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Historical Tracts. 

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NO. 1G. 

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It is necessary that the publisher of this series of Tracts .should 
explain why this Tract is included in the scries. It was written 
in Massachusetts previously to 1075, by a resident, and is a very 
earnest and powerful argument against that policy carried out 
by the Government and Clergy of the Province, by which num- 
bers of excellent men and women were imprisoned, whipped, 
banished, or suffered martyrdom, on account of their religious 
belief. Mary Dyer, the wife of the Rhode Island Secretary, was 
just as much a martyr as was John Huss. A recent writer on 
Roger Williams's banishment, maintains that Williams was ban- 
ished because he was politically dangerous to the state. Was 
Mary Dyer hanged in Massachusetts because she, too, was polit- 
ically dangerous to the state? Another and still later writer 
maintains that Rhode Island was settled by a parcel of religious 
fanatics. Pray what epithet will he apply to those who remained 
in Massachusetts to hang or put in irons the poor fauatics who 
would not surrender their opinions nor their lands? Herein 
Rhode Island they reasoned with men to convince them of their 
religious errors, and, failing to convince, let them alone. In 
Massachusetts, failing to convince, they brought an end to the 
argument by hanging the ''fanatic." 


Mr. Folgcr, who lived at the time, was of mature years, pos- 
sessed of a clear intelligence and of a powerful mind, makes no 
mention of these poor fanatics being "politically dangerous to 
the state," but he expressly says : 

" The cause of this their surt'erin^ 
Was not for any sin." 

Will the persistent misrepresentations of the writers of Massa- 
chusetts history never come to an end? What force is there in 
the argument that lioger Williams was politically dangerous to 
the state when everybody can see that within a stone's throw of 
Massachusetts he founded another state, which grew and pros- 
pered certainly as much as the one from which he was driven, 
and from which came forth those principles of religious liberty 
which to-day govern not only Massachusetts, but every other 
portion of the civilized world. Writers of what they wish called 
history would do well to cease misrepresenting these facts. It 
is because Mr. Folger makes special reference to these poor 
"fanatics" who settled in Khode Island, and suffered afterwards 
in Massachusetts, ami because of his manly protest against all 
such treatment, his fearless statement of the truth as he saw it, 
that the publisher has been induced to reprint his verses. To- 
day the world at large outside of the commonwealth is with Mr. 
Folgcr, and when he tells the Massachusetts magistrate, 

" Indeed I really believe 

its not your buisne^s 
To meddle with the church of Christ 

in matters more or less," 

the world is with him; and men wonder that these relics of a 
barbaric aae find defenders in this nineteenth century. 


The fourth specification of the charges against Williams, .is giv- 
en by Winthrop, and upon which every writer must rely, is as fol- 
lows : " That the civil magistrate's power extends only to the 
bodies and goods and outward state of man." According to these 
modern investigators, this fourth specification had no reference to 
the rights of conscience. They hold that it clearly showed Mr. 
Williams to be in opposition to " a due subordination to the 
powers that be in the state, made him a subverter of the very 
foundations of their government." * 

Mr. Williams believed the power of the civil magistrate ex- 
tended to the body and goods of the citizens of the state and 
not farther: this was subverting the very foundations of the gov- 

The author of a recently published and apparently exhaustive 
examination of the case of Roger Williams, reaches the conclu- 
sion, first that Williams was not banished at all —"exclusion 1 ' is 
the euphemistic phiase he uses; and second, that his views con- 
cerning liberty of conscience had little or nothing to do with the 
"exclusion," but that Williams was "excluded" for "reasons 
purely political," and having no relations to any other subjects 
"than those bearing on the common rights of property." A 
still more recent writer, in his " short history of the English 
Colonies," gives us music from the same lyre, indeed it almost 
seems that he must have read the former treatise, for he also 
disbelieves in the " banishment" of Mr. Williams; " driven out" 
is the phrase which he uses, "not because lie believed in liberty 
of conscience, but because his acts were politically dangerous." 

*"As to Roger Williams" P :1 S e 9« 

10 publisher's note. 

Williams held that the King of England possessed uo title to 
the land in New England, that it belonged to the original pos- 
sessor, the Indian, and that any valid title to it must be obtained 
by paying the Indian for it. This he claimed the .Massachusetts 
settlers had not done, and therefore their titles were invalid. 

The doctrine that a person holding to the opinion that the 
owner and possessor of property is entitled to be paid for it, is a 
"person politically dangerous to the state," seems altogether 
novel. Such a defence set up by some delinquent debtor before 
the Supreme Court of Massachusetts, would be an occasion of 
some interest in these days to such poor " fanatics " as are now 
living in these Plantations. 

Having given his reasons for reproducing, as a Rhode Island 
Historical Tract, Mr. Folger's verses, the publisher has com- 
piled from various sources some account of Mr. Folger, "the 
strong-brained and free-hearted old surveyor of Nantucket." Mr. 
Duyckinck says "he was an Englishman, that he came to Ameri- 
ca with his father from Norwich in 1G35, that he was then eight- 
een years of age. The family settled at Martha's Vineyard. In 
1GG3 Peter Folger removed to Nantucket among the first settlers. 
He was one of five commissioners to lay out the land, being well 
qualified by his knowledge of surveying for such a task. The 
words of the order prove the estimation in which he was held in 
the community, ' whatsoever shall be done by them, or any three 
of them, Peter Folger being one, shall be accounted legal and 
valid.' He was learned in the Indian languages and was of 
much service as an interpreter." 

He died in 1G90, leaving a wife and several children. His 
youngest daughter, Abiah, became the mother of Benjamin Frank- 


liu, who, in his autobiography makes honorable mention of his 

mother, and his grandfather, and especially of these verses, thus : 
"I was born at Boston in New England. My mother, the sec- 
ond wife, was Abiah Folger, daughter of Peter Folger, one of 
the first colonists of New England, of whom Cotton Mather 
makes honorable mention in his ecclesiastical history of that 
province as a pious and learned Englishman, if 1 rightly recollect 
his expressions. I have been told of his having written a variety 
of little pieces, but there appears to be only one in print, which 
I met with many years ago. It was published in the year 1C75, 
and is in familiar verse agreeably to the tales of the times and 
country. The author addresses himself to the governors for the 
time being, speaks for liberty of conscience, and in favour of the 
anabaptists, quakers, and other sectaries who had suffered per- 
secution. To this persecution he attributes the wars with the 
natives and other calamities which alllicted the country, regard- 
ing them as judgments of God iu punishment of so odious an 
offence, and he exhorts the government to the repeal of laws so 
contrary to charity. The poem appeared to be written with a 
maul)- freedom and a pleasing simplicity." 

From the statement made by Franklin that these verses were 
published in 107.", the opinion has hitherto been held that there 
was such an edition. It has now come to be doubted. In fact 
in one edition of the autobiography the words, " published in 
1075," were altered to ''written in 1G75." No copy is now 
known previous to that of 1703, from which this edition is re- 

In the forthcoming volume of the catalogue of the library of 
the late John Carter Brown, Mr. John R. Bartlett has surveyed 



the whole ground. From his note the publisher has been per- 
mitted to make such extracts us he desired. Mr. Bartlett says: 
"Notwithstanding these assertions that the Looking Glass for 
the Times, was printed in 1(575, no copy of such edition is known 
to exist, nor is it found in any catalogue; the inference is that 
the writers who mention a printed edition of 1075, arc in error. 
That they saw a manuscript copy of it and that the ilrst and only 
printed edition of it is that of 1763. Sabin in his dictionary 
gives both editions, but says he never saw the former. Mr. 
Duyckinck reprinted the verses, but he tool: them from a manu- 
script copy." 

If, as it now seems to be shown by Mr. Bartlett, the verses 
were not printed until 170:1, nearly three quarters of a century 
after Mr. Folger's death, some of the commendations bestowed 
on him by Prof. Tyler, because " he nobly declined shirking all 
responsibility in the affair, but just wove his name and his place 
of abode into the tissue of his verse," disappear. It cannot be 
held that a man particularly braves public sentiment whose ut- 
terances are kept out of sight, in manuscript, three quarters of 
a century after his death. With another opinion by this same 
writer there can be no difference, that "this ballad, though with- 
out one sparkle of poetry, is great in frankness and in force." 


Looking GLASS 



O R, 

The former Spirit of New-E?igla?id 

revived in this generation. 

To which is added, 

The Reports from the Lords of the Com- 
mittee of Councils, and the King's 
Order relating to the People called 
Quakers in New -Engl and. 

By Peter Folger. 

Let all that read thefe Verfes know, 
That I intend fome thing to /how 
About our War, how it hath been, 
And alfo what is the chief Sin, 
That God doth fo uith us contend, 
And when thefe JVars are like to end. 
Read then in Lo ue ; do not defpife 
What here isfet before thine eyes. 

Printed in the Year 1763. 

( 2 ) 


Looking Glass, &c. 

r EJV- England for theie many Years 
hath had both Reft and Peace, 
But now the Cafe is otherwife ; 

our Trouble doth encreafe. 
The plague of War is now begun 

in fome great Colonies, 
And many Towns as defolate 

we may fee with our Eyes. 
The Lofs of many goodly Men 

we may lament alfo, 
Who in the War have loft their lives, 

and fallen by our Foe. 
Our Women alfo they have took, 

and Children very fmall ; 
Great Cruelty they have ufed 

to fome, tho' not to all. 

( 3 ) 

The Enemy that hath done this, 

are very fooliili Men ; 
Yet God doth make of them a Rod 

to puniih us for Sin. 
If we then truly turn to God, 

he will remove his Ire, 
And will forthwith take this his Rod 

And caff, it into Fire. 
Let us then fearch what is the Sin 

that God doth puniih for; 
And when found out caft it away, 

and ever it abhor. 
Sure 'tis not chiefly for thofe Sins 

that Magiftrates do name, 
And make good Laws for to fapprefs, 

and execute the fame. 
But 'tis for that fame crying Sin, 

that Rulers will not own, 
And that whereby much Cruelty 

to brethren hath been mown : 
The Sin of Perfecution 

fuch Laws eftablifhed ; 

( 4 ) 

By which Laws they have gone fo far, 

as Blood hath touched Blood. 
It is now Forty Years ago, 

fince fome of those were made, 
Which was the Ground and. Rile of all 

the perfecuting Trade. 
Then many worthy perfons were 

banished to the Woods, 
Where they among the Natives did 

lofe their moft precious Bloods. 
And fince that, many Godley Men 

have been to Prifon fent ; 
They have been fin'd and whip'd a!fo, 

and fuffer'd Baniihment. 
The Caufe of this their Suffering 

was not for any Sin, 
But for the Witnefs that they bare 

against Babes Sprinkling. 
Of later time their hath been fome 

Men come into this Land, 
To warn the Rulers of their Sins, 

as I do underfland. 

( 5 ) 

They call'd on all, both great and fmall, 

to fear God and repent ; 
And for their Testimonies thus 

they surfer'd Punimment. 
Yea, fome of them they did affirm, 

that they were lent of God 
To teflify to great and small, 

that God would fend his Rod 
Againft thofe Colonies, becaufe 

'they did make Laws not good ; 
And if thofe Laws were not repeal'd, 

the end would be in Blood. 
And tho' that thefe were harmlefs Men, 

and did no hurt to any, 
But lived well like honeft Men, 

as teftify'd by many ; 
Yet did thefe Laws entrap them fo, 

that they were put to Death, 
And could not have the Liberty 

to fpeak near their laft Breath. 
But thefe Men were as I have heard, 

against our College Men ; 




( 6 ) 

And this was out of doubt to me, 

that which was moft their sin. 
They did reprove all Hirelings, 

with a moft Sharp Reproof, 
Because they knew not how to preach, 

till fure of Means enough. 
Now to the Sufferings of thefe Men, 

I have but gave a hint ; 
Becaufe that in George Bijhofts Book 

you may fee all in print. 
But may we know the Counfellors 

that brought our Ruler sin, 
To be fo guilty as they are, 

of the aforefaid Sin ? 
They were the tribe of Minifters, 

as they are said to be, 
Who always to our Magiftrates 

muft be the eyes to fee, 
Thefe are the Men that by their Wits, 

have fpun so fair a Thread, 
That now themfelves and others are 

of Natives in a Dread. 

( 7 ) 

What need is there of fuch a Fear 

if we have done no 111 ? 
But 'tis becaufe that we have been 

not doing of God's Will. 
When Cain had llain his Brother, then 

began this Fear to be, 
That every Man would do to him 

the fame that did him fee. 
The Scripture doth declare the Cauie 

why Cain did kill his Brother ; 
It was because the Deeds of one 

was good, and not the other. 
Becaufe that God did Favour (how 

To Abel more than he, 
That was in verity the thing 

that Envy could not fee. 
Then let us all, both great and fmall 

take heed how we do fight 
Againft the Spirit of the Lord, 

which is our higheft Light. 
Let Magiftrates and Miniflers 

confider what thev do ; 


( 8 ) 

Let them repeal thofe evil Laws, 

and break thofe Bands in two, 
Which have been made as Traps and Snares 

to catch the Innocents, 
And whereby it has gonefo far, 

to Adts of Violence. 
I fee you write yourselves in Print, 

the Balm of Gilead ; 
Then do not act as if you were 

like Men that are half mad. 
If you can heal the Land, what is 

the Caufe things are fo bad ? 
I think inftead of that, you make 

the Hearts of People fad. 
Is this a Time for you to prefs, 

to draw the Blood of thofe 
That are your Neighbours and your Friends 

as if you had no Foes. 
Yeafome there are, as I have heard, 

have lately found out Tricks 
To put the Caufe of all the War 

upon the Here ticks, 

( 9 ) 

Or rather on fome Officers 

that now begin to Hack 
The execution of thole Laws, 

whofe confequence is black. 
I do affirm to you, if that 

be really your mind, 
You mart go turn another Leaf, 

before that Peace you rind. 
Now loving Friends and Country-Men, 

I wifh we may be wife ; 
Tis now a time for every Man 

to fee with his own Eyes. 
'Tis eafy to provoke the Lord 

to fend among us War ; 
'Tis eafy to do Violence, 

to envy and to jar ; 
To fhew a Spirit that is high, 

to fcorn and domineer; 
To pride it out as if there were, 

no God to make us fear; 
To covet what is not our own, 

to cheat and to opprefs ; 

( io ) 

To live a Life that might free us 

from Adts of Righteoufnefs ; 
To fwear and lie, and to be drunk, 

to backbite one another ; 
To carry Tales that may do hurt 

and Mifchief to our Brother! 
To live in fuch Hypocrify, 

as Men may think us good, 
Although our Hearts within are full 

of Evil, and of Blood. 
All thefe and many Evils more 

are eafy for to do ; 
But to repent, and to reform, 

we have no Strength unto. 
Let us then feek for help from God, 

and turn to him that fmite ; 
Let us take heed, that at no time, 

we fin againft our Light. 
Let's bear our testimony plain 

'gainft Sin in High and Low ; 
And fee that we no Cowards be, 

to hide the Light we know. 

( II ) 

When Jonathan is call'd to Court, 

(hall we as Stancier's by, 
Be fl: ill and have no Word to fpeak, 

but suffer him to die ? 
If that you fay you cannot help, 

things will be as they are ; 
I tell you true, 'tis plain and clear, 

thofe Words may come from fear. 
That you mall lofe fome carnal things, 

if you do fpeak for God ; 
And here you go the neareft way 

to tafte deep of his Rod. 
"Tis true, there are some times indeed 

of Silence to the Meek ; 
Not ever, for the Lord doth fay, 

there is a time to fpeak. 
Be vigilant then for to fee 

the movings of your heart, 
And you will know right well the time 

when you fhall act your Part. 
I would not have you for to think, 

tho' I have wrote fo much, 


( I* ) 

That I hereby do throw a Stone 

at Magiftrates af such. 
The Rulers in the Country I 

do own them in the Lord ; 
And fuch as are for Government, 

with them I do accord. 
But that which I intend hereby, 

is that they would keep bound, 
And meddle not with God's Worfhip, 

for which they have no ground. 
And I am not alone herein, 

there's many hundreds more 
That have for many Year's ago 

fpake much upon that Score, 
Indeed I really believe 

it's not your Buiiness 
To meddle with the Church of Chrift. 

in Matters more or lefs, 
There's work enough to do belides, 

to judge in mine and thine 9 
To fuccour Poor and Fatherlefs, 

that is the Work in fine. 

( >3 ) 

And I dor think that now you find 

enough of that to do ; 
Much more at fuch a Time as this 

as there is War alio, 
Indeed I count it very low 

for People in thefe Days, 
To afk the Rulers for their leave 

to ferve God in his Ways. 
I count it worfe in Magiflrates 

to ufe the Iron Sword, 
To do that Work which Chrift alone 

will do by his own Word. 
The Church may now go ftay at home, 

there's nothing for to do ; 
Their Work is all cut out by Law, 

and almoft made up too. 
Now Reader, leaft vou (hould miftake, 

in what I laid before 
Concerning Minifter's, I think 

to write a few Words more, 
I would not have you for to think 

that I am such a Fool, 


( 14 ) 

To write againft Learning, as fuch', 

or to cry down a School. 
But 'tis that Popijh College way, 

that I intend hereby, 
Where Men are mew'd no in a Caee, 

fit for all Villany. 
But I fliall leave this paddle Stuff 

to neighbours at the Door, 
That can fpeak more unto fuch things, 

upon a knowing Score. 
And now thefe Men though ne'er fo bad, 

when they have learn'd their Trade, 
They muft come in and bear a Part, 

whatever Laws are made. 
I can't but wonder for to fee 

our Magiftrates and Wife, 
That they fit frill, and fuffer them, 

to ride on them, not rife, 
And ftir them up to do that Work 

that Scripture Rule there wants, 
To perfecute and perfecute 

Those that they judge are Saints. 


( is ) 

There's one thing, more that I believe 

is worfe than all the reft, 
They vilify the Spirit of God, 

and count School Learning Beft. 
If that a Boy hath learn'd his Trade, 

and can the Spirit difgrace, 
Then he is lifted up on high, 

and needs mult have a Place, 
But I fhall leave this dirty Stuff, 

and give but here a hint, 
Becaufe that you have CradocJz s Book, 

and may fee more in Print. 
There are fome few, it may be, that 

are clear of this fame Trade; 
And of thofe Men, I only fay, 

thefe Verfes are not made. 
Now for the length of time, how long 

these Wars are like to be, 
I may fpeak fomething unto that, 

if Men will reafon fee. 
The Scripture doth point out the time, 

and 'tis as we do chuie, 

( 16 ) 

For to obey the Voice of God, 

or elfe for to refufe. 
The Prophet "Jeremy doth fay, 

when War is threatened fore, 
That if Men do repent and turn, 

God will afflict no more. 
But fuch a turning unto God, 

as is but Verbally, 
When Men refufe for to reform, 

it is not worth a fly. 
'Tis hard for you, as I do hear, 

though you be under Rod, 
To fay to IJrael Go, you, 

and Jerve the Lord your God. 
Though you do many Prayers make, 

and add Fafting thereto, 
Yet if your Hands be full of Blood, 

all this will never do. 
The end that God doth fend his Sword, 

is that we might amend; 
Then if that we reform aright, 

the War wil fhortlv end. 

( i<7 ) 

New- England they are like the Jews, 

as like, as like can be; 
They made large Promifes to God, 

at home and at the Sea: 
They did proclaim free Liberty, 

they cut the Calf in twain, 
They paft between the Part thereof: 

O this was all in vain ! 
For fince they came into this Land, 

they floated to and fro, 
Sometimes their Brethren mav be free, 

while hence to Prifon go. 
According as the times to go, 

and Weather is abroad, 
So we can ferve our felves fometimes, 

and fometimes ferve the Lord. 
But let us hear what God doth fay 

to fuch backfliding Men, 
That can with Eafe fo break their Vows, 

and foon go back again. Jer. 34. 

He faith he will proclaim for them, 

a Freedom to the Sword, 


( i» ) 

Becaufe they would not fear him fo 

as to obey his Word. 
This Liberty unto the Sword, 

he hath proclaim'd for us, 
And we are like to feel it long, 

if Matters do go thus. 
'Tis better for our Magifl rates, 

to fhorten time, I fay, 
By breaking of thofe Bands in two, 

that look an evil way. 
You do profefs your felves to be 

Men that do pray always, 
They do not keep such evil Laws, 

as may ferve at wet Days. 
If that the Peace of God did rule 

with Power in our Heart, 
Then outward War would flee away, 

and Reft would be our Part. 
If we could love our Brethren, 

and do to them, I lay, 
As we would they mould do to us, 

we mould be quite ftraightway. 

( 19 ) 

But if that we a fmiting go 

of Fellow-Servants fo 
No marvel if our Wars encreafe, 

and things fo heavy go. 
'Tis like that fome may think and fay, 

our War would not remain, 
If fo be that a thoufand more 

of Natives were but llain. 
Alafs ! thefe are but foolifli thoughts, 

God can make more arife, 
And if that there were none at all, 

he can make War with Flys. 
It is the Prefence of the Lord 

muft make our Foes to make, 
Or elfe it's like he will e'er long, 

know how to make us quake. 
Let us lie low before the Lord, 

in all Humility, 
And then we fhall with Afa fee 

our Enemies to ily. 
But if that we do leave the Lord, 

and truft in Flefhly Arm, 

( *o ) 

Then 'tis no wonder if that we 

do here more News of Harm. 
Let's have our Faith and Hope in God, 

and truft in him alone, 
And then no doubt this Storm of War 

it quickly will be gone. 
Thus Reader, I in Love to all, 

leave thefe few Lines with thee, 
Hoping that in the Subftance we 

mail very well agree. 
If that you do miilike the Verfe, 

for its uncomely Drefs, 
I tell thee true, I never thought 

that it would pal's the Prefs, 
If any at the Matter kick, 

it's like he's^gall'd at Heart, 
And that's the Reafon why he kicks, 

becaufe he finds it fmart. 
I am for Peace, and not for War, 

and that's the Reafon why 
I write more plain than fome Men do, 

that ufe to daub and lie. 

( 2« ) 

But I mall ceafe and let my Name 

to what I here infert, 
Becaufe to be a Libeller, 

I hate it with my Heart. 
From *Sherbon Town, where now I dwell, 

my Name I do put here, 
Without Offence your real Friend, 

it is Peter Folger. April 23, 1676. 

* Nantucket. 

( ^ ) 


At the Court at St. JJMES's, the 2d Day of June, 1724. 
The KING'S moil Excellent Maiefly. 
His Royal Highnefs the Duke of Newcaftle. 

Prince of Wales. Earl of Weflmorland. 

A. B. of Canterbury. Lord Vifc. Townihend. 

Lord Chancellor. Lord Vifc. Torrington. 

Lord Prcfident. Mr. Speaker of the Koufe 

Lord Privy Seal. of Commons. 

Lord Chamberlain. Mr. Vice Chamberlain. 

Duke of Roxburg. William Pultney, Efq; 

UPON reading this Day at the Board, a Report from 
the Right Honourable the Lords of the Commit- 
tee of Councils, upon the Petition of Thomas Richardfon 
and Richard Partridge, on behalf of Jofepb Anthony, 
John SiJ/on, John Akin, and Phi I Up Taber, Prifoners in 
the common Goal at New Briftol, in his Majefty's Pro- 
vince of the Majfachufetts-Bay in Neta England, for not 
aferiing the Inhabitants of the Towns of Dartmouth and 
Tiverton, the additional Taxes of one Hundred Pounds, 
and Seventy two Pounds eleven Shillings, impofed upon 
them by an Act palled there in the Year 1722, which 
appears to be for the Maintenance of Prefbyterian Mi- 
ntilers, who are not of their peri'waiion ; and alfo in 
behalf of their Friends called Quakers in general, who 
are frequently under great Sufferings for Confcience fake 

( 2 3 ) 

in that Government: By which Report it appears, that 
their Lordihips are of Opinion, that it may be advifa- 
ble for his Majcily to remit the faid additional Taxes, 
fo impofed on the laid two Towns, and to difcharge the 
faid Pcrfons from Goal. 

His Majelly in Council taking the faid Report into 
Confideration, is graciously pleafed to " approve thereof, 
and hereby to -remit the faid additional Taxes of one 
Hundred Pounds, and Seventy two Pounds eleven Shil- 
lings, which were by faid Act to be aifcifcd on the faid 
Towns of Dartmouth & Tiverton. And his Majcfly is 
hereby further pleafed to order, that the laid Jofepb 
Anthony , John Sijfbn, John a kin, & Phillip Taber, be im- 
mediately releafed from their Imprifonment on account 
thereof. And the Governour, Lieutenant Governour, 
and Commander in Chief for the time being, of his Ma- 
jelly's faid Province of the Majfachufetts-Bay, and all o- 
thers whom it may concern, are to take Notice, and yield 
due Obedience hereunto Temple Stanyan. 

To the KING's moft Excellent Mnjejly, 
May it pleafe your Majefty, 
N Obedience to an Order in Council from the late 
Lords Jultices, during your Majefty's Abfence abroad, 
bearing date the 24th day of October lall, we did m?ke 
a Reprefentation upon an Act pafs'd in the Province of 
the MaJJacbusetts-Bay in New-England in 1722, entituled, 
An Ac! for apportioning and ajfe-jfing a Tax of Six Thou/and 
two Hundred thirty two Pounds thirteen Shillings & eleven 
Pence. Since which Time another Act mention'd in the 

( 24 ) 

faid Order of Reference paffed the 29th day of May, 
1723, enti tilled, An Acl for apportioning and ajfejfing a 
Tax of Six Thoufand tzvo Hundred and five Pounds fifteen 
Shillings cV eleven Pence Half Penny, is come to our hands ; 
by which Act a Tax is laid in exprefs Terms upon the 
Inhabitants of Dartmouth and Tiverton* for the Support 
of a Prefbyterian, whom they call an Orthodox Miniftcr, 
which falls almoft entirely upon the Quakers; there be- 
ing very few Inhabitants of any other Perfwafion in thefe 
two Towns. But as by the Charter granted to this Pro- 
vince, a free and abfolute Liberty of Confcience to all 
Chriftans (except Papifts) was intended to have been 
their Foundation and Support ; and as by fcveral Laws 
pafled there, it feems to have been laid down as a juft 
and equitable Rule, that the Majority of each Town- 
Congregation mould have the choice of their own Teach- 
ers, we cannot fee why the Quakers mould be refufed this 
Liberty in the Towns where they are fo great a Majority, 
and be obliged to maintain a Teacher of different Per- 
fwafion. Wherefore we humbly propoie to your Majeftv, 
that this Aft may be repealed. 

Which is mofi humbly fubmitted y 
Whitehall, May 6, 1724. Weftmorland. 

A true Copy, T. Pelham. 

Teft. R. Partridge. M. Bladen. 

Edw. Athe. 




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