now examine our first set of conclusions, a con- 
siderable part of whose justification rests upon what has 
been given in these foregoing Table and Notes. 

1 . There were at least four Wampanoag chiefs in early 
Colonial days whose names ended in the syllable qu'm (or 
quina) : Osamequin, Quadequina, Tuspaquin, and Sassa- 
quin. That its qii had, sometimes at least, the sound of k 
seems evident from the fact that "Osamequin" was spelled 
often with terminal -kin. Moreover, when followed by 
the word squaWy the -chem of sachem was abbreviated into 
k alone, much as squaw itself often became squa^ sq, or s.* 
These are striicing examples of that "delight" in abbrevia- 

■^A dozen or more variants of this word are on record. Some of them are 
as follows: Zu)i-k-squazv^ siai-rk-squa, saun-ck-squa, sim-kt-sq, son-ku-sq, 
son-k-sq, saun-k-s. 


tion to which our Notes referred. This ky therefore, seems 
to form a connecting link between -chem and -quin, as the 
left-hand section of our Table indicates. This is the ground 
for my suggestion that, in compounds, the syllable quin or 
kin (equivalent to -chem) may have had a meaning by 
itself, and been used to designate a "chief." Parenthetically 
we might remark that, if saun-quin was one of the allowable 
combinations, this would not differ greatly in sound from 
sahn-quhn; and this reflection would give some support to 
my interpretation of the inscription on the Mount Hope 
rock as reading in part, in Cherokee-Wampanoag variants, 
mus-sahn-quhny "Chief Sachem."" 

2. The Quade- (or Korde) part of "Quadequina" is 
not very differentln sound from Corte^ nor this from kehte. 
The latter means "great." Quade-kin (Korde-keen) might 
thus mean "great chief." This title may well have been 
applied first to Cortereal, when he made himself Dux of 
the Indians. It would have been the easiest meaningful 
term to apply to him, since it suggests his name, origin, 
and ofiice. When he told them that he was Cortereal, a 
"Quinas" man, and set up his "Quinas" flag, and carved 
the "Quinas" on the rock, they would not have understood 
the "Real" part and perhaps, as was true of some Indian 
tribes, could not pronounce it.'' The rest of it would be 
plain to them, if I have analyzed the word correctly. He 
was Corte-quinas, Kehte-keen-omp, a "great leader." Dr. 
Speck raises the objection that both kehte and kin mean 
"large," and would not combine into a single term. I have 
in mind, however, the common expedient of con joining- 
words of similar meaning for growing emphasis. Germans 
delight in piling up successions of superlatives, like "Aller 

^See these Collections, 1920, XIII. 1-28 ; or E. B. Delabarre, "Dighton 
Rock," 1928, Chap. XI. 

''The tribes in this region (Wampanoags, Narragansetts, Naticks) had 
no words including the sounds of / or of r. Except for four words in use 
by a tribe living near New Haven, the Natick Dictionary lists no words 
beginning with either of these two letters. 


hochst haupt- or ober-" something or other j we speak, 
humorously, of "heap big chief j" and our Table suggests 
that Indians may have followed a similar practice, using 
various forms and combinations of tah^ kehte or kehchcy 
viaSy son, and kin, each perhaps implying something of 
greatness, to designate in few or many syllables a "great 
great great man." We can do the same kind of thing, if we 
wish, with similar variation in equivalent terms, as in speak- 
ing of "a great big supremely high exalted chief potentate," 
or anything of the sort. We do it only in derision or in 
playful exaggeration. The Germans do it seriously. The 
Indians may have done it in the latter spirit, combining 
few syllables at a time but being able to vary them widely, 
as our own Note d remarked and as our examples seem 
to show. Also, it seems to me at least barely possible that, 
even if the combination to which Speck objects may not 
have been an entirely natural one for Indians to make, yet 
it may have been the nearest they could come to under- 
standing "Corte-Quinas." Thus he may have become for 
them a kehte-kin, or Quadequinas, a "great Chief." 

One further objection might be raised by one who knows 
that kehte was applicable as a rule to inanimate objects 
only, while another forme, kehche, was used for animate 
beings. But there was at least one exception. They did use 
kehte in the word kehtanitj the "Great Spirit, the Lord 
God." It seems to have been used also in ketassoot, "a very 
great king." So it might have been appropriate in kehte-kifty 
implying "a great god-like chief," just as Cortereal must 
have seemed to them to be.' 

3. The name Osamequin — spelled in a dozen different 

^According to an Indian tradition recorded by the Rev. John Heckc- 
welder about 1801, the Indians of Manhattan island, when they first saw 
Europeans, "took every white man they saw for a Mannitto, yet inferior 
and attendant to the supreme Manitto^'' — the latter being the leader of 
the expedition (New York Historical Society Collections, 1841, 2d ser., 
vol. 1, p. 71 ). The same impression must have been made at Assonet Neck, 
after the fighting was over. 


ways — is usually translated "Yellow Feather," If there is 
any chance that my interpretation of -quin is right, then we 
must seek another meaning for this name. Wosamekin is 
probably the most nearly correct spelling. Mr, Cabot sug- 
gests to me that the first part may be "Wussaume-," and 
the whole mean "a very gr'tat chief." Consulting the Natick 
Dictionary, I find another possibility. "Wohsumae" means 
"bright, shining, light-giving." "Wohsumae-kin" may be 
the "brilliant" or "shining" chief — a sort of Indian Lohen- 
grin. We shall see that there might be in this an implication 
of a "white chief," a chief of the "white-man's tribe." 
Whichever derivation may be accepted, this earlier name of 
the man known to us most familiarly as Massasoit, how- 
ever it may be spelled, seems to mean either "great chief," 
or "white chief," and to be a title rather than a personal 

4, The second part of our Table aims to establish the 
identity of sol- in "Massasoit" with sa- in sachem^ and of 
-t in the former with -chem in the latter. Here again 
Dr. Speck disagrees, saying that the soo of two of the con- 
necting words in the Table cannot be identical with sa and 
sou The -sotam of Roger Williams seems so convincing an 
intermediate link that I leave it for consideration. If it does 
establish the connection, then with >uassa taking its regular 
meaning of "great," Massasoit means "great chief" or 
"Chief Sachem," This is the meaning usually accepted for 
it (for example, in the "Handbook of American Indians," 
Bulletin 30 of the Bureau of American Ethnology), So far 
as I know, however, this suggested identity of its -soit with 
sachem has not been pointed out previously. As usual, this 
interpretation is not the only possible one. Dr. Speck says 
that much depends upon vowel stress, and the name could 
mean "he who is first (of all)." In either case, it seems clear 
that it was a title rather than a personal name, and is one of 
the many combinations which mean essentially "Chief 

5. The Wampanoags had two kings, 1 conjecture, be- 


cause originally Cortereal needed a native assistant. The 
custom continued after his death, which occurred probably 
before Verrazano met two Wampanoag kings at Newport, 
"one about forty years old, the other about 24." I suggest 
that at first they called their two rulers by the titles Kehte- 
keenas or Kehte-keen, "great god-like chief," (later writ- 
ten Quadequina), and Wohsumae-keen, "white chief" or 
"brilliant chief," or Wussaume-keen, "very great chief" j 
and that these titles were transmitted through succeeding 
generations. It has been objected that, as Roger Williams 
noted ("Key," p. 1 94) : "They abhorre to mention the dead 
by name, and therefore if any man beare the name of the 
dead he changeth his name." But the words in question are 
not names really, but titles, and hence would have been 
transmissible. So Dermer in 1619 found at Namasket two 
chiefs of the tribe, Quade-kin and Wosame-kinj and easily 
mishearing the last syllable, called them "kings." In 
Europe it was a frequent custom to speak of native chiefs as 
kings or emperors,* and this was doubtless why Verrazano 
did it J but in Dermer's case the reason just given seems at 
least an added one. At about this time the dual kingship 
seems to have been abandoned. Wosamekin apparently 
assumed sole rule, and changed his title to Massasoit. It 
may be that later again he admitted his son Mooanam or 
Wamsutta to co-rule with himself." The Narragansetts 
appear to have copied this custom of having two rulers in 
one instance, noted by Roger Williams in 1643 ("Key," 
p. 132). After Massasoit's death, Wamsutta (Alexander) 
and Philip were again, one after the other, sole rulers or 

**Many examples arc noted on pages 25 to 74 in "Some Indian Events 
of New England," by Allan Forbes; State Street Trust Company, Boston, 

•'A. G. Weeks, "Massasoit," 1919, p. 132. One is tempted to wonder 
whether it may not be possible that Wamsutta, through such influences as 
were referred to in our Notes d , e and /, could be equivalent to Wampi- 
soo-tam, "White Chief." 


In this first set of newly developed considerations we 
have tried to show that a good case can be made out for 
regarding the three words "Quadequina," "Wosamekin," 
and "Massasoit" as titles rather than as personal names; as 
practically equivalent to one another in essential meaning 
("great chief") ■■, as not Improbably conveying some impli- 
cation of Cortereal's presence and leadership; and, if these 
things are true, as giving a plausible explanation of the 
reason why this one tribe was ruled by two kings for about 
a hundred years. 

From these dubious but intriguing excursions into ety- 
mology, this attempt to read history by analysis of individ- 
ual names, we pass now to a new set of considerations. These 
have the advantage of starting off, at least, with a definite 
but puzzling historical fact. Although we proceed to further 
deductions, yet these seem to be fairly well-justified infer- 
ences from that fact. 

1, The Wampanoags were actually, in part, a white 
people. We have early and positive evidence of this, the 
significance of which seems to have been always overlooked 
because not understood. Listen to Verrazano: "This is the 
most beautiful people and the most civilized in customs that 
we have found in this navigation. They excel us in size; 
they are of a bronze color, some inclining more to whiteness, 
others to tawny color."'" 

■^"Verrazano's report to Francis I of France seems to have been written 
possibly in Latin and has never been found in its original form. Three 
versions of it in nearly contemporary Italian translation are known. The 
most recently discovered and reliable of them, the "Cellere Codex," was 
first published in 1909. It was republished, both in Italian original (edited 
by Prof. Alessandro Bacchiani) and in English translation (by E.H.Hall), 
with an introduction and full comparisons w'ith the other versions, in the 
15th Annual Report of the American Scenic and Historic Preservation 
Society, 191 0, pages 1 3 5-220. Our quotation is from this source, page 190. 

The three versions of this passage differ somewhat. ''Handsomest in 
their costumes" instead of "most civilized in customs," and "of a very 
fair complexion" instead of "of a bronze color," are the most important 
differences. All three agree, however, in the statement of most interest to 


Their "fair complexion" does not imply that they were 
blonds. Verrazano says specifically that they had black hair 
and sharp black eyes. They were white men in the same 
sense that dark South-European races are white men. No 
other New England tribe has ever been described in this 
manner. How could they be "white"? The fact certainly 
suggests, almost proves, that there was a rich harvest of 
goodly youths resulting from the domestic tastes of this 
Portuguese group who passed a winter or more among these 
people some 22 years before Verrazano's visit in 1524. In 
the light of Verrazano's testimony, Cortereal's name on 
Dighton Rock, doubted by some critics, becomes more 
nearly certain, and attests that it was his party and not some 
other one of which we have no such evidence as we have 
for him, that was responsible for the "whiteness" of some 
of the Wampanoags, and for the copper ( or brass ) plates 
seen in their possession. Within another three or four gen- 
erations this whiteness seenis to have been bred out, for 
no one in Colonial times remarked upon their difference in 
complexion from other Indians. 

2. In the light of Verrazano's description it seems rea- 
sonable that the name WAMPANOAG may well mean 
"White People," and derive from Cortereal's chieftain- 
ship. They were ruled by a white "Dux," as he himself 
asserts, and soon some of them also were white men. 
Trumbull's derivation of this tribal name^' appears to be 
widely accepted: from wampan-ohke, "Eastlanders," or 

us: "some inclining more to whiteness {//'ni/ichezza) .^'' This implies a 
whiteness like that of \'erra7.ano's own men; for hlauchezza is the term 
used to describe it in both cases. The Indians at two other places farther 
south showed great astonishment at the hia/ichezza of the skin of these 
Europeans; some of the Wampanoags inclined to a like hianchezza. 
\'errazano was evidently much interested in this matter of skin-color, and 
no other Indians, south or north of Newport, impressed him as having a 
like whiteness, although some elsewhere were lighter than others. 

"In Natick Dictionary, p. 2 SO; and in his notes to Roger Williams' 
"Key," Narragansett Club edition, p. 6. 



"Eastern People." Dr. Speck advocates a similar interpre- 
tation. But I venture to suggest that in spite of the wide- 
spread application of this term, or one of similar form and 
meaning to various eastern tribes ( Wapanachki or Abenaki 
of Delaware and Maine), it may not be the correct reason 
for the naming of the Wampanoags. There is an alternative 
derivation, closer in sound to the word as we know it. Wampi 
or worn pi means "white" j and -ndiiog is the combining 
form for "people" used several times by Roger Williams 
("Key, pp. 52, 59, 60 ). The Wampi-nauog are the "white 
people," — some of them white in fact, and once ruled by 
a white chief. 

3. The existence on Assonet Neck of a "White Spring" 
and a "White -Man's Brook," so named because of these 
early incidents, becomes somewhat more significant if these 
interpretations are correct, and gives a small degree of 
added strength to them. 

4. Very little weight can be given to a new possibility 
that I am about to suggest. But it is a possibility, and one 
interesting enough to be placed on record in this connection. 
To make it clear, a small Figure is inserted below. Some 
years ago I described a bannerstone found in Warren, bear- 
ing four incised characters which seem to suggest that the 


Wampanoags were beginning to develop an ideographic 
system of writing at about the period of King Philip's chief- 
tainship, A definite reading of these characters was hesi- 
tantly suggested.'" I can now add a few small hints which 
help to corroborate that reading. There is a petroglyph 
preserved at the restored old Aptucxet Trading Post of the 
early Plymouth settlers, at Bourne on Cape Cod/^ Its 
pictographs are so obscured as to be almost completely illeg- 
ible. But the characters numbered 1, 2 in our Figure are 
fairly clear. They rather obviously mean "a white man and 
an Indian shaking hands." Although much simpler, they 
are not very different in essence from the rendering of a 
similar idea in two other cases: on the well-known William 
Penn wampum belt, and in case of the two human figures 
carved on Dighton Rock at the extreme left-hand end." 

The pictographs on the Bourne stone were carved prob- 
ably sometime after 1658, and therefore at about the period 
of the bannerstone. The characters on the latter are shown 
as Nos. 3 to 6 in our Figure. The designs on Dighton Rock 
and on the Penn belt appear in the same Figure as Nos. 7 
and 8. These have been drawn free-hand from designs 
which in the original are not entirely clear and unambiguous 
in minor details, and so, in these reproductions, they may 
be defective in some respects. But the main idea in each is 
correctly conveyed. Apparently feathers are used to iden- 
tify the Indian on Dighton Rock and on the Bourne stone, 
and a hat and trousers to indicate a European on the Penn 
belt. The figures of the latter are in bead-work, solidly 
blocked inj but for coiu'enience we show them only in out- 

'-These Collections, 1919, vol. 12, p. 96. 

^■'New Bedford Standard-Times, March 17, 193S, Section 4, page 1 ; 
Old-Time New England, 1936, XXVI. 110-112. 

^■'I assume that the Indian pictographs on Dighton Rock were made at 
various times between about 1600 and 167 5. The date of the Penn belt 
is supposed to be 1682; see Memoirs of the Hist. Soc. of Penn., vol. 3, 
p. 207, and Second Annual Report, Bureau of Amer. l'",thnoIogv (for 
1880-1881), p. 253. 



line. On Dighton Rock, the pictures are so worn and obscure 
that they were never seen correctly until my flashlight 
photographs revealed them. But there is no question now 
that they were cut about as I have represented them, 
although their worn condition makes it uncertain whether 
the European was draw^i with hat or other distinguishing 

In the two cases last mentioned ( Dighton and Penn ) we 
have examples of the stage of complete pictography. The 
Bourne characters here copied are greatly simplified picto- 
graphs expressing a similar thought. It is evident that a 
little further simplification might develop them into ideo- 
graphs, in which the original pictorial resemblance to the 
objects portrayed is entirely lost. Such abbreviated sym- 
bolism was not wholly foreign to Indian practice in some 
places. It is a well-known feature of many designs occurring 
on their baskets, blankets, and pottery. 

Assuming that this occurred, and that our interpretation 
of the word Wampanoag as meaning "white people" is 
correct, we have a fairly secure basis for a reasonable inter- 
pretation of the ideographs of the bannerstone. A short 
straight line might readily have been the simplified sign 
adopted to designate "man." The same idea is expressed in 
almost that simple manner on the Bourne stone. If so, then 
the addition of an emphasizing side-mark against it, as in 
No. 3, might mean "chief-man, sachem." Two such lines, 
placed now horizontally and connected by a projectnig 
diagonal, as in No. 5, might mean "a connected group of 
men, a tribe or people." Character 6 is much like Philip^s 
ordinary signature. In the light of all we know about this 
ceremonial stone, which we have reason to believe was 
Philip's own, these are fairly natural assumptions. 
Together, they rather surely indicate that the remaining 
character. No. 4, must have been an ideograph for "white." 
It would not have been inappropriate to represent this idea 
by a blank space marked off by bordering lines. On birch- 
bark or paper, which may have been used in developing 


ideographs, it would be white. On these assumptions, the 
inscription would read "Chief Sachem of the Wampi- 
nauog, Philip j" that is: "Philip, Sachem of the White 
People." This speculation seems to me to contribute some 
small degree of support to my other arguments. It is not in 
the least essential to them, and anyone who prefers to dis- 
miss it as too fanciful should not let it affect his judgment of 
the more convmcing evidence that has been presented. If it 
has no other value, it at least gives some few suggestions 
concerning the possible evolution of an ideographic system. 

That Miguel Cortereal came to this vicinity in or about 
1502, and, because of some untoward circumstance which 
prevented his return to Portugal, made himself ruler of the 
Wampanoag Indians, is proved indubitably by his known 
history and by the presence of his name and message on 
Dighton Rock. Some incidents connected with his arrival 
here are almost certainly revealed through an old Indian 
tradition. A number of additional reasons for accepting 
these statements as historical facts have been given in my 
earlier writings. To them I am now adding a group of new 
considerations. One is the indication given by Biggar of the 
reason for Cortereal's far search to the south, and the result- 
ing probability that he arrived here in 1502 rather than 
in 1511, as I had previously assumed. A second is 
Willoughby's assertion that Verrazano's observation of 
metal plates among the Indians is a proof that some other 
explorer had been here before him. A third has been an 
examination of the degree to which certain Indian names or 
titles can be taken as indicative of Cortereal's former lead- 
ership and as explanatory of the dual kingship. And a fourth 
has been the development of the probability that the 
Wampanoags had an infusion of white blood which can 
have derived only from the members of Cortereal's 

Among all these considerations there is a considerable 
and satisfying nucleus of solid facts. Around them we have 
gathered a number of other scattered facts which, taken 


alone by themselves, would have little significance or 
interest. By aid of certain inferences, we have sought to give 
them their simplest explanation and reasonable connected- 
ness. Even though some of the inferences may be question- 
able and perhaps some of them may have to be abandoned 
in the light of better knowledge, still a great many of them, 
if not all, are certainly permissible and in some cases un- 
avoidable. Together, fact and justifiable inference fitting 
into a harmonious structure, they add a new chapter of 
absorbing interest to the pre-Colonial history of the 
Wampanoags, and prove that Miguel Cortereal and his 
companions were the earliest known Europeans who 
came into Narragansett Bay and explored the coasts of 
Rhode Island.' 


A collection of 123 Indian arrow points and spear points 
found on the west bank of the Kickamuit River in Warren 
about 1 870 have been bequeathed to the Society by the late 
Jonathan Barney of Barrington. 

The following persons have been elected to membership 
in the Society: Mrs. Walter I. Sweet, Miss Hattie O. E. 
Spaulding and Miss Muriel McFee. 

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest 

Judge SezvalPs Gifts in the Narragansett Country by 
Caroline Hazard is a pamphlet of 23 pages. 

Life and Times of Juda/i Touro by David C. Adelman 
is a pamphlet of 1 3 pages. 

An article on the Mazvdsley House by Maud L. Stevens 
appears in the July issue of the Bulletin of the Newport 
Historical Society. 

Early Land Holders of Watch Hill, by Reginald E. 
Peck is a booklet of 27 pages with two plats. 

A map of Western Warivick, The Pa'-j:tuxet Valley of 
R. /., drawn by Charles A. Keller, has been printed by the 
Pawtuxet Valley Daily Times. 


Variations in Five Copies of Roger Williams's 

Key into the Language of America 

By Lawrence C. Wroth 

The list of variations shown below are typographical in 
character and are without significance. They suggest noth- 
ing except that Gregory Dexter was sometimes careless in 
his printing and that somebody, maybe Roger Williams 
himself, was standing by as the sheets were being printed 
and insisting upon the press being stopped and corrections 
made in the forms. As the errors discovered by this last- 
minute reading were not flagrant, the incorrect sheets were 
preserved and were used, without discrimination between 
them and the corrected sheets, in making up the book. So 
far as established to the contrary by the existence of these 
variations we may say that the whole edition of copies made 
up of correct or of incorrect sheets, or of correct and incor- 
rect sheets mingled, was issued simultaneously. These 
"points," to use the lingo of the bibliographer of modern 
books, do not establish a sequence of issues of the book. 
Because of the importance of the treatise, however, and of 
everything, indeed, that came from the hand of its 
author, it is considered worth while to record them in our 
Collections. The Church Catalogue says of the Key that 
"It is the first book of a philological character, in the aborig- 
inal languages north of Mexico, with the exception of 
Father Sagard's Huron dictionary and a short vocabulary 
in Wood's Neiv England Prospect, in which he may have 
been assisted by Williams." The five copies examined are 
the three in the John Carter Brown Library (listed as a, b, 
and c), one in the library of the late Tracy W. McGregor, 
of Detroit (listed as M), and the one in the Rhode Island 
Historical Society Library (listed as R). A wider or a more 

ROGER Williams's key 121 

detailed examination would probably show additional va- 
riations of the same sort. 

Page 1 2 

Page 2 1 

Page 92 

Page 92 


Line 20 



Line 18 


Is the water coo 





Is the wa t er coo 

^ Cha 

Sepuo r 



Is the water coole? 





Is the water coo 





Is the wa t er coo 




The Gore Roll of Arms 

By Harold Bowditch 

{Continued from fage 96) 

?>?>. {33.) (26.) 

Arms: Silver four lozenges (not conjoined) in fess 
gules between two bars sable. 

Wreath: Silver, gules. 

No crest. 

Legend: Capt. Thomas Richards of / Boston in ye 

Notes: Whitmore says that this Capt. Thomas Richards 
was probably the son of James Richards of Hartford and 
nephew of the John Richards whose arms are shown in 
No. 10 of the Gore Rollj that he died in December 1714j 
and that the tomb of James Richards in Hartford is said to 
show these arms. 

Edmondson assigns these arms to Richards of East Bag- 
borough in Somersetshire, but describes no crest. 

Thomas Richards and his wife Welthian emigrated to 
Boston in 1630 on the ship "Mary and John"j Welthian 
Richards sealed her will in 1679 with an armorial seal 
showing these arms but no crest (Heraldic Journal, II, 7). 


34. (34.) (27). 
Addington. Norton. 

Arms: Two coats impaled: Baron: Party ermine and 
counter-ermine a chevron counterchanged between three 
fleurs-de-lys and charged with four lozenges all counter- 
changed in sable and silver. Femme: Gules a fret silver 
over all a bend vairy gold and gules. 

Wreath: Silver, sable. 

Crest: A wild-cat statant ermine, full-faced. 

Legend: Jsack Addington Esqr. Seceterey of ye / 
Prouince of ye Mas'. Judg of Probit for / ye Cont. of 
Suffolk. Justice of ye Pece & / Onof his Maj'. Counsell / 
Addington & Norton. 1715. 

Notes: In the Child copy azure replaces silver on fleurs- 
de-lys and lozenges, giving a peculiar appearance to the 
arms, but as Whitmore omits their tinctures this probably 
represents an addition subsequent to 1865. He identifies 
Isaac Addington's second wife as Elizabeth, widow of John 
Wainwright and daughter of William Norton, the brother 
of the Rev, John Norton, of the Nortons of Sharpenhow in 

The Addington arms appear in the Promptuarium 
Armorum assigned to T. Addinton of London, skinner. 
Edmondson assigns them to Addington of Devon, the 
fleurs-de-lys and the lozenges, as well as the chevron, being 
counterchanged in ermine and counter-ermine, a feature 
which was probably omitted in the Gore Roll painting 
because of its small size. Edmondson gives for the crest of 
this family: "A leopard sejant gardant argent fellety 
sable.^^ Our beast is certainly statant and ermine^ whether 
it be meant for a leopard would be hard to say, for, like the 
beast forming the Harvey crest ( No. 19) its tail is too short 
for a leopard's or even for a domestic cat's, although too 
long for a wild cat's. 

The Norton arms are found in Edmondson for Norton of 
Buckinghamshire, Hertfordshire and Bedfordshire, their 
crest being: A griffin sejant proper, the wings gules, the 


beak and fore-legs goldj it might be hard to define the 
"proper" coloring for a griffin. A tankard made by John 
Edwards (who died in 1746) and owned by the First 
Church in Quincy, Massachusetts, shows the Norton arms 
with a crest of a wivern j a wivern, with his tail curling down 
behind, might easily be confused with a griffin sejant. The 
Norton arms are found on the will of John Norton in 1 663 
(Heraldic Journal, II, 177). The Norton pedigree is 
printed in the New England Historical and Genealogical 
Register, XIII, 25, and notes on it in the Heraldic Journal, 
II, 1-5. 

3S. iiS.) (28.) 

Cook. Leverett, 

Arms: Two coats impaled: Baron: Gold a chevron 
cheeky gold and azure between three cinqfoils azure 
Fermne: Silver a chevron between three running leverets 

Wreath: Silver, sable. 

Crest: A human skull proper. 

Legend: Elizabeth Wife of Elisha / Cook of Boston 
Esqr. 1715 (or 1717) / Cook & Leuiritt. 

Notes : The date was apparently originally written 1717 
and a figure 5 was then attached to the 7 without covering 
itj as the preceding and the following coats are both dated 
1715 it seems probable that 1 7 1 5 is the intended date here. 

Whitmore identifies Elizabeth, wife of Elisha Cook, as 
the daughter of Governor John Leverett. 

The skull that serves as a crest no doubt signifies mor- 
tuary use for the painting, for the Cook crest appears in 
No. ?>6 and the Leverett crest is known to be a running 
leveret as shown on the gravestone of Governor Leverett's 
grandson John Leverett, President of Harvard College, 
who died in 1 724 (Heraldic Journal, I, 29). There are but 
two instances of arms surmounted by a skull in the Gore 
Roll, Nos. 8 and 35^ and in each case the Leverett arms are 
shown, once as baron and once as femme. 


For the Cook arms see No. 36; for the Leverett arms 
see No. 8. 

36. (36.) (29.) 


Arms: Gold a chevron cheeky gold and azure between 
three cinqfoils azure. 

Wreath : Gold, azure. 

Crest: A unicorn's head gold with wings azure. 

Legend: Elisha Cook of Boston Esq. / On of his Maj's. 
Counsell of / ye prouince of Masechus - - (undecipherable) 

Notes: Whitmore says: Elisha Cook was son of Richard 
of Boston, said to have come from Gloucestershire j he died 
October, 1715. Dr. Buck suggests Essex as the place of 
origin, the arms of Cook of Ciidden Hall, Essex, being Gold 
a chevron cheeky azure anci gnles between three cinqfoils 
azure. Edmondson gives for Cooke of Essex Gold a chev- 
ron cheeky gi^Ies and azure between three cinqfoils gules j 
crest: A unicorn's head gold with two wings endorsed azure. 
Burke (1847) gives for Cooke, no locality cited: Gold a 
chevron cheeky silver and gules between three cinqfoils 
azure j this is omitted in the 1 884 edition. 

37. (37.) (30.) 

Arms: Gold three pales gules and a chief vair. 

Wreath: Gold, gules. 

Crest: A greyhound's head erased ermine with a collar 
gules, the edges and ring gold. 

Legend: Adrew Belchier Esqr. Comesery / Generall of 
the Prouince of ye / Mass', and One of his Maj's Counsell 

Notes: Whitmore identifies this individual as the son of 
Andrew Belcher the immigrant of 1639 and the father of 
Jonathan Belcher, Governor of Massachusetts j he died in 
October 1717. These arms are on the will of Andrew 
Belcher, 1717 (Suffolk Wills, Heraldic Journal, II, 177). 

These arms are found assigned to William Belcher of 



Gillsborough, Northants., in the Promptuarium Armorum. 
Guillim (ed. 1632) substantiates this and adds the crest: 
A greyhound's head erased ermine, his ears azure, collared 
gules garnished gold^ the head in the Gore Roll does not 
have blue ears, nor is this feature mentioned by Edmondson, 
who gives the same arms 'and crest for Belcher of Stafford- 
shire and places Gilsborough in Nottinghamshire instead of 

38. (38.) (31.) 

Arms: Azure a fess between three dolphins silver on the 
fess an annulet (gules) for difference. 

Wreath: Silver, azure. 

Crest: In a nest vert under a lemon-tree in fruit proper 
a pelican feeding her young gold the blood gules. 

Legend: Joseph Lemon of Charloston / in the county 
of Midelsex / 1717. 

Notes: These arms are given in the Promptuanum 

In the Child copy, and consequently in Whitmore's 
description, the lemon-tree in the crest is omitted. 

The immigrant ancestor was Joseph Lemmon who died 
in 1709, mentioning in his will (1707) his mother, Mary 
Jenkins, and his brother, Robert Lemmon, cooper, both of 
Dorchester, co. Dorset j his seal shows a fess between three 
dolphins, but the fess appears to be engrailed and hatched 
to represent vertj the crest is a wolf's head erased. His 
grandson, Jonathan Lemmon, son of Joseph and Elizabeth 
Lemmon, died at the age of fifteen months and is buried m 
Charlestown under a stone with the family arms, resem- 
bling the Gore Roll painting, except that the annulet is in 
chief instead of on the fess, and the tree is omitted from the 
crest (W., Heraldic Journal, I, 48 ). 

Whitmore is describing a very small seal, and whether or 
not the apparent engrailing of the fess is significant would 
depend on the fineness of the cutting. Presumably the 


hatching is not intended to represent vert, but merely to set 
off the fess from the field, 

Edmondson cites these arms under the family namej 
there are, it is true, minor differences according to the posi- 
tion of the dolphins: "haurient" for Leman or Lemmon of 
North Hall, Hertfordshire, of London and of co. Suffolk j 
"naiant embowed," with the crest shown in the Gore Roll, 
for Leman, granted 1 6 1 5 j and "embowed" with the same 
crest but lacking the tree for Lemon or Lemmon. 

The Visitation of London, 1633-1 635, gives for William 
Leman of Northaw, co. Hartford (obviously identical with 
Edmondson's later "North Hall"), living in 1633: Azure 
a fess between three dolphins embowed silver, in chief an 
annulet for difference j crest: In a lemon-tree leaved vert 
fructed gold a pelican gold in her nest — - feeding her 

young ^ descended from the family of Lemman of 

Norfolk. Note that the pelican is in the tree, not under it as 
in the Gore Roll. 

39. (39.) (32.) 
Calewell. Mun. 

Arms: Two coats impaled: 
Baron: Quartered: 

1 . Gules a narrow pale battled and counter- 
battled silver, over all three lion's paws 
erased barwise in pale silver. 

2. Sable three fleurs-de-lys gold. 

3 and 4. Silver a ship under full sail sable. 
Over all a narrow pale ermine. 
Femtne: Per chevron counter-flowered sable and 
gold in chief three roundles and in base a 
tower counterchanged. 
Wreath : Silver, gules. 

Crest: A cubit arm in armor proper the bare hand grasp- 
ing a lion's paw erased gules. 

Legend : Gorg Calewell of London. / Marchant Now of 
Boston ye Cont Suff / Calewell & Mune 1717. 

Notes: In the Child copy the names are spelled Cald- 


well and Mane and the painting is such a hodge-podge that 
Whitmore's description is worthless. 

The arms attributed to Calewell are certainly most unu- 
sual, especially in the feature of the identity of the third 
and fourth quarters ^ the arms of various branches of the 
Caldwell family are quite different, and the arms shown in 
the Gore Roll have not been identified in a search through 
the Visitation of London 1633-1635, Guillim (1632, 1660, 
1664, 1724), Kent, Edmondson and Burke. 

The impaled arms are those of Mun, occurring in the 
Promptuarium Armorum, and the crest belongs to this 
coat. The Visitation of London 1 633-1 635 records "a patent 
granted to John Mun of Hackney in the County of Middle- 
sex by William Harvy Clarenceux a° 1562, 4. of Eliza- 
beth" consisting of these arms and this crest with the minor 
exceptions that in the crest the hand is gauntleted and the 
lion's paw has golden claws. 

40. (40.) (33.) 

Arms: Party gules and azure a lion silver in an orle of 
(ten) crosslets gold. 

Crest: In a coronet gold a cockatrice azure, the comb, 
beak, wattles and the barb on the tail gules. 

Legend: Elisha Hutchinson Esqr. ColP. of ye first / 
Rigament of Foot in ye Count, of Suffolk Capt. / of Castel 
William Chef Justice of ye Corte / of Commonples in ye 
Cont. Suff. On of ye Counsell / 1717. 

Notes: Ordinarily the cockatrice in the painting would 
be described as vert, and the sinister side of the shield is 
scarcely bluer, but comparison with the known vert of the 
lemon-tree in the Lemon arms on the same page and of the 
mound in the Winthrop arms and the trees in the Hurst 
arms on the following page lead to the conclusion that azure 
was the original color. In the Child copy the cockatrice is 
vert, and the sinister side of the shield, originally "argent" 
(W.) is now silvered over. 


Whitmore identifies Elisha Hutchinson as the son of 
Edward Hutchinson of Boston in Lincolnshire and of 
Boston in New England, and states that he died in Decem- 
ber, 1717. 

In the Promptuarium Armorum it is stated that these 
arms were granted to Edward Hutchinson of Wickham, 
Yorkshire, in 1581. 

Edmondson records these arms, with varying numbers 
of crosslets, under Hutchinson of Yorkshire and of Wil- 
loughby on the Would and Owthorp in Nottinghamshire, 
the last-mentioned branch bearing the beast full-faced j for 
the second branch he gives the crest: Out of a ducal coronet 
gold a cockatrice with wings endorsed azure, beaked, combed 
and wattled gules. 

The American family was distinct from the Yorkshire 
family whose arms they used j in 1 634 Thomas Hutchinson 
of Lincolnshire, a cousin of the immigrant Samuel Hutchin- 
son of Rhode Island, applied to the College of Arms, pre- 
senting a pedigree and claiming arms, but the claim was 
"respited for proof" (Heraldic Journal, II 171). Although 
it is stated in the Complete Peerage edited by Vicary Gibbs 
that Hawkins, Ulster, granted to the Baroness Donough- 
more, who was descended from the Hutchinson family of 
Boston, the arms of Hutchinson quartered with those of 
Hely and Nixon, an officer of the College of Arms writes 
( 1927) that there is no specific grant or confirmation to the 
Donoughmore family in Ulster's Office. 

Samuel Hutchinson, an early settler of Rhode Island and 
the brother of William Hutchinson, used the arms on his 
seal in 1667 (see Suffolk Probate 453 and Heraldic 
Journal, II, 183). The ancestry of Samuel and William 
Hutchinson has been traced with proof from the Hutchin- 
sons of Alford in Lincolnshire in the person of John 
Hutchinson, mayor of Lincoln (see New England Hist. 
Gen. Register, (October 1866, and Waters' Genealogical 

Form of Legacy 

"I give and bequeath to the Rhode Island 

Historical Society the sum of 


Roger Williams Press '^1^' 

E. A. Johnson Co. 


Rhode Islan d 
Historical Society 
Collection^ ^t^ 


There are several of these stoixj; structures in the river west of Anthony, R. I. 
They are believed to have been built as fish weirs by the Indians. Now they are 
only visible when the water in the mill pond has been lowered. 

Photographed hj Ward E. Smith 

Issued Quarterly 

68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island 


Gore Roll of Arms 
by Harold Bowditch 


Indian Fish Weir ...... Cover 

Records of Narragansett Weather 

by Caroline Hazard ..... 1 

William Dyer 

by William Allan Dyer 9 

Westerly Marriage Records 

Communicateci by Susan S. Brayton ... 26 

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest . . 28 




Vol. XXX JANUARY, 1937 No. 1 

Nathaniel W. Smith, President Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer 
William Davis Miller, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions 
of contributors. 

Records of Narragansett Weather 

1797 to 1802 

With Additional Notes from Newport to 1804 

By Caroline Hazard 

Some years ago, when working over the Diary of 
Thomas B. Hazard — Nailer Tom — I called the atten- 
tion of the Weather Bureau in Washington to his impor- 
tant record. Beginning midsummer's day — June 21, 1778 
— for over sixty years Nailer Tom kept a record of the 
weather, ending it in November 1840. Rain, snow, hail, 
are all recorded^ the direction of the wind is given daily. 
Frost and heat are mentioned, but the Weather Authorities 
could not avail themselves of all this data because Nailer 
Tom had no thermometer. 

Fahrenheit first used mercury as a measure of tempera- 
ture in 1720, but the general use of his invention did not 
come till much later. It is therefore of great interest that 
a book has been found with actual figures recorded by the 
new instrument beginning March 1st, 1797, dated Charles- 
ton; S. C, No. Ill Trade St. The record was made in a 


paper bound blank book 12 x 7^^ inches, carefully ruled 
in ink at the left-hand side into five columns, and lightly 
ruled in pencil across the page. The first column is headed 
by the name of the month, the day follows below, and then 
the time of day according to a ship's watch, 8, 12,4, 8, with 
the record under each. Thus the first record reads: 
"March 1, 50, 49, 52, 51^. N.E. Cloudy and stormy. 
Damp unpleasant," written in a clerkly hand when pen- 
manship was still an art. The entries continue to April 4, 
when the thermometer is recorded at 72, 74^ and 76, with 
no eight o'clock record. Wind was S.S.E. and S.W. "very 
dry." Page two has a change of handwriting, and is headed 
South Kingstown, Rhode Island 1797, "June 2Z-GG.G6. 
6(i.6S-Y.. Rain all day," and continues in the same hand for 
many pages. That handwriting I had seen j one might say it 
was founded on clerkly lines, but with a good deal more 
freedom. November the sixteenth the thermometer stood at 
34 - 36 - 39 - 32, hard frost, and the seventeenth, there was 
snow most of the day, with the thermometer at 30 for three 
readings, and not higher than 32 all day. Nailer Tom 
records snow that day, too. 

If the hand writing was that of the man I surmised surely 
he would mention his father's death. So I turned to August 
1798. There it was: "So. Kingstown, August 26, 80, 84, 
89, 77. S.W. clear, very warm. Father Hazard died this 
evening at 8 o'clock." 

For the 27th and 28th there are no entries. On the 30th 
they begin again. Nailer Tom gives a little more detail : 
"l/26th. I went to meeting. Dined at Thomas Hazard's 
and drank tea. 
2/27 Thomas Hazard died about 7 o'clock last eve- 
ning. I helpt lay him out and George Kinyon 
and I watched with him. 
3/28 I carried my wife to the burial of Thomas 
Thomas Hazard was son of Robt. as he liked to sign 
himself, called College Tom. So the record is made by 


Rowland Hazard, his third son, born in 1 764. It is started 
in Charleston, where he was a merchant, by Isaac Peace, 
his father-in-law, whose name appears in the back of the 
book, and continued in South Kingstown. 

The heat of the summer of 1798 continued through 
September. The fifteentfi the thermometer touched 80 at 
the noon reading and 82 and 83 the next two days, with 
wind from the south-west. "The grass almost parched up, 
and the wells and springs mostly dry." But the 21st, with 
the thermometer at 76 - 78 - 77 - 76, came rain with thun- 
der and lightning, and the 25th the wind changed to north- 
east bringing rain. "Very chilly" is the comment on a tem- 
perature of 62. "The wind all round the compass — small 
showers," came on the 28th, so the drought was broken. 

Hea\y frost was early that year with thick ice on the 
30th of October, though the recorded temperature is 44 - 46 
for the day, and a good deal of snow fell that night and 
most of the 31st. November had rain, hail and snow, and 
December began with very severe cold. Christmas Day had 
25, 28, 27 recorded for the four observations; snow had 
fallen the day before, but "Thick chilly air" is the comment. 

The New^ Year of 1799 opened with a temperature of 
32° all day, and was cloudy with snow in the evening. 
Fifteen and a half is the lowest temperature recorded for 
the month. "Extreem cold" is the comment. On the 6th 
1 5>4 - 1 8 - 16 was the range. On the 12th with rain 50 is 
the highest. That came also on the 1 5th, with a north-west 
wind. "Clear and very pleasant." 

The old proverb "When the days begin to lengthen the 
cold begins to strengthen" seems to have been true that 
year, for February was colder than January. "Extreem 
cold" is again recorded on the 23rd with the glass reading 
20, 23, 24, 23. January had eleven days with a tempera- 
ture at or below freezing at eight o'clock. February, a 
shorter month, had 14. Cold continued into March, which 
on the 5th registered 11, 12, 20, 16 with a north-west wind 


and "Extreem cold" again, with snow on the 13th, 14th 
and 15th. 

There is a break from March 16th to April 16th, when 
the thermometer touched 65 , "Clear and very pleasant." 
May that year of 1799 brought a heaw rain storm which 
lasted into June, and the 6th to 9th of June have no 
recorded temperatures, but two days of very wet weather. 
One wonders if these two days were the yearly meeting 
days in Newport, to which the family usually went, but on 
the 7th Nailer Tom "carried home Rowland Hazard's 
wife. She drank tea here." So it was only the recorder 
who was away. 

July had a very warm week with the temperature from 
the 13th to the 20th from 73° to 80° at every reading and 
ended with the last day and the first of August at 80° at 
eight o'clock in the morning. In September comes the first 
entry of outside affairs since the mention of College Tom's 
death. The 18th only the evening temperature is taken, 
at 70°. "Cloudy, Received I. P's letter dated 3 1st August." 
This was Isaac Peace, father-in-law to Rowland Hazard, 
who is mentioned in May as having written to Mary, his 

The new Century 1800 began with a north-west wind 
"Clear and pleasant," and the thermometer from 37° to 
40°, with 36° for the evening reading. The 16th it touched 
50°, "remarkable warm." But the 26th was below freezing 
all day, and the last da\'s of the month had morning tem- 
peratures of 18°, 16°, and 23°. 

The first days of February had freezing temperatures 
and from the 10th to the 18th the morning reading was 
below 32°, once as low as 21 °. 

Then comes a break, of two years, and the more clerkly 
hand of the first page begins again after a ruled line: 
"Tower Hill, 1802. So. Kingston Narraganset I. Peace 
arrived at Newport 10th Ins. from N. York. 

August 1802, 19 - 73. Overcast fair. LP. came here 
from the Ferr\' this morning:." 


It was a warm August. A drop from 80° to 70° on the 
28th is noted. "This fall of the mercury took place in a 
quarter of an hour." 

Isaac Peace does not confine himself to the state of the 
weather, but records the state of his health which was often 
poor, and his journeys to "Newport. 

September 11. "LP. went to Newport. 29th Sept. LP. 
came to Tower Hill from Ditto." In October it was "cool 
and very pleasant," with a temperature about sixty, but 
"Mind uneasie, very unwell." He rode ten miles "but was 
dizzy." A little later he records "Sciatica, full of trouble, 
some pain," and the 28th "sent trunk to the ferry" and 
25th "I. P. went to Newport, much indisposed." 

This is evidently Isaac Peace who speaks of himself in 
the third person, the father of Mary Peace Hazard, wife 
of Rowland. He was not an old man then, only sixty-four, 
and he lived to be eighty — sixteen years longer — but 
there is something pathetic in the brief records, put down 
in his beautiful handwriting, with the four times a day 
temperature, and the phases of the moon noted. His daugh- 
ter Rebecca came with him and went back to Tower Hill 
for a few days. A little later — "Mary and Becky came 
from Tower Hill to New Port," and after a week "Mary 
(Mrs. Hazard) returned to Tower Hill." 

December temperatures in Newport were mild in 1 802 j 
only four days are recorded as below freezing at the early 
reading. But the 17th made up for it with 7 3^° 10° 18° 
and 12° recorded. "Stormy wind. Extreem cold" is the 
comment, though that same day, "Rowland carried the 
mare over," to Tower Hill that would be. The 24th 
"Rebecca sailed for Charleston in Ship Octavia, Capt. 
Reynolds." Capt. Bigby arrived from Charleston. "Re- 
ceived Segars from Capt. Bigby but no letter." 

Morning temperatures during January 1803 were mild 
in general, with twelve days below freezing, and only 3 
days below twenty. The lowest reading is 14° 18° 24° 22°. 
"Clear and cold. Wrote to Becky this day by Burdick." 


The ships are recorded. The "Brigg Algerona" sailed in 
mild and serene weather the 27th by which he wrote to his 
daughter. Rowland (his son-in-law) came to Newport on 
his way to New Bedford, and stopped each way. Thomas 
Hazard, his older brother, was living there, who was called 
"Bedford Tom." 

February was colder, and with temperatures under freez- 
ing all day the recorder caught cold, and some days of 
illness and dizziness with "high fever" followed. 

On the 14-th there is an interesting note. The morning 
temperature is recorded at 38° but 30° out doors "when I 
exposed the thermometer ten minutes, which is 20 degrees 
variation in a few hours, for last night it was rather uncom- 
fortably warm." Fifty is recorded for the last two readings 
of the 13th. The whole page is headed "Within doors." 

Letters came by ship — one from Joseph, his son, on 
February 24th of July 27th, presumably from England. 
The Earl via Providence on the 9th brought a Charleston 
letter of January 27th. The Brig Concord sailed on the 
2 1st, but put back and sailed the next day. The 26th "began 
a letter to Becky intended for the Hermes." Such were the 
difficulties of correspondence. 

March opened more cheerfully, "very little complaint 
this day," though it was cold. Two temperatures are given 
again, 13° and 10° "within doors," but early in the month 
he walked out and caught cold and was very unwell again. 
Later he records, "head better but feverish," and once 
when the thermometer touched 52° "Washed head in Rum 
and Brandy, very unwell." But the next day he was still 
very unwell." 

All of April in spite of spring weather and a spring 
snow storm he continued unwell. The Algerona sailed, the 
Concord arrived with letters. The Hermes brought furni- 
ture, and on the 22nd, with the thermometer touching 60° 
there was "Fire in Church Lane" and instead of sending 
a letter by a ship, on the 30th "wrote to Becky by Post." 

May had a cold storm with "Frost and ice this morning," 


on the 7th though 41° is the lowest temperature recorded 
with a north-east wind and full moon. But every day he 
had fever and was very unwell. So on the 12th "I. P. sailed 
for New York this morning, Sloop 2 Sisters, John East 
master." The next day "in Sound at anchor at Hell-gate. 
Fever all night." The fourteenth "Arrived this morning at 
New York, better." The records continue regularly in 
New York, with pleasant weather, and each day he is better. 
On the 22nd "Fire — Bread Company's Building. Burnt, 
some lives lost and wounded in Vesey street at Fire." The 
last day of the month records the temperature up to 4 p. m. 
"Manhattan Water 58° per thermometer at No. 319 Pearl 
Street," and sailed June 1st." Arrived at New Port about 
1 o'clock this morning" is the entry for June 3rd, three days 
of sailing, at least, during which they had variable winds 
and a thunder storm. The records continued, with the sign 
for "better" for two days, then F. again which means fever, 
"a bad night, very unwell." The seventh of June, "Rowland 
and Mary came for the annual festival" which would be 
yearly meeting probably, and two days later the records 
cease. The last one is only the noon temperature at 73°, 
"Warm, very unwell." 

But this is not the end for after an interval of six months 
in December 1803 the record is resumed by another hand. 
Isaac Peace began it. Rowland Hazard continued it. This 
third hand which runs from December 1803 to June 1804 
from Newport "wrote my Father" on the 16th, and 
January 3rd "received a letter from my Father of Dec. 23" 
which was about the time a letter from Charleston would 
take. So I conclude that Rebecca, Isaac Peace's daughter, 
took up the record. The page is headed New Port, and 
the weather is cold, with some snow with morning tem- 
perature about freezing, but rising to 40° on the 17th, and 
falling to 14° on the 21st. Early in January 1804 she 
"wrote to Brother," that would be Joseph Peace, and the 
same day "began French, M. Carpantier Decrox." 

The record goes on in the same hand through the spring, 


with only the weather noted, till March 26 "Moved to the 
Point." April and May continue, and June begins. On the 
18th "LP. arrived from New York" entered in his own 
handwriting, and the entries are fuller. The weather was 
generally "Fair and pleasant." June twenty-fifth 1804, 
"Rowland and Mary went to Narragansett." So it is fair 
to conclude Rebecca had spent the winter with them in 

In July comes an interesting entry. The 1 6th, only a 
morning temperature of 70° is recorded. "Sailed for 
Providence with Rowland and Mary." The next day "Went 
to Smithfield with Rowland and Mary to place Isaac and 
Thomas at school there. Returned to Providence" and 
"Arrived at Newport from Providence" the eighteenth. 
Isaac Peace Hazard was born in 1 794, so he would be ten 
years old, and Thomas was three years younger, later 
known as Shepherd Tom. 

The 26th of July "Went to Providence with Joseph, 
Becky, etc." and spent several days there. Joseph went to 
Boston. "Very warm days at Providence," is the entry for 
several days though the thermometer was not with him 

August 2, 1 804. "I. P. arrived at New Port from Provi- 
dence." The entries continue till August 15, 68° 72° 74° 
with no eight o'clock figure, and this is the end. 

The blank book is not more than half full, and after the 
manner of the time has been used beginning at both ends. 
I. PEACE is written in large letters two inches high at one 
end, across a sheet containing the heads of his will which 
are crossed out, and on the next page is a full statement of 
property including Bank stock. United States certificates, 
houses and lands in Trenton, New Jersey, divided into 
three parts, one each for Joseph Peace, Mary Peace Hazard, 
and Rebecca Peace. This memorandum is dated NewPort, 
R. I. December 1 1, 1802, and signed Isaac Peace. 

Then, also in the manner of the times, follow some useful 
Receipts: For sore throat, To make good soft soap. Cure 


for Cancer, are the first three j to make spruce beer, and to 
cure the Dropsy, which seems simple enough, to drink a 
solution of cream of tartar in the prescribed strength, fol- 
low. But the cure for Dysentery is unusual. "Cut a sheet of 
paper into slips, boil in a pint and a half of milk to a pint to 
be taken at twice, recomrtiended by Dr. Maryatt. 

"Dr. Maryatt says 4 was called to a Lady who had been 
seized with the most dreadful Dysentery I ever saw, in a 
quarter of an hour after taking the boiled Paper was well.' 
"Vide Maryatt's Art of Healing." 

Paper was much more substantial in those days as the 
survival of the old book proves, but its curative effects are 
new. An example of its preservative powers is before us, 
for not only is the state of the weather recorded, but hmts 
are given of commerce, of the ships which sailed Narra- 
gansett waters, and family life is revealed in the record of 
a grandfather going with his two oldest grandsons to place 
them at school, and in the constant letters he wrote to his 
youngest daughter. 

Life was much the same as in our own day, and the study 
of an old book of dry figures and brief sentences gives us 
an illuminating glimpse into the past. 

William Dyer, a Rhode Island Dissenter — 
From Lincoln or Somerset? 

By William Allan Dyer 

For generations the ancestry of William Dyre, the first 
General Recorder of the Colony of Rhode Island and 
Providence Plantations, and that of his wife, Mary Dyre, 
the Quaker martyr, has been sought in vain. 

Many years ago an attempt to discover it was made by 
Professor Louis Dyer of Harvard University, when he was 
at Oxford, England. He made some investigations, drew 


I certain-conclusions and sent them to "Somerset Notes and 
Queries,''' a 'publication in England. Afterwards they were 
reprinted in a pamphlet which was given some circulation. 

' As a study of this pamphlet led to doubt as to the accuracy 
of his findings, a careful analysis was made and the papers 
sent to Mr. Richard Holworthy, London, England, an 
antiquary of high repute and a member of the firm of 
Holworthy and Shilton. Through their efforts, we believe 
that the immediate ancestry of William Dyre has finally 
been established beyond a doubt. 

It is here given, for the first time, as a contribution to the 
Tercentenary Celebration of the founding of Rhode Island, 
through the Rhode Island Historical Society. 

Before telling the story, it will be helpful and perhaps 
illuminating to give a brief history of William and Mary 
Dyre, starting from their arrival in New England. 

The first reference to William Dyre is in the records of 
the Town of Boston in Massachusetts Bay Colony, showing 
him to have been a resident there in December 1635. He 
was made a freeman at Boston, March 3, 1635/ 6. 

William Dyre and his wife united with the church in 
Boston, of which the Rev. John Wilson was pastor, in 1 635. 
It was this same Rev. Wilson who reviled Mary Dyre 
when she went to execution June 1, 1660. The church rec- 
ords give the baptism of their first-born son, Samuel Dyre, 
on December 20, 1635. 

At a Boston Town Meeting held the 23rd of the 1 1th 
month, 1635, William Dyre was chosen Clerk of a special 
commission. The eleventh month at that time was January, 
hence the date would be January 23, 1636, according to 
present day reckoning. At this meeting it was: 

"agreed yt, for yc raysing of a new Worke of fortification 
upon ye Fort Hill, about yt which is there alreddy begune, the 
whole town would bestowe fourteene dayes worke a man. For 
this end, Mr. Deputie (Bellingham), Mr. Harry Vane, Mr. 
John Winthrop, senr., Mr. William Coddington, Mr. John 



WInthrop, junr., Captain John UnderhiU and Mr. William 
Brenton are authorized as Commissioners." 

They were directed to "sett downe how many dayes worke 
would be equall for each man to doe, and what money such 
should contribute beside their worke as were of greater abilities 
and had fewer servants, that therewith provision of tooles and 
other necessaryes might bte made, and some recompence given 
to such of ye poorer sort as should be found to bee overburdened 
with their fourteene dayes worke; and Mr. John Coogan is 
chosen Treasurer, and Mr. William Dyer, Clarke, for ye fur- 
therance of this worke." 

Two years later, when William Dyre was one of the 
nineteen persons who signed on March 7th, 1637/8, the 
compact for the settlement of Portsmouth, Rhode Island, 
he was again chosen Clerk. Again, when he and others 
signed an agreement for the settlement of Newport on 
Rhode Island, he was chosen Clerk. And when, in 1647, 
the government of Providence Plantations in Narragansett 
Bay was set up under the first charter, William Dyre was 
chosen General Recorder of the Colony. 

* * H: * * 

It is to be agreed that William and Mary Dyre arrived 
at Boston prior to December, 1635. They probably came 
either in the latter part of 1634 or early in 1635, for we 
know now, from other sources and evidence, that he was 
in London in 1634. 

This is further borne out by the allotment of land shown 
on the Boston records of December 14, 1635, and January 
8 1 637/8. At a meeting on the latter date, it was recorded 
that "whereas att a Generall Meeting the 14th of the 10th 
month (December) 1 6?,S, it was by generall Consent agreed 
upon for the laying out of great Allottments unto the then 
Inhabitants, the same are now brought in." Among these 
"great allotments" were those of Rumney Marsh and 
Pullen Point, within the town of Boston, on the north and 
northeast side of the harbor. 

"Mr. William Dyar" received 42 acres, "bounded on 
the North with Mr. Glover, on the East with the Beach, 



on the South with Mr. Cole, and on the West with the 

(See rough sketch showing relatively the position of 
these allotments adjacent to that of "Mr. William Dyar.") 

The "Great Allotment" of Lands at Rumney Marsh and 
PuLLENs Point in the Town of Boston, Mass., 163 5-7 
Note: This sketch is an imperfect one — not intended to be accurate except 
as to showing the relative position of the various lots and their owners, as 
indicated in the Boston Records. It is shown here for the purpose of indi- 
cating the land of William Dyer and that of his neighbors. Rumney Marsh 
and Pullens Point were part of what later became the town of Chelsea, and 
were north and north-east of the town proper of Boston, though at the 
time included in the boundaries of Boston. 

The Great Allotments at Rumney Marsh and Pullen 
Point were made to : 

Imprymis, Mr. Henry Vane, Esq. 
Mr. John Winthropp, the Elder 
James Penn 

Mr. John Newgate 
*Mr. John Sanford 

Thomas Marshall 

Thomas Matson 

Benjamin Gillam 

John Gallopp 

Mr. Robte Keaine 
*Mr. John Coggeshall 

Mr. John Cogan 
*Mr. Robte Harding 

Nicholls Willys 

John Odlin 

Mr. Richard Tuttell 

Mr. Glover 
*Mr. William Dyar 

Mr. Samuel Cole 
*Mr. William Brenton 
* Mr. William Aspinwall 

(Those starred * are found later in Rhode Island o 
connected with its history.) 

200 acres 












■^0 Pullen^ Point 


As Rumney Marsh and Pullen Point were apportioned 
to the dwellers in Boston for farm lands, good water com- 
munication with that town was essential. This probably 
explains William Dyre's part-ownership in a Dock in 
Boston. Eight of the fourteen owners of the Dock were 
land holders at Rumney Marsh across the harbor. This 
Dock was conveyed on March 25, 1 639, to Richard Parker, 

William Dyer's "house-plot" Was in the vicinity of what 
is now Summer Street in the present business district of the 
City. This is proven by the Town of Boston Records under 
date of 19th of 12th month (February), 1637/8. 

Evidently William Dyre did not hold his Rumney Marsh 
land long. Chamberlain, in his history of Chelsea, says, 
that when on September 23, 1639, Elizabeth Glover, 
widow, sold the 49 acres allotted to her husband, they 
abutted on the lands of Samuel Cole, towards the South. 
Thus Cole must have acquired the Dyre allotment, which, 
on January 8, 1637/8, was Glover's southern boundary. 

By the time the bounds of the Rumney Marsh and 
Pullen Point allotments were finally described and re- 
corded, January 8, 1637/8, the religious controversy in 
Boston had reached its climax. Mr. John Wheelwright was 
called into Court for opinions expressed in a sermon 
preached on a special day of Fast, and was adjudged guilty 
of sedition and also of contempt. The Governor, Henry 
Vane, and a few others protested against the decision of the 
Court. The Church of Boston tendered a petition in behalf 
of Mr. Wheelwright. Seeing he had so many and such 
strong friends, the Court concluded to Suspend sentence 
until the next Court. In the end, after a delay of some 
months, he was sentenced to banishment from the jurisdic- 
tion of Boston. 

Drake, in his History of Boston, says that Mr. Wheel- 
wright's followers persisted in their opinions and the Court 


decided to proceed against the persons who had signed the 
petition in his favor. Singly, and in groups, they were called 
before the Court, William Dyre w;as summoiled with three 
ofJier of the "principal stirring men." i3yre had little to say 
for himself, the account says. William Coddington was a 
member of this Court, wh4ch may explain in part the antip- 
athy shown later by William Dyre toward Coddington, 
when they were settled on Rhode Island. > 

- William Dyre signed the petition on March 1 5, 1 637/8, 
as a result of which he was disfranchised eight months later 
— on November 1 5, 1 637. Five days still later, on Novem- 
ber 20, 1637, by order of the General Court, he and fifty 
or more others of the petitioners were disarmed "because' 
the opinions and-revelations of Mr. Wheelwright and Mrs. 
Hutchinson have seduced and led Into dangerous errors 
many of the people here in New England." 

Among those disfranchised and disarmed, were the fol- 
lowing who fled to Rhode Island: 

William Hutchinson William Baulstone ' 

William Aspinwall William Freeborne 

William Dyre Henry Bull 

John Sanford John Walker 

Samuel Wilbore Mr. Clarke 

Thomas Savage John Coggeshall 

Edward Hutchinson Philip Sherman 

' ' Richard Carder Edward Hutchinson, Jr. 

John Porter 

"All were ordered to deliver their arms at Mr. Keayne's 
house in Boston, before the 30th of November, under penalty 
of £1 for every default; guns, pistols, swords, powder, shot and 
match ; and they were forbidden to- buy or borrow." . 

j); >jc >|< ;}c >fj 

The so-called Antinomian movement led by Ann Hutch- 
inson and Mr. Wheelwright and the teaching and preaching 
of Roger Williams had stirred the Colony. 

Mary Dyre, ever more active in religious matters than' 
her husband — certainly more militant than he — had not' 


been a mere onlooker in these controversies. She had 
warmly espoused the cause of Wheelwright and his sister- 
in-law, Ann (Marbury) Hutchinson, and we shrewdly 
opine that William Dyre at this period was greatly influ- 
enced by his wife. It was Governor Winthrop who said that 
when Ann Hutchinson was cast out of the Church, "Mrs. 
Dyre walked out with her, in the presence of the whole 

A brave, or a bold thing to do, as one looks at it. A show- 
ing of colors, or an impetuous act — depending upon the 
point of view. 

Mrs. Cornelia Joy Dyer in her book, "Some Records of 
the Dyer Family," says of Marie Dire (as she herseff 
spelled her name): "Her apparent character and vigorous 
expression of the same, no doubt caused her to be looked 
upon as a formidable opponent of the orthodox Puritans." 

This may the more readily explain why she was so 
quickly arrested in 1 657, when she returned from England, 
as a Friend or "Quaker." 

* >K * 

In 1636 — three hundred years ago — came the banish- 
ment of Roger Williams from Massachusetts Bay and the 
settlement of Rhode Island! 

Later, upon the banishment of Ann Hutchinson and 
Wheelwright and the disfranchisement and disarming of 
their adherents, William Dyre joined eighteen others in 
the settlement of the Island of Acquidneck — the "Island 
of Peace" — afterwards named Rhode Island. This settle- 
ment was at Pocasset, later called Portsmouth. The location 
was recommended by Roger Williams and he was instru- 
mental in securing the title to it for the settlers, from the 

The deed for the purchase of the Islands of Acquidneck, 
Canonicut, etc., from the Indians was made to William 
Coddington, John Clarke and their associates, and bears 
the date of March 24, 1636/7. It was witnessed by Roger 
Williams and Randall Holden. 


The consideration given for its purchase was: 

10 fathoms of Wampumpeage & 1 broadcloth coat to Miantonomi 
5 fathoms of Wampumpeage & 1 coat to Washahansett 

5 fathoms of Wampumpeage to Wanimemtoni 

2 fathoms of Wampumpeage & 23 coats & 1 to 

I 3 ditto for Indians > Miantonomi 
•> & 2 turkeys J & Canonicus 

The Portsmouth Compact was drawn up by the signers 
before leaving Providence, whither they had gone after 
leaving Massachusetts Bay, and was signed March 7, 

It reads as follows: 

"The 7th day of the first month (March) 1637/8: — We, 
whose names are underwritten doe here solemnly, in the pres- 
ence of JEHOVAH, incorporate ourselves into a Body Politick, 
and as He shall help, will submit our persons, lives and estates 
unto our Lord Jesus Christ, the King of Kings and the Lord of 
Lords, and to all those perfect and most absolute laws of His, 
given in his Holy Word of truth, to be guided and judged 

"Exodus XXIV, 3-4 ; 2nd Chron. XI, 3-4 ; 2nd Kings XI, 1 7." 
The signers were: 
William Coddington Edward Hutchinson William Baulstone 
William Aspinwall Philip Sherman John Sanford 

Richard Carder John Coggeshall Wm. Freeborne 

Randall Holden John Walker Wm. Hutchinson 

William Dyre Henry Bull John Porter 

Rev. John Clarke Thomas Savage Edward Hutchinson, Jr. 

Samuel Wilbore 

Callender speaks of these settlers as "largely Antino- 
mians and adherents of Ann Hutchinson, who were called 
Turitans of the highest form.' Their opponents in Massa- 
chusetts Bay called the Antinomian doctrine 'Calvinism run 
to seed'." Perhaps the phraseology of their civil Compact 
justifies the remark. 

Later came a disagreement and the settlement of 
Newport by a few of these men. In this, William Dyre took 
part. Here follows the Newport Compact: 

"It is agreed by us whose hands are underwritten, to propa- 
gate a Plantation in the midst of the Island or elsewhere; and 
doe engage ourselves -to bear equal charges, answerable to our 


Strength and estate, in common. And that our determination 
shall be bv major voice of Judges and Elders, the Judge to have . 
a double vote." 

William Coddington, Judge Henry Bull 

Nicholas Easton ' Jeremy Clarke 

William Brenton ■' John Coggeshall 

John Clarke- William Dyre Elders 

Thomas Hazard Clerk 

This settlement, called Newport, became and was for 
many years, the leading one on the Island. Later, it and 
Portsmouth were combined, though still separate Towns. 
The titles. Judge and Elders, were abolished and the chief 
officers were called Governor, Deputy-Governor and 

In 1 648, William Dyre was called "Lieutenant." 
In 1653, he was named "Captain" "to go against the 
Dutch by sea.^^ 

:)c >!c jjc ;lc ^ 

While suppositions as to the ancestry of William Dyre 
have appeared in print from time to time, the only real 
attempt to discover it was that made about 1899 by 
Professor Louis Dyer of Harvard University while he 
was at Oxford. His findings were given in "Somerset & 
Dorset Notes and Queries," an English publication, and 
were afterward reprinted as a pamphlet under the title, 


This passed current since that time as the only written 
statement with any evidence attached and supporting. In it 
he made these assertions: 

L That William Dyer was a Somersetshire man accord- 
ing to tradition in the family. 

2. That in the course of several years, he had "looked up 
facts and dates about a very large number of Englishmen 
who lived at the end of the sixteenth and the beginning of 
the seventeenth centuries and bore the name of William 
Dyer, and the only one with whom it is possible to identify 
the Rhode Island Colonist is the William Dyer, entered in 


the ^Visitation of Somersetshire of 1623' among the Dyers 
of Sharpham Park, as eldest son of George Dyer and 
Dorothy Shirley of Bratton St. Maur (Seymour), near 
Wincanton, and a great-nephew of the distinguished 
Elizabethan Judge, Sir James Dyer." Then Professor Dyer 
went on to say that "There is no mention of this American 
Colonist, William Dyer, in English documents other than 
Colonial, unless we identify him with the William Dyer 
above" who was 36 years of age in 1623, according to this 
"Visitation of Somersetshire" of that year. 

3. While h^ speaks vaguely of a possibility that 
William Dyer had had some sea-faring experience in his 
earliest manhood, he states, "we find him at the age of 40 
or thereabouts ( 1 627) in London as a ^Milliner in the N:',v 
Exchange' " and adds, "There is no trace of him on the 
records at Haberdasher's Hall, but something might per- 
haps be found in the records of the Mercers Company," 
which latter he did not examine. Further, he says, "He may 
perfectly well have been a seafaring man enrolled as a 
member of a London Guild." 

4. That he was a "Milliner in the New Exchange," he 
says, "we depend upon the statements to that effect by no 
less a person that Gov. John Winthrop." The first, made 
in October, 1637, is in a document found among the 
Conway papers at the Public Record Office, London (Colo- 
nial Papers IX-74) signed by John Winthrop, in which he 
refers to William and Mary Dyer in the following words: 
"One Mary Dyer, wife of William Dyer, sometime milli- 
ner in the New Exchange, London, ^eing both young and 
very comely fersons?^ The second statement of Winthrop's, 
is that from his Diary, under date of 1st month (March) 
1638 in his account of Mrs. Ann Hutchinson being cast out 
of the Church at Boston, and Mary Dyer of her own will 
joining and following her. Winthrop refers to her as "The 
wife of one William Dyer, a milliner in the New Exchange" 
and adds, "For Mrs. Dyer going forth with her, a stranger 
asked what young woman it was? " 


5. The other statement which Professor Dyer stressed 
was that "it is well attested that the Dyers in Somersetshire 
were on the losing side in the struggle between Charles I 
and the Roundheads. Accordingly, the falling fortunes of 
his people might be assigned as William Dyer's reason for 
migrating to Massachusetts Bay." 

Analyzing Professor Dyer's article: 

If William Dyre of Rhode Island were the William 
Dyer of the "Visitation of Somersetshire of 1623," he 
would have been born in 1587 and been 48 years of age in 
1635 when his first child, Samuel, was baptized in Boston. 
Presumably, Mary, his wife, was about his age. If so, she 
would have been beyond the age of child-bearing after 
1635. Yet they had six more children, born respectively in 
1637, 1640, 1642, 1643/4, 1647, and the last, Charles, 
born in 1650, when his father would have been 63 years 
old. Moreover, he would have been 75 when his youngest 
child, Elizabeth, by his second wife, Catherine, was bornj 
and he would have been 90 in 1677 when he died — which 
he was not. 

The second premise made by Professor Dyer that came 
under doubt, was that which indicated that William Dyre 
was a Royalist. On August 30, 1 659, when his wife was held 
incommunicado in prison in Boston, William Dyre wrote 
a pathetic letter to the Massachusetts authorities, complain- 
ing bitterly of their treatment of his wife. It is found in 
the Chamberlain Collection in the Boston Public Library, 
and was published in the Nation^ May 29, 1902, through 
the offices of Mr. Worthington C. Ford. 

William Dyre writes: 

"Having received some letters from my wife, I am given to 
understand of her commitment to close prison. . . . 

"Though wet to the skin, she was thrust into a room wherein 
was nothing to sit or lie upon but dust. Had your dog been wet, 


you would have afforded it a chimney corner to dry itself, or 
had your hogs been penned in a sty, you would have afforded 
them some dry straw, or else you would have wanted mercy to 
your beast, but alas, Christians now with you are used worse 
than hogs or dogs. . . . 

"Even the worst of men, the Bishops themselves, denied not 
the visitation and relief" of friends to their wants which /, 
myself, have oft experienced by visiting Mr. Prine, Mr. Smart 
and other eminent (....) when he was cotnmanded close in 
the Tower. I had resort once or twice a week and never fetched 
before authority to ask m,e whereof I came to the Tower or 
King^s Bench or Gate House. . . . 

"Hath not people in America the same liberty as beasts and 
birds have to pass the land or air without examination? ... It is 
not to be forgotten the former cruelties you used towards her 
when she carne from England, having been tossed at sea all 
winter, but a little refreshment that had by cross winds at 
Barbadoes, yet as soon as come into Harbour shut up in prison 
and there kept ... for no transgression at all, only that Mr. 
Bellingham then as now, said she was a Quaker. . . . 

"Where your law or rule to keep a man's wife from him seven 
or eight weeks and a mother from her children, in a capacity of 
a close prison, which admits of no baylement? ..." 
"so saith 

"her husband 
W. Dyre" 

"Newport, this 30th August, 1659 

"To ye Court of Assistants now assembled at Boston this 6th 

September, 1659." 

This was endorsed: "To ye Court of Assistants, delivered into 

ye Court by his wife, Mary Dyre, 7th. 7th mo. 59." (Sept. 7, 


Note: The word left blank (....) is so stained in the original 

letter that it is not legible. 

While this letter is interesting from many angles, the 
principal purpose in quoting from it here, is to show that 
William Dyre, while in London, between the midsummer 
of 1633 and the end of the year 1634, visited Prynne, 
Smart and other dissenters in the Tower of London and 
prison. Prynne was a dissenting Barrister who had had his 
ears cut off, been put in the Stock in St. Paul's Churchyard 
and been imprisoned in the Tower of London in 1633/4 


because of his pamphlet, "Histrio-Mastrix," a treatise 
against the stage plays, which was regarded as an aspersion 
upon Queen Henrietta. 

McGregor, in his "History of Great Britain," character- 
izes him as "a man who carried ideas of Puritanism so far 
as to denounce the most harmless amusements with the 
most ridiculous prejudice." 

How, therefore, could a man who was a sympathizer 
with Puritan dissenters, going to the length of visiting them 
in the Tower of London — a dissenter himself, as shown in 
New England and having already indicated it before going 
from London — be considered a Royalist with all the name 
implied at that time? 

Convinced, then, that the ancestry of William Dyre was 
still undiscovered, and having secured all the data possible 
in this country, we determined to have a search made in 
England. Through the interest of Mr. G. Andrews 
Moriarty of Bristol, R. L, himself a genealogist of note, 
we were assured that the key to possible success was an entry 
in the Lay Subsidy Rolls in the Public Record Office in 
London — mention of which was made in the New Eng- 
land Historical and Genealogical Register, Vol. 61 (1907). 

The Lay Subsidy Rolls were examined and in an assess- 
ment for the poll tax of members of the Fishmongers Guild, 
the following entry was found: 

"August 19, 1641 — William Dyer, Millyner, now in New 

A search of the records of the Fishmongers Guild was 
made, and the following information found: 

"Dier, William, son of William Dicr, yoman of Kerkbie in 
the Co. of Lincoln, apprenticed 20.6.162 5 for nine years (to 
date from Mids(summer) 1624) to Walter Blackborne, 

The next step was to find which Kirkby in Lincolnshire 
it was from which William Dyre came. There are six 
Kirkbys in Lincolnshire, viz: Kirkby on Bain, Kirkby cum 
Osgoodby, Kirkby Green, Kirkby Underwood, East 
Kirkby and Kirkby Laythorpe. 


The records of each were examined. Nothing was found 
in the first five of these, through a search of the Parish 

The Parish Registers of Kirkby Laythorpe are in exist- 
ence only from the year 1660, consequently the Bishop's 
Transcripts were relied^ upon and searched. These were 
found for the years 1 590 to 1615, and here was discovered 
the entry desired, giving the date of the baptism of William 
Dyrej that of his brother, Nicholas (older) j that of his 
sister, Margaret (younger) ; the Transcript being signed 
on Ladyday 1610 by the father, William Dyer, Church- 
warden (the one who had apprenticed his son, William — 
William of Rhode Island — in 1623, to Walter Blackborne, 
fishmonger). - 

Extracts from the Parish Registers 
Kirkby Laythorpe, County Lincoln 

1590 TO 1615 

1606/7 Nicholas Dyer, the sonn of Will'm was bap- 
tissed Februarie the XIX 

1609 William Dyer, the son of William Dyer was 
baptized the XlXth of September 

1610 Ladyday. William Dyer, churchwarden 
signs the transcript. 

1610 Margrett Dyer, the daughter of WilPm Dyer 
was baptized September the XXI jth 

1611 Missing. 

This shows that William Dyer, identified as William 
Dyre, the Colonist of Rhode Island, was baptized at Kirkby 
Lathorpe, County Lincoln, England, on September 19th, 
1609, and that his father was William Dyer, Church- 

A further search was made and is now continuing, though 
as yet without avail, to discover the ancestry of William 
Dyer, the father of William of Rhode Island. 


We have gone so far as to satisfy ourselves that he was 
not of a Lincolnshire family. The rather strong possibility 
is that he was the William Dyer, son of John Dyer, the 
younger, and his second wife, Jane Ernley (Byfleet) of the 
"Visitation of Somersetshire of 1623" — a younger brother 
of George Dyer of Bratton-St. Maur (Seymour) mentioned 
in Professor Dyer's pamphlet. If so, he was a nephew of 
Sir James Dyer, Chief Justice of the Court of Common 
Pleas of Queen Elizabeth's time, whose will was made in 
1581. We are by no means sure of this, though a study of 
the habitat of the Dyers of England points strongly to 

The discovery of the baptismal record of William Dyre 
clears up many points. The date, September 19, 1609, is 
consistent with Governor Winthrop's characterization of 
him as "young" in 1637, when he was about 28 years of age. 
It confirms our opinion that the age of his wife, Mary, was 
not far from his, though likely a bit younger. It gives us 
some data from which to proceed to ascertain his further 

A reading of the history of the London Companies or 
Guilds, leaves no doubt of the meaning of the word, Milli- 
ner, attached to William Dyre's name. A Milliner was one 
who sold small wares and he was so styled because he 
imported goods chiefly from Milan in Italy. The trade of 
Milliner was a branch of the Haberdasher's trade. The 
Milliners imported such articles as "pouches, broches, 
agglets, spurs, capes, glasses, French and Spanish gloves, 
French cloth of frizard (Frieze), daggers, swords, knives, 
Flanders-dyed kersies, Spanish girdles, dials, tables, etc." 
Ditchfield in his book, "The Story of the City Companies," 
says that the Milliner often became a wealthy and impor- 
tant person. 

The privilege of becoming a member in one of the 
London Companies was obtained in three ways: "by patri- 
mony, apprenticeship and redemption." Apparently 
William Dyre became a member by the second method. 


That he was in the Fishmongers Company, though a 
Milliner, is explained by the fact that the right of member- 
ship was also hereditary. "All lineal descendants of a 
freeman had a right to become freemen. Hence, in course 
of time all the freemen may in no way be connected with 
the trade which the name^of the fraternity bears." 

The apprentices of the Fishmongers Company were kept 
very strictly and the rules stated that "vicious and unruled 
apprentices, and using dice, cards, or any such games, or 
haunting, resorting to taverns, or for other misbehaving" 
should be punished, 

Walter Blackborne, to whom William Dyre was appren- 
ticed, though a member of the Fishmongers Company 
probably had no -connection with the fishing industry. He, 
too, was doubtless a Milliner, if it were he who was in 
Boston in 1638 to 1640. It seems positive it was he, for 
the Boston man was styled "shopkeeper" in one legal docu- 
ment and "Walter Blackborne of London, Haberdasher," 
in another. When he was about to sail for old England, he 
gave his wife, Elizabeth, a power of attorney, dated 22 of 
1st month (March) 1640/1, to dispose of his property in 
New England and to receive money owing him. Some 
months later she sold his dwelling house and "shop new 
built," payment to be made to Walter Blackborne in Lon- 
don. She evidently returned to England afterward. The 
will of "Walter Blackborne of London, Fishmonger" was 
proved at London, 30th December, 1657, by Elizabeth 
Blackborne, the relict. He expressed in his will the desire 
to be buried in the "north Isle of Michael in Crooked 
Lane." The Fishmongers Company, ever careful to dis- 
charge their religious obligations, had built in 1 499, a chapel 
in the Parish Church of St. Michael in Crooked Lane. 

The discovery of the apprenticeship record of William 
Dyre establishes his marriage to Mary as occurring prob- 
ably in or near London, between midsummer of 1633 and 
March 1 635. We had hoped that her parentage might have 
been found in time to give it with that of William Dyre at 


this most appropriate time — the three hundredth anni- 
versary of the founding of Rhode Island. 

Her history, after her arrival in New England, is well 
known and has been the subject of innumerable treatises, 
but back of that time it is shrouded in mystery. 

There is a fascinating story of her birth and early history, 
which, if true, will be a real contribution to Rhode Island, 
as well as Massachusetts history — but that is another 

We are glad on our part, even at this late day, to have 
made this little contribution to Rhode Island history and its 
Tercentenary, through the Rhode Island Historical Society. 

The writer wishes to say that in this research and investi- 
gation, the late Henry B. Bradford of Wilmington, Dela- 
ware, a graduate of Yale College and himself a direct 
descendant of William and Mary Dyre of Rhode Island; 
and Miss Theresa E. Dyer of Brookline, Massachusetts, 
have had quite as large a part as he himself, and much of 
the success of our joint efforts is due to them, especially to 
Miss Dyer. 

For himself, it has been a labor of pride, since he is 
descended himself from several of the original settlers of 
Portsmouth and Newport, and his wife is a direct descend- 
ant of Roger Williams and many of his associates in the 
Providence and Warwick settlements. 

Marriage Records, Westerly, 1724-1729 

Communicated by Susan Stanton Brayton 

Joseph Clarke (1642/3-1726/7) was the town clerk of 
Westerly, R. I., from the incorporation of the town in 1 669 
until 1700. He copied the town records — at least in part — 
for his own convenience, in a book yet extant. The pages 
which he did not fill were used by his descendants for 
various purposes. 


The material here quoted is found on a single sheet of 
paper, whose pages are numbered 1 5 and 1 6. This sheet is 
pinned into the above mentioned book. The entries were 
made evidently by the same person and at the same time. 
The signature of "Samuell Clark" is in a different hand. 
It is probable that these records were copied from an earlier 
and original manuscript. 

Samuel Clarke (1672-1769) was the son of Joseph 
Clarke. He probably lived in what is now Richmond, north 
of the Pawcatuck, and east of Beaver River, on land deeded 
to him in 171 7, by his father, who had acquired it in 1 694. 

Abstract of records with contemporary verbiage omitted. 

William Fannin of Westerly and Liddia Babcock widow 
and Relick to Robert Babcock Late of Westerly November 
1 724 in Westerly. 

Matthew Randel Ju^- of Stoningtown and Goodeth Max- 
son, Daughter of Joseph maxson of y^- town of Westerly 
18th of November 1725. 

Samuel Mott of South Kingston and Hannah York of y^- 
town of Westerly 6th day of January 1725/6. 

Elisha Engrom of Stoning Town and Rebeckah Babcock 
of y^- town of Westerly Second Day of June 1 726. 

Gideon Hoxie of y^- Town of Westerly and Elizabeth 
Long of the Town and Colony above sd Seventh Day of 
January 1726/7. 

Peter Wells of South Kingston and Susanna Barker of y^- 
town of Westerly Seventh Day of January 1 726/7 

John Saunders J^nero Qf Westerly and Reed Pendelton of 
y^- town and Colony above sd October the 31 1728. 

Latham Clark of y«- town of Westerly and Elizabeth 
Larkin of the Town and Colony above sd 29th Day of 
June 1728. 

Jonathan Burdick of the Town of Westerly and Judeth 
Clark of y^- Town and Colony above sd 20th Day February 

Silvanas Greenman and Sarah Renyals both of South 
Kingstown 3 1 Day of October 1 729. 


New Publications of Rhode Island Interest 

Ancient Paths of Pequot by William Davis Miller is a 
pamphlet of 1 6 pages with a map by Norman M. Isham, 
which has been issued by the Society of Colonial Wars. 

A Short History of Beaver Tail Light by William 
Gilman Low has been issued as Bulletin Number 7 of the 
Jamestown Historical Society. 

The Story of Pettaquamscutt by Mary Kenyon Huling 
of Lafayette, R. L, has been published as a pamphlet of 
27 pages with a map. 

Trinity Church in Newport, Rhode Island. A History 
of the Fabric by Norman Morrison Isham is an illustrated 
volume of 1 1 1 pages published by the Merrymount Press, 

The Story of the Jezvs of Newport by Morris A. Gutstein 
is an illustrated volume of 393 pages. 

A new edition of Roger Williams' A Key into the Lan- 
guage of America has been published by the Rhode Island 
and Providence Plantations Tercentenary Committee, Inc. 

An article by Canon A. A. Luce on Two Sermons by 
Bishop Berkeley appeared in the September 1936 issue of 
the Proceedings of the Royal Irish Acadefny. 

The Gore Roll of Arms 

By Harold Bowditch 

{Continued from Vol. XX !X, fage 128) 

41. (41.) (34.) 


Arms : Silver three chevrons gules a lion sable. 

Wreath: Silver, gules. 

Crest: On a mount vert a running hare proper. 


Legend: Waight Winthrop Esqr. Major gene'll. / of 
the prouince of ye Masechusets, Chef / Justce of ye Cort of 
Asize and One / of his Maj's. Counsell ... 1717. 

Notes: Below the shield appears the Winthrop motto: 
Spes Vincit Thronumj and beside the sinister side of the 
shield is written 2'^j both" are in ink and appear to be con- 
temporary with the rest of the work. A puzzling circum- 
stance is the fact that although Whitmore mentions the 
inclusion of the motto no trace of it appears in the Child 
copyj possibly Mr. Child remembered it and spoke of it to 
Mr. Whitmore. The other notation might be taken to indi- 
cate the fact that this is the second occurrence of the 
Winthrop arms alone in the Gore Roll, the first being in 
No. 1 j they are impaled in the case of No. 10. It can not, 
I hope, indicate the price paid for the painting — twopence! 

Whitmore identifies W^ait-Still Winthrop, who died in 
November 1717, as the son of Governor John Winthrop 
of Connecticut and the grandson of Governor John Win- 
throp of Massachusetts, hence the nephew of Dean 
Winthrop whose arms appear in No. 1 . 

42. (42.) (35.) 

Arms: Silver a bend sable charged with three eagles 

Wreath : Silver, sable. 

Crest: A demi-eagle silver. 

Legend: Nicolas Paige of Rumny Marsh. / ColP. of ye 
Second Rigament of Foot / in ye County of Suffolk. 1717. 

Notes: Child, owing to an accidental spot which he mis- 
took for the dot over an i, misread the place as "Running 
Marsh," and Whitmore corrected it to Rumney Marsh 
(the modern Chelsea), evidently from his knowledge of 
the locality. He states that Nicholas Paige came from 
Plymouth, Devonshire, in 1665, married Anne, widow of 
Edward Lane and niece of Governor Joseph Dudley, and 
died late in 1717. Traces of metallic copper paint are to be 


seen on the bend in the Child copy, as in the case of the 
somewhat similar Brown arms, No. 44. 

Edmund Page of London, haberdasher, living in 1633, 
grandson of Edmund Page of Pype Place in Shorne, bore 
a quartered coat attested by Mr. Francis Thine, Lancaster 
Herald, of which the Page quarter was: Silver on a bend 
sable three doves (not eagles) silver beaked and legged 
gules j crest: A demi-griffin issuant ermine the beak and 
legs gold (Visitation of London 1633-1635). 

The same arms and crest, except that the demi-griffin 
has the beak and legs gules, is given for Page of Kent 

Page or Paige of Devon bore: Silver a bend between 
three eagles sable j crest: An eagle ermine (Burke). Pos- 
sibly this was the coat intended, and the painter confused it 
with the similar Brown coat. No. 44, which is on the same 

43. (43.) {36.) 

Arms: Silver a star of 16 rays gules. 

Wreath : Silver, gules. 

Crest : On a mount a hurst of three trees vert. 

Legend: John Hust Esqr. of Salem / in ye County of 
EsixMarchant/ 1717. 

Notes: These are the arms of Hurst of Sterford, Hert- 
fordshire, whose crest was "In a wood proper the sun or"j 
Hurst of Barrowby, Lincolnshire, bore the same except 
with twelve raysj and Hurst of Sabridgeworth, Hert- 
fordshire, bore the crest of the Sterford line and the arms 
differenced with a crescent (Edmondson) j Burke calls the 
last family Hurse. In the Child copy it is given as Huse. 

44. (44.) (37.) 

Arms: Silver a bend double-cotised sable on the bend 
three eagles silver, a crescent (gules) for difference. 
Wreath : Silver, sable. 


Crest: An eagle silver, the legs and tongue gules. 

Legend: Capt. John Brown of Salem in / County of 
Esix. Marchant / 1718. 

Notes: When Whitmore described it the illustration in 
the Child copy had evidently not been painted j it is now: 
(Metallic) silver a bend (metallic) copper double cotised 
orange-red on the bend three eagles gray shaded with 
darker gray, a crescent gules for difference j truly a remark- 
able coat, and one which invites a question as to how much 
Child knew about heraldry. 

Dr. Buck suggests that the family is Browne of Lan- 
cashire j they bore exactly this coat (without the crescent 
for difference), and the same crest except that the eagle 
was charged on the wings with two bars sable (Edmond- 
son). The latter feature, not found in this instance, appears 
on the crest of Samuel Brown, No. 57. 

When Whitmore described the Child copy in 1865 he 
had not identified this John Brown, but in his "Elements of 
Heraldry" in 1866 he states that he was the grandson of 
William Brown, who was the son of Francis Brown of 
Brandon, co. Suffolk. 

The Brown arms and crest, excepting that the bend is 
single- instead of double-cotised, are engraved on a silver 
tankard made by John Coney of Boston ( 1655-1722), said 
to have been originally owned by one Mary Brown who 
came from Salem about 1 700, and now owned by a collector 
near Boston. 

Perley's History of Salem I 366 speaks of William 
Brown, the son of Francis Brown of Brundish, co. Suffolk, 
as "the most important settler" in Salem in the year 1637, 
and says: "He was born in England, March 1, 1608. . . . 
He was a merchant, became a judge and statesman and 
probably the richest man in Salem in the early days. . . . 
He died Jan. 20, 1687/8. He had eleven children." A 
correspondent of the Boston Transcript, 20 July 1931, 
says that his eldest son, William Brown, born 1639, died 
1715/16, had twelve children. Whitmore has identified 


Capt. John Brown (Gore Roll No. 44) as the grandson of 
William Brown the immigrant, and Samuel Brown (Gore 
Roll No. 57) as the son of William and the grandson of the 
immigrant William Brown, so Captain John and Samuel 
were either brothers or first cousins j the fact that Samuel 
bore the undifferenced arms (No. 57) and that Capt. John 
differenced with a crescent suggests that they were respec- 
tively the first and the second son of William, son of 
William the immigrant. 

These arms appear on the gravestone in Salem of 
William Brown, Esq., who died in 1687 (Heraldic Jour- 
nal, II, 23). 

45. (45.) (38.) 

Arms: Sable a fess between three swans silver, beaks and 
legs gules. 

Wreath : Silver, sable. 

Crest: A dragon's head azure (? vert) the tongue, teeth, 
lips, spur on the nose and inside of the ear gules. 

Legend: Danill Wibond of Boston / Capt. of Murrens 
on bord his / Maj Ship Chestor : 1717. 

Notes: Whitmore says "Sable, a fess (gold ?) between 
three swans argent, membered gules" j apparently the fess 
in the Child copy was blank (it is now silvered over) and he 
suspected that it should be gold. In the Gore Roll it is 
unpainted, therefore intended for silver. Whitmore iden- 
tifies the arms as those of Wyborn, co. Kent. 

Edmondson gives for Wyborne of Suffolk and Kent: 
Sable a fess gold between three swans (another, coots) silver 
membered gules, and mentions no crest j Burke repeats 
Edmondson for these two branches and adds the arms of 
Wyborn of Hawkwell Place, co. Kent, who quarter these 
arms with those of Sidley and bear this crest: A swan as in 
the arms. This leaves the dragon-head crest shown in the 
Gore Roll unexplained. 

Form of Legacy 

"/ give and bequeath to the Rhode Island 

Historical Society the sum of 

dollars. " 

Roger Williams Press \^J^ 

E. A. Johnson Co. 


Rhode Island 
Historical Society 
c0llecti0^1'•'s ^^ 

Vol. XXX 

APRIL, 1937 

No. 2 









Map of Pcquot Path 

Yankee Doodle 

byR. W. G.Vail .... 

The Ancient Paths to Pequot 
by William Davis Miller 

Pri\'ateer Roby, 1757 

Communicated by Frederick S. Peck 

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest 

Notes ...... 

Treasurer's Report .... 

Gore Roll of Arms 
bv Harold Bowditch 










Vol. XXX 

APRIL, 1937 

No. 2 

Nathaniel W. Smith, President 
William Davis Miller, Secretary 

Robert T. Downs, Treasurer 
Howard M. Chapin, Librarian 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions 
of contributors. 

Yankee Doodle* 

By R. W. G. Vail 

We now have in our collection of broadside ballads what 
well may be the earliest version of the words of Yankee 
Doodle. When Mr. O. G. T. Sonneck, Chief of the Divi- 
sion of Music of the Library of Congress, published his: 
Report on ^^The Star-Spangled Banner, ^^ "Hail Columbia" 
"America^" "Yankee Dodle" m 1909, the earliest text of 
the famous old song which he was able to find was one 
which could not have been printed earlier than 1775. Our 
broadside version of the song, with eighteen verses and a 
chorus, must be earlier than 1775 and was probably written 
to celebrate one of the campaigns against the French in 
Canada in the seventeen forties or fifties, and may perhaps 
have been printed as late as the seventeen sixties. It has no 
imprint or date but its two woodcuts and other printer's 
ornaments would seem to date it well before the Revolution. 

Of its eighteen verses, nine appear with many changes in 

♦Extract from the Report of the Librarian of the American Antiquarian 
Society for October 1936. 


the first Revolutionary version of the song, while there 
are six verses of the latter, including the references to 
Washington, which are not in the earlier version, and there 
are nine of this earlier version not in the form published 
about 1775. 

This colonial version of Yankee Doodle is a broadside 
measuring 13^ by 10 inches. It is printed in two columns 
with a row of printer's ornaments down the middle and two 
woodcuts above, neither of which has any bearing on the 
song. One represents the head of a Medusa-like woman 
with a dragon in her arms, another in her hair and a super- 
natural bird flying to attack one of the dragons. The other 
woodcut represents a hunter with a gun, riding on the back 
of a greyhound. They are evidently stock woodcuts previ- 
ously used in some unknown chapbook. Below the woodcuts 
appears the caption title: Yankee Song. The ballad came 
from the collection of the Reverend Sidney Dean, a well- 
known Rhode Island minister, and, since it was with a num- 
ber of similar pieces, most of them having been printed in 
Warren or some other Rhode Island town, it is quite pos- 
sible that this piece also came from an early Rhode Island 

The first three verses of the song are given below and it 
will be noticed that the second verse, with its reference to 
the campaign in Canada, fixes the date long before the 
Revolution. The third verse, with variations, appears as 
the first verse of the Revolutionary version, the name 
"Goodwin" of the earlier version being changed to 
"Gooding" in the later editions in order to make the word 
rhyme with "pudding." 

The song begins : 

There is a man in our town, 
ril tell vou his condition, 
He sold his Oxen and his Cows 
To huv him a commission. 




■I '< ■ 


Jl I'll leii you Jiis cunJiiion, 
Ue fold Ilk Ox»n aiu! his Cavii 

'■';- J^- rim's. 

Whm 3 commfffi 
He pnn'i! to be 
lie liurll nor go 
Tor (<:zr of 

But f.iPiher ^t^\; 

And ii'ierc 
As ihiLk. 

vvn to camp 

J* in, 
icii and boys 

tligjeliMa litilfke:;g, 
e ivyde of l.a^hcr, 
'\ *tih little clubs 


; rj^rjjia'w 4 JvBtmping gun 
As Ntf^ a lo^' "i^.jjiaple, 
I'lit <tp<w t«o (n^ u beds ^ 

A )<j.ii (i.i I -.'-e'r't eattig. ;,' 

Every time th-:<fAmA it off 
It took a horn of powder. 
It maile a ii'nfc like Fanher's gun 
AaJ rung a nation louJtr. 

I wont f> ni°h lo eeta peep 
I h'v the uiiJer-pinniogr— .,» 
Fithtr \»ent a» lut'h again,'^' 
1 ihoiighi tin. ducc Was ift biau 

Brother Si h- v,r -w fti bo!d 
I thou,';!!! he wouij have ctxrk'd it. 
Hi hf'iik'l 3K»nt! Ac ether' fide 
Aiixl hon||-lg','f'<Wfc^ppciM«, 

T ^err th-y ha^ aft<l«tifr thing. 
Fill!" f ■ ali'J a mortar ; 
Itlv.kM likr iMothei'j. jCinigcpot, 
It heU a pai' «1 »,-iivr. 



1 faw a man a talking th^e 
You iiii^,ht hf-aril t > the barn (jr, 

liiiliiijBi,'; and ftclJing {oor-j* 

There he kqfl a ndit^ r<«|iad 
Upon a fpankirg Stallion, 
And a!! the people ilanding rot 
A thoufand or a million. 

He had a ribbon on his hat, ^ 
It looked nation fine fir ! 

I wanted it moft ducedly ,'>V 

To give to my Jemima. •• ■^irt' 

My Jemima's ver\ <"ick, 
I'm fure there's loiiicthing »i'< *■ 
She ufe'd to eat ' 't fupr.^ jj. 
But noir her Aomach iails|kpi 

Brother Si is gone to town _,:, 

With a load of fliinglcs. 

And if he can't have Ijffes fpr^ 

For brother Jo is come to town. 
He's Kon't to noi:k thtm all oiT, i 
He plays upon a fwainping fiddle 
As big as Father's hog (rough. 

Hufki'ng time is coming on 
Sl'hfy ail begin to laugh fir- 
Father is a coming home .4, 
To kill the heifer ualt fir. 

Leflion time is now at hani. 
We're potng to uncle C'hact'*, 
'i'here'l be*fome aMHhing rouinl 
And fome a lapptng^lfei. 

Now hufning time is over 
They have a duced fi<: 
^'1 be loine an 
'Cornjlullit tu-ili , 
Ci/rt u/jtdfroite reund J 
Old fiery itnKtjp iottm 
And murtjxr p£i I fuunJ f« 

In the library of the American Antiquarian S</afty 


When a commission he had got 
He prov'd to be a coward, 
He durst not go to Canada 
For fear of being devoured. 

But father and I went down to camp 
Along with Captain Goodwin, 
And there we saw the men and boys 
As thick as Hastypudding. 

Then follow six verses, variants of which appear in the 
Revolutionary version. The tenth, eleventh and twelfth 
verses of the original were largely rewritten and the name 
of "Captain Washington" inserted in the Revolutionary 
version in place of the description of the anonymous drill 
master of the earlier form of the song. The last six verses of 
the older song have nothing to do with the visit to camp, 
though they are very interesting. The curious original 
chorus is entirely different from that of any later version of 
the song. It is as follows: 

Corn stalks twist your hair off, 
Cart-wheel frolic round you. 
Old fiery dragon carry you off, 
And mortar pcssel pound you. 

The earliest Revolutionary version of the song was prob- 
ably rewritten and improved by Edward Bangs, to whose 
authorship the entire text has been erroneously attributed. 
His version was probably inspired by a visit to the patriot 
camp at Cambridge in 1 775. It was hrst published, so far as 
we know, in a broadside entitled: "The Farmer and his 
Son's return from a visit to the Camp." Dr. A. S. W. 
Rosenbach owns the only recorded copy. It was promptly 
reprinted by the same printer, probably in Boston, with a 
few unimportant improvements in phraseology and punctu- 
ation, with the title: "The Yankey's return from Camp." 
Of this edition, our library has the only known copy. 

The song was popular in broadside form until after the 


War of 1812, several editions being in our library, but in 
none of them is the song called Yankee Doodle. The tune 
Yankee Doodle, which has always been used with these 
words, dates back to the time of Cromwell and was used 
with other words to ridicule the Cavalier officer. Prince 
Rupert of the Palatinate, a brave and skillful general, 
though something of a fop in his personal appearance. He 
was particularly feared and hated by the Roundheads and 
the following well known verse was written by them in 
ridicule of their most feared enemy: 

Yankee Doodle came to town, 
Riding on a pony; 
Stuck a feather in his hat, 
And called it macaroni. 

Sonneck states that this verse was written in ridicule of 
Cromwell but Katherine Elwes Thomas' The real person- 
ages of Mother Goosey 1930, p. 259-270, correctly states 
that the original Yankee Doodle was Prince Rupert. For a 
fuller discussion of the many versions of the song, see 
Sonneck's Re'port, mentioned at the beginning of this note. 

The Ancient Paths to Pequot' 

By William Davis Miller 

It has been the popular belief that the Ancient Path to 
Pequot followed the route of the present Post Road from 
Westerly to Providence. For some years prior to the 
discovery of the depositions considered in this article, 
evidences had occurred that threw a growing shadow of 

^Originally published by the Society of Colonial Wars in the State of 
Rhode Island and Providence Plantations and presented at the General 
Court of the Society, held in Providence, June 1936. It is herewith 
republished, with additional notes, by the courteous permission of the 
Governor and the Council of the Rhode Island Societv. 


doubt upon this belief. The Pettaquamscutt Purchasers 
laid out roadways for the benefit of their own divisions of 
land and for those which they allotted to others. This would 
appear to have been true of the lots along the shore from 
Wakefield to the present South Kingstown-Charlestown 
line, the west line of the Purchase, at the head of which 
lots the present Post Road runs; and also in the case of the 
"Town Lots" on the eastern slope of Tower Hill. In the 
latter case the western bound of these lots is almost invari- 
ably given as "by the Road at the Head of the Lots" but 
never "by the Ancient Path to Pequot." This latter bound 
is not used until we near the Annaquatucket River. These 
facts, which at first aroused interest, later led to a conviction 
that the Pequot Path was not the basic route of the Post 
Road south of this river. Added to this there came to the 
mind of the writer a statement made by James N, Arnold 
that the old Indian paths were to the westward of the Post 
Road. Therefore the depositions came not as an upsetting 
surprise but rather as confirmation of a personal conclusion. 
It is probably safe to say that we shall never know the 
exact route followed by those ancient Indian paths that 
crossed the Narragansett country to the lands of the 
Pequots." Speculation and tradition have guided us in 
diverse ways, leading us to believe that this road or that 
was laid out by the early settlers on those deep worn tracks 
used for many generations by the Indians. Such speculations 
and traditions have been accepted in the absence of any early 
evidence and it was not until a few years ago that Edward 
H. West discovered depositions in the Portsmouth Records 
which bring us nearer to the truth, without, however, elimi- 
nating completely the element of speculation; although 

"Fortunatelv this statement may, it is believed, now be modified. That 
careful antiquarian and field worker in the early lore of the South County, 
Albert E. Lownes, states that he has traced an ancient path from the 
eastern shores of Wordcn's Pond to Stony Fort. From the evidence he has 
presented it would appear that it is certain that at last one of the Indian 
paths had been verified. 


they greatly reduce its ratio. From these depositions and 
from the clues they furnish the following description of 
the approximate routes of the Pequot paths is presented. 

The first, and by far the most important evidence, is 
presented in the deposition of Wait Winthrop: 

"Wait Winthrop, aged 73 years, Testifyeth that the old 
Road or Path he hath many times Travelled in his Younger 
Time in Company with several other Travellers between 
Pequitt (Now New London) and Boston Through the 
Nareganset Country was by the great Pond from thence 
over the Long Hill or High Land above Rouse Helme his 
later Dwelling and from said high Land aSlant to the lower 
part of the Great Plain leaving ye bare Hills below the 
Plain which was then called Sugar Loaf Hills a great Way 
to ye Eastward the Country being mostly clear so that we 
could se a long way before as we crossed the said Plain in a 
Direct Course as it seemed to me untill we passed the 
Brook that runs down East ward and in the Same Direct 
bears the Path or Road led us near the Plain Field below 
where Mr Updike now lives and this was accounted the 
Pequit Road or Path and I never knew or heard of any other 
until many years after we went by the Stone fort and so by 
old Mr. Eldredges House and so by the Taun House to 
Maj Smiths now Mr. Updikes which way is far east ward 
of the old Road Which Leads Directly from the Great Plain 
to the Field abovesaid and which Path I believe is not so 
worn out but it may yet be seen to pass the Brook far to the 
Westward of ye sd Tan House" 

Wait Winthrop 

Boston of the Massachusetts March 8 th 1719 

The aforegoing affidavit being of his own hand Writing 

^The "Taun House" or "Tan House" is without doubt that of 
William Bently. He was a currier, was in the Narragansett Country in 
1679 and in April 1705 "had liberty granted by town to set up a house, 
convenient for the carrying on of his currying trade." J. O. Austin, 
Genealogical Dictionary of R. I., p. 19. (see note 6) 


was distinctly read to me by the Said Wait Wiiithrop Esq. 
and then was Signed & Swan by me 

Samuell Sewell J P" 

Winthrop unfortunately does not give the route of the 
path from New London, nor does he designate at what 
point it crossed the Pawcatuck River into the Narragansett 
Country. However, there is in the Rhode Island Historical 
Society a sketch plat,* together with a descriptive letter, 
relative to the path from New London to a point about 
three miles northeasterly of Westerly. The path crossed 
the Pawcatuck at "Pawcatuck Ford," a few hundred yards 
from where the present bridge in Westerly stands, and 
then bore northerly to the house of Harmon Garret, alias 
Wequashcooke. It is to be regretted that the plat stops at 
this point for it would be of value to have known the 
approximate route to Worden's Pond. It was evidently by 
this path that, in the year 1645, John Winthrop, Jr., trav- 
elled, and made the following notes in his diary: 

^^ {November) 29 Saturday. Fair Wether, the wind 
Northerly & a little Ely toward night. We lodged at 
Notoriope his Wigwa, neere the great pond, the water 
runs hence into Pacatucke. We were come about 20 miles 
from Minaboge where we ly. Saw Wequashcooke only as 
we passed his house." 

The "great Pond" mentioned by both the Winthrops is, 
of course, the Worden's Pond of today and from which the 
Pawcatuck River flows. About a mile south of the pond, 
in a sandy, pine grown plain, with a small pond of fresh 
water adjacent, is the probable site of "Notoriope his 
Wigwa," for even to this day can there be found evidences 
of an Indian settlement of considerable size. Old inhabi- 
tants state that it was a winter camp of the Indians." 

■*Rhodc Island Maps, vol. 26, p. 20. 

^Mr. Lownes has found evidences of camp sites on the east shore of 
Worden's Pond and thereby presents another possible location for 
"Notoriope his Wigwa." Search has failed to reveal just who Notoriope 
was and what was his position in the Narragansett hierarchy. 


"The great Pond" having, therefore, been identified as 
Worden's, the next land mark mentioned by Wait Winthrop 
must be considered. "From thence over the Long Hill or 
High Land above Rouse Helme his later Dwelling." By 
examining a map of South Kingstown it can well be under- 
stood why this swing was made to the eastward. The 
great swamp spread to the northwest and northerly of the 
Great Pond and was impassible save when frozen in the 
cold of winter. It is fortunate that "his later dwelling" is 
added to the name of Rouse Helme for his earlier holdings 
were several miles to the eastward. The Pettaquamscutt 
Purchasers granted to Rouse Helme two lots of land, one a 
"Town Lott" of twenty acres on the eastern slope of 
Tower Hill and also two hundred and fifty acres situated 
just east of what is now known as Curtis Corners. The 
"Town Lott" Helme sold to Thomas Hazard in 1696. Li 
1 692 Samuel Sewell confirmed the deed of the two hundred 
and fifty acres to Helme stating in the deed "on which he 
(Helme) now liveth" . . . In his will Helme gives to his 
son Rouse the western portion of this land "and all Housing 
and Orchards . . ." Therefore "Rouse Helme his later 
Dwelling" can be definitely placed. 

Curtis Corners, as mentioned above, is at the beginning 
of the rise of "the Long Hill or High Land" that is that 
long, high ridge on which the village of Kingston is situ- 
ated. However, somewhat south of that village, it would 
appear that the path turned down the slope to the westward. 
Winthrop states that the path went "aSlant" down the 
hill, that is in a north westerly direction, made necessary to 
avoid swampy ground. At a point northeast of Larkin's 
Pond this path must have reached "the lower part of the 
Great Plain," known even today as the Plains, probably 
nearby, and passing an Indian fort which was situated east 
of the Chipuxet on the Ministerial Road just south of the 
road to West Kingston. It is interesting to conjecture 
whether or not this was Pesicus Fort mentioned by John 
Winthrop, Jr., in his diary: 


"( 1 645 November) 30 We came to the trading-house at 
Coco, Mr. Wilkox house, where were 2 English yt traded 

for ye Duch Govr, John Piggest & John 

Mr Williams man. I stepped over a trap just in ye path 
right agt Pesicus fort & saw it not before I was over it, my 
man calling to me of it as I stepped over it. George ye 
Indian was over before me &c." 

It would seem quite possible that the fort by the Chipuxet 
was Pesicus Fort. It was obviously, from Winthrop's diary, 
between Worden's Pond and Richard Smith's trading 
house. It would not appear to be Stony Fort, for we have 
Wait Winthrop's word that the path by that fort was not 
known until later and, as the old Queen was a contemporary 
of Pesicus, it would not apply to Queens Fort, which fort, 
moreover, would not seem to have been situated on either 
of the Pequot Paths. 

From this fort the lands of the "Great Plain" extend to 
the northward almost to the Ten Rod Road. The path, in 
all probability, kept to the eastward of the Chipuxet and 
the two ponds through which it flows. Thirty Acre and 
Hundred Acre by name, and followed, approximately, the 
course of the present railroad tracks, keeping to the eastward 
of them, until it reached Slocum, where the level lands 
spread out at the northerly end of the Kingston ridge. 
Incidentally it should be noted that the hills "called Sugar 
Loaf Hills" were left "a great Way to ye Eastward." If 
this refers to Sugar Loaf Hill situated south west of Wake- 
field and to Little Sugar Loaf Hill near Tuckertown, which 
it apparently does, it would at once eliminate the possibility 
of the Post Road through Wakefield of having been the 
Pequot Path. 

From Slocum the course of the path has again been open 
to discussion, the suggestion having been made that it might 
have run by the way of Indian Corner to Allenton. 
Winthrop disposes of this possibility in the following words: 
"we crossed the said Plain in a Direct Course as it seemed 
to me untill we passed the Brook that runs down East 


ward . . ." If the path had gone by Indian Corner he 
would have not gone in a direct course. Reference to the 
map will show this, and it will also show that the path, as 
traced on it, follows very nearly a direct course until the 
Annaquatucket River is crossed. This river was well known 
in the seventeenth century and is the largest river between 
Hunts River and the Pettaquamscut. If the course of the 
path as given may be assumed to be approximately correct, 
it would be the only brook (Palmer calls it "Brook or 
River") flowing in an easterly direction that would cross 
the path. 

After crossing the brook Winthrop states that "in the 
same Direction bears the Path or Road led us near the 
Plain Field below where Mr. Updike now lives. . . ." 
Referring again to the map it is to be noted that once the 
Annaquatucket River is crossed if the path turned to the 
eastward it would follow very nearly that section of the 
Ten Rod Road between Wickford Junction and Collation 
Corners, and would lead a traveller down below Updike's, 
who at the date of the deposition was in possession of 
Richard Smith's house at Cocumscussuc. It has been sug- 
gested that the path went further north and turned eastward 
on Stony Lane. If this had been the case, Winthrop would 
have come out above Updikes and not below, as he stated. 

The deposition of Nehemiah Palmer upholds Winthrop's 
testimony, save in the slight difference as to the course of 
the path after the Annaquatucket had been crossed. This 
deposition is printed here for comparison with Winthrop's. 
It is to be noted that Palmer travelled the path about 1 656 
and that further he refers to Updike's as "Maj Smiths 
trading House now Lodowick Updikes . . ." 

"Nehemiah Palmer Sen. aged seventy nine Years or 
thereabouts now living in Stonington in his Majesties 
Colony of Conecticut testifyeth and sayeth that about Sixty 
years ago I traveled the Road betwixt Rehoboth and Pequit 
often times an the Road I used to Travel on went by the 
great Pond sid and from there over the long Hill above is 


where Rouse (Helme) of or herby dweleth and over the 
lower edg-e of the Great Plain and so over the Brook or 
River and so on a direct Course to Maj Smiths trading 
House now Lodowick Updikes and the Road went above 
where Mr. Eldredge dwelt a considerable distance (off) of 
the Road that has been Troden since as I know of, and that 
there was no English Inhabitants after we came from 
Warwick to Paucatuck River excepting Mr. Smiths Trading 
House as I know of. 

25 Jan. 1716." 

Much confusion has been caused by several depositions 
which indicated that the Pequot Path would seem to have 
been situated east of the Post Road through Allenton and 
Belleville. The following depositions of John Eldred, 
Senior, and the statement of Thomas Eldred, Senior, point 
to the fact that Eldred had land bound west by the Country 
Road (the present Post Road) and east by the "Antiant 
Pequot Path." 

"John Eldred Senr of Kingstown to Loving friend 
Samuel Holway Quitclaim all my right I have unto a cer- 
tain tract of land which the sd Holway hath now within 
fence, lying and being in Kingstown between the Country 
Rhod now in use and the Antiant Pequit Path and is 
bounded on the East upon sd Pequit Path on the West upon 
the sd Country Rhod On the South upon William Bentlys 
fence on the North upon a Rhod that Leads to Joseph 
Smiths Mill 
19 Nov. 1716." 

"The Deposition of John Eldred Senr of Kingstown in 
the Collony of Rhode Island &c: Being an Antient Inhabi- 
tant And Engaged according to Law testifieth and Sayeth 
That ye Antient Pequet path or Road yt lead to New Lon- 
don went to ye Eastward of his fathers house, and so 
Extended Northward to ye River Called or known by ye 
Name of Annoquetuckett River And so Extending still 
Northward, to the Eastward of A track of land where 


Benjamin Bently'' Now lives on, and so still further still 
Extending Northward to ye Eastward of that trackt of land 
now In Controversey Bettween Capt. James Updike of $d 
town and Daniel Updike of Newport Both of ye Aforesd 
Collony, and Saml Boone Of ye Sd Kingstown in ye Aforesd 
Collony, And further this Deponant Sayeth Not. 

Tanken Upon Engagement this 31st day of August 1 722 

William Spencer Justice 
Before me in Kingstown 
In presence of James Updike 

Thomas Eldred Sen. Being an Antient In habitant of ye Sd 
town testyfyeth to ye truth of ye Above written ye Day 
and Year Above. Sd In ye Presence of Capt James Updike 

Before me William Spencer Justice" 

This can now be explained by two facts. First, the state- 
ment of Wait Winthrop in the latter portion of his deposi- 
tion that he " . . . never knew or heard of any other until 
many years after we went by the Stone fort and so by old 
Mr. Eldredges house and so by the Taun Home to Maj. 
Smiths now Mr. Updikes ..." Second, it has been deter- 
mined that there existed a now abandoned road to the east 
of the Post Road between Allenton and Belleville, which 
was probably the route of the Stony Fort Path, and 
between these roads lay Eldred's land, thereby explain- 
ing his bounds as he gave them. 

Now as to this later path "by the Stone Fort." The situa- 
tion of Stone or Stony Fort is indicated on the map and is 
substantiated by an early deed. It would appear to have 
been a fort of some importance and from the domestic 
implements found in its immediate vicinity and from the 

''Benjamin Bcntl\' was the son of the William Bently (see note 3). He 
was also a currier. John Eldred's deed and deposition place for us the 
position of the Tan House especially when compared with the deposition 
of Wait Winthrop. In other words it was situated just north of the 
Annaquatucket River on the easterly side of the present Post Road. 


large quantity of chips found, and to be found, a short 
distance to the northward, it may be believed to have been 
the center of an Indian settlement of considerable size. 
Winthrop does not give further details regarding the begin- 
ning of this path than by "Stone Fort" but it may be pre- 
sumed that it was a branch of the older trail leaving that 
trail on the "Long Hill" where it bore to the westward and 
down "a Slant to the lower part of the Great Plain. . . ." 
If this be correct the later trail would then follow, more or 
less, the Old South Road to Kingston Village, cross the 
main street at the well and follow the North Road to its 
end, then bearing eastward to Stone Fort and then North- 
ward. Whether it then followed the present road to Slocum 
and then by the road to Allenton by Indian Corner or 
whether it bore eastward after passing the Fort and so by 
the Platform to Pender Zekes Corner and down Ridge Hill 
along the original line of the Post Road cannot be deter- 
mined, but it is believed the latter course was taken, which 
was followed by the road, laid out in 1702, from the 
Westerly line to the East Greenwich line. (E. R. Potter, 
Early History of Narragansetty second edition, p. 223.) ' 

Through the mists of antiquity, therefore, we can discern 
these ancient paths, not clearly and accurately as to every 
bend and turn perhaps, but distinctly enough so that their 
general course may be determined. It is to be hoped that 
further depositions, further land evidence, may come to 
light that will present facts that will fill the gaps in the 
evidence at hand but until such documents are presented 
and verified, ""further this Deponant Sayeth not."" 

'In Rhode Island Land Evidence^ vol. II, 145, a deed from Kachana- 
quant to the Pettaquamscut Purchasers dated February 2 5, 1661, men- 
tions another path to Pequot, which is described as "the second Indian 
path that goes to Pequot." (Also quoted by E. R. Potter, Eari'^ History of 
Narragansett, second edition, p. 276). From the contexual descriptions of 
known places in the deed, this path would appear to have passed to the 
north and west of the Great Swamp. It has been noted that Indian forts 
were located on the paths in other instances and it is therefore interesting 


to find in the Nezv Tofografhical Survey, Southern Rhode Island, Everts 
& Richards, Philadelphia, 1895, the record of an old Indian fort situated 
just east of the Usquepaug River and a little south of the present South 
County Trail. It is about two and one-half miles west by north from the 
site of the Swamp Fight Monument. If the surmise is correct that this 
Second Path ran to the north and west of the Great Swamp it might have 
conceivably passed this fort. It may therefore be said that the path 
described by Wait Winthrop was the First Path, the one above mentioned 
the Second and that the Stony Fort path was but a later branch of the 
First. However, this Second Path has yet to be determined and until more 
evidence is produced its route must remain conjectural. 

Privateer Roby, 1757 

Communicated by Frederick S. Peck 

(Several documents relating to the privateer Roby were printed 
in the Rhode Island Historical Society Collections, July 1936. 
The following document, the original of which is in Mr. Peck's 
library, relates to the same vessel. — Editor^ 

Articles of Agreement this Eleventh Day of November in 
the 3rd year of his Majesty's Reign George the Second 
King of Great Britain Anno Domini 1757 — By and 
Between Jonathan Viall of Warren in the County of Bristol 
in the Colony of Rhode Island Cooper on the one part and 
Samuel Barns of Warren aforesd on the other part Wit- 
nesseth that the said Jonathan Viall for and in Considera- 
tion of fifty pounds old Tenor of Rhode Island to be paid to 
him or his heirs in Twenty days after the Return of the 
Sloop Robe a Private man of War now lying in Warren 
Harbour and out ward Bound on a cruse against his 
Majesty's enemy which Said Sum of fifty pounds aforesaid 
is to be paid in the Time aforesaid by the above named 
Samuel Barns or his heirs who is hereby to have hold possess 
and enjoy the one Quarter part of one Single Share or 
proportion of the Said Jonathan Viall in each and every 
Prize which the said Jonathan Shall be entitled to During 
his Cruse on Board Said Sloop without any Act or molesta- 
tion of the Said Jonathan or any under him and in Case the 


Said Sloop Robe Shall return from her Cruse without taking 
any prize notwithstand. the Said Samuel Barns Shall by no 
means with hold the Said fifty Pounds by Shall and will pay 
the Same at the Time above mention to the Said Jonathan 
or to his heirs according to the true intend and meaning of 
these Presents In Witness whereof the Two parties have 
hereunto set their hands & seals the day above writen 
In presence of us Jonathan Viall ( Seal) 

John Rogers Richmond 

Joseph Viall (Seal) 
Ruth Viall 
November 14. 1757. 

Then Received of Samuel Barns ye full Sum of fifty pound 
in full 

Received pr me 

Jonathan Viall 
Joseph Viall 

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest 

Rhode Island Boundaries 1 636-1936 by John Hutchins 
Cady is a 3 1 page book with six full page maps. ( Rhode 
Island State Planning Board. ) 

An illustrated article on Williani Claggett of Neiicporty 
Clockmaker appears in the January 1937 issue of Old Time 
New England. 

The New England Quarterly for December 1936 con- 
tains an article on Margaret Fuller and the British Reviewers 
by Frances M. Barbour. 

Wickford and Its Old Houses by Hunter C. White is an 
illustrated pamphlet of 35 pages, published by The Main 
Street Association of Wickford. 

The English Ancestry of Anne Marhury Hutchinson and 
Katherine Marhury Scott by Meredith B. Colket, Jr., was 
published in 1 936 by the Magee Press, Philadelphia. 

Old Westerle^ Rhode Island. Rhode Island's Jubilee 
Year, by George B. Utter, with drawings by Milo R. Clarke, 



is a booklet of 55 pages, issued by the Westerly Chamber 
of Commerce. 

Several Purchases of the Lands West of Wickford is the 
December 1936 publication of the Society of Colonial Wars 
in Rhode Island. 

The Transactions of the Colonial Society of Massachu- 
setts for April 1934 contains an article on John Maylem of 
Newport, Poet and Warrior, by Lawrence C. Wroth. 

Lexical Notes from Rhode Island Toiim Records by 
Claude M. Simpson, Jr., appears in Dialect Notes. It deals 
with Rhode Island usage of English words differing from 
recorded usage. 

A History of Greene and Vicinity 1 845-1929 y by Squire 
G. Wood, has been published as a booklet of 101 pages. 
(Greene Public Library, Greene, R. I. ) 

Susan Braley Franklin's Historical Sketch of Second 
Baptist Church, Ne-jcport, Rhode Island, has been printed 
as a pamphlet of 2 1 pages. 

The Records of the Vice- Admiralty Court of Rhode 
Island is volume 3 of the American Legal Records, pub- 
lished by the American Historical Association, Washington, 
D.C., 1936. 

The Lower Blackstone River Valley. History of Paw- 
tucket, Central Falls, Lincoln and Cumberland, is an 
illustrated book of 169 pages prepared by Hon. Roscoe 
M. Dexter, chairman of the Lower Blackstone Valley Dis- 
trict, Tercentenary Jubilee Celebration. 


The following persons have been elected to membership 
in the Society: 

Mr. Charles W. Farnham Mrs. Charles P. Benns 
Mrs. Charles E. Dudley Mr. Devere Allen 

Mr. Charles P. Benns Dr. Walter I. Sweet 

Mrs. Lilla I. Conant Mr. Frederic N. Beede 

Mr. Walter Knight Sturges 


Rhode Island Historical Society 
Treasurer's Report 



Annual Dues $2,3 3 5.00 

Dividends and Interest 3,544.5 1 

Rental of Rooms 1 00.00 

State Appropriation 1 ,625.00 

Expenditures exceed income 239.89 



Binding $ 90.21 

Books 256.93 

Electric Light and Gas 58.42 

Lectures 126.88 

Expense 103.83 

Grounds and Building 167.50 

Heating 700.00 

Publication 5 38.66 

Salaries 5,580.00 

Supplies 145.09 

Telephone 62.25 

Water 8.00 

Newspaper 6.63 


treasurer's report 51 



Grounds and Building $ 2 5,000.00 



$3,000. Central Mfg. District $3,000.00 

4,000. Dominion of Canada, 5s, 1952 4,003.91 

4,000. 61 Broadway Bldg., 1st Mtge., 5J^s, 

1950 4,000.00 

4,000. Minnesota Power Sc Light Co., 1st 5s, 

195 5 3,930.00 

2,000. Ohio Power Co., 1st &Ref. 5s, 1952 1,974.00 

1,000. Indianapolis Power & Light, 1st 5s, 

1957 994.50 

1,000. TexasPower&Light, IstRef. 5s, 1956 1,021.2 5 

1,000. Pennsylvania Railroad, Deb. 4>^s, 1970 922.50 
1,000. Pennsylvania Water & Power Co., 1st 

5s, 1940 1,005.42 

5,000. BethlehemSteelCorp., 4>^s, 1960 5,225.00 

3,000. Western Mass. Com., 3>4s, 1946 3,086.25 

3,000. Consolidated Gas Co. of N. Y., 3>4s, 

1946 3,131.25 


54 shs. New York Central Railroad Co $3,654.62 

30 shs. Lehigh Valley Railroad Co 2, 11 2.50 

7 shs. Lehigh Valley Coal Co 23 5.39 

1 25 shs. Pennsylvania Railroad Co. 7,638.35 

40 shs. Milwaukee Elec. Ry. & Light Co., Pfd. 3,900.00 

70 shs. American Telephone & Telegraph Co. 6,591.72 

3 50 shs. Providence Gas Co 5,755.68 

1 5 shs. Providence National Bank \ 

1 5 shs. Providence Nat'l Corp. Trust Ctf. J ' 

45 shs. Blackstone Canal National Bank 1,050.00 

52 shs. Atch., Top. & Santa Fe Rv. Co., Com. 6,247.8 5 

45 shs. Public Service of N. J., Ss, Cum. Pfd. 4,3 1 7.63 

22 shs. Continental Can 1,446.02 

40 shs. Bankers Trust Co. of N. Y 2,61 5.00 

2 shs. Guaranty Trust Co. of N. Y 706.00 

Savings Account 2,000.00 


Cash on hand 4,522.87 




Equipment Fund $ 25,000.00 

Permanent Endowment Fund: 

Samuel M. Noyes $ 1 2,000.00 

Henry J. Steere 1 0,000.00 

James H. Bugbce 6,000.00 

Charles H. Smith 5,000.00 

William H. Potter 3,000.00 

Charles W. Parsons 4,000.00 

Esek A. Jillson 2,000.00 

John Wilson Smith 1,000.00 

William G. Weld 1,000.00 

Charles C. Hoskins 1 ,000.00 

Charles H. Atwood 1,000.00 

Edwin P. Anthony 4,000.00 

John F. Street 1,000.00 

George L. Shepley 5,000.00 

Franklin Lyceum Memorial 734.52 


Publication Fund: 

Robert P. Brown $ 2,000.00 

Ira P. Peck 1 ,000.00 

William Gammell 1,000.00 

Albert J. Jones 1 ,000.00 

William Ely 1 ,000.00 

Julia Bullock 500.00 

Charles H. Smith 100.00 


Life Membership 5,600.00 

Book Fund 3,0 1 2.41 

Reserve Fund 760.88 

Revolving Publication Fund 242.45 

Surplus 1 2,5 38. 1 5 

Surplus Income Account 1,1 12.92 


treasurer's report 53 



Reserve Fund $ 7.00 

Revolving Publication 26.50 

Savings Account 2,595.86 

Shell Union Oil Corp 2,040.00 

Monongahela Valley Traction Co 4,200.00 

Narragansett Electric Co 2,040.00 

Koppers Gas & Coke Co 2,0 50.00 

Providence National Corp. 264.00 


Balance January 1,-1936 5,1 10.08 



Reserve $ 30.2 5 

Bethlehem Steel Corp 5,225.00 

Continental Can 1 29.74 

Bankers Trust Co. of N. Y 2,6 15.00 

Western Mass. Com. 3,086.25 

Consolidated Gas of N. Y. 3,131.25 

Guaranty Trust of N. Y 706.00 

Balance December 31, 1936 3,409.95 


G. A. Harrington, 



The Gore Roll of Arms 

By Harold Bowditch 

{co/itinued from vol. AAA', fage 32) 

46. (46.) (39.) 

Arms: Party gules and azure a lion silver in an orle of 
(eight) crosslets gold a label silver for difference. 

Crest: In a coronet gold a cockatrice azure, comb, beak, 
wattles and barb on the tail gules. 

Legend: Eliakim Hutchinson Esqr. / On of his Maj. 
Counsell for ye / Prouince of ye Masechuset 1718. 

Notes: As in the case of No. 40 the crest and the sinister 
side of the shield are really green, but no doubt intended 
for azure. 

Although there are ten crosslets in the arms in No. 40, 
this coat, charged with a label, shows but eight, four on each 
side below the label. 

Whitmore says that Eliakim Hutchinson was the son of 
Richard Hutchinson of London and the cousin of Edward 

For notes on the arms see No. 40. 

The next nine coats, Nos. 47-55 inclusive, as well as 
Nos. 59 and 61, appear to have been taken from the manu- 
script Chute pedigree believed to have been brought to 
this country by the immigrant Lionel Chute of Ipswich; 
Whitmore calls attention to this and refers to the New 
England Historical and Genealogical Register, XIII, 123, 
where this interesting document is copied. It is still pre- 
served in the Chute family. 


47. (47.) (Omitted.) 

Arms: Per fess nebuly azure (? vert) and sable three 
martlets gold, a canton ermine. 

Wreath : Gold, sable. , 

Crest: A sitting bear silver. 

Legend: Robart Barker of Ipswich / in ye Comt. of 
Suffolk Gr Britton / 1718. 

Notes: These arms are found in the Promptuarium as 
well as in the Chute Manuscript. They appear to be a vari- 
ant of the arms of Barker of Grimston-hall, co. Suffolk: 
Per fess nebuly gold and azure three martlets counter- 
changed; Barker of Ipswich, co. Suffolk, bore exactly the 
arms shown in the Gore Roll (azure, not vert) and two 
crests, ( 1 ) (apparently earlier) A sitting bear gold with a 
collar sable, and (2) (evidently modern) A sitting grey- 
hound silver with a collar and ring to which is attached a 
line gold which he holds from him with his dexter foot 

48. (48.) (Omitted.) 

Arms: Silver a fess between six annulets gules. 

Crest: From a coronet gold a demi-dragon gules. 

Legend: Sr. Thomas Lucas of Colchester, / Gr Britton 

Notes: These arms are from the Chute Manuscript, 
and a Sir Thomas Lucas is found in the Promptuarium 

Edmondson gives these arms for Lucas of Colchester in 
Essex and of co. Suffolk, with two crests: (1) From a 
coronet gold a d.^tvcix-grifin with wings expanded gules, and 
(2) From a coronet gold a dragon's head gules. 


49. (49.) (Omitted.) 
Chute. Breton. 

Arms: Two coats impaled: Baron: Gules three swords 
barwise silver pomels and hilts gold. Femme: Quarterly 
per fess indented silver and gules in the first quarter a molet 

Wreath: Silver, gules. 

Crest: A demi-talbot silver, the tongue gules, with a 
collar and ring to which is fastened a coiled line gold held 
in his dexter paw. 

Legend: John Bretton of Tollingham. / in NorfFolk 
Gr Britton 1718/ Jnpaled On ye Dexter Side with Choute 
/ Choute & Bretton. 

Notes: Chowte is found in the Promptuarium Armorum 
and the Breton arms are from the Chute Manuscript. 

The Chute arms are those of Chute of the Vine in Hamp- 
shire and of COS. Somerset and Kent (Edmondson). 
Challoner Chute of the Middle Temple, Counsellor of the 
Law, living in 1634 (Burke says that either he or his son of 
the same name was Speaker of Richard Cromwell's House 
of Commons), the great-grandson of Anthony Chute of 
CO. Kent, bore: the same arms with the addition of an orle 
of molets gold (Visitation of London \63'}-\63S). 

The Breton arms are those of Breton of Wichingham, 
CO. Norfolk j the Breton crest is given as A demi-talbot 
gules eared gold^ collared and lined gold, holding in his 
jeet the line coiled up ( Edmondson). 

50. (50.) (Omitted.) 


Arms: Sable a bend silver on the bend three fleur-de-lys 
sable, a crescent (gold) for difference. 

Wreath : Silver, sable. 

Crest: A wolf's head erased proper with a collar and ring 
gold the edges of the collar gules. 



Legend: John Wood of west Cuthon in ye / Yocksheir 
Gr. Britton 1718. 

Notes: These arms are found in the Promptuarium 
Armorum 1 8b and in the Chute Manuscript. 

The arms are those of Wood of Staffordshire and of 
West Cutton and Thorpe^ in Yorkshire j the crest is given 
as: A wolf's head erased sable collared and ringed goldj 
granted 6 May 1578 (Edmondson). 

In early heraldry the collar would mark the head as that 
of a dog (alaunt, or wolf-hound) as opposed to that of a 
wolf, but at such a late date as 1578 such a distinction would 
have been lost. 

- 51. (51.) (Omitted.) 

Arms: Sable a bend gold between six fountains. 

Wreath : Gold, sable. 

Crest: A demi-friar proper habited in brown holding in 
his right hand a scourge with three lashes proper at the end 
of each a five-pointed rowel gules. 

Legend: Edward Sturtton Esqr. / Gr. Britton 1718. 

Notes: These arms occur in the Promptuarium Armorum 
102b and in the Chute Manuscript. 

In the Child copy the "fountains" are made silver, thus 
losing the significance of the coat which alludes to the fact 
that the river Stour rises from six heads, three each within 
and without the park pale of Lord Stourton. 

The arms are those of Sturton of Sturton in Notting- 
hamshire and of Ourmengen in Dorsetshire^ the crest of 
the latter line is: A demi-friar habited in russet girt gold, 
in his right hand a whip of three lashes and in his left a cross 
(Edmondson). Burke gives the same crest for Lord Stour- 
ton. The cross in the friar's left hand is not shown in the 
Gore Roll, nor does it appear in Fairbairn. 


52. (52.) (Omitted.) 

Arms : Cheeky gold and gules a chief vair. 

Wreath: Gules, gold. 

Crest: A bird with wings elevated proper (brown with a 
little white on the wings) beak and legs gules holding in his 
bill a serpent proper (green above, white below). 

Legend: Robart Chichester of Raly in / ye Con. of 
Deuen in Gret Britton / 1718. 

Notes: These arms are from the Chute Manuscript and 
are found in the Promptuarium Armorum. 

Whitmore blazons the chief vairy gold and gules but in 
the Child copy it is gold and silver. 

The arms and crest are those of Chichester of Melbury 
Osmond, co. Dorset, and of Raleigh, co. Devon (Edmond- 
son). The bird should be a stork or a heron, but the illustra- 
tion in the Gore Roll shows a bird of indeterminate species 
with an only moderately long bill, and the coloring makes 
it doubtful that the artist had a stork or heron in mind. 

53. (61.) (Omitted.) 


Arms: Silver a chevron between three maunches sable. 

Wreath: Silver, sable. 

Crest : An eagle's head gold the beak and tongue gules. 

Legend: John Mansale of the city / of Bristol Mar- 
chant: G. Brit/ 1719. 

Notes: These arms are found in the Promptuarium 
Armorum 1 la, and in the Chute Manuscript. 

The arms are those of Mansel or Maunsell of various 
places in Wales and Ireland (Berry, Burke) and one line of 
Mansell bore the same design in reversed tinctures 
(Edmondson)j the crest shown in the Gore Roll has not 
been identified through the usual books of reference. 


54. (62.) (45.) 

Arms: Gules powdered with molets gold three swords 
barwise silver the pomels and hilts gold the first and third 
with points to the sinister and the other to the dexter, on a 
canton per fess silver and vert (? azure) a leopard gold. 
Wreath: Silver, gules: 

Crest: A cubit arm in armor the naked hand proper 
grasping a broken sword silver the pomel and hilt gold. 

Legend: Thomas Chute of Marble / head in ye County 

Notes: The Promptuarium Armorum 90a shows this 
coat and mentions Philip Chowte or Chewte of Horneley 
Apledore in Kent, standard-bearer to Henry VIII, who 
received this canton as an augmentation. To be correct it 
should be per fess silver and vert, the Tudor livery colors, 
charged with a leopard from the royal arms, and as a matter 
of fact the painting in the Gore Roll shows the lower part 
green j but the change that has taken place in the blue pig- 
ment throughout most of the book leaves one in doubt as to 
the original color. The augmentation was granted to Philip 
Chewte for his services at the siege of Boulogne j the aug- 
mented arms are apparently incorrectly assigned to Thomas 
Chute of Marblehead, for Burke says that the line of Philip 
Chewte became extinct in 1721, which was the date of death 
of Sir George Chute, bart., M. P. for Winchelsea, and 
Thomas Chute does not seem to have belonged to this line. 
Whitmore quotes the New England Historical and 
Genealogical Register, XIII, 123, for a transcript of the 
Chute Manuscript Pedigree which is believed to have been 
brought to America by the immigrant Lionel Chute of 
Ipswich, Massachusetts, and says: "it is stated that Lionel 
Chute of Ipswich was son of Anthony Chute, and the 
descendant of Alexander Chute of Taunton, co. Somerset, 
A. D. 1 268. Lionel's son James married an Epes of Ipswich, 
and had a son Thomas, born in 1692, the one here men- 


tioned." William E. Chute in the Chute Genealogy says 
that he was born in Byfleld-Newbury in 1690, moved to 
Marblehead, and later to Windhani, Maine. On the other 
hand, William Goold, writing on Thomas Chute the First 
Settler of Windham, Maine, in 1882, says that Thomas 
Chute of Windham was born in London in 1 690, emigrated 
to Marblehead before 1725 and kept a public house there. 

Apparently the elder line of Chute, which became Chute 
of The Vine, extinct in 1 776, used the simple coat as shown 
in No. 49 j this line descends from Anthony, the brother of 
Philip Chute the standard-bearer, and is consequently not 
entitled to the augmentation j this Anthony had two sons, 
( 1 ) Arthur Chute of Wrentam, co. Suffolk, the ancestor of 
the line of Chute of The Vine which bore the simple coat 
except that Challoner Chute, father or son, added an orle 
of molets gold, a difference which does not seem to have 
been perpetuated j and (2) Lyonell Chute who died in 
1592, the father of Lionel Chute who came to Ipswich, 
Massachusetts, in 1634. 

If Thomas Chute of Marblehead belonged to this line 
from Lionel of Ipswich, as is supposed, he should appar- 
ently have used the simple red shield with three swords 
(see No. 49) j but if he was born in London, as stated by 
Goold, he must have belonged to a different branch, and in 
that case might have been entitled to the augmented coat 
which is given him in the Gore Roll. 

55. (55.) (Omitted.) 

Arms: Gules a chevron between ten (6,4) crosses patty 

Wreath: Silver, gules. 

Crest: A unicorn passant gules. 

Legend: Sr. John Barkley of Stratton ' Jn Summorset 
shir G. Britton/ 1719. 


Notes: These arms occur in the Chute Manuscript under 
the name Hartley, and in the Promptuarium Armorum 6b. 

They are the well known Barkeley or Berkeley arms and 
may be found in Edmondson and many other works, 

56. {56^.} (Omitted.) 

Arms: Per chevron counterflowered sable and silver in 
chief two escallops and in base a tower counterchanged. 

Wreath : Silver, sable. 

Crest: Five spears, one erect, four two and two parallel 
in saltire, proper. 

Legend: Gorge Whithorn of Kingston / Jn ye Jsland 
of Jameca 1719." 

Notes: These arms are in the Promptuarium Armorum 
125b under the name of Whithorne. 

The name is not found in Edmondson; Berry and Burke 
record the arms but in reversed form for Whitehorn: Per 
chevron flory silver and sable in chief two towers and in 
base an escallop all counterchanged; crest. Five spears sable 
the heads gold, one in pale and four in saltire. Possibly the 
artist confused the design with that of the somewhat similar 
Mun coat. No. 39. 

57. (57.) (42.) 


Arms: Silver a bend double cotised sable on the bend 
three eagles silver. 

Wreath: Silver, sable. 

Crest: An eagle silver, charged with a bar gemel sable, 
beak and legs gold. 

Legend: Samuell Brown Esqr. of Salem / Justice of ye 
Cort of Common plee (r — written over) / Coll', of the 
first Rigament of foot / in ye County of Esix. On of his 
Maj Counsell. 

Notes: The Child copy, colored after Whitmore had 


written his description, now shows the bend and the cotises 
gules and the eagles on the bend gilded. Whitmore identi- 
fies this individual as the son of William and Hannah 
(Curwin) Brown and the grandson of William Brown of 
Salem who was the son of Francis Brown of Brandon, co. 
Suffolk. See also No. 44. 

58. (58.) (43.) 

Arms: Party sable and gold a chevron between three 
escallop^s counterchanged in a border silver charged with 
(eight) roundles azure. 

Wreath : Gold, sable. 

Crest: An escallop gules. 

Legend: Francis Brindle of Newport / in ye CoUoney 
of Roadisland Mar. / Now of Boston 1719. 

Notes: The word "Mar", omitted by Child and hence 
by Whitmore, presumably means "Marchant". Whitmore 
identifies this Francis Brinley, as he writes the name, as the 
son of Thomas Brinley of Datchett, Buckinghamshire, and 
says that he was an Assistant and died in 171 9. 

Under the names Brindesley, Brinsley and Brindsley, 
Edmondson gives: Per chevron gold and sable three escal- 
lops counterchanged, which may be taken as the simplest 
and hence the earliest form of this coatj under Brindesley 
Berry gives: Party gold and sable a chevron between three 
escallops counterchanged, which is the reverse of the coat 
given in the Gore Roll but lacking the border; the arms 
with the border do not appear in the books consulted. 

Chapin records the fact that Francis Brinley of Newport 
used an armorial seal in 1686 and 1688, showing these arms 
without a border (Rhode Island Heraldry, p. 45), and the 
same arms, with a lion's head erased, with a crown, for a 
crest, appear on his will (Heraldic Journal, II, 3 1 ). 

Note that the bordered coat appears again on the death of 
the widow of Francis Brindesley, No. 73. 


59. (59.) (Omitted.) 


Arms: Silver a bend engrailed gules. 

Wreath : Silver, gules. 

Crest: A falcon with wings raised silver, beak and legs 
gules, bells gold. 

Legend: Sr. Thomas Culpeper Barron / of Thornesway 
in ye County of / Kent : G : Britton 1719. 

Notes: These arms are found in the Promptuarium 
Armorum and in the Chute Manuscript. 

Child, before Whitmore had described his copy, colored 
the field azure j it is hard to see how he could have made 
such a blunder, for besides offending the eye of anyone 
practised in heraldry through its obvious contravention of 
the rule against placing color on color, he was making a 
material alteration in a well known coat, known even in 
America since Thomas Colepeper, second Baron Colepeper 
of Thoresway, became Governor of Virginia in 1675 and 
took office in 1680. 

This coat, if painted in 1719, was reminiscent, for Sir 
Thomas, the second baron, died in 1688/9 and was suc- 
ceeded in turn by his two brothers, the second of whom died 
in 1725 when the title became extinct. It is perhaps for this 
reason that Dr. Buck has raised the question whether the 
word Baron should not read Baronet. 

60. (60.) (44.) 

Arms: Gold a two-tailed lion azure. 

Wreath: Gold, azure. 

Crest: A lion's head erased azure the tongue gules. 

Legend: Joseph Dudly of Roxburey in ye Con / of 
Suffolk Esqr: Gouenar of ye prouin (r ) / of ye Masechu- 
sets bay New England / and New Hanshear 1 720. 

Notes: Whitmore says "This was the son of Governor 


Thomas Dudley. . . . We may note that the Dudley lion 
was usually vert, instead of azure." The painting in the 
Gore Roll offers another of the puzzling instances where 
the decision as to the original color is hard to reach. The lion 
and the lion's head are frankly green now, but no more 
green than is the sinister half of the Hutchinson coat on the 
opposite side of the same sheet (No. 64), and they do not 
have the yellowish-brown tinge which is seen in objects 
which are known to be intended for vert. Nevertheless, 
vert may have been intended, and I leave the point unde- 
cided. Child when he made his copy painted the lion azure, 
although the edges of the figure are in places green, prob- 
ably through carelessness in handling the paint over the 
yellow background. The tincture of the lion as used by the 
American family remains in doubt, for although the Dud- 
leys, Earls of Warwick, are said to have used a lion vert 
there appears to be a conflict of testimony. The following 
citations show the variation in the tincture of the lion. 

Dudley: Gold a lion vert, tail forked. 
Dudley: Gold a lion vert. 

(Edmondson, Berry, Burke.) 

Dudley: John, Earl of Warwick 1547, Viscount Lisle, 
afterwards Duke of Northumberland, K. G. j 
descended from the Lady Margaret, daughter of 
Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick j 

Dudley: Ambrose, Earl of Warwick 1562, K. G., died 

Gold a lion azure with two tails. 

Dudley (England): Gold a lion azure, tail forked. 

(d'Eschavannes. ) 

Form of Legacy 

"/ give and bequeath to the Rhode Island 

Historical Society the sum of 


Roger Wii.i.iams I'rtss M^R}^ 

1-^. A. Johnson Co. 



Rhode Island 

Historical Society 


Vol. XXX 

JULY, 1937 ...1 

No. 3 


N ozv in the Society's Aliiscuin 

Issued Quarterly 

68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island 


Hopkinton Records Chest ..... Cover 

Recollections of the Mexican War 

by Nelson Viall 65 

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest . . 83 

Notes 84 

Lands West of East Greenwich 

Communicated by G. Andrews Moriarty 

Notes by William Davis Miller . . . 85 

Gore Roll of Arms 

by Harold Bowditch 88 





Vol. XXX 

JULY, 1937 

No. 3 

Nathaniel W. Smith, President 
William Davis Miller, Secretary 

Robert T. Downs, Treasurer 
Howard M. Chapin, Librarian 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions 
of contributors. 

Recollections of the Mexican War 

By Nelson Vlall"^ 

From original ?nanuscript i/i the library of the Society 

It was my fortune to be a member of the "Providence 
Artillery", (now called "United Train of Artillery") in 
the year 1846. The movement of General Taylor from 
Corpus Christi, to the relief of Fort Brown, on the Rio 
Grande, was the theme of conversation throughout the 
state. Meetings were called by commanders of the various 
military companies, after the battles of Palo Alto and 
Resaca-de-la-Palma, for the purpose of offering their 
services to the Government. The act passed by Congress 
to increase the army, by adding ten regiments, to be en- 
listed for the war, defined the quota of Rhode Island to 
be one company of infantry. Although there were four 
companies in process of organization, but one could be 
mustered into service j to Captain Joseph S. Pitman and 
Lieut. John S. Slocum was assigned the duty of preparing 

*The author mentions that he was promoted to be a sergeant, thus 
showing that he was a corporal and states that John \'iall was his brother. 


it for the field. The second lieutenancy was subsequently 
filled by the appointment of John Glackin of Woonsocket. 
The Legislature made an appropriation, January 1 847 
of $2,500, for volunteers for the Mexican War. George 
W. Guild was appointed hrst-sergeant. Frequent change 
was made in the grade of the non-commissioned officers, 
as their qualifications developed. The following is the 
roster after entering the Valley of Mexico: 

1st William H. White of Newport, R. I. 

2nd John Viall of Providence, R. I. 

3rd Albion C. Libby of Maine 

4th Alpheus W. Randall of Providence, R. I. 

5th James E. Powell of Texas 


1st Nelson Viall of Providence, R. I. 

2nd George W. Guild of Providence, R. I. 

3rd David K. Richmond of Providence, R. I. 

4th Henry Williams of Providence, R. I. 


George W. King of Johnston, R. I. 

In the early spring of 1847, the company took passage 
on a sloop for Fort Adams, Newport, R. I., where it was 
perfected in drill; at this time no other company of the 
New England regiment ( to which we were to be attached) 
had been organized. Orders were received to proceed to 
Fort Columbus, New York harbor; we returned to Prov- 
idence and took the old Stonington route for New York. 
At Stonington we were delayed until next day, a heavy 
gale of wind preventing the steamer from leaving her 
dock. However, an incident occurred early in the evening, 
which made the delay more tolerable; at roll-call it was 
discovered that one man, private F. was absent: after 
diligent search he was found among the steerage passengers, 
in earnest conversation with a woman of about his own 
age; they had not met before for years, but they were 
now intent upon making up for lost time. His deep interest 


in the girl was the only excuse he had to offer for being 
absent from roll-call. Lieut. Slocum was informed of his 
delinquency and was about to reprimand him. The soldier 
pleaded for the officer to hear him, "Lieut." said he, "I 
am strongly attached to this girlj we were engaged to be 
married; the fault was mine; we became separated, and 
for three years we have not met, until by chance I saw her 
among the passengers bound for New York in pursuit of 
work. Now I desire to fulfill my promise made then, but 
how to do it in my present condition I am at a loss to know, 
Lieut, will you advise me what to do." Lieut. Slocum, 
alive to the gravity of the case, conferred with Capt. Pitman, 
and it was decided to have a wedding; a detail was sent on 
shore to procure a clergyman; after much delay, and 
during a lull in the storm, they arrived on board the 
steamer. The knot having been tied, hearty cheers and 
congratulations were given to the pair, each man of the 
company no doubt feeling that an additional laundress in 
the company would be a great help in a sanitary point of 
view. A purse was made up to defray expenses, by 
officers and men; a balance remaining, it was invested in 
a set of jewelry for the bride. The Captain of the steamer 
kindly offered the bridal state-room, into which they 
were conducted at a late hour, when all retired to await 
the fury of the gale to expend itself. 

The following day we arrived at Fort Columbus. The 
fort being garrisoned by a company of artillery of the 
regular army, all guard duty was performed by them. 
During the evening I procured pen, ink and paper, seated 
myself on the floor of the barracks, and wrote a letter home 
to "the girl I left behind me" and the one who subsequently 
became my wife. A soap box with a candle stuck upon it 
formed the best means for correspondence. Being located 
on the second floor, and my thoughts entirely absorbed, 
I heard nothing from below until a gruff voice from the 
foot of the stairs cried out, "put out that light". My reply 
was "all right", I had arrived just at the interesting part 


of my letter, when, again I heard a loud tread upon the 
stairs j the door opened with a slam and the Sergeant of 
the guard stood before mej "I told you to put your light 
out j did you not hear the taps"? I assured him I had not. 
In my letter I had become so absorbed, that all else was 
oblivion to me. The Sergeant excused me, and I went to 
bed, with anything but the kindest of feelings for that 

After a few days stay in Fort Columbus, the company 
embarked on the brig Wilson Fuller, for Brazos Santiago 
in Texas. Our passage was a most unpleasant one. The 
vessel was less than 300 tons measurement. The men 
being placed in the hold with but one hatchway for venti- 
lation, and this served also as a means of getting to and 
from our close quarters. 

April 28, 1847 we were enjoying the freedom from the 
ships hold on the sand hills of Brazos Santiago. On the 
29"' of April we marched to the mouth of the Rio Grande 
river, distance eight miles. The land is low and marshy 
on the route, and the water brackish and unfit to drink ^ 
this is true of Rio Grande City; the water consumed being- 
taken from the river above the flow of the tide, and brought 
down the river and sold to consumers. 

April 30*'' the company embarked on board steamer 
William M'^Gee for Camp Instruction, ten miles below 
Matamoras. On our arrival we were attached to the 1 1*'' 
Infantry, Col. Ramsey commanding. Here for the first 
time the Company was drilled in battalion movements. A 
more strict discipline was exacted, and I began to feel that 
the Sergeant of the guard at Fort Columbus, was not the 
only martinet in the service. By degrees the recruit has 
the conceit taken out of him. It requires time to make a 
soldier; old militia notions must be abandoned, and the 
Articles of War and the Army Regulations made a basis 
in the duties of a soldier. The drawing of the lines of 
discipline at Palo Alto caused some of our men to chafe, 
and at last desert. Privates Inman and Slocuni on the 15''' 






In the Soc!e/\'s Museum 

of May left the Company and were dropped from the roll. 
Brigadier General Cadwallader commanded the post which 
consisted of 2000 men of all arms. 

During our stay we interchanged visits with the Mass. 
Volunteers Col. Caleb Cushing, who occupied Matamoras. 
On the 23'^^ of May we broke camp pursuant to orders 
received, to proceed to Vera Cruz. The 11 "' Regiment 
embarked on steamer Col. Hunt for Brazos Santiago, 


from which place we sailed on the transport brig Meteor 
for Vera Cruz. A passage of seven days brought us to 
anchor under the lee of the Castle of San Juan de UUoa. 
Landing the command by means of surf boats was next 
in order. The troops were landed some two miles north 
of the city, on the sandy beach, which shoaled so gradually 
that our boats containing, say a hundred men each, could 
not approach within a hundred yards of the shore when 
the keel would touch j a line attached to an anchor pre- 
viously thrown out is now made fast, and as the rolling 
surf permits, men jump into it and make the shore as 
best they can. Some losing their footing, are rolled many 
yards up the beach before regaining their feet to escape 
the next roller. We encamped on the beach within a short 
distance of the surf. While in this camp the men took a 
sea bath, daily, by companies which was of great benefit 
as a sanitary measure. On the morning of June 4*^^ at two 
o'clock we struck our tents in obedience to orders of Gen. 
Cadwallader to march to the City of Puebla. Our sick 
were left in hospitals at \'era Cruz. Our march of nine 
miles to the town of Sante Fe was very fatiguing. Our 
bivouac for the night without a supply of water, was no 
doubt, the first time many of us had been brought to a 
realizing sense of its value, to man and beast. The hot sun 
began to tell upon the health of the men. Captain Pitman's 
health was failing; he bought a mare, with a colt some six 
weeks old, also an improvised saddle. He found the mare 
of great assistance to him. There being no supply of water 
found, the column moved at an early hour to Sopelota, a 
distance of eight miles, where water was obtained in abund- 
ance. We encamped on the bank of a beautiful river at 
three o'clock P. M. and in a short time our men largely 
availed themselves of the privilege of a bath in the river. 
Captain Pitman suffered niuch on this day's march from 
the effects of the sun, and during the evening showed signs 
of mental derangement. He recovered, however, and 
moved with the column the following day. As we ap- 


preached Puenta National or the National Bridge, some 
30 miles from Vera Cruz, the enemy's pickets of lancers 
were observed falling back, but watching closely our move- 
ments. As the advance of two companies of U. S. Dagroons 
approached within range, the Mexicans opened a sharp fire 
and retired to the naturally fortified heights commanding 
the bridge on both sides of the river. Our Mountain 
Howitzer Battery opened fire upon the enemy, while 
Colonel Ramsey directed a company of the 11*'' Infantry 
to cross the bridge and attack the heights. Captain Pitman 
and Lieut. Slocum both urged the Col. to send the Rhode 
Island Company on this duty. This he consented to do, 
Capt. Joseph Hooker of G^n. Cadwallader's Staff charged 
across the bridge with the Rhode Island Company. We 
met with a barricade made in the center which impeded 
our progress some moments. The Company was under fire 
for the first time, and its behavior was excellent. Clearing 
the barricade we crossed the bridge and charged the enemy's 
works on the heights, Captain Hooker followed with us 
until the steep hill and broken ground prevented his horse 
from advancing farther Capt, Pitman led his Company 
bravely up the heights. At this time it was quite dark. 
Our fire had been reserved until we had nearly gained the 
heights, when the Capt. gave the command to charge bat- 
talion. Our men with a cheer gained the enemy's position 
to find they had fled. They being well mounted, could 
keep up their fire until we were near them, when all dis- 
appeared in the wooded country in the rear. Into the woods 
we followed some distance when a halt was made, and 
quite a difference of opinion existed, as to the true course 
back to the old fort occupied by the enemy. Lieut Slocum 
having located the north star, we were soon out of the 
thicket, and regaling ourselves on the provisions which the 
Mexicans were forced to leave in their hurried retreat. 
Cheer upon cheer was answered by the troops now crossing 
the bridge and occupying the town. This was done under 
the fire of the enemy, who had not been dislodged from 


the fort approaching the bridge. They were very much 
demoralized by the hre from our Howitzer Battery. Our 
train was a large one, containing specie and clothing. This 
was pushed forward into park as rapidly as possible. As 
morning approached the enemy left the fort and retired 
from view. At daylight the dead were buried, and some 
thirty wounded were sent under an escort of dragoons to 
Vera Cruz. This caused a delay of two days, when we 
resumed the march for Puebla. The enemy had posted 
himself in a strong position a few miles above the National 
Bridge and opened hre upon the train as it approached. 
Their position being concealed they were able to do us much 
damage. Many wagons of the train were abandoned in con- 
sequence of all the animals attached to them being killed. 
Our casualties here were not so heavy as at the bridge. 
Our Company had two wounded, Private Lines whom 
Captain Pitman had detailed to lead his mustang, received 
a wound in the hand, which tore the back portion away, 
and permanently disabled him. After a sharp encounter 
w^ith the Mexicans they were driven from their position. 
Our dead were hurriedly buried beside the road, the 
train closed up, the abandoned wagons fired, and the march 
resumed. Our Captain had undergone a severe strain; 
his mind was badly aifected, and much of the time he was 
unfit for duty. On Lieut. John S. Slocum devolved the 
command of the Company during the frequent attacks of 
the Capt's. malady. Slocum was a born soldier; loved by 
all who knew him; a strict disciplinarian, with the tact to 
exact obedience without incurring a feeling of opposition. 
General Cadwallader became convinced that this mounted 
force of the enemy would occupy every pass and mountain 
top on our route to Puebla. The train extended miles on 
the road with a guard of four men to a wagon. It was 
doubled up on the road as far as practical. 

On our arrival at Puenta del Reys or Kings Bridge the 
enemy had taken a strong position. It was determined to 
reduce the train in consequence of the number of animals 


killed and broken down, thus being able to repel, or make 
an attack more successfully. Large quantities of clothing 
was placed in the thatched-roof houses and burned. Kings 
bridge is a fine structure of eight arches each of forty feet 
span and built of stone. One of these arches the enemy 
subsequently destroyed, but yankee ingenuity leveled the 
river bed, thus causing a uniform flow of about two feet 
in depth over the road bed of stone. This was used when 
our army evacuated the country. 

As we marched into the interior the enemy would attack 
us at every pass in the mountains where they could find 
an easy means of escape when charged upon by infantry. 
We passed the enemy's works at Cero Gordo without 
annoyance and arrived at Jalapa where a halt of several 
days was made. The scenery of the surrounding country 
is very beautiful j the snow-capped mountain of Orizaba 
looms up in the distance, while the valleys produce a great 
variety of tropical fruits in abundance. 

During the worst season of the year the merchant and 
better portion of Vera Cruz retire to Jalapa to avoid the 
vomito. The natives insist that this is the sight of the 
original Paradise. An old Spanish ofiicer says that Jalapa 
was a piece of Heaven let down to earth. The argument 
is that Paradise must have been in the tropics, in a region 
elevated far above the baleful heat and malaria of the 
low-lands; in a climate where all plants could grow to the 
utmost perfection. And such is Jalapa. It was but a short 
march from Jalapa across the mountains to Perote passing 
over an elevation of 10,400 feet, the highest elevation that 
a stage coach had then ever reached, and from which a 
traveller can often times enjoy the sight of a thunder storm 
in the valley below, while on the mountains the sun shines 
in all its glory. On this short march one can see nearly all 
the vegetable kingdoms of the world. So accurately are 
the strata of vegetation adjusted to the strata of the atmos- 
phere that they inhabit as to lead one to suppose that a 
gardener had laid out the fields one upon another upon 


the sides of the mountain. As you go down the other side 
of the mountain a different world presents itself. It is a 
fine grain growing country, fenced in by rows of the 
Maguey or Century plant, which furnishes the beverage 
called Talque which is in common use among the natives. 
We soon arrived at the town of Perote noted for its robbers. 
To the north of the town stands the castle of San Carlos, 
a square fort with a moat and glacis. It is built in the best 
style of fortifications of the last century, and designed as 
a depository of silver and gold when it was not deemed 
prudent to send it to the coast. At one time the accumula- 
tion of silver was so great that it is said to have amounted 
to $40,000,000., weighing thirteen hundred tons, or a 
little short of the whole silver export of two years. 

Col. Ramsey encamped the 11th infantry on the plain 
south of the castle. Sickness had become so prevalent in 
our company that one half were unfit for duty. Albert 
Tripp a Providence man, whose wife accompanied him 
as a laundress, died, and was buried near the castle wall. 
Mrs. Tripp had the sympathy of every member of the 
company. She had left Providence to share the dangers 
and hardships of the campaign with her husband. To 
have him sicken and die on the march well nigh broke her 
heart. Mrs. Tripp remained at the castle when we resumed 
our march in obedience to an order that all laundresses 
should remain here. The fact that the women were obliged 
to ride on the wagons of their respective companies, exposed 
to the fire of the enemy almost daily, made this order neces- 
sary. Mrs. Tripp found employment with the commanding 
officer of the garrison of Perote. Following the death of 
Tripp was that of Sergeant Benj. Dawley of Newport, 
who was laid beside poor Tripp. It was with jov we re- 
ceived orders to move from this place, and with a sad 
parting from our sick comrades, we resumed our march 
to Puebla los Angelo. Here we joined the army under 
Gen. Winfield Scott. A month was passed in drill, company 
and battalion movements. We began to doubt whether 


we should ever see, or join our own Regiment, the 9th 
New England. News was at last received that Gen. Frank- 
lin Pierce would arrive the following day. The Rhode 
Island Company seemed to feel very much as a child does 
when it is about to leave the arms of the nurse for those 
of its Mother. We should now be identified with officers 
who had a common interest. Colonel Ransom's reputation 
had preceded him, and Co. A. of the 9th infantry anxiously 
awaited the dawn of another day, when they were to march 
out of Puebla to meet their Regiment, not a company of 
which had been organized when the Rhode Island Com- 
pany embarked for Mexico. It was a pleasant greeting 
as Colonel Ransom met Captain Pitman. Lieuts. Slocum 
and Glackin for the first time. We at once joined our 
Regiment amid cheers and congratulations from the 1 1th 
infantry, in which our men had found strong and lasting 
attachments. We were assigned excellent quarters in this 
beautiful city, where Gen. Scott was organizing the army 
into four divisions, and perfecting it by daily drill to 
advance upon the Capitol. In the early part of August 1 847 
the army moved by divisions out of the city, each division 
having its proper assignment of dragoons and light bat- 
teries. The army was in excellent condition. It met with 
no opposition from the enemy on its march to the Valley 
of Mexico. At the little town of Saint Martius, Sergeant 
John Viall became entirely unfit for duty with an attack of 
inflamatory rheumatism. Many of our men were affected 
in health in consequence of the sudden change. At Rio 
Frio we suffered much with cold. The ascent of the Sierra 
Popocatapetl though not fatiguing, called into requisition 
overcoats and blankets to keep comfortable. We were about 
9,000 feet above the sea level, amidst the clouds. The 
snow-capped peak of this mountain towered up on our left 
1 7,852 feet, over three and one half miles high. We moved 
on and upward through the moving volume of misty vapor 
to the highest point of the National Road. As we turn an 
angle a most enchanting sight meets the eye. The Valley 


of Mexico lies before us. Cities and villages are scattered 
here and there, with their brown domes and glittering- 
crosses, interspersed with beautiful lakes. Long causeways, 
with their tall shady trees intersect the valley in every 
direction. The first impulse to the beholder, is to stop and 
feast his eye upon the panorama before him. As this 
scenery came into view long and hearty cheers were given 
by each command. The following, from the pen of Col. 
William G. Mosely of our division is a truthful pen picture 
of this scenery, "Dark, frowning fortresses j the isolated 
and bleached ruins of ancient Aztec cities j bare conical hills, 
half concealing, half disclosing some picturesque hamlet 
or hacienda, with its lights and shadows. The connstellated 
hills of Chapultepec, with its grand border of venerable 
cypresses — the favorite retreat in bygone days, and final 
resting place of the Montezumas. And finally in the 
center of this gorgeous circlet of natures diadem — the 
richest jewel of all — sits enthroned the peerless City of 
Mexico; the shrine of the Aztecs; the halls of the Monte- 
zumas. Around and encircling this miniature world of 
Utopian beauty but actual realities, runs a lofty, smooth 
outline of purplish mountains, like the richly wrought 
frame-work of a masterpiece of art. Looking down imme- 
diately before us was seen a long, glittering serpentine pile, 
the advance division of the army. It seemed like some 
huge reptile gliding into this garden of Eden, to fascinate 
and destroy". 

The reconnaissance of El Penon had demonstrated the 
fact that this strong position was impregnable, simply be- 
cause we had not the men to lose in the storming, to be able 
to take the inner defenses of the city. 

The attitude of the two opposing forces was like that of 
two mailclad warriors, met in the shock of battle. Eying 
each other with searching scrutiny; thrusting with sword 
or lance. 

The Americans although the weaker of the two, yet 
more agile, bold and skillful, were the assailants, and never 


in the history of war, was there more need for daring, 
science and promptitude. With an opposing force three 
times our own; behind strong central fortifications, with 
accurate knowledge of every foot of the country, and ani- 
mated with the ardent national pride of defending their 
Capital, "jce had to con'quer^ or suffer total annihilation. 
We had cut loose from our base. We had no allies, the 
country was strange and unknown, and our supplies were 

On the fourteenth of August our division was at Chalco 
on the lake of the same name. It presented a singular 
maritime appearance in that elevated, mountainous region. 
Quite a fleet of small fishing and market boats had been 
seized, and hauled on shore in anticipation of their use. 
It was a bold and hazardous move. Every step was terra 
incognita. Many of the inhabitants fled at our approach; 
others kept a sullen taciturnity, or gave incorrect informa- 
tion. The road, blind, obscure and but seldom used, ran 
along the shore of the two lakes where the ground was 
low, marshy and subject now and then to overflow. It 
ran across the spurs of the Sierras that radiated into the 
valley. Occasionally it penetrated a defile between the 
abrupt shoulder of the hill and the lake, or led across a 
narrow causeway, flanked on either side by impracticable 

Altogether it was a savage, forbidden way for an army 
with a siege train, and heavily laden wagons. Still it was 
practicable. It had been overlooked by that ubiquitous 
Asmodeus of Mexican warcraft, Santa Anna. The rapidity 
of our movements, marching and countermarching, before 
the eastern approaches of the city had apparently perplexed 
him, and made him unmindful of this the weak, vulnerable 
point in his armor. It w^as the true cout) de guerre of the 
campaign, as it flanked the formidable, skillfully con- 
structed works at El Penon and Mexicalzingo, rendering 
them powerless for defense, and letting down the Mexican 
from his self security. The reconnoissance was made w^th 


the utmost rapidity, and secrecy, seconded by wide awake 
vigilance and caution, to within a few miles from the 
village of San Augustin on the Acapulca road. The return 
to headquarters the same day was equally expeditious. The 
route was perfectly practicable, though rough, and capable 
of easy defense, therefore no time was lost in the forward 
movement of our division the next day. 

None too soon had the advance been made, for we en- 
countered obstructions at every assailable point. Here, 
huge boulders detached from the rocky spurs, blocked up 
a narrow defile; there, a marshy tract was flooded by 
cutting the dykes j trees felled where they could be thrown 
to cause delay. But no enemy displayed; no hostile shot 
was fired, although Alvarez with his Pintos were supposed 
to be in the vicinity. 

We made the flank movement with perfect success, and 
planted our standard on the great southern highway at 
San Augustin as a base of operations, and all the myrmidons 
of Mexico could not shake us from that base. Our sword's 
point had touched the weak vulnerable part in our adver- 
sary's armor, and a vigorous thrust would send it home 
and close the conflict." 

The night of August 18*'' 1847 the 9*'^ New England 
Regiment occupied the town of San Augustine. The enemy 
made a show of resistance. In our skirmish a Capt. and 
several men were killed, Santa Anna being present in per- 
son, withdrew falling back to Contreras. 

A melancholy duty devolved upon the writer at this 
place. A brother. Sergeant John Viall having become help- 
less from an attack of inflammatory rheumatism had occu- 
pied a baggage wagon with other sick since we left Rio Frio. 
We removed him to the hospital in a delirious state. The 
long time that he had occupied the wagon, laying in one 
position, had chafed the skin from his back in many places. 
Leaving him at the hospital without even a recognition on 
his part, I returned to my company with a sad heart. I 
recall this event as the most trying to me of any during 


the campaign. With rest and proper care, however, he 
rallied and joined his regiment. 

Our Division commanded by Gen. Gideon Pillow con- 
sisted of the 9*'\ 1 r'\ 12'", 14*'^ and 15"^ regiments, a volti- 
guer or riflle regiment, a battery commanded by Capt. 
Magruder and a howitzer battery by Lieut. Callender. We 
moved early on the morning of the 1 9*'" of August, and took 
a position immediately in front of the enemy, who was 
strongly intrenched at Contreras. I will use Gen. Pillow's 
report here to describe the battle. 

"Perceiving that the enemy was in large force on the 
opposite side of the valley, with heavy batteries of artillery 
commanding the only road through a vast plain of broken 
volcanic stone and lava, rent into deep chasms and fissures, 
effectually preventing any advance except under hre, I 
resolved to give him battle. For this purpose I ordered Gen. 
Twiggs to advance with his finely disciplined division and 
with one brigade to assault the enemy in front. With the 
other to turn his left flank and assail it in reverse. Capt, 
Magruder's fine field battery and Lieut. Callender's how- 
itzer battery ( both of which constitute a part of my division) 
were placed at the disposal of Brig. Gen. Twiggs. This 
officer in executing my order of attack, directed Brevet 
Brig. Gen. Smith to move with his brigade on the enemy's 
front, while Colonel Riley with his was ordered to turn 
his left and assail him in the rear. To sustain these move- 
ments Brig. Gen. Cadwallader was ordered to advance with 
his brigade and support Col. Riley, and Brig. Gen. Pierce 
with his command to support the column moving on the 
enemy's front. LTnder Gen. Smith this last command was 
soon closely engaged with the enemy, as were also the 
batteries of Capt. Magruder and Lieut. Callender. Col. 
Riley's having now crossed the vast broken up plain of lava 
(passing the village on the right) while in the act of turning 
the enemy's left, was confronted with several thousand 
lancers, who advanced to the charge, when a well directed 
fire from the brigade, twice compelled them to fall back 


in disorder, under cover of their artillery. About this time 
Gtn. Cadwallader had also crossed the plain, when some 
five or six thousand of the enemy were observed moving 
rapidly from the direction of the Capital to the field of 
action. Col. Morgan with his large and fine regiment, 
which I had caused to be detached from the rear of Pierce's 
brigade, was now ordered to the support of Cadwallader 
by the direction of the General in Chief, who had now 
arrived on the field. The Gen. having discovered this 
large force moving on his right flank and to the rear, with 
decided military tact, and promptitude, threw back his 
right wing and confronted the enemy, with the intention 
to give him battle notwithstanding his overwhelming force. 

"This portion of the enemy's force moved steadily for- 
ward until a conflict seemed inevitable, when Col. Morgan's 
regiment having reached this part of the field presented a 
front so formidable as to induce the enemy to change his 
purpose, and draw oif to the right and rear of his former 

"During all this time the battle raged fiercely between 
the other portions of the two armies, with a constant and 
destructive fire of artillery. Magruder's battery from its 
prominent position was much disabled by the heavy shot 
of the enemy, as were Callender's howitzers. A part of the 
enemy's artillery had been turned upon Riley's command 
while engaged with large bodies of lancers. But even these 
combined attacks could only delay the purpose of the gal- 
lant old veteran and his noble brigade. 

"The General in Chief having arrived on the field with 
Gen. Shields' Brigade of \'olunteers, consisting of the New 
York and So. Carolina regiments ordered them to move up 
to the support of the forces under Gen. Cadwallader. But 
it had now grown so late in the evening that Gen. Shields 
did not get into position until after dark. Night having 
come on (but not until entirely dark) this fierce conflict 
was suspended, to be renewed on the morrow. The battle all 
this dav was conducted under mv immediate orders and 


within my view. A short time before sunset, having pre- 
viously engaged in the fight all the forces at my disposal, 
myself and staff started to cross the plain to join in the 
terrible struggle, on the immediate field of action. During 
the night Gen. Smith with the forces present to renew the 
action at daylight and coftiplete the original order of attack j 
before dark however the enemy had placed two pieces of 
artillery on a height nearly west of Cadwallader's position, 
which had opened several discharges upon his forces. Gen. 
Smith just before daylight moved a portion of his forces up 
the ravine to the rear of the enemy's position, so as to be in 
easy turning distance of his left flank leaving Col. Ransom 
w^ith the 9"' and 12*'' infantry to make a strong diversion 
in front. 

"The day being sufficiently advanced, the order was given 
by Gen. Smith for the general assault, when Gen. Smith's 
command upon the left, and Col. Riley with his brigade 
upon the right, supported by Gen. Cadwallader with his 
command, moved up with the utmost gallantry, under the 
furious fire from the enemy's batteries, which were imme- 
diately carried. A large number of prisoners were taken, 
including four Generals, with 23 out of the original 28 
pieces of artillery, and a large amount of ammunition and 
public property. The retreating enemy was compelled to 
pass through a severe fire both from the assaulting forces 
and Cadw^allader's brigade, as well as Shields' Command, 
which had remained at the position occupied by the former 
General the previous night, with the purpose of covering 
the movements upon the battery. 

"The forces of the enemy engaged at this place, in- 
cluding the reinforcements of the preceding evening, con- 
stituted a force of about 16,000 men, 5,000 of whom were 
cavalry. The whole was under the immediate command 
of General Santa Anna in person, assisted by Generals 
V^alencia, Salas, Blanco, Mendoza, Garcia and others. The 
last four nientioned were taken prisoners. 

"Our forces consisted of mv division (Pillow's) Gen- 


erals Twiggs' and Shields' Commands, amounting to about 
4,500 men. 

"The loss of the enemy as near as I can ascertain was 
between 1500 and 2000 killed and wounded, 800 prisoners, 
including the four Generals previously mentioned, four 
Colonels, thirty Captains and many officers of inferior 

"Brig. Gen. Pierce, though badly injured by the fall 
off his horse while gallantly leading his brigade into the 
thickest of the battle on the 19*'', did not quit the field, 
but continued in command of his brigade, two regiments 
of which, the 9"' and 12"' infantry under the immediate 
command of the gallant Colonel Ransom and Lieut. Colo- 
nel Bonham on the 19"' and Captain Woods on the 20"' 
assailed the enemy's work in front at daylight with great 
intrepidity, and contributed much to the glorious consum- 
mation of the work so handsomely commenced on the 
preceding day. The commanders of regiments and 
inferior officers all behaved with gallantry no less distin- 
guished, though in subordinate positions to those named 
above as commanding divisions and brigades. . . . Having 
myself crossed the plain and reached this bloody theatre 
as the last scene of the conflict was closing, as soon as suit- 
able, dispositions were made to secure the fruits of the 
victory. I resolved upon pursuing the discomforted enemy, 
in which I found that General Twiggs and Smith had 
already anticipated me by having commenced the move- 
ment. I had moved rapidly forward in execution of this 
purpose until I reached the town of Coyadcan, where the 
command was halted to await the arrival of the General 
in Chief, who I was informed was close at hand. Upon his 
arrival the important fact was ascertained that the enemy's 
forces at San Antonio, having perceived that the great 
battery had been lost, and the total defeat and rout of their 
forces at Contreras, by which their rear was open to assault, 
had abandoned the work at San Antonio and fallen back 
upon their intrenchments in rear at Churubusco". . . . 
( To be concluded ) 


New Publications of Rhode Island Interest 

The United States Naval Institute Proceedings for 
March 1937 contains an article on Abraham Whipple, 
entitled The Navy's Fdrgotten Hero, by Lieut. Horace 
S. Mazet. 

Episodes in Warwick History by Ernest L, Lockwood 
with illustrations of old houses, is a booklet of 40 pages 
published by the City of Warwick Historical Committee. 

hooking up the Rhode Island Tree of Nature Leadership 
by William Gould Vinal appeared in School, Science and 
Mathematics for February 1937, published by the National 
Recreation Association, 315 Fourth Avenue, New York. 

"^ The Yale Journal of Biography and Medicine for March 
1937 contains an article by Ernest Caulfield on Dr. John 
Walton, Yale, 1720, later of Providence, R. I. 

Some biographical notes on Christian Lodowick, school 
teacher at Newport, R. I., in 1684, compiled by Henry 
J. Cadbury, appeared in the Journal of the Friends' Histor- 
ical Society for March 1936. References to Christian Lodo- 
wick will be found in the R. I. H. S. Collections XVII, 89 
and XXI, 100. 

Rhode Island Tercentenary 1636-1936, a report by the 
Rhode Island Tercentenary Commission of the celebration, 
is an illustrated booklet of 157 pages containing a brief 
account of the various celebrations, publications, tablets and 
other activities of the Tercentenary's observance. 

The Daughters of the American Revolution Magazine 
for March 1937 contains several articles relating to Rhode 

The I talo- Americans in Rhode Island^ Their Contribu- 
tions and Achievements, by Ubaldo U. M. Pesaturo, is an 
illustrated volume of 172 pages. 


Roger Williams^ Peacemaker, an address delivered by 
George W. Gardiner at the Tercentenary Celebration at 
North Kingstown, has been published as a pamphlet of 
8 pages. 

Coaster^ s Harbor Island and the Newport Naval Train- 
ing Station by Thomas J. Willianis is an illustrated pam- 
phlet of 2>3 pages printed by the Training Station Press. 

Janies MacSparran, Colonial Minister of Narragansett^ 
is the title of an article by Lieut. Ottis C. Skipper in the 
April 1937, issue of the Bulletin of the Citadel, the Mili- 
tary College of South Carolina, Charleston, S. C. 

The Catholic Church in Rhode Island by Rev. Thomas 
F. Cullen is a volume of 482 pages issued as a Tercentenary 

History of Portsmouth, 1 638-1 936, by Edward H. West 
is a booklet of 64 pages. 

\ Rhode Island's Tercentenary Miscellanies, by Arthur 
W. Browni, is an illustrated volume of 223 pages. 

Connne)norating Three Hundred Years is an illustrated 
memorial volunie of 80 pages, published by Rhode Island 
and Providence Plantations Tercentenary Committee, Inc. 


The following persons have been elected to membership 
in the Society: 

Dr. Henry M. Wriston 

Mr. Howard B. Smith 


A Petition for the Settlement of Lands 
West of East Greenwich 

Communicated by G. Andrews Moriarty, 
with Explanatory Notes by William Davis Miller 

Petition of Joseph Sheffield and Caleb Arnold 
To the Honourable The Gov' & Councill and house of 
Representatives sitting in Generall Assembly at Newport 
the first Wednesday in May 1705. 
The Humble Petition of Joseph Sheiffield and Caleb 
Arnold both" of Portsmouth in the Colony aforesaid 
Humbly Sheweth 

That Whereas your Honours Petitioners with severall other 
Person Concerned have made some Progress For settling 
of some part of the Narragansett Country which your 
Honours Petitioners think may be great Benefitt to this 
Colony if bee allowed by your Honours to settle a Town- 
ship of about twenty Thousand acres within the Bounds 
herein after mentioned Northerly upon the south line of 
Warrwick Purchase & Easterly upon Greenwich west line 
as it was Granted by the Colony; Westerly upon the 
dividing Line between the Colony of Connecticot & Rhode 
Island & to Extend southerly till it makes up the comply- 
ment of twenty Thousand acres or there abouts Not to 
Extend upon any man just Right the granting of which 
will be of Gr^at Benefitt In Generall to the People of the 
country Wee humble conceive & for the settling of many 
of the Inhabitants of this Colony who want land For to 
supply The Necessatys of there Familys all w*"'' is submitted 
to your Honours Judgement & we shell ever pray 

May the 5''' 1705 

Joseph Sheffield 
Caleb Arnold 


Past to the house of Deputies 
p order Weston Clarke. Red"" 
The opinion of this house of Deputies is that the Petition 
of Cap/ Joseph Sheffield & Cap.' Caleb Arnold be refered 
to the sitting of the next Assembly by reason the Narra- 
gansett Country has been so long in Contention as calls for 
serious Consideration & sever" townships & Purchases has 
been granted w'''' if we were satisfied it would not Infring 
on the lands already granted it might be well w^'' that 
proviser the Inhabitants of this Government may have the 
Priviledge to settle it with the aforesaid Petitioners Paying 
equall with them. 

Past to the house of Majestrates 
p order Edward Carr Clerke 
( Endorsed ) 

Sheffield etc. Petition, with the 
other votes included are 

N° 17 
C. O. 5 864 XX. Public Record Office, London, Eng. 

* * 

The above petition of Joseph Sheffield and Caleb Arnold, 
although unsuccessful, adds a further light on the settle- 
ment of the Narragansett Country. Found in the records 
of the Colonial Office in London, it does not appear, as far 
as is known, in any record of the colony of Rhode Island 
and is not referred in Bartlett's edition of the Colonial 

Captain Joseph Sheffield would appear to ha\'e been the 
son of Ichabod and Mary ( Parker ) Sheffield. He was born 
in Newport in 1661 and died in 1706. He held important 
offices in the Colony, being an assistant in 1696 and from 
1 698 until his death. He was one of the hve commissioners 
appointed by the Colony to meet the Connecticut men in an 
attempt to settle the boundary claims of the two colonies. 
Capt. Caleb Arnold, son of Governor Benedict Arnold, 
was also born in Newport in 16+2 and died in 1727. He 
held the office of Deput)' h\e times. 



Their activities in other settlements are not certain but 
Gov. Arnold was a Pettaquamscutt Purchaser and the 
Sheffields owned land in the Purchase at a later date. It 
is possibly there that they had "made some progress for 

The lands regarding ^vhich these two men petitioned 
were situated in the present township of West Greenwich. 
At present this township contains approximately fifty square 
miles or thirty-two thousand square acres. Sheffield and 
Arnold requested only twenty thousand acres but as their 
suggested bounds on the east, west and north are the same 
as those of the present township, i. e.. East Greenwich, the 
Connecticut line and Warwick, the remaining twelve thou- 
sand acres must- have been to the southward. 

The above facts present an interesting point, which 
despite its possible irrelevancy to the question under dis- 
cussion, may be considered here. In 1677 the township of 
East Greenwich was laid out, to be five thousand acres. 
The present township, very similar in bounds to the plat 
of William Hall in 1716, contains approximately ten 
thousand two hundred and fifty acres. The original five 
thousand acres would bring the south line about a half 
mile north of the present Frenchtown Road, so called. 
In 1 68 5 the Proprietors of Narragansett granted the French 
Huguenots land north and south of the above mentioned 
Frenchtown road. It is believed that this grant was made 
in good faith, as being land under the control of the Narra- 
gansett Proprietors. East Greenwich, however, encroached 
southward, and the remonstrance of Dr. Pierre Ayrault, 
dated the same year as the Sheffield-Arnold Petition, 1 705, 
tells graphically of the intrusion of the men of East Green- 
wich. What is of interest in connection with this Sheffield- 
Arnold Petition is that if twenty thousand acres are laid 
off by the bounds of the petition, the southern bound 
practically coincides with the southern bound of the original 
five thousand acres of East Greenwich. Numerous infer- 
ences may be drawn therefrom, despite evidences, between 


1677 and 1705, of the activity of East Greenwich men. 

That Capt. Sheffield and Capt. Arnold were unsuccessful 
may be seen from the following extract from a resolve in 
the Rhode Island Colonial Records, session of October 

"Whereas, it hath been represented to this Assembly, 
that there are severall persons settled in the Narragansett 
country to the westward of East Greenwich, that are not 
settled under any jurisdiction as to township . . . this 
Assembly ... do enact . . . that all {such) inhabitants 
. . . shall be under the jurisdiction of East Greenwich until 
further order." West Greenwich was finally created a 
separate township in 1741. 

Therefore it would appear that the petition of Joseph 
Sheffield and Caleb Arnold was not favorably received, 
although it may have been the "representation" to the 
Assembly of the condition of settlements on the lands in 

The Gore Roll of Arms 

By Harold Bowditch 

{continued jrom z'ol. A' A' A', page 64) 

Governor Thomas Dudley, the father of Governor 
Joseph Dudley, used on his seal a lion with a single tail and 
a crescent for difference ^ Joseph Dudley appears to have 
dropped the crescent and added another tail to his beast. 
The ancestry of Governor Thomas Dudley is obscure, and 
although he used an armorial seal his right to it has not 
been proved. The Visitation of London XGH-IG^S records 
a non-armigerous Dudley family containing a Thomas, 
living in 1634, with two sons, Henry and Francis. A recent 
correspondent in the Boston Transcript states that the 
Dudley Family Association has no knowledge of Governor 
Thomas Dudley's pedigree beyond his father, ont Captain 
Roger Dudley of Northampton. 


61. {53.) (40.) 
Gee. Thacher. 

Arms: Two coats impaled: Baron: Azure a chevron 
silver between three leopard's faces gold on the chevron 
three fleurs-de-lys gules. Femme: Gules a cross moline and 
a chief silver on the chief three grasshoppers sable. 

Wreath : Gold, gules. 

Crest: A standing wolf looking backward ermine. 

Legend: Josua Gee of Boston in ye Cou' / of Suffolk 
Ship Wright 1 720 / Gee & Thachor. 

Notes: In the legend the name Thacher seems to have 
been originally written Thathor, and a c then written over 
the t. 

These arms are in the Chute Manuscript and in the 
Promptuarium Armorum. 

Whitmore gives no tinctures for either coat, but, since he 
wrote, the picture in the Child copy has suffered a good 
deal: on the baron's side the chevron is painted pink with 
vertical hatching, the heads are silvered, and the fleurs-de- 
lys gilded^ on the femme's side, the field is sable and the 
cross is gilded. 

The arms given for Gee are not found under that name 
in Edmondson, Berry or Burke. In the Heraldic Journal 
II ( 1 866 ) 77 there is a cut showing these arms and the wolf 
crest cut on a table-tomb in Copp's Hill burying ground in 
Boston, and marked "The Armes and Tomb Belonging to 
the Family of GEE." The accompanying article, quoting 
Savage, says that the immigrant Peter Gee had a son 
Joshua who married Elizabeth, daughter of the Rev. 
Thomas Thornton and wiilozv of the Rev. Peter Thatcher; 
their son Joshua junior, Harvard 1717, became a minister, 
had a son Joshua (third of the name) and died in 1748. 
It is certainly anomalous to find a husband's arms impaling 
those of his wife's first husband! 


The "Gee" arms turn out to be those of Gay, Guy or Gye. 
Identified through Pap worth, they are found in Burke 
under Guy of Oundle, Northamptonshire, and of Wiltshire, 
but with this crest: A lion's head azure with a collar partly 
azure and sable, between two wings gold. Under the name 
of Gye of the Cellar they appear in Glover's Ordinary, a 
compilation by Robert Glover, Somerset Herald in the 
reign of Queen Elizabeth. By giving the name Guy 
its French pronunciation it is easy to see how it became 
spelled Gee in England. 

The impaled arms are not found exactly as given in the 
Gore Roll: 

Thecher or Thetcher: Thomas, of London, merchant, 

living 1633, son of Thomas T. of co. Sussex — 
Gules a cross moline and a chief silver on the chief 
three grasshoppers vert. 

Visit. London l633-'35. 

Thatcher (Sussex and Essex) — 

Gules a cross moline silver on a chief gold three 

grasshoppers proper. Edmondson. 

Thatcher (Ringmer, co. Sussex, from the Visitation 

of 1634)— 

Gules a cross moline and a chief silver on the chief 

three grasshoppers azure. 

Thatcher — the arms given by Edmondson; crest: 

A Saxon sword or sceaux proper. Burke. 

All agree in having the field gules and the cross silver; 
in two the chief is silver and in two gold, and the grass- 
hoppers are always vert or proper except that in one blazon 
they are azure. 

These arms are on the seal of Thomas^ Thatcher on his 
will, 1722 ( Heraldic Journal IV 77.) 

The crest has not been identified. A standing wolf look- 
ing backward -proper is for Barnwell and Heway, gules or 
sable for Daniell, and the tincture not specified for Nash 
and Pascoe. A wolf passant and looking backward, silver 


with Other characteristics is for Folliott and its variants, and 
if standing for Fleetwood ( Fairbairn). 

61. (54.) (41.) 


Arms: Silver a fess azure on the fess three saltires couped 

Wreath: Gold, azure. 

Crest: An earl's coronet proper. 

Legend: Wigelsworth Swetsur of / Boston in ye Cont. 
ofSuffolf/ 1720. 

Notes: Although the crest was copied by Child Whit- 
more omits mention of it. He states that Seth Sweetser who 
came in 1 637 from Tring, co. Hertford, had a son Benjamin 
who married Abigail, probably the daughter of Edward 
Wigglesworth and had a son Wigglesworth Sweetser who 
had a son of the same name. 

These arms are not found in Edmondson, Berry or Burke. 
Dr. Buck suggests that they are intended for those of Gale, 
CO. Devon: Azure a fess silver on the fess three saltires 
azure, another gules j the crest is not given ( Edmondson). 

63. {63.) (46.) 

Arms: Silver a lion sable with a collar gules and from 
it a chain passing over the back and ending in a ring gold. 

Wreath: Silver, sable. 

Crest: A lion as in the arms. 

Legend: Samuell Phillips of / Boston in ye Cont of 
Suffolk/ 1721. 

Notes: This coat appears in the Promptuarium Arm- 
orum 98a. Christopher Phillips of Rainham St. Martin, co. 
Norfolk, born about 1 593, had the Rev. George Phillips of 


Boxford, CO. Suffolk and of Watertown, Massachusetts; he 
had the Rev. Samuel Phillips of Rowley, who had Samuel 
Phillips of Salem, goldsmith, probably this individual ( W.) 
These arms, with the exception that the collar as well as 
the chain is gold, apply to Phillips of Netley in Shropshire 
and of Picton in Pembrokeshire ( Edmondson ) ; the same 
arms with the addition of a crown and the substitution of a 
line for the chain, apply to James Philip of London, living 
1634, fifth in descent from Philip ap John of Scotland 
House who held land in Dodington and Alkington ( Visita- 
tion of London \633-l635 ). In the first case the crest re- 
peats the arms, in the second a demi-lion is used. 

64. (64.) (47.) 

Arms and crest identical with No. 40, which see. 
Legend: William Hutchinson Esqr, / of Boston in ye 
Count, of Suffolk / Justice of ye Peice (?) 1721. 

Notes: Identified as the son of Eliakim Hutchinson 


For notes on the arms see No. 40. 

65. (65.) (48.) 
Pell. Clarke. 

Arms: Quartered: 1 & 4. Ermine on a canton azure 
a pelican gold, beak legs and blood gules. 2. & 3. Gules 
three swords erect silver pomels and hilts gold. 

Wreath: Gold, azure. 

Crest : On a chaplet of leaves vert a pelican as in the arms. 

Legend: Edward Pell of Boston in / ye Cont. of Suffolk 
Paintor / Pell & Clarke 1 720. 

Notes: The Promptuarium Armorum 83b attributes this 
coat ( the third quarter not colored) to Richard Pell 1 594 of 


Thimbleby, Lincolnshire. Edmondson gives the Pell arms 
and crest as granted in 1 594 to Pell of Dimblesby, Lincoln- 

When Whitmore wrote the only tinctures appear to have 
been: the pelicans in the Pell quarterings gold, the Clarke 
quarterings complete, arfd in the crest the chaplet vertj 
and Vermont, in his America Heraldica, apparently think- 
ing that there were two paintings in the Gore Roll, says 
"We find the name of Pell, impaling (sic) Clarke in the 
(Boston) Gore Roll of Arms, No. 65. The name of 
Echvard Pell is found in the same roll, facing a very imper- 
fect painting of the same shield." The Child copy appar- 
ently stands as it did when Whitmore described it. 

The arms as here given and the crest with the additional 
feature of golden flowers in the chaplet were granted 19 
October 1 594 by Richard Lee, Clarenceux. The immigrant 
ancestor of the New England family of Pell, which is en- 
titled to these arms and crest, was John Pell who arrived in 
Boston in October 1670, the son of the Rev. and Right Hon. 
John Pell, D.D., F. R. S., of London; they were borne as 
well by the Hon. John Pell, lord of the Manor of Pelham 
in New York, 1687, authenticated by Robert Bolton, Esq. 
(Heraldic Journal II 192). 

The Clarke arms are those of Clarke of Salford, co. War- 
wick ( Edmondson ). So far as I know no American Clarke 
family is entitled to them. 

66. {66.) (49.) 

Arms: Silver six lions sable. 

Crest: From a coronet gold a lion's paw erect sable the 
claws gules. 

Legend: Thomas Sauig Esqr. of Boston Collonel of 
the First Rigament / of Foot in ye Comt of Suffolk 1 720. 

Notes: These arms were in use by the first generation, for 


they appear on the background of the portrait painted in 
1679of Major Thomas Savage, born 1608, died 1682. He 
came from Taunton, co. Somerset, to Boston in 1635 and 
later went to Rhode Island. His son Colonel Thomas 
Savage bequeathed to his son Habijah "my seal-ring that 
was my father's", in all probability the armorial seal that he 
is known to have used in 1705 (Heraldic Journal II 7), 
showing the same arms. This Colonel Thomas Savage of 
the second generation is the individual who figures in the 
Gore Roll. 

67. (67.) (50.) 
Yeomans. Shrimpton. 

Arms: Two coats impaled: Baron: Sable a chevron be- 
tween three spear heads silver. Fern me: Silver a cross sable 
on the cross five escallops silver. 

Wreath: Silver, sable. 

Crest: An arm embowed in armor silver garnished gold 
the naked hand grasping the forward part of a broken spear 

Legend: Elizabeth Wife of John / Yemons Esqr. of ye 
Jland of / Antego. 1721./ Yemond & Shrimpton. 

Notes: Whitmore describes the spear heads as spears, and 
blazons the impaled arms as "Argent, on a cross gold five 
escallops of the field", which is correct for the present color- 
ing in the Child copy. He identifies John Yeomans as the 
grandson of John Yeomans, Lieutenant-Governor of Anti- 
gua, and his wife as the daughter of Samuel Shrimpton 
junior and the great-grand-daughter of Henry Shrimpton. 

Yeomans or Yeamans of Bristol, co. Somerset, and of 
Redlands, co. Gloucester, bore: Sable a chevron between 
three cronels of spears silver j crest: A dexter arm holding 
a spear proper (Edmondson). Cronels might have been 
described as spear heads and thus have led to the version 
given in the Gore Roll, or different branches of the same 


family might have used slightly different forms of the arms. 
The Shrimpton arms are identical with those shown in 
No. 5, for Anna the wife of Peter Sargent. They have not 
been found in Edmondson or Burke. Papworth lists them 
under the names of Stonham, Vastons or Wastoylej with 
the escallops gold instead of silver, under Beauvais, Ston- 
ham and Wastoyle. The name Shrimpton is not found in 
connection with arms of this design. 

68. (68.) (51.) 


Arms: Azure a bend silver double cotised gold on the 
bend a lion passant sable. 

Wreath: Silver, sable. 

Crest: A dove silver, bill and legs gules, holding in its 
bill an olive branch vert. 

Legend: Zakariah Tuttell of Boston / in ye Count of 
Suffolk Lef tenant / of Castel William. 1721. 

Notes: These arms are in the Promptuarium Armorum. 
Whitmore identifies them as the arms of Tothill. Edmond- 
son gives for Tothill of Exeter ( co. Devon) Azure a bend 
(single) -cotised gold on the bend a lion passant sable j crest, 
on a mount vert a turtle-dove proper in his beak a sprig 
vert fructed gold. The Visitations of Devon of 1564 and 
1620 attribute these arms, and the latter this crest except 
that the bird is called a Cornish chough proper, to William 
Tothill, alderman of the city of Exeter, who had four sons j 
the second, John, the third, Richard, and the fourth, Robert, 
are not followed further j the first, Geffrey, of Peamore, co. 
Devon, was Recorder of Exeter. He had three children: 
Henry, of Peamore j second, Robert, and third, Arys ac- 
cording to the 1564 Visitation but Neys according to that 
of 1620, of whom no further account is given. Henry was 
the father of two daughters of whom one, Grace, married 
William Tottle of Devon. 


69. (69.) (52.) 

Arms: Azure a saltire between four escallops gold. 
Wreath: Gold, azure. 

Crest: A rhinoceros silver, horn and hooves gold. 
Legend: Mrs. Ann Waide of Medford / in ye County 
of Medelsex/ 1721. 

Notes: These arms are drawn on a lozenge. In the crest, 
which Whitmore blazons as a hipp'jopotamus although the 
Child copy clearly shows a rhinoceros, there are touches of 
yellow on the beast's armor-plate, notably on a horn which 
projects from the withers, and of red in the mouth and ear. 

Whitmore says: "The Wades of Medford were sons of 
Jonathan of Ipswich, Mass., who owned lands in Denver, 
CO. Norfolk. This Anna may be the daughter of Nathaniel 
Wade and Mercy Bradstreet, born in 1685." The family 
arms on a lozenge indicate an unmarried woman, but 
heraldic custom denies to a woman the use of a crest. The 
term "Mrs." does not necessarily indicate a married woman, 
but is to be read "Mistress" and is commonly used as an 
expression of respect, as in the case of a daughter of a well 
born family. 

The Promptuarium Armorum 9b gives these arms as 
those of Sir William Wade, Clerk of the Council. They are 
the arms of Wade of Middlesex j crest, A rhinoceros silver 

Form of Legacy 

"/ give and bequeath to the Rhode Island 
Historical Society the sum of 
dollars. " 

\r I 

Roger Wii i iams Priss '^1^' 

I'.. A. Johnson Co. 


Rhode Island 

Historical Society 


Vol. XXX 

OCTOBER, l9CfT\ l'^ hr^Noi 4 


•■•^-"■-Miii - r ii *.***"' ■ 


{See page 97) 

Issued Quarterly 

68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island 


Early Providence Book Plates . Cover and 97 

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest . 101 

Notes 101 

Recollections of the Mexican War 

by Nelson Viall 102 

Gore Roll of Arms 

bv Harold Bowditch . . . .116 





Vol. XXX 

OCTOBER, 1937 

No. 4 

Nathaniel W. Smith, President 
William Davis Miller, Secretary 

Robert T. Downs, Treasurer 
Howard M. Chapin, Librarian 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions 
of contributors. 

Early Providence Book Plates 

The half century following the American Revolution 
was the period in which book plates struck from type and 
type ornaments were in vogue in Providence and northern 
Rhode Island. 

Some of these book plates consist of lettering only, while 
others have the lettering surrounded by a border of one or 
more rows of type ornaments. 

Of the more simple design with only a single border of 
type ornaments are the book plates of Welcome Arnold 
(died 1 798 ), George R. Burrill ( 1 795), William M. Dyer, 
Joseph Nightingale Greene, Moses B. Harris, Stephen 
Gano, Janetta Howland (1816), Jonathan Longley, 
Stephen S. Wardwell (1820), Resolved Waterman (1813), 
and Lvdia Smith. Joseph Lindley's book plate, dated 
Providence, 1790, and James Maxwell's book plate, dated 
Warren, 1814, are rather the most pretentious of the plates 
with a single border of type ornaments. 

A more ornate design called for a double border of type 
ornaments and is illustrated by the book plates of Henry G. 
Gladding ( 1 8 1 6 ), Joseph H. Low, Moses Lippitt and Ann 
E. Martin (1819). 


Welthja, Kent^^ 
BO0K 179s 

% The Property of st 

^ W E L C O M E A R N O L D. & 

^ i 

The book plates of William G. Goddard, James Potter 
Dunwell and Henry G. Lothrop are of this class but from 
the type ornaments used would seem to be of a much later 

A few persons, printers or book collectors, sought to 
elaborate the design further and produced plates with a 
triple border of type ornaments such as the Joseph \V. 
Greene plate and the W. R. Danforth, Jr., plate. In a few 
cases type ornaments were worked into a sort of design 
as in the case of the Stephen Wardwell plate and the H. 


Waterman plate, the latter apparently the culmination or 
zenith in book plate designing reached by the imagination 
of the Providence master printers of the early nineteenth 

Side by side with these primitive type ornament plates, 
we also find simple engraved plates, such as the Zachariah 
Allen plate and the John H. Hamlin plate, the latter 
engraved by William Hamlin of Providence. Both of these 
engraved plates show the influence of the type ornament 

With the mcrease in wealth and culture that accompanied 
the development of our country in the nineteenth century, 
the type-set book plates of Providence gave way more and 
more to the el-aborate engraved and etched book plates 
which were in use throughout the world. Eventually the 
type ornament design became relegated to library book 
plates and binders labels, and the Providence master 
printers' excursion into the realms of book plate designing 
became a thing of the past, one small though interesting 
phase of the development of arts and design in America, 

In many cases these book plates can be identified as the 
work of a certain printer by comparing the type ornament 

rif p R o p E R T y 0/ M 


" The Wicked bcrroireih, 
_« But returmthmt.]' 
Providence, Oftober at, \190. 



t^ The Property of y^ 





??? *E;sTr¥ ^,r.,;-i^ - v^ ; ' 

i- p/ioyjnE.ycE i'r i j 

on other works known to have been printed by that printer. 
For instance, in the Welcome Arnold plate and in the 
Moses Lippitt plate, the type ornaments are those known to 
have belonged to the Providence printer, Bennett Wheeler 
( 1782-1806), and so the presumption is that Wheeler set 
up these plates. In passing it might be well to note that 
Wheeler was particularly fond of using type ornaments 
and his contemporary, John Carter, was much more sparing 
in then" use. 


The type ornaments in the book plates of William Dyer, 
Jonathan Longley and Joseph Nightingale Greene are 
similar to those used by H. Mann at Providence in 1813 
and by Brown and Wilson in Providence in 1815. It is 
possible that Mann did not actually have a press and that 
he may have employed Brown and Wilson to do the work. 

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest 

The United States Naval Institute Proceedings for 
August 1937 contains an article on William H. Allen of 
Providence and the Chesapeake-Leopard affair by Wilbur 
E. Apgar. 

Roger WilliamSy a Marshall Woods Lecture by Law- 
rence C. Wroth has been printed as a pamphlet of 41 pages. 

Roger Williams^ Descendants, (Five Generations^ ^ 
is a pamphlet of 16 pages published in 1937 by the 
Roger Williams Family Association. The Registrar is 
Mrs. Charles H. Weeden, 66 Lincoln Ave., Riverside, R. L 


The following persons have been elected to membership 
in the Society: 

Mrs. George Warren Gardner 
Mr. William Greene Roelker 


Recollections of the Mexican War 

By Nelson Viall 

(^Concluded from page 82) 

At this point the 9"' New England Regiment was de- 
tached and reported to Brig. Gen. Shields for duty. With 
a desire to be accurate I copy from a report of this officer 
to the Commander in Chief as our brigade commanded by 
General Pierce was placed under his immediate command 
to accomplish a definite purpose, Gen. Shields saysj "I 
moved off with the remainder of my force and joined the 
positions of the 2"'' and 3"' divisions already en route on 
the main road. On this march we were joined by the 
General in Chief, who assumed command of the whole, 
and the march continued uninterruptedly until we arrived 
before Cherubusco. Here the enemy was found strongly 
fortified, and posted with his main force, probably 25,000 
men. The engagement was commenced by the 2"*^ division 
under Twiggs, soon joined by the P' under Worth, and 
was becoming general, when I was detached by the Com- 
mander in Chief with my two regiments and Pierce's 
Brigade the 9''\ 12"' and 15*'' with the mountain howitzer 
battery, and ordered to gain a position if possible to attack 
the enemy's rear, and intercept his retreat. Leaving Coy- 
odcan by a left hand road and advancing about a mile upon 
it I moved thence with my command towards the right, 
through a heavy corn field, and gained an open but swampy 
field, in which is situated the hacienda De los Portules. 
On the edge of this field, beyond the hacienda, I discovered 
the road by which the enemy must retire from Cherubusco, 
and found his reserve of about 4,000 infantry already 
occupied it, just in rear of the town. As my command 
arrived I established the right upon a point recommended 
by Capt. Robert E. Lee, Engineer officer, in whose skill 
and judgment I had the utmost confidence, and commenced 



a movement to the left, to flank the enemy's on his right, 
and throw my troops betw^een him and the city. But finding 
his right supported by a heavy body of cavalry of some 
3,000 strong, and seeing too, that with his infantry, he 
answered to my movements by a corresponding one towards 
his right flank, gaining ground faster than I could owing to 
the heavy mud and swamp through which I had to operate, 
I withdrew the men to the cover of the hacienda, and 
determined to attack him upon his front. I selected the 
Palmetto regiment as the base of my line, and this gallant 
regiment moved forward firmly and rapidly under a fire 
of musketry as terrible perhaps as any which soldiers ever 
faced. The New York 12''^ and 15^'^ deployed gallantry 
on the right, and the 9''^ New England on the left, and the 
whole advanced, opening their fire as they came up, and 
moving steadily forward. The enemy began to waver 
and when my order to charge was given, the men rushed 
upon, and scattered his broken ranks. As we reached the 
road, the advance of Worth's Command appeared driving 
the enemy from his stronghold of Cherubusco. I took 
command of the front and continued in pursuit until passed 
by Colonel Harney with his cavalry, who followed the 
routed foe into the very gates of the city. 

"In this terrible battle, in which a strongly fortified 
enemy fought behind his works under the walls of his 
Capital, our loss is necessarily severe. This loss I regret 
to say has fallen most severely on my command. In the 
regiments of my own brigade, numbering about 600 in the 
fight, the loss is reported 240 killed and wounded In 
this last engagement mv command captured 380, including 
6 officers. Of this number 42 had deserted from the 
American Army during the war, and at their head was found 
the notorious Reily who had fought against our troops 
at Monterey and elsewhere. A detailed report of the loss, 
as also of the prisoners captured by the command accompany 
this report. 

"Pierce's brigade, under my command in this action, 



lost a considerable number in killed and wounded. Among 
the latter the gallant Col. G. W. Morgan of the 15"\ 
This command having joined its division immediately 
after the action, 1 have as yet received no official report 
of its loss". . , . 

I will here leave the gallant Shields and his report, to 
refer to an incident of the battle, the capture of 42 deserters, 
who under the command of Reily, had been forced to 
abandon their heavy battery by Worth's Command, and 
in their retreat towards the city, found themselves entirely 
surrounded. Through the instigation of the Mexican 
Clergy — while our army lay intrenched opposite Mata- 
moras, before war had actually commenced — a number had 
deserted, Reily being among them. These men were tried 
by general court-martial and 30 of the number were found 
guilty of desertion after war had been declared, and were 
sentenced to be hung. This sentence was carried into effect 
by Colonel Harney on the 13''' of Sept. at the town of 
Miscode where a gallows was erected in plain view of the 
castle of Chapultepec. It was said by those who witnessed 
the execution that some of the condemned men requested 
Col. Harney to await the result of the battle which was 
then going on, as they felt sure of our defeat. Their 
retaliation would be visited upon our prisoners. This re- 
quest was granted, and these 30 perjured wretched stood 
in government wagons, under the long gallows with the 
ropes around their necks and as midday approached they 
watched eagerly the result of the storming of the castle. 
At last the American flag waved from the cupola of Chapul- 
tepec, when Colonel Harney gave the command for the 
teamsters to drive out, thus launching 30 perjured comrades 
into eternity. The bodies remained on the gallows 5 days, 
and were visited by me three days after we entered the 
City of Mexico. An armistice had been agreed upon from 
the 20*'' of August until the 8"' of Sept., by which its terms 
provided that neither army should strengthen its position. 
In fact the armistice was broken within a few davs after 


the battle of Cherubusco, by the enemy, who had kept their 
foundry at Molino del Rey in full blast, turning out brass 
field pieces to replace those lost. The bells of the churches 
and convents were seized upon for this purpose. Gen. 
Scott learning this, directed Gen. Worth to move on the S**" 
of Sept., attack the works and destroy the foundry. Worth's 
division found the enemy in strong force at Casa Mata, 
and the foundry, and after a desperate effort Pierce's 
Brigade was sent to his support. As we approached the 
works, the guns of the castle of Chapultepec, which had 
previously been directed upon Worth's Column, now 
opened upon us. As we advanced at double quick, it was 
found to be the best policy to close with the enemy, who 
was contesting every inch of ground hand to hand with 
Worth's division, thus being relieved from the galling 
fire from the castle, which if continued would have been 
as fatal to their own troops as to ours. After the object 
had been accomplished we withdrew, leaving Molino del 
Rey on fire, and in ruins, and Casa Mata an intrenched 
work with a ditch, was blown up. It is now known that 
Gen. Leon held Molino del Rey, and Gen. Rangel assisted 
by Gtn. Perry the fort of Casa Mata, and Gen. Ramirez the 
center with artillerv. 3251 Americans met four times that 
number, and took 800 prisoners and 52 commissioned offi- 
cers. It was subsequently learned that Santa Anna super- 
intended the arrangements in person. From the 8' ' of Sept. 
until the 1 1"\ our regiment occupied the town of Piedad 
and as Gen. Pillow's division took the most prominent 
part in reducing the castle of Chapultepec, I will again 
refer to his report of that battle "Headquarters 3''^ Division 
U. S. Army Sept. 1 8"' 1 847 Captain ... On the morning 
of the 12''' inst. at 3 o'clock A. M., I moved with my com- 
mand, consisting of the field battery of Capt. Magruder, 
the voltigeur regiment, the 9*'', 1 V^\ 14*'' and 1 5*'' regiments 
of infantry, (the 12*'' regiment constituting a part of the 
garrison at Mexcode) and the mountain howitzer and 
rocket battery from Tucubaya to the battle field of the 8*' 


instant where my dispositions were made to take possession 
of Molino del Rey. Having organized a force for this 
purpose, under command of Lieut. Col. Hebert, at day- 
light his command moved steadily and in beautiful order 
under a hot fire of shot and shell, from Chapultepec, and 
seized the mills. I ordered Gen. Cadwallader with his 
brigade to hold possession of this position, and to defend the 
approaches (which unite at that place) from the City of 
Mexico, and from Sante Fe. In a short time afterward 
an immense body of lancers, with a considerable force of 
infantry made their appearance in the valley above me, 
and moved forward in the direction of my position, until 
almost within reach of my field pieces. With Gen. Pierce's 
brigade, Magruder's battery and Major Sumners fine com- 
mand of dragoons ( that officer having now reported to me 
for duty) I made every arrangement for this reception. 
Having thus executed the order of the Gen. in Chief "to 
take possession of the mills, to hold them, and from this 
position defend the batteries intended to be opened, pre- 
paratory to the assault on Chapultepec, and not to provoke 
a general engagement with the enemy". I did not under 
my orders feel inyself at liberty to become the assailant, 
and the enemy regarding "prudence as the better part of 
valor" did not think proper to assail me. 

"At night I drew my whole force down to the mills 
immediately under the fire, and almost under the walls 
of Chapultepec, while the enemy advanced from the valley, 
and occupied the position which I had held during the day, 
close in my rear. Being now almost completely enveloped 
by the enemy, with Chapultepec and its strong garrison 
immediately in my front, and the enemy's large force of 
lancers and infantrv in close approximation to my rear and 
on my left flank. My command was compelled to lay on its 
arms during the night. Early on the morning of the 13"' 
Capt. M'Kenzie, 2"'' artillery, reported to me for duty, 
with a command of 260 rank and file from the P* division. 
At daylight the cannonade, which had ceased at dark on 


the previous day, was resumed and kept up on both sides 
until about 8 o'clock. In the meantime I was actively 
engaged in making the necessary preparations for storm- 
ing Chapultepec. With this view I placed two pieces of 
Magruder's held battery inside the extensive row of build- 
ings (of which the mills- were a part) to clear a sand bag 
breastwork which the enemy had constructed outside the 
main wall surrounding Chapultepec, and so as to command 
a breach in the wall. I had also passed the howitzer battery 
through the houses and walls of the mills, and placed it 
in battery so as to aid me in driving the enemy from a 
strong intrenchment extending nearly across the front of 
the forest, and commanding my only approach to Chapul- 
tepec. While these batteries were admirably served under 
Capt. Magruder and Lieut. Reno, I placed four companies 
of the voltiguer under command of Lieut. Col. J. E. 
Johnston, in position with instructions that, upon the cessa- 
tion of the artillery fire, they should advance by a rapid 
movement on the outside, and under cover of the mam 
wall, and to enter the enclosure at the breach. At the same 
time I placed four other companies of voltiguers under 
command of Colonel Andrews at a narrow gateway opening 
from the rear of the mills, with orders to advance in front, 
to unite with Col. Johnston's Command, to deploy as 
skirmishers, and, by a simultaneous movement upon the 
enemy's flank and front, to drive him from his entrench- 
ments and the large trees, behind which he had taken 
shelter. I had placed the 9"^ and 1 5"^ regiments of infantry 
in position to advance as close supports to the stormmg 
forces, and, if necessary, become a part of it. I ordered 
Colonel Andrews, as soon as the regiment of voltiguers 
had cleared the intrenchments and woods, to form in rear 
of M'Kenzie as a support or assaulting force according to 
the exigencies of the moment. . . . 

"The voltiguers having driven the enemy from the 
wooHs rapidly pursued him until he retreated into the 
interior fortifications. Close in their rear followed the 9*' 


and 15'*' regiments with equal impetuosity, until these 
three regiments occupied the exterior works around the 
summit of Chapul tepee. Captain NPKenzie's command 
had not yet come up, the 5"', 6"' and 8"' infantry of Worth's 
di\'ision, ordered forward as a reserv^e, advanced their 
position and formed. As soon as Capt. M^Kenzie's com- 
mand was in position with the ladders the work was almost 
instantly carried and the Mexican flag torn from the castle 
by the gallant Major Semour of the 9"' regiment, and 
the American run up in its place. To the voltiguers belongs 
the honor of having first planted its colors upon the parapet. 
The color bearer of the regiment having been shot down, 
the colors were immediately seized by the gallant and 
fearless Capt. Barnard who scaled the parapet and unfurled 
the flag under a terrible fire from which he received two 
wounds. The chief honor of this victory is due to those 
gallant corps, the voltiguers, the 9"' and 15"' regiments of 
infantry, who drove the enemy from his exterior intrench- 
ments and positions, took possession of and enveloped the 
crest of the counterscarp, and held this position under a 
heavy fire of grape, canister and round shot from the 
enemy's artillery ( 1 1 pieces in number) and a very superior 
force of small arms, until the arrival of the ladders, and to 
Capt. M^Kenzie's Command who brought up the ladders, 
and, with the corps alread)' mientioned so gallantly stormed 
and carried the main works. . . . The gallant Col. Ran- 
som of the 9''' infantry fell dead from a shot in the fore- 
head while at the head of his command waving his sword, 
and leading his splendid regiment up the heights to the 
summit of Chapultepec. I had myself been a witness to 
his heroic conduct until a moment before when I was cut 
down by his side. My heart bleeds with anguish at the loss 
of so gallant an ofiicer. The command of his regiment 
devolved upon Major Seniour, who faltered not but with 
his command scaled the parapet, entered the citadel sword 
in hand, and himself struck the Mexican flag from the 
walls. . , , 


"Having carried Chapultepec, and being unable to pro- 
ceed with my command, the Gen. in Chief ordered it for- 
ward under Generals Quitman and Worth, and my entire 
division except the 1 5^'' infantry ( which was left to garrison 
Chapultepec and to guard the prisoners, by order of the 
Gen. in Chief) acti\'ely participated in the subsequent 
achievements of our arm\', resulting in the capture and 
possession of the City of Mexico. 

"In carrying the strong works the enemy sustained very 
heavy lossj the grounds around, and the works upon 
Chapultepec, and e\'ery a\'enue of retreat from it were 
literally strewed with his dead. At one place 50 dead 
bodies were counted in one heap, but no means are left me 
of ascertaming iiis loss with accuracy. Several hundred 
were gathered up by my men and buried while policing 
the yard of Chapultepec. Among the killed were Gen. 
Perez and Col. Cano of the engineers, and Gen. Saldana 
was wounded. 

"We took about 800 prisoners, among whom were 
Major Ge:n. Bravo, Brid. Gens. Monterde, Nonega, Dora- 
mentes and Saldana, also 3 Colonels, 7 Lieut. Colonels, 
40 Captains, 24 first Lieuts. and 25 second Lieuts. . . . 

"Gen. Bravo communicated to me through Midshipman 
Rogers, there were upwards of 6,000 men in the w^orks 
and surrounding grounds. The killed, wounded and 
prisoners, agreeable to the best estimate I can form, were 
about 1800j an immense number of the enemy were seen 
to escape over the wall on the north and west side of 

"My own force actKally engaged in storniing the work 
did not exceed 1,000 men. . . . My total loss in killed, 
wounded and missing from my proper division during the 
days of operation is 143." 

Our stay in the castle was very brief. I captured a 
Colonel's horse within the bomb-proof, a beautiful animal 
with saddle and bridle trimmings of solid silver. My com- 
rades w^ere congratulating me upon my good fortune when 


the voice of Lieut. Slocum was heard ^'■Co. A. fall 'ni." 
My visions of future pleasure with that mustang with his 
fine trappings, was soon changed to the reality that we were 
to follow the enemy who had fallen back and occupied the 
gates of the City of Mexico. 

Major Semour having assumed command of the 9*'' regi- 
ment after the fall of Col. Ransom, moved out of the castle 
and engaged the enemy on the avenue leading to the Belin 
gate. Through the center of this avenue ran the aqueduct 
that supplied the city with water. It is built of solid mason 
work, arched, and 8 feet wide by 15 high. The arches 
were used as a cover by the enemy, but were equally as 
beneficial to us when they were forced back. The afternoon 
of the 13*'' was devoted to the work of carrying the gates 
of Belen and San Cosme. A number of our men had fallen 
at Chapultepec, and the first man wounded of our company 
at the gate of Belen was drummer George W. King of 
Johnston, R. I. A piece of shell struck his drum, passing- 
through it, and carrying away a portion of his knee. His 
feelings of pain seemed to be equally divided between his 
knee and the loss of his drum. Capt. Pitman, Lieuts. 
Slocum and Glackin behaved in a most gallant manner. 
Much depended upon regimental commanders in this 
battle, as the troops moved by flank up the avenue on either 
side of the aqueduct. While the enemy had a battery which 
was located at the gate of Belin, sweeping the avenue to 
the base of the heights of Chapultepec, a distance of two 
miles, while on the right and left of the gate a cross fire of 
artillery made the arches of the aqueduct anything but a 
comfortable cover, the land on both sides being interspersed 
with lakes and marshes, made it impossible to attack it in 
any other manner. The engagement continued until night, 
the enemy still holding the city gate. Our men lay down 
after the firing had ceased, in the avenue and arches of the 
aqueduct, hungry and exhausted. The only water to quench 
our thirst was obtained from the canal on either side of the 
a\'enue into which the eiiem\''s dead — men and horses — 


had been thrown to make room for our troops to occupy 
the ground for the night. The water supply of the aqueduct 
had been cut soon after the occupation of Chapultepec. We 
lay upon our arms within two hundred yards of the gate, 
expecting to renew the battle at day-break. As the thin 
streak of light showed itself over the mountain range, we 
were on the alert, expecting their batteries to open. A 
movement of our command developed the fact that the 
enemy had retired during the night. Our men exhibited 
the wildest enthusiasm, such cheers and greetings I never 
witnessed before. The citizens made some slight resistance 
from the house-tops and church steeples, but Reno's moun- 
tain howitzer battery was taken to the tops of their houses, 
mounted, and opened a hre which they had little expected, 
and in a few hours the city was in the peaceful possession of 
our army. The 9**" regiment was assigned quarters in a 
Carmelite Convent, the monks being permitted to retain 
limited quarters in the Church connected with the institu- 
tion, where daily worship continued during the five months 
of its occupancy by the 8"' infantry. Here Sergeant John 
Viall joined his company being unable as yet to walk. His 
recovery was gradual, two months expired before he was 
reported for duty. Here also our w^ounded in the previous 
battles were returned to their regiments. After a careful 
examination of the strength of the regiment, it was found 
that it had lost by casualties one-half of its numbers. It 
was therefore ordered to reduce the number of companies 
from ten to five. Aside from our routine of garrison duty, 
passes were granted to visit points of interest through the 
city and adjoining country. A description of the central 
portion of the city is herewith presented. The Plaza or 
great square of the city is fronted on the north by the 
cathedral and archbishop's palace, to the south of which 
lies the museum and market, on the east by the national 
palace, on the west by the Parian, or public bazaar, where 
every article of male or female dress in vogue among the 
people is kept made for sale. Every interval of this square 


not occupied by these massive buildings is filled up with 
arcades, under which are small fancy stalls of flowers, 
books, cutlery and jewelry, while above is the Mexican 
Palais Royal, or the resort for gamblers. Here the national 
game of monte is played by all creeds and conditions, from 
the President to the lowest classes. The Clergy with their 
surplices and cowls, enter the public gaming rooms and 
indulge in the game. A Mexican would laugh at the idea of 
playing unless money was put up. The view from the lofty 
towers of the cathedral is beautiful. This edifice though 
imposing is far from realizing that purity of the gothic 
style, that several other churches of the republic can boast. 
It covers an area of hve hundred feet in depth, by four 
hundred in front, and in the magnihcence of its proportions 
and the splendor of its decorations excites the admiration 
of all who behold it. As a single specimen of the enormous 
wealth of the interior, the main altar and choir is surrounded 
by a railing five feet high and 200 feet in circumference, 
of massive thickness and composed of solid gold and silver. 
and surmounted at short distances with silver statues of 
saints and apostles, for holding wax tapers during services. 
The altar itself is of pure silver, wrought and chased in 
the most beautiful style, and covered with a profusion of 
weighty vessels of gold and silver of countless value. Above 
in a miniature temple, is the figure of the V^irgin of Reme- 
dios, wearing a dress of diamonds and precious stones whose 
lowest value is estimated at three millions of dollars. The 
national museum dedicated to the preservation of the few 
fragments of Mexican art and history, which have been 
recovered from the wreck of the past, is a splendid suite of 
apartments, with portraits of the vice-roys, and old Spanish 
mcMiarchs, fragments of thrones and armours. By far the 
most interesting relics are the suits of mail of Cortez and 
Alvarez. They are both plain and simple harnesses of steel. 
A genuine likeness of Cortez in his vice-regal suit is like- 
wise among the portraits, portraying the characteristic dig- 
nity and firmness of this martial bigot, who committed the 


most horrid indignities upon his captives. Among the 
multitude that throng the vicinity of the parian, and 
gossip among its numerous shops, is the Evangelistas, or 
professional letter writers, w^ho attract no inconsiderable 
attention from the curious stranger. Seated on a low port- 
able stool on the edge ®f the pavement, a board across 
their knees for a writing desk, on which is ink and various 
kinds of colored paper. These grave, learned and confi- 
dential scribes are ever to be found at their post, ready to 
indite missives of business or sentiment, as the humor of the 
applicant requires. Poetry or prose, a billet-doux or sonnet, 
an elegy or epitaph is equally in their line, and all or any 
executed with an expedition commensurate with the neces- 
sity of the case. .Their clerkly apparel of sable frocks and 
slouched hats, the intellectual, sympathizing, sentimental 
expression of countenance, their pantomimic tact, ready 
apprehension and quiet tones, all conspire to win their way 
at once to the confidence of such as feel dependent on their 
craft. Should the matter to be communicated be one of 
distress the Evangelista can scarce proceed for his sym- 
pathy j should it prove a blushing narrative of passion, the 
insinuating delicacy of his glances reassures and sustains 
the timid narrator j if rage or disdain be its theme, it is 
easy to interpret from his flashing eye and rapid chirography 
how fully embarked he feels in the service of his employer. 
The 9"" infantry remained about five months in the 
valley of Mexico. A portion of the time the R. I. company 
was quartered at the hacienda of San Borgia three miles 
from the city, for the protection of the proprietor, Senor 
Prethil, who was much annoyed by guerrillas and convicts 
so recently set at liberty without restraint. This planter 
furnished one division of the army w^ith feed, and also 
milk for its hospital. His estate contained 2,400 acres of 
land dotted here and there with small villages, the inhab- 
itants of which were largely in his employ. The Mexican 
army having been disbanded caused the most turbulent 


element of it to organize into guerrilla bands, who robbed 
indiscriminately wherever an opportunity offered. 

At Real del Monte 80 miles north of the Capital was 
an English settlement engaged in mining gold and silver. 
After the capitulation they were required to pay the tax 
(formerly paid to Mexico) to the military government 
established by Gen, Scott. The proprietors requested of 
the Gen. to send troops for their protection. The 9"' 
infantry with one light battery and one company of cavalry 
was sent to Pachuca for that purpose. While garrisoned 
at Pachuca the regiment was increased by one company of 
recruits. Lieut. J. S. Slocum having been promoted to a 
Captaincy for gallantry in the battles around the Capital, 
was assigned to the command of it. It was my good fortune 
to be appointed a Sergeant, and to be transferred to Captain 
Slocum's Company ( E ). Although the duty of instruction 
and drill was more arduous with new recruits, I was proud 
of the promotion, and also to be with Capt. Slocum for 
whom I had the greatest love and respect. More than six 
months was past at Pachuca. Meantime many changes in 
the field and staff had taken place. Col. J. M. Withers, 
and Lieut. Col. Jere Clemence of Alabama were assigned 
to the 9"' regiment. Major F. T. Lalley of Maine remained 
with the 9^'' until it was mustered out of service at Fort 
Adams, R. I. in August 1848. 

During the larger portion of our stay at Pachuca I was 
on detached duty with the Regimental Quartermaster 
Lieut. Justin Hodge of Conn, who placed me in charge 
of the post bakery. Bands of guerrillas invested the country 
roads in every direction making it necessary to furnish an 
escort to the miner's train to and from the City of Mexico. 
One guerrilla chief, a Priest named Padre Jaruta, had 
some 200 followers, and their rendezvous was located in 
the mountains some 20 miles distant from our post. It 
became known to the Col. that the wily Priest was increasing 
his number, with the view to attack the escort, that was 
soon to leave Pachuca for the Capital, with the product 


of the mines. His plan was to attack the train when well 
on its way to the city, and if successful to return with the 
two guns captured and attack the post. The Col. determined 
to make a night attack upon the robbers stronghold in the 
mountains. Every animal to be procured, mule or horse, 
was pressed into service for the expedition. Capt. Slocum 
called at the Quartermaster's department and made known 
the object of the expedition. I was the owner of two horses, 
one of which I rode that night and the other was loaned to 
my old comrade Corporal David K. Richmond. Within 
two hours the column was ready to move. The company 
of dragoons took the right, then came the infantry, mount- 
ed, some on mules from the wagon train, and others on 
mustangs, all selected with an eye to their being able to 
undergo a 20 mile ride. As the column approached their 
rendezvous near one o'clock in the morning their picket 
fired two shots. The Col. at once ordered a charge, and 
had the band waited to have offered battle they must all 
have been captured. A half dozen prisoners, quite a large 
number of horses and equipments were captured. In the 
court yard was a large fire around which, from appearances, 
they had been carousing when our approach was signaled by 
their pickets. Cards and money were found on the tables 
in the building where they were gambling w^hen the alarm 
was given. Their horses being picketed outside the enclo- 
sure made it easy for them to escape in the darkness of the 
night. A large number of fighting cocks were captured, 
and many souvenirs of this noted guerrilla chief were 
secured by our men, after which the command returned to 
Pachuca. There is no doubt we met many of this band on 
the road as meek spectators of los diablos Americano. This 
raid caused this robber chief to change his base. Our gar- 
rison was never annoyed by him after his grand stampede. 
Nothing of importance occurred until the order was 
received to march to Vera Cruz. From this point we took 
steamer New Orleans, and there embarked on the bark 
Maid of Orleans for New York, from thence to Fort 


Adams, R. I., where the regiment was mustered out of 
the service of the L^nited States in August 1 848. 

Each year on the 19"' of July the few remaining sur- 
vivors of the Mexican War, the 9^' New England regiment 
with the Mass. Volunteers meet at Nantasket Beach "to 
fight their battles o'er again." The war department credit 
R. I. with furnishing 183 men in the war. This includes 
Co. A. of the 9''' regiment with all who joined the navy 
and regular army. Of the one hundred men who left the 
state at the call of Government to fill the bill passed by 
Congress adding ten regiments to the regular army, there 
are but six survivors who can be found. The company 
participated in the following battles: Contreras, Churu- 
busco, Molino del Rey, Chapultepec and Garita Belen or 
gates of the City of Mexico, not to mention a large number 
of skirmishes over the route of 270 miles from \'era Cruz 
to the Capital. 

The Gore Roll of Arms 

By Harold Bowditch 

{contifiue/i jroni z'ol. A' A' A', page Q6) 

70. (70.) {S3.) 


Arms: Gold four bends azure. 

Wreath: Gold, azure. 

Crest: A lion's head azure. 

Legend: Jonathan Montfort of / Boston in ve Count of 
Suffolk/ 1722. 

Notes: Although the arms are given in the Child copy as 
above described Whitmore blazons them as bendy of eight, 
which is not strictly accurate j the crest he calls a lion's head 
couped, which is probably what was intended — i. e., the 
head rising directly from the wreath — and this is what is 
shown in the Child copy, although in the Gore Roll there is 


at least one tuft of hair which overlies the wreath and might 
give rise to the use of the word erased. 

These arms are found in the Promptuarium Armorum 

They are widely distributed in England under the names 
Mountford and Mountfort, variously bendy, bendy of six, 
of eight or of ten, or else showing four or six bends, usually 
with gold but sometimes with silver accompanying the blue. 
The crest of A lion's head couped azure is attributed to 
Mountford of Radwinter, co. Stafford, and of Warwick- 
shire, whose arms were Bendy of ten gold and azure (Ed- 
mondson ). A pedigree of the Mountfort family is given in 
the Heraldic Journal II 79, 80. 

71. (71.) (54.) 

Arms: Sable three stars within a border silver a crescent 
(gold) for difference. 

Crest: A horse's head erased silver round the neck a 
coronet gold. 

Legend: Dauid Stodard of Boston / Cont. of Suffolk: 
NauilOfficer / in ye Port of Boston 1 723. 

Notes: In making his copy Child apparently drew a 
horse's head rising from a crown and then added under the 
crown three tufts in order to change the crest to correspond 
with what is shown in the Gore Rollj but Whitmore, no 
doubt describing what he felt ought to be shown, calls 
Child's effort "A demi-horse erased — , environed round 
the body with a coronet, gold". Child correctly records the 
name of the arms bearer as David, but this has been misread 
by Whitmore, or misprinted by his printer, as Daniel j which 
has occasioned a previous owner of my copy of the Heraldic 
Journal, probably Winslow Lewis, whose name is pasted on 
the cover, to add: "rDavid, who d. March 8, 1 722-3. N. E. 
H.G.Reg. 15-197." This identification is no doubt correct. 

These arms are in the Promptuarium Armorum 55b 


under the name of George Stoddard of London, grocer. 
They are not in the Visitation of London 1633-1635. Stod- 
dard of CO. Suffolk bore these arms, and the crest was: A 
demi-horse ermine round his body a coronet gold ( Edmond- 
son ), which must have been intended by the painter of the 
Gore Roll; and it was no doubt this description which led 
Whitmore into his erroneous description. 

72. (72.) (55.) 
Dudley. (Tyng.) 

Arms: Two coats impaled: Baron: Gold a two-tailed 
lion vert. Femme: Silver a bend cotised sable on the bend 
three martlets gold. 

Wreath: Gold, vert. 

Crest: A lion's head vert the tongue gules. 

Legend: Wido of Joseph Dudly / Esqr. of Roxburey in 
ye Count /of Suffolk 1722. 

Notes: The impaled arms are painted on a lozenge. In 
this instance, at least, there is no doubt that the color both 
of the lion in the Dudley arms and of the crest is vert, not 
azure, for it may be compared with the known azure in the 
arms of Wade (No. 69) and Montfort (No. 70) on the 
same page and of Brindesley ( No. 73 ) and Pern (No. 75) 
on the following page. In the legend a space is left before 
the word "Wido", as if the writer, uncertain of the hrst 
name, had intended to enter it later ^ although there is a 
small stroke of ink at a high level, as though it might be the 
remains of a tall letter such as an 1, there is no trace of 
erasure or thinning of the paper. 

Whitmore says "This is evidently Rebecca, daughter of 
Eciward Tyng and wife of Governor Joseph Dudley. She 
survived her husband and died in September 1 722. These 
arms of Tyng are on an old plate, still preserved in the 
family. See also No. 79." In the Child copy, and therefore 
in Whitmore's description, the bend in the femme's arms is 
double cotised, but in the original the cotises are single. 


For notes on the Dudley arms see No. 60. 
For notes on the Tyng arms see No. 79. 

73. (73.) (56.) 
Brindesley. Burghdon. 

Arms: Two coats impaled: Baron: Party sable and gold 
a chevron between three escallops counterchanged all with- 
in a border silver charged with roundles azure. Femme: 
Silver three cinqfoils azure. 

Wreath: Silver, sable. 

Crest: An escallop gules. 

Legend: Mary Wido of Francis Brinle / of Newport 
in ye Colliney of Rod Jsland. 1772 / Brinle & Burden. 

Notes: The impaled arms are painted on a lozenge j the 
border of the baron's arms stops at the line of impalement, 
as is customary, and consequently there are but five round- 

The Child copy, followed by Whitmore, renders the 
names Brinley and Borden. 

The Brindesley arms, with the same crest, appear under 
No. 58 and are there discussed. 

Mr. Howard M. Chapin, writing in 1927 when only the 
Child copy and the Whitmore description were available, 
said "The widow of Francis Brinley was Hannah, not Mary, 
and according to Savage (I 254) and Austin (256) her 
family name was Carr, not Borden. It is possible that she 
was a widow when Brinley married her and that her maiden 
name was Borden. The second Francis Brinley and his wife 
Deborah Lyde were both living in 1722. The only Mary 
Brinley of record was Mary Sanford who married William 
Brinley and became a widow in 1704j she married Josiah 
Arnold the same year and was his wife at the time of her 
death in 1 72 1 ." (See Rhode Island Heraldry p. 50. ) 

A search in The Siege of Carlaverock, Berry, Edmond- 
son, Burke, Paul and Papworth has failed to confirm the 
femme's arms to the name Burden j they appear to be a 


variant, with the cinqf oils azure instead of sable, of the arms 
of Burgedon (Glover's Ordinary in Berry), Bourghdon or 
Burghdon (Edmondson, Papworth). 

74. (■74.) (57.) 

Arms: Gold a fess between three hinds passant sable. 

Wreath: Silver, sable. 

Crest: A horse's head silver the bit and reins gules (there 
is no bridle). 

Legend: John Jeakle of Boston Esq. / Colector of the 
Customs for the / Counts of Suffolk Medlesex: Plimoth 
/ Branstable: Bristol . . 1723. 

Notes : In the Child copy the name is spelled Jehyll, but 
Whitmore has it Jekyll. In the index of his copy Child 
spells it Jeakle and notes that it was "nearly obliterated in 
the original, and perhaps erroneously spelt", which is far 
from the fact, for it is absolutely clear and perfectly pre- 

Dr. Buck has noted opposite this coat, printed in the 
Heraldic Journal, "not catalog. ( Promptuarium Armor- 
um). CO. Essex 1670". 

The arms are those of Jekyll of London and of co. Essex, 
whose crest is A horse's head silver with a mane sable, the 
bridle sable studded and tasselled gold (Edmondson). 

75.(75.) (Omitted.) 

Arms: Gold a chevron between three pelican's heads 
erased azure beaks gules. 

Crest: From a coronet gold a pelican's head azure the 
beak gules. 

Legend: Capt. Henry Pearn of ye Jland of St. Christ- 
ophers . . / 1 723. 

Notes: Child renders the name Burn and is followed by 
Whitmore. Note the identitv of the crest with that of Salt- 


onstall, No. 24. These arms appear in the Promptuarium 
Armorum 66a. They are those of Pern or Perne of co. 
Cambridge j Edmondson gives two varieties, (1) of co. 
Cambridge, the field gold, granted 1575, and (2) of Ely, 
CO. Cambridge, the field silver, granted 1 5 June 1 575 j both 
have a difference of a golden six-pointed molet or star, and 
both carry the same crest: From a coronet silver a pelican's 
both carry the same crest: From a coronet silver a pelican's 
head gold. This is presumably an accidental duplication of 
records j but the grant of differenced arms suggests that the 
undifferenced arms, which appear in the Gore Roll, are 

. 76. (76.) (58.) 


Arms: Gules two battle-axes (pikes) in saltire gold be- 
tween four martlets silver. 

Wreath: Gold, gules. 

No crest. 

Legend: Benjman Pickman of Salem in ve Countv of 

Notes: Although the weapons are clearly battle-axes — 
comparatively short, and with a one-handed grip at the 
end — there can be no doubt that originally they were in- 
tended to be pikes, allusive to the name. 

Whitmore says: "Benjamin Pickman of Salem, says 
Savage, was third son of Nathaniel of Bristol, England, 
where he was baptized at Lewen's Mead, (Bristol) in 1 645, 
had a son Benjamin, who died in 171 8, leaving a son Ben- 
jamin, born 1708. These arms are also in the Salem 

^ Edmondson, who gives these arms under the name of 
Pickman without indicating the locality, blazons the weap- 
ons pole-axes. 

Although this family was prominent in Salem their use 
of arms does not seem to have begun very early j a silver cup 


bearing them was "The Gift of the Province of the Massa- 
chusetts Bay to Benjamin Pickman Esqr. 1749" they are 
engraved on a silver tankard, the gift of Benjamin Pickman 
to the First Church in Salem in 1 759 and on a tea-pot made 
by John Coney for Mary Toppan on her marriage in 1 761 
to Benjamin Pickman. 

77. (77.) (59.) 


Arms: Azure three fleurs-de-lys and a chief gold, on the 
chief a demi-lion issuant azure, tongue and claws gules. 

Wreath: Gold, azure. 

Crest: A demi-lion as in the arms holding in his dexter 
paw a fleur-de-lys gold. 

Legend: William Dummer Esq. of Boston / in ye Cont. 
of Suffolk Leftanant Gou / enor of ye Prouince of ye 
Masechuset. / On of ye Counsell. Capt. of Castl. William 
/ 1723. 

Notes: These arms were used by Gov. Dummer on his 
official privy seal j he was grandson of Richard Dummer of 
Bishopstoke, Hants. (Whitmore, Elements of Heraldry 

"The arms are those of Pyldrenj the belief is that 
Richard Pyldren married Matilda Dummer, heiress, and 
died 1540 at Owlesbury, Hampshire, England, having ap- 
parently assumed his wife's name but not her arms, which 
were: Azure a crescent between six billets, three, two and 
one, gold ; their great-grandsons Richard and Stephen, both 
of Bishopstoke, came to America in 1 638, Stephen returning 
in 1647j descendants of both settled in New England; 
Governor William Dummer descends from Richard" 

The name Pyldren is not found in Edmondson, Berry 
or Burke. 

A variant of these arms, with the demi-lion in chief sable 
instead of azure, and quartering: Gules nine billets silver, 


four, three and two, and in base a bezant, is to be found in 
Guillim (ed, 1724, page 266 of the second section, a page 
missing from some copies) ; both coats are for Dummer, 
the second "in respect of . . . descent from Sr. Richard Dum- 
mer Kt. heretofore of Dommer (now call'd Dummer) in 
the said County of Southhampton". 

Bolton ( American Armory, 1927) says that earlier exam- 
ples of the arms of America, for example a flagon given by 
the Hon. William Dummer to the Mollis Street Church 
in Boston in 1753, show the demi-lion in the arms sable 
instead of azure. Nevertheless, the painting in the Gore 
Roll, showing him azure, antedates this flagon by thirty 
years. The engraver of the flagon probabh' followed the 
design given in Guillim 1 724. 

Burke says that these arms were granted or confirmed to 
the Dummer family in 1711, but Foster's Grantees of Arms 
to the End of the Seventeenth Century lists them ( with the 
variant of the demi-lion apparently gules ) as a grant by 
Segar, Garter, who died in 1 633. For this reason it appears 
probable that the action of 1711 was an allowance to the 
Dummer family to bear, in addition to the fleur-de-lys and 
demi-lion arms, those with the billets and roundle as a 
quartering in token of descent from Dommer ( "now calPd 
Dummer"). There is nothing against this in the long state- 
ment found in Guillim 1 724, here quoted only in part; and 
in favor of it is the fact that no Pyldren arms have come to 

78. (78.) (Omitted.) 

Arms: Gules a pair of wings in lure silver over all a bend 

Wreath: Silver, gules. 

Crest: A demi-ostrich with wings elevated silver holding 
in his beak gules a key erect gold. 

Legend: John Waire of ye Jland of / Jemeca Marchant 
../ 1723. 


Notes: These arms are found in the Promptuarium 
Armorum 43a under the name of Richard Warre of Tither- 
ton, Wiltshire. 

The arms and crest are those of Warr^ and Warr of 
Hestercombe, Somersetshire, and of Fetherton, Wiltshire, 
differenced the arms with a crescent silver (Edmondsonj. 

79. (79.) (60.) 

Arms: Silver a bend cotised sable on the bend three 
martlets gold. 

Wreath: Gold, sable. 

Crest: A bird with closed wings. 

Legend: Jonathan Tyng Esq. of Woborn in ye / Cont. 
of Midellsex Coll of ye Second / . . . iment of Foot in 
sd Count. Justice of / Inferior cort in ye Count. 1 723 ( r ). 

Notes: The crest is drawn in pencil and uncoloredj the 
bird has a square tail and resembles a Cornish chough. 

This leaf had become detached and the margins soiled 
and rolled, and the extreme corner is missing j consequently 
there is loss of the first three letters of the first word in the 
third line, but it was obviously intended for "Regiment". 
The word "Inferior" is likewise almost illegible j appar- 
ently Child gave it up, for he says simply "Justice of the 
Court". He interprets the date 1 724, and he may be right; 
it looks now like 1 74U, which is clearly wrong; but it is pos- 
sible that the O is part of the descending f in the last word 
"of" in the third line, which would leave 1 74, and this may 
be interpreted as intended for 1724. On the other hand, 
what looks like a 4 may be a defective 2, and what looks like 
a O may be a 3. In any event, the intended date was prob- 
ably either 1 723 or 1 724. The name was originally written 
Ting and then written over Tyng. 

Dr. Buck has noted: r"Twing page 19" not found; 
Prompt.; this apparently means that a notation in the index 
of the Promptuarium Armorum leads nowhere. 

CORK ROLL OF ar:\is 125 

Whitmore says "He was son of Edward Tyng, and died 
in January, 1 724 j the family was one of the most prominent 
in Massachusetts, and was connected by marriage with many 
of the families noted as using arms". 

These arms are puzzling and are not found under the 
name in the usual books of reference. They suggest the 
arms of Tong, Tonge or Tongue, as follows: 

Tonge (West Thickley: Sable (azure in 1615) 
on a bend silver cotised gold between six mart- 
lets ( r tincture ) a molet gules ( gold in 1615). 
Crest: A cubit arm holding a grappling-iron 
proper. (Visitations of Durham 1575-1666.) 
Tongue : Sable a bend between six martlets silver. 
Crest: A shield gold between two myrtle- 
branches in orle proper. 
Tonge ( Thickley, Durham ) : Azure a bend cotised 
silver between six martlets gold. Crest: A hand 
holding a grappling-iron proper. ( Visitation 
of Durham 1615.) 
Tong ( Tunstall, Kent ) : Azure a bend cotised be- 
tween six martlets gold. Crest: On a rock 
proper a martlet rising gold. 

(Edmondson 1780.) 
Tonge : Azure a bend cotised between six martlets 

Tonge: Azure a bend per bend gold and silver 
cotised gold between six martlets silver. 

(Burke 1847.) 
The arms that appear in the Gore Roll under the name 
of Tyng are found in Papworth as those of Dawney of cos. 
Chester and York and of Goldsworthy. Without the cotises 
they are given under eleven names, no one of which resem- 
bles Tyng, 


80. (80.) (61.) 


Arms: Azure a bend cotised between two sheaves gold. 

Crest: From a mural crown gules a bear's head silver. 

Legend: James Tilston of Boston / in the Count of 
Suffolk /1 724. 

Notes: These arms are given in the Promptuarium Arm- 
orum 22b under the name of Ralfe Tilston of Hurley in 
Essex ( r ) . 

Whitmore states that they are the arms of Tillotson j but 
in this he does not appear to be entirely accurate, for Ed- 
mondson gives as the Tillotson arms: Azure two cotises be- 
tween two sheaves gold, i. e., the arms in the Gore Roll 
lacking the bend. But for Tilston of Huxleigh, co. Chester, 
and for Tilstone or Telstone of co. Chester Edmondson 
gives exactly the arms in the Gore Roll, and for the former 
family adds the crest: Out of a mural coronet a bear's head, 
not mentioning the tinctures of the crest. Burke says that 
these arms, under the names of Tilston or Tilson, were con- 
firmed 28 August 1580. 

81. (81.) (62.) 
Frazer. Foulis. 

Arms: Two coats inipaled: Barofi: Quartered: 1. & 4. 
Silver three antique crowns gules. 2. & 3. Azure three cinq- 
foils (f raises ) silver. Fejjujie: Silver three leaves erect vert. 

Wreath : Silver, gules. 

Crest: A stag's head between two demi-battle-axes erect 
blades outward gold. 

Legend: John Frixwell of Boston / Marchant 1723 
/ Friszell & Fowle. 

Notes: Whitmore says: "The Second Church in Boston 
possesses the following articles of communion plate, w^ith 
coats of arms engra\ed thereon. 1st. A large flagon, the gift 


of Mr. John Frizell who died April 10, 1723, bearing 
quarterly 1 and 4, argent three crowns; 2 and 3, azure three 
cinqfoils. These are the arms of Frizell or Frazer, but 
apparently reversed. Still this may be in accordance with 
Scottish heraldry and mode of distinguishing cadency. 
. . ." (The illustration of "this engraving in Buck's "Old. 
Plate" p. 1 65 shows the same crest as in the Gore Roll and 
the motto: Jesu est Pret. ) Apparently the reference is to the 
order of the quarterings, for Paul gives for Fraser of Lovat, 
1 837: Quartered: 1. & 4. Azure three f raises silver; 2. & 3. 
Silver three antique crowns gules; but Burke gives for 
Frazer: Quartered: 1. & 4. Silver three radiants gules, 
2. & 3. Azure three cinqfoils silver; crest: A stag's head 
erased gold the antlers silver, between two battle-axes 

The Frazer family arms are the three allusive fraises or 
strawberry leaves. The quartering of the three crowns was 
granted to Sir Simon Frazer for having thrice saved the life 
of Robert Bruce at the battle of Methven (Burke); by 
many lines of Frazer it is borne with a difference in the 
second and third quarters (Paul). Its character as a royal 
augmentation may explain its precedence over the family 
arms when it appears in the hrst and fourth quarters, as 
given by Burke. 

These arms would be appropriate for Frizell only if it 
can be shown that Frizell is a variant name for some line of 
Frazer that properly claims the coat. 

Foulis of Ingieby Manor, Yorkshire, bore: Silver three 
bay-leaves proper (Edmondson ) ; Burke gives Fowles as a 
variant spelling and laurel-leaves as a variant charge, but 
it would be impossible to distinguish between the two. 

The leaves in the Gore Roll painting are slender and 
pointed, with hairy edges; the stem of each bends sharply 
to the sinister at the point where it has been torn off. This 
charge puzzled Child who drew the leaves as trees, each on 
its own little grass-plot. 


82. (82.) (Omitted.) 


Arms: Party gules and azure a lion silver. 

Wreath: Silver, gules. 

Crest: A lion's head silver. 

Legend: Henry Roswell of London / Marchant 1723. 

Notes: The Promptuarium Armorum 42b shows this to 
have been a Wiltshire family. 

Edmondson gives these arms under the name Roswell 
without mentioning the locality. 

Dr. Buck has noted that the lion should be double tailed j 
this may be taken from the Promptuarium Armorum, but 
is not borne out by Edmondson. 

83.(83.) (Omitted.) 

Arms : Silver a bend cotised sable on the bend three rings 

Wreath : Silver, sable. 

Crest: Two lion's paws erased the dexter gules and the 
sinister gold supporting between them a stock of a tree erect 
in flames at the top proper. 

Legend: John Silyen of the North / of England G. 
Britton/ 1723. 

Notes: Child notes in his index that the name was 
"nearly obliterated in the original", which is not the case. 

These arms are given under Selwyn ( ? ) of Sussex in the 
Promptuarium Armorum 1 33b j this is in the south, not the 
north of England. 

The arms are those of Selwyn of Stonehouse, Gloucester- 
shire j Selwyn of Essex and of Sussex 1611 bore the same 
with a border engrailed gules and this crest: Two lion's paws 
erased gold holding a beacon in pale fired proper ( Edmond- 

Form of Legacy 

"I give and bequeath to the Rhode Island 

Historical Society the sum of 



I:. A. Johnson Co. 


Rhode Island 

Historical Society 


JANUARY, 1938 


f ^o. It, 

Rhode Island Pewter 

See fage 1 

Issued Quarterly 

68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island 



Rht)dc Island Pcwtcrers 

by Madelainc R. Brown, M.D. . 

\\)1 Limes from Book Shelves in Old South County 
bv William Davis Miller . . . . 



New Publications of Rhode Island Interest 


List of Members of the Society 

Ciore Roll of Arms 

bv Iriarolci Bowditch 



JAN 2 193b 






Vol. XXXI 

JANUARY, 1938 

No. 1 

Nathaniel W. Smith, President 
William Davis Miller, Secretary 

Robert T. Downs, Treasurer 
Howard M. Chapin, Librarian 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions 
of contributors. 

Rhode Island Pcwterers 

By Madelaine R. Brown, M.D.* 

During the seventeenth and first half of the eighteenth 
century the pewter in this country was of English make, and 
as long as it was in use, large quantities of pewter were 
imported. The American craftsmen were dependent upon 
importation of the raw materials or on melting up old 
pewter, for there was no available supply of lead and tin. 
This fact limited the number of workers and destroyed a 
great deal of the older pewter. We have records of two 
hundred American pewterers and pieces by only half of 
these, so that marked American pewter of the eighteenth 
century is a scarce article. That there were seventeenth 
century pewterers in this country is shown by early deeds 
and records, but these men were doubtless largely dealers 
in English pewter or menders of old plates. No pewterers 
came over on the Mayflower but four Massachusetts men 
are so mentioned in the next twenty years, one from Salem 
and three from Boston. 

^Delivered before the R. I. Hist. Soc, Nov. 15, 1937. 


The principal centers of pewter manufacture in the 
eighteenth century were Boston, Newport, New York and 
Philadelphia. Rhode Island, however, can w^ell be proud 
of her early workers in Newport, and later in Providence. 
No other state boasts two such centers, and in the smallest 
state in the union at that. The first recorded Rhode Island 
pewterer is Thomas Byles of Newport, who completed his 
apprenticeship in 1711. In 1738 he moved to Philadelphia 
and remained there until 1771.' Lawrence Langworthy 
was an English maker who came to Newport between 1719 
and 1732. He died in 1739 and on his tombstone in City 
Cemetery, Newport, may be seen what is said to be the only 
impaled coat of arms on a tombstone in colonial Rhode 
Island. Unfortunately we have no pewter by these makers, 
although there is in existence a three legged iron pot with 
L. Langworthy 1730 on the handle. 

The late Mr. Charles Calder of this city is responsible 
for most of our knowledge concerning Rhode Island pew- 
terers and, as you know, his remarkable collection is in this 
room. His two articles printed in this Society's collections 
1924" and 1926" are shining examples of excellent illustra- 
tions and of a tremendous amount of information packed 
into a few pages. In fact, no author in my experience has 
practised quite such self restraint. Benjamin Day is his 
earliest listed name unearthed in the 1 749 Newport Town 
Records. Mr. Calder knew of no pewter made by this man, 
but in the last few years a solid handled porringer and two 
very well designed squat, lidless tankards or mugs marked 
B.D, have been found. I shall be able to show you a picture 
only, of one of these as, unfortunately, they are closely 
guarded by their proud New York owners. 

The second name mentioned by Calder was John Fryers, 
found in Newport Land Evidence 1759. A mug marked 
I.F. has been attributed to this maker by Myers in his 
"Notes on American Pewter".' 

Finally we come to those makers with whom we have a 
more personal touch and some unquestioned examples of 


their work. In the Newport Mercury, November 14, 1 763, 
Joseph Belcher "Hereby informes his Customers and 
others that he has removed from the House and Shop he 
lately improved on Eastern Point, in Newport, to the House 
lately improved by Mr. Lake Babcock in Thames St. next 
door to the Collectors; where he has to sell Braziery and 
Founders-Ware, cheap for cash. 

"He gives Money for old Brass, Copper and Pewter." 

In the Providence Gazette, March 4, 1769. "Joseph 
Belcher of Newport, Takes this Method to inform his 
Customers and others, that he Makes and Sells Pewter- 
Ware, Wholesale and Retail, as cheap as can be bought in 
Boston or elsewhere; those who please to favor him with 
their Custom May depend on being as well used by Letter 
as if present."' 

From this evidence one would surmise that there were no 
pewterers in Providence in 1 769 and that he was competing 
with Boston in a laudable campaign of "Buy Rhode Island". 
He may have worked as early as 1751 as his marriage to 
Hannah Gladding is recorded in that year. There are a few 
porringers and plates of his in the hands of collectors and 
we have here one of his eight inch plates bearing three of 
his unusual touchmarks, a dove surrounded by the letters 
of his name. His son, Joseph, Jr., continued the business in 
1776 and moved to New London in 1784.^ 

Last of the Newport makers is the Melville family — six 
in number though we have no pewter by two of them. 
David Melville, his son, Thomas, and his nephews, Thomas 
and Samuel, covered a period from 1776 to 1824. Their 
solid handled porringers are beautiful for their simplicity 
and are one of the most sought after items in American 
Pewter. I shall show you some of these and also one with the 
Rhode Island open work handle bearing the state seal. This 
type handle is peculiar to the Melvilles with two exceptions, 
one illustrated in Mr. Kerfoot's book by Joseph Belcher,'' 
and one in Mr. Pratt's article in "Antiques" by Thomas 
Danforth, 3rd.'' Several Rhode Island makers used the 


anchor on a shield but this also bears the surrounding motto 
"We hope in God". 

The first Providence workers sprang from Middletown, 
Connecticut. Samuel Hamlin and Gershom Jones were 
brothers-in-law, having married Thankful and Desire Ely 
of Middletown, and shortly thereafter Hamlin moved to 
Providence and set up business in 1771. Three years later 
Jones joined him and a partnership was formed. Due to 
family disagreements the firm of Hamlin and Jones was 
destined to last only seven years and in 1781 Hamlin an- 
nounced in the Providence Gazette that he carried on at his 
shop West Side of the Great Bridge. Much of the Rhode 
Island pewter to-day in the possession of collectors and 
museums was made by these two men and Samuel junior, 
who worked as late as 1 856. Half the American porringers 
in existence bear the name Hamlin. Hamlin and Jones 
both made large fifteen inch chargers of excellent quality, 
extremely rare items in American pewter and practically 
limited to Rhode Island makers. One strange fact is that 
while there are a hundred Hamlin basins about, no one has 
ever found one by Jones and while there are many eight inch 
plates bearing either Jones' earlier touch mark, the rampant 
lion, or the later eagle and Rhode Island state seal, Hamlin's 
eight inch plates are extremely rare. It may be that special- 
ists existed in pewter manufacture long before they came 
into fashion in other professions. Aside from pewter, the 
Weather Vane on the first Baptist Church was made in 
Hamlin's shop. 

Both Hamlin and Jones learned their trade from a 
member of the great family of Connecticut pewterers, the 
Danforths, and from the partner of Thomas Danforth, 2nd, 
Jacob Whitmore of Middletown. The dolphin handled 
porringer found in the grave of the Indian princess 
Ninigret and now in the possession of this Society is similar 
to those made by Joseph Danforth, son of the man who 
taught the first Providence pewterers their trade. The early 
touch mark of Gershom Jones is the same as that used by 


many of the Danforths, a rampant lion in gateway and his 
hall marks are similar to those of Thomas Danforth, 2nd. 

William Billings 1791-1813 was evidently an ingenuous 
young man. His ad in the Providence Gazette November 
5th, 1791: "Pewterer, Coppersmith, and Brazier, In the 
Main Street, Providence, near Messieurs Joseph and 
William Russell Store, and directly opposite Col. Knight 
Dexter. Makes and sell all kinds of Pewter Ware warranted 
good as any made in town or country. 

"Young in life and having a desire to be employed as well 
as to please, he flatters himself that those gentlemen who 
wish to promote industry and the young, will honor him 
with their commands, which will be gratefully acknowl- 
edged and attended with dispatch and fidelity."' 

We have many excellent plates of different sizes and a 
few porringers made by Mr. Billings. These last named 
have a large anchor on the handle and the initials W. B. 

And now we come to a man who puzzled Mr. Calder 
greatly. Records and advertisements showed hnn to be a 
pewterer and even a bill of sale of pewter moulds from this 
maker to his own grandfather was in Mr. Calder's posses- 
sion. Yet no pewter by this maker had come to light. This 
man was Josiah Keene. In 1926 Mr. Myers illustrated in 
his book a porringer with the Rhode Island type handle 
bearing the letter I. K."* There is very little doubt that this 
porringer was made by Keene. It is now in the Yale museum 
since Mr. Garvan bought the Myers collection and pre- 
sented it to the college. 

Of course, there is no wine that goes to the head of a 
collector like the idea of possession of the only one. In the 
autumn of 1932 when my interest in Rhode Island pewter 
was only some two months old I found an eight inch plate 
bearing the letters A H and underneath them E N E 
I had read Mr. Calder's articles and the name Josiah Keene 
came to me. In comparing this plate with one of William 
Calder's (the purchaser of his moulds) it was found to be 
identical. The reasons for the scarcity of Keene pewter ma} 


be, first that he worked for a very short time, and second 
that he may have struck all his touch marks as carelessly as 
this one. Although Keene's mark is very similar to that of 
Samuel Hamlin's it is believed that he was apprenticed to 
Gershom Jones and in proof of this the Keene plate is 
identical with an early Jones plate.' 

William Calder started his career in 1817 with the trade 
of a plot of land valued at $109.00 for Josiah Keene's 
moulds. He worked until 1856 and made a great variety 
of excellent pewter. 

Mr. Calder was told by his father that William Calder 
was apprenticed to Samuel Hamlin. From the dates this 
must have been the son of the original Samuel, who was said 
to have learned his trade in Newport. It seems unlikely 
that Hamlin would have sent his son away to learn the 
trade but perhaps even in those days young men wanted to 
go away to school. At any rate, the marks of the Hamlins 
and Melvilles are similar and it is possible that the first 
Melville was apprenticed to the elder Hamlin in 

In the early days of Calder's career styles began to 
change. Pewter flatware was going out and china was 
coming in, Britannia was superseding pewter for hollow- 
ware. His daybook for the years 1826 to 1838 is in the 
possession of Mrs. Charles Calder and just a year ago 
Professor Percy Raymond, President of the Pewter Collec- 
tors Society, published an article on this book in "Antiques".'' 
During this period Calder sold 3,103 tea pots while plates 
were about tied with coffee pots 24 to 84 per year. These 
entries do not involve cash sales so that when we see the 
entries, Nich. Sheldon — 1 Gallon Coffee Pot (he must 
have had a large family ) and Jesse Metcalf — 1 Warming 
Pan, we may be sure that they charged their purchases. 

As proof of the approaching machine age Calder sold 
2,454 spindle caps to cotton mills during 1 838. Has any- 
one ever seen a pewter or Britannia spindle cap: 

Church business also expanded rapidly from 1830 to 


1838, flagons, communion cups anci plates, and christening 
bowls appeared with increasing frequency in the daybook. 

The last Rhode Island pewterer is no more than the 
words "Glennore Cranston, Rhode Island." George 
Richardson's name appears on articles so marked but no 
trace of him or the Glennore Company can be found in 
Providence County records. He worked in Boston from 
1 8 1 8 to 1 828 and died in 1 830 at the age of 83. Therefore, 
he would have been in Cranston before 1818. Since the 
articles bearing his Rhode Island mark are tea pots, sugar 
bowls, a pint pot and a pitcher, it seems unlikely that they 
were made before 1818. In 1 8 1 7 Keene owned no moulds 
for such hollow-ware and none of the Rhode Island pew- 
terers, Hamlin^ Jones and Billings working until about 
1813 made any tea pots. It may be that Richardson manu- 
factured the pieces for the Glennore Company of Cranston, 
though Mrs. Laura Woodside Watkins in her article on 
Richardson believed that he worked in Cranston before 
moving to Boston. The data on Richardson were collected 
by her father, the late Charles L. Woodside, famous collec- 
tor of antiques, and printed by Mrs. Watkins, with some 
additions in "Antiques" last April''. One of Richardson's 
sugar bowls bearing the Cranston mark was used by Kerfoot 
as a frontispiece for his book, the only comprehensive work 
on American pewter to date, and was considered by him 
one of the finest pieces made in this country. 

Now that we have come to the end of the list of the Rhode 
Island workers in a vanished craft, I should like to show 
some pictures of their work in comparison with that of other 


^ Laughlin, L. "American Pewter" Bulletin The Pewter Collector's 
Club of America. No. 2. 

- Calder, C. "Rhode Island Pewterers" Rhode Island Historical Collec- 
tions, 17:65, July 1924. 

•"■ Calder, C. "Some Additional Notes on Rhode Island Pewterers" 
Rhode Island Historical Collections, 19:3 7, April 1926. 


■* M^'crs, L. G. "Notes on American Pcwtcrers" Countr\' Life Press, 
Garden City, N. Y., 1926. 

■' Kerfoot, G. B., American Pewter Houghton Mifflin, Cambridge, 
Mass., 1924. 

"' Pratt, P. G., "American Pewter as a Collectible "Antiques'', 18:399, 

' Brown, M., "Josiah Keene, Rhode Island Pewterer" Rhode Island 
Historical Collections, 26:69, July 193 3. 

'^ Ra\-mond P. "Wm. Calder a Transition Pewterer "Antiques", 
30:109, November, 1936. 

'' Watkins, L. W. "George Richardson, Pewterer" "Antiques", 31:1 94, 
April 1937. 

Volumes from Book Shelves in 
Old South County 

^V William Davis Miller 

With one or two possible exceptions even the most fer- 
vent admirer of his forebears cannot claim that any early 
settler in the broad Narragansett lands could boast of the 
possession of a library. This statement can, with safety, be 
extended to include the majority of the Narragansett 
Planters, rich in lands, cattle, slaves and all that were part 
of that exceptional social community of the northern colo- 
nies. Books they owned, it is true, but their paucity, as 
recorded by tradition, and by that less exciting but more 
exacting evidence, the inventory, waives even the possi- 
bility of the consideration of the mooted question "when 
does a collection of books become a library". The title of 
this short account, therefore, is chosen advisedly despite 
the fact that our ancestors sometimes, according to the 
inventories, stored their books in attic, cellar and outbuild- 
ings. Later, after the coinmencement of the nineteenth 
century, large collections were formed to which the term 


library is justly applicable, and it is from onQ such library 
that the following books, and their owners, are to be 

Early in the second quarter of the last century a young- 
man, recently graduated from Harvard University, began, 
because of his love of boolcs, to build up a library which, at 
the time of his death, became the largest private library in 
the South County — and it is to be questioned if its size is 
to be exceeded today in Washington County. Judge Elisha 
R. Potter, antiquary, historian, educator and jurist of 
Kingston, was a student rather than a collector. No exact 
enumeration of his library has ever been made, but the 
number of volumes, pamphlets, maps, and manuscripts can, 
from the writer's personal acquaintance with the collection, 
safely be set at over five thousand volumes. It was a general 
library, although four classifications, which were his prin- 
cipal interests, predominated j the classics (Judge Potter 
was one time instructor in the classics at the Kingston 
Academy ), history, law and agriculture. It is not, however, 
the library itself that is to be considered at this time but 
only such books that came to its shelves bearing evidence 
of former ownership by the early settlers of the Narragan- 
sett County, the Planters who followed them and the 
merchants and professional men who made up the growing- 
community in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. 
It may be therefore regretted that a little sixteenth century 
volume, Vetustiss'unoni))! Authorum Georgicay BucoUca et 
Gnomica Poeiiiata, which at the index bears the inscription 
of ownership, "Ronsardus", with a now illegible Greek 
inscription^ must not be discussed j nor can we search for the 
identity of a gentleman whose armorial book plate pro- 
claims him as one Henricus Fly, e Coll. En. Nas Oxon^ and 
whose seeniingly explanatory motto was Homo Sudi. In- 

^ Monsieur Champion of Paris who examined a photograph ot this 
signature states that it was not written by Ronsard hut hv his secretary 
Amadis Iam\n. 



* 4 



teresting as these may be, they belong to another country — 
and another chapter. 

The earliest books belonging to one who ventured into 
the disputed lands of the Narragansett Country are two 
calf bound duodecimos, both once in the possession of 
John Saffin', an early proprietor in Narragansett, through 
Thomas Willet, father of his first wife, Martha. The first 
of these books bears evidence of a long and interesting 
series of ownership. Entitled Summa V eteruni Inter pretuni 
in Universufn Dialectum Arestotalis, published in Franck- 
fort in 1613, it bears on its fly leaves and pages the 
names of three owners before Saffin and two subsequent to 
him. The first signature on the fly leaf is that of Thomas 
Wilkinson, with the date 1619, regarding whom nothing- 
can be traced although he was probably not of the colonies 
at the time he came into possession of the book. One would 
wish to believe, and it is a probability, that the little 
Aristotle crossed the sea in the luggage of its next recorded 
owner, Richard Denton. Denton (1603-1663), an English 
divine, gave up his work at Coley Chapel in 1640 and 
immigrated to New England from whence he moved to 
Hampstead, Long Island." Just ten years later there was 

- For an account of this seventeenth centur\' merchant see T/it' Xote 
Book oj John Sajfin 1665-1 7()S with an introduction h\' Caroline Hazard, 
New York, 1928. 

■' Dictionary of National Biography, London, \<)1. XI\ , p. 380. 


written on the verso of the same fly leaf the following, 
"Thomas Willett His Book Anno Dom. 1673". Did the 
first English mayor of New York find this book in a 
Manhattan book stall? Captain Thomas Willett (1610- 
1674) through purchase and, probably, by inheritance (as 
the records are somewhat clouded) secured a large tract in 
the Boston Neck Purcnase at and about the present 
Saunderstown, which lands, comprising 661 3^ acres, are 
shown on the Withington plat in the name of Willett's son- 
in-law John Saflin, whose name appears next upon the title 
of the Aristotle with a Latin inscription unfortunately 
obliterated by a later and disinterested owner. The book 
remained in this family for a generation at least as on the 
fly leaf at the end of the book is written "Saflin J"° His 
Book". Later the book left the Narragansett Country and 
went to the shelves of Judge Benjamin Lynde (1666- 
1745) of Salem, father of Chief Justice Lynde, who in- 
scribed his name on the title page as "Benjamin Lynde 

The second volume from Safiin's book shelf cannot boast 
of such a pedigree as the Aristotle but has a more personal 
association with the Saflin family. However, as this copy 
of The Logicians School-Master lacks its title and the first 
sixty-four pages, it is possible that evidence of previous 
ownership is thereby lost. On the blank verso of leaf 349- 
350 is found the following: "John Saflin Anno 1670" and 
"Hie Liber Pertinet ad Mr. Johannem Saffinum Ex dono 
patris mei Anno Dom. 1675" Near the end of the book 
we find the name of W(illett) Carpenter, Saflin's great- 
nephew by marriage. 

Matthew Robinson (1709-1795) was one of the few 
who might claim that his books were of a number suflicient 
to be, in that period, classed as a library. The inventory of 
his estate enumerates the books by title, an uncommon pro- 
cedure as books were usually entered as "books" with a low 
appraisal value. Their considered importance probably was 
the cause of this careful listing. Wilkins Updike in his 













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Memoirs of the Rhode Island Bar said that "his library was 
large, and well selected in law, history, and poetry; prob- 
ably the largest possessed by any individual in this state at 
that day — ", a statement which may be received with 
reservations. Updike further related that; "taking all his 
works together, those that were purchased, and those that 
were presented to him, what he carefully noted on them, no 
doubt exists that he possessed, before his death, a more 
curious and valuable collection for antiquarian information 
than any other person in the state — a great antiquarian, 
and embraced in his character, the elements of great curios- 
ity, inquisitiveness and research." 

Robinson, whose father, Robert Robinson, "sustained 
many honorable posts under the reigns of Queen Anne, 
King George 1st and King George 2nd", practiced law in 
Newport until the year 1750 when he removed to the 
Narragansett Country, "the particular motives for this 
change of residence are unknown". There, a short distance 
west of West Kingston, near the Shickasheen Brook, he built 
a house "after the style of an English lodge" which he 
called Hopezvell. To Hopewell he brought his library and 
his household goods which, from the examples which sur- 
vive and from those listed in his inventory, were of con- 
siderable importance. After his death, forty-five years later, 
his library and all his possessions were sold at auction. It is 
related when his library was sold by the single volume 
without regard to sets, "and irretrievably scattered". 

Many of the books, however, ultimately came into Judge 
Potter's hands, each volume bearing Robinson's signature 
and the date of acquisition, usually on the title page, in his 
fine clear hand writing. From these books it can be deter- 
mined that his library was more catholic than stated by 
Updike to whose "law, history and poetry" should be added 
theology, the classics and gardening and agriculture. Space 
prohibits the specific mention of but a few titles at this time. 
The earliest book, in the Potter library, that is known to 
have belonged to Robinson, is a gift he received in 1737. 


It is a vellum bound quarto of Terence, Latin and English 
text, published by John Leggett of London in 1 629. On the 
title page Robinson wrote "Ex dono Thomas Creese ( r ) ad 
Matthew Robinson Novi Portus Nova Anglia Hodie 20 
Maii 1737". It is another book of many owners, three of 
whom have left their marks, "Tho Lawson possidit", "Ro: 
Kent est verus possessor huius libris" and "Crescenty 
Walteri Liber Ex dono Patris Sui l'"°Maij Die 1710". 
After this display of learning it is not to be wondered that 
Robinson aired his knowledge of Latin. 

A folio edition of Maxinies of Reason: or The Reason of 
the Coninio)! Laiv of England, was acquired in 174-1 ; in 
1 744 he purchased the two volumes of The Gardners Dic- 
tionarv, London 1 735 and also a copy of Practical Discourse 
Concerning Future Judgement. Five years later he added 
to his library the handsome folio, A Ne'x Systeni of 
Agriculture being a Complete Body of Husbandry and 
Gardening, by John Laurence, London, 1726. Robinson 
made copious notes on the fly leaf of this book, as he did in 
many others volumes, and between the pages are pressed 
leaves of trees and shrubs which one would wish to have the 
hardihood to believe had been placed there by the master 
of Hopezi'ell — but were probably so preserved b\' Judge 
Potter or by Cyrus French, father of William French, the 
hatter of Little Rest, who were both later owners of the 

In 1668, among the French settlers who were granted 
lands in the northern portion of the Narragansett Country 
by the self-styled Proprietors, was one Moses LeMoine. 
His grandson John, his surname now anglicized to Mawney, 
married Amey, the daughter of the Providence nierchant 
Robert Gibbs of the Boston family of that name. It would 
appear that John Mawney had numerous books, one of 
which originally belonged to his father-in-law. It is a small, 
(measuring but 5x11 cm) much used and abused pharma- 
copoeia in Latin. These lists of drugs would appear to have 
been an indispensable item in many colonial households. 


On the fly leaf of this little book is the signature of Gibbs 
and the date 1725 and beneath it that of John Mawney. 

Another book loving descendant of the French settlers 
was Judith Ayrault, granddaughter of that unjustly per- 
secuted Pierre Ayrault. A considerable number of her books 
came to Judge Potter and'among them is found Meditations 
and Contemplations by James Hervey, bearing her strong 
signature in both volumes with the date 1751. Pope's An 
Essay on Man is another with her signature. The inscrip- 
tion in A Companion for a Sick Bed by Thomas Coney, 
London, 1751, states that it was a gift from Mrs. Elizabeth 
Bours, of the important Newport family of that name. 

From Newport also came a copy of Les Adventures de 
Telemaque a gift from Dr. Thomas Moffatt, who was one 
of those responsible for the establishment of the snuff mill 
at the head of the Pettaquamscutt River and the bringing 
over of the Stuart family from Scotland to operate it. The 
recipient was Powell Helme, son of Chief Justice James 
Helme of Tower Hill. The gift was made in 1763. 

Only one book has been found in the Potter library which 
had at one time belonged to Lieutenant-Governor William 
Robinson, one of the richest of the Narragansett Planters. 
This is but one of the considerable number he was known to 
have possessed. A duodecimo copy of New Memoirs by 
Marquis d'Argens, its first owner would appear to have 
been Viscount Granville whose armorial book plate is 
pasted in. Another owner was the Mrs. Bours already 

With the beginning of the last quarter of the eighteenth 
century the number of books bearing the names of South 
County owners increase. This is not surprising in view of 
the growth of the population and of the wealth of the com- 
munity. However, it cannot be said that the same type of 
books appear as in the earlier years of fewer owners with 
greater learning. The names of John Hagadorn, Levi 
Totten and members of the Helme family should, how- 


ever, be mentioned among those whose books are evidence 
of more than average taste and education. 

Two books, nevertheless, deserve mention. The first, of 
hardly exciting contents. The New Annual Register 1781 y 
bears on the title page the name of "Chv. de Tully". The 
real interest lies, however, in the signature on the fly leaf: 
"Henry Babcock given me by Chevalier Tully". Was this 
Colonel "Harry" Babcock of Westerly, that dashing officer, 
who at the age of twenty-one attained the rank of Lieu- 
tenant Colonel in the British Colonial forces and who was 
later to distinguish himself in the American Army during 
the Revolution, the man who kissed the then Queen of 
England? A dry book for such a man and not over much 
of a gift from the Chevalier — but a record nevertheless! 

The last book to be considered, and obviously out of its 
chronological order, is included for the simple reason that 
it makes possible a slightly humorous ending to what has 
been a rather arid discourse. Much thumbed and man- 
handled, surely passed from house to house, evidently in 
the village of Little Rest, possibly because its title gave 
rise to prohibited or repressed feelings which are now 
relieved by a myriad of "pulp" magazines — OvicPs Art 
of Love . . . to which are added The Count of Love: A Tale 
from Chaucer: and The History of Love could surely tell 
a tale of its readers. The first twenty-two pages are lit- 
erally worn out of the book by the various owners, of 
whom those who have inscribed their names include: John 
Wait, the Silversmith, Dorcas Watson, W. Wilcox, John 
Hagadorn, Sally Sheffield, Samuel Butt and Lucy and Sally 

Evidently the perusal of these tales evoked a rustic muse, 
whose feet tread none too surely to the measure, for on 
nearly every available blank space are written "verses" of 
which the most dignified is: 


"Marriage the glorious Crov^n of Love 
A Blessing unto you will prove 
Your Spouse will be a handsome man 
And to Please thee will do all he can 
A Young Lady's fourtin (sic)'''' 

Later is found this: 

Him whom you suffer a Sweet Kiss to steal 
Angels would Envy could they Envy feel 
But him to whom you Every Charm resign 
May Vie with Gods and taste of Bliss Devine 

And on page 236 some sour cynic has scrawled: "Love is 
Like a Looseness it wont let Poor Bill go about his 

In conclusion it should be said that there were other early 
residents of the Narragansett Country who owned not only 
a sizeable number of books but in fact small libraries 5 
volumes from which did not, however, appear on the 
shelves of Judge Potter. Daniel Updike, for twenty-four 
years Attorney General of the Colony and one of the 
founders of the Redwood Library in Newport, had a large 
library. Judge Henry Marchant should also be mentioned. 
I remember, a number of years ago, being shown by a 
descendant impressive folios bearing the Judge's armorial 
book plates. Dr. MacSparran had his book shelves and 
there were other men of Narragansett who might have 
said, as did the Reverend William Cole, "with my books, 
garden and love of antiquities, the longest day appears too 


The following persons have been elected to membership 
in the Society: 

Miss Mabel W. Ennls 
Mr. Richard A. Hoffman 
Mr. George R. McAuslan 


New Publications of Rhode Island Interest 

The Bulletin of the Newport Historical Society for 
September 1937 contains an article on the U. S. S, Con- 
stellation by Allyn J. Crosby. 

Early Homes of Rhode Island by Antoinette F. Down- 
ing is an illustrated volume of 480 pages. 

Rhode Island, A Guide to the Smallest State written by 
the Federal Writers' Project of W. P. A. under the direc- 
tion of Jarvis M, Morse, is an illustrated volume of 500 

These Plantations by J. Earl Clauson, a book of 120 
pages, contains a collection of his articles published in the 
Evening Bulletin. 

Rhode IsUnul's Early Defenders and their Successors, 
written by Brig. Gen. J. J. Richards in 1930, a book of 103 
pages, has been published by the Rhode Island Penduluni 
at East Cjreenwich. 

Journey from Virginia to Salem, Aiassachusetts, 1799 
by Thomas Fairfax, 9th Baron Fairfax of Cameron, which 
was privately printed in London in 1936, contains ref- 
erences to Providence and Newport, which occupy about 
three pages. 

Richard Smith, First English Settler of the Narragansett 
Country by Daniel Berkeley Updike, has just been printed 
by the Merrymount Press. 

The account of the visit of Felix Christian Spoerry, a 
Swiss surgeon, to Rhode Island in 1661 is published in 
the New England Quarterly for September 1937. 

Le Vrai Mouvement Sentinellists en Nouvelle Angle- 
terre 1923-1929 et L' Affaire du Rhode Island by E. J. 
Daignault, has recently been published by Les Editions du 
Zodiaque, Montreal, Canada. 

Dorr Pamphlet No. 1 . State House versus Pent House. 
Legal Problems of the Rhode Island Race Track Row 
by Zechariah Chafee, Jr., is a volume of 165 pages, pub- 
lished by The Booke Shop, Providence. 



List of Active Members of the Rhode Island 
Historical Society 


Mr. Frederick W. Aldred 
Mr. Edward K. Aldrich, Jr. 
Miss Lucv T. Aldrich 
Hon. Richard S. xAldrich 
Mr. Stuart M. Aldrich 
Mr. Devere Allen 
Mr. Philip Allen 
Miss Ada Almy 
Mrs. Everard Appleton 
Miss Marguerite Appleton 
Mr. Arthur H. zArmington 
Miss Maude E. Armstrong 
Mrs. Edward E. Arnold 
Mr. Frederick W. Arnold 
Miss Mittie Arnold 
Mr. James H. Arthur 
Mr. Donald S. Babcock 
Mr. J. Earle Bacon 
Mr. Albert A. Baker 
Mrs. Charles K. Baker 
Mr. Harvey A. Baker 
Mr. J. Willard Baker 
Miss Mary H. Balch 
Mrs. Sarah Minchin Barker 
Miss Sarah Dyer Barnes 
Mr. Fred H. Barrows 
Mr. Earl G. Batty 
Miss Marjorie L. Bean 
Mrs. Daniel Beckwith 
Mr. Henry L. P. Beckwith 
Mr. Frederic N. Beede 
Mr. Herbert G. Beede 
Mrs. Herbert G. Beede 
Mr. Horace G. Belcher 
Mr. Horatio E. Bellows 

Mr. Charles P. Benns 
Mrs. Charles P. Benns 
Mr. Bruce M. Bigelow 
Mr. George E. Bixby 
Capt. William P. Blair 
Mr. Zenas W. Bliss 
G. Alder Blumer, M.D. 
Mr. J. J. Bodell 
Mr. Richard LeB. Bowen 
Rev. Arthur H. Bradford 
Mr. Claude R. Branch 
Rabbi William G. Braude 
Miss Alice Brayton 
Miss Susan S. Brayton 
Dr. R. G. Bressle'r 
Miss Ida F. Bridgham 
Mrs. William E. Brigham 
Miss Eva St. C. Brightman 
Mrs. Clarence A. Brouwer 
Mr. Clarence Irving Brown 
Mr. Cyrus P. Brown 
Mr. Frank Hail Brown 
Mr. John Nicholas Brown 
Madelaine R. Brown, M.D. 
Mr. Wilbur D. Brown 
Capt. Ernest Henry Brownell 
Miss Madeleine M. Bubier 
Mr. Harris H. Bucklin 
Mr. Edward J. C. Bullock 
Mr. Edwin A. Burlingame 
A. T. Butler, Esq. 
Miss Irene B. Butler 
Col. G. Edward Buxton 
Mrs. S. H. Cabot 
Mrs. Edwin A. Cady 



Mr. John H. Cadv 

Mrs.'Charles A. C'alder 

Frank T. Calef, M.D. 

Mr. Herbert C. Calef 

Mrs. W. R. Callender 

Mrs. Wallace Campbell 

Mr. Thomas B. Card 

Mrs. George W. Carr 

Mrs. Marion P. Carter 

Miss Anna H. Chace 

Mr. Malcolm G. Chace 

Mrs. Everitte S. Chaffee 

Prof. Robert F. Chambers 

Mr. Arthur D. Champlin 

Mr. George B. Champlin 

Miss Anna Chapin 

Charles V. Chapin, M.D. 

Mrs. Charles V. Chapin 

Mr. Howard M. Chapin 

Mrs. Howard M. Chapin 

Mr. Frederic L. Chase 

Mr. Albert W. Claflin 

Mrs. Edward S. Clark 

Prof. Theodore Collier 

Mrs. Clarkson A. Collins, Jr. 

Mr. James C. Collins 

Mrs. Mabel B. Comstock 

Mr. Walter J. Comstock 

Mrs. A. R. Conant 

Mrs. Charles D. Cook 

Mr. Albert B. Coulters 

Prof. Verner W. Crane 

Mr. Frank H. Cranston 

George H. Crooker, M.D. 

Mr. Harry Parsons Cross 

Frank Anthony Cummings, M.D. 

Mrs. Frank Anthony Cummings 

Mr. Arthur Cushing 

Prof. S. Foster Damon 

Murray S. Danforth, M.D. 

Mrs. Murray S. Danforth 

Mr. William C. Dart 

Mr. Foster B. Davis 

Miss Marv Elliott Davis 

Mrs. R. C. Davis 

Prof. Edmund B. Delabarre 

Mr. Paul C. DeWolf 

Miss Alice S. Dexter 

Miss Eunice W. Dexter 

Mr. Walter Frederick Dickinson 

Miss Louise Diman 

John E. Donley, M.D. 

Mr. Louis W. Downes 

Mrs. Louis W. Downes 

Mrs. G. E. Downing 

Mr. Robert T. Downs 

Mrs. Charles E. Dudley 

Miss Dorothy D. Dunlop 

Mr. Henry A. DuVillard 

Miss Margarethe L. Dwight 

Miss Anna Jones Dyer 

Col. H. Anthony Dyer 

Mr. Charles G. Easton 

Mr. Frederick W. Easton 

Mr. Cyrus T. Eddy 

Miss Isabel Eddv 

Mrs. William Holdcn Eddy 

Miss Harriet C. Edmonds 

Miss Edith Edwards 

Mrs. Seeber Edwards 

Mr. Walter Angell Edwards 

Mr. Zenas H. Ellis 

Mr. William Ely 

Miss Mabel W. Ennis 

Mr. Ralph C. Estes 

Mr. William Wood Estes 

Mrs. William Wood Estes 

Mr. Charles Owen Ethier 

Mr. Charles W. Farnham 

Mr. Royal Bailev Farnum 

Mr. Walter F. Farrell 

Mr. Augustus H. Fiske 

Mrs. Charles Fletcher 

Mr. Elliot Flint 

Mr. Allan Forbes 

Mr. Hovey T. Freeman 

Hon. Joseph W. Freeman 

Hon. G. Frederick Frost 

Mr. R. Clinton Fuller 

Frank T. Fulton, M.D. 



Hon. Joseph H. Gainer 

Mrs. Robert Ives Gammell 

Mr. William Gammell 

Mr. William Gammell, Jr. 

Miss Abbie P. Gardner 

Mrs. George Warren Gardner 

Prof. Henry B. Gardner ^ 

Mrs. John T. Gardner 

Mr. Preston Hicks Gardner 

Mr. Daniel F. George 

Mrs. Louis C. Gerry 

Hon. Peter G. Gerry 

Mrs. Peter G. Gerry 

Mrs. Alice C. Gleeson 

Mr. Robert H. I. Goddard 

Rabbi Israel M. Goldman 

Mr. George T. Gorton 

Mr. Harry Hale Goss 

Mrs. Richard Rathborne Graham 

Mr. Eugene S. Graves 

Mrs. Eugene S. Graves 

Miss Eleanor B. Green 

Hon. Theodore Francis Green 

Mr. Denison W. Greene 

Mrs. Joseph Warren Greene, Jr. 

Mr. Thomas C. Greene 

Mr. Ralph M. Greenlaw 

Mr. William B. Greenough 

Mr. Russell Grinnell 

Mr. E. Tudor Gross 

Mr. R. F. Haffenreffer 

Hon. J. Jerome Hahn 

Miss Annette Mason Ham 

Mrs. Livingston Ham 

Mrs. Albert G. Harkness 

Mr. Benjamin P. Harris 

Miss Mary A. Harris 

Mr. Everett S. Hartwell 

N. Darrell Harvey, M.D. 

Mr. William A. Hathaway 

Miss Caroline Hazard 

Mr. Thomas G. Hazard, Jr. 

Mr. Charles F. Heartman 

Mrs. W. E. Heathcote 

Prof. James B. Hedges 

Mr. Bernon E. Helme 
Mr. John Henshavv 
Mr. Joseph G. Henshaw 
Mr. kobert W. Hcrrick 
Mr. G. Burton Hibbert 
Mr. William A. Hill 
Mr. Frank L. Hinckley 
Mr. Richard A. Hoffman 
Mrs. William H. Hoffman 
Mrs. John S. Holbrook 
Mr. George J. Holden 
Mrs. John W. Holton 
Mr. Charles A. Horton 
Mr. M. A. DeWolfe Howe 
Mr. Wallis E. Howe 
Mrs. William Erwin Hoy 
Mrs. George H. Huddy, Jr. 
Mr. Sidney D. Humphrey 
Mr. S. Foster Hunt 
Mrs. Duncan Hunter 
Mr. Richard A. Hurley 
Mr. James H. Hyde 
Mrs. C. Oliver Iselin 
Mr. Norman M. Isham 
Miss Mary A. Jack 
Mrs. Donald Eldredge Jackson 
Mr. Thomas A. Jenckes 
Mrs. Edward L. Johnson 
Mr. William C. Johnson 
Dr. Lewis H. Kalloch 
Mr. Francis B. Keeney 
Mr. Charles A. Keller 
Mr. Howard R. Kent 
Mr. Charles H. Keyes 
Mr. H. Earle Kimball 
Lucius C. Kingman, M.D. 
Miss Adelaide Knight 
Mr. C. Prescott Knight, Jr. 
Mr. Robert L. Knight 
Mrs. Robert L. Knight 
Mr. Russell W. Knight 
Prof. Harry L. Koopman 
Mrs. Dana Lawrence 
Charles H. Leonard, M.D. 
Miss Grace F. Leonard 



Mrs. Austin T. Levy 

Mr. Dexter L. Lewis 

Mr. Ferdinand A. Lincoln 

Mr. Charles Warren Lippitt 

Mr. Gorton T. Lippitt 

Mrs. Pomeroy Lippitt 

Mr. Arthur B. Lisle 

Mrs. Arthur B. Lisle 

Mr. Charles W. Littleheld 

Mr. Ivory Littlefield 

Rev. Augustus M. Lord 

Mr. T. Robley Louttit 

Mr. W. Easton Louttit, Jr. 

Mr. David B. Lovell, Jr. 

Mr. Albert E. Lownes 

Mr. Harold C. Lyman 

Mr. Richard E. Lyman 

Mr. George R. McAuslan 

Mr. William A. McAuslan 

Mrs. William A. McAuslan 

Mr. Norman A. MacColl 

Mr. William B. MacColl 

Mr. Arthur M. McCrillis 

Miss Grace E. Macdonald 

Mr. Benjamin M. MacDougall 

Miss Muriel McFee 

Mr. Charles B. Mackinney 

Mr. Ralph A. McLeod 

Mr. Wayne McNally 

Mrs. Herbert E. Maine 

Mrs. William L. Manchester 

Mr. Charles C. Marshall 

Mr. Edgar W. Martin 

Mrs. John F. Marvel 

Mr. Harold Mason 

Mr. John H. Mason 

Mrs. George S. Mathews 

Mr. Archibald C. Matteson 

Mr. William L. Mauran 

Mrs. William L. Mauran 

Mrs. Frank Everitt Maxwell 

Mr. Harry V. Mayo 

Mr. W. Granville'Mcader 

Mrs. Charles H. Merriman 

Mrs. E. Bruce Merriman 

Mr. Harold T. Merriman 
Mrs. L B. Merriman 
Mrs. E. T. H. Mctcalf 
Mr. G. Pierce Metcalf 
Mr. Houghton P. Metcalf 
Mrs. L Harris Metcalf 
Hon. Jesse H. Metcalf 
Mrs. Jesse H. Metcalf 
Mr. Stephen O. Metcalf 
Mr. William Davis Miller 
Mrs. William Davis Miller 
Mr. George L. Miner 
Mr. Marshall Morgan 
Mr. George A. Moriarty, Jr. 
Mrs. William Robert Morrison 
Mrs. Bentlcy W. Morse 
Mr. Jarvis M. Morse 
Mr. F.dward S. Moulton 
Mrs. Edward S. Moulton 
William M. Muncy, M.D. 
Walter L. Munro, M.D. 
Hon. x'\ddison P. Munroe 
Mrs. Addison P. Munroe 
Mr. Walter M. Murdie 
Mr. George P. Newell 
Mr. Louis C. Newman 
Miss Eliza Taft Newton 
Mr. Roger Hale Newton 
Mr. Paul C. Nicholson 
Col. Samuel M. Nicholson 
Ira Hart Noyes, M.D. 
Miss Marv Olcott 
Mrs. Frank F. Olnev 
Mr. Harald W. Ost'by 
Mr. G. Richmond Parsons 
Mrs. G. Richmond Parsons 
Miss Marv H. Parsons 
Mr. Frederick S. Peck 
Mrs. Frederick S. Peck 
Mr. Horace M. Peck 
Mr. Stephen L Peck 
Mr. William H. Peck 
Mr. William T. Peck 
Mrs. F. H. Peckham 
Katherine F. Peckham, M.D. 



Mr. Clarence E. Peirce 

Mr. John P. B. Peirce 

Mr. Charles M. Perry 

Mr. Howard B. Perry 

John M. Peters, M.D. 

Mr. Arthur L. Philbrick 

Mr. Charles H. Philbrick 

Mr. Alexander Van Cleve PhillijDS 

Mr. Arthur S. Phillips 

Mrs. Frank Nichols Phillips 

Mr. Thomas L. Pierce 

Mr. Albert H. Poland 

Prof. Albert K. Potter 

Dr. Arthur M. Potter 

Mrs. Dexter B. Potter 

Mrs. Thomas I. Hare Powel 

Miss Ethelyn Irene Pray 

Mrs. Howard W. Preston 

Mr. Robert Spencer Preston 

Miss Evelyn M. Purdy 

Helen C. Putnam, M.D. 

Mr. Patrick H. Quinn 

Mrs. George R. Ramsbottom 

Mrs. C. K. Rathbone 

Hon. Elmer J. Rathbun 

Mrs. Irving E. Raymond 

Mr. Charles C. Remington 

Mr. Dana Rice 

Mr. Herbert W. Rice 

Mrs. Herbert W. Rice 

Mr. Henrv Isaac Richmond 

Mrs. Fred Robinson 

Mr. Louis E. Robinson 

Mr. Robert Rodman 

Mr. William Greene RoJker 

Rev. Arthur Rogers 

Mr. Kenneth Shaw Safe 

Mrs. Harold P. Salisbury 

Mrs. G. Coburn Sanctuary 

Mrs. George C. Scott 

Mrs. David Sands Seaman 

Mr. Henry M. Sessions 

Miss Ellen D. Sharpe 

Mr. Henrv D. Sharpe 

Eliot A. Shaw, M.D. 

Mrs. Frederick E. Shaw 
Mrs. Philip C. Sheldon 
Mr. Clarence E. Sherman 
Mr. Harry B. Sherman 
Mrs. Arthur F. Short 
Mrs. Charles Sisson 
Mrs. Byron N. H. Smith 
Mrs. Charles H. Smith 
Mrs. Edwin C. Smith 
Mr. Howard B. Smith 
Joseph Smith, M.D. 
Hon. Nathaniel W. Smith 
R. Morton Smith, M.D. 
Mr. Walter B. Smith 
Mr. Ward E. Smith 
Miss Hattie O. E. Spaulding 
Hon. Ernest L. Sprague 
Mrs. James G. Staton 
Hon. Charles F. Stearns 
Mr. Thomas E. Steere 
Mr. Oscar Frank Stetson 
Miss Maud Lyman Stevens 
Mr. Edward Clinton Stiness 
Mr. Charles C. Stover 
Mrs. Charles C. Stover 
Mr. Charles T. Straight 
Mr. H. Nelson Street 
Mr. Henry A. Street 
Mr. Walter Knight Sturges 
Mr. Frank H. Swan 
Hon. John W. Sweeney 
Dr. Walter I. Sweet 
Mrs. Walter I. Sweet 
Miss Louisa A. Sweetland 
Mr. Roval C. Taft 
Prof. Will S. Taylor 
BenjaminF. Tefft, M.D. 
Mrs. J. P. Thorndike 
Louisa Paine Tinglev, M.D. 
Mr. F. L. Titsworth 
Mrs. William O. Todd 
Mrs. Stacy Tolman 
Mr. Frederick E. Tripp 
Mr. William J. Tully 
Mr. D. Berkeley Updike 



Hon. William H. \'anderbilt 

Mr. William A. \'iall 

Mrs. Helen C. \'ose 

Mrs. Arthur M. Walker 

Mr. A. TIngley Wall 

Mrs. Maurice K. Washburn 

Mr. Frank E. Waterman 

Mrs. Lewis A. Waterman 

Prof. Arthur E. Watson 

Col. Byron S. W^atson 

Mr. John J. Watson 

Mr. W. L. Watson 

Mrs. William B. Weeden 

Mr. Richard Ward Greene Welling 

Mr. John H. Wells 

Mr. Edward H. West 

Mrs. Frank Williams Westcott 

Mrs. Elizabeth X. White 
Mr. Willis H. White 
Mrs. Henry A. Whitmarsh 
Mr. Frederick Bernavs Wiener 
Mr. Frank J. Wilder' 
Mrs. Elizabeth K. Wilkinson 
Mr. Daniel L. Willmarth, Jr. 
Miss Amev L. Willson 
Mr. William A. Wing 
Mr. Wilson G. Wing 
Mrs. George P. Winship 
Rev. William Worthington 
Mr. Nathan M. Wright 
Dr. Henr\ M. Wriston 
Mr. Lawrence C. Wroth 
Mr. Frederick W. York 

The Gore Roll of Arms 

By Harold Bowditch 

{cont'Diued from vol. A'.VA', fage 1 28) 

84. (84.) (63.) 

Arms: Silver three bull's heads cabossed sable the horns 

Wreath: Gold, sable. 

Crest: A sitting (heraldic) tiger brown powdered with 
roundles silver, mane, tail and tufts silver, tusks, tongue, 
snout and inside of ear gules. 

Legend: Richard Walldron Esq. of Ports mouth in 
Pusquatiqua Alis ' New Hamshere. 1 724. 

Notes: These arms are in the Promptuarium Armorum 


Waldron of East Bridgeford, Nottinghamshire, bore 
these arms (Edmondson). Maurice Walrond of London, 
living in 1 634, second son of Humphrey Walrond and 
grandson of Henry Walrond of Sea in co. Somerset, bore 
the same with a crescent for difference, and this crest: A 
sitting tiger sable powdered with roundles silver, his mane 
gold * Walrond of Bradfield, co. Devon, had the same arms 
and crest except that the golden mane is not specified 

This marks the end of what appears to be the work of the 
original painter; the following fifteen coats are largely un- 
painted, and the execution of the drawing is in the main 
inferior to the coats in the earlier part of the work. Nos. 85 
to 88 occupy the. verso of the sheet on which Nos. 81 to 
84 are painted; 89 to 92 occupy the recto and 93 to 95 the 
verso of the next sheet, the last place being left vacant; 
96 to 99 occupy the recto of the following sheet, the rest of 
the book being blank. 

85. (85.) (64.) 

Arms: Barry silver and gules a leaping boar . 

Wreath: , . 

Crest: A broken sword chevronwise, pomel and point 
on the wreath . 

Motto ( on a scroll above the arms) : Press Through. 

Legend: Boarland. 

Notes: This drawing is partly tricked. Child represents 
a blue boar upon an uncolored mount on a silver field with 
two bars gules; he shows the sword in two disconnected 
pieces floating in the air. Whitmore in his description omits 
the mount and calls the sword a lance. He comments: 
"These arms are used by a Scotch family, and also by the 
Borlands of Boston, Mass.", and "John Borland of Boston 

■" (Visitation of London 1633-163 5). 


used these arms on his seal. He died in 1727. His brother 
Francis was of Glasford, North Britain." The arms, crest 
and motto are found under the name of Borelands of Edin- 
burgh: Barry silver and gules over all a boar rampant 
azure j crest: A broken lance proper j motto: Press Through 
(Burke). It appears to have been this description which led 
Whitmore to call the sword a lance. Thomas Borlands, 
Bailie of Portsburgh, bore the same arms (Paul ). 

The seal on the will ( 1 726 ) of John Borland shows these 
arms, a broken lance for a crest, and above the whole com- 
position the motto "Press Through" ( Heraldic Journal 
II 89). 

86. (86.) (6S:) 


Arms: Quartered: 1. & 4. Azure an eagle contourne sil- 
ver. 2. & 3. Silver three dexter hands bendwise couped, 

a canton cheeky of nine gules and gold. (The canton hides 
one of the hands. ) 

Wreath : , . 

Crest : Two lion's paws erect supporting a crown 

from which hangs by a thread a heart gules. 

Legend: Gushing. 

Notes: Drawing in faint ink, partly hatched, partly 

In Child's copy the eagles are not contourne j they are 
gilded, on a blank heldj the second and third fields are 
silvered, the hands uncolored, and the canton in the second 
is blank and silver, in the third blank and gold; the only 
tincture in the crest is the gilded crown. 

Whitmore refers to the Cushing pedigree in the New 
England Historical and Genealogical Register for 1865. 

In the inventory of Thomas' Cushing there is mention of 
a coat of arms. (Heraldic Journal II 124). 

Dr. Buck comments: "Cosyn in Norfolk, quarterings of 
Denvers, co. Norfolk" and refers to the Promptuarium 
Armorum 32a. 


Cosyn of Norfolk bore for arms: Gules an eagle silver 
(Edmondson) and Cosen of Norfolk had this crest: On a 
chapeau azure turned up ermine an heraldic tiger sitting- 
gold (Fairbairn ). 

Denvers of Walpole, co. Norfolk, bore: Gules three 
dexter gauntlets fendent silver, a canton cheeky gold and 

Dr. Buck calls attention to the resemblance of the crest to 
that of Legat of Essex, Kent and Norfolk: Two lion's paws 
erect gules supporting a mitre gold (Burke ). 

87. (87.) (Omitted) 

Arms: two gemels on a chief live trefoils 

slipped, three and two, . 

Wreath : , . 

Crest: From a tower a demi-pelican . 

Legend: Paddock of Glocester'. Paddack Somersett"". 

Notes: This drawing is neither hatched nor tricked. 

Child gives us a curious rendition, which might be 

described as follows: Per fess and gules, a fess gold 

charged with a bar gules, in chief five trefoils slipped three 
and two, goldj or else: Per fess gold and gules a fess per 
fess counterchanged on a chief five trefoils, etc. Whit- 
more comments merely: "An unfinished sketch". 

The arms are not found under the name in the \'isitations 
of Somersetshire 1531, 1573 and 1623, nor in Edmondson, 
Berry or Burke. 

An article in the Boston Transcript 5 Oct. 1936 describes 
a hooked rug in the possession of descendants of Peter 
Paddock of Yarmouth, Mass. (b. 1687, d. 1760) showing 
what are apparently the same arms as in the Gore Roll: 

Arms: Barry (8) sable and gold on a chief silver five 
trees on a terrasse proper. 

Crest: Out of a battlemented tower gold a demi- 
pelican . 

Motto: Sempre pre. 


88. (88.) (Omitted.) 

Arms: Gules a fess cheeky azure and gold between three 
fleurs-de-lys gold. 

Crest: From a naval crown a demi-lion with a 

crown , 

Legend: Sr. Edward Sprague Knt. 

Notes: The arms in this drawing are hatched j the crest 
is not. 

Child gives a correct rendition although Whitmore calls 
the fleurs-de-lys trefoils j as he oinits mention of the fact 
that the fess is cheeky it may be that, when he wrote, these 
lines had not been put in. 

These arms are those of Spraggs (Edmondson) whose 
crest is given as: A talbot passant silver resting his foot on a 
fleur-de-lys gules ( Burke ) j but G. W. Chamberlain in 
"The Spragues of Maiden" (1923, page 13) quotes from 
"The Genealogist" Vol. 26 page 248 : Sir Edward Spragge, 
Knt. — the same armsj crest: From a naval coronet gold a 
demi-lion with two tails gules and a crown goldj granted 
by Garter, 1688. Chamberlain disavows any known connec- 
tion between Sir Edward and the Spragues of Maiden, 
Massachusetts, and Mr. Phineas Shaw Sprague of Boston, 
descended from the Maiden family, received from the Col- 
lege of Arms in 1927 a grant of another coat. 

89.(89.) (Omitted.) 

Arms: Gyrony gules and azure an eagle silver. 

Wreath : Silver, gules. 

Crest: A cock azure, beak wattles and legs gules, comb 

Legend: By the Name of Lathrop. 

Notes: The picture is painted in dull colors, the azure 
being a bluish gray much like the shading on the eagle. 

Child colors the cock pink with red comb, wattles and 
legs, the bill being unpainted. 


Dr. Buck says, "Lenthorp, or and sable — Promptu- 
arium Armor um 63b" and adds a query whether the name 
should not be Lenthorne and the crest a chough. 

Lenthorne bore Gyrony gold and sable an eagle silver j 
the arms of Lenthorp, Lenthrop and Leventhorp of cos. 
Essex and Hertfordshire ai:e quite different ( Edmondson). 

90. (98.) (70.) 


Arms : Silver three bars and in chief three rings azure. 

Wreath: Silver, azure. 

Crest: An ear of maize gold stripped open, the leaves 

Mottos: (On a scroll above the arms) PersistOj (on a 
scroll below the arms ) Gratia Gratiam Parit. 

Legend: Christopher Kilby Esq. 

Notes: The picture is painted in rather pale colors j the 
scrolls are touched with yellow at the folds. 

According to a biographical notice by Charles W. Tuttle 
in the New England Historical and Genealogical Register 
26 (1872) pp. 43-48 Christopher Kilby of Boston was born 
25 May 1705, the son of John and Rebecca (Simpkins) 
Kilby of Boston. In 1726 he became a partner in business 
with the Hon. William Clark, merchant, whose daughter 
Sarah he married in that year^ this partnership came to an 
end in 1 735 and the same year Kilby went into partnership 
with the Hon. William Clark's son Benjamin. His wife 
Sarah (Clark) died in 1739 leaving two daughters, Sarah 
and Catherine, and he married (2) Martha who sur- 
vived him but had no children. He died in England in 
1771. His daughters went to England about 1747 and 
Catherine is thought to have died soon after j Sarah married 
in 1754 Nathaniel Cunningham of Boston who died two 
years later leaving two daughters Susannah and Sarah. The 
widow Sarah (Kilby) Cunningham married (2) in 1757 
Captain Gilbert McAdams of an ancient Ayrshire family; 
the family then went to New York and eventually returned 


to Ayrshire. Most of the posterity of Christopher Kilby are 
to be found in England and Scotland ^ his great-grand- 
daughter was the first wife of the 7th duke of Argyll. 

G. E. C.'s "Complete Peerage" states that John Douglas 
Edward Henry Campbell, 7th duke of Argyll, married ( 1 ) 
in 1822 Elizabeth, the eldest daughter of William Camp- 
bell of Fairfield, Ayrshire, by his first wife Sarah Cunning- 
ham of Cambridge, New England. 

Christopher Kilby was a man of great wealth and in- 
fluence and at the time of the great fire in Boston in 1 760 he 
contributed a very large sum for the relief of the townj 
Kilby Street in the business district is named in his honor. 
(Tuttle, Reg. 26 43-48. ) He was Sir William PepperelPs 
agent in obtaining the augmentation to his arms. 

The arms attributed to Christopher Kilby in the Gore 
Roll are not found in Pap worth ; the same design with other 
tinctures is given under the names of Cooke, Gray or Grey 
of Ireland granted 1612, Moston, Multon, Seyncks and its 
variants, and Visnel. 

Burke gives for John Kilby, Esq., chosen Alderman of 
York in 1603, Silver three boars and in chief three rings 
azure ^ with the single exception of the word "boars" for 
"bars" the blazon describes the arms in the Gore Roll, 
although of course the two coats would be widely different 
pictorially. Papworth gives no name except Kilby of York 
under the blazon given by Burke, having of course taken 
it from that bookj nor does he give any other reference to 
the name Kilby for these arms, thus leaving Burke as our 
sole authority for them. 

The earliest edition of Burke to which I have had access 
is that of 1844; the first edition was issued in 1842; the 
editions of 1 844, 1 847 and 1 884 all give the same version. 

The name Kilby is not found in Berry ( 1 828 ), Edmond- 
son ( 1 780 ), Kent ( 1 755 reprint of 1 726 ), Guillini ( 1 724 ), 
a manuscript book of arms chiefly of Yorkshire families of 
about 1640-1643 in my library, or Yorke (1641 J under 
Lincolnshire gentry. 


There is a parish of Kilby in Leicestershire from which 
the name probably originates, and Lower ( Patronymica 
Britannica, 1 860 ) points out that names ending in -by are 
found only in the so-called Danish counties, particularly 
in Lincolnshire, stating that the termination signifies pri- 
marily a dwelling, afterwards a village or town. A search 
through various Visitations of Lincolnshire, Leicestershire 
and Yorkshire has failed to bring the arms to light. 

As the arms in the Gore Roll have not been found under 
the name of Kilby, and as the Kilby arms with boars instead 
of bars have not been found earlier than 1 8-1-4 ( though they 
may be in Burke 1 842), it seems probable that the painter 
of the Gore Roll was not working from a printed descrip- 
tion but from an actual example, such as a seal, a painting, 
or a piece of embroidery j and this influences one to lean 
toward the opinion that the blazon in Burke is erroneous 
and owing to a misprint. Even Papworth slips here, for the 
blazon with the boars is under the heading "Bears". If 
Burke's blazon be correct it suggests a Scottish "composed" 
coat similar to that of Alexander Innes of that Ilk as shown 
on his seal of 1 542: Three boar's heads erased (for Innes), 
in chief three molets (for Aberchirder ), as illustrated in 
"Scots Heraldry" by Thomas Innes of Learney, Carrick 
Pursuivant ( 1934). 

The crest of an ear of maize suggests local origin 5 noth- 
ing like it is found in Fairbairn, the only Kilby crest in the 
book referring to a family with an entirely different coat of 

The presence of a motto above the crest suggests Scottish 
origin, but a search of Nisbet (1804), Seton ( 1863), Paul 
(1893, 1903) and Johnston (1912) yields no clue, nor 
does the list of mottos found in Fairbairn. 

The arms given in the Gore Roll as those of Christopher 
Kilby recur in No. 92 on an escutcheon of pretence referring 
to the marriage of his daughter Sarah to Captain McAdams. 


91. (90.) (66.) 


Arms: Silver a bend gules on the bend six lozenges con- 
joined gold. 

Wreath : Silver, gules. 

Crest: A broken stump of a tree sprouting on each side 
a branch with leaves all proper. 

Legend: Joshua Winslow Esq. 

Notes: The picture is painted in colors. In the Child 
copy the field, as well as the lozenges, is gilded; this must 
have been done after Whitmore wrote his description, 
which is "Argent, on a bend gules eight lozenges conjoined, 
gold" and he adds, "More correctly the bend should be 
gules lozengy gold", a blazon which I do not understand, 
although Edmondson seems to have done so, for he gives: 
Winslow — Gold, a bend lozengy silver and gules ( which 
is comprehensible ), and Gold, a bend gules lozengy gold. 

These arms were used by Governor Edward Winslow 
on the seal on his will in 1 654, but this seal does not indicate 
the tinctures; they have been in use by the family for many 
years in varying tinctures, sometimes with the field silver 
and the lozenges gold, as in the Gore Roll, and sometimes 
with the field gold and the lozenges silver. A painting 
owned by Miss Margaret Warren of Dedham which be- 
longed to her grandfather who died about 1870 and appears 
to be in the style of about 1 850 shows both the field and the 
lozenges silver, thus agreeing with a tankard made by 
Edward Winslow (died 1753) lent by Arthur Winslow to 
the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, in 1925 j but the hatch- 
ing on old silver is not to be relied on, for another tankard 
made by Jacob Hurd (died 1 758 ) lent by Winslow Warren 
to the same museum in 1927 shows the lozenges hatched to 
represent sable. A painting of the arms made about 1 870, 
of which a copy is owned by a member of the family in 
Canada, shows a gold field and the silver lozenges running 
to the margins of the red bend; and as this version corre- 
sponds to one of the blazons given by Edmondson it seems 
probable that it is correct. 

F'ORM OF Legacy 

"/ give and bequeath to the Rhode Island 

Historical Society the sum of 


RoGUR Williams r^Jlw^^ 

\i. A. Jl)llNSt)N Co. 


Rhode Island 
Historical Society 

C O L L E C T 1 N S y)^ 

Vol. XXXI 

APRIL, 1938 

No. 2 

Governor Joski'H Wan ton 

Issued Quarterly 

Si'^ pci^f 33 

68 Waterman StreeTj Providence, Rhode Island 


Governor Joseph Wanton ..... Cover 

The Wanton Family and Rhode Island Loyalism 

by Jarvis M. Morse 33 

Mrs. Joseph Wanton 45 

The Fenner Garrison House 

by Howard M, Chapin .... 46 

Librarian's Report ...... 49 

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest . . 51 

Notes ........ 51 

Treasurer's Report . . . . . . 52 

Gore Roll of Arms 

by Harold Bowditch . . . . . 56 



* — 

Vol. XXXI APRIL, 1938 No. 2 

Harry Parsons Cross, President Robert T. Downs, Treasurer 

William Davis Miller, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions 
of contributors. 

The Wanton Family and Rhode Island 

By Jarvis M. Morse 

The misfortunes of the Wanton family in the Revolution 
provide a striking illustration of Rhode Island's policy 
with regard to the loyalists. Joseph Wanton (1705-80), 
a wealthy merchant and fairly competent executive, was 
governor of the Colony in the turbulent years preceding 
the outbreak of war with Great Britain. His public career, 
though less distinguished, resembles that of Thomas 
Hutchinson of Massachusetts. Governor Wanton did not 
favor independence, nor military resistance to England, 
but in other respects he sympathized with the American 
cause. In the crisis of 1775 his behaviour was passive; he 
demonstrated his loyalty to British rule simply by refusing 
to aid the patriot uprising. For this equivocal conduct he 
was deposed from the governorship, but not otherwise 
molested. After his death, his estate, along with the prop- 
erty of his more ardently pro-British sons, became involved 
in the legal proceedings which compose the main subject 


of this narrative. The confiscation of the Wanton property 
did not benefit the State financially, nor did it seriously 
impair the rights of most of the governor's heirs. The 
whole transaction may serve as an example of Rhode 
Island's moderate and equitable revolutionary spirit. 

Joseph Wanton, born in 1705, came from a family active 
in politics, privateering, and commerce. Three other 
Wantons preceded him in the governor's chair: — his father 
William, an uncle John, and a cousin Gideon. Joseph 
Wanton spent most of his life in Newport; he was an 
Episcopalian, and a generous contributor to the parish 
benevolences of historic Trinity Church, 

Wanton was in the royal customs office at Newport, 
either as collector or deputy, from 1738 to 1761. In this 
position he had one very unpleasant experience. While 
attempting, in August 1743, to seize some goods on the 
Angola for non-payment of duty, he was set upon by a 
mob and roughly handled. Though in this instance he 
successfully prosecuted six of his assailants for assault. 
Wanton was not inclined to be overzealous in enforcing 
unpopular laws. Smuggling was one of his own avocations. 

Joseph Wanton has often been referred to as a wealthy 
merchant, but most of the material relating to his com- 
mercial dealings, still in manuscript form, remains to be 
investigated. The firm of Joseph & William Wanton, active 
in the 1760's and 1770's, probably took its name from the 
governor's sons — Joseph Jr.^ and William. This company, 
to which the elder Wanton undoubtedly contributed some 
funds and much fatherly advice, imported molasses and 
other West Indies products, and exported lime, oak staves, 
butter, fish, cheese, beef, pork, ironware, and spermaceti 

^ Many printed references to the Wanton family do not distinguish 
carefully between Joseph, the governor, and his eldest son. Joseph Jr. was 
born 1730, was a graduate of Harvard, an assemblyman on several occasions 
between 1756 and 1772, a lieutenant-colonel in the French and Indian 
War, and deput}' governor 1764-6S, 1767-68. 


candles. Its activities were similar to those of many other 
Rhode Island trading houses. 

When Wanton became governor, in 1 769, the strained 
relations between America and Great Britain made his 
position very uncomfortable. As an elected official. Wanton 
had to keep on good terras with his constituents, but as a 
representative of British authority he was obligated to 
enforce unpopular trade regulations. Until 1775, Wanton 
tilled this dual role with considerable finesse. Officially he 
frowned on acts of defiance to British authority, such as 
mob attacks on customs officials ( 1 769, 1771), the scuttling 
of the sloop Liberty at Newport ( 1769 ), and the burning 
of the Gas-pee off Warwick (1772). As a native Rhode 
Islander, however, with an American point of view on such 
matters, Wanton did not strive very energetically to 
apprehend the guilty parties. His non-interference in these 
preliminary outbreaks against British authority eased the 
way for his retirement from office when war rendered a 
neutral position untenable. 

Wanton was elected governor for a seventh term in 
April, 1775. Within a few days of the election, when new's 
arrived of the encounters at Lexington and Concord, the 
legislature voted to raise 1500 men for an "army of obser- 
vation." Wanton's unwillingness to countenance separa- 
tion from the British empire appeared in the form of an 
official protest, April 25, declaring that the army act 
imperilled Rhode Island's charter privileges and would 
involve the country in civil war. "Torn from the body to 
which we are united by religion, liberty, laws and com- 
merce," ran this protest, "we must bleed at every vein." 
About a week later the legislature suspended Wanton from 
exercising his functions as governor, and at the end of 
October it deposed him, since he had "continued to demon- 
strate that he is inimical to the rights and liberties of 
America." The ex-governor failed to deliver to his suc- 
cessor, Nicholas Cooke, certain official papers and docu- 
ments, but he offered no resistance to their seizure by the 


sheriff of Newport County.' Wanton was, purposely, "not 
at home" when the sheriff took from his house the charter 
of the colony and several bundles of public records. 

In Rhode Island, as elsewhere in America, British civil 
authority collapsed soon after the 19th of April 1775. 
Most of the royal governors and their satellites fled the 
country. As the war progressed the several states, with 
encouragement from the Continental Congress, began to 
confiscate both real and personal property belonging to 
persons suspected of sympathizing with the British cause. 
Before the confiscation proceedings had ended, in some 
cases many years after the war, several states made con- 
siderable cash profit, particularly New York, Georgia, and 
Pennsylvania. The first Rhode Island seizures were made 
in the summer of 1775, when a half-dozen sizeable estates 
were taken by Brigadier-General Esek Hopkins. After 
October, 1775, the assembly appointed committees or other 
special agents to rent confiscated houses and farms for the 
benefit of the State. 

These early confiscation orders did not affect the 
Wantons, though some other war measures kept the family 
in the public eye. The ex-governor's eldest son. Colonel 
Joseph Wanton, was summoned before the legislature in 
February, 1776, to answer charges of unpatriotic conduct. 
When cleared of the accusation, he presented a claim for 
damages to a two-masted boat which General Hopkins 
had commandeered. The Colonel, soon to become a ref- 
ugee, was awarded £16. Perhaps the State got its money 
back when it sold a Wanton \'essel (the same oner ) in 
1780. For refusing to subscribe to a local Test Act, in 
July 1 776, Colonel Wanton was interned on his Jamestown 
farm. The practice of confining suspected persons to rural 
areas became general; many loyalists were removed from 
seacoast towns to Glocester and Exeter. 

" f'or a more extended account of Wanton's governorship and deposition, 
see the substantially accurate treatment in |. R. Bartlett's genealogy of the 
Wanton Famih'. 


The State began to sell personal and miscellaneous prop- 
erty in the summer of 1776, leaving houses and lands for 
later auction. A general confiscation act was not adopted 
until October, 1779. There was no urgent need for a 
general law before this date because a majority of the 
well-to-do loyalists lived in or near Newport, w^hich had 
been occupied by the British ; the patriot government 
could not seize Newport property until the enemy had 
evacuated the city. Ex-governor Wanton remained in 
Newport on the American reoccupation, but his sons went 
to New York with the British. 

In November, 1779, the State seized the property of 
refugees, including, from the former holdings of Colonel 
Joseph Wanton, some 1123 acres of land on Conanicut, 
Prudence, and Gould Islands, a dwelling house in New- 
port, and a lot and wharf on Easton's Point. From William 
Wanton were taken 897 acres on Prudence Island, a lot on 
Easton's Point, and two houses in Newport. This action 
needs no further explanation, since it was covered by a 
clause in the October law^ citing refugees, but subsequent 
proceedings against the ex-go\Trnor, and modifications 
favoring other members of the family, deserve special 

Without going too deeply into genealogy, it may be 
noted that Governor Wanton ( his wife, Mary Winthrop, 
died in 1767) had three sons and live daughters. One of 
the sons, John, died before the Revolution; Joseph Jr. and 
William are familiar to us. Colonel Joseph Wanton was 
twice married; first to a daughter of James Honeyman, 
deputy judge of the vice-admiralty court, and second (in 
1775) to Sarah, daughter of Jahleel Brenton. By his first 
marriage the Colonel seems to have had three daughters; 
by his second wife a son, a third Joseph Wanton, who was 
a mere infant when the father fled from New^port leaving 
mother and child behind. William Wanton also took for 
his first wife one of James Honeyman's daughters; his 
second marriage, in Canada after the war, does not concern 


US. Of the senior Wanton's five daughters, Catherine mar- 
ried ( 1 ) Robert Stoddard of Newport, and ( 2 ) a British 
army surgeon named Destailleur j Ruth married Governor 
William Brown of Bermuda; Anne married Winthrop 
Saltonstall of New London, Conn, j Elizabeth and Mary 
married, respectively, Thomas Wickham and John Cod- 
dington of Newport. Governor Joseph Wanton died in 
the latter city July 19, 1780, and Colonel Joseph Wanton 
died in New York on August 8 of the same year. 

From the beginning of confiscation proceedings in 1775, 
the legislature exercised direct and scrupulous control over 
all matters relating to the disposal of loyalist property. 
After private lawsuits against confiscated estates were sus- 
pended in December, 1 779, the assembly became, in effect, 
a probate court. The resulting orders for the settlement 
of disputed titles, the liquidation of commercial debts, and 
the relief of impoverished families were extraordinarily 
detailed and particular. No modern assembly could spare 
the time to consider such minute details, but this particu- 
larity was possible in Revolutionary days because the State's 
population was so small (about 54,000), and because there 
were few loyalists to be dealt with. Everybody knew 
everybody, hence special committees could treat as indi- 
vidual cases the distress of widows, of wives whose 
husbands had fled within the British lines, and of young- 
children left without adequate care. 

This particularity, accompanied by a desire to deal fairly 
with the innocent families of male refugees, brought about 
several concessions for the heirs of the younger Joseph 
Wanton. In March, 1781, his young widow Sarah, being 
in "reduced circumstances," was allowed to rent her hus- 
band's Conanicut Island farm. The State paid her the 
n"ioney collected from the previous year's tenant, and agreed 
to remit, at the end of the ensuing year, the money she was 
asked to pay in advance. By this legerdeniain, in other 
words, Sarah Wanton obtained the farm rent-free. A 
few months later the Colonel's widow asked permission to 


receive goods from her brother-in-law, William, in New 
York. She was allowed to accept specie, since "hard cash" 
would be a boon to local merchants plagued with Con- 
tinental paper money. Sarah Wanton was subsequently 
permitted, because she had brought considerable property 
to her husband upon th^ir marriage, to sub-let for profit 
both the Conanicut and the Gould Island farms taken from 
the Colonel. This concession was a special favor contrary 
to the general intent of a law of October, 1780, which 
debarred widows from claiming dower right in the estates 
of loyalists. Although she obtained temporary use of some 
property, however, Sarah Wanton never regained title in 
fee-simple. In 1785 the young widow married William 
Atherton, a former resident of Jamaica j when she died two 
years later, Atherton went to England leaving the little boy, 
Joseph, in this country. For the support of the latter in 
1789, John Malbone, as "next friend to Joseph Wanton, 
orphan," was given one year's use of the W^anton farm in 
Jamestown. After this date the descendants of the French 
and Indian War colonel recede from our view. No con- 
cessions of the above nature were made for the ex-governor's 
other son, William, because he was able to support himself. 
After the Revolution he became customs collector at St. 
John, New Brunswick, where he died in 181 6. 

The transactions already noted comprise but a small 
fraction of the Wanton settlement. In August, 1781, the 
State broached the sale of the Easton's Point wharf and 
lands, but Count de Barras, commander of the French fleet, 
asked permission to use them as a receiving base for naval 
supplies. The auction of this realty was deferred until 
1786. In October, 1781, a member of the legislature was 
ordered to investigate in Jamestown the "unauthorized 
transfer" of some fence rails from the Wanton farm to one 
formerly belonging to Thomas Hutchinson. The State 
tenants on the latter were required to restore the rails. In 
January, 1782, a house on the south side of the Parade in 
Newport, formerly the joint property of Joseph and 


William Wanton, was sold to Dr. Isaac Senter for $1,200 
in silver, one of the few profitable sales made from the 
Wanton estates. 

Legal action against property belonging to Joseph and 
William Wanton proceeded in regular form, but litigation 
involving their father's estate followed devious turnings. 
There was some doubt as to whether the elder Wanton's 
property was subject to confiscation, though a wag suggested 
that the late governor could be considered a refugee since, by 
dying, he had left the State without permission. In any 
event his Newport house was appropriated j it was rented, 
in May 1 783, to Benjamin Almy for £30. When the tenant 
complained that the house was "very leaky," he was author- 
ized to repair it at State expense, not to exceed £6. 

In the summer of 1784, Winthrop Saltonstall, widower 
of the governor's daughter Anne, petitioned the assembly 
for the return of this Newport house and lot. He claimed 
that the estate had been confiscated under a misapprehension 
that it was the property of the exiled son, William. The 
petition was granted j the assembly decided that, since the 
governor died intestate, his property was never conveyed 
to William Wanton, and that the governor's legal heirs 
(Saltonstall, Mary Wanton Coddington, Elizabeth Wanton 
Wickham, etc.) could reclaim it. In addition, the State 
reimbursed these non-loyalist heirs for the rent which had 
been collected from Almy, the government tenant. 

Another release of this sort was made on some realty 
taken from the younger Joseph Wanton. In August, 1784, 
it was discovered that a Newport house, then occupied by 
Thomas Rumreill, had never belonged to Colonel Wanton 
but had been devised by the will of James Honeyman, 
Wanton's father-in-law, to Honeyman's grandchildren, i. e. 
to Wanton's daughters. The State permitted the latter, 
even though they had married British ofiicers, to repossess 
the property. Mention of the State tenant, Rumreill, brings 
to mind another example of the detailed manner in which 
loyalist property was administered. When the sheriff of 


Newport County was authorized in June, 1783, to sell a 
house formerly belonging to George Rome, Rumreill was 
allowed to transfer the windows of the Rome house to the 
one ( the Wanton house ) which he occupied. 

The settlement of ordinary business claims against 
loyalist estates proved tq be a very troublesome matter. 
According to the bills presented by many of the Wanton 
creditors, it would seem that the governor's family did not 
pay its debts promptly. In 1781, for example, the State 
allowed Gideon Sisson £17, 3 shillings for some crepe, 
gauze, black gloves and thread sold to William Wanton 
in 1776. Charles Townshend submitted in 1784- a bill for 
£1,3 pence for repairing William Wanton's clock on several 
occasions since 1764. This claim was refused. In 1785, 
Robert Stoddard was allowed £1335,6 shillings, 8 pence on 
a note which had become payable in 1768. Are we to con- 
clude that the Wantons lived beyond their means in satisfy- 
ing a taste for large wigs and costly food, or that creditors 
padded their bills when the public treasury became pay- 
master? Probably a little of both. It is suggestive to note 
that, when James W^hitmarsh submitted a bill in 1785 for 
more than £134 for repairs made on the Wanton brig 
Chance^ the State paid only a part of the charge since he 
had previously hied a much smaller account for the same 
work. Fearful lest claims should devour all the proceeds, 
the legislature ordered Thomas Wickham (Elizabeth 
Wanton's husband ) , who was going to New York on busi- 
ness in 1782, to secure the account books of the firm of 
Joseph and William Wanton. He Was also told to inform 
William Wanton that the legislature might have to dis- 
continue its aid to Sarah Wanton, Joseph's widow. William 
took the hint; he kept in touch with the assembly for several 
months thereafter, and thus saved the State from being- 
imposed upon by the Wanton creditors. 

A preliminary report on the liquidation of the Wanton 
property was made in March 1785, and a more complete 
account a vear later. Claims against the estate submitted bv 


1785 totalled more than £4UUUj a part of this sum had 
already been paid out by the general treasurer, but about 
£1192 was still in dispute. By 1786, legitimate debts 
remaining unpaid had mounted to more than £2287. 
Accounts receivable were estimated at about £1100, but 
more than £948 of this sum was owed by Governor Brown 
of Bermuda, from whom no payment was to be expected. 
About £151 was due on small accounts, regarding which a 
committee declared: "we imagine it will be almost impos- 
sible to Collect the same unless the Debtors are so Honest 
as to pay the Same without a Law Suit." 

Rhode Island realized very little profit from the Wanton 
transactions. From proceeds of £5474 were paid claims 
amounting to at least £5196. In 1786 there were a few 
pieces of real estate yet to be disposed of, including a New- 
port wharf "in very ruinous condition." Even when the 
latter was sold for a good price, other expenses had to be 
met, including fees for the various State agents who had 
administered and auctioned off the properties. Unexpected 
claims appeared for several years. In 1787, for instance, 
the town of Jamestown protested that a piece of the farm 
taken from Colonel Wanton had been reserved, by the will 
of a previous owner, for a windmill site. The State released 
half an acre to the town. As late as 1 795 the general treas- 
urer had to pay Robert Lawton more than £249 on a debt 
long due from the firm of Joseph & William Wanton. The 
Wanton property was by no means the only confiscated 
estate which yielded little profit. After wasting a great deal 
of energy in probating small claims, the legislature released 
ten or twelve other loyalist estates to the private creditors. 

The meticulous nature of loyalist legislation stands out 
most strikingly in measures affecting the personal freedoni 
of the wives and families of refugees. Thus we find Mary 
Brightman, the mother of three small children, being- 
allowed the milk from one confiscated cow. The wife of 
James Austin was given one cow, two heifers, two barrels 
of cider, and her husband's furniture. Elizabeth Wightman, 

T H K W A X lO X FA M 1 L Y 43 

who had to support an idiot child, was granted the use of 
her husband's boat, and of a part of his house, which she 
could either live in or rent to someone else. And a Newport 
miss was permitted to go to New York, while the British 
troops were still there, in order to leave her illegitimate 
child with its father. 

Loyalism was not a serious problem in Rhode Island, 
There was little violence, and practically no mob action 
against the Tories^ at least a half-dozen estates were 
returned to the original owners; land seizures and other 
restrictive measures were carried out in a legal and orderly 
fashion. Two circumstances contributed to the success of 
these methodical proceedings: — the conscientious admin- 
istration of anti-loyalist laws, and the small number of 
loyalists. Some fifty Tories, mostly men, left Newport with 
the British army in October, 1 779. Perhaps an equal number 
lived in South County, and a few in scattered localities 
elsewhere. Not more than a hundred loyalists had sufficient 
property for the State to bother with; some confiscated 
properties belonged to former residents of Massachusetts, 
including Thomas Hutchinson, Andrew Oliver, and Samuel 
Sewall. If we credit the active Rhode Island loyalists with 
an average family of five, the total number would be about 
a thousand, or less than two per cent of the population. By 
occupation the loyalists came from all walks of life, though 
a majority were merchants. Of the thirty-seven Tories 
exiled in July 1 780, twenty-two were merchants or traders, 
four were listed as "gentlemen," four as mariners, one was 
a cordwainer, five could be classified as farmers, and one 
was a clergyman — George Bisset, the rector of Trinit\' 

It would be very difficult to determine just how much the 
State treasury profited from confiscation. Agents turned in 
their collections haphazardly, and were paid for their work 
at the convenience of the legislature. The State lost some 
profit by having to sue tenants for arrears of rent, and to 
proceed against some purchasers of confiscated estates for 


not meeting deferred payments on time. Estates were fre- 
quently rented for produce — corn, rye, cheese, butter — 
which was not reported in cash terms. Some lands were 
allocated to soldiers in lieu of wages j hrewood for poor 
relief was cut from loyalist woodlotsj and state-controlled 
lands were exempted from taxation. Many of the financial 
records available, moreover, cannot easily be translated into 
modern values because they were kept in terms of Con- 
tinental paper money which sometimes depreciated so 
rapidly that its worth, in specie, changed monthly. 
Apparently the State made the most profit on sales to 
Providence men, since the patriot group in that city, includ- 
ing the Brown family, could afford to submit substantial 
bids at land auctions. Several loyalist holdings were sold to 
State officers and members of the legislature. In 1789, a 
committee was appointed to make a general report on con- 
fiscated estates, with special attention to sums of money still 
due the government. The report, made in 1791, stated that 
the whole business was in the utmost confusion: — records 
had been lost, people who knew about some important 
dealings had died, debts could not be collected, some claims 
could not be substantiated, and so on. The State had liquid- 
ated its major realty holdings by 1800. 

Rhode Island administered all property temporarily in 
its care with a fine regard for equity as well as for law. Such 
scrupulosity is not common to revolutionary movements. 
The story of the loyalists indicates that Rhode Islanders 
possessed a generous measure of that \'ital force known as 
the "New EnR-land Conscience." 

Mrs. Joseph Wanton 


The so-called "Fenner Garrison House" 

Sometime before King Philip's War, Arthur Fenner 
built a house near the Pocasset River in what is now the 
City of Cranston, near the present northern line of the city. 
The Rev. J. P. Root' stated that this house was "said to have 
been built in 1662, and Miss Kimball" thought that it was 
built shortly after 1654. This house is indicated on a plat 
of 1661" and Mr. Isham^ considered that it was built about 

According to a tradition the house was used as a garrison 
house during King Philip's War. 

Root, doubting the tradition, wrote in 1886 in regard to 
this house', "If it was ever selected as a garrison house 
during the Indian wars, to which the terror stricken inhabi- 
tants might flee for refuge from their savage foes, as tradi- 
tion afiirms, its burning rendered the position untenable and 
Fenner doubtless removed to Stamper's Fort, as his 

Root also tells us that Fenner's second house, which was 
built after King Philip's War on the same site, had for 
generations been known as "Fenner Castle" '. 

Richard M. Baylies in his History of Providence County'' 
( 1 891 ) follows the tradition stating "The garrison house or 
castle of Captain Arthur Fenner" was erected "about 1 668." 
He evidently confused the second house, the so-called 
"castle" with the earlier house which was said to have been 
the garrison house. 

J. Earl Clauson in his Cnuistoii: a Historical Sketch' 
(1904) records the tradition as follows: "Captain Arthur 
Fenner was placed in command of a body of eight men to 
defend a garrison house on the banks of the Pocasset River 
near what is now Thornton village." 

1 he reason for beliex'ing that the Arthur Fenner house 
"near the Pt)casset" was a garrison house, is that during the 


nineteenth centurv' it was referred to as the Fenner Garrison 

The reasons for not believing that the Arthur Fenner 
house "near the Pocasset" was a garrison house in King 
Philip's War are: 

1. There is no contemporary reference to it as a garrison 

2. A garrison house was authorized" for Providence, on 
June 14, 1676. Two places had been suggested, both in 
the compact part of Providence, one at the north end and 
the other in the southern part of the town.'' 

3. The Fenner House near the Pocasset was isolated and 
there would'have been no military advantage in fortify- 
ing it. It could scarcely have been used as a refuge for 
persons living in the vicinity, as the Jireh Bull house was 
used, because there were no families living in that 

4. The house was destroyed before January 14, 1 676'" and 
Fenner was not appointed commander of the garrison 
house " until June 14, at least five months after his house 
"in the woods" near the Pocasset River had been 

5. The house wherein he was stationed in the compact part 
of Providence, was called the garrison house, and so 
might well have been referred to as the Arthur Fenner 
Garrison house and this nariie might later, in the con- 
fused nineteenth century traditions, have been trans- 
ferred from this house to Arthur Fenner's homestead in 



On January 14, 1675-6 (Jan. 14, 1675 old style) Roger 
Williams refers to "an Indian house half a mile froni where 
Capt. Fenner's house (now burned) did stand."'' The 


parenthesis are Williams and the letter shows that Fenner's 
house in the woods near the Pocasset River had been burned 
before January 14, 1676. 


Roger Williams also wrote in regard to Fenner's house: 
"It pleased the Most High to stur up the Spirit of the 
noble Genl Winslow and his Army to adventure to pursue 
the Barbarians in a (New England) Bitter Winter, Capt. 
Fenner had lost his houseing & Cattle but his Stacks of hay 
(22) & his fencing &c God sufferd Not the Pagans to 
destroy. But your army ( against their wills ) found it nec- 
essary to fodder their Horses and make themselves Lodg- 
ings with the 22 stacks and to make them selves hres with all 
his fencing and with whatever was about the farm, Com- 

The fact that Winslow and his arniy encamped at the 
ruins of Fenner's house and the fact that later Fenner 
commanded a garrison at Providence seem to have become 
merged and confused in a popular oral tradition that Fenner 
commanded a garrison at his own house near the Pocasset 

H. M. C. 

^A paper read before the Rhode Island Historical Society in 1886 and 
printed in Rhode Island Historical Magazine, VII, 23. 

"Gertrude S. Kimball in Providence in Colonial Times, 113. 

'^' Documentary History oj Rhode Island bv H. M. Chapin, I, op. p. 158. 

* Early Rhode Island Houses bv Isham and Brown, 2 5. 

'^ Rhode Island Historical Magazine, \\\, 24. 

M, 747. 


*/?./. Col.Rec. II, 545. 

'■'R. I. H. S. Coll. \\ 168 (Staples' Annals of Providence). 

^"Narragansett Clnh Publications, VI, 379. 

^^R.I.Col.Rec.U, 546. 

'^-Narragansett Club Pub. \, 379. 

'■'R. I. Historical Tracts, XIV, 60, Letter dated Aug. 2 5, 1678. 

librarian's report 49 

Report of the Library Committee and of the 
Librarian for 1937 

In the report for 1935, which was prhited in the Collec- 
tions for April 1936, we outlined the aims and objectives of 
the Society and noted the extent of our progress in these 

It may be of interest to examine the present condition of 
our building and see how well it is serving its purpose. 

While the shelving in the Rhode Island Historical 
Society building is sufficient to take care of the normal 
growth of the library for the next few years, in fact possibly 
for the next ten years, the space available for portraits and 
for museum objects is already overcrowded. 

More than half of the portraits owned by the Society 
have to be stored on the third floor owing to lack of available 
wall space. At hrst glance such an overcrowded condition 
would seem to call for an immediate enlargement of the 
building. However an examination of the portraits from 
the points of view of the importance of the subject in Rhode 
Island affairs, and the importance of the artist in the history 
and development of art in America, shows clearly that most 
of the stored portraits are kept merely because they are 
portraits of Rhode Islanders, not because of the importance 
of the subject nor of the artist. 

It seems quite reasonable indeed that a state portrait 
gallery might, and indeed should, restrict the portraits on 
display to those of persons prominent and influential in the 
affairs of the state, and to those by artists who have been 
influential in the development of art in the state. The 
question might then be asked, why preserve the other 
portraits at all. The answer to this is threefold: these 
portraits in years to come may be of interest and value to 
genealogists who can trace descent from the subject, or to 


historical students, who may find some evidence in regard 
to clothing, hair arrangement and other social customs, 
which may not have been recorded in any other easily 
accessible place, to students of the history of art, who may 
find in these portraits trends in composition and technique, 
which may throw light on the development of American art. 

The most difficult problem for the immediate future 
policy of the Society is that of the museum. Already the 
space available for museum objects is inadequate for those 
now owned by the Society and there is no space for future 

The acceptance of objects for our museum has already 
been restricted to objects that illustrate some mode of life 
now changed or forgotten, and to objects that are associated 
with some person or event of importance in the history of 
our state. 

With adequate space and with sufficient funds for the 
purchase of proper cases, the number of objects in our 
museum could be increased many fold in a few years without 
any expenditures for purchases. 

Without such additional space and funds, it is already 
necessary for us to curtail considerably the number of objects 
which we can accept. A temporary relief of our museum 
congestion resulted from our loaning a large number of 
rather large objects to the South County Barn Museum. 

To properly house in modern museum cases our museum 
which is on the second floor of this building, would cost 
about $15,000. To adequately house the objects stored on 
the third floor would cost $5,000 more, but the third floor 
space will only be available for museum objects for perhaps 
ten years, for after that time it will be needed for books 
accumulated in the normal routine growth of the library. 
Then it will be necessary either to enlarge the building or 
to deposit many of our museum objects in some other 



New Publications of Rhode Island Interest 

The Case aga'mst Anne Hutchinson by Edmund S. 
Morgan is an article in ^the December 1937 issue of the 
New England Quarterly. 

Notes and Queries Concerning the Early Bounds and 
Divisions of the Toiinship of East Greenwich by William 
Davis Miller was issued in December 1937 by the Society 
of Colonial Wars in Rhode Island as a pamphlet of 19 

Descendants of Robert Burdick of Rhode Island by 
Nellie W. Johnson, 1400 pages, was published at Syracuse, 
New York in 1937. 

Rochanibeau Monument and Foreign Propaganda by 
Perry Belmont is a pamphlet of 32 pages printed at 
Newport in 1938. 


The following persons have been elected to membership 
in the Society: 

Mrs. Leroy E. Dickinson 
Mr. Robert Jenks Beede 
Mr. Edwin Harris 
Mr. George R. Urquhart 

Mrs. Raymond M. Nickerson 
Mr, Coles Hegeman 

Mr. Llewellyn W. Jones 
Mr. R. Foster Reynolds 
Mr. Amos M. Bowen 
Mr. Robert F. Shepard 
Mrs. Horton Baker 
Mrs. Albert Horton 

Mr. Mortimer L. Burbank 


Rhode Island Historical Society 
Treasurer's Report 



Annual Dues $2,180.00 

Dividends and Interest 3,784.26 

Rental of Rooms 100.00 

State Appropriation 1,500.00 

Newspaper 2.50 



Binding $ 45.33 

Books 218.33 

Electric Light and Gas 59.46 

Lectures 1 18.95 

Expense 81.52 

Grounds and Building 41 .28 

Heating 700.00 

Publication 440.63 

Salaries 5,5 80.00 

Supplies 1 37.30 

Telephone 5 3.70 

Water 8.00 


Surplus Income Account 82.26 


treasurer's report 53 



Grounds and Building $ 25,000.00 


$3,000. Central Mfg. District $3,000.00 

4,000. Dominion of Canada^ 5s, 1952 4,003.91 

4,000. Minn. Power & Light Co., 1st 5s, 195 5 3,930.00 
2,000. Ohio Power & Co., 1st & Ref. 5s, 1952 1,974.00 

1,000. Indianapolis P. & L., 1st, 5s, 1957 994.50 

1,000. TexasP. &L., IstRef. 5s, 1956 1,021.25 

1,000. Pennsylvania R. R., Deb. 4i^s, 1970 922.50 
1,000. Penn.'Water& Power Co., 1st 5s, 1940 1,005.42 

5,000. Bethlehem Steel Corp. 4>^s, 1960 5,225.00 

3,000. Western Mass. Com. 314s, 1946 3,086,25 

3,000. Consolidated Gas Co. of N. Y. 3}'4S, 

1946 3,131.25 

4,000. Broadway Exch. Corp. 1st Mtge. Cert, l 

1950 r4,000.00 

8 shs. Class A Broadway Exch. Corp. J 

$ 500. Pennsylvania Railroad Co. 314s, 1952 500.00 
500. New York Central Railroad Co. 3;4s^ 

1952 509.39 

54 shs. New York Central Railroad Co 3,654.62 

30 shs. Lehigh Valley Railroad Co 2,112.50 

7 shs. Lehigh ^'alley Coal Co 23 5.39 

125 shs. Pennsylvania Railroad Co 7,638.35 

40 shs. Milwaukee Elec. Ry. & Lt. Co., Pfd. 3,900.00 
70 shs. American Telephone & Telegraph Co. 6,591.72 

3 50 shs. Providence Gas Co. 5,75 5.68 

1 5 shs. Providence National Bank / - 1 j / -> 

1 5 shs. Providence Nat'l Corp. Trust Cert.^ 

45 shs. Blackstone Canal National Bank 1,0 50.00 

5 2 shs. Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Rv. Co. 

Com ' 6,247.85 

45 shs. Public Service of N. J., 5s, Cum. Pfd. . 4,3 1 7.63 

22 shs. Continental Can ' 1 ,446.02 

40 shs. Bankers Trust Co. of N. Y 2,61 5.00 

2 shs. Guaranty Trust Co. of N. Y. 706.00 

Savings Account 2,000.00 


Cash on hand 3,5 39.74 

$1 11,627.59 



Equipment Fund $ 25,000.00 

Permanent Endowment Fund: 

Samuel M. Noyes $ 1 2,000.00 

Henry J. Stecre 10,000.00 

James H. Bugbee 6,000.00 

Charles H. Smith 5,000.00 

William H. Potter 3,000.00 

Charles W. Parsons 4,000.00 

Esek A. jillson 2,000.00 

John Wilson Smith 1,000.00 

William G. Weld 1,000.00 

Charles C. Hoskins 1 ,000.00 

Charles H. Atwood 1,000.00 

Edwin P. Anthony 4,000.00 

John F. Street 1 ,000.00 

George L. Shepley 5,000.00 

Franklin Lvceum Memorial 734.52 


Publication Fund: 

Robert P. Brown 2,000.00 

Ira P. Peck 1 ,000.00 

William Gammcll 1,000.00 

Albert J. Jones 1,000.00 

William Ely 1 ,000.00 

Julia Bullock 500.00 

Charles H. Smith 1 00.00 


Life Membership 5,600.00 

Book Fund 3,0 1 2.41 

Reserve 691 .88 

Revolving Publication Fund 25 5.45 

Surplus 12,538.15 

Surplus income .Account 1,195.18 

$1 1 1,627.59 

treasurer's report 55 



Reserve Fund $ 6.00 

Revolving Publication Fund 13.00 

$ 19.00 

Balance January 1, 1937 3,409.95 



Reserve Fund $ 75.00 

Pennsyh^inia Railroad Company 500.00 

New York Central Railroad Company' 509.39 

Balance December 31, 1937 2,344.56 

Respectfully submitted, 

Robert T. Downs, 


January 6, 1938 


The Gore Roll of Arms 

By Harold Bowditch 

{continued jroni vol. XXXI , page 32) 

92. (99.) (71.) 
McAdams. Kilby, Clark. 

Arms: Gules three crosslets fitchy gold; charged with 
an escutcheon of pretence quartered: 

1 . & 4. Silver three bars and in chief three rings azure. 

2. & 3. Silver a bend lavender between three roundles 
sable on the bend a ragged staff sable. 

Wreath : Gold, gules. 

Crest: A crosslet gold and a sword silver pomel and 
hilt gold point uppermost crossed saltirewise. 

Motto (on a scroll above the crest): Crux Mihi Grata 

Legend: Gilbert McAdams - / McAdams & Kilby. Be- 
side the sinister side of the shield are written in ink, one 
above another, the names: McAdams, Kilby, Clark. 

Notes: The picture is painted in somewhat pale colors; 
the extraordinary color of the bend in the second and third 
quarters of the escutcheon is probably accounted for by the 
artist having originally painted a bend in some color, prob- 
ably red, and then having found it was a mistake and having 
washed it and covered it with white paint; and then having 
painted the ragged staff on this surface. For this reason it 
seems probable that the intended arms are: Silver a ragged 
staff in bend between three (2, 1 ) roundles sable. 

As stated under No. 90, Captain Ciilbert McAdams, of 
an ancient Ayrshire family, married in 1757 Sarah, widow 
of Nathaniel Cunningham and daughter of Christopher 
Kilby by his first wife Sarah, daughter of the Hon. William 
Clark. As Sarah was the only surviving child of Christopher 
Kilby the presence of an escutcheon of pretence is explained; 
but as her mother Sarah Clark had brothers ( Robert and 



Benjamin, both living in 1 7+9 j see Heraldic Journal II 48, 
74-76 ) she was not an heraldic heiress so that her daughter 
should not properly have quartered her arms. 

The Kilby arms have been considered under No. 90. 
The quartering intended for Clark, A ragged staff be- 
tween three roundles, is t-o be found on two gravestones in 
Copp's Hill Burying Ground in Boston : that of John Clarke, 
armiger, physician, who died in 1728, and that of William 
Clark, Esq., merchant, whose date of death is not given 
(Bridgman, Epitaphs in Copp's Hill Burying Ground, 
illustrated. ) 

In the Heraldic Journal II 48, 74-76, are articles from 
which the following synopsis of the pedigree is made: 
John' Clark, of- Newbury, physician, died 1664imarried 

Martha Saltonstall and had 
John' Clark, only son, physician, died 1690j married 

Martha Whittingham and had 
John' Clark, physician, died 1728, buried at Copp's Hill ^ 

married ( 1 ) Sarah Shrimpton through whom his des- 
cendants continue. John' and Martha (Whittingham) 

Clark also had 
William' Clark whom the writer identifies as the Hon. 

William Clark, merchant, who is buried at Copp's Hill ; 

married Sarah who was his administratrix in 1742. 

Their eldest daughter 
Sarah* Clark married in 1726 Christopher Kilby, born 

1704, died 1771 ^ (she died 1739 — see Register 26 

pp. 43_48). They had 
Sarah Kilby whose marriage to Captain Gilbert Mcxldams 

is commemorated in No. 92 of the Gore Roll. 
The coat here given for Clarke and previously used on 
the stones at Copp's Hill has not been found under this 
name in Edmondson or Burke j it appears to be a variant of 
a well known Clark coat: Silver a bend gules between three 
roundles sable on the bend three swans silver. So far as I 
know no valid claim to this coat exists on the part of any 
American Clark familv. 


Papworth gives a bend raguly between three or six 
roundles for Walworth, a bend embattled between six 
roundles for Burnell, and a ragged staff in bend between 
seven roundles for Sayre. 

The coat given for McAdams, Gules three crosslets titchy 
gold, is found in Papworth only under the name Kirby, 
and with the crosslets silver under Fitz Eustace j the name 
McAdams is not found attached to any coat of this type. 
Nor is this coat to be found under the name of McAdams in 
Burke (1884), Paul (1903), Seton (1863) or Nisbet 
(1804). Considering Tuttle's statement (Register 26 43- 
48) that Captain Gilbert McAdams came from an ancient 
Ayrshire family this is surprising, the more so as both the 
crest and the motto have some connection with the name. 

The crest is found in Fairbairn for Macadam of Scotland: 
A crosslet jitchy and a sword in saltire gules ^ but Fairbairn 
gives no coats of arms. Fairbairn records another crest for 
Macadam or McAdam of Scotland: A stag's head couped 
proper, and for the family who bear this crest he records 
two mottos: Calm! and Crux Mihi Grata Quies. 

Johnston is a little more specific about these mottos, stat- 
ing that Crux Mihi Grata Quies is placed under the arn^is 
and Calm above the crest. 

To sum up the whole: the Kilby arms appear to be un- 
recorded except in the Gore Roll j the Clark arms appear to 
be a variant of a well known coat for that name, and close 
to the arms of Walworth and of Sayre j and the McAdams 
arms, not found elsewhere, bear a modification of a recorded 
Macadam crest and are accompanied by a motto, above in- 
stead of below the picture, which attaches to a dijfferent 
McAdam family. 

93. (91.) (67.) 

Arms: Gules a fess silver between two chevrons ermine 
on the fess three leopard's faces gules. 
Wreath: Silver, gules. 


Crest: A lion's head silver spotted with sable fas there 
is little or no mane it may be intended for an ounce's head ). 

Legend: Say ward of York / 1760. 

Notes: This is a finished painting. Whitmore says that 
Henry Sayward was of York, Maine, in 1 664. He describes 
the crest as a tiger's head^but mentions no tincture j in the 
Child copy it is a thick necked head colored purple with a 
coppery sheen, such as might be produced by an indelible 
pencil, and spotted with white. 

The arms are evidently intended for those of Seward. 
Seward of Stoke Meyned, co. Devon, bore: Gules a fess 
gold between two che^'rons ermine, on the fess three 
leopards azure ( Edmondson ) j Burke gives a variant of the 
arms of this family, blazoning on the fess three leopard's 
faces azure, which with two alterations of tincture gives us 
the arms appearing in the Gore Rollj he also records for 
Seward of Teignhead, co. Devon, a coat of the same design 
but differing tinctures: Silver a fess azure between two chev- 
rons ermine on the fess three leopard's faces silver. 

The crest has not been found under a number of spellings 
of the name. 

94. (92.) (Omitted.) 


Arms: Azure three ducks silver. 

No wreath, no crest. 

Legend: Scolly. 

Notes: A crude drawing, the field tricked "azuer" and 
one of the birds "argent". 

Whitmore records no tinctures; but in the Child copy in 
its present condition the field is gilded and the birds are 
wholly blue. 

The intended species of the birds would be hard to say; 
assuming that they are intended for swans, the coat is that 
of Scholar: Azure three swans silver ( Edmondson ). 


95. (93.) (Omitted.) 

Arms: Gules a fess cheeky silver and sable double cotised 

Wreath : , . 

Crest: A griffins' head erased gold. 

Legend: By the Name of Whitwell. 

Notes: A carelessly executed drawing with the tinctures 
tricked. Whitmore omits mention of the crest. 

Whitwell of Staffordshire bore: Gules a fess cheeky be- 
tween two gemels gold (Edmondson); this blazon omits 
the tinctures of the fess, which are gold and sable (Burke). 
The only variation in the Gore Roll drawing is that the 
gold in the fess is replaced by silver. 

96.(94.) (Omitted.) 

Arms: Sable a lion gold holding in his dexter paw an 
escutcheon silver charged with a cross patty gules. 

Wreath: Gold, gray (i. e., sable). 

Crest: A demi-lion silver the tongue and claws gules. 

Legend: Thos. Kneeland of Essex. 

Notes: This is a finished though poorh' executed paint- 
ing. The demi-lion of the crest is heavily shaded with gray, 
and the same color has been used in the crest-wreath. 

Dr. Buck supplies the identification: Keling, co. Middle- 
sex, 1632. Keling of Hackney, co. Middlesex, bore exactly 
the arms shown in the Gore Roll with the additional feat- 
ures that the lion holds in both paws an escutcheon charged 
with a cross fitchy at the foot gules, and this may be true in 
the Gore Roll painting as well, for it is hard to tell whether 
the little point is accidental or not; their crest was: From a 
mural crown a demi-lion and escutcheon as in the arms. The 
arms and crest of Keiling of Newcastle under I>ine, Staf- 
fordshire, were essentially the same ( l\dmondson ). 


97. (95.) (68.) 

Arms: Silver a chevron gules between three pine-apples 
vert, a canton gules charged with a fleur-de-lys silver, on 
the chevron the badge of a baronet. 

Crest: From a mural crown with three buds between the 

battlements silver an arm embowed in armor the naked 

hand supporting a staff erect from which flies a flag 


Mottos: (Above the crest) Peperi j (below the arms) in 
ink: Virj this has been smudged and replaced in pencil: 
Virtute P. 

Legend: None. 

Notes: These arms are clumsily drawn in ink, with most 
of the tinctures indicated in tricking. No name is attached j 
but the arms, as Whitmore observes, "are clearly those of 
Sir William Peperell" j he misnames the crown in the crest 
a ducal coronet. 

William Peperell, merchant, was born in Tavistock, co. 
Devon, came to America and lived in Kittery, Maine j his 
son William Peperell, merchant, member of the Council 
for 32 years, was created a baronet for his success in captur- 
ing Cape Breton ( Louisburg) in 1745, and died in 1759 
(Heraldic Journal I 183). The claim to arms on the part 
of this family is found in a letter ( see New England His- 
torical and Genealogical Register 19.147) from Sir William 
Peperell: speaking of a gravestone which he intends to have 
erected in memory of his father, who died in 1 733, he says, 
"I would have his Coat of arms cut on it, which is three pine 
apples proper, but you will find it in ye Herald's Oflice, it 
being an Ancient Arms" (Heraldic Journal I 88). 

William Peperell, Esq., Governor of New England, was 
created a baronet 15 November, 20 George II (1746) 
(Heylyn). In the list of the baronets of England we find: 
Peperell of the province of Massachusetts Bay in New- 
England, patent 15 November 1746j arms: Silver a chev- 


ron gules between three pine-apples vert, on a canton gules 
a fleur-de-lys silvery crest: In a mural coronet gold an 
armed arm embowed hefjceen tzvo laurel-branclies issuing 
from the coronet proper, grasping a staff, thereon a flag 
silver; over the crest this word: Peperi; motto under the 
arms: Virtute Parta Tuemini (Edmondson). The Peperell 
family seems to have used these arms at least since the mid- 
dle of the sixteenth century j tricked in Harleian Manus- 
cript 4632 by Sir Christopher Barker who died in 1 549 are 
the Peperell arms: Silver a chevron gules between three 
pine-apples vertj and in Additional Manuscripts 28, 834 
by Ralph Brooke, Rouge-croix Pursuivant, 1587, we find 
for Peperell of Cornwall exactly the same arms ( Armory 
of the Western Counties). Piperell of Pineford, co. Devon, 
had the same arms (Risdon, 1608-1628). 

Nevertheless the arms may have been originally those of 
Apperley, which would give them as good an allusive value 
as when borne by Piperell of Pineford; for Fox-Davies, in 
his "Complete Guide to Heraldry" page 277 says, "The 
arms of John Apperley, as given in the Edward III Roll, 
are: Argent, a chevron gules between three pineapples 
(fir-cones) vert, slipped or". This would seem to refer to 
the so-called Cotgrave Roll; but I do not find this name or 
blazon in the "Rolls of Arms of the Reigns of Henry III. 
and Edward III." edited by N. H. Nicolas in 1829, nor in 
a similar Roll of the time of Edward I. 

Edmondson assigns to Appuley or Appurley the same 
arms except that the pine-apples are gules; and to Pepenrell 
or Perperell of Cornwall exactly the arms given by Fox- 
Davies under Apperley as well as the same coat with the 
two tinctures of the pine-apples transposed. 

Papworth assigns to Grove: Silver a chevron between 
three pine-apples pendent gules, that is, the arms given by 
Edmondson to Appuley or Appurley; but to John Apperley 
the pine-apples "pendents tenons", quoting Jenyn's Ordi- 
nary, partly printed by Nicholas in 1829 froni the manu- 


script in the College of Arms but of greater length in Har- 
leian Manuscript 6589. 

Sir William Peperell's original grant and confirmation 
of arms, augmentation and crest is preserved in The 
Athenaeum, Portsmouth, N. H. 

98. (96.) (Omitted.) 

Arms: Gules three lions passant gold over all a bend 
sable charged with three stag's heads cabossed gold. 

Wreath: , . 

Crest: A bird with wings elevated . 

Legend: By the Name of Beach. 

Notes: This is a drawing in ink, the arms alone tricked. 
The arms of Beche were: Gules three lions passant silver ^ 
on a bend sable three huck^s heads cabossed bold (Edmond- 
son). There is little to be gained by arguing whether the 
charges should be stag's heads or buck's heads in the case of 
a sketch. 

99. (97.) (69.) 

Arms: Azure a fess ermine between three church-bells 

No wreath, no crest. 

Legend: Bell of Boston. 

Notes: Tricked drawing in ink slightly paler than the 
foregoing. This coat is found in the Promptuarium Arm- 
orum 125a. 

In Trinity Churchyard, Newport, Rhode Island, these 
arms appear on the gravestone of Martha, wife of Mr. 
William Bell, who died in 1737 (Heraldic Journal III 9). 
The tinctures, except ermine, are not indicated. The crest 
is an eagle ermine ( Chapin, Rhode Island Heraldry p. 54). 

Various families of Bell seem to have used arms similar to 
these, for example: 


Bell: Sable a fess ermine between three church-bells 
silver •■, Bell: Sable a chevron ermine between three church- 
bells silver; crest, A hawk with wings expanded proper, 
bells gold ( Edmondson). 

Bell of Sunderland, co. Durham: Sable a chevron ermine 
between three church-bells silver; crest, A hawk close 
proper, beak and bells gold; Bell: Azure a fess between 
three church -bells gold ( Burke j. 

The last is perhaps the closest to the example in the Gore 
Roll, but the fess as well as the bells is gold. The arms 
given by Burke for Bell of Sunderland, co. Durham, are 
not found in the Visitations of Durham of 1 575, 1615 and 

This is the end of the original Gore Roll; but for the 
sake of completeness I shall add a coat found only in the 
Child copy, numbered 100, and apparently inserted after 
Whitmore had written his description in 1865. 


Arms: on a chief a hind passant between two 

stars gold. 

Wreath: Gold,---. 

Crest: A stag's (buck's? ) head gold. 

Legend: (in faint pencil) Green. 

Notes: Child copied Whitmore's description into the 
volume containing his copy of the Gore Roll, and added in 
pencil: "1 00 From Burke. Arg. Fretty az, on each a Bezant, 
on a chief a Buck trippant betw. 2 mullets or, pierced gu." 

Green of Milton-Chevsdon, co. Somerset, granted 1 529: 
Silver a fret azure charged with nine bezants, on a chief 
sable a stag tripping gold between two molets gold pierced 
gules; crest: A cubit arm erect clothed vert the cuff gold, 
holding in the hand a bunch of holly in fruit proper 

Form of Lkgacy 

"/ give and bequeath to the Rhode Island 

Historical Society the sum of 


Roger Williams Press 'Mw'^ 


E. A. Johnson Co. 


Rhode Island 
Historical Society 

wV'-'^i'' 1533 -. 


Vol. XXXI 

JULY, 1938 

No. 3 


Nu'ci- ill the S(uif/\'s Gallery 

Issued Quarter! \' 

68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island 


Cornelius Sowle Cover 

Chinese Portraits ...... 65 

William H. Townsend . . . . . 67 

Stage-Coach Routes . . . . . . 68 

Notes 71 

The Influence of Birds on Rhode Island 

Nomenclature . . . . . . 72 

Primogeniture in Rhode Island .... 76 

The Notary Public in Early Rhode Island . . 78 

The Correction of Errors in Dates in some 

Block Island Records 79 

Privateer Sloop Independent .... 82 

The Gore Roll of Arms by Harold Bowditch . . 90 





Vol. XXXI 

JULY, 1938 

No. 3 

Harry Parsons Cross, President 
William Davis Miller, Secretary 

Robert T. Downs, Trejsiirer 
Howard M. Chapin, Librarian 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions 
of contributors. 

Chinese Portraits 

In the early nineteenth century American ship captains 
often had their portraits painted when in China. The 
Chinese artists copied the occidental style, but in some cases 
added a certain radiant luminosity behind the head which 
is an interesting characteristic of this work. Two of these 
portraits are illustrated in this issue of our Collections. 

The portrait of Cornelius Sowle of Providence, (illus- 
trated on the cover) was painted at Canton, China. Sowle 
was lost at sea in 1818. The portrait was presented to the 
society in 1 893 by his grandson, Charles Sowle Dyer. 

The portrait of William H. Townsend ( illustrated on 
page 67) was painted in Canton, China, in 1818, as the 
following note by him indicates: 

"This painting is the production of a Chinese artist in 
Canton, China, November 1 8 1 8, for a portrait of me. 1 was 
then nearly 16 years old and with my father, who was 
master of the ship Lion of this (then) town and belonging 
to E. Carrington & Co. We have arrived at Whampou, the 
port of Canton from Providence via Cape Horn & \^al- 
pariaso, in Chili, in the summer of 1818, had been blockaded 


in the latter port for several months by a Spanish squadron, 
Chili being then at war with Old Spain, & while in this 
position, the U. S. sloop of War Ontario, Capt. Jas. Biddle, 
arrived, who was boarded by the squadron & forbid going 
into the port. The Ontario's Crew were at quarters & Capt. 
Biddle said he was bound to Valpariaso & was going there, 
& he did. Soon after, the Battle of Maypo was fought & the 
patriot general, San Martin was \'ictorious. — Chili was 
freed from the Spanish yoke & the American ships went to 
sea, under Convoy of the Ontario. 

Our route was across the Pacific, touching at La Domin- 
ica, the Marquesas, Christmas Island, Borneo, thro the 
Sooloo sea, Samarang and up the China sea. Going up the 
China sea fell in with ship Cordelia, Capt Magee from, 
Boston, receiving news from him, she having left Boston 
about the time we left Chili. While this painting was in 
progress I was attacked by a Billious fever & my life 
dispaired of, just recovering when the ship was ready for 
sea for home, sailed about the 20th of Dec. 1 8 1 8 & arrived 
in Prov. River April 5, 1819. 

July 25, 1865 

Wm. H. Townsend 
Now in my 63rd year" 


N(Ki- in ihe Socif/v's GiiUcrv 


Stage-Coach Routes 

The seventeenth century saw the winding Indian trails 
gradually transformed into white men's footpaths and 
subsequently improved and developed into bridle paths. 
Madame Knight in 1704 described her trip on horseback 
from Providence to New London along the old Pequot 

With the eighteenth century came extensive road build- 
ing — the old bridle paths were widened and smoothed and 
made serviceable for wheeled vehicles. Oxen and horses 
began to travel these crude, rough roads. 

A stage route was established from Boston to Newport, 
then the most important town in Rhode Island, as early as 
1 7 1 6, as is shown by an advertisement in the Boston News 
Letter of Oct. 15, 1716, which is as follows: 

"These are to give Notice, That a Stage-Coach will set 
out from the Orange-Tree in Boston, to Newport in Rhode- 
Island, and back again, once a Fortnight, while the Ways 
are passable: To be performed at reasonable Rates by 
Jonathan Wardall of Boston and John Franklin of 

A somewhat similar advertisement appears two years 
later in the May 5, 1718, issue of the News Letter. It 

"These are to give Notice that the Stage Coach between 
Boston and Rhode Island for once a Fortnight, will set out 
the first turn on Tuesday the 13th Currant from Mr. 
Wardells at the Orange Tree in Boston, with whom all 
Persons may agree." 

A more detailed advertisement of April 4, 1 720, gives us 
an idea of the prices charged at that time. 

"These are to give Notice, that the Stage Coach between 
Boston and Bristol Ferry, for once a Fortnight, the Six 
ensuing Months, Intends to set out the first turn from 
Boston, at Five a Clock on Tuesday Morning the 12th 

not Jxceidii^ .iCattieu JlO 

\Sleyw|itk4'B[wse .,/:L/& 


I A TVsonWil Hai-fB .. ...^„ 5 

NeaKJ cattfci %iA r (iyiPves pa^eakd i 1 
tSwit\e m ^To|?tefDr cvssryilftect^ ...101 

J*, 4 

^r every ^vagg^on, ciirt, truck or sled drawn by (vv4 
Worses or gxon lO cents If dra^vn bv three cattle 12? cents 
[f drawn hy more than thi-ee cattle 15 cents, for o^ery sleig;ii- 
[DruAvn V»v one horse 6 cents if drawn by inoi*e tli«n one 
Horse 12^ cents , for ovei'v ecacli , chnriot. ph«etoii or 
ICurrielc ^5 cents, for everv chaise. cliair.siilkey orothcrj 
[Pleasure carri-agc drwwn by one horse l'2Uents for every 
[^Iditional horse 6 cents, for every hoise nnd horse car < 
lOrwatf^on 6 cents, for a person «nd horse 6 cents, horses 
[Or nimes i n droves _ g ccntsp xu^LJie^, neat catt Ic in <li-.ove»| 
[Icentper. head, sheep or swiiiein droves Went per. hcadj 
IForallloiiidsover fifty hunds ci^^joMnds^ cent per.hundi 
l^r'eacli addiiipnuA hutidred. _:; 



Current, and be at the said Ferry on Wednesday Noon, 
where those from New-Port may then there arrive and be 
brought hither on Friday Night. Such as have a mind to go 
for Bristol or Rhode-Island, may agree with John Blake at 
his House in Sudbury Street, Boston, for their Passage to 
the said Ferry, at 25s, each Person, with 14 Pounds wight 
of Carriage, and 3d for every Pound over." 

The News Fetter of April 14th carried the following 

"The Stage Coach between Boston and Bristol Ferry, 
sets out at Five a Clock on Tuesday Morning next the 19th 
Currant, and return on Fridays Such as want a Passage may 
agree with John Blake in Sudbury Street, Boston". 

The stage business attracted Peter Belton, who had been 
a post-rider. His advertisements of April 24th and Septem- 
ber 4th, 1721, tell their own story. 

"These are to give Notice, that Peter Belton, late Post 
Rider, Designs once every Week to go and come between 
Boston and New-Port on Rhode-Island; in order to carry 
Bundles of Goods, Merchendize, Books, Men, Women and 
Children, Money, &c. He sets out on Tuesday Morning 
next, the 25th of this Instant April from his House at the 
Sign of the Rhode-Island and Bristol Carrier in Newbury 
Street at the South End of Boston, where good Lodgings 
and Entertainment both for Men and Horse are to be had. 
He Returns from Rhode Island and Bristol to Boston every 
Saturday Night." 

"These are to give Notice that Peter Belton at the Sign 
of the Rhode-Island and Bristol Carrier in Newbury Street, 
at the South End of Boston j has a Road Waggon for carry- 
ing Goods, Men, Women and Children, between Boston, 
Bristol and Rhode Island once every Week, sets out on 
Tuesday Morning next, and so every Tuesday to return on 

In 1736 Thorp and Cusno of Boston obtained from the 
General Assembly of Rhode Island an exclusive franchise 


for seven years for the operation of a stage coach line 
between Boston and Newport. 

This company placed the following advertisement in the 
News Letter of June 16, 1737: 

"This is to give Notice to all Gentlemen, Ladies, and 
others, That one of the Stage Coaches belonging to Alexan- 
der Throp and Isaac Casno, will be ready to set out from 
Boston to Newport, on Tuesday the 28th of this Instant, 
and is to be left on that Island j and on Tuesday the 5th of 
July next the other Coach is to set out from this Place, and 
so return once a Week, 'till further Notice be given". 

The Boston Gazette informs us that these two stage 
coaches were imported from London. 

A stage had- been established between Providence and 
Newport as early as 1763 and the route is given in the 
"Almanack for 1763" which was printed at Providence by 
William Goddard. It is as follows: 

"Road to NEWPORT. 

From PROVIDENCE over the 

lower Ferry, to 


Clay 3K 

Warren, over the 

Fer. Carr, 9 


Turner, 4 

Ferry House, 

Pierce, 2 


Turner, 3 


Nichols, 9 

Ferry and Conanicut Island, 4 

Narraganset Fer. Franklin, 3 

Tower-Hill, J. 

Case, Esq} 4" 

The figures designate miles. 


Mrs. Edward P. Jastram, Prof. Carl Bridenbaugh, 
Mr. Philip C. Wentworth, and Mr. Slater Washburn have 
been elected to membership in the Society. 


The Influence of Birds on Rhode Island 

Birds have from time immemorial been observed by 
human beings and throughout the ages have had a marked 
influence on human thought as is shown by the many verbs 
and nouns in common use, whose origin is derived from the 
real or supposed action or appearance of birds. 

It is not at all surprising then to And birds' names playing 
a prominent part in the names applied by human beings to 
the localities about them. Rhode Island is no exception to 
this procedure and our state contains within its borders 
almost fifty place-names derived from thoughts about birds. 

Wild bird names predominate. Goose, cormorant, eagle, 
duck and gull, are the most popular. Then follow swan 
and turkey. Fifteen kinds of birds are represented, not 
including the robin and goslin place names which are 

The Anatidae family, of which the duck, the goose and 
the swan are the best known representatives, contributed 
at least twenty-one place-names or almost half of the "bird 
place-names" in Rhode Island. 

The humble goose, so often and so unjustly "much 
maligned," gave to Rhode Island more place-names than 
any other bird. The word goose appears in twelve of our 
local place-names, four times in the combination phrase 
"goose neck" and three times as "wild goose." 

Even way back in the exploring days of the seventeenth 
century, the Dutch sailors applied the name of "genseey- 
land" to some land in Narragansett Bay. The word is said 
to be a variant spelling of the Dutch words "gans eiland," 
meaning "goose island." The exact location of "genseey- 
land" has not been determined but it may have been applied 
to Bristol Neck, the Dutch perhaps thinking that there was 
a passage from Hundred Acre Cove to the Kickamuit River 
and Mount Hope Bay. 


Usher Parsons in his "Indian Names of Places in Rhode 
Island" tells us that the Indian place-names Seekonk ( of 
our Seekonk River) and Sakonnet are both derived from 
the Indian words "seki" and "konk" which in Algonquin 
means black goose. This would increase the names of goose 
derivation to fifteen. However, J. Hammond Trumbull 
and Sidney S. Rider disagree with Parsons in this derivation 
of these words, thus leaving the point open to discussion. 
There is another unsolved problem in connection with goose 
named places which might add one more place name for 
it is not certain that Goose Pond and Wild Goose Pond in 
South Kingstown are identical and if they are not, then the 
goose place names might reach the number of sixteen, 
instead of the thirteen credited to them. The Census of 
1885 lists an unlocated Goose Island in North Kingstown, 
which is probably an error for one in South Kingstown. 

These goose place names are: 

1. Goose Island in Point Judith Pond northwest of 
Jonathan Island. 

2. Goose Island in Point Judith Pond east of Great 

3. Goose Island in Green Hill Pond in South Kings- 

4. Goose Neck in Newport. 

5. Goose Neck Cove in Newport. 

6. Goose Neck Creek in Newport. 

7. Goose Neck Spring in North Kingstown. 

8. Goose Point in Providence. 

9. Goose Pond in South Kingstown. 

1 0. Wild Goose Ledge in North Kingstown. 

1 1. Wild Goose Point in North Kingstown. 

1 2. Wild Goose Rock in North Kingstown. 

13. Genseeyland in Bristol County. 

Four place names honor the duck, three the swan and 
one the teal. They are: 

14. Duck Cove in North Kingstown. 
1 5. Duck Pond in Warwick. 


16. Duck Pond in South Kingstown. 

1 7. Duck Pond in Richmond. 

18. Swan Island in Providence. 

19. Swan Point in Providence. 

20. Swan Pond in Lincoln. 

21. Teal Pond in Narragansett. 

The claim to the second largest group is in dispute be- 
tween the eagles and cormorants ( whose Latin name corvus 
marinus literally means "sea crow"). Both present seven 
place-names, but the cormorants have more place-names 
now in use than do the eagles, and also avoid a possible 
duplication which might be argued as disqualifying two of 
the eagle places, numbers 30 and 33 as practically identical 
with numbers 31 and 32, respectively. 

The cormorants appear as: 

22. Cormorant Cove in New Shoreham. 

23. Cormorant Hill in Westerly. 

24. Cormorant Point in New Shoreham. 

25. Cormorant Point in Narragansett. 

26. Cormorant Reef in Middletown. 

27. Cormorant Rock in Aliddletown. 

28. Cormorant Rock in Narragansett, formerly Cor- 
morant Reef. 

The eagles present: 

29. Eagle, a former school district in Scituate. 

30. Eagle Park, a district in Providence formerly Eagle 

3 1 . Eagle Peak, a knoll formerly in Providence. 

32. Eagle Peak, a hill in Burrillville. 

33. Eagle Peak, a former Burrillville school district. 

34. Eagle Woods in Providence. 

35. Eagle ville in Tiverton. 

The gulls now follow with four place-names, and the 
turkeys with three: 

33. Gull Point on Prudence Island. 

34. Gull Rock, off Sheep Point in Newport. 

35. Gull Rock in I>ittle Compton. 

36. Gull Rocks in Newport Harbor. 


37. Turkey Hill in Portsmouth. 

38. Turkey Meadow Brook in Coventry. 

39. Turkeyville in Burrillville. 

The remaining place-names are scattered, one to each of 
seven kinds of birds. 

40. Crow Hill in Smit>hfield. 

41. Hen Island in Portsmouth, sometimes called Hen 
and Chickens. 

42. Owls Nest on Gould Island in the Sakonnet River. 

43. Partridge Beach in Jamestown, probably really a 
corruption of Parting Beach, not originally a bird's name. 

44. Plover Hill on Block Island. 

45. Sparrow Island, alias Spar Island, in Mount Hope 

46. Swallow's Hole in Middletown. 

These forty-six place-names complete the list of undis- 
puted names. To this list there might be added tentatively 
Seekonk and Sakonnet, which have already been discussed, 
the unlocated Goose Island in North Kingstown and the 
possible Wild Goose Pond in South Kingstown, and also 
Turkey Meadow in Coventry, the existence of which might 
be presumed from the name Turkey Meadow Brook. This 
would increase the list from forty-six to fifty-one. 

In addition to the names already listed there is a group 
of Robin names which may have been derived from the 
bird, but more probably from the family surname of Rob- 
bin. These names are: Robin Hill in Providence, Robin 
Pond in Cumberland ( probably identical with Robin Hol- 
low Pond ), Robin Hollow, Robin Hollow Pond and Robin 
Hollow Brook. The three latter are now generally spelled 
"Robbin" and are in Cumberland. While these five names 
may have been derived from the bird, it seems probable the 
Roljbin Brook, a name applied to two streams in North 
Providence, was from the family surname. 

Goslins Rock in North Kingstown seems to be from a 
family name and so unfortunately not really eligible for 
the list. 


Primo2:eniturc in Rhode Island 

Was primogeniture ever in force in Rhode Island: 

This query is received so often at the Rhode Island His- 
torical Society that it may not be amiss to answer the ques- 
tion in print. By primogeniture is meant of course that all 
the real estate of a person who dies intestate, that is without 
leaving a will, is inherited by the eldest son. 

The earliest enactment in regard to this matter seems to 
be the "Act for distributing and settleing intestate's estates" 
which was passed by the General Assembly at its June ses- 
sion in 1718. The act reads : 

"Whereas, it hath been found by experience in this 
colony, to be very wrongful and injurious to the public 
good, as well as private interest, of the younger children of 
persons dying intestate, that the whole real estate of such 
persons dying intestate, should descend to the eldest son, 
and thereby the other children, whose labors have been very 
useful, and advantageous to their parents in reducing and 
improving such real estate, should be left destitute." ( R. I. 
Col. Rec. IV, pages 238-239. ) 

The wording of this act definitely proves that primo- 
geniture was in effect in Rhode Island at the time of the 
passage of the act in June, 1718, and that it had previously 
been in effect for some time. 

Therefore, it appears that Sidney S. Rider's statement, 
(Book Notes 23, p. 25 ) that "There was no legal primo- 
geniture in the descent of property under the Charter" 
referring to Rhode Island Charter of 1663 is not in accord- 
ance with the facts and has given rise to the belief that 
primogeniture was not in force here between 1663 and 
1718. Rider appears to have mistaken the meaning of the 
phrase in the Charter of 1 663 which reads that the lands in 
Rhode Island are "to be holden of us, our heirs and succes- 
sors, as of the Manor of East Greenwich, in our County of 
Kent, in free and common soccage, and not in capite, nor by 



knight service." It will be seen that this phrase refers merely 
to the way the land is to be held, and does not relate to the 
manner in which it should be inherited in the case of intestate 
estates. Rider assumed that the explanatory allusion to the 
way land was held in the Manor of East Greenwich in 
Kent, carried with it all ipf the current usage in regard to 
land in Kent, and hence the custom of gavelkind by which 
the real estate of a person dying intestate was divided 
equally among all his sons. 

This was not the interpretation of the phrase by the 
courts of Rhode Island during the period from 1663 to 
1718, and so Rider's statement is wrong and the statements 
of Arnold (II, 61) and Weeden (R. I. 185) that primo- 
geniture was in effect before 1718 are correct. See also the 
case of Smith vs. Smith, 1854, in R. I. Reports IV, pp. 
8 and 9. 

That primogeniture was in force in Rhode Island before 
1718, and in fact from the time of the Charter of 1 GGl, viz 
1 663-1 7 1 8, is shown by the following items, in all of which 
cases there were other children. 

On May 13, 1678, John Crandall as "son and heir of 
John Crandall of Newport, deceased" deeded to his broth- 
ers certain land formerly belonging to his father. ( Austin, 


On Nov. 3, 1677, Benedict Arnold "as eldest son and 
heir of William Arnold late of Pawtuxet deceased" sold 
land to his brother Stephen. (Austin, 242.) 

On Aug. 20, 1666, Benjamin Barton is styled "son and 
heir of Rufus Barton deceased." His father died intestate 
but the Town Council made a "will." (Austin, 250. ) 

William Helme, "eldest son and heir of Christopher 
Helme," confirmed a sale of land on Jan. 1 3, 1 66 1 . ( Austin, 

In 1717 Jonathan Knight, Jr., deeded to his brothers 
some land of their father who died intestate in 1 7 1 7 without 
having executed the deeds to these parcels of land. ( Austin, 


In the case of Mott vs. Hubbard in 1 71-1- it was decided 
that Sarah Mott, daughter of Thomas Jennings, deceased, 
elder brother of Gabriel Jennings, deceased, was not heir of 
Gabriel, because the heirship to Gabriel, deceased intestate 
without children, was in his eldest surviving brother (Rich- 
ard Jennings). (Austin, 114.) 

"Moses Dexter of North Providence, in the County of 
Providence, laborer, preferred a petition and represented 
unto this Assembly that his brother, Joseph Dexter, inher- 
ited a large and valuable estate from his grandfather, Capt. 
Stephen Dexter, of sd North Providence, deceased, at a 
time when by law all estates descended to the eldest male 
heir". (Acts of the General Assembly, February 1792.) 

The statute of 1718 was in force only ten years and was 
repealed in 1 728 as "tending to destroy inheritances." 

The Notary Public in Early Rhode Island 

The office of notary public was sort of a monopoly in 
colonial Rhode Island, held until 1751 by the General 
Recorder, as the Secretary of State was then called. From 
1751 to the end of the colonial period only two were per- 
mitted in the colony, one at Newport and one at Providence. 
In 1792 each county was allowed one notary public but in 
1 822 the limit to their number was removed and there were 
soon a great many. 

The office of Notary Public was not created in Rhode 
Island until October 31,1 705, when the General Assembly 
passed the following act: 

"An Act for settling the office of a Publick Notary in this 

"It is enacted by this present Assembly and the authority 
thereof. That the Recorder chosen in this CoUony yearly 
at the election of Generall Officers, shall keep the office of a 
Publick Notary; and that no person shall officiate in said 
office untill he be so chosen and engaged to the sanie. And 


the Recorder that is now present, shall officiate in said office 
until! the next election of Generall Officers, according to 
the Charter". 

In the Digest of 1 719 the Notary Public Act is recorded 
in the following words: 

"AN ACT, Establishing a Notary Publick, within this 

"Be it Enacted by the General Assembly, and by the 
Authority of the same. That the General Recorder of the 
Colony for the time being, shall be Publick Notary of this 
Colony y and he is hereby fully Impowered and Authorized, 
to Act, Transact, Do and Finish, all and whatsoever Mat- 
ters, Causes or things, Relating to Drawing of Protests, or 
Protesting Bills, &c. as are by Law Required, and that he 
shall be Engaged thereto, for the which he shall take the 
following Fees, and no more. 

£ s d 

To Swearing to Protest 00 03 00 

To Drawing Ditto 00 03 00 

To Sealing Ditto 00 03 00 

To Registring Ditto in the Office 00 03 00 

To Copy Ditto 00 03 00" 

It will be noted that the wording is somewhat different 
from the act as passed in 1705 and that an explanation of 
the duties of the Notary Public are added. 

The Correction of Errors in Dates 
in Some Block Island Records 

From a letter by the late George R. Burgess 

I believe 1 have discovered in the New Shoreham Record 
Book indisputable evidence that a number of vital records 
as given by James N. Arnold are dated about twenty years 
later than thev occurred. 

This was not due to carelessness in transcnbmg, but 


rather to the fact that one, possibly two, of the town clerks 
made their sevens with a loop, in most cases entirely closed, 
I find that some of these apparent nines had an upward 
stroke after the stem, resembling a script q. Robert Guthrig 
was elected town clerk in April, 1677, and served in 1678, 
1679 and 1680 as well. James Sands entered records pre- 
vious to this, although he did not sign as clerk. Some of his 
sevens have also been read as nines. Many of the other 
records entered as occurring in the 90's can be proved to 
have belonged in the 70's and in addition to that, all of the 
clerks in the 90's made legible sevens. 

My lirst questioning of his dates was caused by seeing the 
record of the town meeting of April, 1698, on page 53. 
1 had seen James Sands' tombstone in the Block Island 
cemetery enough times to remember that it said he died in 
1695. Later on I came across a record in the book showing 
Guthrig was drowned December 3, 1692, while crossing 
from Newport in a storm. I was pretty sure that Guthrig 
had made the record on page 53, and so I went through 
the book and made a list of all the town clerks and the 
years in which they served. With this as a guide I picked 
out the handwriting of each one who served in the 1 690's 
and it was quite apparent that none of them could have 
made the entries during the years 1676 to 1681/2, as the 
handwriting was entirely different. This meeting checks out 
as really being held in 1678. 

Perhaps one instance of the fact that Guthrig made 
almost no distinction between a seven and a nine is enough 
to prove the fact. On page 23 in the list of freemen admitted 
to the Colony, is found proof of Guthrig's 9's and 7's being 
similar, as the clerk given under this date served 20 years 
earlier according to the Colonial Records. 

Cruthrig did make a few entries in the 70's with the 7's 
readable as such. You will note on page 52 of the book, 
that where the entries would be in 1679, if entered in 
chronological order, there is a distinction, that is, he has 
added an up stroke after the long down stroke forming a 9, 


making it look something like a script q. I suppose it is 
possible that this was his distinction between a 7 and 9. 

I have also noted in several places the figure 1 made in 
such a way that it would be taken for a 2 had it not been 
written with the year, i. e. 2677 for 1677. This may account 
for such dates as "22th" which occur in several places. 

These vital records are all together in the record book in 
the order given, most of them I am sure are in Guthrig's 
hand and possibly all of them, although there seems to be 
a slight difference between the first few and the balance, 
possibly due to a different quill. The hand shows that the 
records for one year and more were made at one sitting. 

I checked some of these records and found if they are 
correct, as given by Arnold, that children were born to one 
couple several years before their marriage and in two or 
three instances, babies were married at the early age of 
1 8 months and up. One man had a child recorded fourteen 
years before his marriage was recorded. 

I believe by averaging up several decades from Arnold 
it will be seen there are less records in the 70's and more in 
the 90's than would have been normal. 

Here is the list with the dates I believe correct. 
Joseph Billington married Sept. 16, 1672 
Mary Billington born Sept. 16, 1674 
Josiah Hulling married Jan. 1 1, 1675 
Susanna Hulling born May 1 8, 1677 
Nathaniel Briggs, son of Nath., born Aug. 1, 1675 (given 

as Nebbiah) 
Thomas Briggs, son of Nath., born Sept. 1, 1677 
Tormot Rose married 22 July 1676 (given as Samuel) 
Daniel Rose, son of Tormut, born May 1, 1677 
William Dodge married April 24, 1 674 
Sarah Dodge, daughter of William, born Jan. 24, 1675 
Mary Dodge, daughter of John, born Dec. 29, 1677 
John Dodge married Oct. 24, 1676, (given Feb. 4, 1696) 
Martha Akers, daughter of John, born Feb. 28, 1675 
William Harris married July 24, 1 672 ( omitted) 


William Harris, son of William, born Feb. 1 0, 1 675 
Thomas Harris, son of William, born March 22, 1677 
Samuel George married Dec. 29, 1678 (omitted) 
Josiah Hulling, son of Josiah, born Nov. 9, 1679 (given 

as 74) 
Bethiah Tosh, daughter of William Tosh, born Sept. 1676 
Alexander Innes died Oct. 27, 1 679 (omitted) 
James Tosh, son of William, born Dec. 16, 1 679 ( omitted ) 
If you compare my list with Arnold you will hnd he has 
omitted a number of them and has also made a few errors 
in copying other dates. In his record of William Harris, 
I believe he has married the senior to his son's wife. 

Privateer Sloop Independent 

A Journal kept hy Peleg Hozey, Master 

(From Original Manuscript 
in the Rhode Island Historical Societ\- Library) 

A Journal of A Voig kept By Jabez W^hipple Cap.^ of the 
Armed Sloop the Independent Boun on A Cruse with Gods 
primishon this 24 Day of July. 1776 

Wensday *''24 of July 1776 

toDay weid ancor at providence at 3 P M and Seluted 
my oners with A gun at 4 pased the Alford and Clumbas 
ling of patuxet and Gave them three Chers and put ower 
pilot a Boord John Browns Bot and then prosided for 
Newport at 12 that night ancred of south End of prudence 
all hands employd giting all things Erredeness so Ends this 
24 hours 

Thursday July "'25 1776 

At foure this morning waid Ancor and proseded for 
Newport Arivd at Newport at Eight all hands Employd 
fixing riging and Guns went on Shore and purched sundry 
things for the Slup that wos omited at providence And Got 
All hands on Boord and sailed for Bristor ferey at nine 


ocloke Small winds and Calni at 12 Ancorcd of costers 
harbar so Ends this 24 ours 

Fryday July "^26 1776 
At 5 this morning weid Ancor and proseded for Bristo 
ferry Ancred at Bristo fery at 2 P M and went on Shore 
and purchesed sum plank for the Carpender and Resevd 
one Baril of powder of M"- Lefall and put on Shore Georg 
Brown Sick and made sail a Metetly for fogland ferry 
wind And tide coming aGainst me ancored a mile Below 
comanfence point All hands Employd giting Redy for see 
so Ends this 24 owers 

Saterday July "'27 1776 
At four this morning waied ancor at comonfence point 
now calm Got out Owers and Rod to howlands fery their 
Ancored and filed 2 cask of water the carpender went on 
shor and Ground his tools at 1 1 the wind Bresed up Maid 
saile for frogland Ancred at fogland a Bout fore wind and 
tide a Ganst me all hands Employd Giting redy for See the 
next morning as if thought proper to Be in sum Redness 
as you Enformed me their was a menestered Sloop of ten 
guns on the cost so Ends this 24 howers 

Sunday Morning July "'28 1776 
At four this morning called all hands sent a man to Mast 
hed to Look out he crys out 2 Sail a Ship and a Skip the 
ship was sum Disten Of the Slup stood in with for aBout 
two Gunshot of and put a Bout and stood of the Ship stand- 
ing in a While the Slup put About and Stood in a Gain 
cold all hands to Qrters Loded all fore and Aft wad Ancor 
and Stood out and spook with him It proved to be Cap*" 
Buckling and his prise put on boord won hand sick proseded 
on our \'oig Beet out as far as sunking Roks wind and tide 
a Gainst me saw one Of the frigats standing in for Gay heed 
thought propper to com In And Ancor at sichewest that 
night I saw two Brigs Standing In I Sent my Boot on Boord 
It proved to Be Capt" Chases prise and Captn warners 
prise so Ends this 24 howers. 


Munday July "'29 1776 
At four this morning waid Ancor and proseded for the 
Vinyard Arived At homses hole that Night A Bout Six the 
tid and wind Against Me So Ends this 24 howrs. 

Tusdayjuly*\30 1776 
The furst part of this 24 howers calm we hid up our 
water Took on Boord a prise master and 2 hands more the 
Latter part of this 24 owers a Very hevy Swell of and 
Thunder and Lightning so Ends this 24 owers 

Wensday July *''3 1 1776 
At six this morn waid Ancor at homses hole and proseded 
one our cruse At twelve sandy point Bore south small wind 
and tid a Gainst me we saw a scuner coming over the Showls 
As she came near we shoed our cullars She haled her wind 
We out oars the peopel Left her and took to their Boot we 
Went on Boord shee had sum houshould Good on Boord 
To Nantuket We cared her in under sandy poynt and 
Brought her to Ancor And Delivered her up to the master 
Being calm curant a Gainst us Lay their All ought so End 
this 24 owers 

Thursday Augst 1 Daly Accounts 
At 4 Am come to Sail from sandy point of Nantuckt A 
Am took my Departur From sancutte heed In Lattd 41-10 
Londgd 60:40 a 8 sancutte heed Bor WBS Distence 5 

Leagues Latt in 41-10 Londg 68:48 

9 14 

Latt In 41" 19 Longd 68" 34 In 

At 10 Am saw severell sail of fishing Secuners a Fishing 
we hove tew and cotch five cood fish a M" made Sail cotch 
plenty of mackrell this End this 24 ours 

Remarks on Fryday August 2, 1 776 

the furst part of this 24 owers Begins with plesant hasey 

wether a 2 p m: Spoke with a scuner bound to plymoth 

From fishing Mor sounded on Gorgs got 28 fatham of a 

3 AM sounded got 37 fatham on Georges a 8 A M Got 


Douii topsl yard squally and rain Inclining to Be foggy 
2 reps in the in the mainsai Latt & Deed Reckning 

Remarks On Saterday ^^3 Augst 

The furst part of this 24 hours Begins With hayse 
wether out Reefs sat Jebb thick wether fogge sum rain 
At 2 Ani Judgd to Bee 'of the Bank At 6 AM pleasant with 
a Larg Sea at 1 AM All Small Sails Satt A Good Ob- 

Remarks on Sunday August "'4 1776 

The furst part of this 24 Hours Begins With plesant 
Wether Larg Sea took In top Sail At 8 AM One Eight 
Dollar Bill Lost a 10AM took In ye tops Gallon Sail the 
wind Breses Towards the Later part plesant A Good 
Ozservation. ' 

Remarks on monday Augst "'5 1776 

The First of these 24 Hours Begins With plesent wether 
smuth See handed Sail Aid took In topsail and set forsail 
a 6d in Flying Jibb Reefs Masail In foursail at p m Sot 
Trysail a Lgarge sot To sail at 12 D Took in Topsail at 
6 AM sot F sail and Jebb. 

Remarks on Tusday Augst *''6 1776 

first part Blows Very heavy high sea at 6 Am sat y trisal 
Bunets on forsal at 4 p m Got the small Guns In the hole 
Larg Sea At 6 AM Bunets on the forsail Refs out Ma'' 
Sail Got out flying Jibb Boom sot Jibb a 1 1 AM Saw two 
sail Gave chase provd to be A man of war and tender hove 
a Bout Gave Chase to us 

Dayly Remarks on Wensday "7 Augst 1776 
Saw the two formentioned Vesels In chase of us heavy 
sea we Draw from the ship but the Slup Gains upon us all 
hand to Qarters a 6 PM the slup Gave over chase Bore 
Away to ward the Ship a 7 Lost sight of them we Sot sqr 
Sail to ward Estward sot T sail and all the small Sail Latt' 
part plesant wether smuth Sea a Good Odservation 

Remarks on thursday Augst *''8 1776 
the furst part of this 24 hours Begins with plesant 


wether smuth sea Middel plesent Light Brezess Beniman 
Syms raysiiig a muteny on Boord the Slupe Independence 
1 peleg hozey master Gave a Frappi ng I found it to be 
the Method to take 

Remarks on fryday Augst "'9: 1776 
the furst part of this 24 Howars Begins plesant saw a mast 
heed nothing a 10 AM Saw 3 Sail Stering to go N E 2 
Sqr Rigd won Slup the slup Being a head put a Bout Stood 
to ye others Am put a Stood after them Being two Legus 
to winderd mad ye Best Way After them Latf' plesent 
nothing more remarkabell on this sid a Good Obezsevation 

Remarks on Augst "'10 Saterday 1776 

This furst part of this 24 hours Begins With plesent 
Still in chase Is for mentioned At 6 Pm came up with the 
Slup Brume It provd to be captn kNot with 2 prises Won 
a snow and ye other a Brigg Middle Vry Light Brezes and 
plesant Smouth Sea a 6 Am To Sail Small Sails to Are 
Remarks On Sunday August 1 1 1 776 

first part these 24 hours Pleasent Sniooth sea att 1 am 
sot sqr sail att 4 Pm took in sqr sail sot Foresail att 6 am sot 
sqr sail & the small sails Lattr part Pleasent Light Breases 
Smooth sea all hands Will on Bord the Sloop Independence 
this Day. 

Remarks On Monday August 12 1776 

first part Pleasent Joibd Ship Middle Part Pleasent 
smooth Sea att 9 am sqs by thunder and Lightning Rain 
Continued One hour Lattr part Nothing in Sight a Good 

Remark On Tuseday August 13 1 776 

first part Pleasent smooth sea att 2 am Laid a Bout stotKi 
to the west ward att 6 am La Bout Stood to the southward 
and westward att 1 am Laid Bout st(K)d to ye N ward Noth- 
ing in sight to Day good Observation 

Remarks On Winsday August 14, 1776 
first part Pleasent with Light Bres att 6 Am all hands 


imploid a Dancings Pleasent Middle part Smuth sea att 
3 am made Sail at 7 saw a sail staning to Wards Us att 1 1 
am Came Up with hir she Being a ship from st Vinsints 
Brought her two Capt Came on Bord of Us She provdto Be 
a prise took hir in Provision so Ends this Days Work. 

Remarks On Thusday August 15, 1776 
first part Pleasent smooth sea In Company with the prise 
with the prise Master and 1 men on Bord of her att 6 am 
Saw 2 Ships standing to the N E. Gave thm Chase att 1 
saw that one was a ship of force the wind Blowing frish 
Reaft the m sail gave them over Bore Up to the prise got 
one Dolphin 

Remarks On Fryday August 16, 1776 
first part sq'oly sum Rain a Large Sea a 2 Came Up the 
prise all will On Bord the moderate weathir Middle part 
att 8 am Out Boat sent On Bord the ship with a Barriel of 
flour pleasent weather Lattd pr Observation Recking Cor- 
recked toDay 

Remarks On Saturday, August 17 1776 
first part Pleasant Smooth sea Varible att times Clowdy 
weathr Lattr part I find the Varation to be Y^ point Westrly 
All Well 

Remarks On Sunday August 18 1776 
This Fust Part Plesant Light Winds Smuth Sea Middle 
Part Rain Lost Sight the Ship & Tow Saw Hire again to 
Windard Sot T Sail Latt. part Good Observation 

Remarks On Monday August 19 1776 
The First Part Pleseant Wether Light Breases as pr 
Loag at 6 Spok with Ship to W & N at 7 am Hove a Bout 
Stood to E & N. A Good Observation 

Remaks On Tusday August 20 1 776 
The First Part of Pleasant Weither Smuth See Sent the 
Boat on Board The Ship To Bend a New Sute of Sailes 
Sett the T Sail Blew Fresh Took it In a Gain a 6 am Took 
in F Jibe Sqly to ye N ward Good Obsrvation 


Remarks On Wensday August 21 1776 
The First Part Sqly Spoke with the Ship on Board all 
well Saw a Brigg to Winderd Runing Down Sat Closte on 
Board Before Dessecoverd Brought hir Tew came under 
our Starne halve From antego Bound to London Took 
hir in Pershashon Capt. John Lightbourn came on Bord 
Brought hir Papers Brigg Name Fanny Good observation 

Remarks On Thusday August 22 1776 
The First Part Pleasant Large See at 6 putt Cap 
Edwmon on Bord the Prise Brigg as prise master and Took 
Persheshon of hir at 6 saw a Sale to E ward at 8 Fired 
4 Shot at hir wold not Bring Tow Saw hir to Bee a Brigg 
of 1 2 Guns Left Chase Bore Down to the Priseses 

Remaks on Fryday August 23 1776 
The Fust Part Pleasent Small Sea 2 Passingers Belong- 
ing To the Brigg Came on Board Spent the afternoon at 6 
hands Sq'' Sail a 4 am Cam on a harde Sqole a 6 D Saw 2 
Saile to Sw hove about Stood to the S ward a 8 hove about 
to Gitt the Vessell In hir wake 

Ramarks On Saturday August 23 1 776 
The Fust Part Squaley Large Sea [ — ] P. M out 
Reefs at Set F Jibl Saw a Large Ship to windward Runing 
Down heavy Sea Saw a Brigg Strin Standing to the No 
ward Latt part Wethear as pr Logg Good Obser- 


Remarks On Sunday August 25 1776 
The Fust Part heavea Sqales Thunder and Lighting 
Lasted one our Then Pleaseant Saw a Stran wee out Reef 
set F Jibb thick Wethear to the Southward Refft M. Saile 
Took Bunnitt of the head Sales Betweene Ten & 1 1 Spoke 
with our Prise Brigg the man at Mast head Caled out Sales 
Brigg & a Sloop hire cost N. E. Lattd. obsevation 

Remarks On Monday August 26 1776 
The Fust heavy Squales Large Sea Compeny with our 
Prise at 4 Ack Saw a Sail to the S W Standing after us 
Squaley These 24 Houers Latt 


Remarks On Tuesday August 27 1776 
The Fust Part weither as pr Logg Handed all Saile hove 
Tew att 4 Made Saile Large Sea att 6 Setteled M Sail 
Took in T Sail Continence Latt Observation 

Remarks on Wednessday At 28 
The Fust Squaly as pt Logg In and out reeft the 24 
Houres Spoke with the Brigg Sent the Bote on Board Latt 
pr Observation 

Remarks On Tursday Augt 29 1776 
The Furst Weither pr Logg Winds Kneeling E ward 
Sent The Dochter on Bord the Brigg One Man Very Much 
hirt Heavey Sea Much Rain and theke Weither a 8 AM 
Saw 5 Saile to y E ward one Large one gave chash 

Remarks on Fryday Augst 30 1776 
The Fust Part Small Breeses Smuth Sea and Fogge 
Histed out the Bote Finding all Well on Bord there att 
8 PM Sounded Gott 35 Fatham Black & White Sand Sum 
Broken Shels Intenmixt Frain that to 31 35 & 37 Plente 
Tide ript Sam Times Clear For one Our to Cither the 
Fogge Saw Severle Banks Looking Like Land Latter Part 
Smuth Light Winds. Plenty of Fogg Ends this 24 hours 
all well on Bord 

Remarks On Satureday Augst 3 1 
The Fust Part hasy Weither Fresh Breeses a 1 2 Am Gott 
Soundings 70 Fathem Read and White Sand at 4 Soundings 
Gott 45 Do Fogge Light Breses a 1 Sounded 37 Do Fogge 
A. M Sounded gett 30 Do Lather Part Light Breeses Smuth 
Sea Fogge Thick Weether Observation 
( To be concluded) 



The Gore Roll of Arms 

By Harold Bowditch 

{itnU'nnii-,1 friii/t vol. .VA'.V/, page 64) 

Summary and Conclusions 

The Gore Roll represents, chiefly, the arms that were 
used in New England at the dates designated below the 

Heraldic custom was not strictly adhered to, as is evi- 
denced in the case of No. 6 1 , where the arms of the husband 
impale those of his wife's first husband. 

The sources from which the arms are taken are probably 
three-fold, (1) heraldic manuscripts, (2) printed books, 
and (3) paintings, embroideries, engraved silver and seals; 
of these , the last would not be expected to give the tinctures. 

The paintings in the Gore Roll may be classified accord- 
ing to possible source as follows: 

1 . From heraldic manuscripts, 
(a) From the Promptuarium Armorum (see page 1 ). 






46, 64. Hutchinson 


3 5. 

Lcvcrett (= Lever? ) 










54. Chute. 















5 3. 



Cutting ( = Cooper?) 

5 5. 
































49, 54. 









68. Tuttle. 80. Tilston. 

69. Wade. 82. Roswell. 

70. Mountfort. 83. Selwyn. 
75. Pern. 84. Waldron. 
78. Warr. 

(b) From the Chute Pedigree (see page 1 ). Many of 
the arms here given have no proved connection with New 

52. Chichester. 
5 3. Mansales. 
5 5. Barkeley. 
56. Whithorne. 
59. Colepeper. 
61. Gee. 

(c) From the Miner Pedigree (see page 2 ). This 
was evidently not a source for the Gore RoUj the two 
manuscripts contain only two names in duplicate, and the 
arms given under these names differ. Professor Arthur 
Adams of Hartford kindly examined the Miner Pedigree 
for the writer in January 1935 and found that the Hervie 
arms are there given as: Gules on a fess (not a bend) silver 

three trefoils slipped (.? gules, r sable), and the Dyer 

arms differ wholly from those in the Gore Roll, being: Per 
fess indented gules and gold. 

2. From books printed before the dates assigned to the 
arms in the Gore Roll : 

(a) From Yorke's "Union of Honour", 1 64 1 : 

1 3. Spencer. See also under Guillim. 

19. Harvey. The trefoils are given as vert. See also under Guillim. 

60, 72. Dudley. The Dudley arms given arc those of lord Sutton, baron 
Dudley. See also under Guillim. 

(b) From Guillim's "Display of Heraldry", various edi- 

4. Owen. Eds. 1632 to 1724 inclusive; not in ed. 1610 / 11. 

7, 9. Legge. Ed. 1679. The field is ^z//;-^. 
12. Latimer. Ed. 1660'. The cross is ^o/</. 

1 3. Spencer. Eds. 1610 / II to 1660" inclusive. 


19. Harvey. Eds. 1660\ 1660", 1679. The ed. 1679, under the 

name Harvey, presents a plate showing the trefoils in the arms 
tinctured azure although described in the text as vert; the crest 
in this illustration undoubtedly served as the model for that shown 
in the Gore Roll, although in the book the leopard is tricked as 
proper powdered with ermine spots gold, holding a trefoil slipped 

20,23. Foster. Kds. 1660', 1660". 

25. White. Eds. 1660", 1679. In the former edition, on a sheet 

w^hich may be a later insertion of 1664 or after, the arms of Sir 
Stephen White of London, of a Norfolk familv, are given as Gules 
a chevron between three boar's heads couped silver armed gold; 
the ed. 1679 repeats the record. The illustration shows the 
end of the neck ragged with many small tabs, exactly as in the 
Gore Roll, and therefore presumably served as the model for the; 

28. Evance. Ed. 1679, arms of John Evance of London, Esq. 

60, 72. Dudley. Eds. 1660', 1660". In the ed. 1660' these arms are 
given for Dudley in the fifth quartering of the arms of Sir Wing- 
field Bodenham, knt., as well as for Sir Andrew Sutton, alias 
Dudley, knt. In the ed. 1600" they appear as the arms of John 
Sutton, called Dudley, viscount L'Isle, later duke of Northumber- 
land, and of his sons Ambrose earl of Warwick and Robert earl of 

Governor Thomas Dudley used on his seal a single-tailed lion 
and a crescent for difference; and the addition of another tail 
(and the omission of the crescent) on the arms of his son Gov- 
ernor Joseph Dudley makes it look as though he believed in, or 
wished to believe in, a connection with the English peerage. 

66. Savage. Eds. 1660', 1660". 

74. Jckyll. Ed. 1679. 

81. Fowle. Eds. 1660', 1660'', 1679. These arms are given under 

the name of Foulis, of which Fowle is a variant. See also under 

(c) PVom Morgan's "Sphere of Gentry", 1661: 

2. Crofts. These arms, but without the crescent for difference, ap- 

pear as the arms of Crofts of Lancashire. Guillim, eds. 1 660' and 
1660", gives for the arms of John Crofts of Stow, co. Suffolk, 
created baronet 1660: (lold three bull's heads couped sable. 


43. Hurst. Silver a sun gules. 

73. Burghdon. Sir Ralph de Bourgdon bore: Silver three cinqfoils 

8 1 . Fowle. Under the spelling of Foules: Silver three oak leaves vert. 

See also under Kent. 

( d ) From Kent's "Grammar of Heraldry", ed. 1716: 

60, 72. Dudlev. The arms of Sutton, anciently barons of Dudley. 

74. Jekyll. 

8 1 . Fowle. Fowlis bore: Silver three oak leaves vert. 

3. From family possessions, such as paintings, embroid- 
eries, and engravings on plate or stone. 

5, 13, 31. Sargent.. Peter Sargent used an armorial seal in 1 693 (Heraldic 
Journal I 118). 

5, 67. Shrimpton. The Shrimpton family appears to have used arms, 
for in addition to the record by Judge Sewall of the use of 
"scutcheons" at the funeral of Colonel Samuel Shrimpton in 1697 
/'8 (see page 8 ), there exists a bill for hatchment against 

the estate of Col. Samuel Shrimpton in 1688 (Bolton); they 
appear to have been the arms here shown, for they are engraved 
(without tinctures) on a tankard marked M S made by John 
Coney (born 1655, died 1722) for Mary Shrimpton (born 
1677) who married (1) in 1692 Robert Gibbs (born 1665, died 
1702) and (2) Samuel Sewall, and the Gibbs and Shrimpton 
arms appear on a portrait of a member of the Gibbs family 

8. Sedgewick. The claim is made that a tankard engraved with these 
arms was brought to this country by the immigrant, Major- 
General Robert Sedgewick, in 1635. 

9, 30. Brattle. The arms are found on a basin given by Jeremiah Dum- 

mer to the Rev. William Brattle in 1695 (Bolton). 

10,3 3. Richards. These arms appear on the seal used by Wclthean 
Richards, widow of Thomas Richards, on her will in 1679 
(Heraldic Journal II 7). 

1 4. Checklev. These arms recur on the gravestone in the Granary 

Burving Ground in Boston of Richard Checkley who died in 
1 742, the nephew of Anthony Chickley who appears in the Gore 
Roll (Heraldic Journal II 131-132); and the supplement to 
Bolton's "American Armor\ " mentions the Checklev arms on a 


paten in St. George's Church, Newport, Rhode Island, without 
mention of the date or the name of the maker. The Rev. Nelson 
W. Brvant, Rector of this church, has kindly furnished a rubbing 
showing the arms (a chevron between three molets, no crest, no 
tinctures shown) and the punch-mark; the latter is that of John 
Coney, who was born in 165 5 and died in 1722. Mrs. Buchler 
of the Silver Department, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, supplies 
the information that the letters D W are found on the bottom of 
the paten, thought by Jones, author of "American Church Silver" 
to be the initials of the original owner, and that there is no known 
Chcckley provenance for the piece, its history before 1 83 3, when 
it was given to the church by a member of the Wolfe family, being 
whollv unknown. It is therefore logical to try to connect the arms 
with a name beginning with W rather than with Checkley, and 
the Wyllvs arms are Silver a chevron sable between three molets 

20. Apthorp. Old silver owned in the family is said to have been 
brought from England and to have these arms engraved on it, 
but correspondence has failed to elicit more exact data. 

21. Phips. These arms were used by Governor Sir William Phips on 
his will ; he died in 1695 (Heraldic Journal 1 15 3). 

24. Saltonstall. The arms are of record in the College of Arms as 

those of this family (see Heraldic Journal I 161-164) and Sir 
Richard Saltonstall used them on his seal (Massachusetts Historical 
Society, Collections, 4th Series, \4I Plate Y). 

29. Dyer. See mention in the text of seals in 1660 and 1688. 

34. Norton. See mention in the text of a seal of 1663. 

42. Paige. These arms and crest are on the seal used by Nicholas 

Paige of Boston in 1679 — Massachusetts Archives, Document 
61, page 196 (Bolton). 

44, 5 7. Brown. The arms, but said to be single-cotised, arc on the 
monument of William Brown of Salem who died in 1687 
(Heraldic fournal II 23). Single-cotised, they appear on a tank- 
ard made by Coney (born 165 5, died 1722) which has been 
traced back to about the vear 1700; this is in private hands and 
has been examined by the writer. 

58, 73. Brindesley. Although this famil_\- is said to have come from 
Exeter their name is not found in the Armor}' of the Western 
Counties nor in the \'isitations of Devon in 1 564 and 1620. 4'he 
above arms, except that the border is omitted, appear on the will 
of Francis Brinlev who died in 1719 (Heraldic Journal II 3! ). 


61. Thacher. These arms are on the seal of the Rev. Thomas 

Thacher, 1676 (New England Historical and Genealogical 
Register VIII 177, 178). 

67. Yeomans. A cream-jug bearing these arms, mentioned by Bolton 

without date, proves to have been made by Fuller White of 
London in 175 5 / 56, and is therefore too late to have served as 
a model for the Gore Roll.) 

77. Dummer. See the text for mention of a confirmation or grant of 

1711. Jeremiah Dummer, said to have been the brother of 
Governor William Dummer of Massachusetts, and an agent for 
Massachusetts in England from 1710 to 1721, used a bookplate 
showing these arms (see Allen's American Book Plates 1894). 

79. Tyng. Vermont says "plate is also in existence, with old hall 

marks, bearing the same devices". This has not been verified. 


Armory of the Western Counties, An. S. Baring Gould and Robert 

Twigg. 1898. " 
Berry, William. Encyclopaedia Heraldica. (1828.) 
Bolton, Charles K., American Armory, 1927. 
Buck, Howard M., M. D., Boston, Mass. Manuscript notes in his copy 

of the Heraldic Journal. 
Buck, J. H. Old Plate, Ecclesiastical, Decorative and Domestic. 1888. 
Burke, John and John Bernard. General Armory of England, Scotland 

and Ireland. Third edition, 1847. 
Chapin, Howard M., Librarian, Rhode Island Historical Society, Provi- 
dence, R. 1. (1) Personal letters. (2) A Roll of the Arms used in the 

English Colony of Rhode Island in New England, 1636-1776. 

Providence, R. I., 1929. 
Collins, Arthur, and Roper, Abel. The Peerage of England. Second 

edition, 1710. 
Dallaway, fames. Inquiries into the Origin and Progress of the Science 

of Heraldry in England. 1793. 
Edmondson, Joseph, Mowbrav Herald Extraordinary. A Complete Body 

of Heraldry. 1780. 
d'Eschavannes, Jouffro}'. Armorial Lhiiversel. 1848. 
Fairbairn's Book of Crests of the Families of Great Britain and Ireland. 

Guillim, John, Rouge-Dragon Pursuivant. A Display of Heraldrie 

1610-^1611, 1632, 1638, 1660 (bis), 1664, 1679, 1724. 
Hargreaves, Major Reginald, M. C. "Mr. Crofts, the King's Bastard" 

Heraldic Journal, The. ^ olumes I, II and I\' (1865, 1866, 1868) edited 

by William W. Whitmore; \'olume III (1867) edited by William 

S. Appleton. 


Hevlyn, Rev. Peter. A Help to English History. Edited b}' Paul Wright. 

Johnson's Universal Cvclopaedia. Edited by Charles K. Adams. 1 898. 
Johnston, G. Harvey. Scottish Heraldry Made Easy. Ed. 1912. 
Kent, Samuel. The Grammar of Heraldry. 1716. 
Kent, Samuel. The Banner Displayed. 175 5. 
Lincolnshire Pedigrees. Edited bv A. R. Maddison. Publ. Harl. Soc. 

L — LII, 1902-1906. 
Memorial History of Boston. ]'',dited by Justin Winsor. 1 880-1881 . 
Nisbet, Alexander. A System of Heraldry. Ed. I 804. 
Papworth, John W., and Morant, Alfred W. An Ordinary of British 

Armorials. 1874. 
Paul, fames Balfour, Lvon King of Arms. An Ordinary of Arms contained 

in the Public Register of all Arms and Bearings in Scotland. 1 893. 

Promptuarium Armorum. Manuscript, 1602-1616, by William Smith, 

Rouge-Dragon Pursuivant. In private hands and too frail to be con- 
sulted now. Examined about 191 5 by Dr. Howard M. Buck who has 

added notations referring to this manuscript to his copy of the 

Heraldic Journal. 
Risdon, Tristram. The Note Book of Tristram Risdon, 1608-1628. 

(Devonshire arms.) 1897. 
Seton, George. The Law and Practice of Heraldry in Scotland. 1 863. 
Siege of Carlaverock, The, 1300. Indited by Nicholas Harris Nicolas. 

Sims, R. An Index to the Pedigrees and Arms contained in the Herald's 

Visitations and other Genealogical Manuscripts in the British Museum. 

"Vermont" (Bowman), E. de \'. America Heraldica. 1886. 
Visitation of Durham . . 1575, 1615, and 1666. Edited by Joseph 

Foster. 1887. 
\'isitation of London . . 1633, 1634 and 163 5. Edited by Joseph Jackson 

Howard and Joseph Lemuel Chester. I'ubl. Harl. Soc. X\' and X\'ll, 

1880 and 1883. 
Visitations of Somerset 1 531, 1 573, 1 591. Edited by Frederic William 

Weaver. 188 5. 
\'isitation of Somerset 1623. Isdited b\' Frederic Thomas Colbw I'ubl. 

Harl. Soc. XL 1876. 
Whitmore, William H. The Gore Roll of Arms. Heraldic Journal, \'()I. 1 

(1865). pp. 113-140. 
Whitmore, William H. 'Fhe l'".lements of Heraldrv. 1866. Gore's List, 

pp. 80-94. 
Yorke, James, of Lincolne, Blacksmith. I'he Union of Honour. 1641. 

Form of Legacy 

"I give and bequeath to the Rhode Island 

Historical Society the sum of 


JioGI-H Wll l.lAMh I'ki>^ "^Iw^^ 


V . A. Johnson Co. 


Rhode Island 

Historical Society 


Vol. XXXI 

_ ''•k \N 

^ P b, R p i: r u \ L 

No. 4 

C K. 

l,c Prime, Epaa, Cycl. of the Sun, Dominical uTJTiTKtSSST^, High \Vati;r, Day of th. Month, Day 

Enjjtjnd. 3nd lemarVable Pays fot 

■ T,.,!, c) lit dm 

, . OJjai^t™ ^.o^.j.;^.^..^;-;; ^.^-j,;,,. , 

, t.« .1. />.,.; .~ »>...i. t; .»■ ^.y j 't- fe'ij, ;"' ■ ' ■■I if j ;i/Ti .'■ 
^?"V._'ZI^_, ._..".,. .",!'..v„, .Ki,i, i,c— -I- , , ''^*"iSa~%='w™'^'"?°<:T'S'S?Jiii'»"|"i^^ 

nlcal Letiei 


Issued Qu:irrcrl\- 
68 Waterman Street, Pkomofnck, Riioni Isi \m) 


Perpetual Almanac of 1730 


. Cover 

The Shepley Library 


French Manuscript Revolutionary Map 
of Narragansett Bay . 


The Division of the Home Lots of 
by John Hutchins Cady 


Silas Cooke, A Victim of the Revolution 
by Susan Stanton Brayton . 


Privateer Sloop Independent 




The Gore Roll of Arms 
by Harold Bowditch 






Vol. XXXI 

OCTOBER, 1938 

No. + 

Harry Parsons Cross, President 
William Davis Miller, Secretary 

Robert T. Downs, Treasurer 
Howard M. Chapin, Librarian 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions 
of contributors. 

The Shepley Library 

In June, thanks to a public spirited group of generous 
Rhode Islanders, the Society was able to purchase the 
George L. Shepley collection of Rhode Island books and 

The Shepley library is the largest and most important 
collection of books ever obtained by the Society at one 
time. It contains a large number of rare Rhode Island 
books, broadsides and prints which fill most of the impor- 
tant gaps in this section of the Society's library. 

Most interesting perhaps of the rare books is the Calen- 
drier Franqaise which was printed on the press that was 
brought to America on the Neptune during the American 
Revolution. This press was set up on shore at Newport and 
this French almanac was printed in 1780. There are only 
two copies of this almanac now known to be in existence. 
Both are owned by the Society and are imperfect. The one 
which has been owned by the Rhode Island Historical 
Society for over twenty years lacks the last four leaves and 
the one in the Shepley collection lacks the title page. These 
two books now united constitute a complete copy, the only 
known copy in existence. 


Other interesting items are a perpetual almanac printed 
as a broadside by James Franklin about 1730, the broad- 
side advertisement of the North American Calendar for 
1781, Roger Williams' book entitled Major Butier^s 
Fourth Paper, the Sotzmann Map of Rhode Island printed 
in German in 1797, and a collection of twenty pamphlets 
printed by Gregory Dexter in England before he came to 

The collection contains a large number of manuscripts 
and pictures which supplement the Societ\''s remarkably 
extensive collection. 

Among the manuscripts are two original letters of Roger 
Williams in his own handwriting, the original charter of 
the town of Warwick, a manuscript map of Xarragansett 
Bay made by French officers during the Re\'olution, and 
part of the Champlain Papers, the business papers of a 
Newport merchant. The Champlain papers were divided 
into three groups. One part was given to the Massachusetts 
Historical Society, about thirty years ago, and was printed 
in two volumes as "The Commerce of Rhode Island^', 
another part came to the Rhode Island Historical Society 
about twent}' \'ears ago, and the third was purchased by 
Colonel Shepley. There are also two hundred Rhode 
Island Revolutionary Muster Rolls, and two Rhode Island 
Revolutionary orderly books. 

The collection also contains a comprehensive collection 
of books on Rhode Island history and Rhode Island biog- 
raph\' which, while duplicating what the Society already 
has, will serve a most useful purpose. As the librar}' rules 
do not allow Rhode Island books to circulate when the 
Society owns only one copy, these newly acquired volumes 
of standard works on Rhode Island history will form a 
duplicate library on this subject which can circulate among 
our members. For a long time the most obvious need of 
the Society has been a circulating collection of this type. 

Over a hundred genealogies, new to the Societ\"'s library, 
were added to our shelves, and over a hundred badly worn 

\ • 1 is? f»«' /f 


pq •»» 



genealogies were replaced by ones in good condition. Simi- 
lar replacements are being made in all classes of our Rhode 
Island Books. 

Many new items are included in the groups of Rhode 
Island state publications, books relating to Rhode Island 
towns, Rhode Island imprints, the publications of Rhode 
Island organizations and ephemeral advertising leafllets 
and programs which, while of little or no commercial value, 
will be of great use to future students and research workers. 

Those who made possible the purchase of this collec- 
tion were: 

Mrs. Daniel Beckwith 
Mr. Cyrus P. Brown 
Mr. John Nicholas Brown 
Mr. William S. Cherry 
Mrs. Murray S. Danforth 
Miss Caroline Hazard 
Mr. Clinton P. Knight 
Mr. W. Easton Louttit, Jr. 
Mrs. William E. Louttit 
Mr. G. Pierce Metcalf 

Hon. Jesse H. Metcalf 
Mrs. Jesse H. Metcalf 
Mr. Stephen O. Metcalf 
Mr. William Davis Miller 
Mr. Paul C. Nicholson 
Mrs. Paul C. Nicholson 
Miss Ellen D. Sharpe 
Mr. Henry D. Sharpe 
Mr. Thomas E. Steere 
Mrs. Kenneth F. Wood 


The Divisions of the Home Lots of 


By John Hutch ins Cady 

Two divisions of home lots were made by the propri- 
etors of the purchase of Providence, the first about two 
years after its settlement in 1636, and the second in 1718. 

On the basis of records contained in a manuscript pub- 
lished about 1660, still on file in the City Clerk's office, 
the area of the lots in the first division has been established, 
approximately, as bounded by the Towne street (North 
Main and South Main streets') on the west, Dexter's Lane 
(Olney Street) on the north, the Highway at the Head 
of the Lots (Hope Street ) on the east, and Mile End Cove 
( Wickenden Street) on the south, with two lanes running 
east and west where Meeting Street and Power Street, re- 
spectively, are now located/ 

The lots in the second division were located "on the 
southerly and easterly side of Weybosset Street, on the 
west side of North Main Street north of Canal Market, 
and on the south side of Olney Street", a total of "one 
hundred and one lots, being one for each proprietor, which 
were drawn for by the proprietors or their assigns"'. Two 
plats of the second division of lots, excluding those on 
Weybosset Street ( which are not being considered at this 
time), are on file at the City Hall entitled, respectively, 
"A Draught of ye Lotts Laid out in the Second Division 
of house Lotts in Providence . . ."' and "A map of the 
house Lotts in the Towne Street, Stampers Hill, accepted 

^ Wm. R. Staples: Annals of the Town of Providence, page 36; 
Chas. W. Hopkins: The Home Lots of the Early Settlers; Howard M. 
Chapin: The Lands and Houses of the First Settlers of Providence, R. L 
Hist. Coll., January, 1919. 

- Staples Annals, page 37. 

^ Plats of Streets and Highways in Providence, Book I, page 12. 


3d Febr'y 1717/18 Taken from the Chest containing the 
Papers of the Ancient Harris Family. . . ." The house lots 
as platted were much smaller than those of the first divi- 
sion, none exceeding eight thousand square feet in area. 
Numerous highways are indicated on the plats"*: the original 
Towne street, which formerly terminated at the northern- 
most home lot, was extended "fourty foot wide" and ap- 
parently continued as the road to Pawtucketj "A street 
Twenty foot wide over Stampers hill" ( later known as 
Stampers Street, and merged into North Main Street when 
the latter highway was widened in 1920) intersected the 
Towne street near the top of Constitution Hill and ran 
some nine hundred feet to the north; farther to the west 
was a highway winding down the hillside in a southerly 
direction from the Towne street to the Moshassuck River j 
the present Olney Street is shown on the plats, as well as a 
"gangway" which later became Benefit Street. 

Most of the house lots of the second division were located 
west of the Towne street; four lots, in addition to the 
"prison lot", were platted in the triangular space where 
North Main and Benefit streets now converge; two lots 
are shown east of the Towne street, just south of Olney; 
and on one of the plats twelve lots are indicated on the 
south side of Olney Street east of North Main. 

A comparison of the plan of the original home lots as 
reconstructed by Charles W. Hopkins' with the plats of 
the second division shows an overlapping of all of the lots 
east of North Main Street as laid out in the later allotment 
of lands. Obviously the proprietors could not have in- 
cluded in the second division lands already privately 
owned; therefore those apparently overlapping lots were 
not a part of the earlier division. 

The original owner of the most northern home lot was 
Gregory Dexter, the northern boundary of whose land, 
according to Mr. Hopkins, was a lane, known as Dexter's 

* See accompanying 1 Sth centur\- map. 
^ The Home Lotts of the Earl\- Settlers. 



Eighteenth Centuj^y 

o Jbo' jooo' 

5cale. I I I I I I I I I I 1 

Prawn by John JlutcnJn5 Cady 


lane, where Olney Street is now located. The platting of 
house lots on the south side of Olney Street in the second 
division indicates, however, that Dexter's northern line 
was nearly one hundred feet south of Olney Street. It 
seems probable, therefore, that the western end of Dexter's 
lane was common land, one hundred and fifty feet wide, 
more or less. On the north side of the common, i.e. the 
present northeast corner of North Main and Olney, 
Epenetus Olney established a tavern. The town stocks 
were set up on the common'' and the village smithy also 
stood there' . Coincident with the second allotment Dexter's 
lane was probably moved northward to the present location 
of Olney Street. 

The triangular area between North Main and Benefit 
streets, as platted for house lots in the second division, was 
bounded on the south by Joseph Whipple's land. Ap- 
parently at this point the Towne street originally turned 
eastward and paralleled the north bound of the fifth home 
lot for a short distance before resuming its northward 
course* in order to avoid the ravine'' which extended down 
to the mill pond. This fact is borne out by the record of a 
conveyance of four house lots by Benedict Arnold to John 
Whipple, September 10, 1666, "Bounded on ye North 
party by ye Common & partly by ye howSelott of Edward 
Manton"^". Possibly the ravine was later partially filled 
and rocks or other obstructions removed, which made it 
possible to straighten the Towne street at this point and 
make available the triangular area of common land for sale. 

The nineteen original house lots north of Meeting 
Street were computed by Mr. Hopkins to have an average 
width of one hundred and twenty-two feet; the revised 
location of the northernmost lot, as described above, would 

^ Early Records of Providence, \'ol. \'III, page 142. 

^ Earlv Records of Providence, \'ol. XI, page 49. 

* See accompanying 17th century map. 

" Dorr: The Planting and Growth of Providence, page 14. 

^" Early Records of Providence, \'ol. XX, page 281. 

GO 40 

60 lOO /lO itiO 



Seventeenth Century 

o yoo' 1000 

5cale I I I I I I -r-r-r-i- | 
JJraWn oy John Jlutcnins Cady 


reduce that average to one hundred and thirteen feet. The 
four lots deeded to Joseph Whipple by Benedict Arnold 
were described as four hundred and fifty feet wide in the 
aggregate, an average of one hundred and twelve and 
one-half feet for each lot. The Roger Williams lot was 
marked "6 poles 4 feet wide" (112 feet) on "A True 
plat of Benefit Street. . . . February the 11th, 1748"''j 
this lot must originally have been over twenty feet wider, 
however, to have extended from the north line of Bowen 
Street northward to include Williams' house, the location 
of which has been fixed at a spot north of Howland Street. 
With respect to the area of the original home lots, Mr. 
Hopkins made the following computations: nineteen lots 
in the northern section averaged five and one-half acres 
each, twenty-one lots in the middle section averaged a 
little over five acres, and twelve lots in the southern sec- 
tion averaged four and one-half acres. The total area of 
the home lots included within the bounds shown on the 
accompanying map of Providence in the seventeenth 
century, after deducting the land used for the two original 
lanes, is approximately three hundred and thirty-two acres. 
On that basis the fifty-two home lots averaged a little over 
six and one-third acres per lot, an area considerably in 
excess of Mr. Hopkins' estimate. The question is there- 
fore asked whether all of the lots were as long as commonly 
believed and whether the highway at the head of the lots, 
whose lines Hope Street is supposed to follow, might 
not have been located farther to the west. In support of 
that theory is the record of the appropriation by the Town 
to William Arnold of his house share measuring in length 
"five score and twelve poles . . . the poles being sixteen 
feet and one half"'", or 1848 feet, whereas the length 
from North Main Street to Hope Street at the location of 
the Arnold lot is approximately 2300 feet. On the other 
hand the bounds established for the present Meeting and 

^^ Plats of Streets and Highways in Providence, Book I, page 17. 
^' Hopkins: The Home Lots of the Early Settlers, page 23. 


Power Streets in 1731 and 1758, respectively^"^, apparently 
identify Hope Street as the eastern bound of the Home 
lots. The courses of the "highway that leads up into the 
Neck by the County House from the Towne Street to the 
highway at the head of the town lots" aggregated one 
hundred and seventy-seven poles j and those for the "high- 
way lieing from Towne Street eastwardly into a highway 
that goes across at the end of the town lots between the 
lands of Joseph Whipple and Nicholas Power" totalled 
one hundred and thirty-four poles. Those distances are 
approximately the present lengths of the two streets from 
North and South Main to Hope. 

The houses of the early settlers were located near the 
Towne street; on the hillside behind them were the 
orchards and family burial lots; the area over the brow 
of the hill to the eastern end of the lots was forest and 
swamp land. The highway at the head of the lots was 
probably little more that a foot trail. It is doubtful if 
the original owners knew, or cared, just where their lots 
ended. The informal method of measuring distances with 
poles, which varied from sixteen to eighteen feet in length, 
and the necessity of dodging trees and swampy places when 
the surveys were made, may well account for the numerous 
inconsistencies found in dimensions given in the early 
records of the colony. 

^•^ Early Records of Providence, Vol. IX, pages 59, 76. 


Silas Cooke — A Victim of the Revolution 

By Susan Stanton Brayton 

After the expulsion of the British from Boston in 1776, 
the Island of Rhode Island and the adjacent waters became 
the New England storm centre in the War of the Revolu- 
tion. As early as 1772 in fact, the burning of the Gaspee, 
an English vessel sent to check smuggling, whose com- 
mander had exceeded his authority in the search for con- 
traband articles, had inaugurated a series of events which 
brought distress and suffering to Rhode Island. An English 
fleet patrolled the bay, committing depredations on the 
smaller islands and the coast of the mainland. 

In December 1776 Sir Peter Parker was sent with a 
British squadron to Rhode Island. Upon the approach 
of his fleet a large number of people living on the coast, 
with their stock and other possessions, were conveyed to 
shelter in the interior. On December 8 his army disem- 
barked and after a night of pillage marched to Newport, 
establishing quarters for some of the soldiers, on the way, 
in farm houses in Middletown. 

The general in command of the British garrison, Major 
General Prescott, was a man of brutal tendencies, and 
fortunately was removed for a time, having been captured 
and sent to Washington. During his year's absence, Gen- 
eral Pigot was in charge. 

In 1778 in an attempt to dislodge the British, General 
Sullivan with Greene and Lafayette was sent to co-operate 
with the French fleet and army under Count d'Estaing. 
The fleet, after maneuvers with the English, was disabled 
in a storm and proceeded to Boston for repairs. Sullivan 
defeated the English forces in the Battle of Rhode Island 
on August 29, but was unable to follow up his victory and 
retreated to the mainland. For another year the islanders 
endured the horrors of pilhige and starvation. In October 



1779 the British garrison was ordered to evacuate the 
island and a fleet of transports arrived to embark the army 
and as many of the Tories as cared to accompany them. 
They departed leaving a trail of desolation behind them. 
The city of Newport never recovered from the blow dealt 
to her commerce. v 

In July 1780, Admiral de Ternay, with a fleet of ten 
ships and an army of 6000 men commanded by the Count 
de Rochambeau, arrived in Newport from France, to give 
aid to Washington. The fleet, however, was blockaded in 
Narragansett Bay by a British squadron j and the army 
spent a year in idleness on the island, finally moving to 
the seat of war in the South. 

Among th.ose who chose to remain in Newport upon 
the approach of the British in 1776, was Silas Cooke, a 
prosperous merchant and distiller. He was also a farmer, 
having, in May 1776, taken a sub-lease of Whitehall in 
Middletown, an estate once owned by Bishop Berkeley, 
who had given it to Yale College, in 1 769. 

Silas Cooke had served England among the Rhode 
Island troops in the French and Indian War, and was 
generally called Captain Cooke. He was listed in Dr. Ezra 
Stiles' diary as a Tory. Two of his daughters married into 
the Brenton family which was Royalist in sympathy. Early 
in the war his son Silas Cooke, Jr., had failed to take an 
oath demanded by the Colony and had been ordered to 
remove to South Kingstown. 

Captain Cooke fared badly at the hands of the British 
army of occupation j his garden and hen roosts became the 
prey of Sullivan's needy soldiers j and when the French 
came in 1780, he was ordered to surrender buildings for 
their use. 

One of Captain Cooke's daughters married Henry Mar- 
chant. Among the papers of the Marchant family there 
were recently found memoranda and lists drawn up by 
Silas Cooke setting forth his losses and damages during the 
five troublous years, 1776-1781. 


His writing is well nigh undecipherable, his spelling 
is erratically phonetic, and his use of capitals quite original. 
The story of his sufferings is, however, vivid and pictur- 
esque. It is transcribed exactly as written, with the addition 
of punctuation marks for clearness. 

In a small note book of paper sheets stitched together 
are 26 pages of Captain Cooke's grievances, supplemented 
on several loose sheets by itemized statements of values, 
rents, etc. 


Dec. 7, 1776 This morning I sent my horse cart by Vigo 
Gidley with a Load of Turnips and Cabages to Town, in 
his return was Met by an officer of Coll. J"" Cook. Stopt 
his cart by Mr. Benj. Peckham's house. Tooke ye horse, 
the Cart, Sadel, Bridel, Hames, Coller, &c from ye Negro, 
Loaded ye Cart with Sheap and Carried them of. 1 never 
have got any one of ye artikles yit. N.B. ye horse cost 
hard money Dollars 64, Cart 47, Hames 1, Coller 1, 
Bridel 1, Sadel 3--- 117 

Dec. 7. After Braikfast I send my ox Cart upon ye Island 
for a load of Wood for Presarved Fish. 2 pr Cattel in 
their Return was Met by sundry Carts earring War Like 
Bagage to ye Ferrey. Theay tooke one pair of ye Cattel 
and carrid them of the Island. mySelf and other person 
jug"^ ye Cattel to Weigh Neare 1800 Weight, no Satis- 
faction as yit. also ye Iron Chane. Judged the Cattel to be 
Worth 120 Dollars ^ & 26 

Chane & Yoke 3 

Dec. 7, 1776 this day at Neare 12 o'clock the Fleet was 
Sean off a Coming from N. Yorke. Theay arriv*^ a Littel 
before Nighte at Wm Stoddards Cove. They Landed their 
Troops ye Next day. General Clinton Commanded the 
Land forces. Sir Peter Parker ye Navy. 
Dec. 12, 1776 This day I had Quartered upon me in my 
house at White Hall by Captain Henry Savage and Jn° 


Piper Depity Quarter Masters Generals Brigadier General 
Huyne, his Adjutant, Mr. Harker, & Eight Servants, 
Theay ware furnished with 3 Differant Rooms with fire 
places. Theay remaind at my house untill ye 26 of May 
1777. 1 furnished them with wood during ye time theay 
Remand at my house -untill ye 26 Day of May which I 
measured to them which was 65 cord. Theay stole and 
burnt for me 13 or 14 hundred Rayles; theay stole 26 
Turkeys, 32 Gease, 138 Dunhil fowles; the General had 
a Roome with a bead and beding, his adjutant a Roome, 
Bead & Beading, also their servants. I Never rec'^ any pay 
for Wood &c, &c, &c. But have an order for ye Wood upon 
Henry Savage & John Piper. Was always told when a 
General acc^ -was setteled Should be paid. 

N.B. Mr. Henry Savage and ]i\° Piper ordered my 
littel Carte be Deliv*^ Gen. Huyne. Was don. No Return 

When ye Troops first arriv'' Stephen Cooke, Barak 
Master Demanded the Keays of my Store, it was Deliv 
him ye 15 day of Dec. 1776, at which time their remand 
in ye Store a Bl. of Tarr, 320 lb Copper. 

N.B. October 12, 1779 Stephen Cooke Deliv'^ me ye 
keay of my Store. The Bl. of Tarr gone, also the Coper 
and Refus'' to allow me Rent or pay for Tarr & Coper. 

Applied to General Prescot. answer I have nothing 

to Say. 

When ye King's Troops first arri\''' in Dec'' 1 776 Stephen 
Cook Barack Master Quarterd in my house I Bought of 
Nicholas Carr, neare my Still house, 36 Solders. Theay 
remand their untill June following, at which time theay 
left it. I fasened up ye house. Theay had Taken away 
all ye Lockes and Dores innside of ye house, also ye Wash 
house — The Solders after the house was left begun to 
pull up ye Clapbords and Tooke out ye Windows. I applyd 
to General Pigett to have leave to pull ye house Down. 
Was Refus"^. Still ye Solders was at Worke. I appley'^ 
again. He told me' if I could find any of his Solders a 


Distroying ye house he would punish them. I hired 2 
persons to Watch and they found Sergant Roberson and 
Several Solders at Worke a hauling Down Som part of 
ye house. I appley'' again, the Sargent Denied it untill 
proof made — then Confest — after that he gave me Leave 
to pull down what was Left, Which was only part of ye 

N.B. before the King's Troops arriv'^ I Refus'' 500 
Dollars for ye house and to be Remov"^ from ye Ground 
in 7 Days. 

Maj'' Jn" Morrison Commisary General in ye begining 
of Aug. 1777 Tooke my Still house and hid it with Hay 
in Bundels which Remand their untill ye Later end of 
March 1778. Still Kept the Keays. he also fild my Still 
house that my son Peter Cooke Improved, at ye Same time, 
ye Hay Taken away ye begining of April. Still kept ye 

D'Estaing arriv'' ye 28 of July, 1778. he Departed 
from ye Island ye 1 1 or 12 of Aug* 1778 

Aug. 3, 1778 This day Capt Davoin, Agent Tolman, 
& Mr. Dunlap took ye Keays of my Stabel from my Negro. 
Turned out of ye Stabel my horse & Cow and put in their 
Horses. I appley'^ to General pigott for redress, his an- 
swer was that their horses must be in my Stabel Except I 
would find another for them. Theay Drove Down the 
Petison between ye Stabel and Chase house so was oblig 
to remove my Chase. Theay then put in more horses. I 
appelyed to ye General again, told him that their horses 
was eating up all my Hay. the answer was theay must 
eate Hay and had a Wright to take it any Ware. They 
eate up at least 6 Tuns Hay 

When General Sullivan was upon ye Island General 
Pigote — Capt. Durabant, Capt. Henry Savage & John 
Piper Demanded my still house floures to Make Platforms 
for their Carrage Guns. Theay tooke 1744 feet plans from 
my upper Still house also from my Still house that Peter 
Cooke improv'^ 762 feet Plank. 


Dec. 2, 1777 the last Neight I had one of my Cows 
taken from my Barn and Carred up in ye Meadow & Kildj 
in ye morning we found ye head & Hide only. 

When General Sullivan was a coming upon the Island, 
General Pigott, General Prescott, Capt du Aubant, Henry 
Savage, John Piper ordered all my fence round my upper 
Lott to be Taken away and given to the Solders also Every 
Bodys Else had ye Same fate 

Theay Drove Every Body's Cattel within ye Lines ye 
Same time promised if any Lost Should be paid for. there 
was I suppose more than one half kild to fead ye Solders. 
I lost 3 Cows, application made for payment, not a fard- 
ing to any person. Som others lost all their Cows & oxen 

Feb. 12 This Day Stephen Cooke Barack Master, the 
General Prescote, Henery Savage & Jn" Piper ordered ye 
wharfs to be cutt up for the Solders hreing. Mine was Cutt 
up. I had in ye wharf which I made my Self 96 cord of 
pine which I paid for. When ye ace**" come to be setteld 
they allow me for 7 Cord of Wood. 5 Dollars a Cord only. 
Everybody in proportion. I Compland to General Pres- 
cote. i\nswer I have Nothing to Say. 

When theay first arrived theay puld down all my Ciardin 
fence oppersett my Still house — also all my fence round 
my Garden S of ye Church — also my fence Round my 
lott of Land North of the Church Land — also all my 
fence Round my Lott out of ye Town joyning Jn" Law- 
ton's Land. 

Mr. John Piper, July 30, 1778, took my horse, Sadel 
& Bridel from Mr. Burdick Boy when at Reads Mill at ye 
time ye french fleet first arriv^ ye horse I gott again, no 
Sadel nor Bridel. 

July 30, 1778 Coll. Ennes of the artillery Took my 
3 horses and Negro man to Cart. Which he kept untill 
the 30 of Aug*, no pay. one of ye Horses was Worked 
so much he Deyed in a few days after I got him. no pay. 

Memorandom The 12 day of April 1777 Capt. Da- 
bunt, Harry Savage, & Jn" Piper ordered my Scow to be 


Taken to Carry Warr Like Stores in ye Neck. He had 
3 Oares belonging to the Scow which they had. ye Scow was 
almost New. — N.B. I never could git ye Scow. When 
they Was agoeing away they cutt hir up. 


Oct. 10, 1778 This day General Prescot General — , 
a Hasshan General, Capt. Henry Savage & Maj' Barrey 
Demanded Keays of my Stabel opperset to my Still house 
to putt their Hoshen artillery horses in. was Deliver'^ 
Their was Two Tuns of Hay in ye Loft which thay prom- 
ised to pay for, but Never could git the money — Thay 
Took away their horses ye 24 of May. When they had 
ye Stabel it was Devided in Two parts for 10 horses, a 
Dore in Each Division, thay have Taken away ye Division 
Bouth Locks from Each Dore. no pay for Hay or any- 
thing Else. 


Nov' 4, 1778 This day Maj' John Morrison Com- 
mersary and his Depity Mr. Parkin also John Forrester 
putt upon my farme White Hall the Sheap and Cattel 
Belonging to ye armeyj Sheap 936, Cattel 16. They re- 
maind upon ye Farme untill ye 9 of April. John Forrister 
was furnished with a Roome in my house; ye other Officers 
and Solders had my Small house in ye yard to Live in. Jn° 
Forrister was head officer in the time they were at my house, 
thay cutt up hve Gaytes post and use to Burn, also 42 Appel 
Trees, 5 plum do, 14 peach do; Every Cherrey Tree ex- 
cept one, 132 in number, 486 Lockes ( locusts), and a large 
Number of Button & other Tres, 832 in all 

They Broke ye Windows & Window Frames in ye Littel 
house, floures, Dores, etc., etc. Cost me to put in som 
Kind of Order 24 Dollars — they also cute me down a 
Nusury of Cherrey Trees, Suppose neare 2000 in Number. 
Theay also Broke my Barn floures and Divisions, Burnt 
a Number of my Rayles. I appley'' to Maj' Morrison & 


Mr. Parkin to have them Remov'' in Vain, at last I waited 
on Gen' Prescottj he told me the Stock must be their for 
John Forrister said their was no place on ye Island fitt for 
him and ye Solders to be at with ye Stock and Forrister 
had advis'' to that in ye first place. The Sheap and Cattel 
Remand so late in ye Spring that I did not Cuct above 
half ye Grass as I did ye year before. 

N.B. Jn° Forrister tells me that Mr. Wm. Wanton 
had 200 Sheap in ye flock. Mr. Wm. Wanton agrees to 
pay 2'" ( r ) ahead per Weake a Sheap. 

I drew out an ace' against Maj'' Morrison for keeping 
the Stock and Damages don in Cutting Down my Trees, 
Gaytes, horse Barn, &c. he refus'^ to pay anything. I apply'^ 
to General Prescott, Whom told me that if I did not L,ike 
it he Would Take ye Farme himself in ye Spring Except 
I paid him ye Rent from ye time ye Kings Armey was 
upon ye Island. 

Memorandom Feb. 22, 1779 at ye Neight of ye above 
day I had my house Robed, I suppose by ye 38 Ridgement, 
of vize — 1 Silver Tankard Marked S*^Rj 1 Silver Cann 
Marked only with \'e Makers Name on y^ Bottom, S. 
Casey; 1 Silver Porrager S^Rj 1 Silver Pepper Box 
Marked R.W. or S^R; 1 Silver Tabel Spoon, 1 Silver 
Tea Spoon; 1 pr Silver Sugar Tongues; 1 pr Silver Shooe 
Buckels; 1 pr Silver Neay Buckels; 1 Blew Cloke; 1 Sur- 
tute; 2 Beaver Hatts; 1 Tea Chist with 10 or 12 Dollars 
in it; Several Hanchifers, aporns. Stockings &c, 

N.B. their was a Coart Marshel held to Enquire Con- 
cerning this Theft — my Neay Buckels was found upon 
one Jack Edwards of ye 38. I have all the Reason in ye 
World to Suspect very foul play in ye affaire. 

Memorandom Sept. 8, 1779 this day Stephen Cooke, 
Barrick Master, D'' ye Kea\'s of my Still and Refuse to 
pay Rent. 


This day Deliv'' Mr. Francis Brindley ye Keays of ye 
Still house to putt Straw in. promised to pay Rent, ye 
Commissary Mr. Heigh says he will give 200 Dollars 
a year. 

Sept. 20. this day Deliv'' Mr. Brindley ye Keays of my 
upper Still house for Straw, Mr. Hakey to pay 200 Dollars 
a year. 

Oct. 25 this day the Kings Troops left the Island. 

Memorandom Oct. 26, 1779 this day General Gaytes 
Entered ye Town with his Troops. 28 this day the 
Keays of my Still houses No 1 & 2 ware D*^. Young Mum- 
ford was with ye Straw. I expect to be paid Rent for ye 
Distill houses. 

To crown all 

Sundrys lost upon White Hall Farme at the time General 
Sullivan was upon ye Island by his army &c — 
15 Acores Corn, 4-1/2 Potatoes, 5-1/2 Barley 

7 Oatesj 24 Tuns Hay; 4 Large Hoggs, 
23 Gease, 19 Ducks, 54 Dunghill fowls j 
20 Beads Onions of 42 feet in Length to Produce 
60 or 80 Bushel; 24 Cheese, 642 Large Cabage, 
10 or 12 Bushe Beats, a hhd MoUases of 108 Gallon. 
Cost me 2/6 sterling per gallon; 842 Rayls to Bake 
their Bread; 5 hows, 2 spades, 1 pick ax, 2 Hay forks; 
800-1000 feet pine Boards. 

Sundry other artikles; no act of as yett. 

Damage in ye Coopers Shopp, Vize ye Chamber Floures, 
500 feet Bourds, 400 feet Joyce, 4 Sope Frames for Hard 
Sope I suppose 30 Dollars, 
fence Round ye Lower Still house Gardin 

Suppose 300 Cord 

Stones from Bouth Still House Worfes. a Large fish hh'^ 
full of Chalk. 


The second paper of importance is headed — 

"Account of Losses & Damages sustained, and what was 
furnished by Silas Cooke, for the use of his Majesty's 
troops, while at Rhode Island uncier the command of the 
Generals Prescott & Pigot.'' 

It contains a list of thfe articles lost, rent for houses used, 
etc., with the valuation- set upon each, and is substantially 
the same as the memoranda of Silas Cooke. It is beauti- 
fully and correctly penned. The total amount of damage 
is£ 1490 -8 - 10. 

There are three papers relating to the quartering of 
the French in 1780. 

Mr. Silas Cook Newport, July 20, 1780 

will give the Distill House that did 

belong to Peter Cook for the use of the Forrige department. 

Jabez Champlin BM. 
Mr. Silas Cook ' Newport, Aug* 3, 1780 

will give his Stone on Browns Wharf for the use of 
Forrige department 

Jabez Champlin BM 

Mr. Silas Cook Newport, Octo^ 17, 1780 

will give Quarters for one Lieutenant of de Royal Deux- 

ponts Regiment 

No 176 Jabez Champlin BM. 

Next in order is a paper headed "Resolve of Congress" 
reading thus: 

Monday, Sept. 17th, 1781 

Resolved. That it be recommended to the executive power 
of the State of Rhode Island &c to settle and pa\' tne 
reasonable rents not already paid of such store houses as 
have been used by order of the commanders of the Frencn 
fleet and army in that State, and charge the same to the 
LTnited States. 


Arnold's History of Rhode Island states that on May 7, 
1787 Congress proceeded in earnest to settle the accounts 
of the States with the general government and directed the 
Treasury Board to appoint five commissioners; in June 
1787 the Assembly appointed Rouse J. Helme and John 
Jenckes to complete the accounts of the State against the 
General Government, preparatory to the visit of the treas- 
ury commissioners; in September 1788 Congress extended 
the time for adjusting the accounts of the several states 
and appointed three commissioners to examine those claims 
for which no vouchers could be found. 

In 1788, therefore, Silas Cooke, by dictation, presented 
the following bill 

The United States of America to Silas Cooke, Dr. 

To Hay, Oats, and Barley as per Peleg Sherman's f orrige 
Master's Cert^*^ of Feb. 14, 1780 £ 234-0-0 

To Interest from the 14th of Feb. 1780 to ye 
22d Dec. 1780 at 6 per cent 124-0-0 


To one horse and Cart and their tackle taken out 
of my Service & possession by a State Officer on 
the 7th Day of Dec 1 776 then in Col. John Cooks 
Department for which I never rec'^ any 
Compensation, the whole amounting to £ 35-2 Real 
Money as per Memo. Book 35-2-0 

To Interest for 1 2 years at 6 per cent 25-0-0 


To 1 United States Certificate for two hundred 

Specie Dollars of the 27 of October 1779 60-0-0 

To Interest nine years 32-8-0 



To the Rent of my Distill House from the 27th 

October, 1779 to the 18th of July 1780 for 

Straw is 9 month at £ 5, Silver money per 

month 45. 

To 8 years Interest 21.-2- 

To Rent of Storage &c due on Ac^ of the French 
Troops on the Island of Newport as per Resolve 
of Congress amounting to 302-8-10 

To Interest seven years 168-14- 

£471 2-10 

Copy as delivered to Jn° Jencks & Rouse J. Helme 
Esq* agreable to appointment & order of Assembly 
Dec-" 1788. 

The reverse of the sheet contains an itemized memorandum 
of damages done on Farm in the Sullivan Expedition on 
Rhode Island. These amounted to £ 369-7. 

Another paper, substantially the same as the one de- 
livered to Rouse J. Helme and John Jencks, has been 
checked by the commissioner as having been entered. 

On March 25, 1780 Silas Cooke transferred his lease 
of Whitehall to his son Silas Cooke, Jr. 

Two letters are extant relating to this estate indicating 
that the circumstances of the war had made it difficult for 
Captain Cooke to be prompt in the payment of rent. 

Newport, Rho. Island, 13 Feb'y 1781 
Rev'' Sir, 

I duly rec'' your favor of the hfth instance in reply to 
which am very sorry to be informed of the young gentle- 
man's impatience. I had determined previous to the receipt 


of yours to discharge all arrearages of rents to the 25th 
March next, which will be punctually performed, and 
should any accident retard the payment a few days, am 
in hopes they will be induced to use clemency with me, 
as they may depend on being made entirely safe as to their 
demands. My son will be with you in person on or before 
the 25th March next when everything will be done for their 
satisfaction. Interim, beg leave to inclose you a Memo- 
randum of the sufferings of the Farm in the Expedition 
on the Island, & hope that also may serve to excite mod- 
eration in the Breasts of those Gentlemen. 

I am 

With Profound Respect 
Rev^ Sir 

Your very Humble Ser\'ant 
Silas Cooke 
To the 

Rev"^ Doct'r Ezra Stiles 

Yale College 
New Haven 

Newport, Rhode Island 
25th May, 1781 

Rev. Sir, 

I duly received your favor from Mr. Channing of the 
eighth instant. Observe the contents. Am greatly obliged 
to your very polite attention and the gentleman's kind 
wishes in our favour, previous to the receipt of yours above 
mentioned, or the last vote of the corporation, I had dis- 
charged Miss Scott's notej as you will perceive by the date 
of her receipt on ye same which I now enclose you as a 
voucher, this for my own satisfaction as well as to fulfill 
my promise to you on my departure from New Ha\'en. 
I am now to request the favour of you to forward me two 
receipts of the same tenor and date for the last hve years' 
rents due on \V. Hall farm. Two are necessar\- for this 
reason, the perst)n who has purchased the lease will requ're 


one, and as I have idemnified him in the instrument of con- 
veyance one is also requisite for me. Am of opinion the 
receipts wrote in full for the principle and interest will be 
most satisfactory to both parties. 

I am with great respect, Rev. Sir, your very humble and 
obedient servant 

S. Cooke, Jr. 

Greaty impoverished by the war, in 1 790, Captain Cooke 
advertised his Newport property for sale — house, store, 
garden — lot and distillery, and with his wife retired to 
the home of his son-in-law, Colonel Robert Brown in South 
Kingstown. There he died in 1792. 

Silas Cooke probably never received any compensation 
for his losses j but it is on record that on September 22, 
1795, there was paid to John Brown of South Kingstown, 
administrator of his estate, the sum of $66.61, this being 
Cooke's proportion of the funds which had been appropri- 
ated by the state for the settlement of such claims as his. 


Privateer Sloop Independent 

A Journal kept by Peleg Hozey, Master 

(From Original Manuscript 
in the Rhode Island Historical Society Library) 

{concluded from vol. A'A'A'Z, page 89) 

Remarks On Sunday Sept 1 1776 
The Fust Part of this Thike and Fogge Weither Smuth 
Sea Sounded Gott 37 Fathem Sum times Case and Then 
Fine Black Sand and Sum Shels Brocken Middle Part 
Plesant Clear Weither This Day Being the onely Day 
Seing Sun Sett For this 1 2 Day att 6 A. M Saw 5 Sails to 
Windard att 10 D° Saw 3 Saile to Leward Standing to the 
Southard Spoke With one of them out of Nantucitt 1 Days 
Nantucett Island Bore W by S 18 Lagaues Destent Wind 
Being head Stood to Southward Latt Part Still In Com- 
peny with the Brigg and Fishing men all well on Bord 

Remarks on Monday Sept, 2 1776 
This Fust Part Pleasent Weither Smuth Sea Still in 
Compeny with Brigg, the wind Enclines to the westward 
Middle Part Fresh Breeses a 12 AM Crost The Great 
Ripp at 6 AM Made the Land Bareing West Distance 
3 Leagues In 8 Fathem Wartes Sonutheble Head Makes 
Very hie one Part Markes Likes Scrubs oaks the other Part 
White Sand Saw 3 Wind Miles a cross the Low Land & 
Saw the Town Land Making Longger then It is Lade Down 
a Sandey Poynt Making In 3 Homeks Latter Part Pleasant 
All Hands Well on Board 

Remarks on Tuseday Septamber 3 1776 
The Fust Part Pleasant Weither Smuth Sea At 6 PM, 
came to Ancher In Compeney With one Franch Sloop one 
Prise Brigg Belonging to the Cabbatt and our one Prise 


Brigg a AM came to Ancher att Sanday Poyant Bore SW 
Desteance one Mile The Town open In Sight our Brigg 
Being 2 Leagues to Windard Lather 1 Part Pleseant all 
Well on Bord 

Remarkes Wendseday Sept. 4 1776 
The Fust Part Pleasent Smuth Sea Light Breeses a 2 
Came to Saile In Compeny With the Foresaid Vessill att 
10 PM Come to Ancher In Homps hole our Prises In 
With us at 6 AM histe out the Bote Corred the Capt on 
Shore the wind Being a head obliged us to Lay By 

Remarkes on Thursday Sept 5 1 776 
This 24 Houers It Being Plesasent Weither all heands 
on Board the wind conteunerd a Head Meddle Part Wind 
at Noth Blow Very heave Both Anchers Down Boat on 
Bonbord a 5 A. M. came to Saile in compeny With 5 Sail 
a 1 1 come to Ancher at Tarploin Cove Two Boats Come 
on Borde With Solders Fitted out the Boate and Sent on 
Shore To Fill Sum warter all Well on Bord. 


Mrs. Sidney L. Wright, Jr., has been elected to mem- 
bership in the Society. 

The Society notes with regret the death of Miss Edith 
May Tilley, Librarian of the Newport Historical Society, 
whose willing cooperation with the Society for over thirty 
years has been of invaluable assistance. 


The Gore Roll of Arms 

By Harold Bowditch 

{concluded from vol. XXXI, page 96) 

The following table will facilitate reference. 

The first column shows the folio, recto or verso, on which 
the arms in question appear in the original Gore Roll. 

The second column shows the serial numeration of the 
arms used in this description. 

The third column shows the numeration in the Child 
copy and in Whitmore's description of 1 865 in the Heraldic 
Journal of the corresponding coats. 

The fourth column shows the numeration used by Whit- 
more in his description of 1 866 in the Elements of Heraldry 
of the corresponding coats. 

1 r 

1 V 


2 V 

3 r 













Sargent. Shrimpton. 



Leverett. Sedgwick. 







Brattle. Legge. 
Richards. Winthrop. 
Frost. Davis. 
Norden. Latimer. 






Sargent. Spencer. 







Apthorp. Manshridge 



3 V 



5 r 

5 V 





8 r 












Foster. Hawkins. 




Saltonstall. Whittingham, 










27 ^ 






Stoddard. Evance. 
















Stoddard. Roberts. 


3 3 






Addington. Norton. 




Cook. Leverett. 
















Calewell. Mun. 







































Chute. Breton. 






















5 5 




























10 V 


11 V 

12 r 




5 3 


Gee. Thacher. 
















Pell. Clarke. 








Yeomans. Shrimpton. 












Mont fort. 








Dudley. Tyng. 




BrindcslcA-. Burghdon. 
































Frazer. Foulis. 












































McAdams, Kilhy. Clark, 




































The figures refer to the serial numbers, not to pages. The 
names in capitals occur in the Gore Roll, the others in the 


ap John 63 

Apperlev, Appulev, Appurley ,. 97 

APTHORP, Athorpe 1... 20 


BARKER : 47 


Beauvais 67 

Beche 98 


BELL :. 99 

Berkeley 5 5 

Borden 73 

Boreland, Borelands, 


BRATTLE 9, 30 


Brind(e)slev, Brindle, 

BRIN(s)'LEY 58, 73 

BROWN 44, 57 

BURDEN, Burghdon 73 

Burn 75 

Burnell 92 


Ce(e)]v 14 



Chetwvnd 14 


Chicklev 14 

CHUTE 49, 54 

CLARK(E) 65, 92 


COOK(e) 35, 36, 90 

Cooper 27 

Cosen, Cosyn 86 

Couper, Cowper 27 

Cressy 29 


Cupper 27 



DA\lS(on) 11 

Dawney 79 

Denvers 86 

DUDLEY 60, 72 


DYER 29 

EV^^NCE, EVANS 17, 28 

Fitz Eustace 92 

FO(r)STER 22,23 

Foulis, FOWLE 81 

Frazer, FRIZELL 81 

FROST 1 1 

Gale 62 

Gay, GEE 61 

Goldsworthy 79 

Gray ' 90 

Green 100 

Grev 90 

GroVe 97 

Guy, Gye 61 

HAR\TY 19 


Hu(r)se, HU(R)ST 43 

HUTCHINSON 40, 46, 64 

}^y 6 

Jeakle, JEKYLL 74 

"joy 6 

ke(l)ling 96 

KILBY 90, 92 

Kirby 92 




Legat 86 



LEGG(E) 7, 9 

Leman, LEM(m)ON 38 

Lenthoine 89 

Lenthorp, Lenthrop, Leven- 

thorp 89 

Lever 8 

LE\T.RETT 8, 3 5 


Macadam, McADAMS 5 3 



Ma(u)nsel(l) 5 3 



Multon 90 

MUN 39 





PA(I)GE :... 42 

Paul 16 

PELL .„... 65 


PERN 75 




Piperell 97 

POLE, Pool(e) 16 

Pyldren 77 

R:cver 29 

RICHARDS 10, 33 

Rider 29 



Rowley 29 


SARGENT 5, 13, 31 


Savre 92 


Scholar, SCOLLAY 94 



Seward 93 

Sevncks 90 


Sillv 14 



Spragge, Spraggs, SPRAGUE 88 

Stonham 5, 67 

STODDARD 28, 32, 71 



TAILER, Tatler 26 


Tavlor 26 

THA(t)CHER 61 

Thomas 20 

Tillotson, TILS(T)ON 80 

Tong(e), Tongue 79 

Tothill, TUTTLE 68 

Twing 79 

TYNG 72, 79 

\'astons 5, 67 

\'isnel 90 

WADE 69 

Waire 78 

WALDRON, Walrond 84 

Walworth 92 

WARR 78 

Wastoyle 5, 67 






WINTHROP 1, 10,41 

WOOD 50 


Ycamans, YEOMANS 67 

H 99 78 ''-^ 

Form of Legacy 

"/ give and bequeath to the Rhode Island 
Historical Society the sum of 

RoGKR Will lAMS Press '^I^' 

I'. A. Johnson Co. 

, .l^:'-* 



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^<^^ S^"^' ^^.^fA"- 

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FiB "fS" 

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