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Vol. XI 

January, 1918 

No. 1. 

WILFRED H. MUNRO, President EDWARD K. ALDRICH, Jr. Treasurer 

Please address communications to Howard M. Chapin, Librarian, 
68 Waterman Street, Providence, R. I. 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the 
opinions of contributors. 

'Preliminary Report to the Society of Colonial 

Wars of Rhode Island on the Excavations 

at the Jireh Bull Garrison House on 

Tower Hill hi South Kingstown 


Captain Waite Winthrop, writing from Smith's, July 9, 
1675, to his father, Governor John Winthrop of Connecticut, 
says that his troopers had gone "to quarter at Jer: Bulls 
where there is about 16 of the neibours it being a convenient 
larg stone house with a good ston wall yard before it which 
is a kind of small fortyfycation to it." It was further to 
develope this, the only written evidence as to what the house 
was, that the excavations, of which this is a partial account, 
were undertaken. 

Part way up the eastern slope of Tower Hill on that portion 
of the "Bull-Dyer farm," which is now owned by Mr. Samuel 
G. Peckham, there has been for many years a series of mounds, 
betrayed as stone heaps by the outcropping fragments, and 
marked, in part, as a rectangle by an old growth of buck- 
thorns. The spot thus indicated has always been the tradi- 



I/. //- 



tional site of what is generally called Bull's Garrison or Block 
House, which was burned by the Indians December 15, 1675, 
and which, though probably not originally intended as: a 
fortification, did serve as a refuge for seventeen of the neigh- 
bors, only two of whom escaped the savages. 

This location is exactly shown on the map which is given in 
figure i. If one follows the Middle Bridge or Tower Hill 
road down into the valley of the Narrow River and turns to 
the right, or toward the south, he will see, just before the turn 
to the bridge, a triangular piece of meadow in the southwest 
corner of which is a bar-way. Beyond this an old road zig- 
zags up the hill. By following this road up to and beyond 
the stone wall, one will find a trail toward the left or south 
which will bring him to the site. 

Here, at the west end of the rectangle already described 
as marked by the buckthorns, the excavations were begun by 
Mr. Kissouth and his workmen under the direction of the 
committee. The ruins of a large stone house with two fire- 
places and remains of a paved court in front of it soon came to 
light. This is clearly shown as house A in the plan, figure 3, 
and in the photographs. There was no cellar. On the south 
there was apparently a large door, near which a lock and large 
key were found. A pine tree six pence in splendid preserva- 
tion except that, alas, it has been clipped! and a beautiful 
silver bodkin, probably of Dutch origin, but possibly made at 
Newport, were brought to light in the same house. The 
bodkin was marked M B, probably for Mary Bull. Fragments 
of glass, too, and pottery appeared, the latter not earlier than 
1700 and several early spoons of tinned brass and iron, like 
those dug up on the field of battle in the Great Swamp. 

The eastern house, A, is a large rectangular structure 30 
feet wide by 40 feet long. At the western end are the two 
large fireplaces, placed side by side, as they are in the Eleazer 
Arnold house, near the Butterfly Factory in Lincoln. The 
smaller of these openings is 4 feet 10 inches across, the larger 
9 feet 4 inches. They are 3 feet 6 inches deep. Only in the 
smaller does the hearth remain. Within the house a fragment 
of an iron fireback was found. 


At the southwest, in the corner, were most probably the 
stairs. It was as a support for these that the flat stone shown 
in the plan was put across the corner. Beside this stone there 
was another which fell in the course of the digging. 

No signs of supports in the middle of the space appear, 
except at the east end, where an exceedingly rough foundation, 
not so heavy as the outer wall, projects about 10 feet from 
the eastern wall. 

In front of the eastern part of the house was a good sized 
area paved with rough flat stones. These were not laid level, 
but followed the slope of the ground, and were highest 
opposite the old opening in the south wall of the house. A 
pod auger, as it is called, a plane iron, a gauge, a chisel, and a 
stone or brick hammer were found here. 

The house and the space around it were full of stone. The 
gable ends had fallen eastward ; the one into the area of the 
house, the other down the hill on the outside. 

About ten feet west of this first house, we discovered, by 
trenching westward, to find, if possible, the outer wall spoken 
of by Winthrop, another building, even larger than the first, 
which we have indicated by B on the plan. The south wall 
of part of this was in line with the south wall of the eastern 
house, but the north wall was about four feet north of the 
northern wall of the building A. 

This new building proved to be divided into two rectangles, 
an eastern and a western, by a heavy partition wall. The 
western rectangle, again, was nearly divided by a mass of 
masonry into two others. 

At the south of the eastern division of the house was a 
pavement or fragment of a pavement of a blue slate which is 
found near the Bonnet on Boston Neck. It is in the wrong 
location for a hearth and extends across the whole rectangle. 
At the southwest corner is a break in the wall and, in the re- 
entrant angle, an area with a rough stone foundation, which 
probably once carried more pavement, but which seems to be 
outside the house. 

The western rectangle is about 27 feet wide and 65 feet 
long. Near the middle of it, close to the south wall, are some 










foundations which appear to be those of a heavy central chim- 
ney. On the eastern side of this chimney foundation is a 
clearly defined hearth, mostly of the blue slate from the Bonnet 
which we have already spoken of. In front of this a charred 
joist mere charcoal is still in place. On the western side 
is a single flat stone, at a higher level than the blue slate 
hearth. It is a fragment of another hearth all the rest of 
which has disappeared, for the remainder of the chimney is 
merely rough foundation, from the northwest corner of which 
a piece of wall runs northward for a few feet. 

From the east wall of this house B, as the plan will show, 
there runs a rough foundation which is very similar in position 
and quality to that at the eastern end of house A. 

On the western wall of B are two projections which look 
like the rough foundations of another fireplace. Just north 
of the northern projection begins a foundation which runs 
eastward in a line with the eastern foundation just spoken of 
above. It looks as if it formed a corner with the wall running 
north from the chimney. 

Against the south wall, again, is a foundation which seems 
to be that of an inner wall. 

In this area some very interesting and important fragments 
were found. A pair of cock's head hinges came to light, the 
first to be found in Rhode Island. On the north side of the 
outer north wall a small pocket of charcoal was found, and 
in digging into it, we unearthed a pair of H hinges. The win- 
dow sash or shutter had fallen or been thrown there and had 

Some old glass appeared here, still in its original lead calmes 
or setting. It had, from its long sojourn in the earth, the 
beautiful iridescence which makes "favrile glass" sell at a 
high price. Here, too, was part of a gun barrel, a flint lock, 
possibly of the same gun, a dripping pan, a piece of an andiron, 
part of a trammel, bone knife handles and several other bits 
of shovels and hoes, with hinges and other ironware. Every- 
where were fragments of tobacco pipes of old shapes, most 
all of them white, but some of red clay. This was true of all 
the area dug over. 





In the extreme southwest corner was another pocket of 
charcoal, and here two joists, one across the building, the other 
at right angles, were marked by the charcoal remains of them, 
while a continuous layer represented the floor. A small mass 
of melted lead was found here, and also a quantity of nails. 

At the west of the building was a thin wall, or rather the 
foundations of such a wall, which may have been an enclosure 
for a yard. It ran 30 feet westward and turned toward the 
south. There was mortar in the south wall of this house, but 
a good deal of the work was laid dry. There was very little 
stone apart from that still in place in the walls, and the work 
was quite rough. The north wall was especially poor. 

South of the house B, about 20 feet away, was a small 
structure with heavy walls. This building, which we have 
called house C, is best described by the plan. It forms three 
sides of a rectangle and measures 16 feet from south to north. 
It thus has two side walls and a back wall, and against the 
back wall is a fireplace of which the hearth, with the founda- 
tion thereof, has long ago disappeared. South of the fireplace 
is a place for the stairs or the ladder which served as a stair- 
way. Across both fireplace and stairway is a rough founda- 
tion which probably carried an old sill or a line of joists. 

There is mortar in the outer walls of this building. The 
south wall shows, at the corner, where it meets the end wall, 
a bond-stone or "toother" as if it had once gone on further 
toward the west. 

No well has yet been found. It is almost certain that one 
existed in the enclosure. A spring still flows several hundred 
feet to the west, another at the northeast and still another at 
the southeast ; but all are too far away. 

For years the buildings must have served as quarry for the 
farm. It is known that they were still used 80 or 100 years 
ago for the building of stone walls. Only the smaller stones 
were left, and those which were so piled up as to be trouble- 
some to get out. The outer wall of which Winthrop speaks 
was probably the first to go. Then the stones from the others 
were taken till the masonry was cut down to the level of the 
ground where it was soon covered by earth and grass. . 


It may be in order now to make some suggestions as to the 
history of the various buildings the ruins of which we have 
unearthed. These will be subject to revision in the light that 
further investigation, not only upon the site, but in the town 
and State records, may throw upon the whole matter. 

That there have been three houses on the land is evident. 
Possibly there was once a fourth. 

The first house excavated, "A," is the latest. It was prob- 
ably built after Bull came back to the site when the war was 
over, or by his son after Jireh's death in 1684. It is of a 
lean-to type, closely resembling the Eleazer Arnold house in 

The house which Capt. Waite Winthrop saw and described 
was what we have called the western building and have 
designated as "B" on the plan. This had on the east what 
may have been a courtyard or terrace, which still retains part 
of its paving. This house was probably one room deep, with 
a center chimney, on either side of which was a room and 
behind which was a stair. This placing of the stairs behind 
the chimney was an old English or perhaps a Welsh plan, as 
can be seen in any book of plans of English cottages. The 
western end of this house may well be an addition. It cuts 
across the foundation of the old wall, which seems like a part 
of the curtain, which we found still further west. It is 
possibly the house sold to Jireh Bull by William Bundy, Octo- 
ber 27, 1663. (R. I. Land Ev. II, 320.) 

The south building may be the oldest on the place. It looks 
to be a stone fireplace end for a small wooden house, such as 
the Carr house was on Conanicut Island before it was rebuilt. 
More excavation, however, has yet to be done at the east of 
this fragment. 

Winthrop says of Bull's at Pettaquamscutt "which is a con- 
venient larg stone house with a good ston wall yard before 
it, which is a kind of small fortyfycation to it." 

The large court enclosing all the buildings could hardly be 
called small. That at the east of the house would be before it 
to one approaching from the lower slope of the hill, and this 
was probably the original approach, for Bull was of Newport 


and came and went in a boat. The last we know of him 
before the burning of the house is told by Roger Williams in 
nis letter to Governor Winthrop, dated July 27, 1675 : "Sir, 
just now comes in Sam Dier in a catch from Newport, to fetch 
over Jireh Bull's wife and children and others of Pettaquam- 

That Bull returned to this farm after the war is certain, 
since he had Church of England services held there in 1683 
by Rev. Mr. Spear, as is proved by the deposition of Henry 
Gardiner in 1738. 

Jireh Bull came to Pettaquamscutt in 1663, perhaps earlier. 
On October 27 of that year he bought of William Bundy a 
twenty acre house lot stretching up the hill from the river, 
which formed the eastern bound. On the south it was bounded 
by a lot Bull already had, and on the north by "A Lott granted 
Rowse Helme." On the west it was bounded by land "not 
Layd out which said Lott hath a hous upon it." (R. I. Land 
Evidence, Vol. II., p. 320.) 

In 1668, on June 4, for 28 the Pettaquamscutt purchasers 
deeded to Jireh Bull 500 acres, 20 of which formed a house lot 
bounded north "by a Lott formerly granted unto William 
Bundy & now in possession of sd Jireh Bull on the east by 
Pitticomscutt river on ye south by a Lott granted unto William 
Haviland & now in Possession of Jireh Bull." This is ap- 
parently the lot which Bull had south of Bundy, as mentioned 
in the latter' s deed, and which he was then holding, though 
he received no deed of it till five years later. 

On one of these three lots these houses probably stand. We 
may be able, in the later and more complete report which we 
shall make to the Society, to place these old lots accurately on 
the plat of the present farm, as well as to speak more con- 
fidently of the buildings themselves. 

The writings of Roger Williams, which were unpublished at the time 
of his death, are listed chronologically in the following table. The 
fourth, fifth and sixth columns contain references to where the writings 
have been printed, and the last column gives the present location of the 
originals. "N" signifies Narragansett Club Publication vol. 6. The 
other abbreviations are obvious. 



List of Roger 

1629 To Lady Barrington 

1629 May 2 

1 " 


1 John Winthrop 

Plymouth N-r 

'1635] *' Church at Salem 


1636 " John Winthrop 


'1636] October 24 


Providence N-7 

"1636 or 7] 

" " " 

New Providence N-I4 

'1637 May] 

" " " 


" ] 

1 II << 

. " N-20 


1 It II 


" 13] 

' [Henry Vane] 


June 2] 

' John Winthrop 

New Providence N-2? 

" 21] 

i ii 11 





" 10] 


ii .4 N_ 3? 

" 10] 

I . .4 

N- 4 o 

" II] 

I I. 


] " 15 

1 1 (I 

New Providence N-46 

] " 21 

I . 


" 31] 

1 1 (1 

N- 5 2 

] August 20 

IK < 


September 12 

' Richard Collicut 


Oct. or Nov.] 

' John Winthrop 



i i 11 



>< i < 


] October 28 



] November 10 



] 20 " 


'1638] January 10 

I . 

Providence N-84 

] February 28 

It it i( 


March 24 Town Evidence 

i April 16 To John Winthrop 

N-8 9 

May 22 

II II <l 


May 27 

II II tl 



1 . II ( 


" 1 

.1 II I 


: " ] 

II l( 1 


[ ] July 23 

1 l< 1 


[ August] 

" ' 


[ 1 "H 

II 1 !< 


[ ] September 10 

II 1 11 

Narragansett N-n? 

[ Sept. or Oct.] 

II 1 II 


[ September 

<! . (I 


October 8 Initial Deed 

[ ] December 30 To John Winthrop 

Providence N-I27 

[ ] 


" N-i2g 

[1639] May 2 

II II 1. 


[ ] May 9 


" N-I33 

[ August] 



[ ] Civil Compact 

[1640] July 21 To John Winthrop 

Providence N-I37 

August 7 

II l< II 

" N-I40 

March 8 


" N-i4i 


" Lady Judith Barrington 


1645 June 22 

" John Winthrop, Jr. 

Narragansett N-I43 

" 25 

1 II 14 II 

Providence N-I44 

1646 February 2 1 Warrant to Thos. Hopkins 

1647 May 16 Instruction to Commissioners 

"28 To John Winthrop, Jr. 

Cawcawmsqussick N-I4& 


Williams' Writings 

N.E.H. &G.R. 

43-3 J 6 Carpenter 16 

British Museum 


T^w* / 


Pilgrim Society Plymouth 




Original lost 





" Winthrop 2-107 



R.I.H.S.C. 3-137 

Destroyed by fire 




M.H.S. Winthrop 2-108 



44 2-96 




" 2-97 



American Antiquarian Society 



M.H.S. Winthrop 2-98 











M.H.S. 013-213 



" Winthrop 2-99 





Knowles 134 

Destroyed by fire 


4-6-2 I I 

Sold by Dodd, Mead & Co., 



C, F. Winthrop 



M.H.S. Winthrop 2-102 



44 " 2-102 



Knowles 123 

Destroyed by fire 


M.H.S.' Winthrop 2-103 

4 * 


11 4< 2-103 



44 44 2-104 


" 2-104 



City Hall, Providence 



M.H.S. Winthrop 2-105 



44 ' 2-109 



44 " 2-109 



i 4 2-105 


Knowles 149 

Destroyed by fire 


Lenox, N.Y.P.L. 



M.H.S. Winthrop 2-106 



Knowles 153 

Destroyed by fire 


M.H.S. Wintbrop 2-110 





Knowles 157 

Destroyed by fire 



M.H.S. Winthrop 2-111 



P.R. 15-86 

P.T.P. 0120 Copy 



M.H.S. 35-12 


" Winthrop 2-111 





M.H.S. Winthrop 2-113* 






Prov. Rec. i-r 



M.H.S. Winthrop 2-114 



Miss Duncan 

Winslow Hy. 

Unm. p. 55 N. 

E.H. &G.R. 4.216 

George D. Smith 



Knowles 207 

M.H.S. Winthrop 2-114 



P.R. 15-9 

P.T.P. 08 

P.R. 15-9 

" 09 Copy 



Knowles 209 


1 647 August 20 

To John Winthrop, Jr. 

Cawcawmsqussick N-I47 

1648 ' 31 

" Town of Providence 


' September n 

' John Winthrop, Jr. 

" N-I52 


ii it ii 


October 10 

i < ii ii 


' November 7 

ii ii <i 

N-i 5 8 

t ' ] 

ii ii ii 

Narragansett N-isg 

[ ' December] 

ii ii 


[ ' January] 

i 11 

Cawcawmsqussick N-i66 


II 1 H t I 


[ February] 

II 1 II 1 

Narragansett N-I&3 

' March 

III! II 1 

Cawcawmsqussick N-i7o 

[ ' " ] 


N-i 7 i 

' April 15 


Narragansett N-I73 

[ ' April or MayJ 

1. II II 1 


[ ' April] 


Narragansett N-I77 

4 May 9 

' John Jr. 


i, , 3 

in ii 


' 26 

in ii 


' June 4 

Deputies of P evidence 


., I3 

To John Win hrop, Jr. 

Cawcamwsqussick N-i8i 

' August 26 

ii ii ii 

Narragansett N-i8s 

' September 13 

" William F eld 


' John Win hrop, Jr. 

October 25 

in ii 

Narragansett N-i86 

' December 9 

ii ii 


1649 February 16 

ii i. 

" N-rgo 


i ii ii 

" N-ig2 

[ ' 1 

ii ii ii 


' March 20 

K i ii 


[1650 May] 

ii ii 

N-ig 5 

[ ' June] 



' October 9 

Hi ii 

Narragansett N-2oo 

" 17 

i i it 

' N-2O3 

[ ' " ] 

Hi i< 


' February 22 

' Robert Williams 


[1651 August] 

' John Winthrop, Jr. 


[ ; i 

i ii ii ii 


' Governor Endicott 


4 October 6 

' John Winthrop, Jr. 

Narragansett N-228 


Gen. Court of Mass. 


1652 April 20 

' John Winthrop, Jr. 

Whitehall N-234 

' September 8 

' Gregory Dexter 


[ ' ] 

' Mrs. Sadlier 

" N-237 

t ' ] 

ii ii ii 

[ " ] N-242 

t ' ] 

ii ii 

N-2 45 

1653 April i 

" Town of Prov. & Warwick 

Belleau N-253 

1653-4 February 8 

Vane to Colony of R. I. 


1654 July 12 
[ August] 

To John Winthrop, Jr. 
" Town of Providence 

Providence N-258 


" 27 

Providence to Vane 

Providence N-266 

October 5 

To Gen. Ct. of Mass. 



" John Winthrop, Jr. 


November 2 

" Town of Providence 


[1654-5 January] 

ii ii ii 


1654 February 15 

" John Winthrop, Jr. 


1655 March 23 

.1 ( 

Providence N-287 

ii j 

ii (i ii ii 


" April 26 

II II II !< 

N-2 9 i 

" Nov. 15 

" Gen. Ct. of Mass. 





Knowles 210 



Knowles 214 

P.T.P. 015 



Destroyed by fire 



Knowles 215 



M.H.S. 20-40 




Brown University 


3-9- 2 75 


M.H.S. 20-46 







3-9- 2 79 
















Winthrop 2-115 



" 2-115 




Knowles 232 

" 2-40 







" 20-41 

Prov. Rec. 


P.T.P. 023 




M.H.S. 20-41 



" Wintbrop 2-116 


1877-8 p. 62 

R.I.H.T. 14-46 

R.I.H S. M. 9 07 









M.H.S. Wintbrop 2-117 



' " 2-118 



Lost since 1870 



M.H.S. Wintbrop 2-119 


" 2-119 



" 2-120 



" 2-I2O 






Winthrop 2-121 



" 2-I2I 



Prov. Rec. 15-38 

P.T.P. 043 



Knowles 241 

M.H.S.C. 20-46 



M.H.S. W 20-45 

Bloody Tenent yet more Bloody 303 
M. H. S. C. 3-9-293 Knowles 247 




Mass. Arch. 105-13 





Prov. Rec. 15-61 

P.T.P. 076 



Trinity College, Eng. 



ii ii 



ii ii ii 


2 5 8 

Backus i, 285 





Knowles 261 



i-3 5 1 

Backus i, 289 




Ply.C.R. 10-483 

Mass. Arch, 30-58 



M.H.S. 20-42 



R.I.H.S. M.B.P. 18-67 


i. 297 


Prov. Rec. 



M.H.S. Winthrop 2-122 







Knowles 281 

M.H.S. 20-43 

Hutchinson' Papers 275 

Destroyed 1774 



1 6s 5-6 February 21 

1656 May 12 

" August 6 
., I3 

" September 27 

' December i 

1657 February 24 
" April? 

1658 August 25 
1659-60 February 6 

' September 8 

October 27 

1661 May ii 

' December 13 
.< i. 20 


1664 May 28 

" November 10 

1665 March i 

1666 January i 

" February 12 
1667-8 January 27 
" February 10 
' May 7 

1669 July 8 

" August 19 

' 24 

" October 27 

1670 June 22 

1671 March 25 

1672 July 15 

" September 2 

1675 June 13 
" 25 
" 27 
' July 7 
" October ii 
" December 18 
January 14 
October 16 
" 18 

November 17 
1677-8 February 7 
" October 4 
" June 18 
August 25 
July 4 
July 21 
June 23 
1 680-8 1 January 15 
1682 May 6 
1682 June 18 
n. d. 




To John Winthrop, Jr. 
" Gen. Ct. of Mass. 

<< >< 11 Ii 14 

" Neighbors at Prov. 
Barrows-Man Agreement 
To Governor Endicott 

" Arthur Fenner 
" Town of Providence 
Testimony about R. I. 
To John Winthrop, Jr. 




" Inhabitants of Providence 

" Town of Providence 

Testimony about Seekonk & Prov. Providence 
Confirmatory deed 
To Town of Providence 

" John Winthrop, Jr. Providence 

Testimony about Dyres Island Newport 
To Sir Robert Carr Providence 

" Friends & Neighbors 


To Inhabitants of Prov. Providence 

" Gen. Ct. of Mass. 
" John Whipple, Jr. 

" " Winthrop, " " 

" Whipple, " 
Town Record 

To Major Mason Providence 

" John Cotton " 

" Geo. Fox " 

Samuel Hubbard 
John Winthrop, Jr. Narragansett 

Wait " 

Governor Leverett Providence 

John Winthrop, Jr. " 

Governor Leverett " 

Court of Commissioners " 

Testimony before Greene & Holden 

To Thomas Hinckley Providence 
n 11 

Court of Commissioners 

Thomas Hinckley Providence 

Testimony about Narragansett Narragansett 

My good friend Providence 

To Daniel Abbott 

" Governor Bradstreet " 

Testimony about Narragansett Narragansett 
To Town of Providence 

N-2 9 7 


N- 3 i6 






N- 3 66 
N-3 7 o 

N- 3 8 5 


N- 39 6 

" Lo. Cozin 


M.H.S.C. 3-10-18 Knowles 287 

Hutchinson Paper 278 R.I.C.R. i, 341 

" " 282 

N.E.H. &G.R. 36-78 

R. I. H.S.Q. 8-144 


R.I.H.S.P, 1883-4 p. 79 
R.I.H.T. 14-48 

Backus 1-91 

M.H.S.C. 3-10-26 Knowles 309 

" 3-10-39 " 312 

Knowles 404 R.I.C.R 1-39 

R.I.H.S.P. 1877-78?. 63 R.I.H.T. 14-49 
Backus 1-72 

R.I.C.R. 1-22 

Knowles 402 

M.H.S.C. 4-6-295 

R.I.H.S.Q. 8-147 R.I. Book 5 

Rosenbach Catalogue 1917 
Knowles 330 


M.H.S C. 5-I-4I4 

R.I.H.S.P. 1877-78 p. 64 

Prov. Rec. 15-113 
R.I.H.S.C. 3-159 
R.I.Lit. Rep. 1-638 

R.I.H.T. 14-25 

M.H.S.C. 1-1-275 Knowles 393 

M.H.S.P. 1858 p. 313 

Geo. Fox Dig. p. 2 Hist. Mag. N.Y. 1858 p. 56 

Backus i, 510 






R. I H.S.Q. 


R.I. H.S.Q. 


















N.E.H. &G.R. 53- 

Ply.C.R. 10, 253 

R.I.H.S.C. 3, 164 

Sainsbury Calendar S. P. O. 

Knowles 350 


Prov. Rec. 15-206 
" " 15-220 


R. I. H.S.Q. 8-159 

" 8-1 60 

14 8-161 (Part in Newp. Mer. Nov. 1856) 

M.H.S. 20-43 
Destroyed 1774 

Suffolk Ct. Court Files 
R.I.H.S. Mss. 12 
Wm. D. Ely 

Prov. Rec. 
M.H.S. 20-44 

City HallJP.T.P. 0114 
City Hall 

M.H.S. Winthrop 2-124 
R.I.Ld.Ev. 1-267 Copy. orig. lost 
J.C.B.L. 1-72 Copy 
R.I.H.S. Warner 1-17 
Rosenbach Co. 
P.T.P. 0163 
Mass. Arch. 30-147 
Private hands 
M.H.S.M. 161 G 15 
M.H.S. 013-27 
Conn. St. Lib. 
M.H.S. 20-45 

M.H.S. Winthrop 2-124 
American Antiquarian Society 
M.H.S. Winthrop 2-125 
R.I.H.S. M.P.B. i8-ii8Copy 
Mass. Arch. 67-295 
M.H.S. Winthrop 2-126 
" " 2-127 

Mass. Arch. 241-292 
P.T.P. 0243 

R.I.H.S. Harris 237 Copy 
Copy in R.I.H.S. Orig. lost 
Boston Public. Hinckley Papers 
R.I.H.S. Copy 

Boston Public. Hinckley Papers 
R.I.H.S.M. 1-97 
P.T.P. 0307 

" 0326 
M.H.S. 013-39 
P.T.P. 01291 

" 01099 

" 01184 

" 18018 

M.H.S. Winthrop 20-47 
014.339 . 


Abstracts from Volume I of the Rhode 

Island Land Evidences in the 

State Archives 

[i] [Blank.] 

[2] This present Deed or writtinge made in the Fower and 
Twentith yeare of the Reigne of our Soverraigne Lord Charles 

Wittnesseth, That wheras there is a percell of Land 

Contanninge Forty Acres of Land bounded on the West End 
by the Highway on the East side of the mill, on the North 
Side by Joshua Coggeshalls Land on the South side by the 
Land of Mr William Jefferey, and on the East End by the 
highway to the Comon as alsoe another percell of Land Con- 
taininge two acres more or less lyinge on the west side of the 
said mill'higway bounded on the North and West by the Land 
of James Rogers and on the south by Mr. William Jeffereys 
land and East on the aforesaid highway, which said two 
percells of Land .... being the proper Inheritance and 
possession of James Rogers of Newport in Rhode-Isl. in the 
province of providence in New-England. The said James 

Rogers doth sell the said two percells of Land 

unto Richard Knight of the same Towne In Wittnes 

whereof the Sayd James Rogers hath sett to his hand and 
scale this prsent sixteenth day of January. Ann. Dom. 1648. 
in the presence off us The marke 


William Dyre Gen. Recordr James Rogers 

I doe promise and ingadge my selfe to make the fence that 
hath been in Controversy betwixt Richard Knight and my 
selfe betwixt this and March next and to maintaine the same 
for ever. 

Witnes my hand hereunto the Sixth of June 1650 

Peter Talmann William Jefferey 

Nathanell Britten 


Newport the 8th day of February 1648 I Richard 

Knight of Newport doe inverce and ingage to my wife 

Sarah Knight that I will not sell any of that Tract of 

Land latly bought of James Rogers and Robert Griffin but 

doe Intaile it upon her and my heires forever, but 

Especialy to her and my Eldist sonn if any and in case wee 
have no sonn to my Eldist daughter to be my and her proper 
heire after my death and if a sonn he shall have it at The age 
of one and Twenty yeares if I have left my beinge in this life, 
and if noe sonn then the Eldist daughter shall have it at 
Sixteene yeares of age provided alwaies that the thirds of the 
Land and the best and convenientest roome in the house is to 
be my wifes, duringe her life, and then to returne to the heire 

But if there be more then one Sonn the daughters are 

noe heires soe long as any of the male be liveinge, but if noe 
sonn or sonns or if the sonn or sonns die without Ishue, then 
the Eldist daughter then livinge shall be the Right heire, But 
this is more Largely declared that if the Eldist sonn dye 
without Ishue the next shall injoy it, But if the first have 
children whether sonns or daughters and alsoe the rest that are 
herein appointed to be heires, And this have I done the day 
and yeare above written, to avoyd strife because my sonn in 
ole England shall have nothing to doe herein nor have any 
Right to any Land of mine in New-England. In testimony 
hereof I put to my hand this day and yeare aforesaid. 
Signed in the 

pressence off Richard Knight 

John Downeing 

his D marke 
Robert Spink 
R his marke 

[3].....! Cogamaquoant one of the chiefe Indian Sachims 
or prince of the Narragansetts in the Collony of Rhod-Island 

have for Tenn pownds in peage Eight the peny 

in hand by me the aforesaid Cogamaquoant Received from 
Richard Knight & Henry Halls both of the Towne of New- 
port wherwith I the sayd Cogamaquoant doe dis- 


charg the said Richard Knight and Henry Halls of all debts 

I .... doe sell unto the said Richard Knight 

& Henry Halls their heires a certain percell of Land 

Scittuate and lyinge in the aforesaid Narragansetts Cuntry 
neere or adjoininge unto the Land Formerly Sould by me unto 
Mr. John Porter and Mr Samll Wilbore &c at pettacomscutt 
and is by Esteemation two Miles Square be it more or less 
beinge butted and bounded as Followeth Vizt. on the East 
side from a place called in Indian Qumatumpick, southward 
to a place called chippachuat and soe westerly to a place called 
Quowachauck and from thence northward to a place called 
Winatompick and soe to extand from thence upon a straight 

line unto the first boundery, to be Houlden of our Royal! 

Soverraigne Lord Charles the Second not in Capett nor 

by Knights service but in comon Soccage after the manner of 

East Greenwich in the County of Kent Further I the 

said Cogamoquant doe bind myself e in the sum 

or Bond of Five hundred pounds Starl of good and lawfull 
mony of England or to the vallew therof that the Land men- 
tioned in this deed is a good Reall and firme Estate unto the 

said Richard Knight and Henry Halls and that the said 

land is cleere and free from all intailments deeds of sale leases 
mortgages and all other alienations of what nature or kinds 

whatsoever and to cleere and remove or cause to be 

removed at or before the first of march next after the date 
hereof Every Indian or Indians Inhabiting there on and not 
to suffer for the future any Indian to dwell or plant upon the 

aforesaid Tract this ninteenth day of January and in 

the yeare of our Lord god one Thousand Six hundred Sixty 

and fower 

in pressence of The marke of 

John Archer Cogamagooant 

The marke of The marke of Wotomer 

Alse Archer an Indian 

Richard Bulgar Cobsounk his marke 

an Indian 


[4] Noumto. Univrsi, prputs me Henrycum Button de 
Buckland in Com. Southt Armr teneriet fermiter obligary 
Nicholas Easton de lymington in Com. prd Tanner in ducentis 
libris bonet Legati monete angt Soluend eidem Nicholas 
Easton aut suo certo aturnato Executor vealassigna suis ad 
qua quidem solucoriem bene et fidelit faciend obligo and hered 
Executor et administrator meos firmiter prputs Sigillom eo 
sigillat dat visisimo sexto die Junu Anno Regnie dm nor 
Jacobi dei grat angli fraunce et hiberni Regis fidei 
defensor & decimo quarto et stotie Quadragesimo Nona 
1616. [Know all men by these presents that Nicholas 
Easton of Lymmington in the County of Hants, Tanner, 
holds and formally binds me, Henry Button of Buck- 
land in the County aforesaid, Gentleman, to the sum of two 
hundred pounds of good and lawful English money to be paid 
to the said Nicholas Easton or his authorized attorney, 
executor or assignee, to the good and faithful execution of the 
payment I bind myself, my heires, Executor and Administra- 
tor, formally in witness whereof I affix my seal, given the 26th 
of June in the fourteenth year of the reign of our Lord James 
by the grace of God, King of England, France and Ireland,. 

defender of the Faith, 1616.] 

The Condicon of this obligation is such that if the above 

bownded Henry Button soe long as he the said Henry 

Button his heires or assignes shall or may lawfully in joy 

the prfitts of certaine Copie hold lands in pennington in the 

County of South t. specified and agreed upon betweene 

the said William Dolinge Elizabeth his wife and Nicholas 
Easton of the one part and the said Henry Button of the 

other part dated the day of the Date hereof shall well 

and truly pay yearly the sum of Eleven pownds of Lawfull 

English mony 

in the pressence of 

Henry Button 

Edward Button Edward Keiylway 

Thomas Hurst Edmund Barnes. 


[5] I John Porter of pettacomscutt in the Collony of 

Rhod-Island for the sum of Four hundred pownds 

starling paid by Richard Smith of Newport in the Col- 
lony aforesaid merchant have sold unto the 

said Richd Smith a certaine percell of Land lyinge and 

beinge within the bounds of the Towne of Portsmouth, on 
Rhod-Island in the Collony aforesaid Containinge by Estee- 
mation two hundred and forty Acres more or less Bounded 
on the north by Land now or late in the posession of Mr 
William Baulston or his assignes, on the west by the sea, on 
the south by Land now or late in the posession of Thomas 
Hazard or his assignes, and on the east by the Comon, together 

with all and Singular the houses In wittnes whereof I 

the said John Porter have hereunto sett my hand and Scale 
(as alsoe Horrud porter the wife of me the said John porter 

the six and Twentith day of September Anno. 

Dm. 1671 

John porter 
in the pressents of 
(the word Baulston 
being Interlyned) 
Francis Brinley 
John Almy 
Richard Baily 

I Hurrud porter doe consent to the bovesd Deed and doe 
Release all my Right intrest and Title in the abovesaid prem- 
ises Notwithstandinge my jointure or Dower made me by my 
now Husband before Marriage with me. Wittnes my hand 
and scale this thirty day of Sept 1671 

Wittnes The mark of 

Samuell Wilson Horad Porter 

Georg Hicks 

his marke 
Georg Gardner 
his marke 


New Books of Rhode Island Interest 

Roger Williams, by Mary Emery Hall, is an attractive 
biography published by The Pilgrim Press. It is a pleasantly 
written narrative biography which holds the interest, and does 
not aim to present new facts, but rather to assemble the fruits 
of more minute researches into a readable book, which will 
serve in a few pages to give a comprehensive picture of the 
founder of Providence. 

Margaret La Farge has written an article upon Old New- 
port, which appeared in the November Scribners. The inter- 
esting illustrations are by Vernon Howe Bailey. 

Among the Out Islands, a charming account of a cruise in 
the Bahamas, written by the Effendis for Colonel Sam 
(Nicholson), is an attractive privately printed booklet. 

A Syllabus for Physical Education by Miss Gertrude B. 
Manchester, has been issued as one of the Rhode Island Edu- 
cational Circulars. 

The second installment of Professor Delabarre's minute 
study of Dighton Rock has appeared in print under the title, 
Middle Period of Dighton Rock History. 

In connection with the Great War, beside A Few Lines of 
Recent American History which the Providence Journal 
issued, an entertaining reprint of Mr. Rathom's vivid "Toronto 
speech" was printed at Pomfret, Conn., for the benefit of the 
Red Cross. 

Lloyd Champlin Eddy, Jr., of Barrington has published a 
patriotic song, Fair Country of the Stars and Stripes, with 
music by D. Eddy. 

Courtney Langdon's book of poems, entitled Sonnets on the 
War, has been published by Preston & Rounds and is being 
sold for the benefit of the Red Cross. 

Rev. Henry M. King's address on John Eliot and Roger 
Williams, which he delivered at Roxbury, has been issued in 
pamphlet form. An article by Dr. King on Brown University,, 
containing an account of the Chinese Convention held there 


last summer, appeared in the Baptist World for November, 

The Atlas of the Metropolitan District of Providence is a 
valuable addition to local cartography. It is a folio issued by 
the Richards Map Co. of Springfield. 

The historical section of the 1917 Rhode Island Manual has 
been revised to be in harmony with the latest findings in 
regard to the early Colonial officers, the dating of the Indian 
deeds, and the sessions of the Assembly. 

Prof. Wilfred H. Munro's Tales of an Old Sea Port has 
been issued by the Princeton University Press. It includes a 
-general sketch of the history of Bristol, an account of the 
voyages of the Norsemen, so far as they may have been con- 
nected with Narragansett Bay; and personal narratives of 
;some notable voyages made by Bristol sea-captains. 


The regular business meeting of the Rhode Island Historical 
Society was held on October 9th, 1917. The following new 
members were reported: 

Mr. Charles T. Aldrich Mr. Walter A. Edwards 

Mrs. C. C. Allen Mr. Lawrence L. Gillespie 

:Mr. Joseph Balch Mr. Arthur Henius 

Miss Jane W. Bucklin Mr. Edward C. Joyce 

Mrs. Clarkson A. Collins, Jr. Mr. Russell W. Knight 
Mr. W. A. H. Comstock Mr. George R. Parsons 

Mr. Jeffrey Davis Dr. Lewis B. Porter 

Prof. E. B. Delabarre 

Since the October meeting the following persons have been 
admitted to membership in the Society : 
'Mr. Edward E. Arnold Mr. Walter M. Murdie 

Mrs. Ralph V. Hadley Prof. St. George L. Souissat 

At the October meeting, the first record book of New Shore- 
ham was exhibited. This book has been repaired by. the 
Emery process and handsomely rebound. The work was done 


under the direction of the Society, and the expense was de- 
frayed by the Society of Colonial Dames of Rhode Island. 

The Society issued to its members in December the Pro- 
.ceedings at the Dedication of a Tablet to the Memory of Major 
Samuel Appleton that took place last year. 

On November I5th the Rhode Island Society of the Sons 
of the American Revolution met at the Rhode Island His- 
torical Society, and the President General of the National 
Society delivered an address. 

Two Celebrations were held on Saturday, November 17, 
1917. At Little Compton a commission appointed jointly by 
the States of Rhode Island and Massachusetts unveiled a 
monument to Col. Henry Tillinghast Sisson, 5th R. I. Artillery. 
Exercises commemorative of the 2ooth anniversary of Bar- 
rington, the 25oth anniversary of Swansea, and the 264th 
anniversary of Sowams were held at the Barrington Town 
Hall by the Barrington Historic-Antiquarian Society. An 
.account of these proceedings, together with a picture of the 
statue of Col. Sisson, appeared in the Providence Journal for 
November i8th. 

The three-story building at 12-16 South Main Street was 
demolished during November. It is said to have been 140 
years old and formerly served as a court house and as a post 
office. An account of it appeared in the Providence Magazine 
for December, 1917. 

The Eleazer Arnold house in Lincoln, which is described 
by Norman M. Isham in his Early Rhode Island Houses, page 
41, has been presented to the Society for the Preservation of 
New England Antiquities, provided that they raise the sum 
of $3000.00 for its maintenance and preservation. 

The Jireh Bull garrison house at Narragansett, which was 
burned by the Indians on December 15, 1675, is being exca- 
vated under the supervision of Mr. Norman M. Isham, whose 
report on the work appears in this number of the COLLECTIONS. 
The Rhode Island Historical Society has collected part of the 
money used for carrying on this work. 

The following members of the Society died during the year: 


Hon. E. Benjamin Andrews Mr. George Humphrey 

Mr. Walter H. Barney Miss Mary E. Knowles 

Mr. Nathan B. Barton Mr. Dexter B. Potter 

Mr. Daniel Beckwith Mr. James M. Ripley 

Hon. Jonathan Chace Mr. Charles M. Smith 
Mr. Frank B. Grant 

The sword and hat of Commissary Charles Lippitt of Revo- 
lutionary fame have been loaned to this Society by the Hon. 
Charles Warren Lippitt. Oil portraits of Ulysses Holden, 
Seth Draper, Mary Eliza Draper and Hadwen Draper, her 
brother, were loaned by Mr. E. H. Draper. 

A colored lithograph of Magnus' View of Providence 
(about 1852) has been presented by Col. George L. Shepley. 

The Society has had an exhibition during the autumn of all 
the known views of Rhode Island which were made before 

On November 2Oth Mr. Charles R. Stark delivered a lecture 
on "The Pequot War," and on December nth Mr. Charles 
Carroll delivered a lecture on "The Evolution of Public Re- 
sponsibility for Education in Rhode Island." 

Genealogical Section 

Additions to Austin's Genealogical Dictionary of Rhode 
Island contributed by George Andrews Moriarty, Jr. 

ACRES RATHBONE John Acres of Newshoreham on 16 
Oct. 1674 deeded land at Newshoreham to his brother, John 
Rathbone now residing at Hammersmith at Newport on 
Rhode Island, (i Book New Shoreham records.) 

TOSH ROSE On September 17, 1662 Thomas Faxon of 
Braintree sold to John Williams of Barneby Street, Camber- 
well, London, land on Block Island "now in possession of 
William Toys and Dormat Rose Scotish men, tenants of 
Thomas Faxon". (Suffolk Deeds IV, Book, folio 54-55.) 
This refers to William Tosh and Dormat Rose. Dormat 
appears to be a corruption for Dermot. William Tosh or 


Toys is evidently the William Mclntosh who was a passenger 
of the Sarah and John. They were Scotch prisoners sent 
over by Bex and Co. after Dunbar to work in the Braintree 
Iron Works. 

BALL HALL Will of Edward Ball 16 Aug. 1714 men- 
tions daughters, Mary Hall and Elizabeth Hall. By reference 
to Austin p. 90, family of Henry Hall, it will be seen that 
Mary was the wife of Edward Hall of Westerly, while his 
brother John Hall of Westerly married Elizabeth Ball. John 
Hall has no children given in Austin, but his will at Charles- 
town made in 1754, proved in 1764, shows he had Peter, John, 

George, Nathan, Thomas, Mary married to Harvey, 

Jenny, Patience married Adams, Margaret, Freelove, 

Diana, Elizabeth, and Sarah married Tucker. The 

Westerly and Charlestown records also show that Edward 
Hall and Mary (Ball) left issue. 

It seems probable that William Hall of Portsmouth and 
Henry of Newport and Westerly (fathers of the above John 
and Edward respectively) were sons of John Hall of Ports- 
mouth in 1641 who was of Newport in 1655. 

BENNETT (Robert) Jonathan Bennett of Newport married 
Anna, daughter of Hon. John and Anna (Alcock) Williams 
of Newport and Block Island. (See Newport Deeds and 
Crapo's "Certain Comeoverers," v. 2, p. 1009.) 

BORDEN Richard Borden from Cranbrooke in Kent mar- 
ried Joan Fowle. The family was long settled at Hedcorn in 

SHEFFIELD Major Nathaniel Sheffield married 1st Mary 
Chamberlain of Hull. (Suffolk Deeds in Boston where he 
and she sold land in Hull.) 

Ichabod Sheffield is probably a nephew of William Sheffield 
of Dover, N. H., and later of Sherburn, Mass., as in 1658 he 
was taxed with him in Dover, N. H. William was brother of 
Edmund Sheffield of Braintree. It seems likely that William 
and Edmund were brothers of Joseph of Portsmouth, R. I., 
in 1643, and that the latter was father of Ichabod. There is 
also good reason to believe that Edmund, William and Joseph 


were children of an Edmund and Thamazin Sheffield of Sud- 
bury, England. 

COGGESHALL John Coggeshall, Jr. The third wife of John 
Coggeshall, Jr., was Mary Hedge, daughter of Capt. William 
Hedge of Yarmouth, Mass., and widow of Samuel Sturgis of 

DODGE 1648 Tristam Dodge was of Ferryland Newfound- 
land. (Aspinwall, p. 127-8). 

EARLE Ralph Earle. The maiden name of his wife was 
Joan Savage. (Sewell's Diary.) 

GEORGE Peter George of Braintree, Oatmeal-maker, mar- 
ried the widow of Simon Ray and daughter of Thomas Rown- 
ing of Hundon in Suffolk, Eng. (Aspinwall.) 

GOULDING Roger Goulding died in Barbadoes and his will 
is there recorded, proved i March 1694-5. (See my Barba- 
dian notes in N. E. H. & G. Register, 1913, p. 363. 

HANNAH Robert Hannah was at Portsmouth previously 
to going to Kingstown. 

KENYON Roger Kenyon was not son of John Kenyon of 
Kingstown, but of Roger Kenyon, Esq. of Peele in Lancashire, 
England. (See i Book New Shoreham Records and N. E. 
H. & G. Register, 1913, p. 297.) 

KNIGHT Richard Knight was early of Hampton, N. H., 
where he built the mill in Dec. 1641. In 1645 Richard Knight, 
"late of Hampton, now at Rhode Island," is mentioned. 
(Essex Quarterly Court Files.) 

From the Archives of the Society 

The following letters written by George Washington are 
not included in either Spark's or Ford's edition of Washing- 
ton's writings, nor are they mentioned in the Library of 
Congress Calendar of the Correspondence of George Wash- 
ington, which was prepared by Mr. Fitzpatrick. Both letters 
are from the Olney collection which was acquired in 1917. 

" Philadelphia 3ist Janry 1782. 


Having forwarded, under a flying seal, to your care, Dis- 

patches of immense consequence, on the subject of compleat- 
ing the Regt of your State to the Establishment, I must request 
you will lose no time in delivering them to His Excellency the 
Governor; and that you will use your utmost influence to- 
have this business put upon such a footing as will be attended 
with the desired success. 

As I am certain, from your experience in service, and the 
knowledge you have of our present circumstances & prospects 
you are convinced that the events of the ensuing Campaign 
will depend principally upon the exertions of the States, this 
Winter, in rilling the Army & making provision for its sup- 
port; I have only to authorize & desire you to devote your 
whole time, attention, & abilities (as far as possible) to the 
accomplishment of these interesting objects to consult & 
advise with the Legislature, or such persons as they may 
please to appoint for the purpose to enforce the Arguments 
I have made use of and suggest whatever may occur to you 
as obviously calculated to promote the public interest. 

To make ample calculations as to the numbers, to establish 
effectual checks as to the quality of the Recruits, to interest 
every body in obtaining them by a fixed time, to oblige the 
Delinquents (should there be any) to pay in a summary mode, 
what will be actually sufficient to hire the Men, and to cause 
the Men to be hired instantly, are matters which cannot escape 
your consideration It will also be necessary to give every 
assistance in your power, towards making the Minuter 
arrangements for collecting & forwarding the Recruits, who 
are to be sent on to the Army at the expence of the State, by 
the Resolution of Congress of the i8th of Deer, which I 
request may be done as speedily as possible after they are 
inlisted, in any numbers from 10 to 100 or upwards this 
will not only tend to prevent desertion but to inure them to 
a Camp life & give them the habits of discipline before the 
opening of the Campaign, which we hope will be at an early 

I have enclosed to you a Copy of the last Letter from the 
Financier to me, on the subject of Supplies; you will readily 


perceive this is an object of equal importance with the for- 
mer it is the pivot on which the success of our operations 
must turn Unless the States should comply with the Requi- 
sitions of Congress, you see how our prospects will fade, and 
all our hopes may be blasted I wish you to make the best 
use you can of it. urge, importune, persevere and be so 
good as to let me know, as frequently & explicitly as may be, 
the situation of affairs in your State, and what aid of Men & 
Money may be expected from thence 

I am with great regard 
Your Most Obedt Servant 


Col. Olney. " 

"Mount Vernon 4th Aug. 1799 
Dear Sir, 

Your favor of the I3th Ulto., accompanying the oration of 
Mr. Maxcy, has been duly received, and for your politeness 
in sending me the letter, I pray you to accept my thanks. 

The sentiment expressed by that Gentleman on Government, 
and tendency of such conduct as is opposed to the Public 
functionaries in our own, are too just not to carry conviction 
to every well disposed, and reflecting mind. With very great 
esteem I remain 

Dear Sir 

Your Most Obedt Servt 

Colo Jerh Olney." 

SACHZM //VS644 8V H/S 



Pomham and His Fort 

Pomham first appears in history in 1642 as Sachem of 
Shawomet, or rather of the Shawomet tribe of Indians, who 
at that time in company with the Nipmucks, the Cowesets, the 
Niantics and other lesser tribes acknowledged a sort of 
vassalage to, and the overlord-ship of, Miantonomi, the chief 
Sachem of the Narragansetts. 

On January 12, 1642, he signed as a witness the deed of 
Shawomet, the present Warwick, which was given by Mian- 
tonomi to Samuel Gorton and his associates. 

Pomham's ambition chafed under the domination of Mian- 
tonomi, and following the example of the wily Ousamequiny 
better known perhaps as Massasoit, Pomham sought an 
alliance with the English as the first step towards the emanci- 
pation of his tribe and himself from the hated authority of the 

Ousamequin and the Wampanoags were protected by 
Plymouth, Uncas and the Mohegans by Connecticut, Mian- 
tonomi and the Narragansetts, though not in alliance, had 
almost an entente with Roger Williams. 

Naturally Pomham would turn to some other English colony, 
and propinquity suggested the next step. For at this period 
William Arnold and his son Benedict, together with his son-in- 
law, William Carpenter, and Robert Coles, an associate, had 
removed from Providence to Pawtuxet, near Pomham's home, 
and were planning to secede from Providence and seek 
annexation to the Colony of Massachusetts Bay. 

Pomham and a neighboring sachem, Socononoco of the Paw- 
tuxets, likewise weary of his subjection to Miantonomi, readily 
joined the Arnolds in their rapidly developing plan. 

On January 30, 1641-2, Socononoco gave to the Arnolds a 
deed for the land which had already been deeded by Mian- 
tonomi to Roger Williams and a part of which had been 
granted to the Arnolds themselves. 

Then on the 22nd of June, 1643, Pomham and Socononoca 


both formally submitted themselves and their lands to the 
Colony of Massachusetts Bay at Boston before the Governor 
and an assemblage of other prominent public men. 

These two sachems ruled between 200 and 300 men, and 
their action upon this occasion was virtually equivalent to a 
declaration of independence from the suzerainty of Mianto- 

The next step in Pomham's program was a joint complaint 
by Socononoco and himself to the Massachusetts Bay authori- 
ties of some "injurious and unjust dealing" of Gorton's fol- 

Massachusetts Bay issued warrants for Gorton and his 
followers to appear before the Boston Court and answer the 
charges of the two sachems. 

Randall Holden replied on behalf of the Shawomet settlers 
and wrote among other things, to quote his own words, 
"Indeed Pumham is an aspiring person, as becomes a Prince 
of his profession, for having crept into one of our neighbours 
houses, in the absence of the people, and felloniously rifled the 
same, hee was taken comming out againe at the Chimney-top." 
Similar accusations were made against Socononoco. 

Roger Williams had gone to England to procure a charter 
for the Colony, and Massachusetts Bay took advantage of his 
absence to march against Gorton and the Shawomet settlers, 
and to avenge with the sword the wrongs that Pomham and 
the Arnolds claimed to have received at their hands. The 
jurisdiction of Massachusetts Bay was established over Paw- 
tuxet, and the past as well as the present authority of Mian- 
tonomi was called into question. 

The absence of Roger Williams also made possible the 
murder of Miantonomi, which was a crushing blow to the 
power of the Narragansetts. The old Canonicus at the sug- 
gestion of Gorton sought to save his power and prestige by 
voluntarily subjecting himself and his tribe directly to the King 
of England on May 24, 1644, a proceeding which served to 
considerably complicate the Indian and Colonial political 


Fearing the consequences of the submission of the Narra- 
gansetts, Pomham prevailed upon the Massachusetts General 
Court five days later to pass an act which should provide him 
with actual as well as technical protection. 

The act reads: "The Court taking into consideration the 
present condition of Pomham and Socononoco and their 
friends that are joined to them and their men, that belong unto 
them, of what dangerous consequence it might be unto us; if 
we should altogether neglect them and leave them to the 
cruelty and bloodymindedness of the Narragansetts, these two 
Sachems having sent unto us, for aid, if we fail them, we 
break our Covenant with them, whereby the name of God will 
suffer and religion will be evil spoken of and the whole nation 
will be odious in their sight; besides it will probably cause 
not only them; but all the rest of the Indians, that have put 
themselves under our jurisdiction and consequently protection 
to fly off from us and to fall to our enemies and set themselves 
against us. The court therefore doth desire, that there may be 
forthwith ten English men well armed sent unto them, accord- 
ing to the Sachems request and that they may there build the 
Indians a strong house of pallizado and be a guard unto them, 
for such a season as shall be agreed of, the Indians finding 
them victuals which they have promised to do." 

The earliest handiwork of man now extant in Rhode Island 
is the ramparts of this fort which still remain on the easterly 
shore of old Warwick Cove, at the end of a point which juts 
out into the cove a few hundred feet north of the railroad 

The earthworks trace the outline of two ovals, the larger of 
which lies to the north. The waters of the cove are on the 
north, west and south of the fortifications, while formerly a 
heavily wooded impenetrable marshy thicket separated it from 
the mainland on the east. The trees have long since been cut 
away and a wagon road has been built across the northern 
end of the marsh, so that the peninsula is now an easily acces- 
sible and smiling pasture, broken only by the grass-grown 
ramparts of the old fort. 


Mr. J. A. Foster, the owner of the property, has very kindly 
permitted the Rhode Island Historical Society to erect a 
cement monument inlaid in which is a slate tablet inscribed : 



The placing of this fort so that it would command the only 
navigable approach to Shawomet, while the Arnolds at Paw- 
tuxet commanded the land trail from the North, is significant 
and seems to show that Massachusetts Bay, the Arnolds and 
Pomham were really planning to defend Shawomet, which 
they had already depopulated, rather than to ward off a Nar- 
ragansett attack. 

Still, the Narragansetts were certainly smarting under the 
murder of their Prince, and belligerent tendencies were 
inflamed rather than appeased by the actions of the United. 
Colonies of New England. 

A crisis was reached in August, 1645, when Standish and 
Gibbons marched against the Narragansetts at the head of 
armed troops. A Commission was sent by the United Colonies 
as a last resort, for the dangers of a severe war were now 
realized. Luckily Roger Williams had returned to Providence 
and he acted not only as interpreter but as a mediator. 

War was averted and a treaty was signed August 27, 1645, 
whereby Pessicus, Sachem of the Narragansetts, among other 
agreements, by implication renounced any authority over 
Pomham and Socononoco. 

Pomham in the course of three years had gained the imme- 
diate goal of his ambition. He had become an independent 
Sachem protected by the English of the United Colonies. 

Pomham continued to reside on what is now known as 
Warwick Neck, and harrassed the English inhabitants of 
Warwick "to the yearly damage of fifty, eighty and one hun- 
dred pounds." 


Claiming the protection of Massachusetts Bay, he carried on 
his brigandage without fear of serious consequences. 

He next comes into prominence in 1656, when one of 
Ousamequin's household retinue, a sachem named Nawwu- 
shawsuck, instigated by Plymouth Colony, laid claim to 
Warwick. Open hostilities between the followers of Pomham 
and those of Nawwushawsuck were daily threatened during 
the spring of 1656. In describing Warwick Neck, which was 
Pomham's home at this time, Williams wrote : 

"Please you to be informed that this small heck (wherein 
they keep and mingle fields with the English) is a very den 
of wickedness, where they not only practice the horrid bar- 
barities of all kinds of immoralities, idolatries, conjurations, 
but living without all exercise of actual authority, and getting 
store of liquors (to our grief) there is a confluence and 
rendezvous of all the wildest and most licentious natives and 
practices of the whole country." A truly vivid picture of 
Pomham's court! 

Williams endeavored at this time to mediate between 
Warwick, Pomham and Massachusetts Bay, which still acted 
as Pomham's protection in violation of the Royal Charter of 

The negotiations failed, and the "ulcerous business," as 
Williams picturesquely described it, continued for nearly a 
decade. Finally in 1665 Sir Robert Carr, one of his Majesty's 
special Commissioners, took the matter under consideration. 
Meanwhile Pomham had busied himself in secretly forming 
an Indian confederacy, partly to enable him to maintain his 
possessions and partly doubtless with an eye toward future 

John Eliot, the apostle of the Indians, took up Pomham's 
cause and stated that Pomham "had suffered much hard and 
ill dealings from some English." 

The Royal Commissioners nevertheless decided that Pom- 
ham must leave "the Neck," but that he could go either to 
Pessicus, with whom he seems to have become reconciled, or 
to Massachusetts Bay. The town of Warwick was ordered to 


pay him an indemnity of twenty pounds. But after he received 
the money he still refused to move away. 

Pomham rose to a place of power and influence under the 
young Canonchet and is one of the principals named in the 
treaty of October 18, 1675. 

The victorious Connecticut troops returning from the 
Swamp fight stopped at Warwick and burnt Pomham's town, 
which contained near 100 wigwams. A few of his followers 
under one of his captains named Quaqualh offered some slight 
resistance. Five of his men were killed and Quaqualh was 
wounded in the knee. 

In January Pomham, with both men and powder, joined 
Canonchet in North Kingstown or Exeter, and on March 9th 
attended the Grand Council at which Philip and Canonchet 
met for the first time during the war. 

Pomham took a leading part in organizing and mobilizing 
the tribes in the Connecticut valley, and, according to Drake, 
took part in the disastrous battle at the Falls on May 19. 
Pomham and the remainder of his followers retired to Dedham 
Woods, where they were attacked by Captain Hunting on July 
25, 1676. Fifteen Indians were killed, and "Pomham after he 
was wounded so as that he could not stand upon his legs, and 
was thought to have been dead, made a shift, (as the soldiers 
were pursuing others,) to crawl a little out of the way, but was 
found again, and when an Englishman drew near to him, 
though he could not stand, he did, (like a beast,) in rage and 
revenge., get hold on the soldier's head, and had like to have 
killed him, had not another come to his help, and rescued him 
out of the enraged dying hands of that bloody barbarian," as 
Mather tells us. Pomham's son was captured at this time and 
sold into slavery. 

Hubbard said that Pomham "was one of the stoutest and 
most valiant sachems that belonged to the Narragansetts," and 
when his death was reported at Boston, a contemporary 
chronicler wrote: "If it be so, the glory of that nation is 
sunk with him forever." 

H. M. C. 




Vol. XI 

April, 1918 

No. 2. 

WILFRED H. MUNRO, President EDWARD K. ALDRICH, Jr. , Treasurer 

Please address communications to Howard M. Chapin, Librarian 
68 Waterman Street, Providence, R. I. 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the 
opinions of contributors. 

The Old County House in Providence 


At the June session, 1729, the General Assembly of Rhode 
Island divided the colony into three counties, Newport County 
with Newport as the county town, Providence County with 
Providence as the county town, Kings County with South 
Kingstown as the county town. It further provided that "there 
being a necessity for County Court Houses and Goals upon 
the Main .... it is enacted That there be appointed a 
Committee of three persons out of each Town upon the Main 
to find out and appoint a Place in Each County upon the Main 
Suitable and convenient for the Erecting and building a County 
Court house and Goal and that Thomas Fry, Job Greene, Wm. 
Smith, Philip Tillinghast, Wm. Jencks, Benjamin Green, 
Moses Lippitt, Thomas Spencer, and Pardon Tillinghast or 
the Major part of them be a Committee for the County of 


Providence .... And that the said Committees meet on 
the Second Wednesday of July next for the Accomplishing 
Said Affair, and if the Weather or Sickness Hinder, to Meet 
the next Fair Day, the Committee for the County of Provi- 
dence at James Olney's in Providence .... It is further 
Voted & Enacted that Wm. Smith and Philip Tillinghast be a 
Committee for the County of Providence .... for the 
Erecting and building a County Court House & Goal .... 
and Draw upon the General Treasurer for a Sufficiency of 
Money to accomplish the Same." (Ms. Schedule, June, 

The committee met and reported to the Assembly, which in 
October, 1729, "Voted that the Return of the Committee for 
appointing the Place where the County House & Goal for the 
County of Providence Shall be Accepted of by this Assembly." 
(Ms. Schedule, October, 1729.) 

The location selected was the lot on Meeting Street, in 
Providence, where the old Brick School House now stands, 
then the property of William Page, blacksmith, who on Decem- 
ber 24, 1729, "in Consideration of the Good-will and affection 
I have towards the promoting and Erecting a County House in 
said Towne," deeded to Major William Smith, one of the 
committee appointed "to build said County House : A Certain 
small Lott of Land to sett said house on .... Containing 
about sixty foot in breadth and is bound on the West side with 
the Lott of Land whereon the Quacors Meeting house stands 
and from thence to extend eastward Sixty foot : and is bounded 
on the northwest and northeast Corners with Stones Stuck in 
the Ground which Stones are Sett fifty two foot South from 
the South Rainge of Richard Waterman's Lott, and from Said 
Stones to extend Southward holding the full breadth of sixty 
foot to the highway that Ledes from the Towne Street Into 
the Neck .... for the building and erecting of a County 
Court house on : and any other housing or other buildings that 
there shall or may be Occation for, to the use benifet and 
behoofe of the Colony : aforesaid from Generation to Genera- 
tion forever. (Prov. Deed Book No. 8, p. 277.) 

The town of Providence in town meeting January 27, 


1729-30, voted to pay out of the town treasury a sum additional 
to that allowed by the colony "so that said house might be 
made so Large as to be Servable for the Townes Publick use. 
The which was voated by paper. And Granted by Eighty three 
Voate Cleare." The town also voted "that the said house 
should be built fourty foot Long and thirty foot wide and 
eighteene foot Stud betwext Joynts," and further "that there 
shall be a chimny or two built in said house from the Chamber 
flower and upward." (Town Meeting, Record No. 4, p. 27.) 

The location selected by the committee appointed by the 
Assembly for the combined Colony arid Town House was 
evidently not satisfactory to all the townsmen. Accordingly 
the Assembly at its February meeting repealed the act passed 
at the last session, appointing the place for setting the county 
court house in Providence, and voted that it "be left to the 
town of Providence to be determined in a town meeting to 
be called by the assistants of said town whether the said house 
shall be set upon Capt. James Olneys land or at the place 
appointed by the committee hereto- fore appointed for that 
purpose." (R. I. Colonial Records, Vol. 4, p. 432.) 

A special town meeting was therefore held March 27, 1730, 
as the record says, "to determine by voate where the County 
Court house should be sett wheither at Mr. William Page's 
or att Capt. James Olney's. Coll. Nicholas Power Chosen 
Moderator. Voated by paper and the voate Carryed it that 
the said house should be att Mr. William Page's Lott, being 
the place that was appoynted by the Committee." (Town 
Meeting Record, No. 4.) 

Some objection may have been made to the size of the Page 
lot, as the grantor on April 16, 1730, increased the depth of 
the lot from 60 to 80 feet. (Providence Deed Book 8, pp. 

The opponents of this southern location made one more 
move, and at the town's quarter meeting April 27, 1730, pre- 
sented the following petition : 

"Wee the subscribers freemen of the Towne of Providence : 
Considering and finding the Land of William Page of Said 
Providence where the Towne voated the County House should 


be sett is an Estate taile and not Docked and that the heirs of 
William Olney to whome said estate is Entailed may Recover 
the Same and the Towne may Loose the money they shall 
Disposs in building there of : and may prove very mischevos to 
the whole County as well as to said Towne in being Deprived 
of theire buildings by said Olney's Heirs : There fore wee 
doe hereby Protest against the said Towne of Providence 
Paying out of there Town Treasury any money towards build- 
ing any addition to the said County house or ordering money 
to be paid toward the same." (Town Meeting Record No. 4, 
pp. 24-5.) That the title was not considered clear is shown 
by the additional deed of Page the next year and by the 
docking of the entail by the customary legal procedure in 1754 
under the statute of 1730. 

The path leading by the lot selected for the County House, 
possibly an Indian trail, had been in use since the early days 
of the settlement, but apparently had not been officially laid 
out. The town now appointed a committee to lay out "County 
House Way." They with the assistance of Daniel Abbott, the 
surveyor, on the fifth of March, 1730-1, "bound out the high- 
way that Ledes up into the Neck by the County house" from 
the "Towne Street to the highway at the head of the Town 
Lotts." (Town Meeting Records No. 3, p. 194.) 

The committee now proceeded to erect the building, which 
was not ready for occupancy when expected, for the town's 
quarter meeting April 27, 1731, "being Called by Warrant 
to the County Court house but be Reason of that being 
Cluttered with the workmens being In finishing of it : the Town 
having Liberty meet in the Quakers Meeting house that is 
Close by." (Town Meeting Record No. 4, p. 32.) However, 
it was soon finished, for the next town meeting, June 7, 1731, 
was held there. (Town Meeting Record No. 4, p. 35.) 

Major William Smith's accounts for building the County 
Court House and Goal in Providence, amounting to 664, 95., 
were reported by the auditing committee to the Assembly in 
June, 1731, and the balance ordered to be paid out of the 
General Treasury (R. I. Colonial Records, Vol. 4, p. 452.) 

To secure the colony against loss by defect in title William 


Page declared, September 28, 1731, that when he purchased of 
William Olney, senior, and William Olney, junior, the property 
of which the County House lot was a portion, William Olney, 
junior, gave him "another Deed of another Peice of Land in 
Case there should be any failure in the Deeds that his father 
and himself had Signed to me of the afore Mentioned Letts 
of Land, then the Second deed should take Effect and be of 
force to convey the same Land therein Contained." Page 
proceeded to covenant in case the Colony or trustees should 
be disturbed in their Quiet and Peaceable possession they 
should have the benefit of this second deed of William Olney, 
junior, and "enter upon so much of the Land therein Men- 
tioned and Contained as will make restitution for the Damage 
they shall sustain thereby." (Providence Deeds Book 10, 
p. 326.) 

The building was known by various names, "the County 
House," "the County Court House," "the Colony House," "the 
Court House." 

In 1739 the Assembly appointed a committee to receive "the 
Bell the best Coat of Arms & all the Leather Chairs that did 
belong to the Old Colony House (in Newport) and that the 
same shall be for the Use of the County House, as Provi- 
dence." (Ms. Schedule, 1739, August session). Possibly this 
bell now hangs in the belfry of the old State House. More 
chairs were ordered in 1742. 

Numerous items concerning the Old County House may be 
gleaned from the records of the town and the colony. Some 
are accounts for attendance on the Assembly, others bills for 
firewood, but repair bills are most numerous and almost with- 
out exception for setting glass. These bills were generally 
rendered to the colony, often by the sheriff, and ordered paid 
by the Assembly, though occasionally the town pays the 
account, as when at a town meeting October 27, 1736, "It is 
Voated that a Glaisour shall emediately be Imployed to mend 
the Glace windows belonging to the County house Chamber 
and have satisfaction out of the Town's Treasury the Gen'll 
Assembly being now sitting. (Town Meeting Records No. 4, 
p. 60.) 


But more extensive repairs were sometimes needed. Thus 
in October, 1736, the Assembly granted the petition of the 
Sheriff of Providence county, which set forth "the great 
Necessity of making Seats in one of the Rooms of the County 
House in Providence for the Conveniency of the House of 
Deputies setting when assembled in General Court, making 
Shutters to the lower and back windows of said County House 
for the preservation of the Glass, getting a convenient Table 
for said Room," and praying that a committee be appointed to 
see it done. (Ms. Schedule, 1736, October session.) 

The building was used by the colony for the sessions of the 
General Assembly, and the courts, and by the town for town 
meetings, but when not needed by either colony or town it 
was utilized for other purposes. Thus the Assembly at the 
August session, 1735, granted the petition of George Taylor 
praying "liberty to keep school in Providence during the 
pleasure of the General Assembly. Provided he keeps the 
glass of said house in constant good repair (after the same is 
once repaired) and erect a handsome sun-dial in front of said 
house both for ornament and use, and build a necessary house 
convenient to prevent to nuisance and to serve the public ; and 
the same to be done as soon as conveniently may be." (R. I. 
Colonial Records, Vol. 4, pp. 511-12.) It was also used for 
religious services. The General Assembly in February, 1739- 
40, confirmed the "permission granted by Stephen Hopkins, 
Richard Thornton and John Rice Jr Esqrs Judges of the 
Inferiour Court of. Common Pleas," "to Capt. James Olney 
and sundry others of the Baptist denomination in Providence 
for liberty to meet in the county house in Providence on the 
First day of the week to worship God .... upon good and 
sufficient security being given to the sheriff of the county 
aforesaid for repairing and making good all damages that shall 
accrue to the said house by means of the said parties meeting 
in the same." (R. I. Colonial Records, Vol. 4, pp. 569-70.) 

Once at least it was used for military purposes, for in the 
accounts presented by the Sheriff of Providence county to the 
Assembly in October, 1759, is the item: 


"1758 May 1 6 To Cash paid Compton for cleaning the Court 
House after Soldiers 6-10-0." 

This building was also the earliest home of the Providence 
Library Company, established in 1753. This company, com- 
posed of the leading men of Providence, represented to the 
Assembly in February, 1754, that "being desirious as far as 
in them lieth to promote useful knowledge," they had sent to 
England a sum sufficient to purchase a small library and sought 
the Assembly's permission to erect shelves on the west and 
north sides of the council chamber for the accommodation of 
the library, urging further "yet would there be sufficient room 
for the General Council to set comfortably there and would 
be so far from being any inconvenience, that on the other 
hand, it would be an ornament to the house, and afford an 
agreeable amusement to the members in their leisure hours." 
(R. I. Colonial Records, V. 378-9.) The books, between five 
and six hundred, of which the list is still preserved, probably 
arrived in August the same year, and were placed on the 
shelves of the council chamber, with Nicholas Brown as 
librarian, who was to be in attendance Saturdays from two to 
five. When the Assembly was in session the members had 
liberty to use the books. 

After nearly thirty years service the building was not in 
the best of condition, and the Assembly at its December ses- 
sion, 1758, ordered the sheriff to shingle, new clapboard, and 
paint the exterior, put in new sash windows, and repair the 
lower room and the chamber of deputies. But fire speedily 
settled the question of repairs, for immediately after the 
adjournment the house was burned December 24, 1758. 

According to the records of the Library Company, "this 
accident was occasioned thus. The General Assembly Sitting 
in the Court House the preceeding Week, when the weather 
was very cold, Large Fires were kept in the Chamber. The 
Chimneys, not being built from the Ground but founded on 
the Chambers Floors, were Supported by Timber, to which 
the Fire communicated itself through the Hearths, and there 
remained concealed, from Saturday, when the Assembly left 
the House, until the Sunday following, about Ten o'clock at 


Night, when the Inside of the House was discovered to be 
wholly in Flames. The Fire being got to so great a Heighth, 
it was impossible to save the House or any Thing in it. One 
Dwelling House also which stood next to it, was burnt down. 
The Friends Meeting House and another House which Stood 
near it, suffered great Damage by the Fire but were saved by 
the Diligence and great Activity of the People, with the Help 
of one Water Engine, the only one then in the Town." 

The Library Company lost its entire library except about 
seventy volumes that happened at the time to be in the hands 
of the subscribers. No records are mentioned as destroyed 
with the building, as it contained no offices. The headquarters 
of the colonial government were still at Newport, the secre- 
tary's office not being removed to Providence until 1775, nor 
do the court records for this period seem incomplete. 

An echo of the fire is found in the Assembly's record of 
February, 1759, when "Dennis Montaigne a waiter on the 
Assembly" is allowed payment for "a Lanthorn he kept for the 
use of the Court which was burnt with the Colony House in 
Providence." (Acts & Resolves, February session, 1759.) 

The Assembly at its May session, 1759, voted that the Court 
House be in the place where the old one was, but later pur- 
chased the lot where the old State House now stands, while the 
former site abandoned by the colony reverted to the heirs of 
William Paige. 

A Portrait of Stephen Hopkins 


William E. Foster in his life of Stephen Hopkins (Rhode 
Island Historical Tracts, no. 19, pt. 2, p. 198), says: "Sources 
of information as to Stephen Hopkins's personal appearance 
are very meagre indeed. He never sat for a portrait, so far 
as is known, and certainly has left none; 'not even a sil- 
houette,' his niece has declared." The picture invariably given 
as the portrait of Hopkins' is taken from Trumbull's painting 
of "The Signers of the Declaration of Independence." Trum- 



(See Page 44) 


bull painted this after the death of Hopkins, which occurred 
in 1785; consequently he could not have made the portrait 
from a living figure. We have the authority of C. C. Beaman, 
writing in the Providence Journal of May 26, 1855, in regard 
to the picture of Hopkins : "We have no accurate portrait of 
him. When Trumbull painted his picture of the Signers of 
the Declaration of Independence, Hopkins was dead, and his 
son, Judge Rufus Hopkins, who very much resembled him, 
sat for his father's likeness." 

The Trumbull portrait of Stephen Hopkins, or rather of 
Rufus Hopkins, shows a rather full face, without much expres- 
sion or character. As may be seen by the original painting, 
which is at Yale, or by the well-known engraving made by 
Durand in 1820, Trumbull evidently did not seek to emphasize 
the figure of Hopkins, even although he was a prominent mem- 
ber of the Continental Congress, as he placed him decidedly in 
the background, where he is distinguishable chiefly because of 
his wearing the usual Quaker hat. 

Quite recently, in looking over an impression of the un- 
finished copper-plate from Pine's painting of "The Congress 
Voting Independence," which plate has been owned since 1859 
by the Massachusetts Historical Society, I noticed that the 
portrait of Hopkins was strikingly good and differed entirely 
from the so-called Trumbull portrait. The copper-plate, as has 
been shown by Charles Henry Hart in papers read before the 
Historical Society of Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania Magazine 
of History and Biography, 1905, Vol. 29, p. i) and before 
the Massachusetts Historical Society (Proceedings for 1905, 
p. i ) , was made by Edward Savage from the original painting 
executed by Robert Edge Pine, and now in the possession of 
the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Mr. Hart says that 
Pine came to this country in 1784 and began painting at Phila- 
delphia in the fall of that year. In an advertisement in the 
Pennsylvania Packet of November 15, 1784, he states that he 
has been "honoured with the use of a commodious apartment 
in the State-house, for the purpose of painting the most illus- 
trious scenes in the late Revolution," and during the winter 
of 1784-1785 his pictures were on exhibition. He immediately 


started in making portraits of the illustrious characters of this 
country, and by 1788, the year of his death, he had nearly 
finished a picture which he called "The American Congress 
Voting Independence." After his death the picture was pur- 
chased for Savage's Museum in New York, and was evidently 
finished, although to how large an extent is unknown, by 
Edward Savage himself. In 1795 the New York Museum was 
removed to Boston and called the Columbian Museum, and in 
1892 the remainder of its collection the survivors of several 
fires was dispersed, and this picture of "The Congress 
Voting Independence" went back to Philadelphia. 

The question now arises whether Pine could have painted 
Hopkins's portrait between the date of his arrival in this coun- 
try, the summer of 1784, and the date of Hopkins's death, 
which occurred July 13, 1785. Although there is no record to 
show one way or the other, there is no reason why Hopkins 
could not have gone to Philadelphia, or have seen Pine in some 
otner city. Hopkins was seventy-eight years old at the time of 
his death, and although he had the palsy in one hand, he was 
not an invalid. His last illness was a lingering fever, evidently 
of several days' duration. 

The portrait of Hopkins, presumably made by Pine, as may 
be seen from the reproduction of it, which accompanies this 
article, is of a striking quality, and much better than the other 
figures near it, although some of these are unfinished. The 
whole figure of Hopkins is absolutely in accord with the state- 
ment of Asher Robbins, who attended him at the time of his 
death, and who said in the Providence Journal of August 8, 
1836: "I knew him well. His tall and venerable figure, his 
silver locks, his striking features, full of intellectual character, 
are still fresh before me." 

To show the grouping of the figures and to give a better 
indication of the appearance of the picture, several of the 
portraits, in addition to that of Hopkins, are shown in the 
picture reproduced herewith. The figure seated facing that of 
Hopkins is that of Charles Carroll, while the one standing 
facing Hopkins, according to Hart, is that of George Read. 
When Savage made the copper-plate from the original picture 


is not known, but he left it unfinished at the time of his death 
in 1817. His son, Edward Savage, tried to sell the plate to 
the painter, Trumbull, stating that "The Plate is now in a 
situation that, -it may be finished in a few weeks." So far as 
the portrait of Hopkins is concerned, the engraving is a little 
more cleaj' and satisfactory than the painting. Whether it can 
be credited as the life-picture of Hopkins, it is certainly far 
superior to the Trumbull portrait and has a better claim to 

Chronological Check List of Maps of Rhode 

Island in the Rhode Island Historical 

Society Library 

Although the earliest map of Rhode Island, as an entity, is 
the Mumford map of 1720, there are numerous other maps 
which depict the district at earlier periods. These maps may 
conveniently be grouped into four classes. 

One class are those dealing with the Norse voyages to 
America, of which the more important are Rafn (in his 
"Memoire sur la decouverte de I'Amerique au dixieme siecle," 
1843) and Beamish (in the Norroena Society's "Norse Dis- 
covery of America," 1907). There are no contemporary maps 
of these Norse voyages, the earliest ones being drawn in the 
nineteenth century. 

No early Indian maps of Rhode Island are known. The 
most extensive contribution to its Indian cartography is Rider's 
1903 map. 

For the exploration period, 1500-1616, there are a large 
number of maps and charts which, however, rarely do more 
than mention the bay. These maps are discussed at length in 
Chapin's "Cartography of Rhode Island," 1916. There are a 
number of Dutch maps of the New Netherlands, which show 
the district that is now Rhode Island. Many of these maps 
are practically identical as far as the Rhode Island district Is 
concerned. Photostats of seven of those that are materially 


different in regard to Rhode Island are preserved at the 
Rhode Island Historical Society. They are : 

i "Figurative" 1616 

ii Jacobz 1621 

iii De Laet 1630 

iv Blaeu 1635 

v Dudley . . . 1646 

vi Colom ". [ 1648] 

vii Visscher 1656 

Besides the modern maps that deal with the colonial period, 
there are a number of English maps of New England and 
America which show the district about Narragansett bay. 
Photostats and reproductions of the more important of these 
have been obtained and are at the Society. They consist in 
the following maps : 

Wood 1634 

Seller 1675 

Hubbard 1677 

Stoughton & Buckley. . . . 1678 

Morden 1690 

Thornton 1695 

Mather 1702 (based on Lea.) 

English Pilot [1706] 

Neal 1720 

English Pilot 1731 

English Pilot 1758 

For convenience, a few maps in other libraries have been 
included in the following list, which comprises not only maps 
of the colony and state of Rhode Island, but also maps dealing 
with the Rhode Island Boundary question, maps showing a 
section of the state larger than a county, as for instance maps 
of Narragansett Bay and maps of the island of Rhode Island. 

Maps of the southern New England states, or larger groups, 
even when "Rhode Island" appears in the title, have not been 
included in this list, unless of some special local interest, as it 
is believed that they should be listed under New England, 
United States, or America, as the case may be. In the list 


issued by the Library of Congress such maps are placed under 
the heading of Rhode Island in the index. 


1. Rider, Sidney S. 

"Map of the Colony of Rhode Island giving the Indian 
names of Locations and the Locations of the Great Events in 
Indian History with Present Political Divisions Indicated by 
Sidney S. Rider. Providence, Rhode Island. 1903." 2O l / 2 x 
15^2. Line cut. In the Lands of Rhode Island as they were 
known to Caunounicus and Miantunnomu . , . By Sidney 
S. Rider. Providence. 1904. opp. p. 58. R. I. H. S. 

ii Same. Issued as a separate, folded in covers. Cover 
title, "An Indian map of the Lands of Rhode Island as they 
were known to Canonicus and Miantinomi when Roger Wil- 
liams came here in 1636. By Sidney S. Rider (1903). Edi- 
tion limited 220 copies, R. I. H. S. 

2. King, George Gordon. 

Map showing the Indian names of places in Rhode Island, 
mss. Exhibited at Newport Historical Society. Owned by 
Dr. Roderick Terry of Newport. 


3. Isham and Brown. 

"A Map of the State of Rhode Island" (1636-1725). 13 x 
10^4. In Early Rhode Island Houses. By Norman M. Isham 
and Albert F. Brown. Providence. 1895. Folded in pocket. 
R. I. H. S. 

ii Blue Print. R. I. H. S. 

4. Arnold, James N. 

A map of Part of the State of Rhode Island showing original 
purchases. 8x7^. In Arnold's "Narragansett Tribe of 
Indians," Newport, 1896. R. I. H. S. 

5. Richman, Irving B. 

Territorial Growth of Rhode Island, 1636-1683. 17x15. 
In Richman's "Rhode Island, its making and its meaning." 
1902. Vol. i. R. I. H. S. 

ii Same. In 1908 edition. R. I. H. S. 



6. Woodward & Saffery. 

"A description of the extent of the bounds of Massachusetts 
Bay Patent .... the I4th of the 4th month 1642. By 
Nath. Woodward (and) Solomon Saffery." Original on page I 
of Book marked "Collonial 1629-1720" & numbered 2 and 3 
(1866) in Secretary of State's Office, Boston, Mass. 

ii Manuscript copy. Massachusetts archives. Vol. 3, 

page i. 

iii Manuscript copy, io^4 x 16%. R. I. H. S. 
iv Reduction in "Historical Collections" by Holmes 

Ammidown, 1874. Vol. I, page 294. R. I. H. S. 
v Reduction in Bowen's "The Boundary Disputes of 

Connecticut," 1882. R. I. H. S. 

vi Reduction. In Mass. Hist. Soc. 1912 edition of 
Bradford's History of Plymouth Plantations, vol. 2, 
page 280. 

vii Reduction. Surcharged in red over a modern map 
of the same district, thus locating the places men- 
tioned. In N. E. H. & G. Reg. for April, 1901, 
page 155- 
viii Manuscript copy. British Museum, Add. 15487 

fol. 22. 

ix Photograph in Hulbert, v. 4, No. 12. 
This is the earliest contemporary map that mentions Provi- 
dence, and the first of the series of boundary maps. 


7. (Map of Connecticut, showing the western portion of 
Rhode Island.) The original is in the State Paper Office, 

ii Manuscript copy in Connecticut State Library, 
iii Lithograph, between pages 40-41 in Bowen's "The 

Boundary Disputes of Connecticut." 1882. 12x18. 

R. I. H. S. 


8. Map of Rhode Island made by the Commissioners to 
accompany their agreement of May 12, 1703. The original in 


Board of Trade Papers, London, England. 

ii Copy in Colonial Boundaries i, p. 240, in Connecti- 
cut State Library, 
iii Photostat. R. I. H. S. 


9. Mumford, John. 

"This is A true and Exact Chart or map of the Bounds and 
Limits of the Colony of Rhoad Island and Providence Plan- 
tations in New England in America Sirveyed & Drawne By 
John Mumford Sworne Sirveyer, By order of the Generall 
Assembly, and at their Sessions Held at Newport the I4th of 
June was approved & alowed of. 1720. Samll Cranston 

Mss. in colors, 30^x24. R. I. H. S. 

ii Line cut reproduction in The Providence Journal 

for Jan. 28, 1908. R. I. H. S. 
iii Manuscript copy in England, 
iv Photograph of iii in Hulbert, series 3. 
This is the earliest contemporary map of Rhode Island, and 
was drawn in connection with the Connecticut boundary dis- 
pute. It gives our Gould Island in the Seacannet River as Gold 
Island, thus distinguishing it from the Gould Island at New- 
port, which it also gives. Rumstick neck is called Pocanockett 
alias Sawoomsett (Sowams). 

10. Chart of Long Island Sound and its approaches, drawn 
by British Naval Officers about 1720. Manuscript in Public 
Record Office, London. 

ii In U. S. Coast and Geodetic Survey. Report for 

1890. Appendix No. 20. R. I. H. S. 
iii Excerpt from ii. 7^2x10. R. I. H. S. 
This is the earliest chart of Narragansett Bay. It shows 
not only the depths of water but also the location of buildings. 
It is rather inaccurate. 

11. (Map of Connecticut and Rhode Island Boundary.) 
Original in Colonial Boundaries, vol. I, in Conn. Library. 

ii In Bowen's "Boundary Disputes of Connecticut." 

p. 46. R. I. H. S. 
It is merely a rough sketch of the Pawcatuck River. 



12. (Rhode Island.) Copy taken from map annexed to order 
of His Majesty's Council, &c. 1726. Hulbert third series. 


13. Map of Rhode Island and Connecticut boundary line. 
Original in England. 

ii Manuscript copy in Connecticut archives. Connecti- 
cut Boundaries, vol. I, p. 240. 

iii Lithograph of ii, 12x9, in Bowen's "The Boundary 
Disputes of Connecticut," 1882. p. 45. R. I. H. S. 
This map is scarcely more than a rough diagram. 


14. Map of the Colony of Rhode Island, &c. 1736-7. Hul- 
bert, third series. 


15. Helme and Chandler. 

An exact Plan of the Sea coast of the Continent from Pau- 
cautuck River. Eastwards .... to Slocums Harbour 
.... By Order of His Majesty's Court of Commissrs. 
Jas Helme, Wm. Chandler, Surveyrs. 

The original was deposited in the New York State Library 
and was destroyed by the fire of 1911. 

ii Official manuscript copy. 46^x42. State Paper 

Office, London. 

iii Manuscript copy in State House, Boston, Mass. 
iv Lithograph of Boston copy of London copy with 
Borden's line added. Boston, J. H. BufFords. 
1845. 3^2x2^/2. In Massachusetts Senate 
Document No. 14, January, 1848, opp. page 132. 
R. I. H. S. 

v Lithograph by Tappan & Bradford. 30^x27^2. In 
Bill before the Supreme Court of the United 
States, December term, 1852, Bill : The Common- 
wealth of Massachusetts vs. the State of Rhode 
Island and Providence Plantations. Boston : 1852, 
opp. p. 34. R. I. H. S. 


vi Lithograph of section re-drawn. In Arnold's His- 
tory of Rhode Island, 1859, vol. 2, page 131. R. I. 
H. S. 
vii Manuscript copy of London copy. 46^x42. In 

John Carter Brown Library, 
viii Manuscript copy of New York copy. In Library of 


ix Photostat of viii. 18^x17^. R. I. H. S. 
x Manuscript copy. 19^x19^. From Lord Gower's 

Collection. R. I. H. S. 

xi Manuscript copy. In colors. Dated June 25, 1741. 
22x20^2. Formerly William Clogston's copy, from 
whom it was purchased by William J. Mackay. 
R. I. H. S. 

xii Reproduction of section. 4x6^2. In Kimball's 
"Providence in Colonial Times." 1912. p. 206. 
R. I. H. S. 

xiii Manuscript copy drawn by Atwater & Schubarth, 

1848, in Rhode Island State Library. From copy 

in office of Boston Secretary of State, which was 

from London copy. State Library. 

xiv Copy of eastern part by Atwater & Schubarth in 

Providence Journal, 22 Jan, 1848. 13^2x7^. 
According to Bartlett (Bibliography of Rhode Island, 1864, 
p. 34), the original map was to be kept in the office of the 
Secretary of New York. This map was destroyed in the fire 
of 1911. A contemporary copy of the New York original was 
sent to London and is in the British State Paper Office. 

Two copies were made from the London copy. One came 
to the Secretary of State's office in Boston, where it was litho- 
graphed. The other is in the John Carter Brown Library. 
The Clogston-Mackay copy was either a copy made from the 
original on June 25, 1741, or else a copy of such a copy. The 
Lord Gower copy was probably made from the London map, 
while the Library of Congress copy may have been from the 
New York original. In 1849 Atwater & Schubarth copied the 
Boston copy, and this is now in the R. I. State Library. 

This is really the second map of Rhode Island and gives 


important data in regard to the boundary lines. The manu- 
script copies vary considerably in topography and nomencla- 


16. Harrison, Joseph. 

"A map of the Country Adjacent to the Northern Boun- 
dary Line of the Colony of Rhode Island as the same was Run 
by Commissioners Appointed for that Purpose by the Gen- 
eral Assembly of the said Colony in the year 1750." Drawn 
by Joseph Harrison. 28x18. British Museum. Add. 15457 
fol. 24. 

ii Photograph 15^x27^. R. I. H. S. 
iii Photograph of B. M. copy. In Hulbert's "Crown 

Collection of American Maps." 

iv Manuscript copy in office of R. I. Secretary of State, 
v Reduction of iv, 4x6^4. In the Monthly Chronicle 
of events, discoveries, improvements and opin- 
ions. Boston. 1841, vol. 2, page 107. R. I. H. S. 
vi Same manuscript. 25x18. Canadian Archives, 3877. 


17. Jefferys, Thomas. 

"A map of the most inhabited part of New England, con- 
taining the provinces of Massachusetts bay, and New Hamp- 
shire, with the colonies of Connecticut and Rhode Island." 
London. J. Green. 1755. Four sheets 20^x19^. 
ii Same mounted, 40x38. R. I. H. S. 
iii Same. In Sayer & Jeffery's "general topographical 
History, of North America and the West Indies." 
1768. No. 26-29. 

iv Same. Dated 1774. Mounted. R. I. H. S. 
v Same. In Jeffery's "The American Atlas." 1774. 

No. 15-16. 
vi Same. In Faden's "The North American Atlas." 

1777. No. 8-9. 
vii Same. In Jeffery's "The American Atlas." 1782. 

No. 15-16. 

viii Same. Photostat of Rhode Island section. R. I. 
H. S. 


This is the first map to show the counties in Rhode Island. 
Several towns and many place names make their first appear- 
ance on this map. 

Phillips in his Library of Congress list of maps on America 
says that this map was "composed from Douglas' map and 
other particular surveys, and the situations adjusted by astro- 
nomical observations by John Green." 

1 8. Kitchin, Thomas. 

A map of the Colonies of Connecticut and Rhode Island. 
7x9. London, 1758. In London Magazine, April, 1758, v. 27, 
p. 168. 

ii Same. Excerpt. R. I. H. S. 
(To be continued.) 


The annual meeting of the Rhode Island Historical Society 
was held on January 8, 1918. The reports of the various com- 
mittees were read and officers elected for the ensuing year. 

Since the last issue of the Collections the following persons 
have been admitted to membership in the Society : 
Mr. Luther C. Baldwin Mr. Charles Morris Smith, Jr. 
Mr. John F. Street Mr. Frederick E. Tripp 

Mrs. Dexter B. Potter Mrs. William B. Weeden 
Mr. Harold Mason Mr. Rowland Hazard 

Among the recent accessions of the Society is the manu- 
script genealogy of the Gardiner Family, compiled by Caroline 
Robinson ; a series of thirty-eight photographic reproductions 
of the Civil War flags, which are preserved in the State House ; 
and a collection of fac-similes of Rhode Island manuscripts 
which were exhibited at the Jamestown exhibition. Several 
hundred miscellaneous manuscripts, recently acquired, which 
deal with the period between 1750 and 1800, have been 
arranged chronologically, and mounted in three large albums. 
The extensive collection of Providence and Bristol Custom 
House Papers has been carefully stored in boxes, made espe- 


cially for this collection, which has been placed upon the metal 
shelving on the second floor of the fire-proof wing of the build- 

The following members of the Society died during the last 
quarter : 

Mr. Johns Hopkins Congdon Hon. Rowland G. Hazard 

Mr. Charles Read Carr 

The Committee on Marking Historical Sites has placed a 
tablet on the south facade of the Old Market House, showing 
the height to which the water rose in the great September 
Gale of 1815. 

The Eleazer Arnold house in Lincoln has been placed in the 
custody of the Society for the Preservation of New England 
Antiquities. Over $300 has been raised, which is to be used 
for necessary repairs and for the maintenance of the house. 
After the war, they expect to raise an endowment fund of 

New Books of Rhode Island Interest 

An account by Norman M. Isham of his investigations in 
regard to the Old State House at Newport has been issued by 
the Society for the Preservation of New England Antiquities, 
as an illustrated pamphlet, entitled The Colony House, or the 
Old State House. 

Miss Maud L. Stevens' paper, The Romance of Newport, 
which deals with William Coddington and the early history of 
the town, constitutes the principal part of Bulletin, No. 24, of 
the Newport Historical Society. The Bulletin also contains an 
illustrated account, by Simon Newton, of the Postage Stamp 
Currency used in Newport during the Civil War. 

Mr. Albert Mathews has edited the journal of William 
Loughton Smith, who accompanied Washington on his tour in 
1790-1791. This appears in the Massachusetts Historical 
Society Proceedings for October, 1917, and also as a separate 
Reprint. Pages 35 to 39 contain Smith's account of the Jour- 
ney from Newport to Providence and of the occurrences that 


took place in those towns. Although this account has been 
printed before, it is not easily accessible. 

The Providence Journal for December 30, 1917, contains 
an account of the Whipple Tavern in Providence, and the 
issue for January I3th an account of the underground railway 
by which slaves were smuggled north previous to the Civil 

Professor Walter G. Everett has issued a comprehensive 
work upon ethics, entitled ; Moral Values. 

The Reverend Henry M. King's Gathered Fragments con- 
tains reprints of a number of his articles which have appeared 
in magazines and a few which have not previously been printed. 

A biographical sketch of John R. Rathom appeared in the 
World's Work for December as an introduction to a series of 
articles which were to follow. The first of these articles, en- 
titled Germany's Plots Exposed, appeared in the February 
issue of the World's Work. 

The first volume of Courtney Langdon's translation of 
Dante has been issued. This volume comprises the Inferno, 
and it is planned to have it followed by other volumes, com- 
prising the translation of Purgatorio, and the translation of 
Paradiso ; and a fourth volume of notes upon the entire poem. 

Exit, a poem by George T. Marsh, appears in the March 
issue of Scribners. 

La Ilustracion Espanola y Americana of Madrid for August 
8th and for October 3Oth, 1917, contains an illustrated account, 
describing the residence of Ely E. Palmer of Providence, who 
is now United States Consul at Madrid. 

The Unmarried Mother is the title of a study of social con- 
ditions by Rev. Percy Gamble Kammerer of Grace Church. 

A critique of the literature of to-day, entitled Some Modern 
Novelists, appreciations and estimates, is by Helen Thomas 
Follett, and Wilson Follett, of the English Department of 
Brown University. 


Abstracts from Volume I of the Rhode Island 
Land Evidences in the State Archives 

(Continued from January) 

[6] This Indenture made the Eighteenth day of October in 
the ninth yeare of the raigne of our Soverraigne Lord Charles 

Betweene Henry Tew of Maidforde in the County of 

North'ton yeoman of the one part and William Clarke of 
priors Hardwicke in the County of Warr. yeoman of the other 
part Witnesseth that for and in Consideration of a marriage 
by the grace of god shortly to be had and Sollemnized Be- 
tweene Richard Tew Sonn and heire apparant of the said 
Henry and Mary Clarke one of the Daughters of ~ the said 
William Clarke and for the sum off Twenty pounds of Lawfull 
mony of England by bond scured to be payd by the said 
William Clarke unto the said Henry Tew upon the last day 
of May next Ensuinge the date off these pressents. And for 
the sum of one hundred and Twenty pounds of Lawful mony 
England by Bond secured to be paid by him the said William 
Clarke to him the said Richard Tewe upon the Nine and twen- 
tith day of Septembr which shall be in the yeare of our Lord 

god one Thousand Six hundred and fforty It is hereby 

Mutualy covinnated that he the said Henry Tew 

shall be seised of that Messuage, Tenement, Close 

and one yardland; and halfe yardland Scituate in the 

Towne parish and ffeilds of Maidforde aforsaid, And now in 
the possession Tenure or occupacon of the said Henry Tew, 

and of and in all that Cottage now in the Tenure or 

occupacon of Nicholas Carey, and of and in all that other 

Cottage now in the Tenure or occupacon of Nathaniel 

Shen To the only proper use of the said Henry Tew for 

and during the tearme of his Naturall life, And Emediatly 
from and after his decease to the only proper use and behoof e 

of the said Richard Tewe, And for touchinge and Con- 

cerninge the said Messuage yardland and half To the only 

use and behoofe of the said Henry Tewe for and during the 

Terme of seven yeares (if the said Henry shall soe long 

live), And Emediatly from and after the end or other detir- 


minacon of the said Tearme of seven yeares to the only use 

and behoof e of the said Richard Tew [7] In Witnes 

whereof the parties to theis pressents have to theis pressent 

Indentures interchangeably sett their hands and scales 

Sealed and Delivered Henry Tewe 

in the presence of 

William Leeke 

Samuell Leeke 

John Maior 

Whereas there is found wanting in a certain lott laid 

out by mr Noise and some others to John Rathbone and 
Edward Vose which should have been two hundred and Tenn 
Acres, And falling short six score and tenn acres. Therefore 
Know yea that I John Williams Aturney to John Greene 
Aturn. to the Guardians of the estate of the late John Alcock 
of Roxbury phissission deceased havinge by their order in 
Aprile last past ordered me to deliver the said Rathbone and 
his partner what land shall be found wantinge to them in some 
Convenient place in the Comon land at Block Island ; There- 
fore Know yea that I have layd out to the said Rathbone sixty 
Acres of land on the East side of Mill River butting and 
boundinge with the land of Samuell Deringe south one hun- 
dred & Eighty Eight Rod long Buttinge to the sea on the East 
A hundred and fower Rod to the land of Samuell Hagbourne 
north a hundred and Twenty fower Rod soe to goe downe to 
the Mill Brooke Thirty five Rod in Bredth, till it comes to the 
Land of Samuell Hagbourne and to have a highway through 
James Sands yard over the mill Brooke soe to run as a drift 
way through the land of the said Rathbone two Rods wide 
along by mr Hagbournes Reaves and Dodges land to the now 
Harbour on the East Side of Block Island. In wittnes 
whereof I have hereunto sett my hand this Eleventh day of 
October 1671. John Williams 


Robert Guthrey 

Trustram Dodge 

Wee whose names are under written doe aprove and 

allow of John Williams act in deliveringe John Rathbone that 
land that Joines to Samuell Derings great lott (formerly sold 


to Samuell Hagbourne) for his Sixty or Sixty five Acres of 
land wantinge in his great lott in the South end of Block Island. 
Wittnes our hands Octor 18; 1671. 

Samll Bering his marke 
Henry Neale his marke 
Phillip Wharton 

That I Samuel Derin doe Resigne up all my Right 

Title and intrest to the percell of Land Given to John Rath- 
bone (for Sixty five acres of Land missinge in his great lott) 
to the Heires of John Alcock and the Company belonginge to 
Block Island as wittnes my hand this i8th day of October 1671. 
Wittness his marke 

John Williams Samll Derin 

Henry Neale 
his marke 

[8] I Mary Bering vid the late wife of Samll Bering 

Sometimes of Braintree in the County of Suffolke yeoman, 
Beceased, for and in consideration of the considerable sum ol 
one hundred fforty and five pounds of currant silver mony of 

New England received of Mr. James Sands of Block 

Island doe sell to James Sands, his Heires 

all that Tract of Land that was the Land of my late deare 
Husband, Samuell Beringe aforesaid at that time when he 
made a Lease of the same Lands Anno. 1669 Aprill the ffirst 

Scituate lyinge and beinge in Block Island in the Collony 

of Rhod-Island Alwaies saveinge and Reserveinge the 

said Lease to the Grantees or Leasee untill the full 

time and tearme therin mentioned It being formerly by 

my said deare Husband lawfully purchased of mr John Alcock 

late of Roxbury phisician deceased the Lease aforesaid 

to Trustram Bodge Senr, Trustram Bodge Junr and William 

Bodge And further I the said Mary Beringe Boe further 

sell to the said mr James Sands all that part of the stock of 
Cattell and other Utencills of Husbandry mentioned in the 

Lease of the first of Aprill 1669 with all the increase In 

wittnes wherof I the said Mary Beringe have herunto put my 
hand and affixed my seale 11:9 m : Anno 1671. 
in presence of us Mary Bering 

Cornelius ffisher her marke seale 

Samuell Hunting 






"3 "f " 

<; oo 3 

OH '""' 

*-" t 

, , 3 <u 

W o < 

U ^ 'O 

2 ? 

9 s 1 

> d = 

O ^ a 

OS 2 



Enlarged from chart of I 789 


[9] This Deed bearing date the two and Twentieth 

Day of Sept 1671 betweene William Brenton and Bene- 
dict Arnold of Newport on Rhod-Island Merchts John Hull of 
Boston Mercht, John Porter Samll Wilbur Samuell Wei- 
son and Thomas Mumford of the Collony of Rhod-Island 

of the one part and Robert Hassard of Portsmouth in 

the Collony of Rhod-Island &c Shipp-wright on the other part 

That wee the said William Brenton in consideration 

of the sum of ffive and Twenty pounds starll paid by the 

said Robert Hassard have sould to the said Robert 

Hassard two peecis or percells of Land Containinge by 

Esteemation five hundred & sixty Acres in the Narragan- 

sitt Cuntry or Kings province one percell beinge five 

hundred Acres more or less is bounded on the north by a high- 
way on the East by Saugawtuckett River on the south partly 
by land belonging to Edmund Shearman & Samson Shearman 
and partly by a high-way on the west by Land layd out to the 
purchassers, the other percell of the said ffive hundred & sixty 
Acres beinge Sixty Acres more or less is adjoyninge to Two 
Hundred and fifty Acres which the said Robert Hassard pur- 
chased of John Sanf ord . Only Excepted that is at any 

time hereafter any Minneralls shall be Discovered in the said 
percells of Land or Either of them the said Minneralls shall be 
devided into Eight equall shares or parts seven wherof shall 
be and remaine to the use of us the said William Brenton, 
Benedict Arnold, John Hull, John Porter, Samuell Wilbur, 
Samuell Welson, & Thomas Mumford, and the other Eight 
part to the use of the said Robt. Hassard wee have here- 
unto sett our hands & seals 

in the presence William Brenton 

off Benedict Arnold 

John Albro John Hull 

John Winchcombe John Porter 

Samuell Wilbur 
Samuell Welson 
Thomas Mumford 


Genealogical Section 

Additions to Austin's Genealogical Dictionary of Rhode 
Island contributed by George Andrews Moriarty, Jr. 

LAKE David Lake was son of Henry of Portsmouth in 
1652. This Henry was brother of Deacon Thomas Lake of 
Dorchester, Mass., and Henry had formerly lived in Dorches- 
ter. David had a brother Thomas who lived in Portsmouth 
and Tiverton, where he married and raised a numerous family, 
but no notice of him appears in Austin. 

Deacon Thomas Lake of Dorchester in his will 25 Oct. 1678, 
proved 14 Nov. 1678, left the residue of his property to the 
children of his brother Henry, Thomas (being named for him) 
to have 5 more than the rest. On 15 June 1709 David Lake 
sold his share of the Dorchester lands to Zachery Butts, and 
the children of Thomas Lake conveyed to him their father's 
share of the grant made to David and Thomas Lake for 
services in Philip's War by Plymouth Colony for the purpose 
of trying out the title and call him their "honoured uncle" 
(Taunton Deeds). 

Rev. Nathaniel Mather of Dublin wrote to his brother, Rev. 
Increase Mather, 31 Dec. 1684, concerning the latter's book, 
"Remarkable Providences," and asked why he did not include 
the case of H. Lake's wife, to whom the Devil appeared in 
the form of a favorite child, and who was executed as a witch. 
As Nathaniel Mather left New England in March, 1651, this 
execution must have happened shortly before, and this will 
explain the sudden removal of Henry in 1652 to Portsmouth, 
R. I. and 12: iimo: 165^2 there is an entry in the Dorchester 
records providing for bringing up the child of Henry Lake, 
and again an item concerning the children of Alice Lake. 
We have therefore: 

I Lake in England 

issue : 

1. Henry. 

2. Thomas, Deacon of Dorchester Church. 

II Henry married Alice, she was, executed for a witch before 
12:11 :i6$y 2 . Henry removed about this time to Portsmouth. 


He was also a short time in Warwick, arid later of Dartmouth, 
issue : 

1. David. 

2. Thomas. 

3. A child dead by Dorchester records, 27: 10: 1653. 
SAYLES John Sayles, born 1633, d. 1681, of Providence, 

R. I. Married Mary Williams, daughter of Roger. 

He is probably the son of John Sayles of Boston. 

On i April, 1633, he was bound as a servant to John Cogge- 
shall. His daughter Phoebe was also bound to Mr. Cogge- 
shall. He was of Charlestown in 1630, and a church member. 
It is to be noted that John Sayles of Providence named a 
daughter Phoebe. 

WAIT Thomas Wait. Dec. 14, 1669, the Portsmouth town 
council divided the Estate of Thomas Wait among his wife 
Ellen and his children Samuel, Thomas, Benjamin, Reuben, 
Jeremiah and Mary. Thomas and Jeremiah were under 21. 

Joseph Wait died Aug. 25, 1665, but the division above 
shows that he left no issue to represent him in the division of 
the estate of Thomas Wait and there was no William Wait of 
Rochester, son of Joseph. Mr. Austin mistook the name 
Wright for Wait or Weight in the Rochester Records. 

SAMUEL WAIT. Mr. Austin confuses certain entries in the 
records that belong to his son with him. He died at Ports- 
mouth in February, 1677, and administration was given to his 
widow. On March 30, 1693, his son Samuel sold, as Mr. 
Austin states, to William Burrington land in Portsmouth, but 
Mr. Austin makes the sale to have been transacted by Samuel, 
Sr. Had he turned the page he would have found that James 
Sampson of Dartmouth and his wife, Hannah, released her 
one-third interest in the land sold by their son, Samuel Wait. 
This shows that his widow, Hannah, married James Sampson 
of Dartmouth, of Mayflower stock. 

BENJAMIN WAIT. He is not given by Austin among the 

children of Thomas Wait. He removed to Hadley, Mass., 

and married Martha Leonard. He was slain at the taking of 

Deerfield in 1704. On 3 Feb. 1703-4 William Rooker assigned 

(Continued on page 68) 


Report of the Treasurer 


EDWARD K. ALDRICH, JR., Treasurer, in account with the RHODE ISLAND 

HISTORICAL SOCIETY. For current account, viz. : 


CASH ON HAND January 1, 1917 : 

Cash on hand $230 00 

In R. I. Hospital Trust Company 287 00 

" Providence Institution for Savings 832 00 

" National Exchange Bank 455 36 

Receipts from Annual Dues $1,076 00 

" Life Membership 50 00 

State Appropriation 1,500 00 

" " Rental of Rooms 29 00 

" Interest and Dividends 3,097 00 

" Books 1,155 87 

" Newspaper Account 76 98 

" Investments 10000 

" Publications 17 50 

" Special Funds, viz. : 

Binding Greene Papers 25 00 

Olney Papers 1,850 00 

Jireh Bull House 125 00 

Roger Williams Papers 150 00 

9,252 35 

$11,056 71 



Ashes $34 70 

Binding 210 73 

Books 876 90 

Dues 200 

Electric Lighting 10 17 

Expense 342 81 

Furniture and Fixtures 81 95 

Fuel 438 75 

Gas 6 37 

Grounds and Building 169 34 

Insurance 225 00 

Investments 553 10 

Janitorial Services 246 24 

Newspaper Account 163 73 

Printing 5 75 

Salaries 3,244 58 

Special Funds : 

Binding Greene Papers 53 20 

Jireh Bull House 113 17 

Olney Papers 1,851 00 

Roger Williams Papers 155 02 

Supplies 130 91 

Telephone 46 68 

Water 876 

Publications 185 58 

$9,156 44 

Cash on hand December 31, 1917: 

Check $12500 

Liberty Bond 500 00 

In R. I. Hospital Trust Company 287 00 

" Providence Institution for Savings 832 00 

" National Exchange Bank 156 27 

1,900 27 

$11,056 71 


EDWARD K. ALDRICH, JR., Treasurer, in account with the RHODE ISLAND 


JANUARY 1, 1918. 


Permanent Endowment* Fund : 

Samuel ML Noyes $12,000 00 

Henry J. Steere 10,000 00 

Charles H. Smith 5,000 00 

Charles W. Parsons 4,000 00 

William H. Potter 3,000 00 

Esek A. Jillson 2,000 00 

John Wilson Smith 1,000 00 

William G. Weld 1,000 00 

Charles C. Hoskins 1,000 00 

Charles H. Atwood 1,000 00 

$40,000 00 

Publication Fund: 

Ira B. Peck $1,000 00 

William Gammell 1,000 00 

Albert J. Jones 1,000 00 

William Ely 1,000 00 

Julia Bullock 500 00 

Charles H. Smith 100 00 

$4,600 00 

Life Membership Fund 4,200 00 

Franklin Lyceum Memorial Fund (principal only, 

accrued interest not drawn) 734 52 

$49,534 52 
Cash 7,727 66 

$57,262 18 



Investments : 

$6,000.00 Bonds, Minneapolis, Lyndale and 

Minnetonka Railway $5,850 00 

$3,000.00 Bonds, Lacombe Electric Company. . 2,835 00 

125 Shares New York Central Railroad 12,500 00 

111 " Pennsylvania Railroad 7,18845 

30 " Lehigh Valley Railroad 2,11250 

6 " Lehigh Valley Coal Sales Com- 
pany 241 85 

40 " Milwaukee Electric Railway and 

Light Company preferred 3,900 00 

55 " American Telephone and Tele- 
graph Company 7,123 61 

SO " Merchants National Bank 1,800 00 

45 " Blackstone Canal National Bank.. 1,050 00 

54 " Providence Gas Company 4,705 50 

Mortgage P. A. and H. A. Cory 3,075 00 

10 Shares Duquesne Light Company 1,060 00 

$1,000.00 Bond Denver Gas and Electric Com- 
pany 950 00 

$1,000.00 Bond Columbus Railway, Power and 

Light Company 970 00 

$55,361 91 

Cash on Hand (Check) $125 00 

In R. I. Hospital Trust Company 287 00 

" Providence Institution for Savings 832 00 

" National Exchange Bank 156 27 

Liberty Bond (3^%) 500 00 

1,900 27 

Total Assets $57,262 18 

Respectfully submitted, 



PROVIDENCE, January 7, 1918. 

Examined vouchers and securities compared and found to agree. 


Auditing Committee. 


A Partial List of the Rhode Islanders who gave 

their lives for their Country at the Capture 

of Havana in 1762 

Lieut. Asa Bowditch, Commanding the 2nd Co. 

2nd Lieut. Thomas Rose, 1st Co., Detached. 

Corporal Ichabod Randall, 7th Co. 

Privates, 'jth Co. 

Oliver Burdick Pomp Greenman 

Nathan Bromley Stephen Potheague 

Daniel Billings Amos Todd 

Abner Chace Thomas Ross, Jr. 

Robert Clarke Daniel Robbins 

Edward Clarke Levi Skesick 

Peter Crandall Daniel Sowers 

Caleb Clarke, Jr. Edmond Smith 

Stephen Clarke Isaac Thorn 

James Hammer Robert Trim 

Tucker Hall John Waggs 

Joel Maxson Elisha Lanphere 

, (Concluded from page 63) 

to Thomas Wait of Seaconnet and Benjamin Wait of Hadley 
forty acres in Brookfield (Hampshire Deeds C, folio 73). On 
24 May 1717 the sons of Benjamin Wait sold the land and 
warranted it against their uncle, Thomas Wait, brother of the 
aforesaid Benjamin. (Hampshire Deeds III, folio 439.) 

THROCKMORTON. 4: 8 mo: 1660 certificate signed by Mrs. 
Williams, Rebecca Throckmorton, Sarah Whipple and Mary 
Mowry as to a child born in Providence. (Middlesex, Mass., 
Court Files.) This gives us the name of the wife of John 




Vol. XI 

July, 1918 

No. 3. 

WILFRED H. MUNRO, President EDWARD K. ALDRICH, Jr. , Treasurer 

Please address communications to Howard M. Chapin, Librarian 
68 Waterman Street, Providence, R. I. 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the 
opinions of contributors. 

John Greene of Newport and Narragansett 


Among the papers collected by Gen. George S. Greene, while 
compiling the history and genealogy of the family of Surgeon 
John Greene of Warwick, is the following communication sent 
to him March 8, 1876, by Hon. John Caleb Greene of Troy, 
N. Y., a copy of which is deposited with the Root Manuscript 
Collection at the Rhode Island Historical Society in Provi- 
dence : 


"The Greenes of Greenend, Middletown, formerly New- 
port, R. I." 

"It has been handed down for several generations, that 
shortly after the Pequot War (1637), no other date being 
given, three brothers, William Green or Greene, John and 


another whose name has not been preserved, emigrated from 
England, and in the course of a few years located themselves 
as follows : " 

"William on a farm about two miles from Newport, R. I., 
on what is now and has been since 1740 the town of Middle- 

"John (?) went to New Jersey and was one of the first set- 
tlers in Shrewsbury." 

"The third settled in Washington County, Rhode Island, 
and from that time seems to have been lost to the 'Greenend' 
family, a reason for which may appear from a circumstance 
about to be mentioned." 

"William, farmer of 'Greenend,' Middletown, Baptist, died 
childless. He had adopted as his heir apparent a nephew from 
the Narragansett Country who resided with him. William 
went home to England on a visit, leaving his wife and prop- 
erty in the care of his said nephew. William's visit, having 
been extended beyond expectation, the nephew abused his 
trust, assumed the ownership of the property and opened the 
house as a tavern under the name of 'Greene's Inn', which by 
a common corruption became 'Greenend,' a locality well known 
to Newport people, the neighborhood being known by that 
name to this day. On the return of William, he dismissed his 
malapert nephew and sent to New Jersey for a son of his 
brother there." 

"I tell the tale as it was told to me, but I think one genera- 
tion has been skipped and that this John must have been a 
grandson of the New Jersey settler." 

"This nephew, named John, came to Rhode Island, and 
William devised to him his farm in strict entail and died soon 

"It is easy to account for the estrangement between the 
'Greenend' family and the 'Narragansett' family if we accept 
the story of the nephews." 

"John 1 the farmer, born in New Jersey, died at Greenend, 
Baptist. All dates as to this one are merely approximate and 
I think mere guesswork. He married Sarah Peckham and 


begat sons and daughters. Of these I have the names of but 

"John, 2 born about 1690; Henry, 2 who went to New Jersey, 
remained there and inherited the New Jersey homestead; 
William, 2 who married and settled in Portsmouth, R. I. ; 
Sarah, 2 who married Peleg Rogers." 

"John 2 Greene, born about 1690, farmer at 'Greenend,' died 
there about 1750, m. 1722 Marcy (Mary?) Weeden, who was 
born in the last decade of the I7th century and died in 1775." 

"Several children I know nothing of, but two who are both 
my lineal ancestors were John, 3 b. 1729, and Thomas, b. 1731." 

"John, 3 born at Greenend in 1729, was a farmer and died 
in Florida, Montgomery County, New York, in 1812. He 
inherited the farm and married, in 1757, Catherine Carr, 
daughter of Daniel. She was born in 1731. They had four- 
teen children. She also died in 1812 at Florida, N. Y." 

"John, 4 their eldest son, was born in 1758. After the Revo- 
lution, John 3 and his eldest son John* broke the entail of the 
Greenend farm and sold it and they removed about 1792 to 
Greenfield, Saratoga County, N. Y., and from there to Mont- 
gomery County, N. Y., where they both died. The farm is 
still in the possession of their descendants (i. e., 1876)." Thus 
runs the tradition. 

The history following is compiled from the original records 
at Newport, Jamestown, North Kingstown, and Portsmouth, 
R. I., Shrewsbury, N. J., Rhode Island and New Jersey Colo- 
nial Records, Land Evidence in the office of the Secretary of 
State at Providence, Fones's Records, Potter's Narragansett, 
State Records, and Rehoboth, Mass., Records. The British 
destroyed many of the Newport Records at the time of the 
Revolution. The destruction and the loss of many of the 
early North Kingstown records by fire in 1875, removed some 
of the details we would gladly know concerning this early 
Greene family. In the main family tradition and history 
agree, tradition explaining historical data which might not 
otherwise have been understood. 

It may be well to point out that the name of the original 
settler at Greenend farm was John Greene, not William. 


Judge John C. Greene of Troy, N. Y., was correct in his con- 
jecture that the first two generations had been confused. 

In regard to the John Greene of East Greenwich, born June 
6, 1651, who had children recorded in East Greenwich, James, 
John and Jane, in 1685, 1688, 1691, and who has been con- 
founded with Lieut. John Greene of Newport, he is probably 
the man who is reported by descendants to have changed his 
name from Clarke to Greene for some reason. He leased land 
of David Shippee of East Greenwich, November 27, 1685, and 
is called "John Greene, now residing in said Colony" (i. e., 
Rhode Island). His wife was Abigail Wardell, or Wardwell, 
whose father, Usal Wardwell, was of Bristol, R. I. The Usal, 
Wardwell and En field Greenes, of whom there are many in 
the succeeding generations, belong to this family. 


The first we know of John Greene is what he tells about 
himself when testifying before the Rhode Island General 
Court in 1679 concerning the land of Richard Smith in Narra- 
gansett. He says that when Richard Srnith established his 
trading house in Narragansett about 1637 he was living with 
Smith, and that when a few years later the Narragansett 
princes confirmed the land to Smith he was present and saw 
the ceremony. Smith and Greene had both made their head- 
quarters in Newport for several years, before settling fully in 
Narragansett or Quidnissett, Smith "coming and going him- 
self," as Roger Williams says, "and his children and servants." 
Smith had been admitted an inhabitant of Newport in 1638 
and was elected a lieutenant there in 1644. 

[R. I. Colonial Records.] 

Both Richard Smith and Roger Williams were greatly inter- 
ested in propagating the gospel among the native Indians, who 
were very numerous. In March, 1644, Williams obtained from 
the Earl of Warwick a patent for the Narragansett lands in 
which he states that "divers well affected English inhabitants 
of Providence, Portsmouth and Newport have adventured to 
make a nearer neighborhood and society with the great body 


of Narragansetts and have purchased and are purchasing 
among the natives some other places which may be convenient 
both for plantation and the building of ships." Roger Williams 
himself established a trading house at Narragansett which was 
purchased by Smith in 1651, John Greene bought land at 
"Greene's Harbor" later so called, and Caleb Carr, land he 
sold to John Greene in -1651. The plantation had grown to 
such importance in a few years that May 19, 1647, the General 
Court of Rhode Island assigned the care and government of 
the trading houses in Narragansett to Newport. 

[Potter's Narragansett, p. 47.] 

John Greene was interested not only in the Quidnessett 
lands but in other sales of territory that were taking place 
about the same time. February 20, 1647, David Greenman and 
his brother Edward sold to John Greene, husbandman, of New- 
port, twenty-two acres of land near the endship or village 
called Greenend, bounded on the southwest side by the road 
leading from Newport to Portsmouth. This is now known as 
the East Main Road. 

June 6, 1651, Walter Cunnigiave of Newport and his wife 
Elizabeth sold to the same John Greene of Newport eighty 
acres of land in Newport, near unto or in the hamlet of Green- 
end, abutting on the common highway leading from Greenend 
to Newport Mill on the west, and on the east by the Great 
Common. [Newport Deeds.] 

On January 3, 1651, Caleb Carr of Newport (evidently one 
of the "well affected English inhabitants" interested in the 
Narragansetts) sold to John Greene of the same place one 
hundred acres in Narragansett abutting on Quidnessett or 
Greene's harbor. [North Kingstown Deeds.] 

In 1655 John Greene's name was in the list of the freemen 
of Newport. He was a commissioner from Newport to the 
General Court, 1655-56-57-58-60. [Colonial Records.] 

March 10, 1656, several inhabitants of Rhode Island, at that 
time simply the present Island of Rhode Island, entered into 
an agreement to purchase the islands of Conanicut and Dutch 
Island. Richard Smith of Narragansett and John Greene of 


Newport were among the purchasers, each buying one- fortieth 
of the purchase. [Jamestown Records.] 

John Greene is said to have been the first man who improved 
his land there and immediately sowed hay seed where he 
intended to build his house. The land was purchased April 17, 
1657. In January, 1661, Greene sold his purchase, half to 
John Sanford of Newport and half to* Caleb Carr of Newport. 
Carr's half was bounded north with land of Joseph Clark, and 
is important because its record furnishes the absolute proof 
that John 1 Greene of Newport and John 1 Greene of Narra- 
gansett or Quidnissett were one and the same person. 

September 25, 1685, Joseph Clark, above, of Newport, sold 
the land which was bounded south by Caleb Carr's land which 
was formerly in possession of "Jrm Greene, sr., of Narragan- 
sett, now deceased," to Francis Brinley. 

[Jamestown Records.] 

It will be remembered that when John Greene bought the 
Conanicut land he was called John 1 Greene of Newport, and 
when the adjacent owner, Joseph Clarke, sold his land, he 
refers to the same Greene as "J onn Greene, sr., of Narragan- 
sett, deceased." 

But to go back to the Narragansett lands. This country 
aroused the interest not only of Rhode Island but also of 
Massachusetts and Connecticut settlers. Troubles with the 
Indians and disagreements as to boundary lines had led to 
the employment of .Major Humphrey Atherton of Boston in 
negotiations between the Indians and the English, and he 
made use of the influence he thus acquired to make purchases 
for himself and his associates, totally disregarding the law of 
the colony of Rhode Island that purchases of the Indians by 
those outside the colony should not be considered valid. He 
obtained a mortgage of the Indians upon the Narragansett 
lands, foreclosed it and took possession. This act led to many 
complications, for the mortgage included the lands already 
possessed by the "well affected English inhabitants" of whom 
Roger Williams had spoken. 

However, a compromise was effected. A meeting of a com- 
mittee of the Atherton Company was held at Boston, March 


23, 1660, and they decided to lay out the northern tract of the 
Atherton purchase for a plantation. Those inhabitants of 
Rhode Island (Island of Rhode Island) who already had a 
grant of lands there, were to be included "provided they will 
give up all the writings they have received from any of us con- 
cerning the same, and give us a discharge upon the said writ- 
ings, that thereby we may have power of ourselves to lay out 
as we see cause the remainder of the said land." 

[Fones's Records, p. 17.] 

It was ordered that those who had allotments in the town 
were to engage to build upon them within two years, and settle 
upon them themselves, or cause someone else to do so. If 
they sold they must sell only to those of whom the Company 

This northern tract of land lay between the land of Mr. 
Richard Smith northward and the River or Brook called Stony 
River, along the English (Pequot) Path and so to the sea. 
It was to be divided into forty shares. Twelve of the shares 
were to be reserved to the Atherton Purchasers, and the other 
twenty-eight shares were at the disposal of the "well affected 
English inhabitants" who had bought land there, and they or 
''the major part of them" were appointed a committee to take 
in such inhabitants to themselves as they shall judge suitable 
neighbors to such a society." [Fones's Records.] Two of 
these Rhode Island settlers were Mr. Caleb Carr and John 
Greene of Green [end]. 

John Greene does not appear on the Newport records after 
1660, and he obeyed the directions and built at Quidnissett 
within the required two years, for Richard Smith speaks of 
his house in 1663. 

A meeting of the Atherton Committee was held at Narra- 
gansett, July 2, 1663. It was agreed to send to Mr. Thomas 
Gould, John Greene and the rest of the inhabitants there to 
meet and decide under which government they chose to be 
placed, Rhode Island, Massachusetts or Connecticut. They 
chose to be under the jurisdiction of Connecticut. May 14, 
1664, Richard Smith wrote to the committee complaining that 
John Greene, sr., had been taken from his house at Quidnissett 


by a warrant from Rhode Island. He was carried to Newport 
and called before the court to answer for his adhering to the 
government of Connecticut. His answers gave offence, but he 
begged pardon and the court promised him as a freeman of 
Rhode Island the protection of the colony. 

[Colonial Records.] 

Differences of opinion in regard to the jurisdiction to which 
Narragansett belonged still continued, together with agitation 
concerning the western boundary line, and in May, 1671, the 
General Assembly ordered the governor to hold a court in 
Westerly and other places in Narragansett to see how the 
inhabitants stood regarding their fidelity to the King and the 
Colony of Rhode Island. Court was held at Aquidneset May 
19 and 20. Among the persons who took the oath of loyalty 
were John 1 Greene and his sons, Henry 2 Greene and Daniel 2 

January i, 1672, John Greene of Quidnissitt was one of the 
men engaged in the Fones' purchase, which was confirmed to 
the twenty- four partners in 1677. In October, 1677, 5000 
acres in Narragansett were appropriated for a town to be 
called East Greenwich, 500 acres near the shore were to be 
divided into house lots of ten acres each, and 4500 acres were 
to be divided into farms of ninety acres each. There were to 
be fifty proprietors, and the previous twenty- four Fones part- 
ners were to be included in the number of the fifty East Green- 
wich proprietors. 

July 27, 1679, John Fones, in behalf of himself and his part- 
ners, wrote to John Spencer of the East Greenwich purchase 
asking for a meeting the next day at East Greenwich to dis- 
cuss the decisions of the General Assembly at their meeting in 
May, 1679. Among the signers of the letter were John Greene 
and John Greene, jr. Town lots and ninety-acre farms were 
drawn soon after. John Greene, sr., drew the ninth house lot 
in the first ten-acre division, and a ninety-acre farm, the third 
farm, in the second division. Edward Greene sold both these 
pieces of land to George Vaughn and in the deeds states that 
they descended to him by will of his father, John Greene, 
deceased. [East Greenwich Deeds.] 


John Greene, jr., called at the time Lieut. John Greene of 
Newport, had a special meeting of the townsmen of East 
Greenwich called, May 14, 1685, when as a Fones purchaser 
he was recognized as a townsman and was allowed to draw 
his lot and farm. He drew the sixth ten-acre lot in the second 
division and the nineteenth farm in the second division. The 
lots were laid out June 18 and recorded June 19, 1685. 

[East Greenwich Deeds.] 

May i, 1690, John 2 Greene of Newport sold to Giles Peirce 
the ten-acre lot in the second division, for goods and money. 

February 13, 1707/8, Thomas Langford and wife Sarah of 
East Greenwich sold to Zachariah Jenkins of Barnstable a 
ninety-acre farm, the nineteenth farm in the second division of 
East Greenwich. No deed has yet been found which explains 
how this farm belonging to Lieut. John Greene of Newport 
came into the possession of Thomas Langford and his wife 

John 1 Greene of Quidnissett was appointed Conservator of 
the Peace for Narragansett, 1678-79. On July 29, 1679, 
wearied with the differences about the government of Narra- 
gansett which "had been so fatal to the prosperity of it and 
had caused so much animosity in people's minds," he and forty- 
one others of Narragansett petitioned the King to put an end 
to the difficulties. 

In 1682 he seems to have begun to settle up his affairs. On 
February 4, 1682, Edward Greenman acknowledged, for him- 
self and brother David, the deed he had given Greene to land 
in Newport in 1647. Greene and his wife Joan deeded to their 
sons, Daniel 2 and James, 2 land in Quidnisset in return for thirty 
shillings a year paid by each of them so long as either parent 
lived. This was March 24, 1681/2. He left a will, as is shown 
by the deeds of his son Edward, but it was doubtless destroyed 
in the North Kingstown fire. He died before September 25, 

The children of John 1 Greene and his wife Joan were Lieut. 
John 2 Greene of Newport ; 

Henry 2 Greene of Quidnisset and "New Gearsey" ; 

Daniel 2 Greene of Quidnisset; 


James 2 Greene of Quidnisset; 

Benjamin 2 Greene of Quidnisset; 

Sarah 2 Greene, who married Thomas Flounders about 1668. 
Flanders was executed October 26, 1670, for the murder of 
Walter House. Edward Greenman and John Greene of New- 
port had charge of his estate for the widow and her child. 

Peter Easton's Notes 

Peter Easton, son of Nicholas, was born in 1622. He came 
to Rhode Island with his father in 1638, married Anne Cogge- 
shall in 1643, and subsequently held the offices of Commis- 
sioner, Deputy, Assistant, General Treasurer and Attorney 
General. He died February 12, 1694. Upon a blank leaf of 
an almanac which was printed in Cambridge in 1669, Peter 
Easton wrote the following memoranda : 

"Sine road Hand was planted 31 1638 

[Sine] nuport began may first 30 1639 

[Sine] Peter Easton maried Nov 15 1643 26 

[Sine] the windmill was built Aug 2 1663 6 

[Sine] the first hous built in nuport in May 1639 30 

[Sine] this Hand planted by English 1638 31 

[Sine] we came to new England May 14 1634 35 

[Sine] I was Borne years forty seven 47 

The pointers were Southeast the 
first of January at midnight just 
February the 14 the pointers are South at 

This almanac is now in the library of the American Anti- 
quarian Society. A photostat copy of the manuscript notes 
has been presented to the Rhode Island Historical Society by 
Mr. Clarence S. Brigham. 

A more extensive series of historical notes was made by 
Peter Easton in a copy of the 1669 edition of Morton's "New 


England's Memorial," which he bought on November iQth of 
that year. This volume is now in the possession of Thomas G. 
Hazard, Jr., of Narragansett. Some of these notes were re- 
printed in the Newport Mercury for December 26, 1857, and 
January 2, 1858. 

The items which have a local interest are as follows : 

"Peter Easton his Booke bought at Boston for 35 6d 1669 
November 19. 

1634. 25 of march this yeare we came aboard the ship at 
Southhampton to come for New England Peter Easton, John 
Easton and their father. 

14 of May Nicholas Easton with his two sones Peter & John 
came ashore in New England. 

This year the Eastons wintered at Ipswich one whole win- 
ter and the sumer before Part of it. 

1635 The begining of this year we came to Nubury. 

On Saterday night forty year after came much the like 
storme blew downe our windmill and did much harme the 28 
of august 1675. 

This year the Eastons went in the spring to Newbeire then 
caled agawom and ther builded and planted this was the first 
seattling of that towne lying on the south side of the Mery- 
make River in New England. 

1638 In the begining of this yeare we N. E. J. E. P. E. 
went to winaconit now hamton and built there, in the begin- 
ing of this year 1638 the Eastons left Newbery and went and 
builded at winaconeck now caled Hamton beyond merimack 
and this was the begining of the year March but beeing put 
by our purchas by the Disension in the contry when Mr Vane 
was turned out from beeing governor they went unto Road 
Hand in June and builded at Porchmuth at the cove and 
planted there this yeare 1638 I5d 4m. 

1639 This year id 3m we came to newport. In the begin- 
ing of May this year the Eastons came to Newport in Road 
Hand and builded ther the first English building and ther 
planted this year and coming by boat they lodged at the Hand 
caled coasters harbour the last of Aprill 1639 and the first of 


May in the morning gave the Hand the Name of Coasters har- 
bour and from thence came to Newport the same Day. 
1641 this year bulls marsh was a fier. 

1643 this y ear tne J 5 of November Peter Easton was maried 
to An Coggeshall of Newport. 

1644 This year the 12 of November yong Nicholas Easton 
was borne at Newport in 1644. 

1645 This year Peter Easton came to live at the end of the 
beach at the east end thereof. 

1654 This year friends first began in the north of old Eng- 

1657 This year friends came over first to Plimouth John 
Rows Christopher Houlder Robert fowler Robert houghon. 

1663 this year we built the first windmill. I had the Quinsey 
when Samuell Newman dyed of it P. E. 5d 5m 1663 

1665 This Aprill I3th day Peter Easton went to the new 
country to view the new purchas wherof I was one of the pur- 

this year 1678 I9d urn Peter Easton had the dry Belly ake 
very sore which continued on till the 1688 now 4d im." 

New Books of Rhode Island Interest 

The Merchants National Bank has issued a 65-page illus- 
trated pamphlet entitled "Old Providence." It contains brief 
accounts of the more interesting of the old houses and build- 
ings in Providence. 

Mr. A. B. Slater's exhaustive study on the local issue of 
Providence Postage stamps has appeared as an illustrated arti- 
cle in Meekeel's Weekly Stamp News. April 13, 1918. 

The Rhode Island Historical Society has issued a special 
publication entitled "A List of Rhode Island Soldiers and Sail- 
ors in the Old French and Indian War 1755-1762." It is com- 
piled by the librarian ; and contains between 3000 and 4000 
names, together with a brief account of the services of each 

"Cameo Portraiture in America," by Howard M. Chapin, 
has been issued by The Preston & Rounds Co. It contains an 


account of George O. Annable, the Providence sculptor, who 
cut cameo portraits here about 1850. 

"John Pory's Lost Description of Plymouth Colony," has 
been published by the Houghton Mifflin Co. It is edited with an 
introduction and notes by Champlain Burrage and is reprinted 
from a volume in the John Carter Brown Library. 

"The New Horizon of State and Church" is the title of a 
new book by President William H. P. Faunce. 

A new edition of Arthur C. Miller's "How to Keep Bees" 
has been issued by the Rhode Island State Board of Agricul- 

Two patriotic songs by Providence men have recently been 
printed ; one entitled "My Rhode Island" is by W. H. Peters, 
and the other "The Old Flag's Calling You" is by Edward A. 

A patriotic address delivered on Washington's birthday 
before the General Assembly of Rhode Island by Senator Colt 
has been issued in pamphlet form in white covers. 

An illustrated study of Providence Houses by Norman M. 
Isham constitutes the latest number of the White Pine Mono- 

The Newport Historical Society has published eight 
addresses on the Early Religious Leaders of Newport in an 
octavo volume of 184 pages. 


Corporal Gorton T. Lippitt, the youngest member of the 
R. I. H. S., was awarded in March, 1918, the Croix de Guerre, 
the highest honor that France can bestow upon an American. 
He volunteered for an especially dangerous piece of work and 
was slightly wounded on March i8th while accomplishing the 

The following persons have recently been admitted members 
of the Society: 

Mr. Robert H. I. Goddard. 

Mr. Patrick H. Quinn. 

Miss Maud Lyman Stevens. 

Mr. Robert W. Taft. 


Mr. William A. Viall. 

During the past quarter the Society has received a number 
of important gifts. Miss Mary Hazard presented a silver cup 
marked T. F. which belonged to Thomas Fenner and was men- 
tioned in his inventory of 1719. She also presented a number 
of early manuscripts pertaining to the Fenner family. Mr. 
P. A. Coggeshall presented a large collection of Newport Mer- 
curys which were printed before 1800, and which greatly 
strengthened our file of this important paper. 

The Builders Iron Foundry presented a mass of letters, 
papers and documents dealing with the early years of the 
company. This material will serve as a very valuable source 
for the study of industrial and economic conditions in Rhode 
Island in the nineteenth century. 

A set of encyclopedias that once belonged to Moses Brown 
is one of our recent accessions. 

An extensive file of the Providence Gazette and a large col- 
lection of manuscripts and letters relating to the Carter and 
Danforth families, including a commission signed by Benjamin 
Franklin, have been received as part of the bequest of the late 
Crawford Carter Allen of Newport. The remainder of the 
bequest, a number of oil paintings and some other papers, will 
under the terms of the testament eventually come to the 

The most important genealogical collection that the Society 
has ever received is that left by Mr. A. T. Briggs of Boston. 
It is to be known as the "Anthony Tarbox Briggs Genealogical 
Collection," and consists of many volumes of typewritten and 
manuscript notes. The names in these volumes are all indexed 
on cards, which are filed alphabetically in a 54-drawer card 
filing case. The collection also includes a large amount of 
correspondence on genealogical subjects, and an extensive file 
of genealogical clippings from the Boston Transcript. The 
most important part of the collection is perhaps the series of 
volumes containing the typewritten copies of gravestone rec- 
ords. Mr. Briggs had the gravestone records of 294 cemeteries 
in Rhode Island and 22 cemeteries of Rhode Island families 
in nearby states copied and preserved. These cemeteries are 
scattered through Coventry, West Warwick, Warwick, East 


Greenwich, West Greenwich, Exeter, Richmond, Hopkinton, 
Westerly, North Kingstown, Cranston, Scituate, Foster and 

Many of the stones which he had copied have since been 
destroyed. The names are in the card index, so that the 
entire mass of material is easily accessible to the student. 

The following members have died during the past quarter: 

Mr. Frederic Hayes. 

Mr. Stephen Arnold. 

Mr. Anthony T. Briggs. 

Mr. Eugene W. Mason. 

Mrs. Elizabeth C. Goddard. 

Mr. George Parker Winship has sent us the following note 
on a book in the Harvard College Library, which gives the 
names of a number of early eighteenth century Rhode Island 
booksellers : 

"The Vision of Divine Mystery." 

Chap. i. Treats concerning the Melchisedek Order. 

Chap. 2. Concerning the Type Temple, with its Antitypes. 

Chap. 3. Concerning the Revelations. 

Chap. 4. To prove the Doctrine of Perfection, and to detect 
the Doctrine of Imperfection. 

Printed in the year 1732. 

1 6 mo. pp. 87. 

[at end:] These Books to be sold by John Angel, Merchant, 
and Moses Bartlet both of Providence, and Thomas Northup, 
Ferryman at Boston Neck, and by Peleg Spencer at Greenwich, 
and by Anthony Arnold, Miller at Smithfield, and Benjamin 
Bagnal, Watchmaker in Boston." 

The old paintings in our portrait gallery are being studied 
by experts in the hope of identifying the painters. Although 
the investigations have not been concluded, it seems probable 
at the present phase of the study, that the Joseph Belcher por- 
trait is by Nathaniel Byfield, and that the portraits of Robert 
Jenkins and his wife are by Joseph Badger. 

In the List of Rhode Island Soldiers and Sailors in the Old 
French and Indian War, it is stated on page 150 that Ebenezer 
Whiting was probably commissioned Major in 1759. No 

From a carved powder-horn now in 

NCE IN 1777 

Dssession of Col. George L. Shepley 


reference to him as Major was found either in the official 
records of the Colony or in the manuscripts at the Society. 

However, the following note in Commissary Wilson's 
orderly book, which was formerly the property of Frederic 
de Peyster, settles the question : 

Under the date of "29th Sept. 1759 Crown Point" appears 
the following entry: 

"Major John Whitting of the Rhode Island Regiment has 
received a commission as Lieut. Collo. to said Regiment, and 
Capt. Ebenezer Whitting of the said Regiment has received 
a Commission as Major, and they are to be obeyed as shuch." 

Gilbert Stuart's birthplace has recently been purchased by 
Mr. W. R. Greene. He is planning to restore the historic 
building and occupy it as a residence. 

Tyrone Power's Impression of Rhode Island 

in 1833 

On Saturday morning, at 7 A. M. Sept. 28th, quitted Phila- 
delphia; arrived in New York at 2 P. M. ; and transferring 
my baggage from the steamer on the North River to the one 
about to depart for Providence, and whose wharf lay upon the 
East River, I had a couple of hours' leisure, which I employed 
in writing home, for the packet of the ist of October; and at 
five o'clock P. M, left the city, in the noblest steam-vessel I 

had yet seen. 


During the night it blew fresh, and the vessel pitched a 
little, the consequence of which movement was evident in the 
desertion of the upper deck in the morning. I had noticed it, 
the evening previous, occupied by sundry little groups reading 
or chatting, and with more than one couple of merry prome- 
naders : I now made its circuit, meeting with but one adven- 
turer, a lively-looking old gentleman, of whom I inquired 
where all our passengers were vanished to. 

"Most of them in bed yet," said the old gentleman, "or keep- 
ing out of the way in one hole or another. If there's any wind 
or sea, you always find the deck pretty clear till we get round 


Point Judith. Once let us get to the other side that hill yonder, 
and you'll see the swarm begin to muster pretty smart." 

I had often heard "Point Judith" mentioned by the New- 
Yorkers, as the Cockney voyager talks of Sea-reach, or the 
buoy at the Nore ; and here it was close under our lee, a long, 
low point of land, with a lighthouse upon it. 

We soon after opened the entrance to the fine harbour of 
Newport, and, as my informant predicted, the deck gradually 
recovered its population : some came up because they felt, and 
others because they were told, we had passed Point Judith. 

It was about seven o'clock A. M. that we ran alongside the 
wharf at Newport to land passengers. The appearance of the 
town, rising boldly from the water's edge, was imposing 
enough; but trade, judging from the deserted state of the 
wharves, is now inconsiderable, although formerly of much 

After a delay of a quarter of an hour, we once more got 
under weigh; and one of the chief advantages of a steamer is 
the ease and facility with which this important movement is 
effected : nowhere is the management of these immense bodies, 
in my thinking, so perfect: the commanding position of the 
wheel, clear of all obstruction, and under the hand of the pilot, 
whose finger also directs the machinery below, through the 
medium of a few well-arranged bells, the absence of all bawl- 
ing and shouting, and the being independent of transmitted 
directions, gives these craft facilities which make their move- 
ments appear like inspiration. 

This system I found prevailing all through the States ; and, 
as far as possible, it would be well to adopt it here. The 
arrangement of the wheel, or steering apparatus, if I remem- 
ber rightly, was fully and technically described by Captain 
Hall. I do not know whether it has in any case been adopted ; 
but if it were enforced upon our crowded rivers, there would, 
I feel assured, be fewer accidents. 

The fogs of the Sound, in this passage, a highway as much 
travelled as the Clyde, and indeed on all the great American 
rivers, are only to be paralleled by a London specimen about 
Christmas, in addition to the former being more frequent; 


yet accidents arising from running foul are of very rare occur- 
rence, although the desire to drive along is yet stronger than 
with ourselves. 

The river up to Providence is of a breadth and character to 
command the voyager's attention, but offers little in detail to 
repay him for it. With the exception of the time devoted to 
breakfast, which a supply of newly-caught fish, taken on board 
at Newport, rendered a positive treat to me, I paced the upper 
deck, according to my custom, until we arrived at Providence, 
a very thriving place, seated on a commanding ridge, and 
already having, as viewed from the river, an air and aspect 
quite city-like. 

Here we found a line of coaches drawn up upon the wharf, 
awaiting our arrival. I had already secured a ticket for the 
Mail Pilot : and in a few minutes the luggage was packed on ; 
the passengers, four in number, were packed in ; and away we 
went, rolling and pitching, at the heels of as likely a team of 
four dark bays as I would wish to sit behind. At our first halt, 
I left the inside to the occupation of my companions, a hand- 
some girl, with, "I guess," her lover, and a rough specimen of 
a Western hunter or trader, who had already dubbed my 
younger companion Captain and myself Major, and invited us 
both to "liquor with him." I declined, but the Captain, to his 
evident satisfaction, frankly accepted his offer; and whilst I 
mounted the box, and the horses were changing, they entered 
the house together. 

Taken from "Impressions of America, during the years 
1833, 1834, and 1835." By Tyrone Power, Esq. Volume I, 
pages 90, 93, 94, 95, 96 and 97. 

View of Providence, 1777 

Hitherto the earliest general view of Providence has been 
considered to be William Hamlin's engraving of the east side 
of the Providence River, showing the shipping and houses 
south from Planet Street. This engraving was made in 1798. 
Col. George L. Shepley has recently obtained a powder horn 
on which is carved a still earlier and far more interesting view 


of Providence. The carving is signed Stephen Avery and is 
dated 1777, twenty-one years before the Hamlin engraving 
was made. The Avery carving is a bird's eye view of the 
town, showing the principal streets, and also reproducing 
roughly the more important buildings. 

The College Building (University Hall), the First Baptist 
Meeting House, St. John's Church and the Old State House 
are clearly shown, the latter with the cupola in the centre 
instead of at the front where it was placed in subsequent altera- 
tions. The Market House is shown with two and a half 
stories, the extra story not at that time having been added. 
On the west side of the river the most striking features are 
the Congregational Church, the predecessor of the Round Top, 
and the lay-out of Westminster, Weybosset and High Streets. 
Weybosset bridge is shown crossing the river as it did at that 
time north of the Market House. A fort is shown at Fox 
Point, and another just across the river to the west of it. Ani- 
mals, birds and vessels are scattered about the picture, as 
ornaments to fill vacant spaces, a device common among early 
map-makers. A large building is shown on the tongue of 
land between the Woonasquatucket and Moshassuck Rivers, 
which is perhaps the only extant picture of the "Work House" 
or Poor House. 

It was found impossible to photograph successfully the faint 
carving on the discolored powder horn, so a facsimile drawing, 
minutely faithful in detail, was made by Mr. Percy J. Callow- 
hill of Attleboro. This drawing is reproduced in this issue of 
the Collections. The Stephen Avery who cut the view on the 
powder horn was probably a revolutionary soldier, and either 
Stephen Avery of Stonington, son of Charles, who served 
about New York in 1776 and may have been transferred to 
Providence in 1777, or Stephen Avery of Norwich, son of 
Charles, who served in Capt. Lamb's company in 1777 or 1778 
and may have been stationed at Providence. 


Chronological Check List of Maps of Rhode 

Island in the Rhode Island Historical 

Society Library 

(Continued from p. 55.) 

19. A map of Connecticut and Rhode Island, with Long 
Island Sound, &c. 7x9. In the Gentleman's Magazine, Lon- 
don, November, 1776, v. 46, opp. p. 525. R. I. H. S. 

ii Same. Excerpt. R. I. H. S. 

20. Des Barras, J. R W. 

A Chart of the Harbour of Rhode Island and Narragansett 
Bay. By J. F. W. Des Barras. July 20, 1776. 41x2,8^. 
Original in U. S. Engineer Dept. at Newport. 

ii Same. Reprint made in 1881 from original plate. 

R. I. H. S. 

,iii Same. In the Atlantic Neptune. (1781.) 
iv Same. Photograph. R. I. H. S. 
v Reduced lithograph 6^x4^. R. I. H. S. 
The Evening Bulletin, Providence, 2 Aug. 1881, contains 
a long account about the compilation, printing and reprinting 
of this chart. R. I. H. S. 


21. Putnam, Lieut.-Col. 

"Map of the Narra Gansett Bay, by Lieut-Col. Putnam, Jan. 
7, 1776, presented to his Excellency, George Washington, Esq." 

This map is listed on page 206 of "The Spark's Catalogue," 
but Justin Winsor states that "it is not among the maps at Cor- 
nell University." Narr. & Crit. Hist, of Amer., v. 6, p. 601. 
No copy located. 


22. Blaskowitz, Charles. 

A Topographical chart of the Bay of Narragansett in the 
Province of New England, with all the isles contained therein, 
among which Rhode Island and Connonicut have been par- 


ticularly surveyed. By Charles Blaskowitz. London, 1777. 
37x25. In Faden's "The North American Atlas," 1777. 

ii Same. With place of imprint omitted. In Faden's 
"Atlas of battles of the American Revolution." 


iii Same. Excerpt. R. I. H. S. 
iv Photograph of i. R. I. H. S. 
v Manuscript copy in colors by Lewis Peckham in 

1808. 37x25. R. I. H. S. 
vi Manuscript copy in colors 16^2x13^2 in Library of 

Congress. Faden Col. No. 89. 


23. Blaskowitz, Charles. 

("The French Blaskowitz.") Plan de la Baie de Narra- 
ganset dans la Nouvelle Angleterre. Leve par Charles Blas- 
kowits et public a Londres en 1777. Dresse . . . par ordre 
de M. de Sartine . . . 1780. (In French.) 23x16 R. I. 
H. S. 

ii Same in "Neptune Americo Septentrional . . . 


iii Reduced photograph in vol. i , p. 9 of Mason's inlaid 
extra illustrated, "Reminiscences of Newport." 
R. I. H. S. 

iv Reduced in Mag. of American fiistory, July, 1879, 
p. 424. R. I. H. S. 


24. Isham, Norman M. 

A Map showing the Revolutionary Fortifications in R. I. 
11x9 Line cut in Field's "Revolutionary Defences in Rhode 
Island," opp. 148. R. I. H. S. 


25. Denison, J. 

(Map of the island of Rhode Island, showing Military opera- 
tions in Sullivan's Expedition of 1778.) Manuscript in colors. 
I 9 X 3924- In R- I- Sec. of State's office. 

ii Reduced line cut 3-^x7. In Stone's "Our French 
Allies," p. 109. R. I. H. S. 


iii From Stone. In Winsor's Narr. & Crit. Hist, vol. 6, 

p. 598. R. I. H. S. 
iv Reduced line cut 8^-2x17^4 in Field's "Revolutionary 

Defences of Rhode Island," opp. p. 142. R. I. 

H. S. 


26. Denison, J. 

(Map of the Military Operations in 1777-8 on Rhode 
Island.) Manuscript. In Massachusetts Historical Society. 

ii Lithograph. 21x18. In Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., vol. 

22, p. 350. R. I. H. S. 

iii Lithograph of section of same. 7^x23^4. In Cul- 
lum's "Historical Sketch of the Fortification 
Defences of Narragansett Bay." 1884, Plate II. 
R. I. H. S. 

iv Photograph of iii, inlaid in the extra illustrated edi- 
tion of Mason's "Reminiscences of Newport," 
p. 282. R. I. H. S. 

v Same. Photostat of iv. 4x13. R. I. H. S. 
Field states that there may have been three of these manu- 
script maps. One is in R. I. Sec. of State's Office, (23) ; one 
is in the Mass. Historical Society (24), and one was sent to 
Connecticut. This may be the one now in Massachusetts His- 
torical Society. 


27. Cullum, George W. 

Map of Narragansett Bay, R. I., 1778. 11x6^. In Cul- 
lum's "Historical Sketch of the Fortification Defenses of Nar- 
ragansett Bay." 1884. R. I. H. S. 


28. Dennis, Benjamin L. 

Map Island of Rhode Island showing battle lines. 

ii Line cut 6x4 in Providence Journal June 21, 1908, 

4th sec. R. I. H. S. 

iii Same as ii, excerpt scrap book. v. 16, p. 18. R. L 
H. S. 



29. Foge, Edw. 

Plan of Rhode Island. The Harbour, the Adjacent Islands 
and Coast. Edw. Foge, Lieut, of Artillery 1778. Manuscript. 
In British Museum. Crown. CXX. 42. 

ii Photograph. 13^x754. R. I. H. S. 
iii Photograph. 11x6. In Hulbert, v. 5, No. 16. 
Winsor gives the name as Edw. Page. 


30. Lewis, S. 

A Map of Part of Rhode Island, shewing the Positions of 
the American and British Armies at the Siege of Newport, and 
the subsequent Action on the 29th of August, 1778. Phila- 
delphia (1778). i6y 2 xio. In John Marshall's "Life of Wash- 
ington." Philadelphia, 1807. 

ii Same. Excerpt. R. I. H. S. 

iii Same. In Atlas to Marshall's "Life of Washing- 
ton." 1832. 

iv Reduced facsimile. Line cut 4^x2^. R. I. H. S. 
v Lithograph 11x6^4. In R. I. Hist. Tracts, No. 6, 

1878. R. I. H. S. 

vi Line Cut. In Narr. & Crit. Hist, of Amer., v. 6, p. 
596. R. I. H. S. 


31. Attacks upon Rhode Island, Aug. 4, 1778. Manuscript in 
colors. 15x21. 1778. In Library of Congress. Faden Col., 
No. 88. 

ii Photostat. R. I. H. S. 


32. Plan de Rhode Island et les differentes Operations de la 
flotte Francoises et des troupes Americaines commandees par 
le Major General Sullivan . . . 1778. Manuscript in 
colors. 14x30. Inset. References. In Library of Congress. 

ii Photostat. R. I. H. S. 

iii Same. Manuscript. In Spark's Collections at Cor- 
nell University. 


iv Same as iii reproduced in Narr. & Crit. Hist, of 
Amer., v. 6, p. 602. R. I. H. S. 

33. The Siege of Rhode Island, taken from Mr. Brindley's 
house, on the 25th of Aug., 1778. 5x8^2. In The Gentleman's 
Magazine. Feb., 1779, v. 49, opp. p. 101. R. I. H. S. 

This is a view and not a map, but is included in "A List of 
Maps of America" issued by the Library of Congress. 


34. A Map of the bay of Narragansett with the islands 
therein and part of the country adjacent. Manuscript in 
colors. 17x13 (1778). In Library of Congress. Faden Col. 
No. 87. 

ii Photostat. R. I. H. S. 

35. Carte des positions occupees par les troupes Americaines 
apres leur retraite de Rhode Island, le 30 Aout, 1778. 

In Spark's Collection at Cornell University. 

ii Same. Entitled "Lafayette's plan of Narragansett 
Bay, 1778," in Narr. & Crit. Hist, of Amer., v. 6, 
p. 600. R. I. H. S. 

36. Kitchin, Thomas. 

A map of the Colony of Rhode Island: with the adjacent 
Parts of Connecticut, Massachusetts Bay, &c. By Thos. 
Kitchin, Senr. 7x95-2. In The London Magazine, 1778, v. 47, 

P- 5i3- 

ii Same. Excerpt. R. I. H. S. 


37. Le Rouge, G. L. 

Port de Rhode Island de Narraganset Baye. Public par le 
chevalier des Barras, Londres 1776. Traduit de 1'Anglais et 
augmente d'apres celui de Blaskowitz. Public a Londres en 
1777. Paris 1778. Inset plan de Newport. Two sheets 
27*4x19^4 eacn - I n Le Rouge's Pilote Americain Septen- 
trional. Nos. II-I2. Inset Map of Newport. This is Jeffrey's 
1774 map recut with additions in French. 


ii Photostat. Four sheets. R. I. H. S. 


38. Lodge, John. 

An Accurate Map of Rhode Island, Part of Connecticut and 
Massachusetts, Shewing Admiral Arbuthnot's Station in Block- 
ing up Admiral Ternay. (1780). Jno. Lodge Sculp. 
10^2x15. In the Political Magazine, London, 1780, v. i, opp. 
p. 692. 

ii Same. Excerpt. R. I. H. S. 


39. A New and Accurate Map of Connecticut and Rhode 
Island from the best Authorities. (1780). 10x13. In the 
Universal Magazine, London. Oct., 1780, v. 66, opp. p. 169. 

ii Same. Excerpt. R. I. H. S. 

40. Plan de Rhodes-Islands et position de 1'Armee Francoise 
a Newport. (1780). Manuscript. 21x44. Rochambeau 38. 
In Library of Congress. 

ii Photostat in R. I. H. S. 


41. Plan de la ville, port et rade de Newport avec une partie 
de Rhode Island occupee par 1'armee Francaise . . . 
(1780). Manuscript in colors. 23x24. Rochambeau 39 in 
Library of Congress. 

ii Photostat. R. I. H. S. 


42. Plan de la ville, du port, et de la rade de New-port et 
Rhode Island. Debarquement en 1780. Manuscript. 19x38. 
Rochambeau 40 in Library of Congress. 

ii Photostat. R. I. H. S. 


43. Plan de la position de 1'armee Francaise autour de New- 
port et du mouillage de 1'escadre dans la rade de cette ville, 
1780. Manuscript in colors. 46x58. Rochambeau 41 in 
Library of Congress. 

ii Photostat in R. I. H. S. 



44. Plan de Rhode Island. 38^2x20 ms. in colors, showing 
position of French forces in 1781. R. I. H. S. 


45. The Defences of Newport, R. I., 1781, from a French 
Mss. chart. Engraved. Names in French. 15x6. G. L. Shep- 

ii Photostat. R. I. H. S. 


46. Marche de Farmee Francaise de Providence a la riviere 
du Nord. Three sheets manuscript (1782). Rochambeau 42- 
44 in Library of Congress. 

ii Photostat. R. I. H. S. 


47. (Cote de York-town a Boston. Marches de 1'armee.) 
Manuscript in colors 17x65 (1782). Rochambeau 65 in 
Library of Congress. 

ii Photostat. R. I. H. S. 


48. (Different camps de 1'armee de York-town a Boston) 
10^x36^2 (1782). Rochambeau 64 in Library of Congress. 

ii Photostat. R. I. H. S. 


49. Clark, Matthew. 

Chart of the Coast of America from New York to Rhode 
Island, and from George's Bank to Rhode Island. Printed for 
and sold by Matthew Clark. Boston. Octbr. 1789. L. O. C. 

ii Photostat of Rhode Island section. R. I. H. S. 

This chart also contains a view of the coast line. 


50. Morse, J. 

A Map of Rhode Island. 8^x6^. In Morse's "The 
American Geography," 1794, opp. p. 338. 

ii Photostat. R. I. H. S. 
This is the earliest printed map of the State of Rhode Island. 



51. Harris, Caleb. 

A map of the State of Rhode Island; taken mostly from 
Surveys by Caleb Harris. Harding Harris, delineavt. Saml 
Hill, Sculpt. Boston. Engraved for Carter and Wilkinson, 
Providence, 1795. 2154x15%- R - 1- H. S. 

ii Same. Reprints struck from the old plate. These 
can be distinguished by the paper. There were 
two issues of restrikes. One set was made from 
a transfer in March, 1895. R. I. H. S. 
iii Reduced halftone 5^x4^. In Field's State of 
Rhode Island and Providence Plantations. 1902. 
Vol. i, p. 271. R. I. H. S. 
iv In Rhode Island Imprints. 1914 and 1915 edition. 

Struck from same plate as iii. R. I. H. S. 
v Same. Reduced half tone 5^x4^4 misdated 1798. 
From Prospectus of Field's book. (cf. iii). R. I. 
H. S. 

This map is usually described as the earliest printed map 
of Rhode Island. It is the first map of Rhode Island printed 
in the state and the first map of Rhode Island published as a 
separate map, although the Morse map of 1794 which appeared 
in The American Geography is really the earliest printed map 
of the state. However, the Morse map is much smaller than 
the Harris map and is evidently based on earlier maps and 
adds nothing to geographical knowledge, while the Harris map 
is based on original surveys and gives much detail not shown 
on any previous maps. 

The original plate is preserved at R. I. H. S. 


52. Harris, Harding. 

The State of Rhode Island ; compiled from the Surveys and 
Observations of Caleb Harris. By Harding Harris. J. Smither, 
Sculp, (n. p. n. d.) 13^x9^- 

ii Same. In Carey's American Atlas, 1795, No. 7. 

R. I. H. S. 
iii Same. In Carey's American Atlas, 1796, No. 7. 


iv Same. In Carey's General Atlas, 1796, No. 29. R. I. 

H. S. 

v In Carey's General Atlas, 1802, No. 29. 
vi In Carey's General Atlas, 1809, No. 7. 
vii In Carey's General Atlas, 1814, No. 10. 
viii In Carey's General Atlas, 1818, No. 10. 
ix Excerpt from Carey's General Atlas, No. 10. R. I. 

H. S. 
This is really a variant edition of the Harris map, No. 51. 


53. Scott, Joseph. 

Rhode Island. 6x7^2. In the United States Gazetteer. 
Philadelphia, 1795. 

ii Photostat. R. I. H. S. 


54. Harris, Harding. 

Rhode Island and Connecticut, 7^x12%. In Morse's "The 
American Universal Geography." 3d ed. 1796. Pt. I, p. 433. 
This map is a reduction of the larger Harris map. 


55. Tanner, B. 

The State of Rhode Island, from the latest surveys, 1796. 
B. Tanner del't & sculpt. 17x13. Engraved for the American 
edition of Winterbotham's America. In Reid's edition of Win- 
terbotham's "The American Atlas," 1796, No. 8. 

ii Same. Excerpt. R. I. H. S. 
This map is based on the earlier maps of Harris. 


56. Sotzmann, D. F. 

Rhode Island entworfen von D. F. Sotzmann. In colors, 
14x19. Hamburg, 1797. 

ii Same. Photostat. R. I. H. S. 

This is the first map of Rhode Island to give soundings. 
These are based on Blaskowitz's chart. 


57. Payne. 

Rhode Island. Engraved for Payne's Geography. Published 
by J. Low, New York, 9 7/16x7^. 


Samuel Mann's 
Revolutionary Memoranda 

A series of almanacs were recently sold at auction in Boston 
which contained on their margins manuscript notes made by 
Samuel Mann of Wrentham during the Revolution. The 
memoranda which relate to Rhode Island are as follows : 

1777 ^ 

"Return from Warwick Campain, 3 weeks I day, stationed 
at the house of Mr. Wells" (January) ; "May 21 was Draughted 
into the Continental Army and Paid 5;" "3Oth day (Sept.) 
marched in the Expedition for Rhode Island ;" "Oct. 2 arrived 
at Sokonet;" "Samuel Man Returned from Sokonet Rhode 
Island Expedition, 31 days;" Thanksgiving "Gen. Gates his 
Victory over the British Hessian Troops at Ticonderoga, com- 
manded by Lieut. Gen. Burgoyne," etc. The death record in- 
cludes five from small pox, of which three are of persons 
"inoculated" and one "died the natural way at home." 


"2d Town meeting: Wrenth, Parrish set off for a town by 
the Name of Franklin" (Feb. 20) ; "The first week in June: 
Foxborro' Township, 'c. Dark Swamp is incorporated into a 
Township and obtains the name of Foxborrough ;" (May) 
"24: the regulars landed from Rhode Island and Plunder the 
town of Bristol, Burn the Houses and carry off some captives ;" 
"Count Estaigne Vice Admiral of France arrives with a power- 
ful fleet in concert with America anchors at Point Judith a8 
day" (July) with notice of Estaigne's captures of British ships 
of war, with merchandize bound to New York to supply our 
enemies; "The Bloody Battle of Rhode Island, 29 day 
(August) ; Admiral Estaigne arrives in Charles River and for- 
tifies George's Island;" "Bedford burned by the Regulars, 6 
day" (Sept.) ; "The important Battle of Monmouth, Gen. 
Washington and Sir Henry Clinton, 28 day (June), and local 
events." (From Libbie's catalogue.) 



The Sweet Seal 


The seal, of which a reproduction appears above, was used 
upon a letter dated at Warwick June I9th, 1662, and written 
by James Sweet. (Prov. Town Papers 0127). The heraldic 
device is "6 bears (or lions) paws erased 3, 2, i." 

James Sweet was born about 1622 and was the son of John 
Sweet of Salem and Providence and his wife Mary, who later 
married Ezekiel Holliman. James Sweet married Mary 
Greene about 1654. James Sweet probably inherited the seal 
from his father and it is possible that it may serve as a clue 
in tracing the English ancestry of John Sweet. No such arms 
are given in Papworth, nor under the name of Sweet or Swett 
in Burke, but as there is no complete list of English arms, this- 
is not surprising. 


Painted by Samuel Brown 





Vol. XI 

October, 1918 

No. 4. 

WILFRED H. MUNRO, President EDWARD K. ALDRICH, Jr. , Treasurer 

Please address communications to Howard M. Chapin, Librarian, 
68 Waterman Street, Providence, R. I. 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the 
opinions of contributors. 

John Carter 

John Carter, printer, publisher, journalist, patriot, was born 
in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, July 21, 1745, and died in 
Providence, Rhode Island, August 19, 1814. He was the son 
of John Carter, who was born in 1713, and married, July 3, 
1733, Elizabeth Spriggs in Christ Church. Philadelphia, and 
was a descendant of John Carter, an early settler in upper 
Norfolk, Virginia. Elizabeth Spriggs Carter "died February 
20, 1760, in the 47th year of her age." Ann Carter, daughter 
of John and Elizabeth Spriggs Carter, "died March i, 1768, 
in the 26th year of her age." 

May 14, 1769, he married Amey Crawford, second daugh- 
ter of Capt. John and Abijah (Bowen) Crawford, grand- 
daughter of Capt. John and Amey (Whipple) Crawford, and 
great-granddaughter of Gideon and Freelove (Fenner) Craw- 
ford. She was born November 7, 1744, and died December 
1 8, 1806. Her ancestor Gideon Crawford, son of James and 
Anna (Weir) Crawford, descendant of James Lindsay, first 


Earl of Crawford, was born in Lanark, Scotland, December 26, 
1651, and died in Providence, October 10, 1707. 
In John Carter's Bible, and in his handwriting, is this entry : 

"John Carter and Amey Crawford, (2nd Daughter of Capt. 
John Crawford of Providence) were married on Sunday 
morning, May 14, 1769, at 8 o'clock, by the Reverend, learned 
and pious John Graves, Missionary from the Society in Eng- 
land for propagating the Gospel." 

In August, 1767, after an apprenticeship with Benjamin 
Franklin, in Philadelphia, John Carter moved to Providence, 
and became associated with the Providence Gazette, a weekly 
publication, at that time, and for many years after, the only 
paper in the town. November 12, 1768, the business came 
into his possession, and, excepting the time between November 
2, 1793 and May 9, 1799, when William Wilkinson was a 
partner, so remained until February 12, 1814, when failing 
health forced his retirement. 

The year before, in 1813, friends persuaded him to publish 
a semi-weekly edition of the Gazette, but the promise of 
adequate support was small and the venture never 

The history of John Carter is written in the pages of the 
paper he so long owned and controlled. Its varying fortunes 
were his, and its far-reaching influence was the result of his 
able and patient labors. The complications of management 
increased as the burdens of war grew heavier, but he never 
faltered, and only laid his task aside when physical ills com- 

The difficulties besetting the path of newspaper men in 
those days are frankly stated in the notice of January i, 1814. 

"War prices being attached to every article made use of in 
the Printing Business, as well as to the common necessaries 
of life, imperiously compels the Editor of the Providence 
Gazette (after 48 years' laborious attention to the duties of 
his profession) to call upon all persons in arrear to him for 
News-Papers, Advertisements, and other Printing Work, to 
make immediate Payment, which will highly oblige him, at 
this crisis of uncommon difficulty. The several accounts will 


be prepared; and although small, the aggregate amount would 
enable him to pay his Paper Maker, meet the demands of 
creditors he is anxious to pay, and obtain for himself and 
Family the common comforts of life. These are his objects, 
and the height of his speculations." 

In 1787 this appeal was published. 

"The Editor to His Readers: In August next (1787) 20 
years will have elapsed since the editor of this Gazette was 
first concerned in its publication. From some of the sub- 
scribers (who still favor him with their custom) nothing has 
been received during so long a period, and many others re- 
main indebted from five to 15 years. All in arrears for one 
year or more, are earnestly requested to pay. Those who 
have been several years indebted are particularly informed, 
that unless their accounts are speedily and honorably closed, 
their papers must and will be stopt. He reluctantly observes 
that for some years passed he has not received from the whole 
of his subscribers a sufficiency to defray even the charge of 
paper whereon the Gazette has been printed, which is but an 
inconsiderable part of the constant incidental expense." 

The first John Carter ledger, showing accounts with sub- 
scribers during the period from November, 1768, to July, 
1775, attests the accuracy of the statements quoted. 

William Goddard, original owner of the Gazette, also felt 
the need of prompt payments, for, on April 26, 1763, he pub- 
lished the following request: 

"The great expense of carrying on the Printing Business 
obliges the Printer hereof, to request those persons who have 
generously favored him with their custom, and are in arrears 
for the first half year of this Paper, to pay the same as soon 
as convenient, that he may be the better enabled to serve them 
for the future." 

From William Carter's diary it appears his father was 
seized with a paralytic shock, April 30, 1814, that deprived him 
of the power of speech, and the use of his right arm. In the 
previous summer a less severe attack interfered with many 
of his activities. 

His long term of service as Postmaster of Providence is 
evidence of the ever faithful attention he always gave to mat- 


ters entrusted to his care. Appointed in July, 1772, he held 
the office continuously for twenty years, until June, 1792, 
when he resigned. His Commission was dated September 25, 
1775, and was signed by his former employer, Benjamin 
Franklin, then Postmaster-General. 

As a member of the Committee of Correspondence during 
the Revolutionary period he discharged the duties of the posi- 
tion with credit and distinction. 

His valedictory appeared in the issue of February 12, 1814. 

"THE PROVIDENCE GAZETTE, the first Paper established in 
this town, has been published by the present Editor for more 
than forty-five years, during which period he has endeavoured 
to make it the vehicle of correct and seasonable intelligence; 
and has spared no pains to effect an object so important. Its 
columns have ever been open for the reception of temperate 
discussions of public affairs ; respectful remonstrances to gov- 
ernment; addresses to those who filled high, responsible sta- 
tions; and appeals to the people when their independence has 
been endangered. It has been enriched by the productions of 
ingenious correspondents ; has abounded with original essays 
on political, literary, moral and religious subjects; and, since 
the dawn of our glorious revolution, has unceasingly dissemi- 
nated the orthodox political principles of 'the WASHING- 
TON school. In fine, it has ever been the Editor's ardent 
wish that the GAZETTE should be replete with useful informa- 
tion; that while it arrested the attention of the scholar, it 
might not be unacceptable to the agriculturalist and merchant ; 
and the convictions that it has generally attained that object, 
affords him great satisfaction. 

"But the effects of a serious indisposition, added to the in- 
firmities of increasing years, render him diffident of his abili- 
ties, further to prosecute a laborious occupation, advan- 
tageously to himself, and with the approbation of his readers ; 
especially when he considers the present one of the most 
important eras in the political world, and one that requires 
for the Editor of a public Paper, who would deserve the 
patronage of an enlightened and commercial people, the 
judgement and experience of ripened years, combined with 
the energy, the activity and the ambition of youth. Upon 
these considerations, therefore, he has relinquished the Editor- 
ship of the GAZETTE and has transferred the Establishment 
to Messrs. BROWN & WILSON, by whom it will, in future, 
from this date, be printed and published, and while he em- 


braces this opportunity to tender his sincere thanks to the 
public, for past favours conferred on him, and to wish his old 
friends and customers prosperity, success and happiness, he 
would solicit their attention and patronage to his young 
friends and worthy successors, who are both natives of this 
town, and whom from an intimate acquaintance (they having 
both served in his Office as diligent and faithful Appren- 
tices) he can with confidence recommend." 

The obituary notice in the Gazette of August 20, 1814, 
expresses the esteem of his fellow citizens, and the value of 

his services as a journalist and patriot. 



"We have the melancholy task of announcing the decease 
of our worthy predecessor, JOHN CARTER, Esq., who closed 
his honourable career of life yesterday morning, aged 69 
years. His capability as a correct Printer was sufficiently 
evinced in the discharge of his Editorial duties as Proprietor 
of this Paper for upwards of forty-five years. His merits as 
a man are duly appreciated by all who had an opportunity of 
observing his sterling integrity, genuine patriotism, and the 
pure philanthropy of his nature. 

"Mr. Carter was born in the city of Philadelphia, and 
served his apprenticeship with that distinguished statesman 
and patriot, Benjamin Franklin, Esq. He commenced the 
Editorship of this Gazette in the year 1767, in conjunction 
with Mrs. Sarah Goddard, and from November, in the sub- 
sequent year, continued sole Editor until the present year; 
and during the whole period, his paper was remarkable for 
accuracy of execution and correctness of sentiment and prin- 
ciple. During the whole of our revolutionary contest, he was 
the firm champion of his country, and the columns of his 
paper teemed with sound patriotism and animating exhorta- 
tions. After that period he manifested himself the true friend 
of his country, and was zealous in his endeavours to induce 
the people of this State to adopt the present Constitution of 
the United States. Attached to that Constitution, he ever 
defended it from the violence of its first, and of its more 
modern enemies, and gloried that he was a disciple of WASH- 
INGTON, under whose administration it was preserved spot- 
less. Before the revolution he was appointed Postmaster in 
this town under the commission of Dr. Franklin, and con- 
tinued in that office until the year 1792, when he resigned. 


"The funeral will be attended to-morrow afternoon, imme- 
diately after Divine service, from his late dwelling-house." 

The inscription placed by his daughters on the grave stone 
in St. John's Churchyard, Providence, briefly but aptly tells of 
his loyalty to the cause of the Revolution, and the high regard 
in which his memory was held. 

"Sacred , 

To the Memory of 


Who departed this life, 

at Providence Aug. 19, 1814, 

Aged 69 years. 
He was a native of Philadelphia, where he 

served as an apprentice in the printing 
business under Dr. Franklin ; he removed 

to Providence, in the year 1767 ; 
and became proprietor and editor of the 

Providence Gazette, in which ably 

conducted paper, he warmly and boldly 

advocated the cause of his country, 

through the whole period 

of the Revolution. 

He was highly respected as an editor ; 

and for his fair and honourable conduct, 

in all his relations of life. 

Erected by his daughters." 

No likeness of him is known to exist, although it has been 
claimed a pencil sketch by Hoppin was made from life, or, at 
least, during his lifetime. This, however, is hardly probable 
as reference is made to securing such a picture in a corre- 
spondence in 1853, between his grandson, Nicholas Brown, 
Jr., one time United States Consul at Rome, Italy, and a son- 
in-law, Walter Raleigh Dan forth, fourth Mayor of Providence. 
It is possible the Hoppin, who made the sketch, knew his sub- 
ject, and drew from memory, although there is some reason 
to doubt even this. The painting executed in Rome about 
this time by Samuel Brown, was made with the aid of the 
Hoppin sketch, and suggestions given the artist by Mr. Nicholas 
Brown, Jr., who was then abroad. Referring to the painting 


a grand-daughter, Sophia Barnes Allen (Mrs. Richard Bowen 
Allen) remarks, in a memorandum in her own handwriting, 
it is "a good painting but not a correct likeness." It belonged 
to Mrs. Allen, and from her passed to her son, Crawford 
Carter Allen, lately deceased, and is in the possession of his 
widow, Maud Corsi Allen, at whose death it will become the 
property of the Rhode Island Historical Society. The Hop- 
pin pencil sketch belongs to John Carter's great-great-grand- 
son, John Carter Brown Woods, the gift of Mrs. Crawford 
Carter Allen. Had he lived a while longer his portrait would 
surely have been done from life, after the custom of the 
period, by some of the many artists of the time, whose works 
adorn, more or less, many homes and galleries in this vicinity. 
The Rev. John Murray, an eminent Unitarian clergyman of 
Boston, was said to resemble John Carter so closely that he 
might be his double, and for this reason arrangements were 
made in the summer of 1852 to have Dr. Murray's portrait 
copied by the distinguished Rhode Island artist, James 
Sullivan Lincoln. Before this was accomplished the pencil 
sketch was secured and Samuel Brown's work was finished. 

A suggestion of resemblance in the Hoppin sketch and the 
engraving of the Murray portrait explains the desire to secure 
a copy of the latter, and shows the Samuel Brown painting to 
be an ideal and not a likeness. 

The three pictures in this issue were made from the 
Samuel Brown painting, the Hoppin pencil sketch and the 
engraving of the Rev. John Murray, published in the Memo- 
rial History of Boston, 1881, Osgood & Co. 




I. Ann Carter "born on Monday, Feb. 26, 1770, 6 minutes 
before 12 at noon", d. June 16, 1798. "She was buried 
in the North Burial Ground, in the Inclosure of the 
Brown Family, and her Husband hath erected a hand- 


some Marble Monument to her Memory." m. Nov. 3, 
1791, Nicholas Brown, b. April 4, 1769 d. Sept. 27, 
1841, son Nicholas & Rhoda (Jenckes) Brown. 

2. Benjamin Bowen Carter, (M. D.) "born on Monday, 

Dec. 16, 1771, at 2 P. M." "died in the City of New 
York on Sunday Morning, April 24, 1835, at YZ past 
i Oclk. A. M." 

3. John Carter, Jr. "born on Sunday, March 27, 1774, at 

1/2 past 3 in the morning." "died Tuesday, February 
t 21, 1815, about ii o'clock before noon." "He was in- 

terred in the Episcopal Church Yard, funeral Service 
by the Reverend Nathan B. Crocker." 

4. Crawford Carter "born on Friday, Nov. 10, 1775, at ^ 

past 4 P. M." "died on Monday, January n, 1779, at 
8 in the Morning." 

5. (Son) Carter "born on Thursday, March 20, 1777, at 12 

at night not named, having survived only 14 Hours." 
"Died March 21, 1777, at 2 in the afternoon." 

6. Rebecca Carter "born on Saturday, August 22, 1778, be- 

tween 6 and 7 in the morning." "died June 20, 1837, 
at 5 to 7 P. M." m. Sept. 20, 1801, Amos Throop 
Jenckes, b. July 4, 1778 d. "Havana, Cuba", July 8, 
1809, son of John & Freelove (Crawford) Jenckes. 

7. James Carter "born on Thursday, September 14, 1780, 

at i in the morning." "supposed to be dead. The last 
heard of him he was in the Privateer Paul Jones about 

8. Crawford Carter "born on Monday, March n, 1782, at 

i in the morning." d. July 27, 1868. 

9. (Daughter) Carter "born on Wednesday, June 4, 1783, 

not named, having lived only 3 months and 5 Days." 
d. Sept. 9, 1783. 

10. William Carter "born on Monday, Nov. 9, 1785, at n in 

the morning." "died at St. Francisville (Louisiana) 
about the loth August, 1821, (as per Letter from that 

11. Huldah Maria Carter "born on Saturday, April 14, 1787, 


Pencil sketch by Hoppin 

He was said to have resembled John Carter 


at 2 in the afternoon." "died November 13, 1842, at 
8 o'clock A. M." 

12. Elizabeth Ann Carter "born on Thursday, March n, 
1790, at 8 o'clock in the morning." "died at her resi- 
dence, No. 9 Meeting St., Feb. 3rd, 1876, at 8 o'clock 
in the morning." "m. at St. John's Church, June 12, 
1811, Walter Raleigh Danforth," b. Apr. I, 1787 d. 
Aug. n, 1861, fourth Mayor of Providence, s. Job & 
Sarah (Coy) Danforth. 


1. Nicholas Brown, Jr., Oct. 2, 1792 March 2, 1859. He 

married ist July 5, 1820, his 2nd cousin, Abby Mason, 
July 17, 1800 Nov. 7, 1822, descendant of John, and 
Abby (Smith) Brown, of Power St. No issue. 2nd 

November 22, 1831, Caroline Matilda Clements, 

1809 July 9, 1879. 

2. Moses Brown, Sept. 2, 1793 July 17, 1794. 

3. Anne Carter Brown, "October n, 1794" May I, 1828, 

m. June 18, 1822, John Brown Francis, May 31, 1791 
Aug. 9, 1864, s. John & Abby (Brown) Francis. 

4. John Carter Brown, August 28, 1797 June 10, 1874, m. 

June 23, 1859, Sophia Augusta Brown, Oct. 29, 1825 
Feb. 28, 1909, dau. Patrick & Harriot (Thayer) 


1. Alfred Nicholas Brown, Sept. 16, 1832 Aug. 12, 1864, 

m. May 9, 1857, Anna Mauran, May 26, 1828 May 9, 
1882, dau. Dr. Joseph & Sophia (Sterry) Mauran. 

2. Anne Mary Brown, Feb. 10, 1835 March 22, 1837. 

3. Anne Mary Brown, March 9, 1837 Jan. 4, 1903, m. June 

30, 1860, Rush Christopher Hawkins, Sept. 14, 1831, 
s. Lorenzo Dow & Louisa Maria (Hutchinson) Haw- 
kins. No issue. 

4. John Carter Brown, March 16, 1840 Feb. 19, 1907, m. 

April 1 6, 1869, Ann Crawford Allen, dau. Crawford 
& Sarah Senter (Crocker) Allen. No issue. 


5. Caroline Matilda Clements Brown, Oct. 28, 1841 April 

6, 1892, m. June 17, 1876, N. Paul Bajnotti. No issue. 

6. Robert Grenville Brown, June 17, 1847 Feb. 7, 1896, 

m. June 17, 1895, Elena Rhodes, dau. James Aborn & 
Rosa Marina (da Costa) Rhodes. 


1. dau. Feb. 5, 1859, d. in infancy. 

2. son, July 1 6, 1861, d. in infancy. 

3. Nicholas Brown, Sept. 23, 1862 Oct. 8, 1891. unm. 


i. Grenville Paul Nicholas Brown, April 27, 1896 Jan. 30, 


1. Abby Francis, Sept. 8, 1823 Oct. 19, 1841, unm. 

2. John Francis, March 17, 1825 Jan. 22, 1826. 

3. Anne Brown Francis, April 23, 1828 Aug. 24, 1896, m. 

July 12, 1848, Marshall Woods, Nov. 28, 1824 July 
13, 1899, s - Alva & Almira (Marshall) Woods. 

*(John Brown Francis m. 2nd, May 22, 1832, his 
cousin, Elizabeth Francis, Jan. 27, 1796 June 14, 
1866, widow of Henry Harrison, and dau. of 
Thomas Willing and Dorothy (Willing) Francis. 
Ch. i. Elizabeth, March 12, 1833 May 2, 1901. 
No issue. 

2. Sally, March 31, 1834 June 4, 1904. No 


3. Sophia Harrison, May 23, 1836 Sept. 23, 

1860, m. Jan. 12, 1860, George William 
Adams, Oct. 15, 1834 Oct. 13, 1883, 
s. Seth & Sarah (Bigelow) Adams. No 

4. John Brown, Feb. n, 1838 Feb. 24, 1870. 

No issue.) 



1. Abby Francis Woods, May 27, 1849 March 10, 1895, 

m. Oct. 15, 1873, Samuel Appleton Brown Abbott, Mar. 
6, 1846, s. Josiah Gardner & Caroline (Livermore) 

2. John Carter Brown Woods, June 12, 1851, unm. 


1. Helen Francis Abbott, July 29, 1874, m. June 8, 1897, 

Maurice King Washburn, Oct. 3, 1872, s. Roscoe Stet- 
son & Mary Fessenden (Sayles) Washburn. 

2. Madeleine Livermore Abbott, Nov. 2, 1876, m. Nov. 27, 

1900, John Ormsbee Ames, Jan. 9, 1872, s. William & 
Harriette Fletcher (Ormsbee) Ames. 

3. Anne Francis Abbott, Sept. 8, 1878, m. Dec. 2, 1903, 

Charles Alexander Kilvert, Jan. 14, 1874, s. Samuel 
Whalley & Elizabeth (Dun) Kilvert. 

4. Caroline Livermore Abbott, April 25, 1880. 


1. Maurice King Washburn, May 18, 1898. 

2. Francis Washburn, Dec. 12, 1902 Aug. 24, 1903. 

3. John Carter Brown Washburn, Dec. n, 1903. 


1. Elizabeth Francis Kilvert, Feb. 27, 1905. 

2. Anne Woods Kilvert, May 13, 1908. 

3. Jean Dun Kilvert, March 16, 1910 Sept. 27, 1910. 

4. Priscilla Marshall Kilvert, Feb. 19, 1912. 


i. John Nicholas Brown, Dec. 17, 1861 May i, 1900, m. 
Sept. 8, 1897, Natalie Bayard Dresser, dau. George 
Warren & Susan Fish (LeRoy) Dresser. 


2. Harold Brown, Dec. 24, 1863 May 10, 1900, m. Oct. 4, 

1892, Georgette Wetmore Sherman, dau. William 
Watts & Annie Derby Rogers (Wetmore) Sherman. 
No issue. 

3. Sophia Augusta Brown, April 21, 1867, m. Oct. 7, 1885, 

William Watts Sherman, Aug. 4, 1842 Jan. 22, 1912, 
s. Watts & Sarah Maria (Gibson) Sherman. 

i. John Nicholas Brown, Feb. 21, 1900. 


1. Irene Muriel Augusta Sherman, June 9, 1887, m. Sept. 8, 

1910, Lawrence Lewis Gillespie, Dec. 23, 1876, s. 
George Lewis & Rhobie (McMaster) Gillespie. 

2. Mildred Constance Sherman, July 3, 1888, m. Nov. 25, 

1911, Ralph Francis Julian Stonor, The Baron Camoys, 
Jan. 28, 1884. 


1. dau. Sept. i, 1913 Sept. 3, 1913. 

2. Eileen Sophia Augusta Gillespie, Dec. 21, 1915. 

3. Phyllis Irene Rhobie Gillespie, July 31, 1917. 


1. Hon. Ralph Robert Watts Sherman Stonor, July 5, 1913. 

2. Pamela Nadine Sophia Stonor, Jan. 12, 1916. 


1. Moses Jenckes, Oct. 25, 1802 buried Oct. 29, 1802. 

2. Francis Carter Jenckes, Dec. 6, 1803 d. in Mexico, . . . 

m. Jan. 18, 1837, at Havana, Cuba, Senorita Mercedes 
Martos Montecino. 

3. Nancy Carter Brown Jenckes, Aug. 17, 1805 Jan. i, 



4. Moses Hays Jenckes, April 5, 1808 April 10, 1808. 

5. Amos Throop Jenckes, May 15, 1809 Nov. 8, 1882, m. 

Emily Jane Copeland, Oct. 19, 1826 Feb. - , 
1896, dau.. Thomas K. & Jennie (Bates) Copeland. 

i. John Carter Brown Jenckes, July 26, 1851 June , 



1. Francis Lippitt Danforth, March 18, 1812 April 29, 

1867, unm. 

2. Walter Raleigh Danforth, June 7, 1813 Oct. 6, 1826. 

3. Charles Danforth, Aug. i, 1815 July 5, 1901, m. Julia 

F. Ward. 

4. James Danforth, May I, 1818 Oct. 18, 1)862, unm. 

5. George Danforth; June i, 1820 Nov. 12, 1821. 

6. Maria Elizabeth Danforth, Sept. 9, 1821 Oct. 31, 1832. 

7. William Carter Danforth, Feb. 23, 1824 Sept. 27, 1876, 


8. Sophia Barnes Danforth, Aug. 16, 1826 Nov. 6, 1905, 

m. June i, 1852, Richard Bowen Allen, Feb. n, 1823 
Mar. 4, 1906, s. Howard & Patience (Bowen) Allen. 

9. Andrew Jackson Danforth, Dec. 30, 1828 Nov. 17, 1887, 

m. Sept. 22, 1850, Caroline Augusta Hopkins, Oct. 25, 
i832/dau. John & Sarah Gardiner (Knowles) Hop- 
10. Sarah Danforth, April 16, 1831 Nov. 24, 1834. 


1. Walter Raleigh Danforth, 

2. Charles James Danforth, m. Anzonette R. . . . 

3. Sarah Danforth, 

4. Andaleen Marciuel Danforth, m. April 21, 1881, Abby 

A. Wilmarth. 

5. Elfried Josapha Danforth, 

In the will of Charles Danforth, probated in Providence, 
mention is made of grandchildren, viz : 


1. Timothy N. Danforth, Butte City, Montana. 

2. Robert Danforth, Parkersville, West Va. 

3. Clair Danforth, Parkersville, West Va. 

4. Frances Danforth, Parkersville, West Va. 

5. Charles Danforth Torrence, Minneapolis, Minn. 


1. Walter Bo wen Allen, May 21, 1856 Dec. 24, 1856. 

2. Crawford Carter Allen, June 20, 1861 Jan. 18, 1917, 

m. St. Margaret's Church, Westminster, London, 
England, Feb. 18, 1909, Maud D'Arc Corsi, dau. Count 
Corsi of Rome, Italy, and Countess Marie Helena 
(Caulcott) Corsi of Kensington, England. No issue. 

i. John Hopkins Danforth, March 22, 1852 Aug. 28, 1852. 

More Tales from Bristol 

Since the publication of the "Tales of an Old Seaport," in 
November last, a number of important papers dealing with 
the Bristol ships have come to light. Mr. Charles E. Lauriat, 
Jr., the well-known bookseller of Boston, has in his possession 
a copy of the Articles of Agreement for the fifth cruise of the 
Privateer Yankee, together with a list of the officers and crew. 
The Articles differ but slightly from those published on pages 
215 and 216 of the "Tales". The officers and crew were as 
follows : 

Elisha Snow, Commander; Thomas Jones, Second Cap- 
tain; Samuel Burton, First Lieutenant; John Smith, Second 
Lieutenant; Francis Elliott, Third Lieutenant; Joseph Ste- 
phens, Surgeon; Golden Dearth, Captain's Clerk; Rufus 
Burr, Prize Master; Joseph Diaz, Prize Master; Preston 
Daggett, Prize Master; Peter Carpenter, Prize Master; 


William Ricker, Prize Master; Chase, Prize Master; 

Sampson Gullifer, Boatswain; William Mathews, Boatswain's 
Mate; Edmund Eldridge, Boatswain's Mate; Henry P. 
Bowers, Lieutenant Marines; Stephen G. Allen, Lieutenant 
Marines; John Carter, Gunner; Joshua Stutson, Carpenter; 
Michael Shreeve, Stewart. 

John Swan, Allen Beebe, Cyrus Simmons, Lefavour 
Diman, George Grace, John Wilson, Justus Davis, Cornelius 
Saunders, John White, John Brownslow, Charles Sargant, 
John Tabor, Thomas Chapman, Benjamin Handy, Thomas 
Fullerton, John Salsbury, James Brayton, Thomas Smith, 
John Dickinson, John Reeves, Samuel Wood, James Hoar, 
William Brayton, Lyman Parsons, Henry Cooms, John Bacon, 
Jeremiah Goff, Joshua Champlin, Peleg Miner, Peter An- 
drews, John Brown, Jr., Joseph Jane, Lewis Cranston, John 
Ellis, James Carr, William Eddy, Daniel Barnaby, Thomas 
Crapon, James Barnes, James Williams, Henry Crapon, 
Samuel Cole, John Champlin, Silvanus Goff, David Keary, 
Robert Cottrell, Benjamin Oxx, Charles C. Wilson, Luther 
M. Borden, Gardner Winslow, Newport Wallace, John Wal- 
dron, Jack Jibsheet, Cuffee Cockroach, Anthony Lamb, 
Samuel Parker, John Green, John Jack, Charles Battis, Dan- 
iel Battis, John Battis, John Lewey, Jabez Emmery, David 
Deed, Simon Hawkins, Elisha Hunnings, Enoch Bowen, 
Henry Pike, John Buckley, William Jane, Alfred Barton, 
Nathan Ladd, Simon Hale, Mateas Hosman. William White, 
James Hoy, Holmes Hill, Otis Tripp, Giles Cornall, Peter 
Arman, Clark Weaver, Robert D. Hall, Joseph Carey, Jona- 
than Wood, Thomas Chambers. 

The document is dated Bristol, March 14, 1814. Allin 
Bourne, Notary Public, attests the copy July 16, 1814. 

Two interesting things are to be noted in this list; one is 
the spelling, now obsolete, of the word Stewart, the other the 
fact that only five of the one hundred and six men had mid- 
dle names. 

On page 210 of the "Tales" the statement is made that "the 


tonnage of the Prince Charles of Lorraine is not known." 
For forty years I have sought for information on that sub- 
ject. A few weeks ago, while examining a lot of loose papers 
in the office of the Rhode Island Secretary of State, Mr. 
Howard M. Chapin, the Librarian of the Historical Society, 
chanced upon a scrap of paper bearing the signature of 
Simeon Potter. He at once recognized its value. It reads as 
follows : 

"These certify that the Sloop Prince Charles of Lorain, 
burthen ninety tons or thereabouts, whereof Simeon Potter is 
Commander, owners Sueton Grant, Peleg Brown, Nathaniel 
Coddington, Jr., and the said Simeon Potter, is fitted and 
found in manner following, viz. : 

10 Carriage Guns with Ammunition sutable. 

Six Months of Provisions. 

Officers' Names. Daniel Vaughan, Lieutenant; John 
Sholley, Second Lieutenant; Benjamin Monroe, Master; 
Michael Phillips, Mate; Thomas Griffiths, Gunner; William 
Brown, Boatswain ; John Bonfield, Carpenter. 

With eighty men. 

Newport, September 8th, 1744. 

In the records of the Admiralty Court appears the testimony 
of Reuben Shaler of Middleton, Conn., showing that he was 
Second Lieutenant of the privateer. Possibly Captain Potter 
may not have known his name when he signed the certificate. 
The admiralty records also show that Joseph Spinney was the 
ship's Carpenter, and that he deserted. It should be noted 
that the name of the First Lieutenant was Vaughan, and not 
Brown as printed on page 44 of the "Tales." 

W. H. M. 

John Greene of Newport and Narragansett 

( Continued from page 78) 


Lieutenant John 2 Greene of Newport, son of John 1 and 
Joan Greene, was born probably about 1640. He married 
Mary Jefferay, daughter of William and Mary (Gould) Jeffe- 
ray of Newport. She was born March 20, 1642, and died after 
December 8, 1674, when she was mentioned in the will of her 
father. Lieutenant John 2 died suddenly at Seekonk, Mass., 
September 4, 1694. 

He was admitted a freeman of Newport , 1668. 

October 26, 1670, he and Edward Greenman petitioned the 
General Assembly that the estate of Thomas Flounders, lately 
executed for the murder of Walter House at Kingston, after 
the expenses for the execution were paid, might go to his late 
wife Sarah (Greene) and her child. 

[Colonial Records.] 

October 23, 1678, Stephen Saber sued John 2 Greene of New- 
port for debt. [Newport Court Records.] 

John 2 Greene, jr., was one of the partners in the Fones pur- 
chase, and thus became a proprietor of East Greenwich. 1678. 

[East Greenwich Records.] 

Lieutenant John 2 Greene of Newport was chosen surveyor 
of highways. 1679. 

He was one of a committee to locate a fence. 1681. 

Lieutenant John 2 Greene and others were appointed a com- 
mittee to view Peleg Sanford's land to see that it did not en- 
croach on the highway. January 30, 1682/3. 

[Newport Town Records.] 

James 2 Greene of Kingston was arrested, on suspicion that 
he had fired the barn of John Fones. His brother, Lieutenant 
John 2 Greene of Newport, was one of his bondsmen. Decem- 
ber 26, 1683. [Newport Court Records.] 


Lieut. John 2 Greene was chosen surveyor of Newport; also 
juryman, July 30, 1684. 

Lieutenant John 2 Greene of Newport drew house lot and 
farm in East Greenwich. May 14, 1685. 

[East Greenwich Records.] 

He was appointed attorney by Peleg Worthington of Bar- 
badoes and called "friend John 2 Greene of Newport, mer- 
chant." February 24, 1686/7. [Newport Records.] 

He was summoned to court at Rochester (Kingstown), July 
8, 1687. 

He sold his East Greenwich town lot to Giles Pearce of East 
Greenwich, May 21, 1690. 

From this time on the name of Lieutenant John 2 Greene dis- 
appeared from the Rhode Island records. In 1690 King Wil- 
liam's war began and it is probable he went at' the head of his 
soldiers. Returning, he seems to have been at Boston for a 
while, and was on his way back to Newport when he was taken 
suddenly ill at the inn of Nicholas Peck at Seekonk and died 
there. His real estate, according to record and tradition, had 
been strictly entailed either by his father or himself, and his 
will, made on his death bed disposed only of personal property. 
It is found in the Bristol County, Mass., probate records at 
Taunton, vol. 1, p. 103. 

"In the name of God, Amen." 

"I, John Green of the town of Newport in the Colloney of 
Road Island and Providence Plantations, mariner, being very 
sick and week But of perfect understanding, Blessed be God, 
Doe this fourth Day of September one thousand Six hundred 
and ninety and four make my Last will and Testament." 

"Imp. I give and Bequeath to Elizabeth Allen of Boston 
liveing at the South end of the town, forty pound in Silver 

"I give and bequeath unto Nathaniel Allen five pounds in 
Silver money and likewise five pounds to the father of Nathan- 
iel and Elizabeth Allen. And five pounds to Sarah Allen, the 
aforesaid fifty-five pounds to be paid by Stephen Squire of 
Cambridge which was paid to him for part of a sloop wherein 
I was concerned." 


"I give and bequeath unto Dr. James Collins fifteen pounds 
in money." 

"I give unto Benjamin Palmer and his sister Elizabeth the 
one half of what is in my chest at Benjamin Palmer's." 

"I give William Beho twenty pounds." 

"I give and bequeath unto my landlord Childs twenty pounds 
and likewise ten pounds to the children of Mr. Childs." 

"It is my wish that the other half that is in my chest after 
all the legacies be paid and funeral charges discharged be paid 
unto my fellow soldiers." 

"I give and bequeath my pied horse to Thomas Langford 
and my Black horse to him that keeps the pasture. My two 
rings I give and bequeath to Mr. Nicholas Peck and his wiffe. 
I give and bequeath to Dr. Huges two gold buttons. I give 
unto Dr. James Collins two gold buttons. I. likewise do ap- 
point Thomas Way to see me decently buried. I likewise give 
to Dr. Huges twenty pieces of Gold. I likewise give my arms 
and wearing apparel unto Benjamin Palmer and likewise my 
wearing apparel that is with me I give to Dr. Collens. Mr. 
Allen I pray pay to Mrs. Gold some small matter I owe her. 
I give and bequeath to Thomas Way one of the largest bars of 
Gold in my chest and it is my will that Thomas Way shall be 
my sole executor. 

Memorandum. The words (twenty pounds) in the seven- 
teenth line is enterlined before the ensealing hereof. In testi- 
mony that this is my will I have sett my hand and scale. 

The Coppey of this will was taken by Dr. James Collens 
from Mr. John Green's mouth before Nicholas Peck, Esq., 
and his wife and Mr. Childs. And when this will was drawn 
and read to him and to the best understanding of the persons 
present [he] was willing to have signed and sealed it. But 
was suddenly taken in a fitt and so unable to signe and scale 
it and Deceased in the fitt whereof we do testify and have 
hereunto sett our hands this fourth of September 1694. The 
mark of 

John Manchester 
Joseph Cross 
William Carpenter 


Nicholas Peck, William Carpenter and Mrs. Martha Child 
were also present. 

Inventory of the estate of John Green taken September 10, 
1694. Thomas Way of Newport, executor. 

Settlement of estate of John Greene deceased at Rehoboth, 
paid : 

To Elizabeth Brooks legacy in specie. 

To Robert Little on account of Benjamin Palmer. 

To Henry Brightman on account of Aliens of Boston. 

To Jeremiah Childs of Rehoboth. 

To Dr. William Hughes of Boston. 

To Robert Gardner of Rhode Island for William Beho. 

To Elizabeth Collens wife of Dr. Collens of Boston. 

To Nicholas Peck, Esq. 

To Thomas Langford of Rhode Island. 

To John Davy of Rhode Island. 

109 left for the soldiers of whom Thomas Way is one. 

Thomas Brooks of Newport gave receipt for his daughter, 
Elizabeth Brooks. January 3, 1694/5. 

John Pocock and Arnold Collins, witnesses. 

Robert Little of Newport gave receipt for money for Ben- 
jamin Palmer given by will of John Green who deceased at 
Seakonk, September 4, 1694. 

Henry Brightman gave receipt for four legacies given Dan- 
iel Allen and his children by John Green. 

Jeremiah Child gave a receipt. 

William Hewes of Boston gave a receipt for his share. 
Henry Franklin and Abraham Smith, witnesses. 

Robert Gardner gave a receipt for William Behr's legacy. 

Elizabeth Collins of Boston, wife of James, gave a receipt, 
also Nicholas Peck and his wife and John Davy of Newport. 

Thomas Langford of Newport gave a receipt April 15, 1695. 

Of the persons mentioned above, Henry Brightman had 
purchased of Edward Greenman the farm adjoining the Green- 
end farm on the north and east, and Thomas Langford was 
the man who in some way became possessed of John Greene's 
farm in East Greenwich which he sold, no deed having yet been 
found of the transfer. 


The will of Daniel Allen of Boston was made December 17, 
1715. He was an innholder. Abstract: 

To wife Mary, all the goods she brought with her and house 
and land in Wing's lane that were hers. To son Daniel, daugh- 
ter Martha, daughter Patience, grandchildren John and Katha- 
rine Hitchbone, legacies. Son Nathaniel and daughter Eliza- 
beth, both deceased, are excluded. Son Nathaniel went away, 
contrary to his father's mind. Daughter Elizabeth had her 
portion during life. Son George Allen, land in Dorchester 
that belonged to testator's father, Nicholas Allen. 

An Unlisted Thornton Almanac 

A Providence collector upon comparing his almanacs has 
discovered that he posseses a hitherto unlisted edition of 
Thornton's Rhode Island Almanack for 1793. 

These almanacs were printed in Warren in 1792 by 
Nathaniel Phillips, who in that year had set up the first print- 
ing press in Warren. 

The copy of Thornton's almanac for 1793 which the col- 
lector discovered bears the imprint "Warren Nathaniel Phil- 
lips for Jacob Richardson in Newport," while the imprint of 
the regular edition merely reads "Warren : Nathaniel Phil- 
lips." Except for this slight variation the two editions were 
struck from the same type. 

Only one edition of the Thornton Almanack for 1794 is 
known and that bears the imprint, "Warren : Nathaniel Phil- 
lips for Jacob Richardson Esq. Newport." It would seem prob- 
able that there was a regular Warren edition without any 
reference to Newport in the imprint. 

Thornton's almanac for 1792 was printed at Newport by P. 
Edes, in 1791. In the following year the Newport press passed 
into the hands of Henry Barber and there is no evidence that 
an almanac was printed at Newport in that year or in the fol- 
lowing one. It is doubtless due to this omission on the part of 
Barber, that the bookseller Richardson had a special Newport 
edition of the Warren almanac printed for the years 1793 and 


Senator Le Baron B. Colt's Fourth of July Address, Shall 
Civilization Survive? has been printed by the Government 
Printing Office at Washington. 

An article entitled Shop Gardening as a War Measure 
by Luther D. Burlingame, has been issued in pamphlet form. 

Dr. Charles V. Chapin's How to avoid infection has been 
translated into French and published serially in Le Droit of 
Ottawa, Canada. 


During the past quarter the following members of the 
Society have died : 

George C. Darling. Christopher Rhodes. 

Charles H. Hart. Mary Rivers. 

Samuel H. Tingley. 

Mr. Rhodes left the Society a large number of books and 
papers together with two swords, one of which was worn by 
Gen. Christopher Rhodes in the Revolutionary War, and five 
portraits of members of the Rhodes family. Those of Capt. 
Robert Rhodes, of his wife, Phoebe Smith, of Gen. Christopher 
Rhodes, and of his wife, Elizabeth Allen, were painted by 
Nixon in 1809. 

Roger Williams' Wife 

The following postscript from a letter of Lady Masham 
identifies Roger Williams' wife. The postscript reads, "Mr. 
Willyams is to marrye mary barnerd Jug Althams made." An 
explanatory note by Miss French, who discovered and sold this 
genealogical item is as follows : 

"This letter is undated, as are all of this lady's. A modern 
hand has written '1628' on it, but this is evidently too early, as 
Roger Williams' attempt to marry Lady Barrington's neice was 
evidently earlier and we know from his letter to her that that 
took place before May, 1629. So this letter is evidently later, 
probably written in the late summer or early autumn, as refer- 


ence is made to 'the heat of the harvest'. It may be the follow- 
ing summer, 1630, which would have given Roger Williams 
more time to get over his earlier disappointment. 

The term "Maid" as applied to Mary Barnard is not to be 
understood in the sense in which we would use the word to- 
day. All ladies of high station had waiting maids or waiting 
women, just as to-day the Queen has maids of honour, and 
these were of good breeding and birth. Sir Richard Salton- 
stall's daughters "waited on" some lady of rank, after their 
return to England. Rev. Ezekiel Rogers writes that his daugh- 
ter "waits on my lady Constable" and Rev. Ralph Josselyn's 
sister and daughter both "waited on" Lady Harlakenden at 
Earls Colne. The position was more like that of companion, 
tho' I suppose personal service was also rendered. Certainly 
Joane Altham, daughter and heiress of a baronet, would not 
have been given for a companion a girl lacking in breeding. 

Lady Elizabeth Masham was daughter of Sir Francis Bar- 
rington by his wife Joane, to whom the letter was written. She 
was staying at Harrow on the Hill with her daughter and son- 
in-law, Sir Gilbert and Lady Gerrard. Lady Elizabeth was 
married (i) to Sir James Althem of Mark Hall, Latton, co. 
Essex, who died 15 July, 1610, leaving an only daughter, 
Joane. His widow married (2) Sir William Masham of the 
manor of Otes in High Laver, co. Essex, by whom she had 
William, John, Francis and Joane ; the daughter by the former 
marriage, Joane Altham, was called "Jug" as a nickname, and 
probably to distinguish her in the family from Joane Masham. 
She married Oliver St. John, later Lord Chief Justice of Eng- 
land. Lady Masham's letters are filled with the family efforts 
to marry "Jug" to a desirable husband 1 . 

In the parish of Magdalen Laver, adjoining High Laver, 
where the Mashams lived, there were Barnards, Bernards, 
Burnards, as early as 1320." 

In the parish of Margaretting, about two miles from Mag- 
dalen Laver and High Laver, in Essex, a William Barnard, 
Esq., resided, according to the Visitation of 1612. Mary Bar- 
nard may have been of this family. 

William Harris, in a letter dated at Providence 14 Novem- 


ber, 1666, wrote, ". . . I left the letters with one Mr. Bar- 
nard, who knows your Self, he is Brother to Mr. Williams's 
Wife, the said Mr. Barnard. I requested and he promised he 
would put the said several Letters into the hands of two trusty 
men, severally to be sent by two several Ship." 

It would seem from this letter that the said Mr. Barnard 
lived in or near some important part, probably Boston. 

Chronological Check List of Maps of Rhode 

Island in the Rhode Island Historical 

Society Library 

(Continued from p. 98.) 

55 A. Carey, M. 

iRhode Island, in Carey's American pocket atlas, 1801, 2 ed., 
No. 6. 

ii Same in 1805. 3d ed., No. 6. L. O. C. 
iii Same in 1814. 4th ed., No. 6. 
iv Same. Photostat. R. I. H. S. 

See 1796 Harris. 

55 B. Lewis, S. 

Rhode Island, 9^x7^4, in Arrowsmith and Lewis "A New 
and elegant atlas, 1804, No. 40. 

ii Same in same, 1805, No. 40. 
iii Same in same, 1812, No. 35. 
iv Same in same, 1819, No. 35. 
v Same to accompany Pinkerton's Modern Geography 

[1804], No. 42. 
vi Same. Photostat. R. I. H. S. 


See 1801 Carey. 
1804 Lewis. 


[1806 or later.] 

55 C. 

(Map of Rhode Island) 12x7^, Manuscript. The arms of 
Rhode Island are shown in upper right hand corner. B. U. 
ii Photostat. R. I. H. S. 

See 1795 Harris. 

See 1804 Lewis. 


See 1796 Harris. 
" 1 80 1 Carey. 

See 1804 Lewis. 

55 D. Lewis, S. 

Rhode Island. In F. Lucas' "A new and general atlas." 
Baltimore [1816?]. L. of C. 

See 1795 Harris. 

See 1804 Lewis. 


59. Lockwood, Benoni. 

Map of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations : Cor- 
rected and enlarged with many additions by Benoni Lockwood, 
1819. Hartford. Published by Wm. S. Marsh for a Gazetteer 
of Rhode Island, 1819. 10^x7. R. I. H. S. 

In Pease & Niles. "A Gazetteer of the States of Connecti- 
cut and Rhode Island, 1819, opp. page 305. R. I. H. S. 


60. Lucas, F., Jr. 

Geographical, Statistical, and Historical Map of Rhode 
Island. 11^x8^2. With additional notes. In colors. R. I. 
H. S. 

ii In Carey and Lea's "A complete historical, chrono- 
logical and geographical American Atlas, 1822. No. 



iii Same, 1823 edit. L. C. 366oA. 
iv Same, 1827 2d edition, No. 13. 
v Same, 1827 3d edition, No. 13. 

vi Same. In Lucas' "A General Atlas" (1823), No. 54. 
vii Same. Photostat. R. I. H. S. 

See 1822 Lucas. 

61. Finley, Anthony. 

Rhode Island. Young & Delleker. Sc. nx8>^. No. 12. 
In Finley's "A New General Atlas," 1824. R. I. H. S. 

ii Same. Pocket map 11x8^ folded and issued in 
covers. 3^x2. Binder's title, "Rhode Island," 
1826. R. I. H. S. 

iii Same. Pocket map 1828. R. I. H. S. 
iv Same. No. n-in Finley's "A new general Atlas," 

v Same. No. n in Finley's "A new general Atlas," 

vi Same. No. n in Finley's "A new general Atlas," 

vii Same. No. n in Finley's "A new general Atlas," 


62. Buchon, Jean Alexandre C. 

Carte geographique statistique et historique du Rhode Island, 
1 1 54x8^. 

In Buchon's Atlas Geographique, statistique, historique et 
chronoligique des deux Ameriques fol. Paris, 1825, No. 17. 
L. of C. 

ii Same. Photostat. R. I. H. S. 

See 1823 Tanner. 


63. Weiland, C. F. 

Rhodeisland, 1826, No. 5, in Atlas von America. Weimar, 
1824-29. This map is based on the Lucas map of 1822. 
ii Same. Photostat. R. I. H. S. 


See 1824 Finley. 

See 1822 Lucas. 

See 1824 Finley. 

See 1824 Finley. 

See 1824 Finley. 


64. Schlieben, W. E. A., Von. 

Rhode Island No. 3 No. V.- In Schlieben's "Atlas von 
America," Leipzig 1830. L. of C. 

ii Same. Photostat. R. I. H. S. 

See 1824 Finley. 


65. Stevens, James. 

A topographical map of the state of Rhode Island and 
Providence Plantations ; surveyed trigonometrically, by James 
Stevens 1831. In colors. 42x26. Newport J. Stevens. R. I. 
H. S. 

Soundings are given on this map. This plate was recut for 
the 1846 Stevens map. 


66. Wadsworth, Alex. S. 

Chart of Narragansett Bay surveyed by Capt. Alex. S. 
Wadsworth, U. S. N., in 1832, by order of Hon. Levi 
Woodbury, Secretary of the Navy. W. J. Stone, Sc. 53x43. 
[Washington 1832.] R. I. H. S. 

ii Same. No. 141 in Collection of Maps published by 
order of Congress. Washington, 1843. 

See 1824 Finley. 


67. Wells, G. 

Map of Massachusetts, Rhode Island & Connecticut com- 


piled from the latest authorities. Engraved by G. Wells. 
Published by ... C. Shepard, New York & Providence. 
25^x34. R. I. H. S. 

This map has inset maps of Providence, Pawtucket, Central 
Falls, Woonsocket Falls, Warwick and Coventry. It shows 
the location of every factory in Rhode Island and gives the 
name of the owner and the kind of work produced. On ac- 
count of this data it is included in the list. 


68. Boynton, G. W. 

Rhode Island, 1838. 14^x1 !# R- I- H. S. 

i Same. In Bradford "An Illustrated Atlas" [1838]. 
ii Same. No. 13. In Bradford & Goodrich's "A Uni- 
versal Illustrated Atlas . . ." 1842. 
iii Same. In Bradford & Goodrich's "A Universal Illus- 
trated Atlas," 1843. Bet. pp. 52-53. 

69. Jackson, Charles T. 

A Geological map of Rhode Island by Charles T. Jackson, 
1840. 20^2x12. In colors. Folded in Report on the Geological 
and Agricultural survey of the state of Rhode Island made 
under a resolve of legislature in the year 1839. R. I. H. S. 



Map of Charles River and the boundary line of Mass, and 
Rhode Island 6^x4^4. In the Monthly chronicle of Events, 
discoveries, improvements and opinions. Boston 1841 Vol. 2 
p. 117. R. I. H. S. 


71. Lee, Stephen S. 

A Part of the State of Rhode Island. Drawn by Stephen S. 
Lee, by order of Gen. McNeile. Manuscript. 26x17. R- I- 
H. S. 

This shows the northern part of the state and was drawn in 
connection with the disturbances of the Dorr War. It is a 
tracing from Stevens map. 

ii Reduced cut, 8^x5^ . In Mowry's "The Dorr War," 
1901. R. I. H. S. 


72. Stevens, James. 

A Topographical map of the State of Rhode Island ... by 
James Stevens . . . ; with additions and corrections by S. B. 
Gushing & W. F. Walling 1846. Providence I. H. Cady. 1846. 
41x27 In colors. R. I. H. S. 

This is from the recut plate of Stevens' 1831 map. 



Map showing the Boundary line between Massachusetts and 
Rhode Island on the North side of Rhode Island as reported 
1848 by joint Commissioners, also showing Old Reputed line. 
Feb. 1867. Manuscript. 298x19^. R. IT State Lib. 

74. Hammett, Chas. E., Jr. 

Road Map of The Island of Rhode Island or Aquidneck. 
Surveyed November 1849 by Chas. E. Hammett Jr. and Drawn 
by Geo. F. Turner. Lith. of Sarony & Major. New York. 
Insert. Plan of the Town of New Port. 16x10. In Covers. 
R. I. H. S. 

ii Same. In colors showing geological formation, "pre- 
sented by the City of Newport R. I. to the members of the 
American Association for the Advancement of Science. Aug. 
i, 1860." R. I. H. S. 



[Rhode Island Boundary Map] Plan of Part of the Town 
of Fall River, [n. d.] 25x37^4. In Supreme Court of the 
United States. December Term 1852. Bill. The Common- 
wealth of Massachusetts vs. the State of Rhode Island and 
Providence Plantations. R. I. H. S. 

77. Walling, Henry F. 

Map of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Planta- 
tions. From Surveys under the direction of Henry F. Walling. 
J 855- 43x56. Boston, 'L. H. Bradford & Co. 1855. Inset 
plans of Providence, Woonsocket, Pawtucket, Warren, Bristol, 


Westerly, Newport, and Greenwich. The coloration is by 
counties. R. I. H. S. 

ii Same, with Business Directory on each side of the 
map. R. I. H. S. 

l8 55- 
See (1862) Walling. 



Baie Narragansett 1858. v. 2, No. 75. In Ministere de la 
Marine et des Colonies [de France] Portulan general. Paris 
1856-60. L. O. C. 


79. Walling, H. F. 

Map of the state of Rhode Island. Reduced and Engraved 
for Arnold's History by H. F. Walling. 1860. 9^x6^. In 
Colors. In vol. 2 of Arnold's "History of Rhode Island." 
1860 edition. R. I. H. S. 

See 1849 Hammett. 


80. Lincoln & Cushing. 

Plan showing conventional Boundary Line (to accompany 
report made by order of Supreme Court of U. S.). By Ezra 
Lincoln and Samuel B. Cushing. July 29, 1861. 

Three manuscript plans. 

A. 50x28. 

B. 72x18^. 

C. 6axiSy 2 , R. I. State Lib. 


81. Walling, Henry F. 

Map of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Planta- 
tions. From Surveys under the direction of Henry F. Walling, 
1855. 63x62. New York. John Douglass. 356-358-360 Pearl 
St. Copyright 1855. R. I. H. S. 

ii Same, without copyright date. R. I. H. S. 

This map contains the same inset maps and same directory 
as the 1862 Walling map (No. 82), without the additions of 


the 1863 map. The Rhode Island section is evidently from a 
different plate, as the county names are in hollow letters, and 
there are changes in Charlestown Pond and elsewhere. There 
were evidently three Walling plates. Compare Nos. 79, 81 

and 82. 


82. Walling, Henry F. 

Map of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Planta- 
tions from Surveys under the direction of Henry F. Walling. 
New York: John Douglass, 36 Dey St. 1862. 64x61^. 
R. I. H. S. 

This map contains such a large number of inset maps of the 
various villages in the state that it may well be considered a 
sheet atlas of the state. The county names are in solid letters, 
and the coloration is by towns. 

ii Same, dated 1863, with additions to the directory. 

R. I. H. S. 


83. Nicholson, W. L. 

Post Route map of the states of New Hampshire, Vermont, 
Massachusetts, Rhod'e Island, Connecticut and Parts of New 
York and Maine. 1866. 2 sheets. 37x60 each. 

ii Same. Corrected to 1871 Feb. R. I. H. S. 
iii Same. Corrected to 1871 Sept. R. I. H. S. 
iv Same. Corrected to 1881. L. C. 

As this map shows the postal routes and days of delivery in 
Rhode Island, which are not shown on any of the Rhode Island 
maps, it is listed here. Like the government charts, this map 
was issued periodically with corrections of routes. 



Map of a portion of boundary line between Massachusetts 
and Rhode Island, showing the village of Blackstone, Mass., 
1867. Manuscript. R. I. State Lib. 

5. Beers, D. G., & Co. 

Atlas of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Planta- 
tions. From actual Surveys and official Records compiled and 
published by D. G. Beers & Co. Philadelphia: 1870. Fol. 
135 p. R. I. H. S. 


This is the first atlas of the state. It shows the voting dis- 
tricts and gives tjie names of many of them as well as their 


86. Beers, D. G. & Co. 

Map of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Planta- 
tions. By D. G. Beers & Co. 24x14^. In colors. In Beers' 
Atlas of Rhode Island, 1870. See above. R. I. H. S. 


87. Thompson, J. C. 

Map of Narragansett Bay and the adjacent country. Com- 
piled & published by J. C. Thompson. Providence [1870], In 
colors. 15x10. R. I. H. S. 

ii Same in folders. R. I. H. S. 

iii Published by H. P. Boyce, Providence, in folders. 
[Probably 1873 or later.] R. I. H. S. 


88. Beers, D. G. & Co. 

Map of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Planta- 
tions. Compiled and published by D. G. Beers & Co. for 
Gladding, Brother & Co. Providence 1872. 36x17. In Colors. 
Inset maps of Providence and Newport. R,. I. H. S. 


89. Peirce, Benjamin. 

[Chart of] Narragansett Bay. 1-10,000 scale. 1872. R. I. 
H. S. Published in separate sheets and so virtually an atlas 
of the bay. 

Sheet 2 Providence River 18 Wickford 

4 Greenwich Bay 21 Newport 

7 Fall River 26 Boston Neck 

9 Bristol 27 Narragansett 

Manuscript originals are in U. S. C. & G. S. office, Washing- 
ton, D. C. John E. McGrath, acting assistant in charge of the 
office, U. S. Coast and Geodetic Survey, at Washington, in a 
letter dated Jan. 14, 1915, wrote: "As far as can be ascer- 
tained, the other sheets of the survey were never published." 
These give much detail found on no other maps. 

To be continued 

State of Rhode- I/land j &c. 

Providence i July 21, 1777. 

BY an EXPRESS arrived here this Morning, from 
Co! -Jofc-^h Noye. 1 --, we are informed.' that about 
Forty Sail of Square- rigged W:' ', ,-< -. f.en coning down 
the Sound Yeftcrcay, anr! 

af Watch-Hill in. thi 

v i of the Enemy's gre .. 1 
Wherefore all t^e Officers of 
quMtto ID call - cir leve': 
they appear |)"O"c, !/ equtpp* 

ck P. M. were 

iuppofeci to be the 

,'. i., or fuch otlii.r 

Your humbie Servant, 


A hitherto unlisted Rhode Island Revolutionary Broadside 

recently added to the collection of 

Col. Geo. L. Shepley 




Vol. XII January, 1919 No. 1. 

WILFRED H. MUNRO, President EDWARD K. ALDRICH, Jr., Treasurer 

Please address communications to Howard M. Chapin, Librarian, 
68 Waterman Street, Providence, R. I. 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the 
opinions of contributors. 

The Lands and Houses of the First 
Settlers of Providence 

There is preserved, in the City Hall at Providence, a 
manuscript entitled "A revised List (saving Correction, with 
Addition) of Lands and Meddows, As they were orriginally 
Lotted, From the beginning of the Plantation of Providence, 
in the Narregansetts Bay in New England, unto the (then) 
Inhabitants of the said Plantation, until Ann d 16 " 

The committee which drew up this list consisted of Chad 
Brown, John Throckmorton and Gregory Dexter. 

This manuscript gives a list of the owners of the so-called 
"home shares," which abutted westerly upon The Towne 
Street (now North and South Main Streets), in the order 
of their geographical arrangement from south to north, be- 
ginning at a small inlet known as Mile End Cove and extend- 
ing northerly to Dexter's Lane (now Olney Street). 

Mr. Charles Wyman Hopkins made a careful study of this 
list and published in his "Home Lots" maps showing the 
present location of these "home shares." These valuable maps 
serve as a graphic aid for the present study. 

A peculiarity of the list is that it does not relate to 'any one 


time; for instance, the name of Joshua Verin, who moved 
away in 1638, and of Thomas James, who moved away in 
1639-40, appear on the list with that of Gregory Dexter, who 
did not arrive until 1644. From this and its title, it appears 
that it is a list of persons to whom lots were granted from 

1636 to 1 6 . The last date is illegible, but it is evidently 

previous to the tax list of 1650. It seems probable that it 
was made in 1645 at the time of the admission of the "25 
acre men," and that its purpose was to record the names of 
those who were entitled to full rights in the common land, the 
class which later became known as "Proprietors." 

The most striking peculiarity of the list, however, is the 
fact that the six families who came first do not hold abutting 
lots. It would naturally seem that the first-comers would 
build on adjoining lots, and this supposition led me to examine 
the location of the first-comers' land. For convenience I 
arbitrarily numbered the lots from North to South I to 52. 
Then the first-comers, William Arnold, Smith, Verin, Williams 
and Harris, are seen to hold lots 8, n, 13, 14, and 16, re- 
spectively. From this it became evident that if these five first- 
comers had received lots twice the size of those finally allotted, 
Arnold would have received 8 and 9, Smith 10 and u, Verin 
12 and 13, Williams 14 and 15, and Harris 16 and 17, and 
their lands would have abutted. 

Furthermore, the fact that the town spring was close to 
the line between lots 13 and 14 would account for Williams 
and Harris building on the northern half of their lots and 
Verin and Smith building on the southern half of theirs, in 
Order to be located as near the spring as possible. The fact 
that Arnold built on the further half of his lot may be ex- 
plained by the fact that he considered that he was so far away 
from the spring that a few feet one way or the other made 
no difference, or perhaps by the fact that he had a large 
grown-up family and so did not have to carry the water 

In 1637 the settlement was increased by the arrival of 
several new families. When it became necessary to grant land 
to these new-comers it was evidently thought that it 'would 


make the town too scattered if the houses were built as far 
apart as those of the first-comers, and therefore the size of 
the lots was reduced one-half. Naturally the half which con- 
tained the house would be retained by the first-comer and the 
other half regranted. It is also possible that the first-comers 
built their houses where they chose without definitely defining 
the boundaries of their lots, and that the size of the allotments 
was not settled until the arrival of the new-comers in 1637 
or 1638. This second allotment apparently included lots 5 
to 27, inclusive. Those who received them were the new- 
comers, John Greene, Jr., 5, James 9, John Greene, Sr., 10, 
Throckmorton 15, Mrs. Daniels 17, Sweet 18, Cole 20, Olney 

21, Weston 23, Waterman 24, Holliman 25, Westcott 26, and 
Reynolds 27. Benedict Arnold 6 and Carpenter 19, who 
came in 1636 with William Arnold; and Weekes 7 and Angell 

22, who came with Williams, were granted land at this time. 
Also the Widow Reeve, Verin's mother-in-law, was granted 
lot 12. This accounts for every one whom the records and 
other contemporary documents show to have resided in Provi- 
dence up to the autumn of 1638, except Cope. Probably Smith 
had moved to the valley and set up his first mill and exchanged 
his home lot for the valley land, for Cope seems to have held 
lot u, which was Smith's. After Cope's death his lot was 
sold to Throckmorton in 1649, an d according to the 1650 tax 
list Throckmorton held lot n. 

The Massachusetts Bay records show that Daniel Abbott 
had departed for New Providence by June 4, 1639. William 
Field was granted land at Providence in 1639, Scott signed a 
deed there on April 22, 1639, Power was in Providence in 
1639, an d Winsor came as a servant to Roger Williams at 
about this time. The third allotment, consisting of the next 
lots south, numbers 29 to 40, was granted probably in 1639 to 
those who signed the compact. Brown received 29, Warner 
30, Richards 31, Scott 32, John Field 34, Winsor 35, Thomas 
Harris 36, and Wickenden 40. The other signers of the 
compact had lots as already noted. Of those others whom we 
know were in Providence in 1639, Abbott received .lot 28, 
William Field 33, and Power 41. This leaves three lots; 


Gooding 37, Burrows 38, and Mann 39, which would seem to 
have been granted at this time, although we have no other 
evidence that these three men were in Providence before 
July, 1640. This view in regard to the third allotment is 
strengthened by the fact that, arguing solely from the internal 
evidence of the "Combination," the conclusion has been drawn 
that Gooding, Burrows and Mann came previous to July 27, 
1640. The internal evidence of the combination also seems 
to show that Manton and West were in Providence by July, 
1640. Manton's lot 4 is next north of those that have already 
been accounted for, and may have been in the third allotment. 
West's lot 49 is beyond Bewitt's 48, and as Bewitt was in 
Massachusetts in December, 1640, it would seem that West 
may have reached Providence after the third allotment and 
so not received a lot until the next allotment, yet in time to 
sign the combination at the time of its adoption. Of course 
Winsor may not have signed the combination at the time of its 
adoption, but may have held off for some scruple, and this 
might account for the position of West's signature (see Docu- 
mentary History of R. I., p. 115 ff). 

Bewitt came to Providence after December I, 1640, and it 
seems probable that a fourth allotment was made in the spring 
of 1641, consisting of lots 42 to 50, viz: Tyler, Sears, Hop- 
kins, Hart, Lippitt, Bewitt, West, and Hawkins. Unthank 
may have been granted 51 at this time. All of these signed 
the combination, and with the exception of West, whom we 
have discussed, would from the internal evidence of that docu- 
ment seem to have signed it later than its adoption. Hopkins, 
Mann, Hawkins, and West are known to have been in Provi- 
dence in 1641, for they signed a letter at that time. Lot 46 
may have been granted to some one who did not take up his 
residence in Providence, and so may have reverted to the town, 
or it may not have been granted at all until 1643, when it was 
granted to Mathew Weston. 

Lot 2 was granted to Waller, who probably did not build 
and soon sold the lot to Dexter. Lot 3 was granted to Painter, 
who does not appear to have settled in Providence. This lot 
reverted to the town. 



Robert Williams and Gregory Dexter apparently came with 
Roger Williams upon his return in 1644 and were granted lots 
and signed the combination at that time. This might be called 
the fifth allotment. 

Thus it will be seen that this list contains the name of every 
head of family whom we know to have been in Providence 
before 1645, except Cope, Morris, and Ashton; and every 
name on the list is that of a person who either resided or was 
granted land at Providence. Cope was enfranchised by the 
civil compact, and apparently lot n was regranted to him. 
There is no evidence that Ashton or Morris were enfranchised 
at this period. 

Having worked out this theory of the allotment of home 
shares, we now come to the more interesting question of the 
houses. A tax list of improved property taken in 1650, and 
arranged geographically, apparently shows the houses standing 
at that time. This tax list is printed on page 33 of vol. xv 
of the Early Records of the Town of Providence. 

In 1636 five families removed from Seekonk to Providence 
and built houses. These were William Arnold at 8, Smith 
at n, Verin at 13, Williams at 14, and Harris at 16. Some 
young single men are said to have come in 1636, one of whom 
was doubtless Throckmorton, and it seems probable that these 
men lived with some of the families who already had houses. 
There is no evidence that an^; new settlers came in 1637 nor 
that any houses were built in that year, but it seems probable 
that land was granted or promised to prospective settlers. 
The town record accredited to the "second year," 1637, may 
refer to the third year, 1638, but in any case is not definite 
enough to establish whether or not. any homes were built at 
that time. From the position of the lots, it would seem prob- 
able that the second allotment was not finally made until 

In 1638 the following -families were living in Providence 
and had built houses on their lots, viz: James at 9, Daniels 
at 17, Sweet at 18, Olney at 21, Francis Weston at 23, Water- 
man at 24, Holliman at 25, Westcott at 26, and Reynolds 
at 27. 


This, however, does not account for all the inhabitants. 
Angell and Weekes were young men or servants, who came 
in 1636 and lived with Williams and Smith. Benedict Arnold 
and Carpenter came at that time, but resided with William 
Arnold, of whom they were the son and son-in-law respec- 
tively. Cope and Throckmorton, who were here in 1637, 
probably lived with some of the householders and assisted 
around the farm for their board and lodging. The Greene 
family probably lived with Mrs. Daniels, who was soon to be, 
if she had not already become, the second Mrs. Greene, or 
perhaps they built and lived at 10. Mrs. Reeve doubtless lived 
with her son-in-law, Verin. 

The year 1638 saw an emigration as well as an immigra- 
tion, for the Harrises, Arnolds and Coles moved to Pawtuxet. 
Two houses would thus be vacated and may have been occu- 
pied by some of the young men, as for instance Throckmor- 
ton, who appears to have married about this time, and Angell, 
who probably went to housekeeping, for Williams mentions 
losing a servant whose place was subsequently taken by Win- 
sor. The Verins moved away and their house was eventually 
taken by the Scotts. Cope may have taken one of the houses 
left vacant by the Pawtuxet men and then later moved into 
the Smiths house, when they moved to the Valley, or they may 
have moved to the Valley at this time. Late in 1638 or early 
in 1639 Winsor came to Providence to become a servant to 
Roger Williams. 

Power and William Field certainly came in 1639. Field 
bought James' house number 9 in March 1639/40, James 
having moved away. Power built on lot 41. Of the other 
families who moved here then, Brown built at 29, Warner at 
30, John Field at 34, Thomas Harris at 36, Gooding at 37, 
Burrows at 38, Mann at 39 and Wickenden at 40. Richards 
was under age and probably lived as a servant in one of the 
other households although granted a lot. 

In 1640 Holliman moved to Portsmouth, leaving a vacant 
house which was taken by Bewitt. Probably early in 1641 the 
fourth allotment of lots, 42 to 50, was made. Widow Sears 
presumably built at this time at 43, Hopkins at 44, Hart at 45, 


and Hawkins at 50. Tyler at 42, Lippitt at 47 and West at 49 
did not build at this time for their lots are without improve- 
ments in 1650. They doubtless lived with some of the other 
families. Bewitt did not build on 48 as he lived at 25. 

Lot 46 may have been left ungranted or it may have been 
granted, as in the case of lot 3, to someone who did not move 
to Providence, and then was regranted later. In any case lot 
46 was granted by the Town in 1643 to Mathew Weston. It 
was sold to Winsor in 1650, who built there. 

Sometime at or between the fourth and fifth allotments, lots 
2, 3, 4, and 51 were granted. Unthank built on 51, and Waller, 
who received 2, did not build but probably boarded. Painter, 
who was granted lot 3, did not settle in Providence, and his 
lot passed to Mistress Lea, from whom it reverted to the 
Town, whereupon it was regranted to Tillinghast in 1649, 
who built upon it. Manton bought and occupied the Sweet 
house at 18 instead of building on 4. 

In September, 1644, Roger Williams returned from England 
accompanied by Gregory Dexter and Robert Williams. Dex- 
ter was granted lot i, on which he built. Robert Williams was 
granted lot 52, but instead of building on it, bought house and 
lot number 27 from Reynolds and house and lot 28 from 
Morris. The house at 28 was probably built by Abbott in 1639. 
His wife died in 1643 an d the lot seems then to have passed 
to Morris. Abbott died in 1647. ^ n ^4 Benedict Arnold, 
who had been living at Pawtuxet with his father, married and 
moved into his father's house, 8, in Providence, where he 
resided until he moved in 1651 to Newport. In 1642 the 
Greenes, Westons and Warners moved to Warwick. Angell 
bought Weston's 23, and William Field bought Warner's 30. 
Subsequently Field sold 9 to Elderkin, and either moved into 
30 for a short time, which however he soon sold to Richards ; 
or else built on and moved to his own lot 33, where he resided 
for some time previous to 1650. 

In 1643 Hart sold 45 to West. In 1644 Bewitt sold house 
25 to the Town, and it was used as a Town House from 1644 
to 1647, when it was resold back to Bewitt. Bewitt also sold 
in 1644 lot 48 to Hawkins, who .soon sold it to Ashton. A 


house was built upon this lot by one of these three, but it is 
not clear by which one. In 1646 Wickenden sold his house 
40 to Unthank, having sold the southeast corner of the lot to 
Dickens, who apparently soon purchased the rest of this lot 
from Unthank. The latter probably moved to his own lot 51, 
where he built, but upon moving to Warwick in 1647 sold this 
to Thomas Roberts. Dickens married Widow Tyler and so 
obtained lot 42, which in 1650 he sold to Power. 

.Winsor, when he was married (1643) appears to have built 
at 35, but he sold this to Shepard, and moved to 46, which 
was granted to him in 1650. In 1648 Gooding sold 37 to 
Osborne, but retained a life interest and is taxed as if he were 
the actual owner in 1650. Cope died and his house was sold 
to Throckmorton in 1649. Suckling, who arrived after the 
List was made, was granted the next lot south of 52. He 
built there and is taxed in 1650. Harris sold 16 to Henry 
Right sometime before 1650, and Peter Greene moved into 
his step-mother's house, 17, where he was taxed in 1650. 

It is barely possible that John Greene had a house at 10, but 
it seems far more likely that when in Providence the Greenes 
lived at 17, where Peter Greene is subsequently taxed, espe- 
cially as John Greene is not assessed in the 1650 list. 

Cole may have built at 20 in 1638, and then have moved 
away the same summer, but it seems far more likely that upon 
their arrival in Providence the Coles joined the Pawtuxet 
emigration and settled there without building or residing in 
Providence. In 1652 Cole sold his house and land in Provi- 
dence. If this house was built previous to 1650 it must have 
been included in the tax of his Pawtuxet property. 

Continuing northward from Dexter's house number I, fol- 
lowing the tax list, we find John Brown, Christopher Smith, 
William Fenner, Widow Smith (evidently at the mill in the 
Valley) and John Jones. Then there is a space, apparently 
signifying a geographical gap, and then the names of Clements 
(who lived at the west end of the Cove), Slowe (who lived on 
west side of river), and the Pawtuxet men: Harris, Arnold, 
Cole, Carpenter, S. Arnold, Rhodes, and Hawkhurst. 


Account of Sales of 106 Africans Brought into 

Charleston, S. C., on Brig Three Sisters, 

Captain Champlin, of Bristol, 

October 12, 1807 





To whom sold 























Francis Depau 














4 mos 

James Marsh 






4 mos 

Robt. McCleary 






4 do 


Baily & Waller 







C. Guillon 






3 do 


Mrs. Read 







3 do 







P. T. Marchant 







6 do 

Mary Haig 







60 days 


M. Massol 














5,6,7 mos 

Aug. 3 

Waldon & Co. 






30 days 


Thomas Wright 






4 mos 

Thomas Bailey 






M. Massol 












Charles Christian 






M. Massol 
















Bailey & Waller 












Jos. Pritchard 









4,5, 6 mos 

26 28 29 23 106 $2250 26840 29090 

Commissions 5% 1454.50 


This sales account of a "slaver", which has just come to light, 
testifies once more to the enormous profits of the slave trade. 
On the first day of January, 1804, the Legislature of South 
Carolina opened the ports of that State' for the importation of 
African slaves. They remained open for four years. In 1804 


twenty slave ships entered the port of Charleston; the next 
year thirty cargoes were brought in; in 1806 the number in- 
creased to fifty-six, and in 1807 ninety-six slave ships passed 
over "Charleston Bar." On these two hundred and two ves- 
sels were carried 39,075 slaves. 

Seventy of these vessels sailed under the British flag and 
fifty-nine of them hailed from Rhode Island ports. The for- 
eign ships were much larger than the American. The British 
vessels carried 19,949 slaves, more than half the whole num- 
ber imported. The four Frenchmen averaged 359 slaves each. 
The fifty-nine Rhode Islanders averaged not quite 139^2 per- 
sons. Small ships were apparently more profitable than larger 
ones. A large part of a slaver's "round trip" was necessarily 
spent in hunting up a cargo. That was the most dangerous 
part of the business. Very few escaped the African fever. 
The disease was always debilitating, very often deadly. Fre- 
quently a whole ship's company would be stricken down. 
Under such circumstances loading up a cargo was impossible. 
A small ship like the Three Sisters could sometimes secure its 
cargo of one hundred and six Africans, cross the ocean and 
dispose of them before a big fever-stricken Frenchman could 
gather its human freight. The French ships made but one 
voyage each. Of the seventy Englishmen only nine made two 
voyages. Yet of the fifty-nine little Rhode Islanders ten 
brought over two cargoes, and two accomplished three trips. 
Judging from the South Carolina statistics the round trip 
must ordinarily have consumed a year or more. The profits 
were enormous. Ten years before, when "times were bad in 
Gorea," i. e., when the demand for slaves had ceased and there 
were no inducements for the gatherers to "round them up," 
the price for prime slaves had soared to more than a hogshead 
of rum each, say $56. Even supposing the one hundred and 
six blacks to have cost $60 apiece, they sold for almost $280 
each; $27,635.50 minus $6,360 leaves $21,275.50. And that 
was the showing for one leg of the voyage only! What was 
the profit from the sale of the rum, and from the molasses 
from which the rum was distilled? 

The Three Sisters was probably a vessel of about the size 


of the Privateer Yankee, say of from 150 to 200 tons. The 
Yankee, of 160 tons, carried a privateering crew of one hun- 
dred and twenty men. How many men lived in the slaver's 
forecastle we do not know. Vessels were heavily manned in 
those days. The full rigged ship Juno, of 250 tons, had a crew 
of twenty-six when Captain John De Wolf sailed her out from 
Bristol harbor in 1804 on her voyage to the "Northwest coast." 
Even if the Three Sisters carried twenty men "before the 
mast," the slaves were not more crowded than were the sailors 
on the Yankee. The privateer "Prince Charles of Lorraine," 
of ninety tons, carried a crew of eighty men. The horrible 
crowding of which we read came after the slave trade had 
been declared to be piracy. 

A study of the account shows that the number of men and 
women, boys and girls, was about the same. The average price 
of the items sold was not quite $280. Men brought $294 each. 
Women averaged not quite $278. Boys brought $248. Girls, 
alas, averaged only $244, though some sold for $350. Very 
little cash was paid. Six months time seems to have been 
the rule, and apparently two firms (slave dealers?) took more 
than half the cargo. 

W. H. M. 

Notes and Answers to Queries 


The tradition in Apponaug in regard to the cannon now on 
the front wall of the Kentish Artillery Armory in that town, 
is that they were captured from Burgoyne at the Battle of 
Saratoga. After that battle the captured artillery was dis- 
tributed among the American troops. Two of the guns which 
formed a part of it are now in the possession of the Warren 
Artillery, and still bear the royal crown. Those in the pos- 
session of the Kentish Artillery have, in place of the crown, 
a raised piece of metal, evidently set in, -on which appears the 
anchor of the State. These guns were received by the Kentish 
Artillery from the United Artillery of Warwick, when that 
company went out of existence about a century ago. 



The Adjutant General has recently changed the color of the 
flag which is to be carried by the Rhode Island State troops. 
This change was made in October, 1918. The new State 
troop-flag differs from the official State flag by having a blue 
field instead of a white one. During the Revolution the field 
of the flag carried by the Rhode Island troops was white. No 
distinction was made between the State flag and the flag car- 
ried by the State troops. Subsequently the field of this flag 
was changed to blue. In 1897 the field was changed to white 
by act of the General Assembly. This flag with white field has 
been the only authorized State flag until October, 1918. The 
following letter from the Adjutant General explains the 
change : 

"Providence, R. I., December 5, 1918. 
Dear Mr. Chapin : 

The flag presented by Mrs. Vanderbilt for the State Guard 
was a regimental color for infantry, which under regulations 
is blue. We substituted the State for the Federal coat of arms. 
The act of the General Assembly prescribing a State flag does 
not provide that such flag shall be carried by the State troops. 

Sincerely yours, 


In accordance with this ruling it would appear that the 
Rhode Island Artillery Companies should carry a flag with a 
scarlet ground, and the cavalry companies a flag with a yellow 


"Hoppin," mentioned on page 106 of the Collections, Vol. 
XI, No. 4, October, 1918, was with little doubt Davis W. 
Hoppin, the oldest son of Benjamin Hoppin, born May 6, 
1771 ; died October 12, 1822. 

The following advertisement appeared in the Providence 
Gazette, December 14, 1793: 


"Davis W. Hoppin" 

"Portrait and Heraldry Painter Informs the Public that he 

Executes the Business of his Profession with Elegance and 

Dispatch, at his room over the Crockery Store of Mr. Lyndon. 

Gilding and Sign Painting in their Various Branches are 

also performed in the neatest and most Expeditious manner." 

The store of Mr. Lyndon was on North Main street, near 

the foot of Meeting street, where Mr. Carter lived. 



In Chapin's Cameo Portraiture in America, which was men- 
tioned in the July Collections, is an account of the local Provi- 
dence sculptor, George O. Annable, together with a list of 
some of the portrait cameos that he cut. In addition to those 
mentioned, we are informed that Annable also cut a cameo 
portrait of John Pitman of Providence. The present location 
of this cameo is not known. 

New Books of Rhode Island Interest 

Dr. Roderick Terry's lecture on the Liberty Tree of New- 
port has been printed as one of the Bulletins of the Newport 
Historical Society. 

A broadside genealogy of the Congdon Family of Rhode 
Island has been reprinted by Frank J. Wilder of Boston. 

Dr. Charles Carroll's Public Education in Rhode Island has 
been published by the State and will be issued in January. 

A series of articles upon the Barrington Houses of 1838 by 
Mr. Thomas W. Bicknall has been appearing in the Warren 

Senator Colt's speech entitled The Winning of the War and 
What Will Follow has been printed and distributed. 

Professor Herbert E. Walter's The Human Skeleton, and 
Professor Wilson Follett's The Modern Novel are the most 
recent book contributions of the Brown faculty. 

A series of biographies of early Rhode Islanders by Howard 
M. Chapin is being published in the Providence News. 



The following persons have been admitted members of the 
Society : 

Mr. James A. Atwood Hon. George T. Brown 

Miss Elizabeth H. Brayton Mrs. James G. Staton 

During the past quarter the Society has received two valu- 
able collections of photographs. A collection of about 200 
views, including many buildings and old-time landmarks, which 
have now disappeared, was presented by Mr. John R. Hess; 
and a photograph album containing pictures of many promi- 
nent Providence officials, to each of which is affixed a brief 
biographical sketch, was presented by Mr. Amory C. Sampson. 

Mrs. Franklin C. Clark has presented to the Society some 
of the manuscript notes and papers of her late husband; thus 
making accessible to students the vast fund of material col- 
lected by that diligent antiquarian. 

The more important accessions for the Museum are : A mili- 
tary coat worn by Franklin A. Chace during the Civil War; 
the hat cord and shoulder straps of Col. Charlotte F. Dailey; 
two embroidered fire-screens, one worked by Mary Hadman 
of Newport, who died in 1829, and the other by Mary Eliza- 
beth Draper of Providence; and a miniature model of a 
Sprague mowing machine. 

A letter written by Roger Williams to Governor John Win- 
throp in 1637 was recently sold at auction in Philadelphia. 
Providence is fortunate in having it purchased by Col. George 
L. Shepley, thus augmenting the collection of Roger Williams 
material in this city. 

The Society has lost the following members by death : 

Mr. John O. Austin Mr. S. Minot Pitman 

Mr. Richard W. Comstock Miss Mary Rivers 


John Greene of Newport and Narragansett 

Henry (2) Greene, son of John (i) and Joan Greene of 
Newport and Aquednesit or Quidneset, was born in Newport, 
R. I., about 1650. He took the oath of allegiance to the King 
and Colony with the other inhabitants of Quidneset May 20, 

May 6, 1673, he was admitted a freeman of Narragansett by 
the General Assembly. 

He married before Oct. 20, 1670, Sarah Greenman, daugh- 
ter of John Greenman of Portsmouth, R. I., who had had a 
grant of five acres by the Portsmouth townsmen about Feb- 
ruary, 1643, and had died soon after. His widow married 
Ralph Cowland as his first wife, and the town allowed Ralph 
the use of John Greenman's land. 

Oct. 20, 1670, Ralph Cowland of Portsmouth, R. L, for 
the love and affection he bore to his daughter-in-law (i. e., step- 
daughter), Sarah Greene, wife of Henry Greene of Narra- 
gansett, and for divers other good causes, gave to the said 
Sarah Greene, wife of the said Henry Greene, five acres of 
land in Portsmouth of which she was already possessed, and 
twenty acres of land adjoining these five acres which were at 
first laid out therewith, when it was laid out, bounded north 
on the land commonly called Aspinwall's Farm, and on the 
other side with a highway, and partly with six acres, laid out 
to Giles Slocum, and the other butting upon a highway between 
the land of William Brenton and the said twenty-five acres 
joining Aspinwall's farm, to the said Sarah Greene and her 
lawful heirs. 
Recorded Nov. 21, 1670. R. I. Colonial Records. 

Henry Greene, late of Aquedneset, now residing in Gearsey 
leases to Latham Clarke of Portsmouth the above land for 
sixteen years or until the death of said Henry and his wife 
Sarah, when said Latham is to return the land to its true 

Portsmouth Deeds, 1-204. 


Recently purchased by Col. 

L vr\ ^ 


fj; L. Shepley at an auction held in 
' ian. V. Henkels 


On Dec. 3, 1655, the disposers of land in the Town of Ports- 
mouth had granted to Ralph Cowland twenty-five acres of land 
for himself and in lieu of a former grant to John Greenman 
belonging to Sarah Greenman. This land was bounded in 
part by Aspinwall's farm and Giles Slocum. 

Portsmouth Deeds, 1-22. 

Henry (2) Greene must also have owned land in Narra- 
gansett. To be elected a freeman, he had to be either the 
oldest son, or a land owner. He could not have been the 
oldest son as Lieut. John (2) Greene of Newport had been 
elected freeman of Newport in 1658. The knowledge that 
Henry Greene owned land in Quidneset or Narragansett, 
probably completes the deed found in the early records of 
North Kingstown, part of which was completely obliterated. 
This deed reads, James (2) Greene to George Wightman, Sr., 
of Rochester, all the tract of land in Rochester, being half a 
share in the Northern Purchase which was made by Major 
Atherton and Company, and by them granted to John (l) 
Greene of Newport, husbandman, and by him passed over 
unto [line obliterated] probably should read passed over to 
his son Henry (2) Greene, "and by him passed over unto 
Benjamin (2) Greene his brother, and from the said Benja- 
min, passed over and conveyed unto James (2) Greene his 
brother, eighteen and three quarters acres, bounded in part by 
Edward (2) Greene his brother." Feb. 15, 1695-6. 

After this the name of Henry (2) Greene does not appear 
in either the North Kingstown, Portsmouth or Newport rec- 
ords. He must have gone to "Gearsey" or New Gersey about 
1680. According to the New Jersey Colonial Records he 
owned in 1684 or na d had laid out to him two hundred and 
thirty-three acres of land in Shrewsbury, and seven acres at 
Goose Neck in Shrewsbury. Sarah Reape, widow of William 
Reape of Newport, held a mortgage on it and it seems to have 
gone to her heirs. 

The death of Henry (2) Greene and Sarah Greene of 
Shrewsbury must have occurred about 1694. In April of that 
year a John Greene was admitted freeman of Newport. In 


the division of Newport lands he received a small piece as one 
of the proprietors or owners. 

In Portsmouth, March 23, 1694, the townsman ordered 
that there be laid out to John (3) Greene of Newport eight 
acres of land in Portsmouth, that belonged to his freehold, 
which had formerly been laid out to Ralph Cowland, deceased, 
and given by said Cowland unto Sarah Greene, mother, unto 
the said John Greene by the town of Portsmouth, to be laid 
out according to the judgment of the surveyor and those 
appointed to help him. John (3) Greene paid his assessment 
for this land March 6, 1704-5. 

March 17, 1705, John (3) Greene and his wife Mary of 
Newport sold to William Sanford the- above eight acres in 

This wife, Mary, must have been Mary Holmes, born about 
1677, daughter of John (2) and Frances (Holden) Holmes of 
Newport. On Dec. 5, 1769, shortly after the death of Henry 
(4) Greene of Shrewsbury, son of John (3) Greene of New- 
port, Mrs. Mary (Easton) Taylor, wife of John Taylor of 
Middletown, R. I., wrote to her cousin, John Bowne of Mon- 
mouth, N. J., and mentioned Henry Greene's death, referring 
to him as a cousin. In tracing out the lines to discover the 
connection of these families, it was found that the Mary who 
answered the requirements was this Mary Holmes. She died 
before 1712, as no mention is made of her in the settling of 
her father's, estate at that time. 

John (3) Greene married for his second wife Sarah Parrott 
of Falmouth, Maine, daughter of John Parrott. He was 
called in the Newport and Middletown records, John (3) 
Greene of Greene End. He and his wife Sarah disposed of 
their Portsmouth holdings which he had inherited from his 
mother, Sarah Greenman. In 1740, when Middletown was 
set off from Newport, the Green End farm was included in 
its borders. Middletown deeds show its location conclusively. 

March 12, 1721, John (3) Greene of Newport, sold to his 
son-in-law, Peleg Rogers of Newport, who had married Sarah 
(4) Greene, daughter of John (3), one acre of land, in 
Newport, lying and being at the east end of grantor's home- 


stead farm, where he dwells, bounded east on Henry Bright- 
man, south on a highway, west on the donor, north on Henry 

March 12, 1711, John Greene of Green End Township, 
Newport, sold to William Collins, eighteen acres at Newport. 
As this land was entailed, John Greene gave to the said 
Collins a warrantee deed promising that as the land was 
supposed to be entailed, if Collins was molested in the owner- 
ship of it, he might enter on another piece of eight acres 
owned by said Greene in Newport, bounded north on Henry 
Brightman, south on William Weeden, east on a highway, 
west on grantor. John (3) Greene promises to pay the costs 
if the sale is ever contested. 


[signed] John J. G. Greene, 

This is the same signature appended to the will of this 
John (3) Greene, also to the Portsmouth deed of John (3) 
Greene of Newport and his wife Mary, and to the deed of 
John (3) Greene of Newport and wife Sarah. 

John (3) Greene of Newport made his will June 15, 1722. 
He died July 22, 1740. His will was probated Aug. 4, 1740, 
his wife Sarah and son John (4) having been appointed 
executors. The will is much mutilated. He left his Newport 
lands to his son John (4) ; land in Shrewsbury, N. J., to his 
son Henry (4), and land to his son William (4) Greene, who 
was under twenty-one at that time. He also had "cousins," 
i. e. nieces and nephews in East Jersey, showing that the 
Henry (2) Greene of Quidneset and Shrewsbury must have 
had other children than the son, John (3) Greene, who came 
back to Rhode Island and lived in possession of the Greene 
End farm. The names of these kinsmen were William Good- 
berry, Mary Allen and Ellen Farcourt. No trace has yet been 
found of them in the New Jersey records. He also named in 
his will his daughter, Sarah Rogers, wife of Peleg Rogers of 
Newport, and gave quite an amount of silver, marked J. G. M. 
to his heirs, i. e. John and Mary Greene. 

The children of John (3) Greene of Green End were: 


John (4) Greene, born about 1693-4, called in 1733, "John 
Greene, Jr., of Greene Inn." 

Sarah (4) b. 1695, married Peleg Rogers, died on the Green 
End Farm and buried with her husband, children and brother 
William and sister Mary in the Newport Cemetery. 

Henry (4), b. about 1700, settled in Shrewsbury, N. J., on 
the farm his father, John (3) Greene of Green End, Newport, 
had bought of John Colver in 1716. This Henry (4) was an 
inhabitant of Newport, Jan. 21, 1721-22, and was elected a 
road commissioner. 

William (4), b. 1707. 

Mary (4), b. Nov. 9, 1715, daughter probably of Sarah 
Parrott and named for Mary Holmes, the first wife of John 
(3) Greene. 

Henry (4) Greene of Shrewsbury, New Jersey, made his 
will Sept. 6, 1769. It was probated Jan. 5, 1770. He left to 
his son, Henry (5) Greene, a plantation on the west side of 
Whale Pond, also land near Bartholomew West. If Henry 
had no heirs the land was to be divided equally between his 
brothers, William, John and James. He mentioned a daugh- 
ter, Sarah, wife of Joseph Cook; daughter, Rachel, wife of 
Vincent White; daughters, Rebecca and Elizabeth, Mary, wife 
of William Perce; Charity, wife of Thomas White, and wife 


John (4) Greene, son of John (3) and Mary (Holmes) 
Greene, was born about 1693. He married Mary Weeden, 
daughter of Jeremiah and Sarah (Cla,rke) Weeden, born about 
1699. He died at the Green End farm in Middletown, which 
had been set off as a separate town in 1740 and included the 
Green End township in its limits. He died Oct. 3, 1753. His 
will was presented for probate, but the witnesses testified that 
in their opinion the testator was of unsound mind. His wife 
refused to administer and his son John (5) was appointed in 
her place, and an inventory was taken, Feb. 18, 1754. He 
had a quantity of silver money and old plate. 

According to the Middletown Records, John (4) Greene of 


Middletown was one of a committee to sell some of the town 
land to William Stoddard, Sept. 4, 1750. 

After the death of John (4) Greene, the farm went to his 
oldest son, John (5) Greene. He married Katherine Carr, 
daughter of Daniel Carr. They were living in Middletown in 
1774 and their family appears in the Rhode Island census of 
that year. "John Greene. 2 males over, 6 males under sixteen ; 
3 females over, 3 under sixteen." 

2 349 Middletown Deeds. John (5) Greene of Middle- 
town, yeoman to William Chace of Providence as attorney, 
two certain tracts of land lying in Middletown. The first is 
bounded west and north on Mrs. Hannah Bailey, east on Mr. 
Greene Roger's land, south on the highway and contains 
sixteen acres. 

The second lot is bounded north on Daniel Peckham, and 
Hannah Bailey and the Charity lands or the Brier farm, south 
on land of Jonathan Weeden and the Honeyman farm, con- 
tains about eighty acres, it being the farm upon which I lately 
dwelt in Rhode Island. [signed] John Greene. 

Sept. 21, 1778. Katharine Greene. 

John (6) Greene, Jr., also quitclaimed to William Chace 
his right in the same land. He calls himself "late of Middle- 
town, Rhode Island, now of Woodstock, Conn." He describes 
the farm as containing ninety-six acres, on which his father, 
John (5) Greene, Sr., lately dwelt with his family. 

Acknowledged at Woodstock, Conn., Apr. 15, 1779. 

Katharine (Carr) Greene acknowledged her signature at 
Woodstock, May 18, 1781. 

Middletown Deeds, 3-8. Whereas, I, John (5) Greene, late 
of Middletown, R. I., now of Woodstock, Conn., did on Sept. 
i, 1778, convey to William Chace of Providence two tracts 
of land in Middletown, sixteen acres and eighty acres, and 
whereas said lots are supposed to be encumbered by an entail- 
ment, and the said William desires the removing of the en- 
cumbrance, and the confirming the same to the said William 
Chace, William Chace is appointed attorney to transact the 
necessary business. 
May 18, 1779. 


Middletown Deeds, 3-83. William Chace of Providence to 
George Irish of Middletown, the above two parcels of land, 
sixteen acres and eighty acres. 
Sept. 23, 1783. 

3-31. James Irish, son of George to William Bailey, one 
third of the above sixteen acre lot, bounded north on William 
Bailey, east on the town of Middletown land, south by the 
East Main Road, west on William Bailey, land formerly 
owned by John (5) Greene and known by the name of 
Greene lot. 

Reference has already been made to the acre of land in 
Newport, that John (3) Greene deeded to his son-in-law, 
Peleg Rogers. Aug. 20, 1754, Peleg Rogers of Newport and 
wife Sarah deeded to their son, Greene Rogers of Newport, 
for love, &c. one half of an acre of land in Middletown, the 
same land his honored father-in-law Greene gave to grantor 
by deed, bounded north on Samuel Bailey, east on grantor, 
south on a highway, west on heirs of John Greene (4) 
deceased. [signed] Peleg Rogers. 

Aug. 20, 1754. Sarah Rogers. 

After the death of Peleg Rogers the rest of the above land 
which had been given him by his father-in-law, John (3) 
Greene of Newport, passed to John Rogers of Newport. He 
and his brother, Greene Rogers, in turn sold it to George 
Irish, Sr., of Middletown, Feb. 29, 1792 ; George Irish sold it 
to Elisha Barker, treasurer of the town of Middletown, June 
n, 1793. Here was built the Town Hall of Middletown, and 
the present Town Hall stands on the same site, thus marking 
absolutely the location of the place of settlement of John (i) 
Greene of Newport, who afterwards removed to Quidneset in 

This was evidently the first land that John (i) Greene 
bought, and his nearest neighbors were the Greenmans, of 
whom he purchased the lot. Later he bought eighty acres of 
William Cunigrave. The two pieces of land at present are 
separated by the East Main Road and a row of lots which lie 
adjacent to this road on the south side of it. When sold, in 


1850, this lot still contained eighty acres and was called the 
Greene Farm. It was then purchased by Isaac J. Smith from 
the executors of the will of George Irish. It was bounded 
north by land of Joseph I. Bailey, and on the Charity or Brier 
Farm, east on the Charity Farm and Turner's Road or Lane, 
south on land of Edward Clarke and heirs of George Gibbs, 
deceased, west on road or lane called Alley Lane. 
Aug. 7, 1850. 

Oct. 23, 1856, Eliza Smith, widow of Isaac J. Smith of 
Middletown, leased to her children, William Smith, Henry 
Smith, Daniel B. Smith, and Sarah R. Hazard, wife of Charles 
Hazard, for $25 each every year, the farm called the "Greene 
Farm," bounded north partly by Bryer Farm, so called, east 
partly by Bryer Farm and Turner's Road, south on Gibbs 
farm and land of Peleg and William A. Clarke, west on Alley 
Oct. 26, 1856. 

From 1856 to the present day the land is easily identified 
from the Middletown deeds. In the vicinity of the Town Hall 
are several old houses, one of which may have belonged to 
or been built by some of the Green End Greenes. 

The records of the various towns, substantiate in almost 
every particular the old story handed down in the family of 
the Greenes of New York State. 

The lines of Daniel (2) and Edward (2) Greene, sons of 
John and Joan Greene of Newport and Quidneset have not 
been followed out. What little is known of them is given by 
Mr. J. O. Austin in his Genealogical Dictionary of Rhode 
Island. Mr. Frank Greene of Alfred, New York, has traced 
some of the descendants of Benjamin (2) Greene, particularly 
those connected with the migration of the Seventh Day Bap- 
tists to New York State. Benjamin (2) Greene went from 
Quidneset about 1705 and bought land in Stonington, Conn. 
He returned to Kingstown and bought land there in 1714 
which he soon sold to John Allen of Kingstown. He then 
moved to East Greenwich, where he died between January 7 
and March 5, 1719. 


James (2) Greene, son of John and Joan Greene of New- 
port and Quidnisset, R. I., was born at Newport in 1655. He 
died at North Kingstown in 1728. His first wife was probably 
Elizabeth Jenkins, sister of Zechariah Jenkins of Sandwich, 
who bought land of Thomas Langford in East Greenwich. 
He died in North Kingstown. His will was proved January 
14, 1722. He appointed his "cousin," i. e., nephew, John (3) 
Greene, executor. This was doubtless John (3) Greene, son 
of James (2) Greene of North Kingstown, and mentioned in 
his father's will. Zechariah Jenkins had a sister Elizabeth 
Jenkins not otherwise accounted for. Elizabeth Greene died 
between July 6, 1725, and May 5, 1727. The second wife of 
James (2) Greene was Ann. 

February 15, 1795/6. James Greene sold to George Wight- 
man of Rochester, R. I., 18^4 acres of land in the Quidneset 
Purchase that Atherton & Co. had granted to John ( i ) Greene 
of Newport, bounded by his brothers, Benjamin (2) Greene 
and Edward (2) Greene. All this land lay around the harbor 
called first Cocumcussuc, then Greene's Harbor, and now 
Allen's Harbor. 

Mention was made earlier in this paper of John Greene, 
"now of this colony," who had married Abigail Wardwell, 
daughter of Usal Wardwell of Bristol, R. I., and had children 
recorded in East Greenwich from 1685 to 1694. He was 
thought by some genealogists to be Lieut. John (2) Greene, 
of Newport, oldest son of John (i) and Joan Greene. Among 
the letters to Gen. George W. Greene, compiler of the x War- 
wick Greene Genealogy, was one from a descendlant of John 
Greene of East Greenwich, saying that this John Greene, after 
arriving in this country, for some reason had changed his 
name from Clarke to Greene and that in reality his name was 
John Clarke. No explanation was made and no reason given 
for the tradition. 

In the Providence Gazette for October 15, 1797, is the fol- 
lowing item, which throws light on the subject. 

"Ushal Greene, died at Coventry, R. I., Oct. 15, 1797. His 
father was a veteran in the Army of Citizen Cromwell of pro- 
tecting memory, and brought to America a sword with which 


he had fought in eleven battles. This very ancient and well 
tried rapier is said to be still in the family." 

This Usal Greene was son of John and Abigail Wardwell 
Greene and was born January 23, 1694. He was in his iO3rd 
year when he died. Almost all the Usal or Yousel, Wardwell 
and Enfield Greenes can be traced back to this John Clarke 
or John Greene of East Greenwich. 


Chronological Check List of Maps of Rhode 

Island in the Rhode Island Historical 

Society Library 

(Continued from page 132.} 

90. Peirce, Benjamin. 

Narragansett Bay. From a trigonomical survey under the 
direction of Benjamin Peirce, Superintendent of the Survey of 
the Coast of the United States. Scale 1-40000. 1873. 46x30. 

Note the "Aids to Navigation" are corrected annually on 
these charts, which are still issued. This has served as the 
basis for all the later United States Government charts of the 

ii "Aids to Navigation," corrected to 1878. R. I. H. S. 


91. Thompson, J. C. 

Ribbon map of the shores of Narragansett Bay. 2^x32. 
Providence. J. C. Thompson [1873]. L. O. C. 


92. - 

Map of the Shores of Narragansett Bay. 17x8. In Illus- 
trated Hand Book of the City of Providence, R. I. [1876]. 
R. I. H. S. 


93. Hopkins, G. M. 

Driving Map of the island of Rhode Island. Newport 
County, R. I. In colo,rs. 15x23^. [Phila., 1876.] L. O. C. 


I8 77 . 

94 . 

Rhode Island. Engraved for the Rhode Island edition of 
Warren's Common School Geography, 1877. R. I. H. S. 


95. Russell, Levi W. 

Rhode Island. In a geography of Rhode Island. J. H. 
Butler & Co. Phila., 1877. L. O. C. 


96. Thompson, J. C. 

Map of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Planta- 
tions. From recent government surveys and other authentic 
sources. Compiled and published by J. C. Thompson. Copy- 
right 1876, Prov. 1877. In colors. 40x30. Census of 1875. 
R. I. H. S. 

ii Same with census of 1880 and 1885. R. I. H. S. 
iii 40x28 cut and mounted on cloth. In folder. R. I. 

State Lib. 
iv Same. Compiled by J. C. Thompson. Published by 

S. D. Tilden, 1880. R. I. H. S. 
v Same. [Thompson's name omitted.] Published by 

S. D. Tilden, 1880. R. I. H. S. 
vi Same as v, dated 1881. R. I. H. S. 


97. Thompson, J. C. 

Map of the State of Rhode Island; published by J. A. & 
R. A. Reid in "A Short History of Rhode Island," 1877. 
Drawn by J. C. Thompson. 6x4. In Greene's "A Short 
History of Rhode Island," 1877. R. I. H. S. 


98. Thompson, J. C. 

Map of Narragansett Bay and adjacent territory, showing 
the points of interest for Excursionists, Tourists, &c. W. R. 
Fisk, Photo-engraver, Boston. Drawn by J. C. Thompson. 

R. I. H. S. 

ii Same. In Denison's "Picturesque Narragansett Sea 
and Shore," 1879. R. I. H. S. 


iii Same. In Munro's "Picturesque Rhode Island," 1881. 

R. I. H. S. 
iv Same. Published by J. A. & R. A. Reid in "A Guide 

to Narragansett Bay," 1878. 

99. Rand, McNally & Co.'s. 

Rhode Island. 12x8^. In colors. From Business Atlas. 
Chicago, 1878. R. I. H. S. 

ii In "Indexed county and township pocket map and 
shippers' guide of Rhode Island." Chicago, 1878. 
12x8^. N. Y. P. L. 
iii In same. 1884. 18 I4p. L. O. C. 
iv In same. 1893. 16 I3p. L.O.C. 
v In same. 1911. R. I. H. S. 
vi In same. 1913. 12 3Op. R. I. H. S. 

See 1878 Thompson. 



Nantucket Shoals to Block Island. From U. S. Coast 
Survey, 1845-1872. 25^x38. London admiralty. 1880. No. 
2890. L. O. C. 


See 1877 Thompson (Tilden). 
See 1878 Thompson. 


102. Reid, J. A. & R. A. 

Map of the State of Rhode Island, published by J. A. & R. A. 
Reid. 6x4. R. I. H. S. 

if Same in Munro's "Picturesque Rhode Island," 1881. 
R. I. H. S. 


103. [Coolidge, Susan ; pseudonym of Sarah C. Woolsey.] 

[ Humerous Map of Narragansett Bay.] Circle 2.^/2. diam. 
"Some Curious Things to be seen in Narragansett Bay." In 
Scribner's Magazine, August, 1881, p. 482. R. I. H. S. 

Frefb Intelligence. 

DON, Augu.tjo. of RoTu baickxrmV.i'ijrV.I->vvth:cx. to men, frrt- 
EN thouland Hanoveriana. all n v ' "' k > "' I0 K T,-. 1J f -"i n>ii i' t 

regimenti. lure beta Ofdtrejto V' OK ^ ll " : : "-" '; : "''' 

. Immediately i probably to be br</t fequtnc* of:i - 'eMonffi PHI I./. I 

I EnglanJ, that in cafe of a viftory PoukhUiii, M ,ar> uf the I 'xmftot a 

t fM,jreat rcinforcemcna ma> be le.t ( Rmpre" la osr court. M U'y -de ihe "A t.i^Jte la, *rwfd 
Vorth Amtrica and, the We.t- Indie.. Mowing declaration to l-*rd Wcym iuth : wh:ch brings a eerum i 
.mbador of Great Uritain to tht " '""" notwithnanimg Ofe rnai fneadly troop, rwinfj emtaAecl, 
i Of the United Provincei rtprrlentaiion. agaiuft tiicEngl.lh arroga. their departi.ic. TMII 

| [ ooW!>Jj^|*g.oftherb'T>,(!Tcr ft * rc -' '^wuy uyi h =.' 

i, fhat great "'*"> " c '-'l >? 

<si(letnion prtvailt ainon^ all rwki of <"> t!l - ^ 1 K 1 ' !"* '' ' J 1 ' 
people who are interefteo 1 in tht Englifh ??"* w 'crc th:y atr d: 
L ulKli K which have UJlei five per cnt. mologj prwexa, r ' . 
JfreJ Wfir CDrrefpon jenu *" ! 

"il Mi:.iBry by tU Ku; 

P Imperial f.njcfty ofjUtheKuf- mark, by equip,.,.i ? a Jcfcudro-i iu proieft f d ,|inj; fur C.. ol:i.or Georgia, I ut ha, . 
nf.JtriM tht the na/iiRtion ot the Hc trad^ f^ herluty*^*. And Uiat it jay wg uuUtnnct th. Count D'Ellainj"; 


rximpltot iheKi 

i will ukt^puce in 

' ordera (javt been, receded here 

I 1,-rchauO, from their !>:/:,:. f r: 

N E W- L O ^TD O N! 'DW- 

I We have an auovnt :i m N-v/ Y^,) 
' that +co'j irc-opi Uldy er.i'jaiLed tfcen's^ 
'. we U|u.i ;h- {-ointof! 

:he cosil i-f Hjflia, Den- Ei>f,!'.lh veff : | am 

t ft o: > 

eflel far- WAI n.ll on that coatV, they liad pmdenU 

fSwe4|o, requitcj bar ininiediatc T" 1 :' KafTiM colours r|:r Mj'|tfty h or- duenjbaiked. 
in, andTnat ut thole two crowns, der<- J <U!Ce lo ^ oPPopd t" '<" tr '^ B O S -T , O N, Dn 
h- u tlie.laa year a^n American hat luch Eng'.ih veflVI iall be stated a Th are tattrt invtov/ii wlcc 
took feeral vcfftlt kjund ro ?''' Such proeoiilJB iiciru| contrary u t, from the bell authfirrr, that th 
ii4eteim ; nedtoord;ral'qiia- " the ueu y uf ^wKt iubCftilig tt- DGralft, with a fquaiiron of 8 
i i .r i ise, and f",t tV,gat, '* ctl> if* two >-'"*'",, and by v.rtus'of i a y n e, and abouP^w Cw\e i" 

Ottf iomiierce and "irtiite Ounnun St.,':e(. du.4n the wai p,j> to Chefapeak Esyi to 
lly, a:i'.l tu txpcl iioiu ''' ' '"' '- *'' and til ?:>:." Vc. ' ihe btil manner ciai:m(lncer ' 
II criHt'in;? vrl&U t>: it ni- '' * ' ' ;te:.tiity t he (frviK ol the United Stai 

\*i iii! ttme it a per.iiin ijijiy con; to 
'. to a!! vw on bord on* *f thii !qudr 
V every o f 7+ gum, in Cusfapeak Bav, 
"> E : 'S- h.-jrd figtil i-..w, fuj-poiitd to 

Hr '" 

1 1? tin co ' 

its execution, the Br'.iH'n court l;11) 
expreWr forbid any o. licr lb : p> cf ' 
puvateen or le;ror o' ini^ur, tp"*' 
in thole pirti, or to -h;'ea'i)r vtlftl 
nor;H lea, v;h:.e t'ii ;hre: cro*ni Sir 
rthe fol:snd ifclufi/c navigation. VIC 

cl', thiii i .1 

: tlie court of'^Losdoo wiiidccivj ' ' 

i to ter own trad'." 

Vc:j ru'.taring, tru^r, to Great Britrn ! '"' 
i befeduped .11 to imagine a H.-n '' 
E t!.e line an 1 fr>.afci i: -er. j;,, 
./; two or t'.ise Ani-fican I 
jW4'.!y l.itiT.. .:, ar.i lrie*in*y ai wi ' ' * 
IcBrSfPioft made to i!ie E, 
uftry'by fcrce.i,f hwin;; :a.v\- -. 

r'.th t)fe American Sute', i:, 
'-' flpinerous principle;, and Wiifi ti..- **' 
>ft fr cndiy ; ntcmii 

uJ fo 

uft K;"C gi 

it add! 

... . theaaufeot Annrica. and 
n! from ,i.onft:i)te how far our Rood alliet a 
'"'' I- ,'i^c.t in ir. At ihe li nc lime it 
i.iijvx air eiTecluaUy tfimp o'jr enenrcj, who 

; .' il :!r-.d, ljcr.wi:h c>n:m,; c g (j, e c ,n, the Trench r b/ve fof 
.c <i, r.. HIN, bat.junpowJer, .:. r n . fi 0| - ,' urct j n V ario< quarieta, toi 
ill;-, Si:.. In cantequniice o! : tS;i prot<f lion of ilitir awntia-ie.and proi 
jrncr, oid wf yiteiday Jen: , lon o f their o%n lervicfAad nO^fi 
he AJrui.alty tj flymouth, ftir two | n C jB a tir: t:.e would ipr i" 

. .:;, : |y, lo :n!ci : r (or Mele ftai. Wii 


;U be f>fi 


A T, K.uJc H;.M.!, f.ijttcJ '.7 J. V\ K B D E N. 







Recently obtained by the 
Rhode Island Historical Society 



See 1866 Nicholson. 
See 1877 Thompson (Tilden). 
See 1878 Thompson (Tilden). 


104. Thompson, J. C. 

Balloon View of Narragansett Bay. [1882]. 6x7^. R. I. 
H. S. 

From "Baloon and Panoramic Views of Narragansett Bay 
and its border." 1882. R. I. H. S. 


105. Thompson, J. C. 

Map of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Planta- 
tions. Compiled and published by J. C. Thompson, Provi- 
dence. J. C. Thompson. 1883. 17x13. In colors. L. O. C. 

Compare 1887 Thompson. 


106. Ellis [J. W.] and Rotch [Wm.]. 

Plan of the Boundary line between the States of Massachu- 
setts and Rhode Island in accordance with the acts of 1883. 
February 16, 1884. 126x23 manuscript. R. I. St. Lib. 

ii Same reduced. 28x8^. Printed in report of Joint 
Commission on the Northern Boundary Line, 1884. 
R. I. H. S. 

107. Reid, J. A. & R. A. 

A bird's eye view of Narragansett Bay and view of Point 
Judith. Copyright 1884. Published with "The Narragansett" 
for 1877. N. Y. P. L. 

See 1878 Rand McNally. 



Map of Island of Rhode Island. Inset in Map of Newport. 
In Guide Book for 1885 Newport. 5x3. R. I. H. S. 


I88 5 . 


Rhode Island. io^x8>4. In colors. Inset map of Block 
Island. In R. I. Manual from 1885-6 to 1888-9. R - I- H - S. 
ii Recut showing Narragansett. In R. I. Manual from 
1899-90 to 1892-3. R. I. H. S. 

no. Rand McNally & Co. 

Map of Rhode Island. 5x2^4 in colors on page 89 in Rand- 
McNally & Co. Pocket Atlas of the World. Chicago, 1885. 
if Same. 1886 edit. R. I. H. S. 

in. Lawton, Wm. H., Jr. 

Map of the Island of Rhode Island, surveyed by Wm. H. 
Lawton, Jr. 1885. 

ii Same. Revised 1893. 36x23. In Elliott & Flynn's 
Atlas of the city of Newport. 1893. L. O. C. 


112. Thompson, J. C. 

Chromatic Balloon View of Narragansett Bay. Published 
by J. C. Thompson, Providence, 1885. 10x12 in covers. R. I. 
H. S. 

See 1887 Thompson. 

See 1885 Rand-McNally. 

See 1887 Thompson. 


113. Reid, J. A. & R. A. 

Map of the State of Rhode Island, published by J. A. & R. 
A. Reid. Providence, R. I. 10^x7^. In Greene's "The 
Providence Plantations for Two Hundred and Fifty Years." 
1886. R. I. H. S. 

See 1884 Reid. 



114. Thompson, J. C. 

Map of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Planta- 
tions. Compiled and published by J. C. Thompson. Provi- 
dence, 1887. Copyright 1886. 17x13. In colors. R. I. H. S. 
Compare 1883 Thompson. 

ii Same, in R. I. State Census for 1885. R. I. H. S. 

Maps accompanying the agreement between the States deter- 
mining certain boundary lines. March, 1887. Manuscript. 
Six plats in three rolls. R. I. St. Lib. 

1 1 6. Bogert & Shedd. 

Map referred to in the agreement between .... Connecticut 
and Rhode Island. 1887. 30^x19. Triangulation sketch inset 

i In report of the Connecticut Commissioners on the 
Boundary Line between Rhode Island and Con- 
necticut, January, 1888. R. I. H. S. 
ii In Rep. of the Commission on State Boundary, 1887. 
Providence, 1887. R. I. H. S. 

117. Reid, J. A. & R. A. 

A bird's eye view of Narragansett Bay. Copyright 1888 by 
J. A. & R. A. Reid. 23^x16. R. I. H. S. 

From 3d edition of Grieve's "Picturesque Narragansett." 
R. I. H. S. 

Compare 1884 Reid. 


118. - 

Map of Railroads in Rhode Island, 1890. Prepared for 
Railroad Commissioner. 15^x12^. R. I. H. S. 
ii In reports from 1890 to 1892. R. I. H. S. 
iii In colors in report for 1893. R. I. H. S. 
iv Maps dated from 1895 to 1910 appear in report for 

previous year. R. I. H. S. 

v 1910. In report for 1909 and 1910. R. I. H. S. 
vi 1912. In report for 1911. R. I. H. S. 



Topographical Atlas of the State of Rhode Island and 
Providence Plantations by the United States Geological Sur- 
vey (1882-8) in co-operation with the State. 1891. Fol. 
17^2x13*4. 10 maps. R. I. H. S. 

ii Same, with Preston & Rounds imprint on title page. 

R. I. H. S. 

iii Same mounted as a single sheet, entitled "Topographi- 
cal Map of the State of Rhode Island and Provi- 
dence Plantations by the United States Survey in 
Co-operation with the State." 66x47. R. I. H. S. 
iv Same. Issued in 15 sheets by U. S. Geological Sur- 
vey, 1892-1894. These sheets butt on each other, 
while the sheets of the Topographical Atlas (i) lap 
over on each other. 17x13^. In colors. The 
Rhode Island sheets are 

(1) Block Island (9) Fall River 

(2) Charlestown (10) Franklin 

(3) Kent (n) Blackstone 

(4) Burrillville (12) Webster 

(5) Providence (13) Putnam 

(6) Narragansett Bay (14) Moosup 

(7) Newport (15) Stonington 

(8) Sakonnet 

The Government circular erroneously states that there are 
sixteen sheets dealing with Rhode Island. 

These sheets have been reprinted from time to time. R. I. 
H. S. 

The Topographical Atlas, (i), was issued by J. C. Thomp- 
son, and contains place names which do not appear upon the 
sheets issued by the Government. The remainder of these 
Thompson Atlases were sold to Preston & Rounds and bear 
their imprint also. 

1 20. 

Rhode Island County Map. 17^x13^4. In Topographical 
Atlas 1891. R. I. H. S. 

( 71? be continued) 


New England is rich in these early stones. Quaint designs, interesting lettering, 
slateof gray, blue or purple, all lend character to these humble monuments. The 
stone here shown is rather unusual in its well-carved coat-of-arms. The death's head 
with wings is a common design, but in this case it is quaintly supplemented by a small 
hour-glass, also winged. 

The scroll work at the sides of the stone is the rather crude carving of convention- 
alized fruit and flowers reflecting the renaissance spirit of the time. This stone is in 
the Old Granary Burial Ground, Boston, and the photograph is here reproduced 
through the courtesy of Mr. Frank Cousins. 




Vol. XII 

April, 1919 

No. 2. 

WILFRED H. MUNRO, President EDWARD K. ALDRICH, Jr., Treasurer 

Please address communications to Howard M. Chapin, Librarian, 
68 Waterman Street, Providence, R. I. 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the 
opinions of contributors. 

Types of Early New England Gravestones 

With Illustrative Sketches by the Author. 

A man who has the temerity to affirm that he knows all the 
early burial grounds in New England lays himself open to the 
charge of foolhardiness. The larger grave yards of the colonial 
period are all well known. But every now and then the 
searcher for old stones stumbles upon a hitherto unsuspected 
treasure. Now and again a little family plot appears in the 
midst of a country-side corn field or on bleak knoll overgrown 
with brush through which peep ancient stones of the same type 
as their better-kept city contemporaries. 

It would therefore be a difficult task to catalogue all the 
Rhode Island burial grounds containing stones of the colony 
days. But for purposes of a study of early burial stones the 
field is rich, even though it may not be completely tilled. 

The most interesting period of our native grave stones lies 
between the settlement dates and a century later. The stones 
begin to get "modern" when the dates pass 1750. Rhode Island 
originally consisted of four settlements: Providence, settled 



in 1636; Portsmouth, in 1638; Newport, in 1639; Warwick, in 
1642. Burial conditions were primitive. The family burial 
ground prevailed. It is true of Rhode Island, and particularly 
of Providence, that individual burying plots persisted for sev- 
eral generations, until the community church yard or cemetery 
gained ^recognition. Connecticut has many family plots of the 
first century, but the custom appears more universal in Rhode 
Island. Massachusetts early established community burying 
places ; five famous ones are the King's Chapel, the Copp's Hill 
and the Old Granary of Boston, the two old grounds in Salem, 
and Burial Hill in Plymouth. The lack of ecclesiastical unity, 


This rough slab of granite, at Wequetequock, just on the border 
near Westerly, is a form of monument used in the earliest days .of the 
settlements. It is rarely found with legible inscription. 

which we suspect among our Rhode Island settlers, doubtless 
accounts for numerous private burial grounds. Add to this 

Stones dated prior to 1700 are comparatively rare. This is 
true not only of Rhode Island but of practically all of New 
Engiland. Plymouth has six. Boston, early the home of 
wealth, has a goodly number, but even so, to hazard an esti- 
mate without accurate counting, not more than a very few 
dozen. Salem is especially rich in these early stones, many 
of them remarkably interesting bits of burial architecture. 
New London has five, Hartford a handful, Stonington has 
one, to cite a few cases of other settlements contemporaneous 
with those of Rhode Island. Providence, though our earliest 



settlement, has none of the seventeenth century stones, for a 
particular reason which I will presently show. Portsmouth 
and Little Compton yield a few. Newport is rather rich in 
them. The reason for the rarity of the "sixteen-hundred" 


This example, found at Wequetequock, is of blue-gray slate, over five 
inches thick and is very well carved with a coat-of-arms in relief and 
with rosettes in the corners. The underpinning is of native granite. 
Date 1720. 

stones in the settlements of New England is variously ac- 
counted for. At Plymouth, we are told, the pioneers concealed 
their early graves lest the Indians discover their heavy death 
toll. This reason would be inadequate after the first period 
of settlement. The plausible explanation would seem to 'lie 
in the fact that the material used for almost all the early 


grave stones was necessarily that nearest at hand, was thus 
native granite or conglomerate such as is commonly found 
outcropping through New England and which, while excellent 
stuff for stone walls, quickly rubs smooth under the attrition 
of rain and frost. In the early days of the settlements trans- 
portation facilities were meagre indeed ; slenderness of pocket- 
book forbade the carriage of such heavy material as stone for 
any distance. 

It is thus self-evident that during the first half century of 
our settlement period practically all the grave stones were of 
local stone. That many of these were marked, usually by 
inscribed lettering more or less rudely executed, is undoubt- 
edly true. A number of such inscribed granite stones are to- 
day to be found, but evidence gained from a study of these 
stones themselves leads us to the opinion that in every case 
these inscriptions in native stone have been recut, and that 
unless they had been recut the lettering would today be 

In proof of this statement let me refer to two stones in the 
Wequetequock burial ground, not in Rhode Island, but just 
over the line in Stonington, Connecticut. I regret going out- 
side the Rhode Island border line, but this example is so 
clear and pertinent that it would be hard to find another as 
good. These two stones were placed at Wequetequock in 
1661 and 1690. They are both of native granite, huge rough- 
hewn slabs laid flat on the top of the grave. The 1690 stone, 
measuring approximately six feet long by eighteen inches wide 
and rising irregularly some six to twelve inches above the turf, 
bears a deep chiselled inscription which has been retouched 
vigorously. This recutting was done about 1899, at the time 
of the Wequetequock monument celebration. (Whether this 
inscription had previously been retouched I have no evidence. 
But that it is substantially as when first cut is undoubtedly a 
fact. Miss Caulkins in The History of New London, pub- 
lished in 1853, quotes the inscription exactly as it is today.) 

The 1661 stone, known for generations as the V/alter Palmer 
gravestone, has completely lost its original inscription, but that 



it was inscribed is a matter of evidence. (See Proceedings of 
the Wequetequock Burying Ground Association, 1899.) 

The conclusions thus clearly indicated in the case of these 
two adjacent early stones lead to the strongly supported theory 
that many of t'he native stones may have been inscribed, but 
that the elements have gradually erased the chiselled marks. 
It is my personal belief that practically all the field stones which 
we so often see dotting the old burial places, nameless and 
dateless, worn and pitted by the New England storms, were 


The earliest stone in the North Burial 
Ground, Providence. Gray slate, with winged 
death's head. The sketch does not show the 
rather crude scroll work at the sides of the 

originally marked with at least initials and date, home-made 

The surviving grave stones of dates prior to 1700, whose 
inscriptions are today legible, and whose quaint designs and 
lettering are such interesting subjects of observation to the 
antiquarian, are, with the exception of a few native stone 
survivors, like the Wequetequock example with rechiselled 


lettering, all of a more enduring material. That material is 
slate. (Local stone in the case of the Connecticut Valley was 
the Connecticut red sandstone, a material less durable than 
slate, but less perishable than conglomerate and field granite. 
Generally speaking, however, it may be roughly stated that 
the 1 7th century stones that exist today are of slate, except 
for possibly a few cases of local sandstone in Connecticut and 
here and there an occasional granite survival.) 

It is obvious that those who could afford slate for grave 
stones would be comparatively well-to-do. For most of the 
early slate came probably from Braintree, Massachusetts. 
This has been a most elusive fact to trace. Slate quarries 
were not common. Providence had one some time last cen- 
tury, though this "slate" was probably blue sandstone and 
much softer than real slate. Lancaster, Massachusetts, had a 
quarry as early as 1752. (See Marvin: History of Lancaster; 
also Nourse: Military Annals of Lancaster.} Boston had ad>- 
jacent slate quarries -at an early date. (See Shurtleff : Typo- 
graphical History of Boston, p. 188; also Windsor: History of 
Boston, Vol. i, p. 4.) 

Frequent reference is found to the belief that much of the 
early slate was Welsh stone imported in the slab for use as 
grave stones, or cut in England and imported in finished state. 
Several quotations could be given from modern writers stating 
that early grave stones were brought from England. (E. g. 
Rev. F. Denison in Providence Journal and Westerly and Its 
Witnesses; Miss Grace D. Wheeler in Homes of Our Ances- 
tors in Stonington; Davis: Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth; 
Perkins : Handbook of Old Burial Hill, Plymouth.} 

But so far I have found no direct authority for the import- 
ing of the Welsh slate. Probably tradition is right and the 
evidence is waiting to be recorded. Examination of the early 
slate grave stones is a fascinating study. They show a won- 
derful variety in color, in texture and in workmanship. They 
run from light gray to pale green, from light blue to an azure 
like a slab of lapis lazuli. Some of the slate is mellow and 
mossy; some is as smooth, clear and hard as flint. I have a 
"rubbing" of a dark purple slate grave stone, dated 1719, of 



such quality that after two hundred years of New England 
seasons near the Connecticut coast at Wequetequock its letter- 
ing and festoon design are as clear and sharp-edged as though 
cut this morning. Even the little scratch lines ruled across 
the stone to keep the letters in line are still there. 

It is unfortunate that Providence has so few fine old burial 
grounds containing stones of early dates. When in 1760 the 
town widened its "Back street" and established the bounds of 


This slate stone is one of the earliest in 
Rhode Island. It is in the Wannamoisett 
Burial Ground, East Providence. It is 
without carving, but with interesting let- 

Benefit Street, the avenue marched ruthlessly through the back 
lots of Roger Williams and his fellow settlers. Scores of 
graves with their quaint stones were removed to the North 
Burial Ground, which had been laid out in 1700, and undoubt- 
edly scores disappeared. Saint John's church yard dates from 
1722. Swan Point is altogether modern, though it contains 
a number of fairly early stones removed thither from the 
burying ground of Hayward Park. 

Up to a few years ago one of the original home burial lots 
of a first settler remained in practically its primitive state. 
This was the plot of Pardon Tillinghast near the south end 


of Benefit street. But this quaint relic, while the plot of 
ground is saved today and is adorned by a modern monument 
of polished granite, has lost its old stones and all its quaint- 

Newport's well known burial places are worthy of special 
study. The Common Burying ground, Old Trinity Church yard, 
the Coddington ground, and the Baptist yard contain many early 
stones of great interest. Barrington's sightly Burial Hill begins 
with the Carpenter stone of 1703 ; Tyler's Point ground has one 
of 1702 ; Prince's Hill is later, 1724; while the "ancient Wanna- 
moisett" grave yard at the head of Bullock's cove has the well 
known Thomas Willett stone, dated 1674. 

Warwick started with its family burial grounds, but in 1663 
we hear of a "buryinge place layd out for ye towne," the loca- 
tion of which is in doubt. The Sarah Tefft stone, now among 
the exhibits of the Rhode Island Historical Society has been 
considered the earliest Warwick stone known. It is a rather 
crude slab of unfinished local stone, presumably granite, and 
bears an inscription plainly recut, ending with the date 1642. 
Generally speaking, recut inscriptions must be scrutinized care- 
fully and with suspicion. The restorer's chisel is likely to jump 
at conclusions ; a half obliterated date may easily lead him a 
couple of decades astray. So in the case of this famous 
Sarah Tefft stone, if the 1642 were the original date, this 
would be one of the earliest marked stones in New England. 
But Warwick was not settled till 1642 and we find no record 
of Teffts there so early. We do, however, find the record of 
a Sarah Tefft, wife of Joshua Tefft. The birth of their son 
Peter is recorded on March 14, 1672. May we not suspect a 
slip of the chisel in the restoration of this early stone and 
again restore the inscription to read "died March i6th, 1672," 
instead of "March 16, 1642?" It would be ungracious to find 
fault with the desire to preserve the inscriptions of our ancient 
monuments, but it is at least pertinent to register a plea for 
exceeding care and accuracy in restoration. 

So far as I know no attempt has been made at a classification 
of the features of the early stones that will give the visitor to 
old burial grounds a key to a deeper interest than the mere 






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admiring of the quaint carving, the old-fashioned lettering, the 
naive epitaphs, the' ofttimes crude spelling and the general 
sanctity of age. But we may say that roughly three kinds of 
stones practically cover the forms of the first century burial 
monuments with inscriptions: 

i The rough-hewn slab of native New England granite 
laid on top of the grave. (The so-called "wolf-stones.") 

2 The Table stone, sometimes termed "tombs," the hori- 
zontal slab, finished, set on pillars or underpinning. 

3 The upright slate grave stone. 

And after these early period 1 stones, from about the middle 
of the eighteenth century, comes a fourth period merging into 
the modern and including the larger upright slabs of granite, 
red sandstone, brown stone and marble. 

The first kind, the rough-hewn slab, is rare. Doubtless many 
such exist unidentified, because they now have no inscriptions 
by which we know them as grave stones. These slabs, like 
those examples at Wequetequock above described, were laid 
prone on top of the mound! with the intention, tradition says, 
of keeping the wolves from digging up the body, hence the 
term "wolf-stone." We suspect, however, that the stronger 
reason for the huge slab was the wish to found a monument 
more ambitious than the ordinary field stone when it is prac- 
tically impossible to procure a carved "worked" memorial. 

The Table stones were obviously within the reach of the 
comparatively well-to-do of the early settlers, and while they 
are found in many of the old burying grounds, their number 
is extremely small in proportion to the upright slate stones of 
the period. In Boston and Salem, where wealthy persons 
were buried 1 , are found table stones of early dates. Little 
Compton has four table stones of the first century, including 
Col. Church's. Plymouth has none. Old Saint Paul's at 
Wickford has none. Stonington has four. On Fishers Island 
is a lone table stone of red sandstone dated 1723. The red 
sandstone doubtless came from the Connecticut Valley. It is 
a thick slab set on five sturdy sandstone pillars. 

Of the early table stones with which I am familiar almost 
all are of excellent workmanship. With the one exception of 


the Fishers Island sandstone they are of hard slate, single 
piece slabs five to six inches thick. Where were they made? 
The slate is not local ; the carving is of a superior order. The 
inscriptions are well cut. At Wequetequock are four such 
stones, three carved with raised coats-of-arms. (Dates of 
these, 1719 to 1739.) One is decorated with delicate rosettes 
in the corners. Were they English in origin or had the stone 
cutters of Boston developed their workshops to the point where 
they were designing and executing first class stones? There 
is a marked similarity among these early table stones. They 
bear the same physical characteristics, thick slate five to six 
inches through, deeply bevelled underneath, alike as to size 
(approximately six by three feet), and are set on solid under- 
pinning of native granite. Naturally we usually find this 
underpinning restored, stones replaced and pointed up. The 
sandstone table on Fishers Island is undoubtedly native work- 
manship; it has no design apart from the lettering, which is 
all in capitals and not free from errors of workmanship. 

The common slate stone found so abundantly in all the early 
burial grounds of southern New England lends itself to inter- 
esting study. I have suggested the wealth of variety in color- 
ing. In shape at first thought they seem to be cut after one 
standard pattern. But after all they are quite individual. 
Most of these follow the familiar triple arch the large center 
arch with two small side arches. But the proportions vary. 
Some have bevelled edges, some straight, some are unusually 
thick and are partially bevelled. And often appears an un- 
usual shape two large arches for husband and wife, a four- 
foot wide slab for a whole family. 

And the designs carved on the stones, each seems to have 
its own individuality. Even those that bear lettering only, 
without any attempt at carving, are almost as distinctive in 
character as handwriting. And when you begin to study the 
carved designs a wealth of interest is awakened. The cherub 
heads appear, winged and plain, with halo, with flames, some 
beautifully if simply carved, others wonderfully crude and 
naive. The death's heads, sometimes hardly to be distinguished 
from the cherub head's, run the range from sublime to ridicu- 



lous. Curls adorn one ; another is perched on an altar whence 
issue radiating flames. Other odd designs appear, hour- 
glasses, skeletons, Death the Reaper with scythe or skull and 

And then the scroll work. Often the scroll border appears 
at sides only, sometimes at side and across the bottom, and 


This is a red sandstone presumably from the Connecticut valley. 
It bears no carving except the lettering, which is all in capitals, and 
is not now very clear cut because of the softness of the sandstone. 
The inscription : 


occasionally it begins in rosettes at the top of the arch and 
falls gracefully down the edges of the stone. 

For a long time I used to puzzle over the meaning of the 
familiar ornament that appears on so many hundreds of these 
early stones. The pomegranate and the acanthus, the triple- 
fronded leaf and the conventionalized fruit and flowers that 
appear so often and differ so widely in their workmanship; all 
seemed to follow some thought that underlay the feeling of the 


design. But I imagine that the scroll work is probably only an 
expression of the taste of the period. Grinling Gibbons (died 
1721), and a host of others, had been doing interior finishing 
and furniture with Renaissance carving of the period. This 
English revival of the classic detail as it appears in the panelled 
rooms, the overdoors, the bed canopies, cornices and various 
details in both wood and stone of the period of our colonial 
immigration, had its direct expression also in the grave stones. 

The lettering of the old stones is a fascinating study. It 
reminds one of the picturesque title-pages of the pamphlets 
and books of the period. The earliest stones are usually rather 
primitive, but they early show evidence of thoughtful art. 
They are usually in the graceful Roman letters, capitals and 
small letters. The spacing is almost invariably well thought 
out. It is really marvellous to find such variety in the chisel 
work of these simple inscriptions. They make you think of 
the man who drew and carved them, just as handwriting 
brings a faint mental image of the writer. Here is one from 
a heavy-handed artisan ; here one from a craftsman of much 
refinement of taste, whose delicate shading, drawn-out serifs 
and masterly arrangement give much character to the humble 
grave stone. Rarely do we find, I venture to remark, in modern 
burial monuments such individuality and such careful attention 
to humble detail. It is the work of men who eschewed the 
slavish use of copy-book letter- forms and who, with an evident 
love for the work of lettering, mingled a grounded knowledge 
of their art with imagination enough to adapt the inscription 
which they were making to the space to be filled. 

The quest for old grave stones is not as prosaic and grue- 
some as it sounds. If you care anything about the handiwork 
of our early ancestors in New England, you will find the grave 
stones about the only source of study left to you. The earliest 
houses and furniture are practically gone. But the humble 
slate stone monuments of the first century of our New England 
settlement are still to be found in comparative abundance. 
And they are just like people in their individuality, in shape, 
in design, in the character of their lettering. If you get inter- 
ested in them you will soon develop a real affection for their 


personal characteristics, and you soon find yourself hob- 
nobbing 1 with the venerable old inhabitants of a couple of hun- 
dred years ago in quite a fascinating way. 

The Old North School House 

In his recent volume, "Public Education in Rhode Island," 
Mr. Carroll has called attention to the incompleteness of our 
records regarding the early history of education in Rhode 
Island. Some gaps are, however, more apparent than real. 

At a town meeting 1 , January 27, 1695-6, the petition of John 
Dexter and others, "that the towne would accommodate them 
with a small lot of land to sett a schoolehouse upon in some 
place in this Towne about ye high way called Dexter's lane or 
about ye Stamper's hill," was granted, and the petitioners were 
allowed "a spot of land' forty foote square or so much land 
as is in 40 foote square about the place mentioned where it 
may be most Convenient not damnifieing any high way or 
passage. (Early Records, Town of Providence, XI. 22.) 

According to Judge Staples, "the petition was granted, and 
there our information ends" (Annals of Providence, 494), while 
Henry C. Dorr states that "the Proprietors authorized them 
[the petitioners] to take 40 feet square, but offered no building 
material which would have been more valuable, and left the 
benevolent projectors to accomplish the work as they might." 
(Proprietors of Providence, 116.) Mr. Carroll says, "There 
is no record of any kind to indicate that a school house was 
built, although Henry R. Chace located a school house site on 
Olney street." (Public Education in Rhode Island, 17.) 

Nevertheless, there are indications that the town's grant of 
1695-6 was utilized. Many years ago Albert Holbrook, the 
indefatigable North End antiquary, stated that this school 
house was built on the west end of John Warner's lot on the 
present Stampers street, and' was later changed into a dwelling 
house which was torn down in 1881. In the Providence Land 
Records is a deed from Jeremiah Brown to George Taylor, 
schoolmaster in 1733, of "one twelfth part of a Certaine half 
Lott of Land togeather with the twelfth part of the Schoole 


house there On standing, the said halfe Lot of Land is situate 
in the Towne of Providence afore said on or neere Stompers 
hill and it is the one half of a Lott of Land Laid out on the 
originall Right of John Warner and it is the twenty fourth 
Lott in Number in the second Devision of house Lotts as by 
the map or platt of said Lotts may appeare. the said whole 
Lott is bounded Southerly by the twenty third Lott Northerly 
by the twenty fifth Lott Easterly by the Maine Towne Streete 
Westerly by a twenty foot way." (Deed book 9, page 239.) 
The next year John Whipple deeds to Robert Currie "all my 
Share and Part of the North Schoole house and of my Share 
of the halfe Lott where on it Standfeth my Sheare of both, 
being a twelfth part of both." (Deed Book IX, 344.) In 
1741 Daniel Smith deeds to Samuel Currie "one Twelfth Part 
of one halfe of a Lott of Land togeather with one twelfth Part 
of the House thereon Standing." (Deed Book XI, 32.) The 
school house is henceforth mentioned as a house. The same 
year John Turpin deeds to Samuel Currie "one Twelfth Part 
of a certain half Lott of Land to Gather with the Twelfth 
Part of the House thereon Standing being formerly a School 
house." (Deed Book XI, 270.) Three years later Joseph 
Olney deeds to Samuel Currie one twelfth part (Deed Book 
XI, 269), and the next year Henry Sweeting deeds his twelfth 
part to Samuel Currie (Deed Book XI, 290). Both of these 
deeds describe the building as a house or dwelling house 
formerly a school house. 

Thus five of the proprietors' shares are accounted for. The 
shares seem to have been gradually acquired by the Currie 
family, for in 1782 Samuel Currie conveys to James Currie 
"Eleven Twelfths undivided parts of a certain lot of land," 
etc. (Deed Book XXI, 546.) 

This was the original or old North Schoolhouse. It was in 
recognition of this older school house that the proprietors of 
Whipple Hall called their school at first the New North School- 

H. W. P. 


Du Simitiere's Notes on Newport in 1768 

Pierre Eugene Du Simitiere was born in Geneva, Switzer- 
land. He was an artist, antiquary, naturalist and extensive 
traveller. He became a member of the American Philosophical 
Society in 1768. He died in Philadelphia in October, 1784. 
His collection of broadsides and manuscripts was purchased 
by the Library Company of Philadelphia, through whose cour- 
tesy we are enabled to reproduce his views of Newport and 
the extracts relating to Rhode Island from his manuscript 
notes, which are as follows: 

Journal meteorologique avec Remarques 
1768 mois vent 

Boston Juin ler N terns un peu couvert & frais le 

vent change al' Est vent fril- 

2 S W changeant & modere un peu de 

pluye 1' apres midy. 
Parti de Boston a 8 h du matin 
dans le carosse pour Provi- 
dence, dejeune a Dedham, dine 
a Wrentham & arrive a Pro- 
vidence a 7h^du Soir 

3 ,S E brouillards epais tout le jour & 

froid & pluye 

Parti de Providence a 10 h du 
matin dans le Paquet Boat pr 
New Port, vent contraire & 
fort mauvaise accomodation 
abord de crainte de passer la 
nuit abord nous nous sommes 
fait mettre a terre vis a vis de 
Dyers Island a 6h^ du soir 
& avons marches 6 milles jus- 
qu'a New Port ou nous sommes 
arrives a 8 h^ du soir avec 


un brume fort epais & humide 
pendant toute notre marche 
Newport 4 N le terns paroit un peu eclaircy 

il fait encore froid 

D 58 asses 'beau pluye lapres midy 

nuageux & toujours. 

6 N S vent changeant le matin, asses 

beau le reste du jour & clair 

7 S changeant tout le jour, toujours 

un peu froid 

8 N S le matin nord le reste du jour 

sud beau terns nuageux plus 
chaud que hier 

9 N beau le matin & le reste du jour 

10 N asses beau variable 

1 1 N S beau & plus chaud que hier 
D 12 S beau tout le jour & modere 

13 N beau le matin 1'apres midy cou- 

vert le Soir un peu froid & 
pluye forte avec vent pendant 
la nuit 

14 N.W nuageux & bien frais Vent fort 

15 N W nuageux, doux semble vouloir 

pleuvoir pluye 1'apres midy, 
beau terns le soir 

1 6 N W nuageux & couvert, 1'apres midy 

'beau, toujours un peu froid 

17 S nuageux & changeant 1'apres 

midy un peu de pluye couvert 
avec beaucoup d'eclair & pluye 
pendant la nuit 

1 8 N froid couvert a pluvieux 

D 19 N couvert le matin, clair 1'apres 


20 S beau terns & modere 

21 S de meme plus chaud que hier 

grande pluye pendant la nuit 


22 grands brouillards le matin & 

pluye presque tout le jour 

23 N SO fort beau & chaud parti de New 

Port a 3^4 1'apres midy abord 
d'un bateau Capne Johnson 
pour New York vent contraire 
se r en force la soir, terns cou- 
vert, mer fort gross, continue 
toute la nuit 

24 S O point d'apparence de meilleur 

terns revire de bord & rentre a 
New Port a 7 h du matin nous 
avions arrives un peu en de- 
hors de pointe Judith, le vent 
soufle tout le jour avec une 
grande violence du meme .... 

25 ONO SO le vent etant un peu change pen- 

dant la nuit nous avons mis a 
la voile une Seconde fois a 9 
h % du matin mais avant que 
pu avancer 61 mile le vent a 
Saute au SO qui nous a fait 
rentrer au port a minuit 

D 26 NO S grands brouillards ce matin avec 

beaucoup de pluye pendant la 
nuit precedente & la plus 
grande partie du jour le vent 
nordbuest le matin mais a 
bientot change 

27 SO beau terns vent fort 

28 SO brouillards le matin Tonnere & 

pluye & changeant tout le jour 
avons ete appeles pour partie 
ce matin inutilement 
Juin 29 S O beau terns Eclipse totale de lune 

entre 1 1 h & minuit 

30 NO SO parti de New Port a 4 h du ma- 

tin, arrive a Block Island 30 


miles au Sud de cet endroit a 
environ 9 h du matin, avons 
reste tout le jour a 1'ancre & 
dine a terre le Soir le vent au 
SO foible avons mis a la voile 
la mer calme. Block Island 
fait partie de la colonie de 
Rhode Island, Sous le nom de 
Township of New Shoreham 
contient environ 8im acres 
dont Mille Sont un bassin dans 
1'interieur d'une peninsule qui 
est proche de la var qui est au 
nord de 1'isle ou il y a une 
jette formee de madriers rem- 
plie de pierres pour faciliter le 
debarquement cette isle est 
presque entierement destitute 
d'arbres que ont ete detraits 
par les premiers qui vinrent sy 
etablir les habitants brulent a 
present une espece de tourbe 
qu ils nomment Peat on conte 
environ environ 60 fermiers 
sur cette Isle qui elevent des 
troupeaux de brebis & font une 
quantite considerable de fro- 
mage ils cultivent aussi la terre 
en grains & quelques uns 
S'adonnent a la peche, nous 
fumes asses bien recu chez un 
fermier nomme Sand qui pa- 
roissoit Son aise il faisoit alors 
tondre Ses troupeaux 

at Mr Isaac Hart a Jew living at the point in New Port Rhode 
Island there a picture of the Czar Peter ist done I beleive by 
Sir Godfrey Kneller or Some of his disciples but finished by 


himself, it is a bust in armour with an imperial mantle on 
his Shoulders 

at Mr John Banister's farm a mile and a half from New Port, 
there is Picture 3 quarters of Charles 1st and his Queen of 
the Queen of Charles II as I suppose, of King 1 William & 
queen Mary a beautiful picture Cleopatra Dying, in a ovale 
frame a picture bust of Oliver Cromwell represented very 
ugly an ovale Picture bust of Vandyck Suposed to be done by 
himself very fine, with Several more of lesser note, also a 
head of Spencer in oil good 

Description of the Town of New Port Rhode Island 
by John Maylem a native of it 

A Town laid out ten furlongs good 

With houses like the people Wood 

Save here and there an Edifice 

of Brick and Stone and Mortar, yes. 

A Goodly Church of Cedar So ! 

Two Presbyterian meetings poh! 

A Quaker house with Stables ah ! 

Two anabaptists ditto la! 

a Dancing School and Town house hie! 

a Synagogue of Satan fie ! 

a Castle too, a building where? 

G-dd-n you Sir ! why in the air. 

a Gallows too without the City 

to hang all rogues but theirs, O Pity ! 

(Coat of arms) 

Lyeth Intered the Body of 

William Sanford M. A. 
Aged nere 31 years and dyed 

April the 24th 1721 
Here lyeth Dust, that as we Trust, 

United is to Christ 
Who will it Raise, the Lord to Praise 

join'd to A Soul, now Blest, 


With Holy Ones, plac'd on Bright Throns 

Crown'd with Eternal joyes, 
In heaven to Sing to God our King 
There Thankfull Songs Alwayes 

Psal CXII : 6 
The Righteous shall be 
In Everlasting Remembrance 

Jacob Deleane 1751 7 I 


mors mortis mortem nisi morte dedisiet 
Eternae vitae Ja. . . . clausa foret 


Major Isaac Martindale 
aged 32 years dec'd May thi2 



In Memory of the Reverend 
M r . Daniel WIGHTMAN 
Pastor of the Baptized Church in 
Newport, holding the Six Principles 
as it is Written in Hebrews the Sixth 
For almost Fifty Years who Departed 
this Life August 31 st Anno 1750 
in the Eighty second year of his age 

Preserved Fish Davis Son of May Davis & Ann his wife, 
died Aug 2 d 1766 aged 9 rrio & 26 Days 
in the large burying ground at New Port Rh. Island. 


The Gettysburg Gun 

The following account of the "Gettysburg Gun," which is 
now preserved at the State House as a memorial of the Civil 
War, has been contributed by Mr. Charles Tillinghast Straight 
of Pawtucket: 

Battery B, ist R. I. Lt. Artillery, Second Division (Gibbon), 
Second Corps (Hancock), left Taneytown, Maryland, about 2 
o'clock in the afternoon of July i, 1863, for Gettysburg, Pa., 
and late that night bivouacked beside the road, three miles 
from Gettysburg. At 2 a. m. on the morning of the 2nd, the 
battery received marching orders, but did not advance until 
about 5 a. m., reaching the field by the Taneytown Road, and 
were at once assigned position in the 2nd Corps line on 
Cemetery Ridge. During the afternoon the battery was ad- 
vanced to the front, beyond the old stone wall, in an open field ; 
here late in the day they were hotly engaged; David B. King, 
Ira Z. Bennett and Michael Flynn were killed; Corp. Henry 
Hosea Ballou mortally wounded, and Lieut. T. Fred Brown, 
commanding battery, ist Sergeant John T. Blake, Sergeant 
Edwin A. Chase, and many of the men wounded. On July 3 
the battery was able to man only 4 guns on account of the 
loss in men and horses the day before, ist Lieut. William 
S. Perrin was in command The four pieces were posted in 
the following order: The 3d piece, Sergeant Anthony B. 
Horton. Corp. Samuel J. Goldsmith, gunner, was on the right 
of the battery ; next was the 4th piece, Sergeant Albert 
Straight, Corp. James M. Dye (attached man i4Oth Pa. Vols.) 
gunner; then the 2nd piece, Sergeant Alanson A. Williams, 
Corp. John F. Hanson, gunner ; the ist piece, Sergeant Richard 
H. Gallup, Corp. Pardon S. Walker, gunner, was on the left 
of the battery. About I P. M., commenced the terrific can- 
nonade preceding Pickett's charge. It was during this can- 
nonade the 4th piece was disabled in the following manner : 
No. i, William Jones, had stepped to his place in front, between 


the muzzle of the piece and wheel on the right side, and, having 
swabbed the gun, stood with sponge staff reversed waiting for 
the charge to be inserted; No. 2, Alfred G. Gardner, had 
stepped to his place between the muzzle of the piece and 
wheel on the left side, and, taking the ammunition from No. 5, 
was in the act of inserting the charge when a shell struck the 
face of the muzzle, left side of bore, and exploded. William 
Jones was killed! instantly by a fragment of the shell which cut 
the top of his head completely off. He fell with his head 
toward the enemy while the sponge staff was thrown two or 
three yards beyond him. Alfred G. Gardner was struck in 
the left shoulder, tearing off the arm and shoulder. He lived 
a few minutes. Sergeant Straight, in command of the gun, 
Gardner's tentmate and friend, ran to his> side to catch his 
dying message. He described the scene in the following words 
in a letter written to Mrs. Gardner : 

"He died at his post as only the true soldier dies. He lived 
a few minutes after receiving his wound. He requested me 
to send you this Bible which he had in his pocket at the time, 
and tell you he died happy. He shouted 'Glory to God! 
Hallelujah ! Amen ! Amen !' We shook hands and bade a good- 
bye. My duties were such I could not remain with him as 
we were having a terrible battle. His left arm and shoulder 
was torn off by a cannon shot, also taking off the head of 
another man at the same time. I am Sergeant of the piece 
Mr. Gardner was assigned to. He faithfully performed his 
duties and flinched not when the missiles of death flew thick 
about us." 

Sergeant Straight with George R. Matteson and the remain- 
ing cannoneers tried to re-load the gun; a charge was placed 
in the muzzle but would not go down ; Corporal Dye held it in 
place with the rammer while Sergeant Straight drove it with 
an axe, but their efforts were futile. The shot only stuck in 
the muzzle; it would not go down. The gun being very hot 
the shot became firmly fixed 1 in the muzzle, and as the gun 
cooled, the shot was held as if in a vise. It has remained there 
the more than 55 years since. 

Soon after another shell burst near the trail mortally wound- 


ing John Breen. The gun being unserviceable was ordered 
taken to the rear. During the battle it was struck three times 
by solid shot or shell and thirty-nine musket balls. 

It was given to the State of Rhode Island in 1874 by vote of 
Congress, and is now in the State House, Providence, R. I., 
mounted on its original carriage, a relic of Gettysburg. 

Son of Sergeant Albert Straight. 
Pawtucket, R. I., January 29, 1919. 




I, George R. Matteson, of the city and county of Providence 
in the State of Rhode Island, on oath make affidavit and say 
that on the I3th day of August, A. D. 1861, I enlisted in 
Battery B, ist R. I. Light Artillery. That on the second and 
third days of July, A. D. 1863, I was at the battle of Gettys- 
burg in the State of Pennsylvania; that on the third day of 
July, A. D. 1863, while our battery was engaged in action with 
the enemy the Gun to which I was attached in the position as 
number six (a fixer of ammunition) was injured upon its face 
by the bursting of a shell thrown by the enemy during the 
afternoon of July 3rd, 1863, just prior to Pickett's charge. 

The bursting of the shell disabled and killed numbers two 
and one. 

Number two dropped the ammunition which he was about 
to insert in the gun and Sergeant Straight picked it up and 
placed it in the gun. As it could not be rammed in he took 
an axe and attempted to drive the solid shot into it and it now 
remains where he drove it to the best of my information. 

I saw the acts of the Sergeant for I was present. 

After the battery was ordered to the rear I remained upon 
the field to witness the charge and while so waiting I was 
wounded and on the fourth day of July, A. D. 1863, I was 
sent to hospital. 


The Gun is known as the GETTYSBURG GUN and is now 
in the Rhode Island State House. 

State of Rhode Island, &c. 
Providence, SC. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 2ist day of Feb- 
ruary, A. D. 1908. 

Benjamin L. Dennis, 
[SEAL] Notary Public. 

In the above affidavit the Number One referred to was 
WILLIAM JONES; he was instantly killed, being completely 
beheaded by a piece of the shell. 

Number Two referred to above was ALFRED G. GARDNER; 
his left arm and shoulder were torn off; he lived a very 
few minutes and was able to speak to Sergeant Straight and 
give him a dying message to send to his wife. 

The Sergeant Straight referred to above was SERGEANT 

Contributed by Charles Tillinghast Straight, son of Sergeant 
Albert Straight. 

Pawtucket, R. L, February 4, 1919. 

Books of Rhode Island Interest 

The most extensive contribution to Rhode Island history 
issued during the past quarter is Dr. Charles Carroll's Public 
Education in Rhode Island, a volume of 500 pages. It was 
published by the State. 

The Newport Historical Society has printed the address by 
Lloyd M. Mayer, entitled Recollections of Jacob Chace. 

The Marne, by Edith Wharton, is dedicated to Capt. Ronald 
Simmons of Providence, who died in France, August I2th, 

Col. George L. Shepley has recently obtained a collection of 
about two hundred original Rhode Island Revolutionary Mus- 
ter Rolls. The accounts of many local soldiers can be found 
here whose record of military service is in no other place. 



The first Providence printer. From an oil portrait by James Frothing- 
ham. The original is in the Ehrich Galleries, New York. 



the Colony of I&ait-Tflaid from its firft Inftitution to this prefent Time, has bre* 
remarkable for maintaining the Spirit of true Sri.'ijb Liberty, hv wjjkjj^MfcBut ' 
frequently proVd'a Refuge an<fflum' forStningeis, whdj fond oPerpBg all the 
i4^Hh^X Privileges and Advantages of theirMothcr' Country, preferM this Colon? before many 
,o.-S*.o.<8t others for their friendly Indulgence to Strangers of every Denomination of Chriftiins true 
-chofc to fettle among them i by which judicibai Cortduo, they are become a Bourilhing People, and 
in which the Town of Pr^idnet (being the fik fettkd Place in the Colny) has no iiKoniidenible 
Share ; to the Inhabitants of which, 1 in a trlMButieuhr Manner addrefs mylclf, who, at the Kcqueft 
of many Gentlemen, have, at a very coafiderableTuxpence, procur'd a complete Aflbrtnienl! of Printing 
.Materials, with which 1 purpofc to carry on the Aiming Bufmefs in tKis Town; provided I meet with, 
Kneounfrement- adequate to the Trouble and licence of the Undertaking: And as it is' unii-erlally 
rknowi;dgcd a Printer is much w.inted in this Place, very confidcrablc Sums being annually 
fent into other Governments for Prating, ,to jthc Impoveriniment of this, *he, if that 
ufeful Br.nch of Bufmefs was wt-11 ilUblifh'd |(jre, it would be ;m Addition to its flounfcing State, 
and keep its ready Ca(h circulating at Home, i; i not doubted but every Well-wisher tf> the Town. 
^will C'lntrib-jte towr<ls fo kudab'e an Undcrtiking, as far as the Execution of it mail merit the 
.Approbaii-sn of the Publick : And I take this Method to folicit the Favour of the lahabianr.! of tliii 
'Colony ; asd from the fame gericrous nil'pofi;ion they have fln-wn to young Beginners of other Occu- 
pations, 1 flatter myferf I fhall fir.d Encouragement anfwcrable to my Expeclatiaiu. And 1 beg I,e.'.ve 
to alfurc the Publick, that ,'as far as I am engaged in t,heir Service; 1 (hall ufe my' utmoft Endeavours ti 
fervc rher-vwidi Fidelity and I'ltegrity ; and ff by my Afliduity and Care, 1 mail be fo trappy as ti> 
obtain tliesr Klteem, by an intparttal Conduct, 1 ffiall think my Time wtll beilow'd. *I amoetermincj 
to avoid entering into the Schemes of any Party.^ending either to rdigious or poliduil ConUoverfy, ii> 
far mi.jht prevent my acting with the ftric^jfr. Juitice. 

As every Branch of ufeful Knowledge, both pf -a religious and civil Nature, is abundafjdy difTus'a 
"by Mr . of the Freedom of the Prets; i hope S'wil! induce Gentlemen jof learning vind iyr,uky ta 
*>jnb(lk<ow ft tfceir kifure Hours in wnuil^fcjmc public-fpirlted ElTay^, for the Cai^JofVlrtue, 
dilplaying it in rx.uit.ifu! Colours, and painting Vice in all its odbus Deformity, which will render tiitir 
Elferts beneficial to tlie lateft Polterity ; by which Method the x' will foon perceive, the diiity of a 
Printing Prefs: For I verily believe .there is npt ar.other Town in tK^f-E^glaxJ, of iu F.xtrnt in 
Trade and Commerce, that remains vacant of fo necefiary and utrful t Csliiiig. AU thefe Confidcm- 
tions give me great Reafon to hope, that not orrfy the Gentlemen of "PrtKultace, but all the adjacent 
"Towns, wJH, with a kind and good-natur*d Reception, afiift Tt PxtNTtx. 

public App<'arance in. that Manner, fo ncceflary at this J 

Jfllliam Goddard, 

he first newspaper in Providence. The original is in the possession of Mr. James A. Atwood 


These rolls will enable many persons to join the Sons of the 
Revolution who previously were unable to prove their 

Country Life for February, 1919, contains a description of 
the Senator Aldrich Estate at Warwick Neck with illustrations 
by Whitman Bailey. 

The Development of the British West Indies, 1700-1763, by 
Prof. F. W. Pitman, just issued by the Yale University Press, 
contains many references to the past participation of Rhode 
Island in the West India trade, and is an interesting and valua- 
ble contribution to our knowledge of the subject. The appen- 
dix contains the documents concerning the case of the sloop 
Enterprise, 1749, commanded by Richard Mum ford, and owned 
by Jonathian Nichols of Newport, which was seized by the 
custom officers at Jamaica while laden with French sugars and 
molasses from Hispaniola bound for Rhode Island. 

Several Rhode Island Revolutionary muster rolls are printed 
in the New York Historical Society Collections for 1915, pages 
572 to 577- 

A pamphlet, entitled Suggestions to the Women Voters of 
Rhode Island, prepared by Sara M. Algeo, has been issued by 
the Rhode Island Suffrage Party. 


The society has recently been presented with a large number 
of papers relating to early Warwick. The original papers of 
Rev. John Gorton, dating from 1714 to 1789, are mounted, 
bound and indexed. The collection also includes a vast quan- 
tity of historical notes and memoranda gathered by Judge 
George A. Brayton and Judge George M. Carpenter, Jr. 

The society has obtained a photostat copy of the book enti- 
tled "Water Baptism," which was written by Pardon Tilling- 
hast and printed in 1689. 

Several hundred papers relating to the early inhabitants of 
Gloucester, R. I., have been presented by Mrs. W. A. H. 


The following persons have been admitted to membership: 
Mr. Ernest S. Craig Mr. William A. Hathaway 

Mr. Charles G. Easton Mr. J. Bushnell Richardson 

Mr. Dutee Wilcox Flint Mr. George W. Sabre 
Mr. Henry Y. Stites 

During the past quarter the society has lost the following 
members by death : 

Mrs. Louise P. Bates Hon. D. Russell Brown 

Mr. Edwin A. Smith 

Dr. George B. Peck delivered a lecture before the society 
upon "William Sprague, War Governor," and Professor 
Charles H. Hunkins delivered a lecture entitled "History 
Making in France." 

Chronological Check List of Maps of Rhode 

Island in the Rhode Island Historical 

Society Library 

(Continued from page 32.) 


Rhode Island. Index Map to sheet atlas, 17^x13%. In 
Topographical Atlas 1891. R. I. H. S. 



Rhode Island Wooded Areas. 17^x13%. In colors. R. I. 
H. S. 

From same plate as those in Topographical Atlas of 1891. 

Issued later. 

123. Thompson, J. C. 

Map of the State of Rhode Island. Copyright 1891 by J. C. 
Thompson. 17^x11. Inset maps of Watch Hill and Narra- 
gansett Pier. 

ii Same. In colors colored by counties. Published by 
C. A. Pabodie & Son. No. 96. In Appleton's 
iii Same. Colored by towns. 



124. Thompson, J. C. 

Map of Providence and Kent Counties. Published by J. C. 
Thompson. Copyright 1891. 19^x24. In colors. In covers. 
R. I. H. S. 

This is the upper half of Thompson's 1892 map of the State, 
this half of the plate was cut first and this map issued before 
plate was finished. 


125. Rand-McNally & Co. 

Family atlas map of Rhode Island. Copyright 1891. In 
colors. 12x8^2. 

ii In Rhode Island Manual for 1893-4 and 1894-5. R. I. 

H. S. 

iii Same, entitled "New 11x14 Map of Rhode Island. 
Copyright 1895." 12x8^. In Rhode Island Man- 
ual from 1895-6 to 1897-8. R. I. H. S. 
iv Recut. Copyright 1895, 1898. In Rhode Island Man- 
ual 1898-9 to 1900-1. R. I. H. S. 
v Copyright 1895, 1901. In Rhode Island Manual for 

1901-2. R. I. H. S. 
vi Copyright 1895, 1903. In Rhode Island Manual from 

1903 to 1905 and 1910. R. I. H. S. 
vii Copyright 1895, 1906. In Rhode Island Manual for 

1906 to 1909. R. I. H. S. 
. viii Copyright 1895, 1909. In Rhode Island Manual for 

1911. R. I. H. S. 

ix Copyright 1895, 1910. In Rhode Island Manual for 
1912-1915. R. I. H. S. 


126. [Snow, Charles N.] 

Providence River and Narragansett Bay, Rhode Island. 
Shore Resorts and Principal Points of Interest. 1891. 
I 3/4 x 9/ / 2- I* 1 colors. [Published by Forbes Lithograph Co.,,. 
Boston.] In covers. R. I. H. S. 



127. Walker, Geo. H. 

Narragansett Bay and Vicinity. 1892. 33x23. In colors. 
H. W. P. 


128. Thompson, J. C. (Thompson-Pabodie Series.) 

Map of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Planta- 
tions. Compiled and published by J. C. Thompson, Providence. 
Revised from the U. S. Government Survey. 1892. 33x25^2. 
In colors. R. I. H. S. 

ii In the Agricultural Directory. Rhode Island, 1894. 

R. I. H. S. 

iii 1892, Road map photographic reduction and drawing 
for the Rhode Island Division, L. A. W. 34^x27^. 
R. I. H. S. 

iv With additions. In covers. Pabodie 1899. 
v With additions. In covers. Pabodie 1904. R. I. H. S. 
vi In covers. Pabodie 1907. St. Lib. 
vii Not in covers. Pabodie 1907. St. Lib. 
viii With additions. In covers. Pabodie 1909. R. I. 

H. S. 

ix With additions. In covers. Pabodie 1911. St. Lib. 
x With additions. In covers. Pabodie 1913. R. I. 

H. S. 
Pabodie issues this map at intervals with additions. 

See 1893 Lawton. 

See 1878 Rand McNally. 


129. [Tallman, M. M.] 

[Rhode Island] 5^x4. In Tallman's "Pleasant Places in 
Rhode Island," 1898. R. I. H. S. 

130. - 

Rhode Island. Triangulation map. Based on Topographical 
Survey map. 17^x1354- In report of the Rhode Island Map 
Commission, 1893. R. I. H. S. 



131. Stockwell, Thomas B. 

Educational map of the State of Rhode Island. Showing the 
location of the Graded and Ungraded Schools and Free Public 
Libraries. Prepared under the direction of Public Schools. 
1894. 20^x16^. R. I. H. S. 

See 1892 Thompson. 


132. Mathews-Northrup. 

Rhode Island. 11^2x9. In colors. Issued in Envelope. 
Copyright 1894. 

ii Same. Copyright 1894, 1903, by the J. N. Matthews 
Co. R. I. H. S. 


133. Everts and Richards. 

Atlas of Rhode Island. Philadelphia 1895. Fol. 2 vol. and 
folding map. R. I. H. S. 

(Vol. i) New topographical Atlas of Survey of Provi- 
dence County, Rhode Island. 47 double page maps 
and double page index map of Providence, and 
Road map of Rhode Island. 

(Vol. 2) New topographical Atlas of Surveys of 
Southern Rhode Island, comprising the counties of 
Newport, Bristol, Kent and Washington. 41 double 
page maps and double page map of Providence and 
of Newport, and Road map of Rhode Island. 

(Map) "Accompanied by a new and original ready 
reference county chart." 


134. Everts & Richards. 

State of Rhode Island. Compiled from Official Sources and 
Published by Everts and Richards, [n. d. 1895 ?] Circle indi- 
cates distances in miles from the New State Capitol in the city 
of Providence. 39/4x 2 9/4- In colors. R. I. H. S. 


135- - 

Map accompanying the report of the joint committee on 
Roads and Highways in Rhode Island. 15^x125/2. In colors. 
R. I. H. S. 

Also 97 03 07 10 12 13. 

See Colonial Period. Isham. 
See 1891 Rand McNally. 

136. Cram, George F. 

Rhode Island. 125/2x9^. In colors. From Cram's Un- 
rivaled Atlas. Chicago 1896. R. I. H. S. 


137- - 

Map of the State of Rhode Island, showing the location of 
Sample Half Miles and State Highways applied for. [n. d. 
1897] 16x1214. R. I. H. S. 

ii In second annual report of the Commissioner of High- 
ways, 1897. R. I. H. S. 

See 1891 Rand McNally. 

138. Walker, Geo. H. & Co. 

Rhode Island. Published by Geo. H. Walker & Co. Copy- 
right 1898. Cycling Routes shown in Red. 29^x24. In 
colors. In folders. Cover title. "Cyclists' Road Map of 
Rhode Island." R. I. H. S. 

ii Same, issued 1905 as Electric Railway map. Instead 
of the Cycling Routes, "Electric Railways shown 
in red. Drawn by Gerald M. Richmond. Copy- 
right 1898 and 1905." In folders. Cover title, 
"Electric Railway Map of Rhode Island." R. I. 
H. S. 


iii Same. Map showing Telegraph and Telephone Lines 
of the State of Rhode Island issued by the Public 
Utilities Commission of Rhode Island. In colors. 
Copyright 1898, 1905, 1909. R. I. H. S. 
iv Same. Map showing Railroads and Railways of the 
State of Rhode Island, issued by the Public Utili- 
ties Commission of Rhode Island. In colors. R. I. 
H. S. 
v Same. Road Map. No copyright. In covers. Date 

on cover, 1914. R. I. H. S. 
139. Tingley & Wood. 

Index Map showing the boundary between Massachusetts 
and Rhode Island. 1898. 33^2x17^. In Report of the Com- 
missioners of the Topographical Survey. Massachusetts 
House Document No. 1230, 1898. R. I. H. S. 

This index is reduced % from the original submitted by 
the commission. With it were also submitted the 
22 plans that show the boundary line in detail. The 
originals are preserved in R. I. St. Lib. and Mass. 

This is the only published map that accurately shows the 
present eastern boundary of Rhode Island. 


Narragansett Bay. Showing the location of Fish Traps. 
1898. 15^x9^. This map with changes was issued annually 
from 1898 to 1913 in the Reports of the If. I. Commissioners 
on Inland Fisheries. R. I. H. S. 

The reports for 1904 to 1906 and 1909 to 1911 contain 
map of Block Island, and reports for 1910 and 
1911 contain maps of the South Shore of Rhode 

Pabodie. 1892. 



[Chart of Narragansett Bay, entitled] Map showing Route 


and Places reached by Steamers of the Providence, Fall River 
and Newport Steamboat Company. 1899. 26x16}^. R. I. 
H. S. 

This is a process reduction of the 1873 Chart q. v. 

ii Same, 1900. R. I. H. S. 

iii Same, 1901. R. I. H. S. 


Geological Maps of the Narragansett Basin. Based on U. S. 
Geological Survey. In colors. Reduced in U. S. Geological 
Survey XXXIII Geology of the Narragansett Basin. 1899. 
R. I. H. S. 


143. Pabodie, C. A. & Son. 

Providence River and Narragansett Bay. [1900] 10^2x6^. 
R. I. H. S. 

ii Same in Prospectus of Auction Sale of Conanicut 
Park. 1909. R. I. H. S. 


See 1899 Providence, Fall River and Newport Steamboat 


144. Shedd & Searle. 

[Upper Narragansett Bay] Plan showing locations of leased 
oyster ground. 1900. In Report of Commissioners of Shell 
Fisheries. 1900. 11x23. 

Compare 1903. 

[1901 or earlier.] 

145. Brown Bros. 

Map of Rhode Island. Brown Brothers & Co., Providence. 
9^x6}4. In colors. In folder. R. I. H. S. 
[1901 or earlier.] 

146. Ryder-Dearth. 

Rhode Island. Ryder-Dearth. Providence. 8^x7. "Scale 
5 statute miles to inch." R. I. H. S. 

( To be continued) 





Vol. XII 

July, 1919 

No. 3. 

WILFRED H. MUNRO, President EDWARD K. ALDRICH, Jr., Treasurer 

Please address communications to Howard M. Chapin, Librarian, 
68 Waterman Street, Providence, R. I. 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the 
opinions of contributors. 

The Tenement on Conimicut 


The old records of the town of Warwick are filled with 
curiosities of interest to the antiquarian, and not the least ex- 
traordinary among them is the proprietary share known as the 
"tenement on Conimicut." The following account is based 
largely upon information derived from an examination of the 
first book of Warwick records. The original book is in the 
vault in the town clerk's office. A long hand copy made by 
a special committee appoined by the town meeting of Novem- 
ber 8, 1859, is also in the same vault. The index of land evi- 
dence records refers to the paging in the latter volume. In 
1911 a typewritten transcript of the original book was made 
for the Rhode Island Historical Society, duplicate copies of 
which are on file in the town clerk's office and in the library 
of the Society. The references in this article are to the paging 
in the last named volume. 

The original Shawomet purchase included all the territory 
between a line drawn from Occupasnetuxet Cove directly west 
twenty miles to what is now the Connecticut line and a line 


extended from the southerly end of Warwick Neck and 
parallel to the former. The easterly portion of this tract ex- 
clusive of Warwick Neck, and extending generally as far west 
as and including the present village of Apponaug, was set 
apart and denominated "the four miles common." By the pay- 
ment of twelve shillings into the common treasury, and a 
favorable vote of admission by "papers or beans," an applicant 
became what was termed an "inhabitant." He received a 
home lot of six acres and the right to share equally with all 
the other proprietors of "the four miles common." This un- 
divided share was sometimes called a "township." (Warwick 
Records 1 165 ; Chapin, Documentary History of R. I., p. 265.) 
The total number of such proprietors was fifty-one. On the 
other hand, a full right in the entire purchase was granted to 
such persons as might be duly admitted and who should con- 
tribute ten pounds to the common fund. This select company 
was composed of seventeen "purchasers." 

The "tenement on Conimicut" was the name used to desig- 
nate one of the fifty-one shares in the "four miles common." 
This share differed from the rest in at least two important par- 
ticulars; first in respect to the impersonal name by which it 
was known, and secondly, by the conditional nature of the 
original grant. Out of the total number of the proprietary 
shares as they appear in the various lists upon the town rec- 
ords, and such of the original proprietors' records as have 
been preserved, all but three are indicated by the individual 
name of the original owner of the same. In every drawing 
Samuel Gorton heads the list and the "tenement on Conimicut" 
concludes it. The other two shares not indicated by the names 
of individuals are "Peter Buzicutt's tenement" and the "Mill 
Owners." (Fuller, Hist. Warwick, pp. 91-3; Warner Papers, 

The original grant of the "tenement on Conimicut" is found 
on page 86 of the typewritten transcript of the original book. 
Although the year is not given, we can be certain that it was 
prior to 1650. The record is as follows : "Ordered at a meeting 
the 5 of March by the Townsmen of Warwicke that they give 
and grant unto Thomas Thornicraft 8 (reads "3" by mistake 


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r ht Sun to ruts tbt "Day, tbt Moon the V<"' *'" 

and Told by the Author in Newport. 

The earliest Perpetual Almanac printed in Rhode Island. 
From the collection of Col. George L. Shepley 


in copy) akers of land on Quinimicoke to bee layd out 
upon a square that is to say 36 pole from Mr. John Greens lott 
towards the sea and 36 pole downe into the necke upon condi- 
tion as followeth that is that hee shall maintaine a sufficient 
fence from upon his front as also make a sufficient fence from 
highwater marke to lowe water marke as spring tides and these 
to bee maintained and up (omitted in copy) from the 2Oth of 
March untill the last of October annually and this to bee the 
Tenure of this houslot upon which grant is to him or his suc- 

The importance to the early settlers of maintaining a fence 
at Conimicut is shown by reference to a former vote passed 
probably in 1648 on January 23rd, in which it was ordered 
"That Conimecok is to bee fenced by the generall towne and 
it is proper only for Calves and Lambes till forder order bee 
concluded concerning it." (W. R. 1:67; Chapin, 266.) A 
casual glance at the map will show that Conimicut Point af- 
forded an ideal pasture ground for the early settlers. It was 
doubtless good meadow land then as it is now. By construct- 
ing a fence across the head of the neck from the mill cove 
directly north to the shore of Narragansett Bay, a distance of 
not more than nine hundred feet, an excellent pasture of al- 
most two hundred acres would be provided. Here the cattle 
of the Gortonists could graze in comparative security from the 
depredations of Indians and the attacks of wolves, and with 
little danger of escaping into the wild country inland. 

To annex to such a grant of land the performance of cer- 
tain services was not an unusual thing viewed from the stand- 
point of the seventeenth century. In fact, one would rather 
expect to find many instances of such grants among the pro- 
prietary systems of all the New England colonies. The 
settlers were accustomed to the rigorous and burdensome 
duties of the feudal system of land holding in England. It is 
true that the Charter of 1663 granted the lands of the colony 
"to be held in free and common socage, as of our manor of 
East Greenwich, in the County of Kent," which was the least 
burdensome and the nearest approach to a fee simple of all 
the feudal estates, yet military tenures in England were not 


abolished until the Restoration and no particular tenure was 
provided in the Charter of 1643. And it would appear that 
the feudal system, at least at the outset, was tranported to our 
shores. "In the case of colonists who were not adventurers 
(shareholders) in the common stock, the company held it fit 
that 'that they should hold and inherit their lands by services 
to be done on certain days in the year' as a good means 'to en- 
joy their from being held in capite, and to support the planta- 
tion in general and in particular.' ' : (The Land System of 
the New England Colonies J. H. U. Studies, 4th series, 
IV 1562.) The author gives many instances of conditional 
grants in consideration of services to be rendered. "Fences 
were maintained by each owner according to his share in the 
land enclosed. Sometimes gates or bridges were thus main- 
tained instead of a portion of fence, and in Milford (Mass.) 
and Stratford (Conn.) lands were held upon condition of such 
service, the proper care of them being of importance to the 
whole town." (Ibid, p. 595.) 

Just how long Thomas Thornicraft remained in possession 
of his grant is rather uncertain. A highway was laid out along 
the north shore in Conimicut Point in 1650 as appears from 
the following vote: "Ordered that the highway into Quini- 
micoke bee layd out 2 pole wide next the sea that the waste 
land betwixt it and the side of Thomas Thornicrafts lott bee 
added to his lot and hee to maintaine the fence thorrowly from 
his front a crosse the highway into the water." (W. R. 1 187.) 
Some time between May 6, 1650, the date of the foregoing 
vote, and December 10, 1654, he sold the land with all its bene- 
fits and burdens including the proprietary share to George 
Baldwin. There is no such conveyance on record but this 
appears to have been so in view of a statement on the latter 
date in a. deed from Baldwin to Peter Buzicott conveying "all 
that my dwellinge house and other housinge and land that I 
bought of Thomas Thornicraft, part of which was given unto 
Thomas Thornicraft, by the Towne of Warwicke for the mak- 
inge and maintayninge of a water fence to secure Quinnimi- 
cocke and Warwicke Necke." (W. R. 1 1261. ) 

Water fences were required by law to be maintained be- 


tween private properties adjoining the salt water by an early 
act of the General Assembly of the Colony entitled "An Act 
directing how Water-Fences shall be made and maintained." 
(Public Laws of R. I., 1730, p. 180.) This law in a modified 
form is still in force in this state. (Gen. Laws 1909. Cap. 
152, Sec. n.) An extended search of the standard dictionaries 
and reference books has not revealed any definition of what 
a water fence is, although it is not an uncommon term among 
the old inhabitants along the scores of our state. 

Peter Buzicott conveyed the tenement to Thomas Ralph by 
deed dated October 13, 1655 (W. R. 1 1428) and the latter sold 
to Thomas Bradley October 31, 1655 (Ibid, p. 264.) 

The first mention of this proprietary share under the name 
by which it was always afterwards called and known in the 
records is found in an entry under date of April, 1660, as fol- 
lows : "Layd out to Thomas Bradley six akers of land upon 
the account of the Tenement of Quinimicoke, bounded east- 
erly by his one land, Westerly by the highway that leades into 
Quinimicocke and northerly (reads 'westerly' by mistake in 
copy) by the same way and southerly by an addition granted 
to the lott of Mr. John Greene, Ser." (W. R. 1 1321.) 

Thomas Bradley conveyed the original eight acre lot and 
the six acre piece granted to him as above to Job Almy by deed 
dated October n, 1663, (Ibid, p. 370) and the latter sold the 
same to Stephen Arnold of Pawtuxet by conveyance executed 
May 8, 1680. (Warwick Deeds, A-2, p. 313.) Stephen 
Arnold, who was one of the most extensive land owners in 
the town of Warwick, if not in the whole colony of Rhode Is- 
land, gave the property together with all the land upon Con- 
nimicut Point to his daughter Elizabeth, wife of Peter Greene, 
by deed of March 27, 1684, in which deed it was entailed to 
her descendants. (Warwick Deeds, 1 :48.) Although there 
are apt words in the deed to pass the proprietary share or 
right to participate equally with the remainder of the pro- 
prietors in all future divisions of the undivided lands, yet he 
apparently considered that he had reserved this right to him- 
self, for he gave the same to three of his sons by his last will 
as follows : "And I doe also Give and bequeath unto my three 


sons, Israeli, Stephen & Elisha a Comonage in the Towneshipp 
of Warwick, which I bought of Job Almey as by a deede under 
his hand doth appeare." (Prov. E. R., VI:i94.) All parties 
interested in the matter were apparently satisfied to observe 
this construction placed upon the grant to Elizabeth by her 
father, as the three sons and their descendants continued to 
participate in all further divisions of the common lands as 
owners of the "tenement on Conimicut" without objection on 
the part of Elizabeth or her descendants, at least so far as the 
records disclose. 

This treatment of the proprietary share by Arnold was, to 
say the least, rather a departure from the original basis of the 
grant to Thomas Thornicraft. It would seem that the con- 
tinued enjoyment of an equal right in the division of the four 
miles common was intended to be dependent upon the faith- 
ful performance by the owner of the original eight acres con- 
stituting the "tenement" of the duty imposed in the original 
grant of keeping Conimicut Point securely fenced. It was 
doubtless never contemplated that the possession of the eight 
acre lot should ever be separated from the ownership of the 
right of commonage. Otherwise the interesting situation at 
least from a legal point of view would develop of a forfeiture 
of the proprietary right in the hands of third persons arising 
from the failure of the owner of the land on the Point to keep 
up his fences, a. matter entirely beyond the control of the pro- 
prietor of the share. For a time at least the owner of the tene- 
ment was kept to a strict performance of his duties, as we find 
the following entry under date of June 5, 1655: "Ordered 
that Stukly Wascote and Richard Harcutt are appointed to 
bound the fence at Quinimicoke and to see that Peter Buzicot 
to doe it suficiently." (W. R. 1:137.) But the necessity for 
maintaining a common pasture must have gradually disap- 
peared as the inhabitants of the town went further inland and 
acquired farms of sufficient size to provide their own grazing 
ground, and so the object of the original grant to Thomas 
Thornicraft became sooner or later forgotten, and the "tene- 
ment on Conimicut" became as absolute and indefeasible as 
the other shares granted without condition or tenure. 


The one-third interest given to Israel by his father went 
to his son Stephen, Elisha's third was inherited by his son 
Ephraim, and Stephen's share passed to his son Philip. Ac- 
cordingly in "A list of Ye Draft of Ye Last Devision Drawn 
May ye 2ist, 1748" given in Fuller's History of Warwick, 91- 
93, where appears "A list of ye o Riginol Rights and ye now 
owners of the fore mils Commons," the proprietary share in 
which we are interested was designated as belonging to Philip, 
Stephen and Ephraim Arnold. 

An examination of the above list shows very few of the 
shares owned by more than one individual. This was doubt- 
less due to two things, the almost universal custom among 
property holders of disposing of their land by last will and 
testament, and the existence of the law of primogeniture from 
the founding of the colony up to the time of the adoption of 
the Constitution in 1842. In 1718 the law was repealed but 
readopted in 1728. Thus the proprietary shares were not 
split up into innumerable undivided interests, and the pro- 
prietary organizations were kept alive long after the purpose 
for which they originated had disappeared. 

The approximate location of the original grant constituting 
the "tenement" is upon a portion of the Harris Farm at 
Shawomet, now belonging to the Estate of Maria M. Foster. 
The description of the property given in the deed of Stephen 
Arnold to his daughter Elizabeth referred to above fixes the 
bounds very clearly. "Eight Ackers of Land more or less sit- 
tuated and being in the towne of Warwicke and in the neck of 
Quinimjcock which was granted to Thomas Thornicraft upon 
the tenior as the Records Spetifyeth and all soe a six acre Lott 
adjoynjng unto the sayd Eight Ackers all which foresaid 
Lands is bounded westerly by the highway that Leades into 
Quinimicocke and northerly by the same highway and South- 
erly by an Adition granted to John Greene ser and Easterly 
by the Cove and Small Lotts." (Warwick Deeds, 1 :48.) 

The location of this highway is very conclusively estab- 
lished by an old plat in the town clerk's office adopted by the 
proprietors December 21, 1714. (Also see plats at Rhode Is- 
land Historical Society in Rhode Island maps, vol. 10, p. I and 


p. 20; vol. 20, p. 25.) This plat represents a survey of the 
road leading from Old Warwick at Spencer's Corners directly 
northeasterly passing the Shawomet Beach station of the But- 
tonwoods branch of the R. I. Suburban Railroad Company, 
and continuing straight through the Harris Farm to the shores 
of Narragansett Bay north of Conimicut Point. The portion 
of the road easterly of the station is marked on the plat by 
the words "the highway into Conemicok," and is bounded on 
both sides by the land of Peter Greene. Although not shown 
on this plat, the road turned at right angles upon reaching the 
shore, and ran easterly along the shore to the tip of the Point. 
This extension was laid out by order of the town passed May 
6, 1650, and quoted above. Ten years later this highway had 
been extended northwesterly in the opposite direction along 
the shore as appears from a grant of land bearing date April, 
1660, as follows: "Layd out to Mr. John Greene ser six 
akers of land more or lesse bounded Easterly by the highway 
that leads into Quinimicoke Westerly by Richard Watermans 
land northerly by a highway by the seaside southerly by the 
Comon." (Warwick Records, 1 1320.) This road along the 
shore corresponds almost exactly in location with Conimicut 
Avenue, which skirts the shore all the way from the end of 
Conimicut Point to the north line of the Harris Farm. From 
the latter point it is continued under the name of Shawomet 
Avenue as far as Beach Avenue in the village of Conimicut. 
There is also a well defined road called Bay Avenue leading 
from the main road a short distance easterly from the 
Shawomet Beach station directly northeasterly through the 
Harris Farm to the shore and running at right angles into 
Conimicut Avenue. The old "highway by the seaside" is un- 
doubtedly now Conimicut Avenue. In regard to the "high- 
way into Conemicok" an examination of the old plat referred 
to shows that it was located between three and four hundred 
feet northwesterly of the present Bay Avenue but running in 
the same general direction from the main road to the shore. 
As all the land on both sides of this road became incorporated 
into the same farm, it would have been a matter of little diffi- 
culty for one of the subsequent owners to change the location 


of the road to its present position. In fact, as now laid out 
it affords a more direct route to the shore. 

The title to the Harris Farm can be clearly traced from 
Captain Peter Greene, husband of Elizabeth, to his son Peter 
who died in 1767, leaving the farm to his son John. The 
latter died in 1800, when the property passed to his son 
Stephen, who died in 1821, when the property went to his 
grandson, Stephen Greene Warner, from whom it was inherited 
by his son William Greene Warner. Then, after remaining 
in the Greene family for almost two hundred years, the farm 
was conveyed by the guardian of William Greene Warner to 
Cyrus Harris and others constituting a copartnership under 
the name of Green Manufacturing Company by deed dated 
December 30, 1864 (Warwick Deeds XXXIV 1158), from 
whom it passed to the Greene Manufacturing Co., a corpora- 
tion, by deed of May 15, 1876 (Ibid XXXX-D: 14). The 
latter concern conveyed to Eliza Harris, wife of Stephen 
(Ibid, XXXXII 1289)1 from whom the entire farm passed to 
her daughter, Maria M., wife of Frederick L. Foster, who 
continued to reside there until her death in 1915. 

Having traced the title from the original grant to Thomas 
Thorncraft in about 1650 down to the present owners, and 
having fixed with reasonable certainty the location of the old 
highways mentioned in the deed from Stephen Arnold to his 
daughter, we are now in a position to determine the location 
of the "tenement on Conimicut." The original grant to 
Thornicraft comprised eight acres and was about six hundred 
feet square. The additional grant of six acres adjoined it on 
the westerly side and was probably of the same depth in view 
of the fact that both lots bound on the south with land of 
John Greene. This would leave about four hundred and fifty 
feet for the width of the second grant, and this distance repre- 
sents approximately the difference between the original loca- 
tion of the "highway into Conemicok" and the present location 
of Bay Avenue. Consequently the northwesterly corner 
bound of the tenement must have been very close to the cor- 
ner of Conimicut and Bay Avenues. A line drawn from this 
point directly south to the cove measures just eight hundred 


feet. An eight-acre square laid out with this line for the west- 
erly bound would abut on the north on Conimicut Avenue, on 
the south on the mill cove, separating the Point from River- 
view, and on the east on a large and fertile meadow extending 
to the tip of the Point three-quarters of a mile away. This 
would be the most natural location for a fence to enclose the 
Point as a pasture for the cattle of the early settlers, or as 
stated in the early conveyances "for the makinge and main- 
tayninge of a water fence to secure Quinnimicocke and War- 
wicke Necke." 

For many years the successive owners of the "tenement on 
Conimicut" must have lived upon the land constituting the 
original grant, but at present no traces remain there to indi- 
cate the location or even the former existence of any build- 
ings. In this connection it is interesting to note that the dwell- 
ings of the several owners of the farm for the past two cen- 
turies are still standing. The old red farm house at the forks 
of the road near the Shawomet Beach station is reputed to 
be over two hundred years old and was occupied by the 
descendants of Peter Greene and his wife Elizabeth down to 
the middle of last century, when the property passed into the 
Harris Family. The old proprietors' plat made in 1714, re- 
ferred to above, shows a dwelling house located at this exact 
spot with the "highway into Conemicok" laid out on the north- 
westerly side of the house. Bay Avenue, as a result of the 
change of location mentioned above, now passes on the oppo- 
site or southeasterly side of the red farm house. After the 
Harris Family came into possession of the farm, the new 
owners erected a more modern dwelling on the shore front at 
the southwesterly corner of Conimicut and Bay Avenues. 
Thomas H. Lockwood, father of James T. Lockwood, Esq., 
town clerk of Warwick for over thirty years and still actively 
performing the duties of his office, did the masonry work on 
this building. After Mrs. Foster acquired the property in 
1883, she erected the splendid residence now standing on the 
north side of Bay Avenue, about half-way between the Greene 
and Harris houses, where since the death of her mother, Miss 
Edith P. Foster, has continued to reside. 

J. Weeden, Printer 

According to Evans the American Antiquarian Society has 
two books printed by Weeden and Barrett. 

These are : 

"18495 The Gentleman and Lady's Town and Country 
Magazine or Repository of Instruction and Entertainment. 
Vol. i May,-December 1784. 

Boston: Published by Weeden and Barrett, 1784. pp. 360. 
8 vo. All that was published." 

"18764 Weatherwise's Town and Country Almanack, For 
The Year Of Our Lord, 1785; ... By Abraham 
Weatherwise, Philom. . . 

Boston : Printed and sold by Weeden and Barrett, at their 
office southside State-Street, and directly under Mr. Charles 
Shimmin's school: also sold by most of the Book-sellers in 
town and country. [1784] pp. (24) 12 mo." 

Another book bearing the imprint of Weeden and Barrett 
is in the Providence Public Library. It is Bryan Edwards' : 

"Thoughts on the late proceedings of government, respect- 
ing the trade of the West-India Islands with the United States 
of America." London, Printed. Boston Reprinted and sold 
by Weeden and Barrett at E. Russell's office, Essex Street, 
Boston. MDCCLXXXIV. 32 p. 

Mr. Hamilton B. Tompkins of Newport has recently dis- 
covered an undated broadside, which from its context must 
have been printed in 1780. The imprint reads : "Newport 
Rhode Island, Printed by J. Weeden." A reproduction of this 
broadside appears in the January, 1919, issue of the Rhode 
Island Historical Society Collections. It would seem probable 
that the J. Weeden, the Newport printer of 1780, was identical 
with Weeden, printer, of Boston in 1784. 

In the census of 1774, Joseph Weeden is listed at Newport 
with one male under 16 and one female over 16 in his family. 
Jonathan Weeden is listed at Newport with five males under 
1 6, one female over 16 and two under 16. In the 1791 census 
Jonathan is listed with one male under 16 and I female. James 
Weeden does not appear, but John Weeden and Jeremiah 


Wheeden appear as heads of families. These latter may have 
been sons of Jonathan. By elimination the printer might seem 
to have been either James, or one of the other sons of Jona- 
than, their non-appearance in the list being due to the removal 
to Boston in or before 1784. 

It is possible that J. Weeden was a publisher and not a 

The Fifth Cruise of the Privateer Yankee 

Since the publication of the "Tales of an Old Seaport" ad- 
ditional information concerning the Bristol ships is constantly 
coming to light. Especially valuable is the diary of Doctor 
Joseph Lowe Stevens, Surgeon of the privateer Yankee on her 
fifth cruise. The diary is published through the courtesy of 
his son, Dr. George B. Stevens, of Dorchester Massachusetts, 
Historian General of the Society of Mayflower Descendants. 

Joseph Lowe Stevens was born in Gloucester, Essex County, 
Mass., August 15, 1790, of old Colonial stock. He fitted for 
college at Phillips Academy, Andover, was graduated from 
Harvard in the class of 1810, and received his degree of Doctor 
of Medicine from the same institution in 1814, only a few 
weeks before he sailed from Bristol as Surgeon of the Yankee. 
With part of the prize money w.hich came to him from the sale 
of the cargo of the San Jose Indiano he purchased a gold 
watch which is still preserved in the family. For this watch he 
paid $150. He began the pratice of his profession in Warren, 
Maine, removing in 1819 to Castine. For nearly sixty years 
he had a widely extended practice in that region, being often 
called upon to visit by water patients on the islands in Penob- 
scot Bay. It was strenuous business. It goes without saying 
that he was a skillful boatman, but he was often compelled 
when the wind was lacking to make his trips in an open boat, 
rowing "cross handed" for miles. He was the first surgeon 
in eastern Maine to administer sulphuric ether by inhalation 
for the performance of surgical operations. When in his 
eighty-second year he performed an amputation of the thigh. 


Not only was the operation successful, but what was more to 
the point the patient quickly recovered. Dr. Stevens died in 
Castine, February 19, 1879. 
The diary is written in 






The almanack, as the title page further specifies, contains 
"an unusual number of useful tables, chronological, astron- 
omical, ecclesiastical and masonic calendars, terms of court, 
etc." as well as a great amount of valuable miscellaneous in- 
formation. The information is "up to date." "The Chesa- 
peake frigate taken by the Shannon. The brave Captain Law- 
rence died June 4 1813." Revolutionary information is fre- 
quent. "July 10, 1777, Lt. Col. Barton surprised and carried 
off British General Prescott from Rhode Island. Mahomet 
died July 18, 684; aged 64. The bible was translated into the 
Indian language 1641. Mr. Henry Dunster was chosen first 
President of Harvard College, August 27, 1640. Commence- 
ments at Providence and Bowdoin college fall September 7." 
Under the head of "College vacations" we note that at Provi- 
dence College they ran as follows: From Commencement 
three weeks, From the last Wednesday in December eight 
weeks; From the first Wednesday in May two weeks. Ex- 
planation is made of the festivals, fasts, saint's days, etc., men- 
tioned in the calendar, and eight pages are devoted to a history 
of Masonry. A complete list of the American navy is given; 
ships, guns, commanders and stations. Then follows a list of 


the stages from Boston, and the roads connecting the New 
England towns. It is entirely safe to say that the man who 
mastered the information contained in the fifty-four pages of 
the little book was not far from possessing a liberal education. 

Young Dr. Stevens further enriched his copy with medical 
notes and prescriptions, as well as occasional wise saws. The 
"Dolus an virtus, quis in hoste requirat ?" written in very plain 
script at the end of the book, was perhaps brought out by the 
unfortunate incident connected with the capture of Mr. Jones 
and his boat's crew by the disguised English sloop of war. In 
reading the diary it should be borne in mind that Dr. Stevens 
was simply jotting down memoranda for his own edification. 
He was not keeping a ship's log. His notes were necessarily 
brief, and there was in his mind no thought of rhetorical 
effect. In this his account differs entirely from the breezy 
pages of Noah Jones, the chronicler of the second cruise. 

Wednesday, March 23, 1814, sailed from Newport in the 
brig YANKEE. Blew hard from the N. W. for several days. 

25th. Spoke the Spanish ship Montezuma, for Boston. The 
month concluded with calm weather and warmer. Pleasant 
weather and light winds for several days. Nothing important 

April 8th. (Good Friday), caught a porpoise. 

loth. Spoke a Portuguese brig from Pernambuco for Bos- 
ton. Several men sick, principally with pneumatic affections, 
tho' not with so strong symptoms of inflammation as usual. 
Pulse rather weak. 

25th. Caught another porpoise. 

26th. Caught a turtle. 

28th. This morning discovered a sail. At noon made her 
out a frigate. After several manouvres escaped from her. 
She gave up the chase at 3 o'clock. The officers and men are 
generally healthy except slight coughs and colds owing to the 
chilliness of the nights. Fahrenheit about 70 during the day, 
and from 50 to 55 from sunset to sunrise. 

May. This month begins with fresh breezes from the N. 
E. Steering S. E. to fetch Madeira, which we expect to see 
to-morrow. The sick are three-syphilitic, one-hernica hu- 


moralis, one-intermittent, tertian type, and a number with 
slight colds. (This "sick list" is worse than any specified by 
Noah Jones, Captain's Clerk, in his log of the second cruise of 
the YANKEE as printed in the "Tales of an Old Seaport." It 
should be remembered that this fifth cruise of the privateer 
was undertaken with great hesitation. The war ships of Great 
Britain were cruising in great numbers along the American 
coast and a prison rather than a profit seemed the probable 
termination of the voyage. The rollicking humor which 
sometimes crops out from Noah Jones' pen is entirely lacking 
in Dr. Stevens' pages. Over and over again, knowing as we 
do the incidents connected, with the fifth sailing, we feel that 
not a few of the sailors are regretting that they also had not 
swam ashore while the brig was lying in Bristol harbor.) 

May ist. Boarded a Portuguese brig from San Salvador, 
(Bahia.) Learnt from her that it was reported before she 
sailed that Lord Wellington had taken Bordeaux, and that the 
Russians and, Prussians had got within fifteen leagues of Paris. 

2d. Made the island of Madeira, fourteen leagues distant. 

3d. Anchored in Porto Santo; sent a number of men 
ashore to water. In the afternoon a squall arose; obliged to 
stand off and leave them on shore. At eight blew a violent 
gale, moderated before the morning of the next day. 

4th. Began moderate; stood in to Porto Santo, but the 
wind increasing obliged to come out; still left the men on 

5th. Again stood in, when the boat came off and left five 
men on shore, but blew so hard could get no water. At noon 
discovered several sail; gave chase, toward night boarded a 
Portuguese schooner bound to St. Ubes from Madeira. In- 
formed us the vessels in sight were two Brazilmen and a sloop 
of war to convoy them. 

6th. Discovered a sail in the morning; gave chase. She 
proved to be a Portuguese schooner from Saint Michael's 
bound to Madeira. Gave us some wine, oranges and water. 

7th. Chased from nine o'clock of this day by the sloop of 
war, Myrmidon, distant when she began to chase about seven 
miles. At dark we happily lost sight of her by altering our 


course a little. She gained, I should judge, in eleven hours 
about one and a half miles; obliged by this circumstance to 
leave five men in Porto Santo. 

8th. Boarded a Portuguese brig of sixty men and fourteen 
guns from Gibraltar for San Salvador. Gave us a newspaper 
printed at Gibraltar, containing an official account of the 
arrival of Alexander at Paris, of the abdication of Bonaparte 
and the restoration of the Bourbon dynasty. Reported verb- 
ally that there was a general peace in which America was in- 
cluded ; that one or two American Commissioners were at Lon- 

9th. Pleasant weather; discovered a sail at n p. m. 

loth. Boarded the sail seen last night a Spanish ship. In 
the afternoon spoke the American privateer Lawrence, Captain 
Veazie of Baltimore, sixty days out ; had taken six prizes. 
(The Yankee had taken none and her crew were conse- 
quently glum), kept company during the night. 

nth. Kept company all day with the Lawrence and tried 
our sailing with her. 

I4th. Blew hard in the morning: at one o'clock made a 
sail; gave chase and coming up with her fast. At six came 
up and made prize of her. She proved to be the Hugh Jones 
of Belfast, F. Thomas, Master, belonging to a convoy of mer- 
chantmen bound for Guadaloupe, under protection of one 
seventy-four, one frigate, two brigs.- The fleet were then in 
sight to leeward. Laid by her all night. The next morning 
took out 95 boxes of linens, besides bread, rigging, etc. Put 
I. Diaz, Prize Master, and ten men on board. 

1 5th. After leaving the prize just before night stood to the 
eastwood; in the morning discovered a schooner and brig to 
the eastward. Supposed them to be an American privateer 
and her prize. 

1 6th. Pleasant weather. In the afternoon boarded the 
Portugese ship SAN JOSE INDIANO, from Liverpool, bound 
for Rio Janeiro. Sent her in for having a large quantity of 
English goods on board. Took out all her crew except the 
Captain and put Mr. Carpenter and twelve men on board. (If 
Dr. Stevens and the men on the Yankee had had the slightest 


conception of what that capture meant to them his journal 
page would have read very differently. Alone of all the prizes 
taken on the cruise this vessel was to reach an American port. 
With her cargo she was to sell for more than half a million 
dollars. She was much the most valuable of the prizes cap- 
tured by the Yankee, perhaps as valuable as any prize taken 
by Americans during the war. As the General Jackson, she 
was to sail from Bristol harbor for many a year.) 

23d. Nothing important since the last prize left us. 

May 24th. At nine in the morning discovered the coast of 
Portugal, Latitude 37, 43, Long. 9. At 3 made a sail right 
ahead. Chased her within one mile of the shore when the crew 
deserted her and we took possession; put all our prisoners on 
board; then stood off from shore. At 3 p. m. made a sail 
which proved a frigate. She gave us a chase and came up 
with us fast, but at dark we fortunately lost sight of her. 

25th. Very pleasant; picked up a boat, supposed to have 
been a ship's launch. 

26th. Squally. In the afternoon boarded a Portuguese 
from Lisbon, bound for Pernambuco. At sunset another ship 
in sight, about seven miles to the windward. 

27th. Pleasant. At sunrise discovered a sail; at ten came 
up and made a prize of the English brig Tyger, W. Cowan, 
Master, bound to Stettin, loaded with wine and fruit ; put Mr. 
Chase and nine men aboard and ordered her in. Another ship 
still in sight, gave chase and the wind dying, swept up to her. 
At 7 took her. She proved to be the ship Berry Castle from 
Teneriffe to London, Alex. Phillip, of six guns and fourteen 
men. Laid by her all night. 

28th. Our prize in sight in the morning. She was loaded 
with wine and Barilla. Staved the wine casks all but twelve 
that we took on board, and gave her up to the Captain and the 
Captain of the brig that we took in the morning previous. 

29th. Pleasant and calm all day. At sunrise made a sail 
on our weather quarter; from her manouvering supposed her 
to be a neutral. Gave chase and fired a gun at her, when she 
hoisted Spanish colors; but not being able to get at her on 
account of the calm, sent our boat with Mr. Jones and five 


men. As soon as they got on board she hauled down Spanish 
and sets English colours, when we discovered to our extreme 
disappointment and sorrow that she was an English sloop of 
war. She immediately began firing and continued for ten 
minutes until we got out of her reach by means of our sweeps. 
She towed but we gained upon her fast and after sweeping six 
hours got out of sight. (By this unfortunate mistake we were 
deprived of the services of Mr. Jones, whose merits as an 
officer were acknowledged by all, and whose amiable qualities 
had gained the esteem and affection of his brother officers ; 
and five of our best men.) 

(May 3Oth to June 6th no entries.) 

June 6th. At six made a sail right to windward, distant 
ten miles. At 3 p. m. came up and made prize of her. She 
proved to be the English brig Elizabeth from Figuera to New- 
foundland, loaded with salt and fruit. After taking out all 
that was valuable, burnt her. She was manned with eight men. 

June loth. Boarded a Swedish ship from America to Got- 
tenburg; had three passengers on board. Had the pleasure 
of reading some American newspapers containing the only in- 
formation from America that we had since we sailed. Put 
some prisoners on board of her. Lat. 46, 45 N., Long. 26, 15. 

nth. Course steered for America. 

1 7th. At daylight made a sail seven miles on the lee bow. 
At 7 came up and made prize of the schooner Nelly (Tinnis), 
formerly of Baltimore, bound from Havana to Greenock, 
manned with six men, with a very valuable cargo of coffee 
and sugar; belonged to the Jamaica fleet of 200 sail. Sailed 
12 May. Put R. Burr and six men on board and ordered for 

1 9th. Made a schooner right ahead, apparently an armed 
vessel. Gave chase until n, when a fog arose that prevented 

22d. At 7 a. m. made sail two points on the lee bow. At 
9 came up and boarded the brig Maria of Stockholm under 
Swedish colours, but sent her in for having English property 


on board ; from Havana with sugar. William Macy and seven 

June 23rd. Cape Ann, 1290 miles distant. 

25th. At 1 1 a. m. made a sail three points on the lee bow ; 
at 5 hoisted Prussian colours ; at 6 came up and boarded her. 
She proved to be a Prussian bark from Havana, bound to 
Amsterdam. After detaining her about an hour permitted her 
to depart, after putting all our prisoners on board. 

2/th. At 8 p. m., judging ourselves on the Great Bank of 
New Foundland, sounded but found no bottom with one hun- 
dred fathoms of line. 

July. This month began with the crew in good health. 

nth. A sail was sighted in chase, but sea was so heavy 
that the Yankee was in danger of upsetting. Found ourselves 
on the Georges in forty-five fathoms. 

1 2th. Discovered some fishing craft and took pilot. Were 
in great danger of running ashore ; struck a shoal twice. 

I4th. Landed some goods. 

I5th. Got under weigh and beat up to New Bedford; ran 
a great risk ; a frigate and brig went into Tarapaulin Cove the 
hour after we left it. 

So ends the diary. 

The crew of the brig deserted almost to a man as soon as 
the anchors were cast over in New Bedford harbor. British 
cruisers were swarming along the coast and every man deemed 
himself fortunate in having escaped a British prison ship. All 
but one of the eight prizes specified by Dr. Stevens, (he men- 
tions four more than are given in any other account) were re- 
taken. The San Jose Indiano reached Portland almost by a 
miracle. It was a most astonishing bit of "Yankee luck." No 
other American privateer ever experienced anything remotely 
approaching it. 



Mr. Joseph E. C. Farnham has issued a memorial biography 
of Eli Harrison Howard. 

The English Ancestry of John Coggeshall of Newport ap- 
peared in the January, 1919, issue of the New England His- 
torical and Genealogical Register. 

A typewritten genealogy of the Briggs family, dealing with 
the descendants of George Briggs of Warwick, which was 
compiled by the late Anthony Tarbox Briggs, has been pre- 
sented by his son, Mr. R. C. Briggs, of New York. 

Caroline E. Robinson's Geneaology of the Gardiners of 
Narragansett has been published as a handsome volume of 313 
pages. The work is edited by the Rev. Daniel Goodwin. 

Mr. Rowland Hazard has issued a lo-page quarto of songs 
that he has composed. 

The June, 1919, number of Art and Archaeology contains 
pictures of some old Rhode Island houses. 

The July, 1919, Bulletin of the Newport Historical Society 
consisting of the annual reports, by-laws, and list of members 
has been issued. 

"The Land of His Fathers" is the name of a story by George 
T. Marsh which appears in the June, 1919, Scribner's. 

The sermon preached by the Rev. Asbury Krom at the I75th 
anniversary of the Beneficent Congregational Church has been 
printed as a 22-page pamphlet. 


Mr. Henry W. Sackett has presented to the Society some 
mementos of the World War, including German helmets, an 
iron cross and other trophies. These are on exhibition in the 
lecture room. 

Mr. John B. Aldrich has presented a number of objects of 
historical interest, including a couple of pouches that were 
carried by the California gold seekers in the rush of '49. 


During the last quarter, Mr. Harald W. Ostby, Mr. William 
A. Gamwell and Mr. Edward C. Stiness have been admitted to 
membership in the Society, and Mr. Gorton T. Lippitt and Mr. 
Henry W. Sackett have become Life Members. 

A project has been initiated by the Sons of the American 
Revolution to have the Nathanael Greene house at Anthony 
purchased and preserved as a public memorial. 

In the new E. F. Albee Theatre in Providence the dressing 
roorns are named in honor of prominent Rhode Islanders of 
the past. 

Mrs. Lilla Briggs Sampson, who is compiling a history of 
the "Briggs Family," would appreciate all data contributed by 
any one of the name. She will also be pleased to look up any 
ancestry for anyone belonging to the family. 
Address : 

"Sampsons Harbor," 
Sandgates, Maryland. 

Report of the Treasurer 


EDWARD K. ALDRICH, JR., Treasurer, in account with the RHODE ISLAND- 
HISTORICAL SOCIETY. For current account, viz.: 

CASH ON HAND January 1, 1918 : 

Cash on hand, check $125 00 

In R. I. Hospital Trust Company 287 00 

" Providence Institution for Savings 83200 

" National Exchange Bank 15627 

Liberty Bond ~ 500 00 

$1,900 27 



Receipts from Annual Dues $1,041 00 

" " Life Membership 150 00 

" State Appropriation 1,500 00 

" " Rental of Rooms 27 00 

" " Interest and Dividends 3,086 19 

" " Books 214 87 

" " Newspaper Account 99 18 

" " Publications 249 55 

" Calvin Memorial Fund 10 00 

" " Expenses 3 20 

" Gas 2 40 

6,383 39 

$8,283 66 


Ashes . . . $23 00 

Binding 169 79 

Books 442 87 

Electric Lighting 13 51 

Expense . . , 232 53 

Fuel 581 50 

Gas 11 10 

Grounds and Building . , 245 18 

Investments ... 300 18 

Janitorial Services 206 05 

Newspaper Account 104 91 

Salaries 2,886 65 

Franklin Lyceum Memorial Fund 17 00 

Supplies ... 149 72 

Telephone 34 77 

Water 8 00 

Publications 841 14 

$6,267 90 

Cash on hand December 31, 1918: 

Liberty Bond $500 00 

In R. I. Hospital Trust Company 287 00 

" Providence Institution for Savings 83200 

" National Exchange Bank 396 76 

2,015 76 

$8,283 66 


EDWARD K. ALDRICH, JR., Treasurer, in account with the RHODE ISLAND 

JANUARY 1, 1919. 

Grounds and Buildings $25,000 00 $25,000 00 

Permanent Endowment Fund: 

Samuel M. Noyes $12,000 00 

Henry J. Steere 10,000 00 

Charles H. Smith 5,000 00 

Charles W. Parsons 4,000 00 

William H. Potter 3,000 00 

Esek A. Jillson 2,000 00 

John Wilson Smith 1,000 00 

William G. Weld 1,000 00 

Charles C. Hoskins 1,000 00 

Charles H. Atwood 1,000 00 

$40,000 00 

Publication Fund: 

Ira B. Peck $1,000 00 

William Gammell 1,000 00 

Albert J. Jones 1,000 00 

William Ely 1,000 00 

Julia Bullock 500 00 

Charles H. Smith 100 00 

$4,600 00 

Life Membership Fund $4,350 00 $4,350 00 

Franklin Lyceum Memorial Fund Principal only, 

Interest $44.94 not drawn 734 52 734 J>2 

Calvin Memorial Fund . 10 00 10 00 

$74,694 52 
Accumulated Surplus 7,983 33 

$82,677 85 


Grounds and Building $25,000 00 $25,000 00 

Investments : 
$6,000.00 Bonds, Minneapolis, Lyndale and 

Minnetonka Railway $5,850 00 

$3,000.00 Bonds, Lacombe Electric Company. . 2,835 00 


125 Shares New York Central Railroad 12,500 00 

111 " Pennsylvania Railroad 7,188 45 

30 " Lehigh Valley Railroad 2,112 50 

6 " Lehigh Valley Sales Company . . . 241 85 
40 " Milwaukee Electric Railway and 

Light Company preferred 3,900 00 

55 " American Telephone and Tele- 
graph Company 7,123 61 

54 " Providence Gas Company 4,705 50 

Mortgage P. A. and H. A. Cory 3,075 00 

10 Shares Duquesne Light Company 1,060 00 

$1,000.00 Bond Denver Gas and Electric Com- 
pany 950 00 

$1,000.00 " Columbus Railway, Power and 

Light Company 970 00 

$300.00 Providence Gas Company Convert- 
ible Note 300 18 

30 Shares Merchants National Bank 1,800 00 

45 " Blackstone Canal National Bank... 1,05000 

$55,662 09 

Cash on hand : 

In R. I. Hospital Trust Company $287 00 

" Providence Institution for Savings 832 00 

" National Exchange Bank 396 76 

Liberty Bond (3^%) 50000 

2,015 76 

Total Assets . . $82,677 85 

Respectfully submitted, 


PROVIDENCE, R. I., April 2, 1919. 

Examined vouchers and securities compared and found to agree. 


Auditing Committee. 

Chronological Check List of Maps of Rhode 
Island in the Rhode Island Historical 
Society Library 

( Concluded from page 64} 

See 1899 Providence, Fall River and Newport Steamboat 




Map of the State of Rhode Island. 1902. [Showing 
Highways.] 17x13. In First Annual Report of State Board 
of Public Roads, 1903. 

ii Reduced. 1907. In New England Automobile Jour- 
nal. R. I. H. S. 


See Colonial Period. Richman. 


148. Richard, The L. J., Co. 

Highway Map of the State of Rhode Island. 1903. Roads 
in red. 31^x23. H. W. P. 



[Lower Narragansett Bay] Showing lobster experiments. 
2 charts, 13x9. In Annual Report on Commissioners of Inland 
Fisheries for 1903. R. I. H. S. 



[Map of Leased Oyster Grounds in Narragansett Bay] 1903. 
29^x24. R. I. H. S. 

See 1894 Matthews. 

See Indian Period Rider. 


Narragansett Bay. i6y 2 xiiy 2 . In Bacon's "Narragansett 
Bay." 1904. R. I. H. S. 



152. Bonsteel & Carr. 

Soil map. Rhode Island. Base map from U. S, Geological 
Survey sheets (i. e., topographical map of 1891). Soils sur- 
veyed by F. E. Bonsteel & E. P. Carr. 1904. In two sheets, 
24^x28^4. In colors. 

In Bonsteel & Carr's Soil Survey of Rhode Island. U. S. 
Dept. of Agriculture. R. I. H. S. 


See Pabodie 1892. 



Map of Rhode Island. 1905. 5/4 x 3M- I* 1 Richman's 
"Rhode Island." 1905. R. I. H. S. 


154. Scarborough Co. 

[Rhode Island] 1905. 28^x26^2. In colors. Sheet 5 
from Scarborough's Complete Road Atlas of Massachusetts 
and Rhode Island. 1905. R. I. H. S. 



Map of the Metropolitan District of Providence. 1905. In 
colors. 13^2x8^2. In first report of Metropolitan Park Com- 
mission, 1905. R. I. H. S. 


156- : 

Rhode Island. Showing Metropolitan District. Diagram 
No. 4. In first report of Metropolitan Park Commission, 1905. 
SMxSK- R. I. H. S. 



Providence and its Neighborhood. Diagram No. 5. In first 
report of Metropolitan Park Commission. 3^2x4. R. I. H. S. 

See 1898 Walker. 


158. Walker, Geo. H. & Co. 
Map of Rhode Island. Published by Geo. H. Walker & Co. 


1906. 60^x29. R. I. H. S. 

This is the latest large wall map of Rhode Island. It is 
based on the earlier maps of 1891 and 1905. 

159. Emerson, B. K. 

Map of the crystalline rocks in the vicinity of Providence 
and Narragansett Bay. Rhode Island. 1906. 35x6^2. In 
colors. Based on U. S. Geological Survey maps of 1891. 

In Emerson & Perry's "The Green Schists and Associated 
Granites and Porphyries of Rhode Island. 1907. U. S. Geo- 
logical Survey bulletin 311." R. I. H. S. 


160. Walker, Geo. H. 

Automobile Map of Rhode Island and Massachusetts. Copy- 
right 1906. In colors. 31^2x32. In covers. R. I. H. S. 



Map of the Metropolitan District of Providence. 1906. 
[Parts of Providence, Kent and Bristol Counties.] 35^x24^2. 
In colors. R. I. H. S. 

From second annual report of the Board of Metropolitan 
Park Commissioners. 1906. R. I. H. S. 

ii Re-issued 1909 with changes. R. I. H. S. 



Map of the State of Rhode Island. 1902. Surcharged with 
heavy black lines. Map showing the highway systems of 
Rhode Island, the heavy lines indicating those already im- 
proved. In New England Automobile Journal. October, 1907, 
p. ii. 7^x6. R. I. H. S. 


163. Providence Telephone Co. 

Telephone and Road Map of the State of Rhode Island, 
issued by Providence Telephone Company. Copyright 1907. 
34^x27^2. In colors. In covers. Cover dated 1908. R. I. 
H. S. 



The Opportunities of Providence. 8x13^. In "A Little 


Guide to Providence. The Metropolis of Southern New Eng- 
land." 1907. R. I. H. S. 

This is a bird's eye view map of Rhode Island. 

ii Same, with additional notes concerning population. 
In colors. In "World Known Providence. A 
Reference Book & Guide to a city of varied fasci- 
nations." 1910. R. I. H. S. 

165. Walker, Geo. H. 

Narragansett Bay. 19x31^2. In covers. Cover title. "Bird's- 
Eye View of Narragansett Bay." Copyright 1907. R. I. H. S. 


See Colonial Period Richman. 
See 1907 Telephone. 

[1909 or earlier.] 
1 66. Pabodie, C. A. & Son. 

Balloon View of Narragansett Bay. 10x11^4. Published 
by C. A. Pabodie & Son. 

In Description of Conanicut Park Property. R. I. H. S. 
ii Same, without Pabodie's name. In Prospectus of 
Auction Sale of Conanicut Park. 1909. R. I. H. S. 

167. Mendenhall, C. S. 

Mendenhall's Guide and Road Map of Rhode Island. Copy- 
right 1909. In. colors. 32^2x25%. In covers. R. I. H. S. 


Map of the Metropolitan District of Providence Plantations. 
I 99- 35M X2 4/^- In colors. R. I. H. S. 

Compare 1906. 


See 1892 Pabodie. 

169. - 

Geologic map of S. W. Rhode Island. 3^x5^2. In Lough- 
lin's "Intrusive Granites . . ." In the American Journal of 
Science, May, 1910, p. 451. R. I. H. S. 


IQ i o. 


Map of the Metropolitan District of Providence, showing 
proposed system of Parks, Boulevards and Public Reserva- 
tions. 7x4^2. In colors. In "Providence, the Southern Gate- 
way of New England" [1910]. R. I. H. S. 



Map of the State of Rhode Island. January, 1910. Show- 
ing State Roads constructed to date. 17x13. In colors. In 
Eighth Annual Report of State Board of Public Roads. 1910. 
R. I. H. S. 

ii Same, in Providence Journal, January 30, 1910. 
8^x6^. R. I. H. S. 



Four maps accompanying Report of Commission to Draft 
and Report an act providing for a House of Representatives. 
August, 1910. This is virtually an atlas of the State. Issued 
in envelope. Maps undated. R. I. H. S. 


173. Hoyt, David W. 

River Basins and Divides [of Rhode Island]. 6x4. In R. I. 
Educational Circulars. Historical Series, IV, 1910. R. I. H. S. 


174. Searle, O. Perry. 

Map of Leased Oyster Grounds in Narragansett Bay. 

1910 in report 



1914 as a blueprint. 

See 1878 Rand McNally. 



Map of the State of Rhode Island, January, 1911, showing 


State Roads constructed to date. By W. C. W., Jr. 16^x13. 
In colors. R. I. H. S. 


176. Cram, George F. 

Rhode Island. 13/^x9%. In colors. In Cram's Modern 
New Census Atlas of the United States and World. 1911. 
R. I. H. S. 


177. - 

[Boundary Map] Chart showing extension of State lines in 
Watch Hill District. [1911] 8^2x10. In annual report of 
the Commission of Inland Fisheries for 1911. R. I. H. S. 

See 1892 Pabodie. 


178. - 

Map of the State of Rhode Island, January, 1912, showing 
State Roads Built and Recommended. 17x13. In colors. In 
Tenth Annual Report of State Board of Public Roads. R. I. 
H. S. 

179. - 

Rhode Island. 7x5. Page 23. In Hammond's Atlas of the 
World, 1913. 

See 1892 Pabodie. 

Map of the State of Rhode Island, January, 1913, showing 
State Roads built and under contract. 17x13. In colors. In 
Eleventh Annual Report of State Board of Public Roads. 
R. I. H. S. 

ii Same. 10x14. In Providence Journal, January 19, 
1913, sec. 4, p. 5. 


Map of the State of Rhode Island, January, 1914, showing 


State Roads to be maintained in 1914. 17x13. In color. In 
Twelfth Annual Report of State Board of Public Roads. 
R. I. H. S. 



182. : 

Series of Maps showing the political party vote in 17 presi- 
dential elections. 17 maps. 17x13^. For 1800-08-28-32-36- 


183. Foster, William E. 

Series of 7 folio maps, colored, on tracing paper, showing 
the development of the R. I. Boundary, by W. E. Foster. 



Map of Rhode Island. Suggestions for the Location of Pro- 
posed Improved State Highways. 24x19. R. I. H. S. 


185. Hall, M. W. 

[Narragansett Bay] In advertising folder of Newport & 
Providence Railway. 5^x3^. R. I. H. S. 


There are in the Canadian Archives two maps entitled 
"Rhode Island." 

A Plan of part of the Colony of Rhode Island. Showing 
the lines of Rumford, Suncook and Bow. 22^x16 manuscript. 
Canadian Archives 3878. 

Part of Rhode Island, showing Rumford, Sunkook and Bow. 
19^x17. Manuscript. Canadian Archives, 3879. 

These maps evidently refer to a part of New Hampshire 
which was either temporarily or erroneously called Rhode 
Island. Such names as New Hopkinton, Exeter, Barrington, 
Rumford and Suncook (Seaconk?) suggest perhaps a Rhode 
Island immigration. 




Double-edged and perforated Indian stones of axe-like ap- 
pearance are not rare. Indian incisions on rocks or imple- 
ments are of frequent occurrence, but they consist usually of 
pictographs or of decorative lines, and authentic specimens 
whose lines resemble alphabetic characters are exceedingly 
few. The combination of axe-like shape, double blade, per- 
foration for hafting, and inscribed characters suggesting a 
possible alphabetic or ideographic significance a combination 
which occurs in the specimen here presented is apparently 
wholly unique. 

Unfortunately the history of this stone is not entirely clear. 
About five years ago it came into the possession of the late 
Charles R. Carr of Warren, R. I., from a source now un- 
known. When he showed it to the present writer in 1915, he 
said that it had been found near the southern boundary of Fall 
River, and that he intended to seek fuller information from 
its discoverer as to its authenticity and the circumstances of its 
finding. His own notes, however, record it as from "Burrs 
Hill or that vicinity." It is possible that the most reliable ac- 
count of its discovery now obtainable is the one given by Mr. 
Carr to Dr. Nelson Read Hall of Warren and reported by the 
latter to the writer as follows : 

"I have no information of scientific value in regard to the 
inscribed stone. Nothing but memory and that not too good. 
I remember Carr's excitement when he located the stone and 
also that Tiverton was claimed as the finding place at first ; but 
he traced the stone to some one who was 'clamming' on the 
Kickamuit, somewhere north of the narrows. This man sold 
or gave the stone to a man in Tiverton or Fall River near the 

The stone has recently passed into the possession of the 
Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, of New 
York. To Professor Foster H. Saville of that institution we 


are indebted for the photographs that accompany this paper, 
and for a description of the stone furnished, as he says, by 
the "head technician" of the Museum : 

"A granitoid pebble with very slight traces of rubbing on a 
portion of the edge. The uneven walls of the perforation 
make it apparent that a rotary drill was not used and suggest 
the use of a steel tool with percussion. The sharp edges of 
the incised lines forming the decoration would also suggest the 
use of a steel instrument rather than one of stone. Dimen- 
sions of the specimen : 

"Greatest length: 5^ inches. 

"Greatest width : 3/^2 inches. 

"Greatest diameter: i^4 inches. 

"Diameter of perforation : /^ inch, ovate opening at each end 
24 of an inch at widest points. 

"Incisions 1/32 to 1/16 of an inch deep and averaging 1/12 
of an inch in width." 

A few further details need mention to make this description 
complete. In shape the stone resembles a two-bladed axe. 
Both of the edges or blades are somewhat sharpened. The 
perforation, not visible in the photographs, extends through 
the middle, from side to side, where the stone is thickest. The 
inscription or decorative incision consists of four characters 
on one face of the implement ; and on the other face the two 
middle characters of the first face are repeated in mirror-wise 
reversal and joined together by a circle. 

As to its use, both Professor Saville, and Charles C. Wil- 
loughby, Director of the Peabody Museum, Harvard Univers- 
ity, to whom I have described it, agree that it is not an axe. 
Perforated stone axes have been reported from North Ameri- 
ca 1 , and even from this vicinity 2 . But Professor Saville says : 

1 Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico. Edited by F. W. 
Hodge. Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 30. Vol. 1, p. 121. 

2 Memoires de la Societe Royale des Antiquaires du Nord, 1845-1849, 
pp. 150, 177. This is a reference to a collection of Indian antiquities 
found at Tiverton and including three perforated axes, as the descrip- 
tion seems to imply. The collection was presented to the Danish so- 
ciety in 1847 by the Rhode Island Historical Society. A former resi- 
dent of Assonet Neck has assured the writer that he once found a per- 
forated axe on that Neck, which is only about ten miles from Tiverton. 


"We have no perforated stone axes in our collection nor do 
we know of any from North America." Mr. Willoughby 
writes : 

"I have never seen a perforated stone axe from North 
America, and I think all reports of such implements being 
found in this country may be traced to the form of 'cere- 
monial,' to which you refer. These are certainly not axes, and 
no one has as yet been able to assign a definite use to them 
which is acceptable to archaeologists in general. They occur 
quite commonly over a considerable portion of the central and 
eastern United States. In form they vary from the long nar- 
row pick axe type to that of the broad double bladed battle 
axe of the i6th Century. They are usually made of slate, often 
of the banded variety, but sometimes of quartz and other kinds 
of compact stones. Some very nice specimens have been found 
in New England. As to the inscriptions or incised markings 
on such specimens, they occur but rarely. We have one or two 
broken ones with incised lines, and I know of one quite elab- 
orately inscribed specimen from New Hampshire in a private 
collection. Double bladed axes proper occur occasionally in 
America, but they are not perforated. Both types, grooved 
and grooveless, are found." 

These two-bladed perforated "ceremonial" objects are com- 
monly known as "banner stones." They have been frequently 
described. One admirable discussion of them is that in a paper 
entitled "The Double Axe and Some Other Symbols," by 
Dr. George B. Gordon 3 . After considering the wide-spread 
occurrence of double axes in Europe, he proceeds to a discus- 
sion of the bannerstone of America. This he describes, quot- 
ing from W. H. Holmes, as "an axe-like implement with tubu- 
lar perforation for hafting and with extremely varied wing- 
like blades," possessing no other than sacred and ceremonial 
functions. While presenting a wide divergence in form, he 
continues, they show a general resemblance to the European 
double axe and sometimes present such a close approximation 
as to become identical and indistinguishable. It is an un- 

3 The Museum Journal of the Museum of the University of Pennsyl- 
vania, 1915, vi. 46-68. 

Inscribed Indian implement, probably a ceremonial stone, found in Warren 
near the Kickamuit River. Original is in the Museum of the American 
Indian, Heye Foundation, New York 


doubted fact, he asserts, that the two classes of objects had a 
ceremonial use and a symbolic significance; but the meaning 
of the symbolism remains unknown. Another recent descrip- 
tion of bannerstones, by E. W. Hawkins and Ralph Linton 4 , 
suggests that they were used as religious insignia, and that 
"they may also represent the double-bladed axe, as a cere- 
monial weapon." Whether the experts would class this stone 
from Warren as a bannerstone, I am not sure. Neither of the 
two whom I consulted definitely called it by that name. But 
it certainly resembles them,. Several stones figured by Moore- 
head and classed by him as "problematical objects" also appear 
to show a rather close resemblance 5 . 

The most unusual and remarkable feature of this Warren 
stone, however, is its inscription. No other inscribed imple- 
ment has been reported from this region; but it is notable 
that there are many inscribed rocks in the vicinity of Narra- 
gansett Bay 6 , and very few in othe,r parts of New England. 

*The University Museum of the University of Pennsylvania. An- 
thropological Publications, 1916, vi. 47-77. See also a description of 
such "ceremonials" found with burials, by Clarence B. Moore, in Jour- 
nal of the Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia, Volume XVI; 
and Warren K. Moorehead, The Stone Age in North America, Vol. 1. 
The writer is indebted to Mr. C. C. Willoughby for these references. 

6 See especially figures 266, 283, 327, 352. 

6 The most famous of these, of course, is the so-called Dighton Rock. 
The known facts concerning it have been assembled by the writer and 
published in papers in the Publications of the Colonial Society of 
Massachusetts, xviii. 235-299, 417; xix. 46-149; xx. 286-462. Three 
rocks at Tiverton and three at Portsmouth were pictured and de- 
scribed by T. H. Webb and John R. Bartlett in Antiquitates Arneri- 
canae, 1837, pp. 397-404; and other references to them are cited in the 
above papers on Dighton Rock. An inscribed rock at Mount Hope is 
well known, and has been pictured and described by Wilfred H. Munro 
in his History of Bristol, R. I., 1880, p. 388, and by W. J. Miller in 
Notes concerning the Wampanoag Tribe of Indians, 1880, p. 119. 
A small petroglyph found at West Wrentham belongs to this general 
region, and has been described and pictured by H. H. Wilder in Ameri- 
can Anthropologist, 1911, N. S. xiii. 65-67. There is said to have 
been a "marked rock" near Cole's Station in Warwick, but it has not 
been described nor, apparently, recently located. According to the 
manuscript "Reports" of the Rhode Island Historical Society, volume 
i, Annual Meeting of the Board of Trustees on September 21, 1840, a 
rock near Newport "with inscriptions resembling those on the rocks 
at Dighton, Portsmouth and Tiverton," was visited in that year by 
John R. Bartlett and a drawing of it made. The drawing is not now 
discoverable, nor any recent mention of the rock. 


Of these, only the Dighton Rock and the one at Mount Hope, 
apparently, contain characters that suggest, as these do, an 
alphabetic or ideographic significance. It may be only a sug- 
gestion ; and even if they do possess a genuine symbolic mean- 
ing, it is impossible to arrive at any certainty as to what it may 
be. The New England Indians never developed any alphabet 
or written language of their own. Under the influence of the 
whites, however, they did arrive at the adoption of a few sym- 
bols possessed of definite meaning, as in the marks which 
they affixed as signatures to deeds. One of the characters on 
this stone rather closely resembles the P which Philip used for 
this purpose. If the incisions and perforation were made with 
a steel tool, as suggested above, and if it is of genuine Indian 
origin, then the 'implement was fashioned almost certainly at 
some time between 1620 and 1676. Found within Wampanoag 
territory, made in Philip's lifetime, probably a ceremonial ob- 
ject that would perhaps most naturally have been in custody 
of the chief of the tribe, bearing a character resembling 
Philip's official signature, this combination of circumstances 
strongly suggests the possibility that the P may really have 
been meant to represent Philip's name. In spite of the exag- 
geration of the title, yet Philip was universally called a king; 
and perhaps the most likely interpretation of the remaining 
characters would be "King of the Wampanoags." If this be 
true, then the repetition of the same characters within a circle 
on the reverse side might there stand as a sort of royal coat- 
of-arms or heraldic device, signifying "Wampanoag royal 
property." All this is mere guesswork, and is not advanced 
with any degree of confidence; but if taken as a mere vague 
possibility it seems worth while to make the suggestion. 




Vol. XII October, 1919 No. 4. 

WILFRED H. MUNRO, President EDWARD K. ALDRICH, Jr., Treasurer 

Please address communications to Howard M. Chapin, Librarian, 
68 Waterman Street, Providence, R. I. 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the 
opinions of contributors. 

The Confiscated Estates of Joseph Wanton 

The confiscations of the estates of the Wanton family of 
Newport are an interesting minor episode of the revolution- 
ary struggle in Rhode Island, to which attention has just been 
called by the late purchase of Gould Island by the United 
States for the storage of explosives. This island was the 
property of Col. Joseph Wanton, Jr., who, having refused to 
subscribe to the test prescribed by the General Assembly, was 
ordered in July, 1776, to be removed to Jamestown by the 
sheriff of Newport county, but with liberty to visit, under 
guard, by permission of the commander-in-chief, his farm on 
Prudence Island. He was at this time associated in business 
with his brother, William, as Joseph and William Wanton. 
William, on the evacuation of Newport in 1779, withdrew to 
New York for protection, carrying with him the account books 
of the firm, causing thereby much confusion both to the credit- 
ors and to the State, which endeavored to settle these accounts 
from the Wanton estates. 

The confiscated estates of Col. Joseph Wanton, Jr., com- 
prised : ( i ) , eight hundred and ninety-seven acres on Prudence 
Island, (2), a lot aad dwelling house in Newport; both these 


estates were held by Joseph, as tenant, in common with his 
brother, William, (3), one hundred and fifty acres with dwell- 
ing house and other buildings on Conanicut, (4), Gould Island, 
seventy-six acres with dwelling house, (5), the estate at 
Eastons Point with dwelling house and stores, stables and 
wharf adjoining the Collins-Rome estate, likewise confiscated. 
This estate was, in August, 1781, about a year after the 
Colonel's death, advertised for sale by the State at public 
vendue as "The elegant dwelling house stores and wharff 
which were late the property of Joseph Wanton, Jun. Esq. 
situate on the Point." Later in the month the Count de 
Barras, commander of the French Fleet, represented to the 
Assembly that the house, wharves, stores and land, late be- 
longing to Joseph Wanton and George Rome, were needed for 
the reception of naval stores belonging to the fleet, and re- 
quested that they be not sold according to previous order, and 
so the sale was postponed. It was in this house, during the 
French occupation of Newport, that Admiral de Ternay died. 
After several postponements the property was sold to Clark 
and Nightingale of Providence, and became the residence of 
William Hunter. It still stands, a dignified colonial mansion, 
though its most striking feature, the doorway with elaborately 
carved pediment with a pine apple, the emblem of hospitality, 
has been removed to the Dennis House across the street. 

Soon after Col. Wanton's death, his widow asked that the 
confiscated estates on Conanicut and Gould Islands be given 
for the support of herself and her infant son. The Assembly 
granted her the rents of these estates and she was allowed to 
select the tenants. Many claims were presented against the 
estates of Joseph and William Wanton, and, when in 1782 
Thomas Wickham sought the Assembly's permission to visit 
New York on business, it was granted on condition that he 
obtain such accounts from the books of Joseph and William 
Wanton as the committee on settling accounts of absentees 
desired and if William Wanton should refuse, the Assembly 
would be forced to use the estates, the rents of which were 
now assigned for the support of Mrs. Wanton. In 1786 it is 
recorded that the estates of Joseph and William Wanton have 

General View of Steatite Quarry looking south-west at "Big Elm Tree 

Farm," Johnston, R. I., showing numerous 

pots blocked out in silu 

Section of Steatite Quarry looking south-west at "Big Elm Tree Farm, 
Johnston, R. I., showing blocked out pots in situ 


been sold, but there is still a deficit of 814:14:4, but that 
Joseph Wanton's estates are still unsold. 

As late as 1789 the rent of these were still paid to Mrs. 
Wanton. The farm on Prudence Island was ordered sold 
in 1781, and Gould Island was sold in 1803 to Caleb Gardner. 


Steatite Quarry at Johnston, R. I. 


Aboriginal quarries of steatite or soapstone, as it is com- 
monly called, have been found occasionally in different parts 
of the country from Maine to California. The first account 
we have of such a quarry was in the Spring of 1875 when John 
B. Wiggin, of Chula, Amelia County, Virginia, sent frag- 
ments of rude vessels to the Smithsonian Institution, Wash- 
ington, D. C 1 About this time other quarries were reported 
as having been found in Massachusetts, Connecticut, Pennsyl- 
vania, Tennessee, Georgia, Alabama and Wyoming. 

The quarry at Johnston, Rhode Island, was discovered in 
February, 1878. Reference has been made to this site by Pro- 
fessor Putman, of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa- 
chusetts. 2 In the report of the Committee of the Rhode Island 
Historical Society with reference to the Johnston site, we read 3 , 
"The worked stratum of steatite is about twenty-five feet in 
thickness and has now been cleared of drift and the debris of 
Indian Art for the space of about a hundred feet. 

"In this stratum are several excavations made by the aborig- 
ines in securing stone pots, pans, dishes, and pipes. The 
largest excavation measures about ten feet in length, six feet 
in width and now five feet in depth ; but from the top of the 

1 Smithsonian Report. for 1878. Page 44. 

2 Reports of the Peabody Museum for 1878. Vol. 2, Cambridge, 
Massachusetts, 1880. Pages 273-276. 

American Naturalist, June, 1878. Page 403. 

Report upon U. S. Geographical Surveys west of the one hundredth 
meridian. Vol. 7 Archaeology 1879. Page 121. 

Fifteenth Annual Report_of the Bureau of Ethnology. Page 1O7. 

3 See also R. I. H. S. Proc., 1879-80, page 36; and Rep. of Com. on 
Marking Historic Sites in R. I., 1913, page 139. 


ledge, as left by the glaciers, the excavation must have been 
carried down about fifteen feet or more, in as much as when 
it was opened there lay across its top a fallen slab of stone 
that once stood fujl ten feet high above it, forming its eastern 

"The excavation was found partly filled with dirt, debris of 
Indian art, some whole stone pots, some partly finished, some 
only blocked out, numerous stone hammers. The sides and 
bottom of this excavation contain about sixty distinct pits and 
knobs of places where pots and dishes were cut from the rock, 
while all parts bear marks and scars made by the stone imple- 
ments of the swarthy quarrymen. Sections of the quarry re- 
vealing Indian workmanship and specimens of their tools have 
been secured by the Smithsonian Institution, Peabody Museum 
at Cambridge, Massachusetts, and by other societies and Mu- 
seums throughout the country." 

This quarry was evidently worked by the Narragansetts for 
centuries before the whites visited the New England coast 
and must have yielded thousands of specimens of stone-ware 
and blanks. It is a historical fact that the Narragansetts were 
considered a commercial people 4 and not only traded with the 
English, but were distinguished for mechanical arts and traded 
Steatite vessels and pipes to the adjacent tribes. 

It may be well to add that since the discovery of the John- 
ston quarry the writer has had his attention called to this lo- 
cality and its relation to the Indians of Long Island by the 
many fragments of steatite vessels that have been found scat- 
tered on the surface and in the shell heaps, but owing to the 
nature of the formation of Long Island 5 , steatite quarries have 
never been found there. 

An account by Gardiner 6 in the Chronicle of East Hamp- 
ton, Long Island, states that at the time of the settlement of 
Long Island, and even before, the Narragansett frequently 
visited Montauk and its vicinity to hold councils with the Mon- 

4 The early history of Narragansett by Elisha R. Potter, Page 8. 

5 The Geology of Long Island, New York, by Myron L. Fuller, Wash- 
ington, 1914. 

6 The Chronicles of East Hampton, Suffolk County, N. Y., by David 


tauketts 7 . After the subjugation of the Pequots by the whites 
the Narragansetts demanded the tribute formerly paid to the 
Pequots by the Montauketts 8 and this tribute, consisting of 
dried clams, corn, fish, and wampum, was paid them for a 
number of years. They also carried on extensive traffic with 
each other, canoes passing backwards and forwards nearly 
every pleasant day. The Narragansetts furnishing soapstone 
vessels, pipes, and other articles of domestic and warlike use, 
in exchange for which the Long Island Indians gave other 
articles, especially wampum 9 , in the manufacture of which 
they excelled 10 . Both Prime's 11 and Thompson's 12 History 
of Long Island state the visits of the Narragansetts were fre- 
quent and sometimes of long duration, also that the Montau- 
ketts went in their canoes, some of which were very large, as 
far east as Boston, thus showing how far the aboriginal trade 
extended, and proving that many of the aboriginal articles 
that have been found on the surface, in graves, or elsewhere, 
are not of local manufacture, but were made miles removed 
from the place where found. 

I am indebted to Mr. Angell, son of Mr. H. N. Angell, the 
discoverer of the quarry at Johnston, R. I., for original photo- 
graphs taken soon after its discovery. 

Gregory Dexter, Master Printer 


GREGORY DEXTER is said to have been born at Olney, North- 
amptonshire, England in 1610. He went to London as a young 
man, became an apprentice in the printing trade, and on Dec- 
ember 1 9th, 1639 took up his freedom as a stationer, or in 
other words, was admitted as a Master Printer at Stationer's 
Hall, London. 

7 Papers and Biography of Lion Gardiner 1599-1663. Page 28. 
8 Book of the Indians, by Samuel G. Drake, 1841. Page 73. 
9 History of Rhode Island, by Arnold. Pages 73-87. 
10 History of Long Island, by Benjamin F. Thompson. 
"History of Long Island, by N. S. Prime. Page 91. 
"Thompson, op. cit. Pages 88-293. 
Thompson quotes Hazard. 


Roger Williams in a letter to Governor Winthrop, dated 
August 19, 1669 wrote: "Sr., I have incouraged Mr. Dexter 
to send you a limestone, & to salute you with this inclosed. 
He is an intelligent man, a mr [master] printer of London, 
& conscionable (though a Baptist). . . ." From a deed of 
1673 it appears that Dexter owned a lime quarry, probably 
that now known as Dexter's Quarry, northwest of Lonsdale 
in Lincoln, R. I. Williams writing from London, September 
8th, 1652; "To my dear and faithful friend, Mr. Gregory 
Dexter, at Providence, in New-England, these.," said "my dear 
and faithful friend, to whom with the dearest, I humbly wish 
more and more of the light of love of him who is invisible, 
God blessed for evermore in the face of Jesus Christ. It hath 
pleased God so to engage me in divers skirmishes against the 
priests, both of Old and New-England, so that I have occa- 
sioned using the help of printer men, unknown to me, to long 
for my old friend." These quotations from Dexter's friend 
and contemporary prove conclusively that the London printer 
and the Providence settler are one and the same man. 

Rev. Morgan Edwards in his manuscript "History of the 
Baptists of Rhode Island" wrote that Gregory Dexter "is 
said to have been born in London, and to have followed the 
stationary business there in company with one Coleman ; and 
to have been obliged to fly for printing a piece that was of- 
fensive to the then reigning power." Edwards added in a 
marginal note that Coleman was the one "who became the 
subject of. a farce, call'd "The Cutter of Coleman Street." 1 
From 1641 to 1643 Dexter was associated with Richard Oul- 
ton in a printing house in London under the name of R. 
Oulton & G. Dexter. 

While in London, Dexter printed a number of books among 
which are Roger Williams' "A Key into the Language of 
America" which was issued in 1643 I an d, according to Isaiah 
Thomas, "An Almanack for Rhode Island and Providence 
Plantations in New England for 1644." 

S. C. Newman in the Dexter Genealogy states that "Mr. 

1 Abraham Cowley is the author of this work, which was first pub- 
lished in 1663. 


Dexter was connected with the Baptist ministry at London, 
and was the friend and transatlantic correspondent of Roger 
Williams." Newman probably based his statement on Ed- 
wards, who wrote in regard to Dexter: "He came to Provi- 
dence in 1643, and was the same year received into the church, 
being both a baptist and a preacher before his arrival ; . . ." 
In the "Historical Catalogue" of the First Baptist Church of 
Providence, compiled by Rev. Henry M. King, Gregory Dex- 
ter is listed as being admitted to the church by letter in 1643. 
This statement is apparently based upon Edwards and the 
date 1643 as given by Edwards is doubtless an error for 1644. 

Dexter and his family probably accompanied Roger Wil- 
liams on his return to New-England with the Charter of 1643 
in 1644, and Governor Winthrop records in his Journal under 
the date of September I7th, 1644: "Here also arrived Mr. 
Roger Williams of Providence, and with him two or three 

Upon his arrival at Providence, Dexter signed "The Com- 
bination of 1640," which was subscribed to by the inhabitants 
of the town on July 2/th, 1640, and thereafter by each new- 
comer when admitted an inhabitant, and granted land. Greg- 
ory Dexter's home lot was bounded on the north by Dexter's 
Lane, now Olney Street, and on the west by Town Street, 
now North Main Street. Previous to October I9th, 1663, 
Dexter purchased the next lot south of his own. 

Edwards wrote that "about the year 1646," Dexter "was 
sent for to Boston to set in order the printing press there, for 
which he desired no other reward than that one of their al- 
manacks should be sent to him every year." 

Ezra Stiles, according to Thomas, corroborates Edwards with 
the statement that "It is said that after Samuel Green began 
printing at Cambridge, Dexter went there, annually, for sev- 
eral years, to assist him in printing an Almanac." 

Dexter soon after his arrival in Providence took a promi- 
nent part in both civil and religious affairs. He, with Roger 
Williams, is named as one of the two grantees "together with 
all those inhabitants of Providence" in a deed from Ousame- 
<juin dated 9th of the 6th 1646, and on loth 7th 1646 Dexter 


together with Roger Williams, Robert Williams and Thomas 
Olney testified in regard to this deed, which at the last mo- 
ment Ousamequin had refused to sign. 

In the following spring Gregory Dexter was one of the ten 
men chosen on May 16, 1647, by the town of Providence to 
act as its representatives at the General Court of the Colony 
and he attended this session of the General Assembly or Court, 
which was held at Portsmouth in May, 1647, an d at which the 
"Code of Laws" was adopted. These representatives of the 
towns to the General Assembly were called Commissioners 
and their number reduced to six from each town. Dexter rep- 
resented Providence as one of its Commissioners at the Gen- 
eral Assemblies held I9th, 2oth and 2ist of May 1647; i6th, 
May, 1648; 4th, Nov., 1651 ; 25th, February, 1652; i8th, May, 
28th Oct., 20th, 2ist, 22d, 23d, 24th and 25th, December, 1652; 
i6th and I7th, May, 3d and 4th, June and I3th, Aug., 1653, 
3ist, Aug. and I2th, Sept., 1654. 

After the arrival of the Charter of Charles II, this office 
was abolished and its duties largely taken over by the newly 
created Deputies. Dexter served as Deputy from Providence 
at the sessions of the General Assembly held in Oct., 1664 and 
Oct., 1666. 

Dexter was chosen Moderator of the Assemblies held the 
2oth, 2ist, 22d, 23d, 24th and 25th of December, 1652; i6th 
and I7th of May, 1653, and ist, Sept., 1654; of the Providence 
Town Meetings of 27th, May, 1652 ; 3d, January, 1652-3, and 
2Oth, Feb. 1652-3; and of the Quarter Court held 27th, Jan., 
1652-3. Dexter was Surveyor of Highways in 1652, Clerk 
of the Peace in 1649, an d served on various town committees 
during his political activities. The most important of these 
committees were those which handled the relation between 
the town and the owners of the Grist Mill from 1649 to 1658, 
and the one which drew up ,the list of original proprietors 
about 1645. 

In 1652 when in England Roger Williams wrote the follow- 
ing letter to Dexter : 

8th, 7, 52 (so called) 

"My dear and faithful friend, to whom, with the dearest, I 


humbly wish more and more of the light and love of him who 
is invisible, God blessed for evermore in the face of Jesus 
Christ. It hath pleased God so to engage me in divers skir- 
mishes against the priests, both of Old and New-England, so 
that I have occasioned using the help of printer men, un- 
known to me, to long for my old friend. So it hath pleased 
God to hold open an open desire of preaching and printing 
wonderfully against Romish and English will-worship. At 
this present, the devil rageth and clamors in petitions and re- 
monstrances from the stationers and others to the Parliament, 
and all cry 'shut up the press.' The stationers and others 
have put forth 'The Beacon Fired,' and 'The Second Beacon 
Fired ;' and some friends of yours have put forth 'The Beacon 
Quenched,' not yet extant. 

"Sir, many friends have frequently, with much love, in- 
quired after you. Mr. Warner is not yet come with my 
letters: they put into Barnstable. She came by wagon by 
land, but he goes with the ship to Bristol, and, indeed, in this 
dangerous war with the Dutch, the only sa^e trading is to 
Bristol, or those parts, for up along the channel, in London 
way, is the greatest danger, for although our fleets' be abroad, 
and take many French and Dutch, yet they sometimes catch 
up some of ours. 

"By my public letters, you will see how we wrestle, and 
how we are like yet to wrestle, in the hopes of an end. 
Praised be the Lord, we are preserved, the nation is preserved, 
the Parliament sits, God's people are secure, too secure. A 
great opinion is, that the kingdom of Christ is risen, and (Rev. 
II:) 'the kingdoms of the earth are become the kingdoms of 
our Lord and of his Christ.' Others have fear of the slaugh- 
ter of the witnesses yet approaching. Divers friends, of all 
sorts, here, long to see you, and wonder you come not over. 
For myself, I had hopes to have got away by this ship, but 
I see now the mind of the Lord to hold me here one year 
longer. It is God's mercy, his very great mercy, that we have 
obtained this interim encouragement from the Council of 
State, that you may cheerfully go on in the name of a colony, 
until the controversy is determined. The determination of it, 


Sir, I fear, will be a work of time, I fear longer than we have 
yet been here, for our adversaries threaten to make a last ap- 
peal to the Parliament, in case we get the day before the 

"Sir, in this regard, and when my public business is over, 
I am resolved to begin my old law-suit, so that I have no 
thought of return until spring come twelve months. My duty 
and affection hath compelled me to acquaint my poor compan- 
ion with it. I consider our many children, the danger of the 
seas, and enemies, and therefore I write not positively for her, 
only I acquaint her with our affairs. I tell her joyful I should 
be of her being here with me, until our state affairs were 
ended, and I freely leave her to wait upon the Lord for di- 
rection, and according as she finds her spirit free and cheer- 
ful, to come or stay. If it please the Lord to give her a free 
spirit to cast herself upon the Lord, I doubt not of your love 
and faithful care, in any thing she hath occasion to use your 
help, concerning our children and affairs, during our absence ; 
but I conclude, whom have I in heaven or earth but thee, and 
so humbly and thankfully say, in the Lord's pleasure, as only 
and infinitely best and sweetest. 

"Abundance of love remembered from abundance of friends 
to your dear self and your dearest. 

"My love to your cousin Clemence, and all desire love, es- 
pecially our godly friends. 

"To my dear and faithful friend, Mr. Gregory Dexter, at 
Providence, in New-England, these." 

With the Coddington usurpation of 1651, the struggling 
colony was rent in twain, the island towns submitted for al- 
most two years to the arbitrary rule of Coddington, while the 
mainland towns of Providence and Warwick endeavored to 
arry on the government of the Colony in accordance with the 
Charter of 1643 and Code of 1647. They were unable to ex- 
tend the jurisdiction of the Charter government over the 
Island towns. With the colony affairs in this precarious con- 
dition Gregory Dexter was elected President of the Colony on 
17th, May, 1653. Meanwhile the island towns having thrown 
off the yoke of Coddington, met together on the same day, ar- 


bitrarily voted that they were the true & lawfull government 
of the Colony and elected John Sanford. The year was filled 
with negotiations and disputes between the two governments 
which resulted in their peaceable union in a joint general 
assembly on i6th May 1654 when Nicholas Easton, who was 
President at the time of Coddington's coup was again elected 
to that office, as successor to the charter President Dexter, and 
the illegally elected Sanford. 

Gregory Dexter appears to have been Town Clerk of Provi- 
dence from 1648 to 1654 inclusive, although owing to the 
meagreness of the town records, the notices of his election to 
this office in 1651 and 1652 are the only ones now preserved. 
He, however, acted in this capacity as early as 24th, Aug., 1648 
and as late as 2/th, August, 1654, when as Town Clerk he 
signed a letter on behalf of the Town of Providence to the 
truly honourable, Sir Henry Vane. Shortly after this on the 
1 3th of September, 1654, the General Assembly voted "That 
Mr. Roger Williams, President, and Mr. Gregorie Dexter are 
desired to draw forth and send letters of humble thanksgivinge 
to his Highness the Lord Protector, and Sir Henry Vane, Mr. 
Holland, and to Mr. John Clarke, in the name of the Collonie ; 
and Mr. Roger Williams is desired to subscribe them with the 
title of his office.'' 

On the 1 2th of May, 1652, Gregory Dexter was nominated 
General Recorder, apparently for the Court of Trials not for 
the General Assembly ; and was again chosen to this position 
on loth, September, 1654. 

He took an active part in the Baptist Church from his ar- 
rival, and Edwards wrote "but was not chosen to be their 
minister till about the time that Mr. Wickenden removed to 
Solitary Hill, and thereby had in some sort abdicated the care 
of the Church of Providence. 

"Mr. Dexter, by all accounts, was not only a well-bred man 
but remarkably pious. He was never observed to laugh, sel- 
dom to smile. So earnest was he in the ministry that he 
could hardly forbear preaching when he came into' a house, 
or met with a concourse of people out of doors. His religi- 
ous sentiments were those of the particular Baptists." 


Early in the fifties there was a division in the Baptist 
Church at Providence and Gregory Dexter, who was at this 
time prominent in the church and may with considerable prob- 
ability have been an elder, joined with Mr. Wickenden in 
seceding from the original church which remained under the 
charge of Thomas Olney. Dexter appears to have succeeded 
Wickenden in the management of the younger church. 

In 1655 Gregory Dexter petitioned the New Netherlands au- 
thorities for a grant of land for himself and some other Eng- 
lish families. The division in the Baptist church may have 
caused him to do this. It is not at all certain that he removed 
to New Amsterdam. In fact it seems improbable for he was 
residing in Providence and bought additional land there in 
1657 (P. T. R. 2, 15, R. I. C. R. 65) and was apparently resid- 
ing in Providence in 1659 (P. T. P. 0102). He was certainly 
residing in Providence in 1663. (P. T. R. 3, 41 & 46 and P. 
T. P. 0135). 

Although Edwards writing over half a century after Dex- 
ter's death characterized him as a man who was "never ob- 
served to laugh, and seldom to smile," Roger Williams writing 
in 1669 an d referring to Gregory Dexter said, "Sr, if there 
may be any occasion of yor selfe (or others) to use any of 
the stone [i. e. the limestone already mentioned], Mr Dexter 
hath a lusty teame & lustie sons & very willing heart (being a 
sanguine cheerful man) to doe yor selfe, or any (at yor 
word especially) any service upon very honest & cheap con- 
siderations," and in the same year in a letter to John Whipple, 
Jr. : "The last night Sid : Manton told me that I had spoken 
bad words of Greg Dexter (though Sidrach deals more in- 
genuously than yourself saying the same thing, for he tells me 
wherein,) viz. that I said he makes a fool of his conscience. I 
told him I said so, and I think to our neighbor Dexter himself ; 
for I believe he might as well be Moderator or Gen : Deput : 
or Gen : Assistant as go as far as he goes, in many particulars ; 
but what if I or my conscience be a fool, yet it is commenda- 
ble and admirable in him, that being a man of education, and 
of a noble calling, and versed in militaries, that his conscience 
forcd him to be such a child in his own house, when W. Har. 


straind for the rate (which I approve of) with such impe- 
rious insulting over his conscience, which all conscientious 
men will abhor to hear of." 

In the hope of pacifying the boundary dispute between 
William Harris and others of the Town of Providence, Greg- 
ory Dexter prepared a compromise agreement which he en- 
titled "Salus Poppuli. The Health of the people" and de- 
scribed as a "sovereign Plaister, to heale the many fold pres- 
ant soares in this Towne." The compromise was not suc- 
cessful and the Harris Land Controversy for many years dis- 
turbed the Providence Town meetings and occupied the at- 
tention of the colony and royal courts. On 2/th October 1677 
Dexter was chosen on a committee of three, who on behalf of 
the town, answered the complaints of Harris and represented 
the town at the proceeding before His Majesty's Court. 

On 4th, April, 1676 it was voted "that in these troublesome 
times and straits in this Colony, this Assembly desiring to 
have the advice and concurrance of the most judicious inhabi- 
tants, if it may be had for the good of the whole, desire at 
their next sitting the ompany and counsel of 'sixteen persons,' 
among whom Gregory Dexter was named." 

According to Newman "Mr. Dexter died in the year 1700, 
lamented throughout the Colony, and was interred in his 
private burying ground, where he had desired, a short dis- 
tance easterly from the present junction of North Main and 
Benefit Streets." This was once his home lot. His first 
house, according to Newman was destroyed in 1676 by the 
Indians during King Philip's War, and Austin states that 
during part of this war Dexter was absent on Long Island. 

He was survived by his widow, Abigail Fullerton who died 
about 1706, and by his two youngest children John Dexter 
and Abigail, the wife of James Angell. The two elder sons 
Stephen and James died during their father's lifetime. 



A Check List of Books Printed by Gregory 



Of Prelatical Episcopacy. [By John Milton.] London: 
Printed by R. O. and G. D. 

A Message of Thanks delivered to the Lords Commissioners 
for Scotland, by Mr. Pym, from the House of Commons. 
Printed by R. Oulton & G. Dexter for John Rothwell.. S. H. 

Imputatio Fidei ; or, a Treatise of Justification. By John 
Goodwin. (With a preface dated 24 Jan. With an engraved 
title-page, and portrait of the author.) Printed by R. O. and 
G. D., for Andrew Crooke. 2 pt. 

A true Copie of the Master-Piece of all Petitions which 
have been presented by the Common Counsell of London. 
Being two petitions presented 25 Jan. to the Assembly of 
both Houses. Printed by R. Olton and G. Dexter for J. B. 


A Speech delivered at a Conference with the Lords, -by 
occasion of the Petitions from the Citie of London and the 
Counties of Middlesex, Essex, and Hartford. By John Pym. 
Printed by R. Oulton & G. Dexter for John Rothwell. S. H. 

Newes from Heaven both good and true concerning Eng- 
land . . . being a dialogue Mr. Tindall and Mr. 
Bradford. Printed by R. O. and G. D. 1641. H. 

Napiers Narration; or, An Epitome of his Booke on the 
Revelation. Printed by R. O. and G. D. for Giles Cal- 
vert. S. 


A Rot amongst the Bishops or a terrible tempest in the sea 
of Canterbury, set forth in lively emblems. By Tho. Stirry. 
(In verse. A satire. With four wood cuts.) Printed by R. 
O. & G D. H. 


Two petitions of the . . . inhabitants of the County 
of Hartford, the one to the . . . Peers, the other to the 

. . . Commons . . . January 25, 1641, London, 
Printed . . . By R. O. & G. Dexter and are to be sold 
by John Sweeting. . . . 1642. H. 

To the Commons. The Petition of 15,000 poore labouring 
men, known by the name of Porters, and the lowest Members 
of the Citie of London. (Praying for a revival of trade, re- 
lief to their brethren in Ireland, the fortification of the Cinque 
Ports, etc.) s. sh. Printed by R. Oulton and G. Dexter for 
John Bull. 

A Most true Relation of A Wonderfull Victory it pleased 
God to give those two Worthy Commanders Sir Robert and 
Sir William Stuart. London Printed by R. Oulton, and G. 
Dexter for Joseph Hunscott, luly 7 An. D. 1642. S. l 

Three Petitions unto Parliament. The first by the County 
of Surrey to the House of Lords. . . . Printed by R. O. 
& G. D. for Samuel Enderby. 

Certaine Observations concerning the Duty of Love. By 
Thomas Devenish. Printed by R. Oulton and G. Dexter for 
William Larnar. 

Six great Matters of Note. Videlizet, two Petitions of 
the Lords and Commons to his Majesty (asking the King to 
set forth distinctly his charges against the five accused mem- 
bers, or to abandon the prosecution) ; His Majestie's consent 
for the Princesse Marie's going to Holland, etc. Printed by 
R. O. and G. D. for F. Coules. S. 

A true copie of the Petition of the Gentlewomen and 
Tradesmens wives in London to the House of Commons : 
Printed by R. O. and G. D. for John Bull. H. 

A very considerable and lamentable Petition delivered to 
the honourable House of Commons, February the I2th, 1641. 
The humble Petition of the Master, wardens and Commonalty 


of the Mistery of Trade of the silk Throsters of London. 
London Printed by R. Oulton and G. Dexter, s. sh. 

A true Relation of certaine passages which Captaine Bas- 
set brought from Cornwall, 13, Feb. Concerning some shippes 
which came from Bilbo in Spain to go to Ireland, wherein 
was found great store of Popish reliques, besides Friers, Priests 
and Jesuites. Printed by R. O. & G. D. for John Bull. 

An Ordinance from His Majesty and Parliament for the 
ordering of the Militia of England and Wales. Printed by 
R. O. and G. D. for F. Coules. 

Certaine Reasons presented to the King's Majestic by Par- 
liament touching the Prince's stay at Hampton Court. Also 
the Parliament's answere to a message from the Scotch Com- 
missioners touching their proffer of assistance in the affaires 
of Ireland. Printed by R. Olton and G. Dexter for John 
Wright. H. 

To the House of Peers. The Petition of the County of 
Kent. (Approving the exclusion of the Bishops from the 
House of Lords, etc.) Printed by R. Oulton and G. Dexter, 
s. sh. 

The Cry of a Stone ; or, a Treatise showing what is the 
right matter, forme and government of the visible Church of 
Christ. With a just reproofe of the excessive separation of 
such as are commonly called Brownists. By Robert Coach- 
man. Printed by R. Oulton and G. Dexter. 

Foure Matters of high Concernment. Divers Questions 
upon His Majestie's last answer concerning the Militia. The 
Petition of Parliament to the King's Majesty. His Majestie's 
answer. With an order for the speedy rigging of the Navy 
for the defence of the Kingdome. Printed by R. Oulton and 
G. Dexter for F. Coules & T. Banks. S. 

Two Letters, one from Lord Digby to the Queen (IQ 
March), the other from Mr. Thomas Elliot to Lord Digby 
(27 May). Printed by R. O. and G. D. for John Bartlett. 

S. H. 

Further Intelligence from Ireland. A letter (dated u 
March) from Captaine Muschampe, Captaine of the castle 


of Cork. Printed by R. Oulton & G. Dexter for Henry Over- 

A Declaration from both Houses of Parliament with the 
additionall reasons last presented to his Majesty. London. 
Printed by R. Oulton & G. Dexter. H. 

A True Coppy of the Petition of the Lord Maior, Alder- 
men and the -rest of the Common Councell of London, pre- 
sented to both Houses of Parliament March 18, 1641. Printed 
by R. Oulton and G. Dexter, s. sh. H. 

Another Declaration of Parliament. Sent to his Majesty, 
22 March. Printed by R. Oulton and G. Dexter. S. H. 

A Discourse tending to prove the Baptisme in or under the 
defection of Antichrist to be the Ordinance of Jesus Christ, 
By P. B. i. e. Praise-God Bare-bone.) Printed by R, 
Oulton and G. Dexter. 

New Lambeth Fayre newly consecrated. Wherein all 
Rome's Reliques are set at sale. By Richard Overton. (A 
satire in verse.) Printed by R. O. and G. D. S. 

The Petition of the Countie of Cornwall to the House of 
Commons. Printed by R. O. and G. D. for John Bartlet. S. 

The Petition of the County of Yorke, presented to His 
Majesty at York, desiring a happy Union betwixt the King 
and the Parliament. Printed by R. O. and G. D. for J. 
Frank, s. sh. H. 

To the King. The Petition of many thousands of the 
County of Yorke. (Expressing the Loyalty of those who 
had not signed "a paper stiled, The Humble Answer to His 
Majesties Propositions.") Printed by R. O. and G. Dexter 
for Benjamin Allen, s. sh. 

The Fulnesse of Gods Grace in Christ. By Francis Duke. 
Printed by Richard Oulton and Gregory Dexter, pp. 168. 

To the Lords and Commons. The humble Repromission 
and Resolution of the Trained Bands and other inhabitants 
of Essex. (Declaring their loyalty to the Parliament.) 
Printed by R. O. and G. D. for William Larnar. s. sh S. H. 

A Relation of the Proceedings of our Army in Ireland 
since 10 June to this present July. Printed by R. Oultcn & 
G. Dexter for Benjamin Allen. H. 


A True Relation of the taking of Mount joy in the County 
of Tyrone by Collonell Clotworthy. 26 June. Printed by 
R. Oulton and G. Dexter. 

The Peasants Price of Spirituall Liberty, in three Sermons. 
By Nathaniel Homes, pp. 77. Printed by R. O. and G. D. 
for Benjamin Allen. S. 

July 5, 1642. Two Declarations. Printed by R. O. and G. 
D. for Joseph Hunscott. H. 

True Newes from Somersetshire (respecting the proceed- 
ings of the Commission of Array), 25 to 29 July. Printed 
by R. O. and G. D. s. sh. 

A True Relation of the Lord Brookes setling of the Militia 
in Warwickeshire. Printed for R. O. & G. D. s. sh. 

Some Speciall Passages from Hull, Anlaby and Yorke truly 
informed. Printed by R. O. and G. D. 

A Letter to the Kingdome to stand upon their Watch least 
the darke winter nights, by the lighting of Cannons prove 
terrible to their Spirits. Printed by R. O. & G. D. s. sh. 

A Modest and Cleare Answer to Mr. Balls Discourse of 
Set Formes of Prayer. By John Cotton. Printed by R. O. 
and G. D. for Henry Overton. S. J. H. 

An Extract of Letters, wherein is related certaine remark- 
able passages from Yorke and Hull. Printed by R. O. & G. 
D. for Benjamin Allen. 

An Advertisement to the Kingdome of England to consider 
their present Dangers. (In favour of the Parliament.) 
Printed by R. O. and G. D. H. 

A True Relation how the Isle of Wight was secured, in 
August. Printed by R. O. and G. D. for Stephen Bowtell. 

Instructions agreed upon by Parliament for the Deputy 

Lieutenants of the County of . (A blank space for the 

insertion of the name of the County is left throughout.) 
Printed by R. O. and G. D. for Henry Overton. S. H. 

(An Order of the Commons authorising the Lord Mayor to 
search the houses of strangers and persons disaffected to the 
Parliament, s. sh.) Printed by R. Oulton and G. Dexter. 

An Ordinance by Parliament for the Preservation of the 


Westerne Parts of the Kingdome. Printed by R. Olton and 
G. Dexter for Henry Overton. 

The answer of the Deputie Lieutenants of the County of 
Devon. Printed by R. Oulton and G. Dexter for Henry Over- 
ton. S. H. 

The Churches Resurrection, or the opening of the fift and 
sixt verses of the 2Oth Chap of the Revelation, by John 
Cotton. London. Printed by R. O. and G. D. for Henry 
Overton. J. B. 

Two petitions of the Knights . . . County of Hert- 
ford . . . Printed by R. O. & G. Dexter, 1642 S. H. 

New Englands First Fruits in respect, first of the conver- 
sion ... of the Indians. 2. Of the progresse of Learn- 
ing in the Colledge at Cambridge in Massachusets Bay, etc. 
Printed by R. O. & G. D. for Henry Overton. J. H. 

The Last Weeks Proceedings of the Lord Brooke. Printed 
by R. O. and G. D. H. 

The Axe at the Root. A sermon preached before the House 
of Commons. By William Greenhill. Printed by R. O. and 
G. D. for Benjamin Allen, pp. 50. H. 


A Declaration and Motive of the Persons Trusted . . . 
Printed by R. Oulton and G. Dexter for John Wright. H. 

Gospell Courage ... by Andrew Perne. Printed by 
G. Dexter for Stephen Bowtell. S. H. 

Church-Government and Church-covenant discussed in an 
Answer of the Elders of the severall Churches in New Eng- 
land to two and thirty Questions sent over to them by divers 
Ministers in England. (By R. Mather.) Printed by R. O. 
and G. D. for Benjamin Allen, pp. 162. S. J. H. 

Same. London, Printed by R. O. and G. D. for Benjamin 
Allen and are to be sold at his shop in Popeshead-Alley 
1643- H. 

(Dexter and Oulton seem to have dissolved partnership in 
June or July, 1643.) 

Mr. Waller's Speech. Printed by G. Dexter. . S. H. 

A True Relation of the late fight (at Roundway Down, 13 
July) between Sr. William Wallers forces and those sent 


from Oxford, with the manner of Sir William Wallers retreat 
to Bristoll. Printed by G. Dexter for R. Dunscum. 

A letter out of Staffordshire concerning the taking of Burton 
by the Queenes forces. (Printed by) Gregory Dexter. E. 

Stafford-Shires Misery set forth in a true relation of the 
barbarous cruelty of the forces raised against the Parliament. 
By Captaine William Robinson. Printed by G. Dexter. 

The Inhumanity of the Kings Prison-Keeper at Oxford; 
or, a relation of the cruelties of William Smith, Provost Mar- 
shall General of the Kings Army against the Parliament pris- 
oners under his custody. By Edm. Chillenden. Printed by 
G. D. for John Bull. H. 

A pretious and most divine letter from that famous and 
renowned Earle of Essex father to ye now Lord Generall 
. . . (Printed by) G. Dexter. E. 

A Key into the Language of America : or, an help to the 
language of the natives in New England. Together with 
briefe observations of the customes of the aforesaid natives. 
By Roger Williams, pp. 197. Printed 'by Gregory Dexter. 

R. S. J. H. 

A Letter from Hull concerning the present state of that 
towne, dated the I9th of Sept. 1643. (Printed by) Gregory 
Dexter. E. 

A True and Exact Relation of the condition of Ireland 
since the Cessation; a letter from Dublin, 21 Oct. Printed 
by G. Dexter for Henry Overton. 

A Remonstrance presented to the . . . States of Zea- 
land . . . Printed by R. Oulton. S. H. 

(This item, dated May 29, 1643, was doubtless printed by Oulton 
soon after his partnership with Dexter had been dissolved.) 

[Almanack for Providence Plantations in New England 
for 1644] London Gregory Dexter. Isaiah Thomas states 
that Dexter printed the first almanac for Rhode Island. No 
copy of this has been located. 

R. Rhode Island Historical Society. 
S. George L. Shepley's Collection. 
J. John Carter Brown Library. 
H. Harvard College Library. 
E. Entered at Stationer's Hall. 


B. Boston Public Library. 

Copies of all of the imprints listed are in the British Museum with 
the exception of the Almanack for 1644, and the items marked E. 

Mr. John N. Edmonds, State Archivist of Massachusetts, has aided 
materially in the compilation of this list. 

English Ancestry of Joseph Peck of 

The Peck pedigree as printed by Ira B. Peck in the Peck 
Genealogy in 1868 has been disputed by C. H. B. A. (Charles 
H. Browning) in the Boston Transcript (July 20, 1904). 

Browning rejects the pedigree on two points. 

First ; he says that there is no evidence that Robert Peck 
of Beccles in Suffolk, (the grandfather of Joseph Peck the 
immigrant), was son of John Peck of Wakefield in Yorkshire. 
An examination of the manuscript pedigree in the British 
Museum (Add. MS. 5524 ff I58a-i6oa) which was made in 
1620, during the lifetime of the grandchildren of the first 
Robert Peck of Beccles, and perhaps while some of his chil- 
dren were still alive, and attested at that time by three 
heralds, shows that John Peck of Wakefield had a son Rob- 
ert Peck of Beccles who had a son Robert Peck of Beccles 
who married Ellen (i. e. Helen) Babbs and had Robert born 
1580, Joseph, and other children. 

Mr. Browning writes "The absence of 'Robert' in the two 
old lists (Derbyshire Visitations of 1569 and 1611 and York- 
shire Visitation of 1584 and 1612) of the issue of John Pecke 
of Wakefield is particularly noticeable as he should have been 
well up at the top of the roll, for he must have been born in 
I52(?) to have had a son Robert, Jr., 'born in 1546." Mr.. 
Browning has assumed without any reason that most of the 
said John Peck's children were born after 152(7). This is. 
not the case for Robert of Beccles was the seventh son accord- 
ing to the pedigree. 

Secondly ; Mr. Browning states that the Visitation of York- 
shire page 236 gives the wife of John Pecke of Wakefield as 
Joan daughter of John Anne of Fryckley, which Browning 


claims as impossible because according to the visitations of 
Yorkshire and Derbyshire this Joan Anne married Sir Henry 
Gramary. Now as a matter of fact the visitation of York- 
shire, page 236 from which Mr. Browning claims to quote, 
shows that John Pecke married Jane Anne daughter of John 
Anne and sister of Joan Anne whom the visitation pedigree 
shows to have married Sir Henry Gramary. Mr. Brown- 
ing's second objection is seen to be based solely on an error 
resulting from his own careless reading. 

In passing it might be well to note that Mr. Browning 
states that Joan Anne daughter of John Anne of Fryckley. 
derives a "royal descent" through her mother Katherine Pres- 
ton, daughter and co-heiress of Thomas Preston of Hickle- 
ton and his wife Anne, second daughter of William Thorn- 
borough of Hampsfield. While the Visitation of York does 
show that William Thornboro's daughter married Thomas 
Preston, it does not state which Thomas, and Burke's Extinct 
Baronetage definitely states that Ann, daughter of William 
Thornburgh of Hampsfield, married Sir Thomas Preston of 
Preston Patrick and had a daughter, Catherine, who mar- 
ried Sir Thomas Carus of the Queen's Bench. 

The following Pedigree of the Peck family is taken from 
the British Museum, Add. M.S. 5524, ff. I58a-i6ca. The 
original manuscript, has the coats of arms tricked, and the 
pedigree is tabular. A rotograph (photographic repro- 
duction) of the original manuscript is in the archives of 
the Rhode Island Historical Society. 

1. John Pecke of Belton in Yorkshir Esquier married 
the Da. of Melgrame, and had 

2. Thomas Pecke of Belton Esquier who married the 
Da. of Midellton of Midleton, and had 

3. Robert Pecke of Belton, Esqr. who married the Da. 
of Tunstall, and had 

4. Robert Pecke of Belton, Esqr. who married the Da. 
of Musgrave, and had 

5. John Pecke of Belton Esquire, who married the Da. 
-of Watforde, and had 


6. Thomas Pecke of Belton Esquiree who married the 
Da. of Blaxston (of) Blaxton and had, 
/a. Thomas (See Below) 

7b. John Pecke second son went into Northampshir. 
Married the Da. and heire of Broughton. 

7a. Thomas Pecke of Belton Esqr. married the Da. of 
Litleton, and had 

8. John Pecke of Belton Esqr. who married the Da. of 
Carre, and had 

9. John Pecke of Belton Esqr. who married the Da. of 
Flemming, and had 

10. John Pecke of Belton Esqr. who married the Da. of 
Wemborne and had 

iia. John Pecke son and heire was Belton, married the 
Da. of Fenwicke and had a daughter his "soule heire" who 
married John Ratcliff of Todmarten. By his wife had Bel- 

nb. Richard Pecke 2 son married the Da. and heire of 
Bruning, and had 

12. Richard Pecke of Hesden Esqr. Heasden, who mar- 
ried the Da. of Savill, and had 

13. Thomas Pecke of Hesden Esqr. who married the Da. 
of Bradly, and had 

14. Richard Pecke of Hesden Esqr. who married the Da. 
and heire of Heselden, and had 

i5a. John (See Below) 
I5b. Richard Pecke 2 son died yonge 
I5c. Thomas Pecke 3 son who had a son John Peck of 
Knoston, who had a son Stephen Peck of Knoston who 
married Ann the Da. of ... Cave, of Peckwell, and 
had William Peck of Knoston who married Martha the Da. 
of Will Peck of Spicksford in Norfolk Esqr and had Wm. 
Peck of Knoston in Colcester and John Peck 2 son. Martha, 
married Henry Allen of Rutlandshire 2 husband and had 


i5a. John Pecke Esqr. married Izabell. Da. of Lacye of 
Crombleton and had 

i6a. Richard (See Below) 

b. Thomas Pecke 2 son. 

c. Robert Pecke 3 son. 

d. Katheren Pecke married to Scargill. 

e. Joane Pecke married to Ric Sturton. 

f. Margrett Pecke married to Norton. 

i6a. Richard Pecke Esqr. married Joane Da. of John 
Harington Esquier and had 
I7a. Rich (See Below) 

b. Margrett Eldest Da. 

c. Joane 2 Da. 

d. Judeth 3 Da. 

i/a. Richard Pecke Esquier married Alice Da. of Sr. 
Peter Midleton and had 

i8a. John (See Below) 

b. Margreat Eldest Da. 

c. Anne 2 Da. 

d. Elizabeth 3 Da. 

e. Isabell 3 Daughter. 

i8a. John Pecke of Wackfelde Esq. married the Da. of 
John Anne, and had 

K>a. Richard Pecke son and heire who married Anne 
Da. and heire of Sr. John Hothom of Scar- 
borghe Knight, and had 
2oa. John died yonge 
2ob. Thomas died yonge 

2oc. Rich. Peck of Wilseck gent 1584 who married 
Katheren Da. of Sr. William Vavesour and 

2ia. Francis first son 
2ib. Tho: aetatis 10 yere 1585 
2 ic. George Pecke 
2 id. Elisabeth Peck 

2od. Elisabeth married to Raffe Vavesor. 
2oe. Mary married to William Reynoles 
2of. Dorothe married to Leigh Delaroods 


2og. Katheren died sanns issue 

19!). Nicholas Pecke 5 son maried Alice Da. of Briant 
Bradforde and had 

2oh. Jasper Pecke, son and heire of Nicholas, mar- 
ried Joane Da. of Hanslope of Warwickshir 
and had 

21 e. Richard Peck son and heire 
21 f. Avery Peck I daughter 
2ig. Alice Pecke 2 daughter 
2oi. Thomas 
2oj. Rich: 
2ok. Nicholas 
20!. John 

I9c. Ralph Pecke 4 son married the Da. of Leake 
K)d. Robert Pecke of Beckeles in Suffolk married i wife 
the Da. of Norton and 2 wife Da. of Waters and had 

2om. John Pecke son and heire died without issue 
2on. Rob. Pecke of Beckeles 2 son died 1593 aetatis 
47 married Ellen Da. of Nicholas Babbs of 
Gilford and had 
2ih. Richard Pecke son and heire died without 

issue 1615 aetatis 41 

21 i. Nicholas Pecke 2 son aetatis 24, 1600, mar- 
ried Rachell, Da. and soule heire of Wil- 
liam Yonge and had William Peck borne 1 1 
of Sept. 1618 

21 j. Robert Peck aetatis 20, 1600 
2ik. Samuell Peck obijt 1619 
2il. Joseph 
2im. Margrett 
2in. Martha 

200. Thomas Pecke 3 son died without issue 
2op. Joane married to Richard Merreman of Beckeles. 
2oq. Oliva married to Rich. Nott of Beckells. 
2or. Margrett died without issue. 
2os. Anne died without issue. 
I 9 f. 


i9g. Frauncis Pecke 6 soune 

I9h. Kath. Peck married to John Leyke of Norwanton 

19!. Margret married to John Taylor 

19] . Anne married to Rob. Page. 

1 9k. Dorotha married to William Rouke. 

X X November MDCXX 

Visum agnitum, et in munimenta Collegi Heraldora relatam 
diect Anno Suprascriptis. 

Testamur hoc 

Henry St. George Richmond 

Henry Chitting Chester 

John Philpott Rougedragon 

Books of Rhode Island Interest 

The First Volume of the new "Catalogue of the John Carter 
Brown Library" has been issued. It is printed by the Merry- 
mount Press and covers the period before 1570. 

The North American Review for July, 1919, contains an 
article by Gamaliel Bradford entitled, "Portrait of Margaret 

William Roscoe Thayer's Colver Lecture, "Democracy: 
Discipline : Peace" has been printed and distributed by Brown 

Zechariah Chafee, Jr., has issued as a Dunster House Pub- 
lication his "Freedom of Speech in War Time." 

A Paper read by Paul Appleton, M. D., entitled "Premature 
Separation of the Placenta," has been reprinted in pamphlet 

"Old New England Doorways," by Albert G. Robinson of 
Salem, says a good word for hunting for old doorways as a 
harmless and interesting hobby. "The bay of Rhode Island" 
is mentioned as a fruitful field for the doorway hunter. The 
plates include several Bristol, Newport, Warren and Wickford 

The Savings Bank of Newport has issued in commemora- 

NOTES 127 

tion of its one hundredth anniversary an historical booklet 
containing many interesting illustrations. 

Mr. George M. West has published a valuable biography of 
his ancestor, "William West of Scituate, R. I.," Deputy Gov- 
ernor of Rhode Island in 1780. 


Mr. Francis E. Bates of Oak Lawn, has recently presented 
to the Society the vast collection of genealogical notes and 
memoranda which represent a great part of the life work of 
his late wife, Louise Prosser Bates. These papers have been 
placed in boxes for preservation, appropriately marked and 
put upon shelves in the genealogical department. 

Hon. Theodore Francis Green deposited with the Society 
the records and papers of the American Citizenship Campaign. 
These papers have been arranged in cases and placed in the 
fire-proof wing. They will undoubtedly be of great service 
as source material to future antiquarians. 

A watch, formerly the property of Chief Justice Job Durfee, 
has been presented by Mrs. Samuel Slater Durfee, widow of 
his grandson. 

A large collection of old Providence theatre programs, dating 
from 1856 to 1865, are the gift of Mrs. J. F. McCaull. They 
are a valuable and interesting addition to our material on early 
local drama. 

A collection of manuscripts dealing with the Mauran family 
and the wood cuts for the colored coat of arms, have been 
received from the estate of the late Christopher Rhodes. 

A large number of printed genealogies have been added to 
the library during the past quarter. 

Mr. Charles L. Drown and Mr. Erling C. Ostby of Provi- 
dence, and Mrs. Henry G. Raps of Bristol, have been elected 
to membership in the Society. 

The records of the early Courts of Trials of the Colony 
(-1647-1663), which have never been printed, are being tran- 
scribed by the Society in order that they may eventually be 


printed. These records contain much valuable information, 
hitherto almost inaccessible. 

The List of the Rhode Island Soldiers and Sailors who 
served in King George's War has been almost completed. It 
will be of great use to persons who seek to join the Society 
of Colonial Wars. 

Col. George L. Shepley has recently purchased the manu- 
script minutes of the Warwick Court of Trials (1659-1674), 
and the manuscript list of letters received at the Newport Post 
Office in 1772. 

Last year the Society issued in printed form a Report upon 
the Burial Place of Roger Williams. The following letter, 
from Mr. Arnold of Norwich, Conn., is interesting as being 
the testimony of an eye witness of the excavations of 1860. 
Mr. Arnold is perhaps the only one then present who is now 
living. The letter follows: 

"Sept. n, 1919. 
"Howard M. Chapin, 

Curator, R. I. Historical Society, 

Providence, R. I. 
"Dear Sir : 

"Last Tuesday I stood on the spot in Providence where the 
grave of Roger Williams was, which was opened at the time 
Betsy Williams gave to the City land for the park. At that 
time I went up the lane, now called South Court Street, be- 
tween the Mansion House and the Roger Williams place and 
saw the grave open, looked down and saw the apple tree root 
in the grave undisturbed. There was the apple-tree between 
the grave and the house ; there was the root which had taken 
the shape of the body of Mr. Williams. It was near the 
fence on the lane, and not far off was the old well. That root 
is now in the rooms of the Rhode Island Historical Society. 
I count it fortunate that I saw it in situ as it lay with the 
head toward Benefit Street and after many years have again 
looked upon the historic root which has been so carefully pre- 
served. The fence along the lane may not be the same ;. there 
is a concrete walk along the inside of it now, but in the ground 


beneath it was the grave, the tree and the root, and for con- 
crete there was then grass and flowers and fruit trees. 

"Trusting this will serve in some slight degree to keep that 
apple-tree fresh in mind, and so honor that excellent man. 
Yours very truly, 


Early House Lots in the East Part of the Town 

of Warwick 

i. JOHN TOWNSEND. In 1649 ne s i x acre lt was laid out 
to John Townsend, bounded N. W. on Richard Townsend, E. 
on highway, S. on highway and W. on Richard Townsend. 
T. 275. John Townsend also had a six acre lot N. of the six 
acre lot of Richard Townsend, which is described above as N. 
W. of John Townsend's lot. T. 275. In 1649 John Town- 
send's land is mentioned as east of Richard Townsend's 12 
acre house lot. T. 279. John Townsend evidently bought 
Richard Townsend's six acre lot which was between his own 
two six acre lots for in 1654 John Townsend sold to Edward 
Andrews three six acre lots bounded W. on Richard Town- 
send's house lot, S. on highway, E. on highway, and N. com- 
mon. T. 279. In 1655 Edward Andrews sold this land to 
Peter Busicot, T. 295, and in 1658 Peter Busicot deeded the 
land he had purchased of Edward Andrews to Anthony Low. 
T. 330. In 1660 there was "Layd out at the request of Anthony 
Low the 3 six aker lotts formerly layd out to John Townsend 
and Richard Townsend by the brooke the sayd land being now 
in the possession of Anthony Low." T. 322. According to 
the Warner plat of 1712 Anthony Low then held this land. 
R. I. H. S. R. I. Maps. 10, i ; 10, 21 ; and 20, 25. 

3. RICHARD TOWNSEND. Richard Townsend had in 1649 
twelve acres of land "on which he built on the Northwest side 
of the Street," bounded E. on John Townsend, W. and N. on 
the Common. T. 279. This land was evidently bounded S. 
on the Street. It is mentioned above as being W. of John 
Townsend's land. T. 275. In 1654 Richard Townsend's 
house lot is mentioned as bounding W. of the land sold by 


Henry Townsend to Edward Andrews. T. 279. Anthony 
Low held this lot according to the 1712 plat. 

5. HENRY TOWNSEND. In 1656 Henry Townsend sold to 
John Sweet his dwelling house "with my home lott it stands 
upon beinge f owre akers more or lesse, and my orchard on the 
other side of the way beinge two akers more or lesse." T. 290. 
In 1657 Elizabeth More described the land she sold to Chris- 
topher Unthank as bounded N. E. "by John Sweets land his 
house stands on." T. 302... In 1663 John Sweet sold to Fran- 
cis Derby the dwelling house and house lot he bought of Henry 
Townsend, bounded front [that is S.] on the street, E. "by a 
highway apertainge to my selfe and Peter Buzicott," W. on 
Christopher Unthank and N. on 6 acre lot of his own. T. 369. 
Francis Derby died in 1663, leaving his dwelling house to his 
son Francis. Christopher Unthank sold the More lot to Job 
Almy in 1677, and described it as bounded N. E. on Francis 
Derby's heir. A. 2, 310. Francis Derby's house was burnt in 
1664. ' T. 210. Almy sold the More lot to Joseph Carder in 
1681, and bounded it N. E. on Francis Derby's land. A. i, 20. 
In 1683 Francis Derby sold to John Low the land bequeathed 
to him by his father Francis Derby, i, 30. John Low deeded 
to Joseph Carder in 1691 the house lot and other land he had 
purchased of Francis Derby except two acres already sold to 
Carder and six acres already sold to John Waterman, i, 131. 
The two acres were the orchard mentioned above, see lot 6. 
Joseph Carder held this lot according to the Warner plat of 

7. JOHN MORE. In 1657 Elizabeth, widow of John More, 
deeded to Christopher Unthank a six acre lot bounded on the 
front [this is S. or S. E.] by the highway, S. W. by a highway 
that leades towards Patuxet, N. E. by John Sweets land his 
house stands on, and N. W. by the common. T. 302. The 
land is in 1663 described as W. of the land sold by John Sweet 
to Francis Derby. T. 369. Christopher Unthank sold to Job 
Almy in 1677 the six acre lot which "I bought of John More '' 
"on the northwest side of the street." He bounded it S. E. on 
street, S. W. on highway [i. e., the one leading towards Paw- 
tuxet], N. W. on common, and N. E. on Francis Derby's heir. 


A. 2, 310. Unthank really bought the lot from John More's 
heir, not from John More. In 1681 Job Almy sold to Joseph 
Carder one six acre lot that was formerly John More's. He 
bounded it N. E. on Francis Derby's land, S. E. on street, S. 
W. on highway that leads toward Pawtuxet and N. W. on 
common. A. I, 20. According to the Warner plat, Joseph 
Carder held this lot in 1712. 

9. CHRISTOPHER UNTHANK. Christopher Unthank was 
granted in 1647 a & ' lx acre lt bounded S. on the street, N. on 
the common, E. on the highway and W. on John Warner's six 
acre lot. T. 278. In 1658 Unthank sold to Ezekiel Holliman 
this six acre lot with one acre more added to it "layinge over 
against my house" [i. e., across the street from it], bounded W. 
on land of Ezekiel Holliman, S. E. [that is S.] on the street, N. 
[or rather Easterly] by a highway leading into the woods [i. e., 
towards Patuxet]. T. 300. Upon Holliman's death this lot 
with the rest of Holliman's land in Warwick except lots n & 
12 which were specified in his will, went to John Warner, who 
according to the Warner plat was the owner in 1712. 

ii. JOHN WARNER. This six acre lot of John Warner was 
attached by the Town of Warwick during the proceedings con- 
nected with the Warner Treason case on June 22, 1652. T. 108. 
On July n, 1652 John Warner deeded all his land to certain 
men to be held by them in trust for his children. W. P. I. 
About 1655 these trustees turned over their trust to Ezekiel 
Holliman, the grandfather of Warner's children and this lot 
thus became part of Holliman's holdings. W. P. 74. Upon 
Holliman's death, the town council in 1659 allowed the widow 
Mary Holliman a life interest in this six acre lot. W. P. 10. 
In 1668 Mary Holliman deeded to John Warner her interest 
in this lot with certain reservations. W. P. 64. After her 
death, the lot automatically passed entirely to Warner, who 
held it in 1712 according to the Warner plat. 

13. PETER BUSICOT. On July 27, 1649, it was "Ordered 
that the smith Peter Buzicott shall have a lott over against Mr. 
Hollimans lott." T. 80. This six acre lot is bounded N. E. 
upon a fresh river, S. E. upon the highway over against Ezekiell 
Holimans, S. W. upon the common [the next word is illegible, 


it is perhaps "and"] Stukly Westcot and N. W. on the 
common. T. 267. On Oct. i, 1649, it was voted "to build a 
prison house & pound by the lott that was layd out to Peter 
Buzicott." T. 83. In 1650 Peter Busicott deeded to Ezekiel 
Holliman "six akers lyinge by the brooke that conies from the 
greate pond by the land of John Warner on the North," on the 
highway on the east, and on the common on the south. T. 280. 
In 1651 it was ordered "that the undertakers of the mill have 
liberty to damme up the fresh river for theyer use any where 
above the lott Mr. Holiman purchased of Peter Buzicot. T. 95. 
This land is further identified by Peter Busicot in a confirma- 
tory deed dated 1681-2, as follows: "I the said Peter Busecot 
do hereby acknowledge that formerly divers yeares since being 
expired did grant . . . unto Mr. Ezekiell Hollyman de- 
ceased, unto him his heires . . . one parcell of land or 
house lot ... bounded on the North side by a Small 
brooke or river and Easterly by the Street directly over 
against Mr. Hollimans former dwelling, and bounded South- 
erly by the common and also westerly bounded by the common, 
And for as much as John Warner ... is the true and 
lawfull heire unto Mr. Ezekiel Hollyman his grandfather by 
parentage, I ... do ... confirme unto the said 
John Warner . . ." etc. W. P. 66. According to the 
1712 plat John Warner then held this lot. 

15. COMMON. In 1649 the prison house and pound were 
to be built on this lot. T. 83. In 1655 it was decided to build 
a Town House and prison here, T. 135., and in 1663 the lot 
for the Town House was designated as on the highway, with 
the Peter Busicot tenement next to it and the burying place 
next further west. T. 201. On the 1712 plat No. 15 is called 
the Town House and the small lot the Burying place. 

On the south or south east side of the street 

2. PETER GREENE. Peter Greene's land is described as 
east of the small brook, which is east of Richard Townsend's 
land in 1649, T. 278, and in 1654 as east of the land ,sold by 
Henry Townsend to John Townsend, and described as "which 
was our brother Richard's." T. 276. 

4. RICHARD TOWNSEND. Richard Townsend was in 1649 


granted a six acre lot "one the south side of the street whereon 
hee first built bounded Easterly by the small brooke betwixt 
Peter Greene and him westward by Henry Townsends Lott." 
T. 278. In 1654 Henry Townsend deeded to John Townsend 
"one parcell part of what was my house lott and part of that 
which was our brother Richard's is bounded thus ; John Mores 
house lott on the west, Peter Greenes lott on the East, the 
Creeke on the South and it reaches short of the highway on 
the north twenty pole." T. 276. John Townsend in 1655 
deeded this land to Thomas Stafford bounding it E. on the 
small brooke, W. on John Moores lott, "on the front part 
[i. e., N.] by the common, and partly by some land of Richard 
Townsends and Henry Townsends." [probably the twenty poles 
mentioned in 1654], and S. on Mill Creeke. T. 286. It will 
be noted that these deeds of 1654 and 1655 include the southern 
part of lot 6 as well as 4. 

6. HENRY TOWNSEND. Henry Townsend's lot is mentioned 
as W. of Richard Townsends in 1649. T. 279. In 1654 Henry 
Townsend deeded the southern part of this lot to John Town- 
send (See No. 4) and in 1655 John Townsend deeded it to 
Thomas Stafford. In 1656 Henry Townsend deeded to John 
Sweet "my orchard on the other [S.] side of the way beinge 
two akers more or lesse." T. 290. When in 1657 Elizabeth 
More sold her house lot to Unthank she bounds it N. E. on 
land belonging to John Sweet. T. 302. John Sweet sold this 
land to Francis Derby in 1663 as "a Parsell of land over against 
the sayd houes lott on the other side of the streete, bounded on 
the front by the Street, southwestward by a highway and else- 
where by the land of Thomas Stafford." T. 369. The high- 
way to the southwest was apparently not permanent. After 
Francis Derby's death this lot with his other land went to his 
son Francis Derby who on April 5, 1683, sold it to John Low. 
i, 30. On May 8, 1683, John Low deeded to Joseph Carder 
two acres of land more or less bounded N. W. on street, N. E. 
on Thomas Stafford, and S. W. on Joseph Carder, it being 
land laid out to Henry Townsend, sold to John Sweet, apd by 
Sweet sold to Derby, and by Derby's heir sold to Low. i, 34. 

8. JOHN MORE'S HOUSE LOT. In 1647 Christopher Un- 

View of Steatite Quarry looking west at "Big Elm Tree Farm," 
Johnston, R. 1. 

O R) 

G O 

-0 TJ 


is o 


.5 | 
S S 


thank's land was bounded N. E. on John Mores house lot. 
T. 278. In 1654 John More's house lot was described as W. 
of land sold by Henry Townsend to John Townsend, T. 276; 
and by John Townsend to Thomas Stafford in 1655. T. 286. 
In 1657 Elizabeth, widow of John More sold this lot to Chris- 
topher Unthank, bounding it on the front [N. W.] on the high- 
way, S. W. on house lot of Christopher Unthank, N. W. on 
land of John Sweet, and S. W. on highway in the greate Necke. 
T. 302. Unthank deeded this lot and No. 10 to Joseph Carder 
in 1679 as "two six acre lots adjoining . . . one of them 
being graunted to mee by the towne of Warwicke for an house 
lott which formerly my dwelling house stood upon and the 
other six acre lott which I bought of the widdow Elizabeth 
More. A. 2, 294. 

was laid out to Unthank in 1649 bounded N. on the street, S. W. 
on John Warner's house lot, N. E. on John More's house lot, 
S. on a highway on the great Necke. T. 278. This land is 
described as S. W. of John More's lot in 1657. T. 302. In 
1658 Unthank deeded to Ezekiel Holliman "a litle slipe of my 
home lott, next adioyning unto the home lott and house of the 
sayd Ezekiell." T. 301. In 1679 Unthank deeded the rest of 
this lot to Joseph Carder together with More's lot. A. 2, 294. 
Compare lot No. 8. 

12. JOHN WARNER'S HOUSE LOT. In 1647 John Warner's 
house lot is described as S. W. of Christopher Unthank. T. 
278. This lot was attached by the Town on June 22, 1652, 
during the proceedings of the Warner treason case. T. 108. 
On July ii John Warner deeded it to trustees to be held for 
his children. W. P. I. About 1655 the trustees gave this land 
to Ezekiel Holliman. W. P. 74. Compare lot n. Meanwhile 
in 1652 the house was leased to Thomas Arington or Erenton 
and Town Meetings were held in it. T. 114 and T. 119. 
From 1655 Holliman lived in it until his death. W. P. 74. 
In 1659 upon Holliman's death the Town council gave a life 
interest in the house and land Mrs. Mary Holliman. W. P. 
10. She resided there until 1668, when she deeded her inter- 
est to John Warner, although with certain reservations. W. 


P. 64. Upon her death it became Warner's property without 

14. EZEKIEL HOLLIMAN'S HOUSE LOT. Holliman lived here 
until 1655 when he moved to the house on lot 10. He then 
sold this house and lot to his step-son-in-law, John Gereardy 
who took up his residence there. Holliman died before he 
signed a deed, and his executors deeded it to John Gereardy 
April 6, 1663. W. P. 15. On April 12, 1663, Gereardy 
deeded it to Mrs. Mary Holliman. T. 395. She probably 
moved there in 1668. In 1681 she deeded it back to John 
Gereardy. W. P. 64. In 1685 Thomas Hopkins was living 
as a tenant in this house. W. P. 88. 

The plat of 1712 does not show the ownership of the lots 
on this side of the street. H. M. C. 

W. P. Warner Papers in R. I. H. S. 

T. Typewritten transcript of Warwick Records, vol. 1. 

Other references are to Warwick Deeds. 


Vol. XIII January, 1920 No. 1. 

HOWARD W. PRESTON, President EDWARD K. ALDRICH, Jr. .Treasurer 
ERLING C. OSTBY, Secretary HOWARD M. CHAPIN, Librarian 

Please address communications to Howard M. Chapin, Librarian, 
68 Waterman Street, Providence, R. I. 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the 
opinions of contributors. 

The Inscribed Rocks of Narragansett Bay 


In the course of a description of an inscribed Indian ban- 
nerstone in a recent number of these Collections, the writer 
had occasion to call attention to the relatively large number 
of inscribed rocks that lie in the vicinity of Narragansett Bay. 
In spite of the fascination and the mystery of these objects, 
and in spite of the fact that some of them have aroused great 
controversy as to the origin and meaning of the markings 
upon them, only one of them is widely known. This one, the 
so-called Dighton Rock on Taunton River, has had a complex 
and interesting history, has been repeatedly and variously 
pictured, and has inspired a score of theories as to who carved 
its surface and what its artificial delineations may be and 
mean. These facts concerning it, together with a number of 
psychological observations suggested by them, have been as- 
sembled by the writer and related in another publication. 1 It 

Publications of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, 1916, xviii. 
3a5-299, 417; 1917, xix, 46-149; 1919, xx. 386-462. 


is significant of the inherent interest of the subject that for 
the execution of this task over three hundred pages of text 
were required, besides a bibliography embracing more than 
five hundred separate items. 

But the other rocks of this region still remain without 
adequate description. One who desires to inspect them all 
finds it difficult to secure a complete list, and then to find them 
when he knows their approximate location. Several of them 
seem never to have been mentioned in print. They are all 
of interest, and to some of them attaches a romance and a 
mystery that enhance the strength of their appeal. Strange 
and conflicting theories have been advanced concerning some 
of them, arousing an intense desire to know the truth about 
the meaning and the authors of their inscriptions. The arti- 
ficial marks that they bear, whether scribblings, decorations, 
pictographs, hieroglyphs, or letters forming a true inscrip- 
tion, are many of them so faint and so mingled with natural 
cracks, colorings and other irregularities of the rock surface 
as to be difficult to decipher. A few have been drawn in such 
differing ways as to make an accurate and dependable photo- 
graphic reproduction indispensable. Most of the rocks are 
submerged at high water, and this fact adds another incon- 
venience to that of their remoteness and wide separation, 
rendering an adequate study of them far from easy. Com- 
parison of them all is essential for sound judgment concern- 
ing any one of them; and this can be accomplished best only 
by aid of faithful and detailed photographs. Whatever their 
origin, recent or remote, Phoenician, Norse or Indian, study 
of them and speculation about them is a fascinating pursuit. 
The writer has found it, moreover, an exceedingly valuable 
discipline in scientific method and an enlightening commentary 
on the psychology of evidence, of reasoning and belief, and of 
the differing ways in which the same object may be seen by 
different observers. 

A hundred and fifty years ago Ezra Stiles, then minister at 
Newport and later President of Yale College, found inscrip- 
tion-rocks at five different places within this region. His 
carefully made drawings and observations were never pub- 


lished. Again, eighty-five years ago, Dr. Thomas H. Webb 
and John R. Bartlett, as a committee of this Society, sought 
out and made drawings of all the inscribed rocks that they 
could discover. Their results, although published, are not 
now easily accessible. Since then no similar study has been 
made. The rocks are now so little known outside of narrow 
circles that not one of them is mentioned in Cyrus Thomas's 
Catalogue of Prehistoric Works East of the Rocky Moun- 
tains. 1 Some of them are known to have been destroyed, 
and all are in danger of gradual obliteration at the hands of 
nature and of ruthless carvers of initials. It seems to be fully 
time to rescue them from threatened oblivion and to again 
describe and picture them, with better facilities and in the 
light of wider knowledge than were possible when the earlier 
attempts were made. This series of papers will endeavor to 
accomplish the task. It will aim to describe the location and 
appearance of each rock in such manner that it can be easily 
found; to reproduce all previous drawings of its inscription, 
and to supply new photographs of it ; to assemble all previous 
descriptions of it, add such others as new study may suggest, 
and to relate all that is known of its history ; and to give such 
aid as is possible toward a solution of the problem of its 
origin and meaning. 

I. The Mount Hope Rock 

This is situated on the shore of Mount Hope Bay, in Bristol, 
a little north of the base of Mount Hope, and south of the 
Narrows of the Kickamuit River. Since the rock is on 
private property, through which it is necessary to pass in 
order to reach it, permission should be sought beforehand 
from the owner ; and it is well to take the further precaution 
of avoiding a visit to it within a period of one or two hours 
before or after the time of high water. To reach it from 
Bristol, one may take any one of the four avenues Griswold, 
Woodlawn, Mount Hope, or Bay View that lead eastward 
to Metacom Avenue, and turn north on the latter to the first 

1 Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 12, 1891. 

open road to the right that leads again eastward and goes 
through to the shore. 1 Only the private road to Mount Hope, 
the entrance to which leads through a gateway, and one or two 
others that are very short, could possibly cause confusion. 
If coming from Warren, Metacom Avenue may be followed 
all the way, but under present conditions is less desirable for 
automobile driving than is Hope Street. The corner at which 
the turn to the eastward is made bears a sign reading "Private 
Road to Woodmoor." Following this, one passes straight 
through the grounds and by the north side of the house of 
Miss Ethel T. Mason, and, leaving the conveyance at the top 
of the slope, descends nearly to the shore, just to the north of 
a conspicuous wharf. Here a footpath leads along the top 
of the bank above the beach, and, turning into it to the left, 
one proceeds along it northwards for a distance of about five 
to six hundred feet to a diverging path descending directly to 
the beach. On arriving at the latter, a mass of boulders and 
pebbles is seen lying over the shore and against the bank to 
the north. About a hundred feet beyond the entrance to the 
shore is a neck-high light-gray boulder on the beach, and 
standing by this the rock in question can easily be seen 
about seventy-five feet farther on. Its identification will be 
facilitated by aid of the accompanying photographs, in one 
of which a child is seen standing close by its side. 2 The first 
photograph shows its appearance from the south; the second, 
from the north-west; the third, from the top of the bank 
directly to the west of it. 

The rock is low, flat-topped, of relatively small thickness, 
lying flat on the beach. It measures about six to six and a 
half feet in width, ten to ten and a half in length, and about 
twenty-one inches in thickness. In shape it is nearly an 
oblong rectangle with a triangular point projecting outward 

1 See chart, Figure 1. 

2 The photographs accompanying this paper were made by Mr. John 
R. Hess of the Providence Journal, on November 16, 1919, between 
10 and 11.30 A.M., from an hour to somewhat over two hours after 
high tide. His lens was a Goerz Dagor of six inch focus. For the 
generous contribution of his time, skill and patience both the writer 
and his readers owe to him a deep and gladly expressed obligation. 



toward the water, and a slight inward curve on the side 
toward the bank. It thus resembles, in a crude way, a huge 
Indian stone arrow-head of a certain type. This shape is 
fairly well revealed, though with some distortion due to per- 
spective, in the photograph taken from the top of the bank. 
The rock is said by Professor Charles W. Brown of the 
Geological Department of Brown University, basing his 
judgment on a presumably representative specimen submitted 
to him, to be what used to be called "graywacke," a term 
now abandoned in accurate description. In more definite 
terms, it is "a very fine-grained slightly argillaceous sandstone, 
rather quartzose, with frequent minute particles of an 
indistinguishable mineral which weathers rusty, impart- 
ing in the weathered zone which may be from % to l /2 inch 
deep a brownish tone to the prevailing bluish-gray color of 
the fresh rock. The specimen shows but a slight amount of 
shearing, with no noticeable development of secondary mus- 
covite mica." 

The inscription occupies a very small portion of the sur- 
face, close to the point which projects out toward the water. 
The position is well shown in Professor Munro's drawing, 
and is indicated in one of our photographs by the position of 
the child, who stands directly behind it. The line of apparent 
letters is barely two feet in length, and not far from three- 
fourths of an inch in width. Its exact appearance is shown 
clearly in our final photograph. In examining this, it is well 
to realize that the rock surface is broken away in some places 
and is worn everywhere, obscuring the characters more or 
less and entirely obliterating some of them. Moreover, a few 
natural cracks are intermingled with the artificial characters 
and must not be taken as part of the latter, though it is not 
always possible to distinguish them with certainty. However, 
as is shown by the comparative table which appears later, no 
one, unless Bacon, has regarded as artificial the prominent 
line, running vertically in the photograph, below the left-hand 
corner of the boat, nor the horizontal one running .leftward 
from the top of the character to which our table assigns the 
number 6. Character number i is at the extreme edge of the 


rock, and a part of it may have broken away. Between char- 
acters 3 and 4 is a moderately wide space, and between 4 and 
6 a relatively very wide one. It is possible that other char- 
acters may have occupied one or both of these spaces origin- 
ally. The lines are narrow, clear-cut for the most part, 
smoothly engraved as if by a sharp iron tool, not, as in most 
of the rocks of the region, pecked in by blows of a blunter 
point, probably in some cases that of a stone implement. Among 
the figures, the depiction of an unmistakable boat is prominent. 
Leftward and a little above it is a group of marks, possibly 
not artificial, that Miller has drawn in a manner suggesting 
somewhat a large wigwam with smaller ones near it, or pos- 
sibly a church in a village. This group, although neglected 
by all except Miller, shows plainly in the photograph. Un- 
derneath the boat is a line that appears to be composed of al- 
phabetic, syllabic, or ideographic characters "in an unknown 
tongue." Besides this older inscription, a considerable num- 
ber of more modern initials mar the surface of the rock. 

Three independent drawings of the inscription have been 
published, by Miller in 1880 and 1885, Munro in 1880 and 
1 88 1, and Bacon in 1904. These are all here reproduced, and 
for better comparison are again given in a Table together 
with two unpublished ones. The published descriptions and 
discussions are enumerated in a Bibliography at the end of 
this paper, and their most important contents will receive at- 
tention in the course of our own exposition. 

Drawing by Edgar M. Bacon, 1904 

FIG. 1 

Two recent writers, Bacon and Babcock, on what authority 
and with what truth I do not know, assert that the rock once 
rested in the field above the low cliff or bank near the 'base 
of which it now lies, and Bacon adds that probably it has 


slipped down within the past half-century to its present bed. 
There seems to be some basis in tradition for the statement; 
but if true, it probably happened longer ago than the time 
mentioned and no earlier writers suggest for it a position 
other than that which it now occupies. There it is within reach 
of the tides, being entirely submerged at times of extreme high 
water. It is said to have been once surrounded by a much 
larger number of boulders and pebbles, many of which were 
removed during the construction of the neighboring wharf. 
As to the age of the inscription, one writer claims that the 
rock "was known to the early English settlers," and that its 
characters "bear marks of great antiquity ;" and he speaks of it 
again as "an inscription that the Indians had called to the 
attention of the early English visitors to Mount Hope, and 
disclaimed all knowledge of its origin." Another once 
made the assertion that. "it was often noticed by the early set- 
tlers of the town, and several references to it attest the curi- 
osity its strange inscription aroused in their minds," and 
again that "when the first white settlers came to Bristol, they 
saw the same characters almost as we see them today." But 
his latest claim for it is merely that, earlier than 1880, it was 
"known by tradition," without statement as to how far back 
the tradition runs ; and he personally assures me that knowl- 
edge of it by the early settlers is a matter of tradition only, 
not of record. The first genuine hint of the rock's existence 
seems at first sight to 'be contained in a statement made in 
1835 by Dr. Thomas H. Webb in a letter to Rafn, to the effect 
that "Mr. Almy understood Dr. Stiles, in 1780, to say, that an 
Inscription Rock was situated near Mount Hope." 1 Webb, 
who with Bartlett sought diligently for all such rocks, did not 
succeed in finding it ; and we shall argue later that this passage 
does not necessarily help in any way to establish the sure date 
of its existence. When Diman first wrote of it in 1845, ^ 
had been known at some time previously, but it was then be- 
lieved that it had been destroyed, and that when known it bore 
characters that were strange and were thought to be old. 

x Antiquitates Americanae, 1837, page 403. The Almy referred to 
was John Almy of Tiverton. 


How great an age it is necessary to assign to it as a minimum 
on that basis depends on the question as to how long it re- 
quires for such a tradition to grow ; and this is reserved for 
later discussion. After a period of unknown beginning and 
of unknown length during which its location was known, it 
was lost to view before 1845 an d the opinion prevailed that 
it had been destroyed, perhaps through being used in the con- 
struction of the wharf near-by. Its rediscovery was first an- 
nounced by Miller in a paper which he read on March 17, 
1874, in which he says that he visited the rock for the first 
time "last autumn." In 1882 he narrated the circumstances 
at greater length in a letter to the Bristol Phoenix. Dr. 
Charles H. R. Doringh, soon after he had purchased the 
farm on the shore of which the rock is situated, was told 
by "an old resident and native of Bristol" that when he was 
a boy such a rock had been shown to him by an old man. 
After many months of search, Dr. Doringh succeeded in 
locating it, and soon afterward communicated the fact to Mr. 
Miller, who shortly went to see it. It seems clear, then, that 
1873 was the year in which the discovery was made. In a 
copy of R. B. Anderson's America not Discovered by Colum- 
bus, 1877, owned by the Rhode Island Historical Society, is 
inserted a drawing underneath which is written : "Copy of 'In- 
scription' on the 'Northmen's Rock' on the north side of the 
shore of my Farm on Mount Hope Bay in Bristol, R. I. This 
copy was given me by W. J. Miller, Esq., June ist, 1877 
traced by him from his original copy. Arthur Codman." At 
about that time, apparently, it became generally known as 
"Northmen's Rock." Neither of the writers of 1880 mention 
this name. If it was applied earlier, it must certainly have 
originated later than 1837. No further incidents of importance 
mark the rock's history until, on June 13, 1919, under the 
auspices of the Rhode Island Citizens' Historical Society, it 
was dedicated with picturesque ceremony and .with appro- 
priate addresses, and was christened in the ancient manner 
with corn, wine and oil, receiving the name "Lief's Rock." 1 

1 Such was the actual spelling used on that occasion of the name more 
correctly written "Leif." 


After our own conclusions are drawn, we shall doubt the 
desirability of the permanent retention of either of these two 
names that have been given to it. 

No attempt has ever been made at an interpretation of the 
word or words represented by the inscription. All that has 
been guessed is that they exhibit the name of the person who 
carved them. There is, however, among a portion of the 
writers a very definite opinion as to the race of the engraver 
and almost the exact year when it was done. The theory was 
first advanced by Diman when, as a youthful student, he 
wrote the "Annals of Bristol" in 1845. He related the story 
of the Norse visits to America, especially that of Thorfinn 
Karlsefne in 1007, following the version that had been given 
in Antiquitates Americanae, published under the editorship 
of Professor C. C. Rafn of Denmark in 1837. Rafn argued 
that Thorfinn had wintered on the shores of Mount Hope 
Bay, and that the name Hop, which he gave to the place, was 
still preserved in the name of the hill near Bristol. This view 
was naturally accepted by Diman in his school-boy days, and 
he believed the rock to be "the only trace which has been left 
by the Northmen of their wintering in Bristol." In later 
years Diman changed his opinion. He spoke in 1869 of the 
"absurd speculations of the Northern antiquaries," and 
claimed only "that the Northmen must have been possessed 
of some acquaintance with this continent." In 1879 he al- 
luded to "the more than doubtful legends that Thorfinn and 
his companions wintered on the shore of Mount Hope Bay." 
In September, 1880, he remarked concerning the Scandina- 
vians : "The most that we can safely say, is, that they may 
have been here, that there is nothing improbable in the sup- 
position that they may have found in this bay their winter 
refuge. But if they did they left no trace behind them. 
. . . We may please ourselves with the fancy that the 
dark barks [of the Scandinavians] may have anchored in 
these waters; a halo of romance will surround these shores 
if we connect them with those adventurous vikings; but the 
course of events that claim our serious attention belongs to a 
far later period. Let us leave these obscure legends and pass 


to the region of unquestioned fact." Finally, in November, 
1880, after first learning of the rediscovery of the rock, he 
said: "If its genuineness can be established beyond a doubt, 
it furnishes by far the most decisive evidence that has ever 
yet been brought forward of the presence of the Northmen 
in our Bay. The letters bear a very much closer resemblance 
to Norse writing than the inscription upon the Dighton Rock, 
which is now considered, by the most competent judges, to 
be the work of Indians." In brief, Professor Diman, al- 
though an adherent of the Norse theory concerning the origin 
of the inscription while he was a mere school-boy, in his ma- 
turer years became and remained exceedingly doubtful as to 
its truth. 

Both Miller and Munro relate the circumstances under 
which they believe that the work may have been done. The 
former ascribes it to one of the party of Bjarne Grimalfson, 
a commander in Thorfinn's expedition, who, sacrificing him- 
self for one of his' crew, stayed behind with others in a worm- 
eaten ship and probably "perished among the worms." The 
latter gives the probable story in these words : "It is easy to 
conjecture in what manner the record was made. As the 
boat of the Northmen approached the shore, when the tide 
was almost at the flood, the broad, flat surface of the rock 
presented itself invitingly to their, feet amid the surrounding 
boulders that covered most of the shore. When the party 
set out to explore the surrounding country one of their num- 
ber was left in charge of the boat. As the tide went down 
he seated himself upon the rock with his battle-axe in his 
hand, and amused himself by cutting his name and the figure 
of his boat upon its surface." 

Besides the two men just mentioned, a few others have 
espoused the cause of the Northmen. William A. Slade spoke 
of the rock guardedly in 1898 as having "a certain value as 
cumulative evidence." Thomas W. Bicknell said something 
closely similar in his history of Barrington. The latter again 
supported the Norse hypothesis a short time before the 
dedication of the rock on June 13, 1919, in a communica- 
tion to the Bristol Phoenix. So also, judging from the 


brief newspaper reports, did the speakers at the exer- 
cises on that occasion. But there has never been a time 
when a larger proportion than about fifty per cent of 
the writers who have discussed the Norse voyages have 
believed that the Northmen ever found their way so far 
to the south as Narragansett Bay. 1 As new evidence gathers 
and facilities for the formation of sound judgment increase, 
their number grows rapidly less. If my own rather wide 
reading on the subject is representative, the proportion be- 
came about sixty per cent against the belief during the years 
from 1887 to 1900, and since then has been eighty per cent 
at least. The preponderance of opinion now among com- 
petent scholars is that the ships of the Northmen never sailed 
south of Newfoundland and the St. Lawrence River, or Nova 
Scotia at the farthest. We may then regard it as certain that 
there is no convincing proof that the record on our rock was 
due to these hardy adventurers. In fact, the warmest advo- 
cates of the view concede that their belief rests solely on the 
absence of convincing proof against it, and on local pride and 
the romantic appeal of the story. "We may please ourselves 
with the fancy," said Diman doubtfully; and "a halo of 
romance will surround these shores" if we do so. "Imagina- 
tion delights to connect it with the visits of the Northmen,'* 
is the strongest reason that Professor Munro ventures to ex- 
press; and he puts the whole matter admirably in his latest 
statement: "Around Mount Hope the legends of the Norse- 
men cluster, shadowy, vague, elusive, and yet altogether 
fascinating. Only legends they are and must remain." It is, 
then, the poet's voice alone which is raised in behalf of Norse 
visitors to these shores : 

"Here in dim days of yore 

Six centuries before 

Saxons sailed these waters o'er; 

Norsemen found haven ! 
Tread we historic ground, 
Where, on the shores around, 
Records of them are found 
On the rock graven." 2 

1 For a more detailed discussion of this matter, see Publications of 
the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, 1919, xx. 315f. 

2 Howe. 


Thomas W. Higginson wrote briefly of this rock in 1882, 
taking his descriptions from Diman and from Miller and re- 
producing Miller's drawing. He thought that the picture 
showed little resemblance to a Norse boat, and that the ap- 
parent letters were "an idle combination of lines and angles. 
All these supposed Norse remains must be ruled 
out of the question." The writer of the article Vineland in 
Harper's Encyclopaedia of United States History, in 1901, 
exhibits a curious inconsistency. On page 76 he gives Mil- 
ler's drawing without textual comment, and entitles it "Old 
Norse Inscription ;" but in his text on page 70 he tells us that 
"no genuine Norse remains have ever been discovered in New 
England." In 1904 our rock is again mentioned, by Edgar 
M. Bacon in his "Narragansett Bay." The author gives more 
space to an absurd estimate of the rapidity with which the 
rock's surface is wearing away than to anything else. Re- 
lying on statements that are in themselves incorrect, he un- 
critically claims that the rate of destruction on Dighton Rock, 
roughly stated, is a half inch in a century ; and that this rock, 
being much softer, is wearing more rapidly. "I have several 
times examined the Mount Hope Bay rock within the past 
five years and I find the change very marked there is hardly 
anything left of it." Such a conviction, as I have elsewhere 
shown conclusively, frequently represents not an objective 
fact but a common yet mistaken psychological impression ; 
and it was doubtless so in this case. Bacon makes a genuine 
contribution in his new and valuable drawing. As to the origin 
of the inscription, he says merely that the Norse claim is not 
proven but likewise it is not disproven. 

Although Babcock thought it probable that the Norse 
voyagers reached Narragansett Bay, yet he holds that "there 
is not a single known record or relic of any Norse or Ice- 
landic voyage of discovery extant at this time on American 
soil, which may be relied on with any confidence." He in- 
spected the Mount Hope rock in 1910. The outline of the 
boat reminds him, not of a Norse bark, or Indian's canoe, but 
of a modern white man's boat with its bow uplifted and its 
stern set low in the water. Some characters are gone from 


the stone and all the others have been damaged. Only the 
boat remains unhurt, though shallow. After reminding us 
that Indians often made drawings on rocks, including random 
grooves and scratches and idle depictions of objects, he draws 
his final conclusion: "The tendency to find something 
esoteric or at least very meaningful in every chance bit of 
native rock-scratching has been a delusion and a snare. The 
proximity of the boulder to Mount Hope seems to mark this 
queer relic as almost certainly Wampanoag work." 

We must agree, I think, that the enticing belief that North- 
men came to Mount Hope Bay does not rest upon proof, 
nor even upon strong probability. The reasons that made 
it seem plausible once were nearly all advanced originally 
by Professor Rafn, and his grounds, it is now conceded, 
were all unsound. It will be well, however, to examine 
all the arguments that have been advanced in connec- 
tion with this particular rock, and to see how each of them 
can be given a convincing answer. 

i. The characters bear the appearance of being very an- 
cient. So would any rather shallow characters cut into that 
kind of rock in a similar situation, within a relatively short 
time after their formation. It happens that Dighton Rock 
gives convincing evidence of this. In my third paper on that 
rock I have argued that none of its characters antedate the 
early sixteenth century, if indeed any of them are as old as 
that ; that most of them were made by Indians at various later 
dates, probably extending into colonial times ; and that certain 
initials and other marks on the shoreward side and upstream 
end, unquestionably made since white men came, look as old 
and are as much worn as any. Yet the Dighton inscription 
was once rather widely believed to have been carved by 
Phoenicians three thousand years ago. My conclusion from 
its study is that shallow marks, within a very few years, be- 
come faint and uncertain and that thereafter they last in- 
definitely with no appreciable change in the ease of perceiv- 
ing them, except in places where small sections of the surface 
have scaled off. The older of the modern initials on this rock 


near Mount Hope, presumably all of them made since 1880, 
are already beginning to illustrate this fact. 

2. It was known to the earliest settlers of Bristol, and 
hence must be earlier at least than 1680. This is acknowl- 
edged to be a matter of tradition only. The first rumor that 
there was such a rock is that of 1835, and is unreliable, for 
reasons given later. Diman remarked of it in 1845 only that 
"it is said to have been" existent. It is not again mentioned 
until 1874, when for the first time the "earliest settlers" ap- 
pear. It is an interesting psychological question as to how 
long a time would be required to create the impression of an 
indefinitely remote antiquity, how long it takes to produce 
a tradition of "long long ago." The fishermen in Labrador 
used to tell me, concerning an unusual condition of storm or 
calm, that the like had not been known within twenty years. 
Colonel Nicolai, when gathering materials for a history of 
Lincoln, came to the conclusion that mere memory, unassisted 
by documentary evidence, was "utterly unreliable after a lapse, 
of fifteen years." In books on psychology, on psychical re- 
search, and on inductive logic we find abundant reasons given 
for caution in accepting any tale dependent upon memory, 
especially if it makes appeal to wonder, romance or emotion. 
Minto, for example, remarks that Newton was of opinion 
that oral tradition can be trusted for eighty years after the 
event, but himself says that this is wildly extravagant. "The 
period of time that suffices for the creation of a full-blown 
myth must be measured by hours rather than by years. 1 We 
have an instructive example in point in connection with this 
very rock. One writer said about 1880: "Popular con- 
jecture has always associated it with the visits of the North- 
men." But this "always" cannot mean more than about forty 
years ; for it was not until 1837 that the first suggestion was 
made that the Northmen ever saw Rhode Island's shores. 
Exactly the same sort of statement has been made concerning 
Dighton Rock: "Its inscriptions have always been thought 
to have been made by the Norsemen." 2 Within less than 

1 William Minto. Logic, Inductive and Deductive, 1893, p. 291. 
2 Taunton Gazette, May 3, 1905, p. 9. 


fifteen years after Rafn's first announcement in 1840 that the 
Newport mill was Norse, a writer in Putnam's Magazine 1 
spoke of it and Dighton Rock as "monuments which tradition 
has immemorially ascribed to the handiwork of the North- 
men." As to the Mount Hope traditions, people now living, 
I am told, received them from old persons to whom they had 
been related by their grandfathers or other old people; and 
Dr. Doringh heard of the rock from an old resident who saw 
it when he was a boy, having had it pointed out to him by an 
old man. Miller calculates that this involves a sure period 
of fully a hundred years prior to 1873. But these facts might 
still be true if the rock had first been seen about 1835 or 1840. 
It is well to realize that no actual fact is included in any form 
of the tradition as I have heard or read of it that necessarily 
carries us back to an earlier date, and that mistaken state- 
ments about knowledge by earliest settlers and lack of knowl- 
edge on the part of Indians have been repeatedly made con- 
cerning Dighton Rock. One or two persons might have seen 
the inscription about 1835, and reported it as composed of 
strange characters. Rumors of the curiosity spread, but the 
location of the rock was forgotten ; and when the Norse theory 
of Dighton Rock became known, about 1840, this mysterious 
rock also would naturally have been attributed to the same 
source. Thus Diman's statement in 1845 would be accounted 
for, even though the characters had been carved not more 
than ten or twenty years before. Within the next twenty 
years, following the example set by Dighton Rock, it would 
become easy for the memory of old people to assure them that 
the inscription had been seen long before Diman's mention 
of it, and for the early settlers and the ignorant Indians to 
be introduced into the accounts. I am inclined, therefore, to 
set 1835 as the earliest date at which we can be sure that the 
inscription was in existence. It seems to me significant that 
William E. Richmond published a long poem on "Mount 
Hope" in 1818, devoting three pages of verse and ten pages of 
notes to a discussion of Dighton Rock, but without mention 

1 1854, iv. 457. 


of this nearer curiosity. He had certainly never heard of it, 
and, since he apparently knew the region intimately, this may 
argue that the inscription there had not yet been made. 

3. Popular conjecture has always associated it with the 
visits of the Northmen. This is a separate argument from 
the last, but has already received its answer. 

4. There is nothing improbable in the supposition that the 
rock was carved by Norsemen. It is becoming less and less 
probable, as research advances, that these bold, heart-stirring 
explorers of the eleventh century ever came so far south as 

5. The characters resemble runes. It is easy to discover 
whether they are such or not. The runic alphabet was defi- 
nite, and the various forms of each letter and the periods of 
their use are well known. They are shown in many easily 
accessible books. 1 A very brief examination suffices to con- 
vince us that the characters on the Mount Hope rock are not 
runes. The first character and the sixth, nearly identical 
with it, somewhat resemble runic forms, though not exactly 
the same as any of them ; and this form of letter appears in al- 
most every alphabet ever devised. The second and third taken 
together, the fourth and seventh, as numbered in our Table be- 
low, are somewhat like runes that disappeared from use two 
hundred years or more before Thorfinn's time. The others 
are wholly different. Even the best resemblances are not very 
close. The writing cannot be read as a runic Inscription. 

6. The record cannot be an Indian one, for the Indians 
had no written language. This is true only of the Indians 
before they had observed the white man's ways. The Warren 
banner-stone recently described in these Collections seems to 
show that some symbolic characters besides name-signs were 
coming into use among the Indians of New England, perhaps 
during the time of King Philip. A stone axe found in New 
Jersey bears an inscription in apparently alphabetic characters, 
which Mr. C. C. Willoughby of the Peabody Museum has 
kindly copied for me; but he remarks: "I doubt very much 

1 See, for example, L. F. A. Wimmer : Die Runenschrif t ; German 
translation by F. Holthausen, 1887. 


if the inscription is the work of the Indians." Still, it may 
be another bit of evidence in favor of the supposition just 
mentioned, slightly extended in geographical range. An in- 
scription from a tablet found in a mound in Tennessee is 
pictured on page 394 of the Twelfth Annual Report of the 
Bureau of American Ethnology; and the writer claims that 
"the engraved characters are beyond question letters of the 
Cherokee alphabet." Nevertheless they are not identical with 
the official printed forms of the latter. It is not absolutely 
impossible that a hitherto unknown alphabet or system of 
ideographic signs was used to a slight extent by the Indians, 
of which there have been discovered as yet but few examples. 
But aside from this possibility, if we put 1835 as the latest 
possible date for the Mount Hope inscription, there were at 
that time in use among Indians two well known systems of 
writing in definite fixed characters. As early as 1652 a mis- 
sionary among the Micmacs observed that "some wrote their 
lessons after their fashion," and their characters were to him 
"new and peculiar." Another missionary, about 1679, observ- 
ing that this use of mnemonic marks still continued, devised 
the system of Micmac hieroglyphics, which is still in use. It 
is ideographic, requiring a separate character for each dif- 
ferent word. 1 In 1821 an uneducated Cherokee, analyzing 
his language into eighty-six syllables, devised a separate and 
fixed character for each. 2 The result was so easy to learn 
that an hour or two in a few cases, a day or two at most, 
sufficed for its mastery ; and his whole tribe was soon making 
use of it. Before concluding that Indians cannot have been 
the authors of our puzzle, it is worth while to see whether or 
not its characters bear any resemblance to any one of these 
two or possibly three systems of Indian writing. For one of 
them, the Micmac, we must at once render an adverse de- 

1 Historical Magazine, 1st series, v. 289. 

2 American Journal of Psychology, 1906, xvii. 69. 

U. S. Doc. No. 135, 1826. 19th Cong., 1st sess., House Doc. I0a. 

James C. Pilling. Bibliography of the Iroquois Languages. Bur- 
eau of Amer. Ethnology, Bulletin No. 6, 1888, p. 72. 

James Mooney. Myths of the Cherokees. Bureau of Amer. Eth- 
nology, 19th Annual Report, 1900 (1902). 



cision. I have seen only samples of its seven thousand or 
more symbolic characters, but these seem to be of an entirely 
different nature. The case is not so clearly against the other 

The Table below offers opportunity for careful comparison. 1 









1. Killer 






N/ " 

2. Munro 







3* Bacon 









4. Chapin 








6. Delabarre 








6. Cherokee 









7. Photograph 










6. Warren 




9. New Jersey 









10. Tennessee 








Comparative Table 
FIG. 2 

The presence of natural cracks, the scaling off of parts of the 
rock's surface, and the wear and tear of the letters, make it 
impossible to be sure exactly how the original inscription 
looked. For this reason the first five lines of the Table pre- 
sent versions of it as seen by five independent observers. 

1 Since the characters of this Table had to be drawn free-hand, 
they are of course not photographically faithful to their originals. 
Those of the sixth line follow sometimes the model of the U. S. Doc. 
No. 135, sometimes that of Pilling. The order of the characters of 
the eighth and ninth lines is not that of their originals, it being de- 
sired to place each underneath that character of the Mount Hope in- 
scription which it most nearly resembles. 


They are closely similar, but not identical. The first three 
are from the published drawings. The fourth was made by 
Howard M. Chapin of this Society on May 23, 1919, and the 
fifth by myself on August 5, 1919. These last two are con- 
fessedly hurried impressions without pretense to critical 
study, but are useful, nevertheless, as showing Row the char- 
acters may be seen. With these should be compared the 
photograph of the inscription, which offers the best means for 
studying its exact appearance; but care must be taken not to 
mistake natural cracks for artificial lines. In the sixth line 
of the table are presented those characters of the Cherokee 
syllabary which most nearly resemble the Mount Hope in- 
scription. In the three lowest lines are shown the characters 
on the three Indian stones that were mentioned a little while 
ago. Concerning them it is sufficient to remark that a general 
resemblance can be discerned, enough to suggest that, if these 
three are Indian, the one near Mount Hope may be Indian 
also; and that in itself is a good deal to gain. They cannot 
help us, however, to read what is written. 

Returning now to the Cherokee characters, we shall find 
that they offer a possible solution of our enigma. At first 
sight they seem too different from those of the stone to ad- 
mit the possibility of the latter having been Intended to repre- 
sent the former. But careful study of the photograph proves 
that the resemblance may really be accepted as greater than 
the drawings hitherto made would suggest. A few lines are 
clear in the photograph, and others can be faintly seen if 
looked for, whose presence no one has suspected before. 
Some show very clearly and have always been drawn as arti- 
ficial, which may, nevertheless, be cracks or other accidents. 
Adopting an attitude as favorable as^possible in these respects, 
line 7 of the table may be found in the photograph. It shows 
indubitable lines heavily drawn, faintly observable ones more 
lightly traced ; while those that are clear yet are to be rejected 
are indicated by dimly drawn dotted lines. To accept this as 
the correct interpretation involves only slight departures from 
what the draughtsmen from the rock have seen and depicted. 
We have to add but very little to what one or more of them 


have seen : the horizontal line over character 2 and the short 
horizontal line of 3, both of which appear clearly in the photo- 
graph; the whole of 5, where anything may be accepted, be- 
cause the surface of the rock has scaled away there, and what 
I give may be faintly imagined; and the short and uncertain 
up-curve at the bottom of 7. From what has been unani- 
mously accepted heretofore we have to omit as imperfections 
only a curved diagonal line running down to the right from 
the middle of 3, and the long horizontal line running left- 
ward from the top of 4 which simply is here made to share 
the fate of the always rejected similar horizontal running 
leftward from 6. Unusual features that nevertheless have 
been given already by one or two observers are the up- 
curve at the bottom of I, the separation of 2 and 3, the 
R-shape of 8, and the curved form of 9. The last is 
easily seen if we follow with the eye the right side, not 
the left side, of the lines composing the letter. It demands, 
therefore, no great credulity to believe that line 7 may be a 
correct restoration of what was actually written. Its dif- 
ferences from line 6 are very slight. Character 2 is reversed, 
but evidently the same a very common error of children 
and ill-educated persons ; 4 is a little unconf ormable in shape, 
but unmistakable ; 6 is badly drawn, but almost solely through 
having its short diagonal directed wrongly. In fact, I think 
that we may say that seven of the nine characters are prac- 
tically sure; but if so, then 5 and 6, the only uncertain ones, 
must be accepted with them, because taken thus the line now 
conveys a discoverable meaning. 

The Cherokee syllables of line 6 are pronounced, in Chero- 
kee, as follows: 

Mu-ti-ho-ge-me-di-mu-sv-quv . 

The g approaches k in sound, and the d approaches t. The 
v is a short u strongly nazalized. 1 Now it is not impossible 
that a New England Indian inscribed these symbols some 
time between 1825 and 1835, for tlieir u e spread very rapidly 

lf The earliest authority, the U. S. Doc. 135, instead of ge gives keh; 
for di gives tee; and for the last two syllables : sahn-quhn. 


Section of Chart of Narragansett Bay. Point of Arrow rests upon the rock. Routes 
of approach indicated by heavy lines. A, Private Road; B, Metacom Avenue; C, Hope 
Street; D, Bay View Avenue; E, Mount Hope Avenue; F, Woodlawn Avenue; G, Gris- 
wold Avenue. 




Drawing by William J. Miller, 1880 

Drawing by Wilfred H. Munro, 1880 

pj^-'lf- . - I 

The Rock as seen from the South 

The Rock as seen from the Northwest 


The Rock as seen from top of bank at West 

Photograph of Inscription by John R. Hess, November 16, 1919 


and doubtless became known far beyond the confines of the 
tribe that devised them. If an Algonkin Indian was depict- 
ing syllables of his language by means of symbols devised for 
Cherokee sounds, he would, have had to select the nearest re- 
semblances, not having exact equivalents. 1 The place where 
these occur gives a sure clue as to their meaning. The first 
part can stand for nothing else than "Metahocometi" or, as 
we more familiarly know it, "Metacomet." The mu which 
follows naturally unites with the s of the next syllable, becom- 
ing mus-, one of the forms to which Trumbull assigns the 
meaning "great." The final word is evidently sachem; 
saunchem is the Wampanoag form of it which John Danforth 
wrote in i68o. 2 The whole, then, will have been intended 
to read: "Metacomet, Great Sachem." 3 

Who could possibly have written such a record on this ob- 
scure rock, in Wampanoag dialect but in Cherokee letters, 
long after Indians had ceased to live in this region? Philip 
himself, of course, did not do it; for, if correctly read, it is 
later than 1821. Nevertheless, it is not difficult to recon- 
struct plausibly the circumstances under which the inscription 
may have been made. Two or three alternative hypotheses 
are possible, for a choice between which we do not as yet 
possess sufficiently definite information. There has long 
been an Indian settlement at East Fall River, and I have 
heard of at least one of its inhabitants as having worked in 
Warren, but have found no reason to connect any of them 
with our rock. Possibly more significance attaches to the 

1 H. R. Schoolcraf t, Indian Tribes, ii. 228, says : "No other American 
language, with which I am acquainted, could be written by such a 
simple scheme. It cannot be applied to any dialect of the Algonquin. 
It provides for the expression only of such sounds as occur in the 
Cherokee language." Yet in this case it comes very near to expressing 
adequately the Wampanoag sounds for the phrase given as its trans- 

Publications of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, xviii. 291. 
Concerning the syllable ho, Mr. W. B. Cabot writes me : "It seems 
to me more Indian than Metacomet. Aspirate H is generally an in- 
tensive in Algonkin, and most words with it are said somewhere else 
without it." 

3 Or, Chief Sachem. Philip was not infrequently so called in early 


fact that Thomas C. Mitchell, a full-blooded Cherokee, as I 
learn through Major Charles W. Abbott of Warren, in 1824 
married Zerviah Gould, a descendant of Massasoit, a young 
woman of good education', who taught a private school in 
Boston. 1 Judging by the birth-places of their children, they 
were living in Boston in 1827, in Charlestown in 1828 and 
1830, and in North Abington in 1834 and later. Mitchell died 
in East Fall River in 1859. Whether or not he was ever in 
Warren, I have not learned. Another possibility that must 
be entertained, unless we can yet learn the actual facts, rests 
upon two suppositions for which there is considerable, al- 
though not wholly conclusive evidence ; namely, that some of 
the Wampanoags, after King Philip's war, fled from the re- 
gion and joined the Penobscots, and that a party of Penob- 
scots, including at least one Wampanoag descendant with 
knowledge of Cherokee characters, visited this region and 
made the inscription within the years when it must have been 
done. We know that some of the Wampanoags fled some- 
where; for the Massachusetts Records (v. 130) assure us 
that November 9, 1676, was set apart as a day of public 
thanksgiving because, among other things, "of those seuerall 
tribes & partjes that haue hitherto risen vp against us there 
now scarse remajnes a name or family of them but are either 
slayne, captivated, or fled into remote parts of this wilderness, 
or lye hid." That some among them found refuge among 
the Penobscots is a possibility the evidence for which rests 
upon local tradition of considerable weight. 

It is a matter of record that a party of Penobscot Indians, 
including Francis Loring, or Chief Big Thunder of whom 
I had occasion to write in connection with Dighton 
Rock 2 visited Warren and vicinity in i86o. 3 Miss Vir- 
ginia Baker believes that they had been in the habit of making 
such visits periodically for many years, and that among 

*E. W. Peirce, Indian History, 1878, p. 218. 

2 xx. 359. 

3 Warren Telegraph, June 2, 1860, p. 2, col. 4. 


them were descendants of Wampanoags. 1 As to the time 
when they first began to visit Warren, Miss Baker writes 
that she is not sure, but thinks she has heard Miss Annie 
Cole say it was between 1830 and 1835. It is a significant 
fact that a party of Penobscots was in Cambridge in the 
winter of 1833-1834, and they may well have come to Warren 
also in one or the other of those two years. We know of this 
through a scarce book by Horatio Hale, dated Boston, April 
1834, and entitled "Remarks on the Language of the St. John's 
or Wlastukweek Indians, with a Penobscot vocabulary." Its 
text begins as follows: "The following words were taken 

1 V. Baker: Massasoit's Town Sowams in Pokanoket, pp. 36f. 
Dr. Frank G. Speck, an authority on the Penobscots, is not convinced 
"that there was any merging between Wampanoags and Penobscot 
except in the case of a few individuals," as he writes me; and he doubts 
some other features of the tales about Loring which do not concern 
us here. But I do not understand him as wishing to deny that some 
Wampanoags may have joined the Penobscots, and that the Penob- 
scots may have formerly made frequent visits to Warren. On these 
two points, essential to our purpose, Miss Baker has accumulated 
convincing evidence which she permits me to quote from a recent 
letter : 

"About Wampanoags having joined the Penobscots, the late 
Hon. John S. Brayton of Fall River first called my attention to 
the fact, many years ago; and I later made inquiries at home of 
people who substantiated the statement. The people of whom I in- 
quired were the late Mrs. Fessenden, Miss Annie E. Cole, the historian, 
and the Misses Asenath and Abby Cole. All these Coles were descend- 
ants of Hugh 1 Cole and were perfect cyclopedias of information 
regarding old-time history. . . . The Penobscots always camped on 
land belonging to the Coles when they visited Warren. Mrs. Dr. 
Bullock has often described the rides which the Penobscots took 
around Warren at twilight. They brought their horses with them and 
indulged in a gallop every pleasant evening, to the great delight of 
the youth of the town." 

Concerning Loring, or Big Thunder, she writes : "My aunt once 
told me that when he was in Warren, in 1860, he was a very handsome 
man, over six feet tall, very dignified and modest in appearance. Ac- 
cording to a cutting from a Boston newspaper, which I have in a 
scrap 'book, he was twelve years old in 1833, so must have been 
born about 1821. In 1860 he told Mrs. Fessenden he was about 40. He 
died April 7, 1906." He claimed to be of Wampanpag descent. 

Dr. Speck tells me that the ancestry o>f Loring is not surely known. 
"I recall hearing some of the Indians on the island saying that Big- 
Thunder's father was a 'Portuguese' or some kind of an Indian from 
Massachusetts (Cape Cod?) t The family name Loring, however, may 
be an old Penobscot name which figures in early documents connected 
with Penobscot history in Maine, spelled Loron, and possibly derived 
from the French "Laurent," a common Indian family name (Cf. Mass. 
Hist. Soc. Collections, v. 365)." 


down from a few individuals of the Penobscot tribe, who 
visited Cambridge in the winter of 1833-4, for the purpose 
of hunting, and encamped not far from the College. Unluckily, 
I was not informed of their vicinity until a few days before 
their departure." It may well be, then, that these Penobscots 
of 1833 or 1834, or another party of them at some other 
time between 1825 and 1835, made one of their known 
visits to Warren; that one day they took a boat and 
rowed down to the foot of Mount Hope; that there they 
left the boat in charge of some boy of their number 1 
possibly Loring himself, who in the latter part of that period 
would have been of suitable age, or some other while they 
went on perhaps to Bristol to sell baskets or to Mount 
Hope as pilgrims to a place of historic significance to them. 
The boy may have had such an active mind as Loring 
himself displayed in later years, and may have had 
some acquaintance, not too exact, with the Cherokee 
symbols. The rest of the tale unfolds itself naturally. He 
doubtless amused himself for a while in various boyish ways ; 
scratched a picture of his boat with some sharp point upon 
the flat rock; recalled to mind what he knew of the pitiful 
history of the race, his race, that had once ruled in proud 
freedom over all these lands, and of their glorious but ill-fated 
leader, whose home had been close by. Stirred by such tragic 
memories, his boyish, unskilled hand not unnaturally traced 
the name which we find recorded there. 

There are obvious reasons why we must hesitate to give 
whole-hearted adherence to this new theory. One is Webb's 
statement that Mr. Almy "understood Dr. Stiles, in 1780, to 
say that an Inscription Rock was situated near Mount Hope." 

1 Whether boy or man makes no difference to our story, of course. 
I assume a boy as the more likely. As to Loring, we can only most 
uncertainly guess, from our knowledge of his later qualities, that it 
may have been he. According to the clipping referred to by Miss 
Baker (probably a Boston Sunday Globe of 1904) , his father died when 
he was an infant; his mother was a doctress of the tribe, practiced 
medicine in Boston and Portland, and died in Portland July 4, 1833; 
and sometime after her death, young Loring traveled as far as New 
York and Philadelphia. I lay no stress on any particular individual, 
and suggest one only as a picturesque yet remote possibility. 


It is highly probable, however, that Almy's memory was at 
fault. Stiles was in the habit of entering in his "Itineraries" 
notes concerning every rumored inscription-rock that was 
brought to his attention, and he visited and made drawings of 
every one that he could locate. Yet his notes contain no al- 
lusion to any near Mount Hope. I conclude that probably 
Stiles had never heard of one there and had mentioned to 
Almy a rock at some other place. The fifty-five years that 
had elapsed would easily account for the error in Almy's im- 
pression. Again, it is hard to believe, even in the absence of 
positive evidence, that the inscription is no older than the date 
that our theory must assign to it, and that Diman's attribution 
of it to the Northmen is consistent with so recent an origin; 
yet if the characters are Cherokee, we must believe it. It is 
hard to believe that they really are Cherokee; nevertheless, 
with all our reluctance to accept it, the first three characters 
and the last two five out of the nine, at least almost prove 
the case. The syllable mus seems to show that the writer 
was using the Wampanoag dialect, since the Penobscot word 
for "great" is entirely different. One wonders why a Penob- 
scot Indian should be doing that; but the evidence that 
there were Wampanoag descendants among the Penobscots 
diminishes this difficulty. It is not easy to believe that a 
Penobscot of 1830 or thereabout would have known and used 
the Cherokee characters; but it was not impossible, and we 
have, moreover, suggested an actual Cherokee as an alterna- 
tive possibility. These are some of the difficulties that we must 
frankly face, and they rightly render us cautious. They are 
not insuperable. If the writing is truly Cherokee, they simply 
have to yield. It all depends on that. Even if we do become 
convinced that we have correctly restored the symbols and 
determined their meaning, we cannot be sure who made the 
record though some Cherokee, such as Mitchell, or some 
Penobscot, boy or man, perhaps of Wampanoag descent, is by 
far the most likely nor just when it was done, except that it 
must have been later than 1821 and earlier than 1845. In 
view of the condition of the rock and the departure from life 
of everyone who could possibly have known the circumstances r 


it is exceedingly unlikely that the exact truth can ever be 
established beyond question. There are three strong points in 
favor of our hypothesis : five of the characters, perhaps seven, 
are almost surely Cherokee; adding to them two less certain 
ones, they make definite and appropriate sense; and we can 
account for their being there, in a manner consistent with all 
the known facts. Any one of these alone might leave us 
in serious doubt. The three taken together make an exceed- 
ingly strong case. 

Whether our strange new tale is true or not, the vikings of 
Rhode Island, like Peter Pan, have their home in the Never 
Never Land. Yet we love Peter not a bit the less through 
knowing rightly where he dwells. Like dead ambitions of a 
vanished youth, it is well worth while to have held to them 
once. We need not regret either that we dreamed them, or 
that they did not all come true. Though we no longer hold 
them among the realities, they yet remain with us and enrich 
our lives as indispensable stages in our growth. Through 
legends we pass on to truth. We are glad that we did believe 
in them once; but we place them now, in our mental library, 
not with the scientific and historical volumes, but with those 
equally valued ones whose pages glow with poetry and 

If we accept the new interpretation, even though hesitantly 
and doubtfully, and lose the halo of antiquity, we do not rele- 
gate all the poetry and romance to acknowledged fictions. It 
clings abundantly to the realities themselves. What can be 
more romantic, what a more inspiring theme for poets, than 
the actual facts, if our story be indeed true? Amid these 
indented shores and wooded hills once roamed a free and 
happy people "kind and gentle ; the finest looking tribe, and 
the handsomest in their costumes, that we have found in our 
voyage," so Verrazano wrote of them in 1524. Dark days 
came upon them which never ended. Displaced by an alien 
people, their broad lands tricked away from them, they were 
degraded, wronged, subdued. An irremediable incompati- 
bility in ideals, in temperament, in unalterable manner of life, 
without serious fault on the part of either, made it impossible 


for the two races to live together in peace. It was the work- 
ing of unhappy fate for the one that inevitably had to yield 
and vanish. Yet before it yielded utterly, under the leader- 
ship of a brave man, it made a last despairing, heroic, vain 
attempt to, save itself. Thereafter there was nothing left for 
its disappearing remnants but tame submission and memories 
of a greater past. The two monuments of Mount Hope in 
their sharp contrast are a fitting memorial of this tragic story. 
At the summit, carved in stone, is the name "King Philip," 
unveiled amid impressive ceremonies, erected tardily by the 
conquering and self-styled superior race, as a tribute to a 
great man who, had he succeeded, would have been a Wash- 
ington to his people. On the shore at the base of the Mount 
is a humbler and more pathetic stone, on which someone 
unknown, perhaps a boy, one of the last of Philip's own blood, 
silently and alone, engraved an epitaph to his dying race, 
the name of the hero of his boyish heart: Metacomet, Great 


Babcock, William H. Early Norse Visits to North America. Smith- 
sonian Miscel. Colls., 1913, p. 44. 

Bacon, Edgar M. Narragansett Bay, 1904, p. 3f. 

Bicknell, Thomas W, (a) History of Barrington, 1898, p. 22. 

(b) Lief's Rock at Bristol. In Bristol Phoenix, June 6, 1919, p. 1. 

Dedicatory Exercises, June 13, 1919 (Thomas W. Bicknell, Rear 
Admiral John R. Edwards, Col. Merton A. Cheesman, Col. John H. 

(a) Bristol Phoenix, June 10 and 17, 1919, p. 1. 

(b) Providence Journal, June 14, 1919, p. 10, col. 1, 2. 

Diman, J. Lewis, (a) Annals of Bristol. In Bristol Phenix, May 
31, 1845, p. 2, col. 3, 4. 

(b) Review of De Costa's Pre-Columbian Discovery of America 
by the Northmen. In North American Review, 1869, cix. 266. 

(c) Editorial in Providence Journal, Oct. 4, 1879, p. 2, col. 2. 

(d) The Settlement of Mount Hope. Historical Address at the 
Bi-Centennial of Bristol, R. I., Sept. 24, 1880. Published in (l) Provi- 
dence Journal, Sept. 24, 1880; (2) Bi-Centennial of Bristol, 1881; (3) 
Diman's Orations and Essays, 1882, p. 146. 

(e) Notice of Miller's Wampanoag Tribe, in Providence Journal, 
Nov. 19, 1880, p. 2, col. 3. 

Harper's Encyclopaedia of United States History, (1901), 1905, x. 76. 


Higginson, Thomas W. (a) Visit of the Vikings. In Harper's Mag., 
1882, Ixv. 523 f. 

(b) Larger History of the United States, (1882), 1886, pp. 44-46. 

Howe, Rt. Rev. Mark A. DeW., D. D., Bishop of the Diocese of Cen- 
tral Pennsylvania. Historical Poem. In Bi-Centennial of Bristol, 1881, 
pp. 54, 60. 

Miller, William J. (a) Notes Concerning the Wampanoag Tribe 
of Indians, with some account of a Rock Picture on the Shore of 
Mount Hope Bay, in Bristol, R. I., 1880, pp. 6-10, 119. The paper 
herein quoted was read before the Rhode Island Historical Society on 
March 17, 1874. 

(b) King Philip and the Wampanoags of Rhode Island, with 
some account, etc. (as above), 1885. A re-issue of (a), without 
textual change. 

(c) Celebration of the Two-Hundredth Anniversary of the Set- 
tlement of the Town of Bristol, Rhode Island, Sept. 24, 1880 (Bi-Cen- 
tennial of Bristol). Compiled by William J. Miller, 1881. The notes 
to the Historical Poem, on pp. 65f., may have been written by Miller. 

(d) Comments on Higginson's "The Visit of the Vikings." In 
Bristol Phoenix, Aug. 26, 1882, p. 2, col. 4, 5. 

Munro, Wilfred H. (a) The History of Bristol, R. I. The Story 
of the Mount Hope Lands, from the visit of the Northmen to the 
present time, 1880, pp. 388f. 

(b) Picturesque Rhode Island, 1881, pp. 73, 79. 

(c) Some Legends of Mount Hope. Printed for private circu- 
lation, 1915, pp. 7-13. 

(d) Tales of an Old Sea Port, 1917, pp. 1-9. 

Slade, William A. The King Philip Country. In New England 
Mag., 1898, xxiv. 609. 

The Scotch Prisoners at Block Island 

When Oliver launched the Ironsides through the morning 
mists at Dunbar upon the hosts of Midian, and again a year 
later, when the same Ironsides beat back fiery charges of the 
Scottish horse in the agony of the long September afternoon 
under the walls of Worcester, it seemed that these events, 
momentous as they were in the history of Great Britain, could 
have no bearing upon the remote English colonies scattered 
along the bleak coast line of New England. Nevertheless, 
these two events were destined to contribute a small, but ex- 
ceedingly interesting, element to the population of Puritan 
New England. 

After both battles great numbers of the beaten and dis- 
rupted Scottish armies were taken prisoners by the Parlia- 
mentary forces and the English authorities were faced with 


the problem of what disposition to make of their unwelcome 
guests. The fate of the prisoners taken at Dunbar was hor- 
rible and its story is embodied in the British State Papers 
in a letter written by Sir Arthur Haselrig, the Governour of 
Newcastle, to the Parliament, explaining and defending his 
conduct. As soon as the prisoners could be gathered together 
they were sent to Sir Arthur, at Newcastle, with orders to 
forward them to Lynn and Chester. In his letter the story 
of their fate is vividly told. "The Scots," he states, "were 
very sullen and stubborn," and were afflicted with a malady 
of which they died by the hundreds. It appears that they 
were starving owing to the break down of the Parliamentary 
commissariat and, when they reached Morpeth, they had not 
eaten for eight days. Here they discovered a garden full of 
cabbages and, half crazed with hunger, they broke into it and 
devoured them raw, which, in their weakened state, brought 
on a new sickness of which great numbers died. Indeed, we 
are informed that those who survived, were, for the most 
part, Highlanders, because of the greater strength of their 

The authorities had then to discover some way to dispose 
of the survivors and in accordance with I7th century ethics, 
it was decided to sell them as servants in the English colonies 
over seas. Part were shipped to Barbados, where their de- 
scendants still survive, a people living by themselves in the 
South East part of the Island, and known to the rest of the 
Barbadians as "Red Legs." Still another part were sold to 
Beex & Co. an association of London merchants, who had es- 
tablished two Iron Works in Massachusetts, one at Saugus 
and another in Braintree at the foot of the Blue Hills of Mil- 
ton. Accordingly 150 of these unfortunate men were shipped 
in the Winter of 1651-2 to Massachusetts in the Unity, 62 of 
them being the servants of the Iron Works Co., and these 
were divided between the two establishments of Beex and 

One year later to a day Oliver fought and won "the crown- 
ing mercy of Worcester." On that occasion the Puritans 
were no doubt exasperated by the heroic struggles of the 


small Scottish army, cut off and surrounded in the English 
midlands. Again and again the Scottish horse hurled itself 
on the ever advancing foe, until they were driven back, broken, 
but still fighting through the streets of Worcester. "The 
fighting of the Scots," says a Puritan witness, "was very fierce 
and stubborn," but nothing could resist the onrush of the East 
Anglian horse of Oliver, and as before at Dunbar, so here 
again at Worcester, "the Lord delivered them in the hands of 
the Godly people." 

The prisoners taken after Worcester were herded together 
and marched up to London, where they were in due course 
sold for slavery over seas and once more Beex & Co. were 
heavy buyers. This time the New England contingent was 
shipped in the "Sarah and John" to Boston and numbered 
some 272 men. Of this group we have fuller information 
for their names, taken from the London shipping list, were 
transcribed into the Suffolk Deeds in the handwriting of Ed- 
ward Rawson, the Massachusetts Colonial Secretary. Like 
the prisoners of Dunbar they were chiefly Highlanders, most 
of them could not speak or understand English, and both the 
English scribe and Rawson made sad work with the Celtic 
names. Indeed one of the greatest difficulties that a student 
of their history in New England has to encounter, is to deter- 
mine from the names they were known by here, what their 
true names were. These prisoners, like their brethren taken 
at Dunbar, were sent to Lynn and Braintree, Massachusetts, 
as the bondsmen of Beex & Co. and henceforth the Colonial 
records abound in references to "Scots" and "Scottish men." 

The iron works, however, did not prosper, the agent taking 
the prisoners and hiring them out to the neighbors and pocket- 
ing the proceeds, and as a result the company failed in 1653, 
and the. Scots were left in a strange country, among a hostile 
and alien people. Most of the writers upon early New Eng- 
land, who have noticed them at all, including Savage, have 
stated that they soon died off leaving no issue. Recent re- 
search has shown this to be untrue. After the dissolution of 
the Iron works, they scattered along New England Coast from 
Saco to New Haven, and inland to the towns of the Con- 


necticut valley. A large number of them married and left 
descendants. Their wives were some times the daughters of 
the New England Puritans, but more often the "Irish maids" 
who were shipped to New England as servants in 1654. 
Some of their descendants became very prominent in the later 
history of New England, as the Donaldson family of Con- 
necticut and the descendants of David Hume, who, his name 
being changed to Holmes, became the ancestor of Oliver 
Wendell Holmes. At all events their descendants became ab- 
sorbed, in a few generations, into the English population. 

There can be no doubt that the personal history of these 
men would be absorbingly interesting, however, with almost 
only two exceptions, time has obliterated even tradition ; but 
the few instances in which we do know something about an 
individual shows this to be true. Thus in the time of Sir 
Edmund Andros, John Stewart of Springfield, "a Scottish 
man," petitioned for reimbursement for his horse that had been 
taken by the Colony during Phillip's War. He states that 
he had fought "in five great battles under the most noble 
Marquis of Montrose, and had received many and grevious 
wounds, but never a penny of pay." One can only speculate 
upon the interesting histories of the other Scots through our 
New England towns. 

This brings us to our immediate question of interest, the 
Scotch prisoners at Block Island. In 1660 the island was 
purchased by a number of gentlemen of Braintree, Roxbury 
and Milton from Governour John Endicott, Major William 
Hathorne and others, who claimed it by right of conquest 
during the Pequot War. At that time its jurisdiction was un- 
certain and the earliest deeds of the island were recorded in 
Suffolk county, and it is described as "the town of New 
Shoreham, alias Block Island in the county of Suffolk in the. 
colony of the Massachusetts Bay in New England." The 
principal purchasers were Dr. John Alcock (Harvard 1646) 
of Roxbury, Thomas Faxon, Peter George and Simon Ray 
of Braintree. The first settlement was made in 1661 and it 
appears that the proprietors sent down their servants in 
advance to begin the settlement for them. At this time there 


was still in Braintree a number of the Scots, who dwelt in that 
part of the town, near the Blue Hills, that is known to this day 
as "Scotchmen's Woods," who were servants of some of the 
early purchasers of the island, and accordingly we find among 
the earliest settlers of New Shoreham a number of Scotch 
prisoners. Most of these were servants of the Braintree 
people, others, like James Danielson, who had left Saugus, 
came later to the island attracted by the fact that many of 
their friends were there. 

Among the prisoners, who settled early at the island I find 
the following: Robert (Guttridge) Guthrie, who married at 
Braintree in 1657 Margaret Ireland, Tormut Rose (i.e. 
Dermot Ross), William Cahoon (i.e. Colquhon), William 
Tosh (i.e. the William Mclntosh of the shipping list of the 
"Sarah and John"), and Dunkety Mac Williamson (i.e. Dun- 
can McWilliamson). To this list was soon added Alexander 
Enos, Eno or Aines (i.e. Alexander Innes), and James Don- 
aldson. As the original settlement of the island consisted of 
16 men, it will be seen that over one fourth of the first settlers 
consisted of Scotch prisoners. Moreover, all of these men 
except Duncan McWilliamson left descendants. 

Robert Guthrie or Guttridge was easily the leader of the 
group and soon became a large landholder and one of the 
most prominent men on the island, being town clerk in 1676. 
He married at Braintree in 1657 Margaret Ireland, who died 
at Block Island without issue. He then married Ann Wil- 
liams, widow of John Williams of Newport, merchant, some- 
time Attorney General of Rhode Island, and the daughter of 
Dr. John and Ann (Palsgrave) Alcock of Roxbury, by her 
he had one daughter, Katherine, who married John Sands of 
Cow Neck on Long Island, and was the ancestor of the Sands 
family of New York and Block Island. 

Tormut Rose, whose real name was Dermot Ross or Rose 
was one of the first to land at Block Island in 1662. He came 
as the servant of Thomas Faxon of Braintree, one of the pur- 
chasers of the island. On 17 Sept. 1662 Thomas Faxon of 
Braintree sold to John Williams of Barnaby Street, South- 
walk, London, merchant, land at Block Island "now in the 


possession of William Toys (i.e. Tosh) and Dormat Scots- 
men," tenants of the said Faxon "except five acres of upland 
reserved for the said Scotchmen." (Suffolk Deeds Lib. 4 
fol. 54.) Rose married Hannah George, the daughter of 
Peter George of Braintree and Block Island and half sister 
of the venerable Simon Ray. Their descendants are very 
numerous at Block Island and include a Lieut. Governour of 
Rhode Island. 

Duncan McWilliamson one of those who came in 1661 ap- 
pears in the early conveyances at New Shoreham, when he 
bought land in 1669, as an early land holder, but he disap- 
pears before long from the records and so either removed or 
died childless. In the list of the "Sarah and John" we find 
Daniel and David Mac William, he may be one of these. 

William Cahoone (i.e. Colquhon) appears to have been at 
Taunton in the Iron Works there in 1661. He was among 
the first men who went that year to Block Island in the 
shallop from Taunton. He was a Freeman then on 4 May 
1664. He subsequently removed to Swansey by 1669, and 
may have been a short time at Cape Cod. He had six children, 
at Swansey, and his grandson James Cahoone was a very 
eminent merchant of Newport and married a daughter of 
Ninian Challoner of Jamaica and Newport. 

William Tosh or Mclntosh appears as William Mackontoss 
in the shipping list of the "Sarah and John" showing that he 
was one of the Scottish horse taken at Worcester. He mar- 
ried at Braintree in 1659 Jael Swilvan (clearly intended for 
Sullivan, and one of the captive Irish maids shipped to New 
England in 1654.) He was one of the first settlers, and was 
one of the servants, with Duncan Ross, of Thomas Faxon. 
He too became a prominent landowner at the Island and had 
a numerous family born there. One of his descendants 
Daniel Tosh became a well known merchant at Newport 
about 1730. The name is now extinct in Rhode Island, but 
among his descendants in the female line was Catherine Lit- 
tlefield, the wife of General Nathanael Greene and the late 
William P. Sheffield, Sr., of Newport. 

Alexander Eno or Aines, namely Innes, was one of the 



Scotch prisoners who appears by the Essex County Court 
files to have been at Lynn. He later went with the first 
Leonard from Lynn to Taunton, and worked in the forge es- 
tablished there by Leonard. While there the Plymouth 
Colony Court records, which call him "Aiiies", show that he 
had a wife, Katherine, an Irishwoman. He was in Taunton 
in 1657. On 14 May 1659 he purchased one acre of land at 
Portsmouth, R. I., from Nicholas Brown. On 10 Aug. 1664 
Robert Guthrie addressed a letter to him recorded in the New 
Shoreham records. In it he calls him "My countryman," 
and states that the town will make him a grant of land if he 
will come there to settle. He requests him to leave his 
answer at Robert Carr's house (i.e. in Newport), and that he, 
Guthrie will get it when he next goes to Taunton. Enos 
evidently came, for under this letter is the record of a grant 
of land to him for the exact amount mentioned in Guthrie's 
letter, so that although the latter addressed him merely as 
"my countryman," it is clear that it was intended for 
Enos. He continued to reside at the Island until his death. 
He left a nuncaputive will, and is apparently the ancestor of 
the Eno and Enos families in South County and Connecticut. 

James Danielson deposed at the Saugus iron works on 
13:4: 1653. We find him at Block Island 3 April 1686, when 
he bought land there, and he married the widow of Tormut 
Rose, born Hannah George. Prior to this he appears to have 
lived in Connecticut, as he was one of the Connecticut 
grantees of Narragansett lands for services in the Great 
Swamp Fight. He later returned to Connecticut and settled 
in Woodstock, where in 1706 he bought 800 acres at 
Mashamoquet Brook. He was the ancestor of the Connecti- 
cut family of Danielson, and the town of that name was so 
named in honour of this family. 

In addition to these men, it is extremely probable that Wil- 
liam Harris, an early inhabitant of Block Island, was another 
Scotchman, because he was deeded land there by Guthrie for 
love. Harris was apparently married, but probably left no 

Such is the list of the Scotch prisoners, who were among 


the pioneer settlers of New Shoreham, and it seems indeed a 
far cry from the stricken fields of Worcester and Dunbar to 
that remote and lonely island, which owes much to the efforts 
of these hardy Scotchmen. In closing I wish to express my 
obligation to George Stewart, Esq., of Concord, Mass., and 
to William P. Greenlaw, Esq., Librarian of the New England 
Historic Genealogical Society of Boston. Mr. Stewart has 
been collecting for years material for a complete history of 
the Scotch prisoners and he generously opened his notes to 
me to make use of them in this article. Mr. Greenlaw has 
been for several years collecting data regarding the de- 
scendants of William Cahoone and I am indebted to him for 
considerable information regarding the life of this man. 

Finally it may be interesting to know that the present Scot- 
tish Charitable Society in Boston, dates from 1651, in which 
year it was founded by a little group of the Dunbar prisoners, 
for mutual aid and protection in a strange and hostile land. 

New Books of Rhode Island Interest 

Two biographies of prominent Rhode Islanders have ap- 
peared during the past quarter. 

One is entitled "Roger Williams" by Arthur B. Strickland, 
and deals principally with the religious side of his life. The 
illustrations are unusually numerous. The other biography 
is by Alvin G. Weeks and is entitled "Massasoit of the Wam- 
panoags with a brief commentary on Indian character, and 
sketches of other great chiefs, tribes and nations, also, a 
chapter on Samoset, Squanto and Hobamock, three early 
native friends of the Plymouth Colonists." 

The history of "Battery A, iO3rd Field Artillery" of Rhode 
Island has been issued as a volume of 250 pages. 

The second volume of Chapin's "Documentary History of 
Rhode Island" was placed on sale late in December. 

The first volume of Harry Lyman Koopman's epic poem 
on the development of America entitled "Hesperia" has ap- 
peared in print. One chapter of it is devoted to Roger Wil- 
liams and his ideals. 


The New England Historical and Genealogical Register for 
October, 1919, contains a thirteen page genealogy of the de- 
scendants of Thomas Waite of Portsmouth, R. I., by G. An- 
drews Moriarty, Jr. 

Mr. Hamilton B. Tompkins' paper on "Benedict Arnold" 
has been issued as Number 30 of the Newport Historical 
Society Bulletins. 

A genealogy of "The Fales Family of Bristol, Rhode 
Island," by De Coursey Fales has been privately printed. It 
is an octavo volume of 332 pages. Mr. Fales presented a 
copy of it to the Society. 

The Centennial History of Moses Brown School has been 
issued by the school as an illustrated volume ot 178 pages. 

Two manuscript books of rhymes for children, written 
years ago by Susan Hale, have been printed, in facsimile, re- 
producing Miss Hale's handwriting. They are entitled 
"Inklings for Thinklings" and "Nonsense Book." 

Senator Colt's speech on "Reservations and The Peace 
Treaty" has been printed; as also President Faunce's "Un- 
derstanding Great Britain" and "Christian Principles Essen- 
tial to a New World Order." "Tales from the Secret King- 
dom" by Ethel May Gates is illustrated by Katherine Buffum 
of Providence. 

A Letter written in 1756 by Dr. Silvester Gardiner of South 
Kingston and Newport was printed in the Oct. 1919 Bulletin 
of the New York Public Library. 


Professor Edmund B. Delabarre and Mr. Thomas G. 
Hazard, Jr., have been elected members of the Committee on 
Marking Historical Sites. 

The building used by General James M. Varnum of Rhode 
Island at Valley Forge has been acquired as a permanent 
memorial by the Valley Forge Park Commission. 

An association known as The General Nathanael Greene 
Homestead Association has been formed for the purpose of 


preserving the Nathanael Greene Homestead in Coventry as 
a permanent memorial. 

Col. Israel Angell's manuscript orderly book has recently 
been purchased by Col. George L. Shepley. 

Mrs. Austin H. Fox of Cocumscussoc has placed in the 
Society's archives a large number of papers, plats and account 
books of Moses Brown and of the firm of Almy and Brown. 

The following persons have been elected members of the 
Society : 

Miss Caroline E. Capwell Mr. Henry L. Slader 

Mr. Preston H. Gardner Mr. Henry S. Sprague 

Mr. Gilbert A. Harrington Mr. Charles T. Straight 
Mr. Willard T. Hatch Mr. William S. Stone 

Mr. Charles B. Mackinney Mr. William J. Tully 
Mr. James S. Newell Mr. Thomas H. West, Jr. 

The patriotic societies of Rhode Island, under the leader- 
ship of the Colonial Dames, are planning to raise $7,000.00 to 
build a Rhode Island bay in the Washington Memorial Chapel 
at Valley Forge. 

How the Accession of King George II was 
proclaimed at Warwick, R. I. 

How the accession of King George II. was proclaimed and 
celebrated by the Train Band of Warwick, R. I., not to be 
outdone by the larger towns of Newport and Providence, is 
shown by the following, verbatim copy from the original order 
in the handwriting of Captain Stephen Arnold : 
In ye Colony of Rhod island &c. 


Mr: John Carder Juner Corpal of ye trane 
Band of Warwick Greeting &c 
You Are hear by Requeired in his Magesty Name 
George ye Second by ye Grace of God King of Great 
Brittian farance and loralon Defeandor of the feath 
fourth with a Pone Sighte hear of to warne and giue 
Timly notaes to all ye Listed Shoulders with in your 
Quadont to a Peare Compleat in ther Armes at ther 
Colors at ye House of of Ensign Joseph Staffordes at teen 


of ye Clock Next wensday it Being the 30th of this 
InStant then and there to atend apon ther Commishenors 
officers hear of fale not as you will answer to the 
Contery Given under my hand and Seall this Twenty 
Six Day of August Anno.q Domony 1727 

Stephen Arnold Capt 
We do desire to Drink ye Kinges helth 
With a Bariel of Wine and if ther is 

any of the freemen of Said town Will [SEAL] 

Corne these are to Desier that they would 
Apeare at ye Time above Said 

Stephen Arnold Cn 
To: John 
Carder June 
CorPal of 
ye Train Band 

The death of King George I. had occurred very suddenly on 
June loth of this year, and he was succeeded by his son the 
Prince of Wales. The news of this event arrived early in 
August, the assembly being in session at Newport. An ad- 
dress to his Majesty was voted and an appropriation for the 
formal proclamation of King George II., which took place 
with military honors at Newport August 24th and at Provi- 
dence August 25th. Official orders were received later from 
England and on Oct. 25, the Assembly sitting at Warwick 
again proclaimed the King at that place. The officers named 
in this order were near neighbors in Warwick, and distantly 
related, all three of them being descendants of Lewis Latham 
through his daughters Barbara and Frances Dungan. 

Barbara Dungan daughter of William and Frances 
(Latham) Dungan, married 1644, James Barker of Newport. 
Their daughter Mary, married Israel, 3 Arnold, Stephen, 2 Wil 
Ham, 1 and was the mother of Captain Stephen 5 Arnold. 

Her sister Frances Dungan married 1648, Randall Holden 
of Warwick, and had two daughters, Sarah Holden, who mar- 
ried Joseph 2 Stafford, Thomas, 1 and was the mother of Ensign 
Joseph Stafford (afterward Major and Col.) and Mary 
Holden, who married John 2 Carder, Richard, 1 and was the 
mother of Corp. John Carder, Jr. 


The Society will hold a free 
public exhibition of 


during the month of March. 

Persons having samplers will 
please bring them to the library 

or communicate with the libra- 



President . . Howard W. Preston 

Vice-Presidents . St. George L. Sioussat, Elmer J. Rathbun 

Secretary . . Erling C. Ostby 

Treasurer . . Edward K. Aldrich, Jr. 

Membership Committee 
William C. Dart, G. Alder Blumer, Miss Louise Diman 

Library Committee 
David W. Hoyt, Fred A. Arnold, George T. Spicer 

Lecture Committee 
Theodore Collier, William C. Greene, Harry Lyman Koopman 

Publication Committee 
Henry D. Sharpe, Harold R. Curtis, Norman M. Isham 

Committee on Grounds and Buildings 
Charles D. Kimball, Eugene P. King, Edwin A. Burlingame 

Committee on Necrology 
William B. Greenough, Augustus H. Fiske, Miss Clara Buffum 

Finance Committee 

Edward Aborn Greene, Joshua M. Addeman, 
Augustus R. Peirce 

Audit Committee 
George L. Miner, Horatio A. Hunt, Arthur P. Sumner 





Vol. XIII 

April, 1920 

No. 2. 

HOWARD W. PRESTON .President EDWARD K. ALDRICH, Jr. .Treasurer 
ERLING C. OSTBY, Secretary HOWARD M. CHAPIN, Librarian 

Please address communications to Howard M. Chapin, Librarian, 
68 Waterman Street, Providence, R. I. 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the 
opinions of contributors. 

Rhode Island Samplers 


Back in the late eighteenth century a little girl of Provi- 
dence bent over her daily task of needlework, patiently cross- 
stitching into her Sampler these words: 

"When I was young and in my prime, 
Here you may see how I spent my time." 
Therein is the keynote of the Sampler work of our New 
England girls. Needlework was an important part of 
their early training. The Sampler was a daily task. 

The Sampler exhibition that has just been held during 
the month of March at the cabinet of the Rhode Island 
Historical Society has proved a noteworthy event. In 
response to invitations the people of Rhode Island loaned 
300 Samplers. The great bulk of the Samplers were made 
in New England, some were worked in Connecticut, some 
in Massachusetts, one or two were English, but the 
majority were Rhode Island made. This collection has 
been, without doubt, the largest and most representative 
gathering of Samplers of one locality ever assembled. 



Samplers came into being quite naturally. Embroidery 
in England and the Continent was at its height some- 
where in the sixteenth century when "exemplars" con- 
tained specimen rows of embroidery. For a century or 
so the Samplers were utilitarian, expert examples of 
stitches, embroidery patterns, lettering and numerals in 
rows, like a page from an instruction book. Later came 
design and composition, the Sampler treated as a whole, 
a piece of art for its own sake. 

To indicate in a word or two the evolution of the func- 
tion of the Sampler: 

ist. It furnished Sampler stitches and embroidery pat- 

2nd. It gave sample letters and numerals for house- 
hold use. 

3rd. It became a means, through inscriptions, of educat- 
ing the mind as well as the fingers. 

4th. It became the daily stint for dutiful daughters. 

The History of American Samplers begins with the Pil- 
grim's daughters. Ann Gower's (wife of Governor Endi- 
cott), is at the Essex Institute, Salem; Laura Standish's 
(daughter of Miles), is in Pilgrim Hall, Plymouth. But 
Samplers wrought in the seventeenth century are very 
rare. In the present exhibition most of the Samplers are 
dated. The earliest is 1730. Then follow : 1733, 1737, and 
1743. An analysis of the dates shows the following sched- 
ule, by periods of ten years. 

1700 1709 i dated o identified 

I730I/39 2 " " 

I74O 1749 2 O 

I750I759 2 " 2 

17601769 2 O 

17701779 7 " o 

17801789 12 " 2 

17001709 18 " 9 


1800 1809 30 dated 4 identified 

18101819 40 " 3 

18201829 44 4 

18301839 41 " 2 

18401849 13 " 2 

Specimens, dates unknown 57 

It is apparent at a glance that our local Samplers dated 
prior to 1800 are comparatively rare. If you own one dated 
during the Colonial period you may be proud indeed. The 
Sampler as a decorative picture began to flourish most 
numerously in the late ITOXJ'S and for forty years waxed 
strong. Suddenly along toward 1840 they almost com- 
pletely disappear. The sewing machine rolled on to the 
scene ; the Sampler ceased to be a part of female education. 

If a person wishes to judge a Sampler intelligently he 
must make a little study of some of the features. As a 
help to such study I will list a rough classification of things 
to look for. 

1. Shape. The earliest Samplers, prior to 1700 were 
invariably worked on long narrow strips of home-made 
linen. They measured five or six inches in width and ran 
sometimes as long as three feet and over. After 1700 the 
small hand looms became bigger, the linen wider, the 
shapes less uniform. 

2. The Canvas. The backgrounds on which the 
Samplers are worked are in the earliest period of linen, 
hand woven, bleached or unbleached. Sometimes it was 
exceedingly fine in weave, smooth and soft, oftener it was 
rather loosely woven. Mustard colored, coarse hard linen 
had wide use in the second quarter of the i8th Century. 
In the late i7Oo's came "tannery" or "sampler cloth" woven 
from wool. Cotton canvas is found throughout the i8th 
Century Samplers, but became most plentiful in the late 
decades before the Sampler disappeared. The woolen 
backgrounds were very susceptible to the ravages of 


moths. It is rare to find a tannery cloth Sampler that is 
either not darned or moth eaten. 

3. The Stitches. It would be possible to fill a page 
with the names ancient and modern, of the many Sampler 
stitches. The commonest is cross stitch, used so uni- 
versally that it was often called the "Sampler stitch". 
Satin stitch was much used, particularly for the lettering. 
Back stitch, tent stitch or petit point, eyelet stitch, long 
and short stitch, flat stitch, Queen stitch, stem stitch and 
chain stitch are found in varying degrees of rarity. A 
dozen different stitches are occasionally to be found on 
one Sampler. Skill in the use of the needle does not ap- 
pear to have increased with the passing years. Some of 
the earliest Samplers in the exhibition have a wider 
variety of beautifully worked stitching than the later ones. 
Worthy of especial study in this particular is the Sampler 
by Katherine Holden, dated 1733, (loaned by Miss Bab- 
cock and Mrs. Upton). 

4. The Design. The various groups of design may be 
said to fall under three broad heads. The row Samplers 
came first, when the design consisted of horizontal rows 
of embroidery patterns, lettering and numerals, worked 
across the background. The border Sampler appeared 
about 1740, and conventional frame work of Sampler pat- 
terns enclosed the rows and patterns within. The third 
group comprised the fancy design, like the diamond, the 
heart, the oval, late modifications of Sampler design. 

5. The Color. Very early the Samplers tended to deli- 
cate colorings in their silk and linen needlework. Home 
made dyes, red from the cochineal, blue from indigo , 
browns and yellows from sumac and corn, lent great 
variety to the color schemes. The uniformity and exact- 
ness of matching that characterizes work with modern 
dyes and embroidery silks was fortunately out of the reach 
of the little people who worked the Samplers. A certain 
happy-go-lucky blending of pinks, greens, blues and 
browns lent much charm and a decorative quality of quaint 


old fashioned flavor. Rather smart black, red and green 
color schemes are prominent during the George the Third 
period. Generally speaking, however, there was no uni- 
versal color scheme. Individual taste and convenience 
ruled. Many instances show the end of one color and the 
beginning of another, not only in the middle of a word, 
but half way through a letter. 

6. The Ornament. Here is a most interesting field for 
study. Early everything on the Sampler was conventional- 
ized. Flowers and fruit, geometric patterns, animals, 
human figures and birds, appear in treatment stiff, con- 
ventional and "spotted" on the background, yet almost in- 
variably with a feeling for fine arrangement. Ornament 
that had been handed down for centuries crops out in the 
Sampler Patterns. The Persian rose, the carnation, the 
honeysuckle, the thistle, the tulip, the pineapple and the 
fig, Noah's Ark animals, angular birds of the air, diminu- 
tive Christmas trees and baskets of fruit run through the 
Sampler work for generations. In the late i8th century 
came a marked change in much of our local Sampler work. 
The picture element grew, the Sampler became a work of 
art, the conventional patterns gave way to original designs 
of decorative quality. The ornament became naturalistic 
rather than conventional. Borders of flowing flowers and 
leaves surrounded the central verse or picture. From 1790 
to 1840 the two methods of treatment ran on side by side, 
the old feeling of the early Sampler repressing itself in 
prim little conventionalized ornament, the quite-up-to-date 
picture embroidery weaving graceful naturalistic floral 
decorations. The charm of the early conventions was lost 
when realism got its modern grip on the Sampler needle. 

7. Subject Matter. The alphabet, numerals, geometrical 
patterns, simple subject matter marked the early Samplers. 
Ambition grew and variety of theme multiplied all during 
the 1 8th century. Inscriptions and pictures became more 
and more numerous till the passing of the Sampler. 
An interesting and original inscription on an early English 

4 6 




Sampler of 1718 is the following, (quoted by Haish) : 
"Elizabeth Matrom is my name and with my nedell I 
rought the same, and if my judgment had been better, I 
would have mended every letter. And she that is wise, 
her time will prise, she that will eat her breakfast in her 
bed, and spend all the morning in dressing of her head, 
and sit at dinner like a maiden bride, God in his mercy 
may do much to save her, but what a cas(e) is he in that 
must have her. Elizabeth Matrom. The Sun sets, the 
Shadows flys, the good consume, and the man he dies." 

In our own exhibition the early inscriptions group them- 
selves chronologically somewhat like this: 1st. Simply 
name or date, or name and date. 2nd. Place where 
wrought, while the working of its place is not the usual 
thing on a Sampler it is interesting to observe that out of 
the 300 specimens shown over forty gave such names. 
These included: "R. I. Collony," Providence, Smithfield, 
Cranston, Coventry, Portsmouth, Warren, Seekonk, Little 

Toward 1740 came Methodism and John Wesley and 
the age of hymns and moral precepts. This was the time 
when mother and teacher set themselves primly to the 
task of educating the child's soul as well as its fingers. 
So convenient a method of moral training was the Sampler 
verse that the "Be good and you will be happy" inscrip- 
tion persisted to the end. In 1825 Nancy Perkins, was 
laboring away at this: 

"When age or pain or anxious cares assail 
And frolick hours and sportive moments fail 
Then this my sampler shall memorial prove 
Of teachers care and my dear parents love 
Shall call to mind the scenes of early youth 
When all was joy and innocence and birth." 
(Sampler ozvned by Mrs. Philip B. Simonds.) 

The year before another little Rhode Island lady was 
struggling hard to please with these words. Sarah Ann 
Merritt Collins, 1824. 


"My parents care points out the way 
And I as cheerfully obey 

And with my needle let you see 

What pains my tutor took with me," 
(Sampler owned by the Misses Collins.) 

The earlier we go in our study of Sampler inscriptions 
the more pious they seem to be. Margaret Swain back in 
1754 had followed her alphabet by this philosophic bit: 

"The Winter tree resembles me 

Whose sap lies in its root 

The spring draws nigh, as it so I 

Shall bud, I hope, and shoot." 
(Sampler ozvned by R. I. School of Design.) 

One can but question the entire originality of many of 
the verses, fearing lest the little needle workers were 
somewhat coerced to express sentiments of older guiding 
minds. The following rhyme, however, taken from a little 
English cousin's Sampler, seems quite genuinely spon- 
taneous : 

"Sarah Bonney is my name 
England is my nation 

See how good my parents is 

To give me education." 

Fortunate was it for the little workers of pious inscrip- 
tions that good morals did not depend on good grammar. 
Even Nancy Winsor, w r ho wrought a wonderful picture of 
a ship, and who knew more about embroidery design than 
any college girl of to-day, emblazoned her chef-d'-ceuvre 
with this: 

"Look on these flowers 
So fades my hours." 


Needlework was not only a daily stint of the dutiful 
daughter at home, but took no unimportant place in the 
list of studies at the boarding and day schools of the 


Eastern States. In the exhibition are three Samplers bear- 
ing names of schools. "J ane Merritt School, Nine Part- 
ners, 1803," loaned by Mrs. James Richardson; "Jane 
Haines, Evesham School, 1807," loaned by the Misses 
Chase; "Eliza Talbot, West School, 1810," loaned by Mrs. 
Howard I. Gardner. Nine Partners was the name of the 
town in New York State, presumably on the Hudson not 
far North of New York, where was maintained a Friends 
Boarding School. Evesham School was in New Jersey. 
West School has not been identified. 

The best known school in Providence during Sampler 
time was Polly Balch's. And Polly Balch did much for 
Rhode Island Samplers. From 1790, or thereabouts, till 
her death in 1831, Miss Mary ("Polly") Balch kept a school 
for young ladies at 22 George street. 

The school was listed in the Providence directories from 
1824 to 1830 as a "boarding school", but day pupils were 
also taken. Needlework had a place in the curriculum, 
and many samplers can be definitely traced to the pupils 
of the school. In the exhibition are four or five unusually 
interesting samplers which bear the distinctive ear marks 
of the work of this school. Three strikingly similar in 
feeling are these : Eliza Cozzens, 1796, loaned by the 
School of Design; Julia Lippitt, 1797, owned by Mrs. 
Upton and Miss Babcock; and Susan Whitmore, 1799, 
owned by the writer. This little group of three is a hand- 
some one, with their solid long and short silk backgrounds, 
their brilliant floral decoration, and baskets of fruit. A 
detailed study of the samplers which bear the impress of 
the teachings of Polly Balch's School would make an in- 
teresting contribution to the story of the part Providence 
played in the development of the Sampler. 

The Society held a loan exhibition of Samplers during 
the month of March. Three Hundred and Thirty-Four 
Samplers were exhibited. The following persons kindly 
loaned their Samplers for this exhibition : 

Miss Anna L. Andrews, Miss Anstis P. D. Manton, Mr. 


and Mrs. Howard M. Chapin, Miss Harriet L. Sheldon, 
Dr. and Mrs. Charles V. Chapin, Miss Isabel R. Brown, 
Mrs. Roswell B. Burchard, Dr. Frank L. Day, Miss E. D. 
Sharpe, Mrs. Stephen O. Metcalf, Mrs. William H. Brad- 
ford, Mrs. G. Richmond Parsons, Mrs. George Tilden 
Brown, Mrs. Barton A. Ballou, Miss Katherine C. Mitchell, 
Miss Elizabeth W. Brown, Miss Alzada J. Sprague, Mrs. 
H. Anthony Dyer, Mr. Francis H. Anthony, Miss Kate 
Simmons, Home for Aged Women, Miss Stella J. Hart- 
shorn, Mrs. Daniel Beckwith, Miss Eliza B. Hasie, Miss 
Louise Cranston, Miss Jessie Tripp, Mrs. H. L. Burdick, 
Miss Mary B. Child, Miss Amey L. Willson, The Misses 
Peck, Mr. Arthur W. Claflin, Mrs. William J. Dyer, Mr. 
John Carter Brown Woods, Miss M. Louise Gladding, Mr. 
F. H. Fuller, Mrs. John H. Mason, Miss M. Frances Bab- 
cock, Mrs. Winslow Upton, Mrs. A. W. Love, Mrs. George 
L. Miner, Mr. George L. Miner, Miss Emily P. Anthony, 
Mrs. Ellen I. Richardson, Mrs. W. S. Pino, Miss Rosa- 
mond W. Austin, Dr. Eugene P. King, The Misses Vose, 
Mrs. Charles Cleveland, Miss Maria Corliss, R. I. School 
of Design, Mrs. Charles R. Stark, Miss M. R. Stark, Miss 
Esther Stone, Mrs. L. Earle Rowe, Mrs. Albert G. Hark- 
ness, Mrs. Louis W. Downes, Mrs. Edward R. Trow- 
bridge, Mrs. Herbert E. Maine, Mrs. George Thurber 
Brown, Miss Lois Anna Greene, Mrs. James Richardson, 
Mrs. C. M. Eddy, Mr. Elliot Flint, Mrs. Howard I. Gard- 
ner, Mrs. Fayette Brown, Mrs. Samuel S. Durfee, Prof. 
F. P. Gorham, Mr. Francis O. Allen, Mr. Herbert O. 
Brigham, Mr. John F. Street, Miss Mary Louise Brown. 
Mrs. M. L. D. Aldrich, Mrs. Charles D. Owen, Miss 
Elizabeth H. Snow, Mrs. Clinton R. Weeden, Mr. Charles 
T. Howard, Mrs. Arthur J. Durfee, Mrs. Howard W. 
Preston, Dr. Jennie O. Arnold, Mrs. H. W. Bradford, Mrs. 
B. Ray Phelan, Miss E. A. Taft, Mrs. William C. Greene, 
Mrs. J. H. Hambly, Miss Anna M. Schofield, Mrs. Donald 
Cowell, Mr. F. R. Grammont, Miss Emily B. Aldrich, Miss 
Louise Chace, Miss Lorimer, Mrs. Thomas W. Aldrich, 
Mrs. William Henry Gilbane, Miss Vernette R. Mowry, 


Mrs. Ella G. Church, Mrs. J. B. Allen, The Misses Chace, 
Mrs. Nicholson, Mrs. W. Freeman Cocroft, Mrs. Charles 
Warren Lippitt, Mr. Fred Gibbs, Miss A. C. Westcott, 
Mr. L. B. Chase, Mr. Charles H. Warren, Mrs. Henry B. 
Whitman, Mr. Frank J. Wilder, Mrs. Philip Baldwin 
Simonds, Mrs. Joshua M. Addeman, Mrs. James W. Craig, 
Mrs. S. W. Remington, Mrs. Willis H. White, Mrs. 
Samuel Powel, Mrs. P. R. Kendall, Dr. Gardner T. Swarts, 
Mr. Clarence A. Mathewson, Mrs. Arthur G. Beals, Mrs. 
Walter W. Burnham, Mrs. J. F. P. Lawton, Mrs. William 
H. Miller, Mr. George H. Havens, Miss Bertha Sumner 
Johnson, Miss Edith Richmond Blanchard, Mrs. W. C. 
Angell, Mrs. Charles E. Westcott, Miss Emily H. Crouch, 
Mr. and Mrs. Sydney R. Burleigh, Mr. Arthur H. Smith, 
Mrs. R. C. Patton, Mrs. William P. Chapin, Mrs. Eugene 
W. Boyden, Mrs. Edwin B. Day, Mr. Harry Hale Goss, 
Mrs. Steinert, Mrs. George M. Smith, Mrs. L. A. Arnold, 
Mrs. Frank L. Bowen, Mrs. Arthur W. Seavey, Mrs. E. 
A. Cary, The Misses Grammont, Mrs. Preston Yerring- 
ton, Mrs. Joseph H. Jewett, Miss Bassett, Mrs. James N. 
Bourne, Mr. William V. Polleys, Miss Anna Elsie Arnold, 
Mrs. Robert C. Root, The Misses Collins, Mrs. William 

A. Spicer, Mrs. George E. Miller, Mrs. Fred A. Morse, 
Mrs. H. H. Grout, Mrs. Clarence A. Brouwer, Dr. George 
W. Gardner, Miss Ida S. Crandall, Mrs. C. L. Saunders. 

Mrs. Sarah E. Kenison, Mrs. William C. H. Brand, Mr. 
Leon S. Wyman, Mrs. David S. Seaman, Miss Emeline 

B. Butts, Mrs. F. A. Waterman, Mrs. Edith M. Noble, 
Mrs. W. H. Horton, Mrs. Walter S. Gardner, Miss Lucy 

C. Sweet, Miss J. S. Carpenter, Mr. Elisha H. Howard, 
Mrs. Franklin G. Arnold, Mr. Harry B. Sherman, Miss 
Caroline B. Briggs, Mrs. Arthur Barker, Miss Harriet L. 
Smith, Mrs. Harald W. Ostby, Mrs. Ralph V. Hadiey, 
Mrs. Phillip Gifford, Mrs. Alfred H. Wilkinson, Mrs. 
Leroy A. White, Miss F. G. Ormsbee, Mrs. E. C. Har- 
rington, Mrs. Nathaniel W. Smith, Mr. E. C. Williams, 
Mrs. Eugene Kingman, Miss Eliza A. Kaighn, The 
Misses Kenyon, Mrs. Hobart, The Misses Austin, Mr. Ed- 
ward I. Mulchahey. 


Robert Jeoffrey 's Seal; perhaps a Genealogical 


Impressions of the above seal appear upon five documents 
in the Warner Papers (numbers 78, 79, 80. 81. and 85) 
which are in the Rhode Island Historical Society Library. 
These five papers were executed in 1683 and 1684 and have 
one point in common. Benjamin Gorton's name appears as 
a witness on each of them. From this it might be inferred 
that Benjamin Gorton was in 1683 the owner of the afore- 
said seal. The only early settler of Rhode Island whose 
initials were R. I., that is R. J., was Robert Jeoffrey of New- 
port. If this seal was originally that of Robert Jeoffrey, 
the question arises as to how it later came into the posses- 
sion of Benjamin Gorton, whose ancestry is known, and who 
is not descended from or related to Jeoffrey. 

Benjamin Gorton's wife was Sarah Carder, who was born 
about 1652, and was the daughter of Richard Carder and 
Mary, his second wife. Mary Carder's maiden name is not 
known, but she was probably born about 1631 or 2. Robert 
Jeoffrey of Newport had two daughters, Elizabeth, born in 
1629 and Mary born in 1632. It is not known to whom they 
were married. Richard Carder was one of the original set- 
tlers of Portsmouth, and so had ample opportunity to be- 
come acquainted with the Newport and Portsmouth people. 
Robert Jeoffrey 's daughter, Elizabeth, was born in 1629. 
John Sweet's wife, Elizabeth, testified that she was 55 years 
of age in 1684, and hence born in 1629. Both John Sweet 
and Richard Carder were prominent residents of Warwick. 


John Sweet's step-father, Ezekiel Holliman,, moved to 
Portsmouth in 1641 and to Newport before 1643; thus un- 
doubtedly making it possible for John Sweet to become 
acquainted with Newport girls. John Sweet was married 
about 1655. I* 1 J 66o he represented Newport in the General 
Assembly, although he was in Warwick before and after 
this date. In 1677 John Sweet and his family had moved 
from Warwick to Newport. One of the sons of John and 
Elizabeth Sweet was named Richard, perhaps after Richard 


Miss Elizabeth D. Bugbee, one of our members, died on 
February 6, 1920 and bequeathed to the Society the sum of 

The following persons have been admitted to membership: 
Mrs. Albert Babcock, Mrs. Nathaniel T. Bacon, Mr. Francis 

E. Bates, Mrs. Daniel Beckwith, Mrs. Clarence A. Brouwer, 
Mr. Frederick H. Buffum, Miss Anna H. Chace, Miss 
Elizabeth M. Chace, Mr. Albert W. Claflin, Mr. Richard B. 
Comstock, Mr. J. Urban Edgren, Mr. Elliot Flint, Mr. 
Frank Healy, Mrs. Frank Healy, Mr. Charles Warren 
Lippitt, Jr., Mrs. Stephen O. Metcalf, Mr. Louis C. New- 
man, Mrs. Howard W. Preston, Mr. Henry I. Richmond, 
Mr. William G. Roelker, Mrs. Charles Sisson, Hon. Charles 

F. Stearns, Hon. John W. Sweeney, Rev. Arthur L. Wash- 

Mrs. Stephen O. Metcalf and Mr. Charles Warren Lippitt, 
Jr., became Life Members. 

A special fund of $5,000.00 has been collected for the 
Society. This money is to be used in transcribing and 
printing certain manuscripts and records of historical im- 
portance, in arranging and cataloguing the manuscripts in 
the Society's archives, and also for photostating and binding. 
The donors to this fund are: Mr. William Gammell, $500; 
Mr. Webster Knight, $500; Mr. Jesse H. Metcalf, $500; Mr. 


Henry D. Sharpe, $500; Col. George L. Shepley, $500; Col. 
Samuel P. Colt, $250; Hon. Henry F. Lippitt, $250; Mr. 
Stephen O. Metcalf, $250; Col. Samuel M. Nicholson, $250; 
Mr. Frederick S. Peck, $250; Col. Frank W. Matteson, $200; 
Gov. R. Livingston Beeckman, $100; Mr. Alfred M. Coats, 
$100; Mrs. Robert Gammell, $100; Mrs. C. Oliver Iselin, 
$ioo ; Hon. Charles D. Kimball, $100; Mr. Paul C. Nicholson, 
$100 ; Mrs. Frank A. Sayles, $100; Mr. Robert W. Taft, 
$100 ; Col. H. Martin Brown, $50; Mr. Charles J. Davol, 
$50; Mr. Michael Dooley, $50; Mr. William A. Viall, $50; 
Hon. John Carter Brown Woods, $50; total $5,000. 

During the past quarter the Society has lost the following 
members by death: Mr. Joseph Balch, Miss Elizabeth D. 
Bugbee, Mr. Henry R. Davis, Mr. Richard Ward Greene, 
and Samuel R. Dorrance. 

Thomas W. Aldrich's Manuscript History of the Black- 
stone Valley, which contains much valuable material, has 
been presented to the Society. 

Mr. Frank J. Wilder of Boston donated $50.00 to the 

Dr. George T. Spicer has placed in the Society's archives 
the manuscript record of marriages performed by Rev. A. 
Huntington Clapp of Brattleboro, Vermont, and Providence, 
R. I. It covers the years 1846 to 1862. 

Mr. Anthony McCabe, who had been employed by the 
Society for about 30 years, died in February. 

We have received requests from Libraries for Vol. XI. 
No. 3, and Vol. XII, No. i, of our collections. As our 
supply of these numbers is exhausted the only way that 
these requests can be filled is through the generosity of some 
of our members. 

During the month of March the Society held a loan ex- 
hibition of Samplers, at which 334 samplers were shown. 

Mrs. Samuel Slater Durfee presented two Samplers to the 
Society, and the sampler containing a representation of the 
First Congregational Church has been presented by the 


heirs of Mrs. Penelope Babcock. Mrs. F. W. Waterman 
presented the sampler wrought by Betsey Harris. Mr. 
George Leland Miner spoke on the Samplers to the 
Handicraft Club when they visited the exhibition on March 
9th, and to the members of the Society on March i3th, at 
which meeting Mrs. Charles K. Bolton of Boston also spoke 

The Society has obtained a set of photostat reproductions 
of the Chart of Narragansett Bay of 1870 which is on the 
scale of 1-10,000, much larger than the published chart 
which is on the scale of 1-40,000. 

Mr. Thomas W. Waterman has presented to the Society 
the Benoni Waterman Family Bible. This is one of the most 
important of the Rhode Island Family Bibles and contains 
valuable information in regard to Roger Williams' daughter 
Mercy and her descendants. 

New Books of Rhode Island Interest 

Hon. George T. Brown has written a biography of John 
Brown of Plymouth, Gentlemen, which also contains gene- 
logical data relating to that family. 

Numbers one and two of the Rhodes Family in America 
have been printed. This periodical contains material relating 
to the Rhodes family of Rhode Island. 

Frederic J. Wood in The Turnpikes of New England 
devoted over 40 pages to Rhode Island Turnpikes. 

Miss Mary E. Powel's paper on "Jane Stuart" has been 
published as number 31 of the Newport Historical Society 

Ancestry of William Dyre 

Mr. Louis Dyer of Oxford, England, in the Somerset & 
Dorset Notes & Queries for 1898-99, Vol. VI, pages 269, 303 
and 353, in a biographical sketch of William Dyre of New- 
port, R. I., attempts without adequate evidence to maintain 
that William Dyre of Rhode Island was identical with Wil- 
liam Dyre, son of George Dyre of Bratton street, Maur, 


Report of the Treasurer 


EDWARD K. ALDRICH, JR., Treasurer, in account with the RHODE ISLAND 
HISTORICAL SOCIETY. For current account, viz. : 

CASH ON HAND January 1, 1919 : 

In Rhode Island Hospital Trust Company $287 00 

" Providence Institution for Savings 83S 00 

" National Exchange Bank 396 76 

Liberty Bond (3^%) 50000 

$2,015 76 

Receipts from Annual Dues $1,049 00 

" Life Membership 150 00 

" " State Appropriation 1,500 00 

" " Rental of Rooms 31 00 

" Interest and Dividends 3,283 43 

Books 101 19 

Newspaper Account 46 90 

Publications 217 25 

" Investments 50 00 

" " Franklin Lyceum Fund (Int.) . . 76 42 

Special Account No. 1 1,65000 

$8,155 19 

$10,170 95 

{ I . - -.;- ,-v 

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Ashes ...................................... $20 25 

Binding . . , .................................. 314 17 

Books ....................................... 491 03 

Electric Lighting .............................. 10 95 

Expenses ..................................... 194 69 

Franklin Lyceum Memorial Fund ............... 84 50 

Fuel ....................................... .^. 362 14 

Gas .......................................... 12 35 

Grounds and Buildings ........................ 81 65 

Investments ................................. 1.056 19 

Janitorial Services ............................ 253 55 

Newspaper Account ........................... 115 50 

Publications . . . . .............................. 591 IS 

Salaries ..................................... 2.993 11 

Supplies .................................... 106 41 

Telephone . , ................................. 50 66 

Water ....................................... 8 00 

- $6,746 33 
Cash on hand December 31, 1919. 

In Providence Institution for Savings .......... $83200 

" Rhode Island Hospital Trust Company ....... 287 00 

" National Exchange Bank ................... 299 20 

" National Bank of Commerce (Checking Ac- 

. count) ................................. 35642 

" National Bank of Commerce (Special Account 

No. I) ................................... 1,650 00 

- $3,434 62 

$10,170 95 


EDWARD K. ALDRICH, JR., Treasurer, in account with the RHODE ISLAND 


JANUARY 1, 1920. 


Grounds and Building $25,000 00 $25,000 00 

Permanent Endowment Fund : 

Samuel M. Noyes $12,000 00 

Henry J. Steere 10.000 00 

Charles H. Smith 5,000 00 

Charles W. Parsons 4,00-0 00 

William H. Potter 3,000 00 

Esek A. Jillson 2,000 00 

John Wilson Smith 1,000 00 

William G. Weld 1.000 00 

Charles C. Hoskins 1,000,00 

Charles H. Atwood 1,000 00 

$40,000 00 

Publication Fund : 

Ira B. Peck $1,000 00 

William Gammell 1,000 00 

Albert J. Jones 1,000 00 

William Ely 1,000 00 

Julia Bullock 500 00 

Charles H. Smith 100 00 

$4,600 00 

Life Membership Fund $4,500 00 $4,500 00 

Franklin Lyceum Memorial Fund (Principal)... 734 52 734 52 

Calvin Monument Memorial Fund 10 00 10 00 

Special Account No. 1 (National Bank of Com- 
merce) . , 1,65O 00 1,650 00 

$76,494 52 
Accumulated Surplus 8,598 38 

$85,092 90 


Investments : 

Grounds and Building $25,000 00 $25,000 00 

$6,000.00 Bonds, Minneapolis, Lyndale and 

Minnetonka Railway $5,85O 00 

$3,000.00 Bonds, Lacomibe Electric Company 2,835 00 

125 Shares New York Central Railroad 12,500 00 

111 Pennsylvania Railroad 7,188 45 

30 " Lehigh Valley Railroad 2,112 50 

6 " Lehigh Valley Coal Sales Com- 
pany , 241 85 

40 Milwaukee Electric Railway and 

Light Company, preferred.. 3,90000 
55 " American Telephone and Tele- 
graph Company . . . . 7,123 61 

54 Providence Gas Company 4,705 50 

Mortgage P. A. and H. A. Cory 3,025 00 

10 Shares, Duquesne Light Company 1,060 00 

$1,000.00 Bond, Denver Gas and Electric 

Company 950 00 

$1,000.00 Bond, Columbus Railway, Power 

and Light Company 970 00 

$300.00 Providence Gas Company Convertible 

Notes 300 18 

30 Shares Merchants National Bank 1,80000 

45 " Blackstone Canal National Bank.. 1,05000 

$1,000.00 Liberty Bond (U. S.) 95619 

$100.00 Liberty Bond (U. S.) 10000 

$56,668 28 

Cash on hand : 

In Providence Institution for Savings $83200 

" Rhode Island Hospital Trust Company.. 28700 

National Exchange Bank 299 20 

" National Bank of Commerce (Checking Ac- 
count) . . 356 42 

" National Bank of Commerce (Special Ac- 
count No. 1) 1,650 00 

$3,424 62 

Total Assets $85,092 90 

Respectfully submitted, 


PROVIDENCE, R. I., January 7. 1920. 

Examined vouchers and securities compared and found to agree. 


Auditing Committee. 


Rhode Island in 1750 

The following account of his visit to Rhode IslancT was 
written by James Birket in 1750, and is through the courtesy 
of the Yale University Press reprinted from their volume 
entitled "Some Cursory Remarks made by James Birket in 
His Voyage to North America, 1750-1751", New Haven, 1916. 

"Set out for Rhode Island, H. Vassels And his Wife, Mary 
Phips The Lieut Goves Daughter wth Two Servants &C To 
Accompany me So far on my Journey, Our first Stage was 
19 Miles to A house Kept by one Robins where we dinad 
upon Roastd Partridges Fat bacon & Irish Potatoes now 
plentifully Produced in that Part of the world & tollerably 
good, In the Afternoon we travelled 19 Miles more to One 
Mother Stacks, who I thought realy very Slack in her At- 
tendance for twas with great Intreaty and fair words that 
we obtained a Candle altho twas So dark when we lighted 
that we could Scarce See Another & What was worse She 
had nothing in the world for Supper However upon Rum- 
maging the Chace box we found in our own Store a Couple 
of Roasted Fowles Some white biscuit, Lemons, Rum, Sugar 
&C So that out of our own Store we made out a Handsome 
Supper & Liquor to it but could not do So well for Lodgings 
our Beds being very Indifferent 

This Morning we passed Sea Conk plain being about 3 
miles over wthout a Shrub and quite Levell, Sorroundd with 
woods makes no disagreeable apearance, here we left Provi- 
dence road upon our Right hand and proceeded to one Hunts 
at Rehoboth being 9 Miles where we Breakfasted, from 
thence we Came through Some fine tall woods of Oak timber 
the best I had yet seen to Swansey ferry being 4 Miles 
which we passed in very heavy rain, And Came to Bristol 
before dinner, Dined at One Widdow Pains a Private house 
but sent Our horses to the Tavern. 

Bristol is a Small town but regularly laid out in Squares 
many lots in which are not built One large Desenting Meet- 
ing ho besides which I did not See any Other Publick building. 


This Town lyes at the bottom of Rhode Island bay or 
harbour has good depth of water, And Several Wharfs 
where a vessel may lye And there Load & Discharge at 
Pleasure ; But the Town of Newport seems to draw away 
Most of the Trade from this as Most Large places do from 
new Settlements Notwithstanding they have Some vessels 
in the west-india trade and build many vessels here And in 

the Neighbourhood It is a proverb here that Bristol is 

Only remarkable for its plenty of women and Geese. 

After dinner we went to Bristol ferry being 2 Miles and 
Crossed the Same where we Entered upon the N.E.End of 
Rhode Island and Came the Same Evening to New Port 
being 12 Miles and Lodged at the late Deputy Governour 
Wm Ellereys but Sent our horses to the Tavern. 

We all dined with Our f r'd Ellereys Lady he being out of 
Town and in the afternoon I left my Compn there and went 
to Capt Jno Jepson's where I lodged as Also my man & 
horse during my Stay in R. I. 

I dined with Capt Jonathan Thurston 

I dined at John Jepsons and in the Afternoon I went with 
my fellow travelers to See Captain Molbons Country house 
It Stands upon a tolerable Advantageous Scituation About a 
mile out of the Town And makes a good Appearance at a 
distance, but when you came to Survay it nearer it does not 
Answer your Expectation It is Built of Hewn Stone and all 
the Corners and Sides of the windows are all painted to 
represent Marble, You Enter from a large flight of Steps 
into the first Story which is very Grand the Rooms being 
to Appearance 16 or 17 foot high but the upper Story is 
Neither of the proportionable in the height of the rooms nor 
Size of the Windows the Cellars Kitchins &C are below 
Stairs 'tho Only upon the Surface of the Earth before the 
house is a Handsome Garden with variety of wall fruits 
And flowers &C ; this house & Garden is reckoned the wonder 
of that part of the Country not being Such another in this 


N:B we Enter'd this Governmt of Rhode Island at Bristol 
ferry wch Parts it from the Massachusetts-bay 

This day I was 'twice at Meeting which is very large; the 
Meetg house is also large and has two tier of Galferys And 
a Cupola on the top, but the friends in my opinion are as 
Topping as their house, for I did not Imagine one half of 
the Congregation had been of that Society and I afterwards 
found they were not to be known by their Language dress, 
or behaviour Altho' there Seems to be a few wn (Compair'd 
with the whole) that are very Examplary in every respect 
and an honour to their proffession and the Society; this day 

dined wth my landlord Jepson 

This Morning I Accompany'd my good friends Henry 
Vassals & his Spouse And Mary Phips on their return back 
as far as Bristol ferry which is 12 Miles where I took 
leave of 'em & returnd to Jno Jepsons to dinner 
I dined wth Capt John Thurstone 
I dined wth our f r'd John Easton 
I dined wth Capt Jno Brown Mercht 
I dined at Jonathan Thurstons 
I dined at Abram Redwoods 
I dined at Jno Jepsons & was a Meeting 
I dined with Do 

I dined with Joseph Whipple this day we walked over the 
hill behind the town to the Beach and to Nichs Eastons 
where we See his little dear park and his pond where he 
keeps his wild geese, brants, & wild ducks &Ca. 

Newport is the only town in the Island and Stands on the 
NW Side thereof and Near the West end, and upon arising 
ground from the Sea or harbour is in the General well built 
And all of wood (Except the Statehouse and one of Capt 
Molbons which are of Brick) the houses in general make a 
good Apearance and also as well furnished as in Most places 
you will meet with, many of the rooms being hung with 
Printed Canvas and paper &C which looks very neat 
Others are well wainscoted and painted as in other places 
The main Street is called a Mile long and runs Paralell with 


the Harbour besides which there are Several other Streets 
and lanes which are regular and pretty well built, That part 
of the town called the point is also laid out in Squares and 
pretty well built, they have abundance of good wharves 
which Extend the whole length of the town where vessels 
of any burthen can Load, discharge, or heave down without 
the help of Lighters which renders it an Excellent Scituation 
for trade and more Especially as it is so near the Sea that 
vessels are out or in, in a Moment, notwithstandg the labour 
under one great inconvenience that is their Ships & vessels 
are subject to the worm and more particularly at the point 
where the best water is but this is only in the Sumr time 

They have one Wharf which by way of preeminence is 
Called the Long wharf and runs from the bottom of a 
Spacious wide Street (at the uper End of which Stands the 
Statehouse fronting to the Sea) about half a Mile into the 
harbour And then turns with an Angle and Joins it Self to 
the point, There is a Number of warehouses built upon this 
Noble wharf in Imitation of that in Boston and in one thing 
Exceeds it by the Joining to the Mainland at both ends it 
forms a fine Bason Where Small vessels lye very safe in the 
Winter time Entering by the Drawbridge that's placed about 
the Middle of the said long wharfe 

There is Several publick buildings in this Town worthy of 
Notice, viz' the Statehouse which (as before) Stands at the 
upper end of a Spacious wide Street fronting to the harbour, 
is built of Brick and is a Genteel Large buildg There is a 
large meeting house for the friends as before Observed ; 
One with a large handsome Steeple for the Presbyterians; 
and Do for Do Somthing Smaller One for the Church of 
England which is very neat and Genteel and pretty large ; 
One of the 7th day & one of the first day Baptists, there is 
also a good many Jews but the have no Sinagogue, They 
have here a very Handsome Library built upon the hill above 
the Town and is well adapted for the use designed being 
Only one Story but the floor raised Several Steps, and from 
thence they have a good prospect of the Harbour And Neigh- 


bouring Country Abram Redwood Made a present to the 
Said Library of 500 Sterg. value in books on Sundry 

Here is abundance of Transient French Merchts which 
are concerned with the people in trade to Cape Briton, Cape 
Francois, &C. They have also a good trade from hence to 
the Coast of Guinea, The Bay of Honduras for Log wood 
which the send chiefly to Holland and have alsorts of dutch 
goods in return which are all run by the Connivance of 
good natured officers who have a feeling Sence of their 
Neighbours Industry, They have also a good Trade to the 
wt India Islands with flour, Pork, Shingles, Staves, Boards, 
Horses, &C the Chief of which the Purchase from their 
Neighbours in Connecticut Governmt 

This Island is throughout like a Garden from the Industry 
of their farmers who keep there ground very Clean Their 
fences are Chiefly of Stone made by themselves to Save 
their wood a piece of Industry rarely met with in North 
America, They do not grow any wheat, but Some Oats and 
a good deal of Maze & they have Excellent grass and fine 
Cattle, the largest by much I see in America 

Their Curry which is Chiefly Paper is Esteemed upon the 
worst footing of any in N. America and depreciates in value 
every year, yet the Legislature are Generally ready to Issue 
a fresh bank, upon the Aplication of Any one of their 
Learn'd body who frequently make good use of those Op- 

I set out for New York in Compa with my worthy friend 
Geo:Mifflin this day about 10 o'Clock I hired a horse for 
Yorkshire from Capt Josh Scott who is now Sherriff 
We took boat at the Point & in about 2 hours landed upon 
the Island of Connanicut being 3 Miles but the wind blowed 
very Stong agst us, we then Crossed this Island beg one 
Mile to the Next ferry but it blowd So hard we could not 
get over So was Obliged to dine with an ill natured Scold at 
the ferry house who gave us Potatoes & Tatogue with an 
intolerable dirty Cloth &C however after the Pinner we got 


over the ferry being 3 miles, in Two hours the wind Con- 
tinuing to blow hard agst us, from hence we had 5 Miles 
to one Caseys at Tower hill very bad Stony Road, this is 
reckon'd one of the best houses of Entertainment in the 
Governmt but being Court time & a number of People there 
we did not Stop, but proceeded Along the Naraganset 
Country 9 miles to Sqe Hills at Charles Town where we 
Lodged, This Country is very Subjt to Stones &C And 

We were up early this morning in order to Proceed on 
our Journey wn Behold our horses had made their Escape 
out of the Stable and being late before they were found, & 
yorkshire who went in Pursuit of 'em with Hills Indian Boy 
did not return till after Sunset Obliged us to Stay here an- 
other night in the Meantime my Fellow Traveller & Self, 
went out a Shooting Killd some Squirrels and some very 
pretty birds called Marsh quails Something bigger then a 
field fare and fine Eatg we also went to See the Patlace of 
the King of the Narraganset Indians but he being a Minor 
& With his Grandmother about 9 or 10 Miles up the Country 
at another Town, we were deprived of a sight of his 
Majesty, Our Landlord Hill told us that he has got a good 
many Subjects that are Sober Religeous People and about 
20,000 Acres of land in his Own right which he & his An- 
cestors have held theirs even since the discovery of this 
Country by the English and no doubt long before Some 
Gentlemen in Newport are a kind of Guardians to him and 
receive his rents, Lease out his lands &Ca for him during 
his Minority as well to the Whites as his Own Subjects 

We Set out pretty early after riding a mile We left the 
Indian Wigwams on Our Left And their Kings palace on 
our right which is but an Indifferent house Built of Stone 
two Story high, the Glass very much broke and Otherwise 
to Appearance very much out of Repair, we travelled 
through a great deal of Stony uneven road until we got to 
one Cole Williams who keeps a house of Entertainmt So 
Called at Stoninton being 21 Miles" 


The Last Cruise of the Privateer Yankee 


On the fifteenth of July, 1814, as recorded in the diary of 
Dr. Joseph Stevens, published in Volume XII, No. 3, of these 
Collections, the privateer Yankee, barely eluding the British 
men of war that swarmed along the New England coast, 
slipped into the harbor of New Bedford and was abandoned 
by her crew almost as soon as her anchor was dropped. As 
by a miracle one of her prizes, the San Jose Indiano, suc- 
ceeded in reaching Portland, Maine. With her cargo she sold 
for more than half a million dollars, inundating gasping Bris- 
tol with the unexpected wave of prize money. 

Notwithstanding the immense risk which then attended 
privateering there was no difficulty in securing a full comple- 
ment of seamen for such a wonderfully lucky vessel as the 
privateer had proved herself to be. On the thirtieth of Sep- 
tember the little brigantine sailed again from Bristol harbor 
with the officers and crew specified in the following list. (In 
this list appear many Providence names, as well as the names 
of many men who lived in Warren.) 

An excellent summing up of her cruise of one hundred and 
five days is given in a letter from her Second Captain, Benja- 
min K. Churchill, dated Beaufort, N. C, January 21, 1815. 
That blithe spirit ends his letter with the complacent announce- 
ment: "P. S. I have lost one of my legs on this cruise." 
Of six prizes taken, only one, the brig Courtney, netted much 
money. With her cargo she sold for about $70,000. An ex- 
tremely valuable prize was taken after a running fight (which 
probably cost Captain Churchill his leg?). This was a full 
rigged ship, an East Indiaman, the General Wellesley, mount- 
ing sixteen guns and carrying a crew of eighty-six men. She 
was of six hundred tons burden, more than three times the 
tonnage of the Yankee. But the little brig could sail around 
her, and the Lascars who formed her crew were not in the 
same class with the sailors who manned the Bristol ship. 
James M. Blifin was placed on board the Wellesley as Prize 


Master with instructions to take her into Charleston, S. C. 
Alas ! she grounded on Charleston Bar and became a complete 
wreck. Two of her prize crew and fifty-two of the Lascars 
were lost with her. The Yankee's mission was ended. She 
appears to have remained at Beaufort from the date of 
Churchill's letter until after peace had been declared. A crew 
of ten men only, shipped according to the Regulations of the 
Merchant Service, brought her into Bristol harbor May 2, 

List of Officers, Seamen, and Marines of the Privateer Yan- 
kee, dated, Bristol, Rhode Island, Sept. 30, 1814. 

Commander William C. Jenckes. 

Second Captain B. K. Churchill. 

First Lieutenant A. B. Hetherington. 
T\ Second Lieutenant Henry Wardwell. 

Third Lieutenant Samuel Grafton. 

Clerk, Purser and Captain of Marines David L. Isham. 

Surgeon Pardon Brownell, M. D. 

Master's Mate Henry Child. 

Prize Masters Spooner Ruggles, Benjamin Thomas, Sam- 
uel Swazey, Ratcliffe Hicks, James M. Blinn, Randall Pullen, 
Joseph Gonsolves, Seabury Dunham. 

Gunner John Carter. 

Gunner's Mate Joseph Wheaton. 

Carpenter Joshua Stutson. 

Sail Maker Benjamin Wheaton, Jr. 

Ship's Steward William H. Mosher. 

Captain's Sweeper Charles Batty. 

Armorer Frederick A. Finck. 

Boatswain John Peterson. 

Boatswain's Mate Allen Beebe. 

Cook David Locklin. 

Cabin Boy Ziba Purchase. 

Boy William Hatch. 

Seamen, Marines, &c. Christopher I. Sheldon, Henry Sim- 
mons, Henry Seymore, Luther Sissin, William Fisher, Samuel 


Wheaton, Joseph Butman, John Crandall, John Brownlow, 
John Bowen, Pardon Williston, Noble Hood, John Reeves, 
Mirick Winslow, Monson Weed, William Cook, William Cof- 
fin, John T. Corps, Andrew Johnson, Benjamin Dean, John 
Littlepage, Henry Faye, Jacob Dailey, William Cornett, James 
Drown, Johnathan Paine, Jr., S. Sanders, John B. Taber, 
Charles F. Brown, Daniel V. Tillinghast, John Champlin, 
John Greene, Nathan Brightman, Edwin E. Torry, James H. 
Boyd, James Carr, John H. Luther, Levi P. Perry, Polfrey 
Collins, Isaac Perry, Clark Brown, Gardner Hail, Jeremiah 
Goff, Thomas T. Westcott, Henry Arnold Child, Job Collins, 
George Mattwood, Nathan Reed, 2nd, Suchet Mauran, James 
N. Sabins, John H. Watson, William Morey, Henry Nimmo, 
James H. Boyd, Hezekiah Munro, William L. Lewis, James 
W. Winslow, Perry Rhodes, Christopher Eggers, James B. 
Ryan, John Lawrence, Allen Corey, James Carr, Chauncey 
dishing, Resolved W. Phillips, Alpheus Reed, Peleg Minor, 
Daniel Read, Peter Jennings, Edward Eddy, 2d, James Jack- 
son, George Salsbury, Joseph S. Hoxie, John Greene, Richard 
Longshore, Marick Tew, Joseph S. Gifford, John Abbersouie, 
John Brown, Samuel Baker, Daniel Cushing, Thomas Pearce, 
George Clarke, James Bowen, James Ladieu, William West, 
Russell Armington, William K. Greene, Spencer Lincoln, 
Stanton Frink, John Haradon, Jr., William W. Eddy, Caleb 
Parlon, Robert Cottle, Watson Young, John Bacon, Charles 
Norton, Samuel Lopez, Thomas Griffis, John Brown, Jr., Shu- 
bel Hilman, William Woodward, Jr., David Dusenberry, Jack 
Luther, Benjamin Cartee, William R. Hensey, John W. 
Fisher, Thos. Fullerton, William Chapin, Thomas Henry, 
John Goff, George Hoar, William Pergrow, David Keary, 
David Cleavland, Fitz Clark. 

List copied from Bristol Phoenix, May 16, 1874. 


List of Rhode Island Books Entered for 
Copyright, 1790-1816 

From 1790 to 1870 the titles of works entered for copy- 
right were recorded in the office of the United States Dis- 
trict Court for the district in which the author or pro- 
prietor resided. When the place of entry was changed to 
Washington the records were supposed to be forwarded 
there but the earliest volume of copyright entries from 
this State now in the Library of Congress begins July 2, 
1831. Several years ago thinking the missing records 
might have been overlooked in the transfer, inquiry was 
made at the United States District Court Office, then in 
the old Post Office building, but the Judge and clerk both 
stated that no records remained in the office. Recently 
the present clerk, Mr. Thomas Hope, has found the first 
volume of these missing records and by his courtesy the 
following transcript has been made. The Registrar of 
Copyrights states these records were first in the Depart- 
ment of State, then in the Department of the Interior and 
finally in the Library of Congress. Possibly in these 
transfers the missing volume of records has been mislaid 
and may yet be recovered. 


9 August, 1 5th Year of the Independence of the United 
States. Rev. Enos Hitchcock, D. D. of Rhode Island as 
Author entered for copyright. "Memoirs of the Blooms- 
grove family, in a Series of letters to a respectable citizen 
of Philadelphia, containing sentiments on a mode of 
domestic education suited to the present state of society, 
government and manners, in the United States of America; 
and on the dignity and importance of the female character- 
interspersed with a variety of interesting anecdotes, by 
Enos Hitchcock, D. D." 

26 August, 1 5th Year of the Independence of the United 
States. Peter Edes of Rhode Island as Proprietor entered 
for copyright. "The American Sailor, a treatise on prac- 


tical seamanship, with hints and remarks relating thereto, 
designed to contribute towards making navigation in 
general more perfect, and of consequence, less destructive 
to health, lives and property, by Samuel Buckner." 

14 April, 1 5th Year of the Independence of the United 
States. Robert Adam of Rhode Island as Proprietor en- 
tered for copyright. "The Youth's Assistant; being a 
plain, easy, comprehensive guide to practical arithmetic, 
containing all the rules and examples necessary for such 
a work, viz., numeration, simple addition, subtraction, 
multiplication and division division of weights and 
measures Reduction of several denominations The 
single and double rules of Three Tare and Trett prac- 
tice simple interest Assuance Brokage Commission, dis- 
count Equation of payments Loss and Gain single and 
double fellowship Reduction, addition Subtraction, mul- 
tiplication, and division of vulgar fractions, notation ad- 
dition, subtraction, multiplication, division, and reduction 
of Decimal fractions the Rule of Three, simple and com- 
pound Interest in decimal fractions By Alexander M. 

22 July, 1 7th Year of the Independence of the United 
States. Enos Hitchcock, D. D. of Rhode Island as Author 
entered for copyright. "The Farmer's Friend or the his- 
tory of Mr. Charles Worthy, who, from being a poor 
orphan rose, through various scenes of distress and mis- 
fortune to wealth and eminence, by industry, Economy 
and good conduct, interspersed with many useful and en- 
tertaining Narratives, suited to please the fancy, improve 
the understanding, and mend the heart by Enos Hitch- 
cock, D. D. Author of Memoirs of the Bloomsgrove 

23 December, i8th Year of the Independence of the 
United States. John Gardner Ladd of Rhode Island as 
Proprietor entered for copyright. "The Poems of Arovet," 
and also "An Essay on Primitive, latent, and Regenerated 
Light, by Dr. Joseph B. Ladd." 


9 May, igth Year of the Independence of the United 
States. Rev. William Patten of Rhode Island as Author 
entered for copyright. "Christianity, the true Theology 
and only perfect moral system, in answer to the Age of 
Reason, with an appendix in answer to the Examiners, 
examined, By William Patten, A:M., minister of the 
second congregational church in Newport." 

24 June, I9th Year of the Independence of the United 
States. James Ellis of Massachusetts as Author entered 
for copyright. "A Narrative of the Rise, progress and 
Issue of the late law suits, relative to property held and 
devoted to pious Uses, in the first precinct in Rehoboth, 
containing the substance of the Records which shew, for 
whose use and benefit the property was originally intended, 
together with some observations on certain constitutional 
principles, which respect the support of public worship, 
and the equal protection and establishment of all regular 
denomination of Christians." .By James Ellis, A :M : At- 
torney at Law. 

10 October, 2Oth Year of the Independence of the 
United States. John Carter and William Wilkinson, 
printers and booksellers of Rhode Island as Proprietors 
entered for copyright. "The federal calculation and 
American ready Reckoner ; containing federal Arithmetic 
The value of any number of yards, pounds, and from I to 
100, and from i mill to I dollar, tables of interest, value 
of Cents in the Currencies of the different States value 
of gold, as now established by Law in the United States 
By William Wilkinson, A:M." 

1 6 February, 2ist Year of the Independence of the 
United States. John Carter and William Wilkinson, 
printers and booksellers of Rhode Island as Proprietors 
entered for copyright. "The young ladies and gentle- 
men's Spelling book ; containing a Criterion of rightly 
spelling and pronouncing the English Language ; inter- 
spersed with many easy lessons in reading, entertaining 
fables and Collections of moral sentences ; intended for the 


use of Common Schools, by Caleb Alexander, A :M : author 
of "the works of Virgil translated into literal English 
prose," "A Grammatical Institute of the latin language," 
"A Grammatical System of the English Language," and 
"A Grammatical System of the Grecian language." 

28 April, 21 st Year of the Independence of the United 
States. Samuel Hopkins, D. D. pastor of the first Con- 
gregational Church in Newport of Rhode Island as Pro- 
prietor entered for copyright. "The life and character of 
Miss Susanna Anthony, who died in Newport, R. I., June 
MDCCXCI, in the Sixty-fifth year of her age, consisting 
chiefly in Extracts from her writings, with some brief ob- 
servations on them, compiled by Samuel Hopkins, D. D., 
pastor of the first Congregational Church in Newport." 

10 May, 2ist Year of the Independence of the United 
States. Nathaniel Phillips of Rhode Island as Proprietor 
entered for copyright. "The Young ladies and Gentle- 
men's Preceptor, or Eighteen moral Rules, by Laban 
Thurber, minister of the Gospel in Attleborough." 

1 8 November, 22nd Year of the Independence of the 
United States. James Wilson of Rhode Island as Author 
entered for copyright. "Apostolic" Church Government, 
examined and the government "of the Methodist Epsicopal 
Church investigated." "Prove all things, hold fast that 
which is good" "ist. Thess:5th :2i." 

15 June, 22nd Year of the Independence of the United 
States. James Wilson of Rhode Island as Author entered 
for copyright. "Apostolic Church Government displayed, 
and the government and system of the Methodist Epis- 
copal Church investigated, to which is added, an "Ap- 
pendix, containing a Concise dissertation on the nature 
and duration of the Apostolic Personal Authority and 
Office by James Wilson, Pastor of the Beneficent Congre- 
gational Church in Providence." Prove all things, hold 
fast that which is good, ist. Thess:i:2i." 

(To be continued.) 




Vol. XIII 

July, 1920 

No. 3. 

ERLING C. OSTBY, Secretary HOWARD M. CHAPIN, Librarian 

Please address communications to Howard M. Chapin, Librarian, 
68 Waterman Street, Providence, R. I. 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the 
opinions of contributors. 

The Inscribed Rocks of Narragansett Bay 


I. The Mount Hope Rock (continued) 

Since the appearance of my recent discussion of this rock, 

I have noticed a few errors in the text that need correction, 

and have made further observations of the rock itself. The 

>ost important of the errors were these: the footnote on 

xge 4 should have referred to chart on Plate I, not Figure 

; on the chart, the arrow should have been drawn f& inch 

ower than its actual position ; and the dimensions of the in- 

icription should have been given as 21 inches in length, and 

2 l /\, inches in average height of the individual characters. 

Repeated study of the characters does not add strength 
to the assumption that they are Cherokee. If they are such, 
they were for the most part exceedingly ill-made. Yet it is 
always much harder to remember accurately the forms of 
letters in writing them than it is to recognize them in reading ; 
and a man of little education, without having his book at 


hand for guidance, would undoubtedly have made many mis- 
takes in attempting to draw these eighty-six characters. 
Even fairly educated white men do not always remember the 
correct shapes of their own twenty-six letters ; one of them 
has recently inscribed a date on this same rock, with the 
lower curve of a J turned the wrong way. Most of the 
characters of the inscription more nearly resemble Cherokee 
symbols than any other specific alphabet, in spite of not cor- 
responding exactly. So that remains as a possible inter- 
pretation of them, with the strong points in its favor that 
have been enumerated; but it cannot be regarded as certain. 
Through correspondence, a few new facts are being brought 
to my attention that have a bearing on the relative merits of 
the alternative theories that I advanced as to the authorship 
of the inscription. Inasmuch as this correspondence still 
continues vigorously, it seems best to defer further reference 
to it until my final conclusions are drawn at the end of this 
series of papers. 

One recent incident must cause regret to everyone who is 
genuinely interested in these puzzling records and who 
desires that opportunity for their further scientific study may 
be preserved. Some thoughtless mischief-maker has carved 
his name between the line of inscribed characters and the 
picture of the boat, .and the date "1920" over the boat itself. 
It is to be hoped that in the future those who seek a delusive 
immortality by means of such carvings may take care not to 
mar the more ancient records, and that it may not be long 
before some means will be found to remove this and other 
important rocks to securer positions and to protect them 
against such senseless injuries. 

II. The Portsmouth Rocks. 

There was once a group of inscribed rocks in the town of 
Portsmouth, on the Island of Rhode Island, that are now 
irretrievably lost. Fortunately they were thoroughly studied 
before their disappearance by two different observers and 
careful drawings of them were made. Their situation and 
general appearance can be described best by quoting the 
words of Dr. Thomas H. Webb, from a report which he 


made on July 20, 1835, to the Trustees of this Society, and 
which he afterwards incorporated in a letter to Professor 
Rafn of Denmark, dated September 14 of the same year: 

"The rocks are situated on the western side of the island 
of Rhode Island, in the town of Portsmouth, on the shore, 
bordering the farm formerly belonging to Job Almy, But 
now the property of William Almy of Providence, about 
seven miles from Newport, taking the western road, and four 
miles from Bristol Ferry. (By reference to the Chart of 
Narragansett Bay, you will find, by running your eye along 
the West side of the island, a Point there named Coggeshall's 
Point; by continuing on South of this and West of the 
shading that represents the topmost elevation of the island, 
you will notice another shading, that indicates a small hillock; 
near this, perhaps a little to the N.W., on the shore, lie the 
rocks now spoken of). They are partially, if not entirely, 
covered by water, at high tide. . . . They were for- 
merly well covered with characters, although a large portion 
of them have become obliterated by the action of air and 
moisture, and probably still more by the attrition of masses 
of stone against them in violent storms and gales, and by the 
ravages of that most destructive power of all, the hand of 
man. The rocks are, geologically, similar to that at Assonet 
neck; being fine grained Gray-wacke. They appear, at first 
view, as though they had been covered with a cement, for 
the purpose of receiving the Inscription ; but upon a closer 
inspection, it will be found to be a natural formation, (or 
incrustation, if the term be allowable, as conveying a more 
correct idea of the appearance presented), composed of the 
same constituents with the rocks themselves. The Inscrip- 
tions were made in the same manner, as that on the Assonet 
Neck rock ; viz. by being pecked in upon the rocks. Some 
individuals have very recently drawn, probably with pitch- 
forks, circles all over the original marks, which, of course, 
creates some confusion, but cannot occasion the committing 
of any errors, by one conversant with the manner in which 
the ancient figures were made, differing so entirely from 
each other as they do. Some of the characters are similar 


to the Assonet ones. One head of a human figure could 
just be distinguished on a rock, from which the other 
characters were so far obliterated as to prevent their being 
made out; on another, some irregular quadrilateral and 
angular ones could be faintly traced." 1 

Reference to the section of chart in Plate V will show 
that the position described by Webb is now occupied by the 
plant of the United States naval coal depot at a place now 
called Melville Station but formerly known as Portsmouth 
Grove and later as Bradford. What that means as to the 
fate of the rocks will be discussed after we have assembled 
all of our data. 

The earliest visitor to these rocks of whom we know, was 
Ezra Stiles. His manuscript Itineraries, preserved in the 
library of Yale University, mention three separate visits 
that he made. 2 On the first two occasions he used pages 
of these Itineraries for full descriptive notes and drawings, 
and these we are now reproducing for the first time. He 
also made drawings when he was there for the third time, 
but did not include them in the Itinerary. We do not know 
what has become of them. His loose drawings of rocks in 
various localities are now widely scattered, and these have 
not been discovered among them. 

Dr. Stiles first became interested in "Writing-Rocks" 
through seeing a copy of Cotton Mather's drawing of Dighton 
Rock in November of 1766. On the 5th and 6th of the 
following June he made his first visit to Assonet Neck, 
where he saw the rock and made drawings from it. Eleven 
days later he was at Portsmouth, and made his first study 
of the rocks there. His brief description of the fact is as 
follows : 

"June 17, 1767. I viewed Rocks in M r . Job Almy's 
Farm in Portsm . on the Shore of West side of Rhode 
Island, over against Prudence. And find their Inscriptions 
of the same kind as those at Assonet, tho not so distinct & 

J Antiquitates Americanae, 1837, pp. 397f. 

2 The writer desires to express to the Yale University Library his 
appreciation of the privilege of reproducing hitherto unpublished 
notes and drawings from these Itineraries. 


well done. These rocks are Seven Miles North of 
Newport." 1 

Drawings were made from four rocks, one of them from 
two sides. In regard to the latter he remarks : "A & B are 
two sides of the same stone about 6 feet long & 3 f. broad. 
The prickt lines denote Cracks." The five drawings are 
reproduced in our Plates VII and VIII. 

Stiles went again to inspect the rocks on October 6, 1767. 
The results of his studies on this occasion are contained in 
the second volume of his Itineraries, on ten pages between 
301 and 315. The first two of these pages contain carefully 
made and valuable charts or sketches. One of them shows 
the entire vicinity of Coggeshall's Point, with various dis- 
tances exactly measured and recorded. The other is a plan, 
on an enlarged scale, of the rocks in their relation to one 
another and to the shore. These sketches appear as our 
Plates IX and X. 2 On another page he drew a chart of 
Narragansett Bay, which we do not reproduce, showing the 
position of "Written Rocks" in Tiverton and Portsmouth 
and of the "Writing Rock" on Assonet Neck. Three pages 
contain drawings of the inscriptions on the three principal 
rocks, and these we present in Plates XI, XII and XIII. 
His rock A is the same as the one which he called No. 3 on 
the former occasion. It is divided into squares, indicating 
dimensions in feet. Beneath it is an enlarged sketch of one 
of the figures. Rock B is identical with his previous No. 2. 

Manuscript Itineraries, ii.265. This is the only passage, among 
all of those in which Stiles refers to these Portsmouth rocks, that has 
been included in the published "Extracts from the Itineraries and 
Other Miscellanies of Ezra Stiles," edited by Franklin B. Dexter, 
1916. The passage is given there on page 233. 

2 Certain very faint lines appear on the second of these sketches. 
Some of them represent notes made in pencil on the original sketch, 
and do not show in our reproduction. They are all indicative of 
dimensions, and include : on the upper side of C, 5 l /2 ', on its lower 
side, 5 l /2', on the lower side of B, 7; on the rightward side of A, 4; 
just below the middle of the right half of the sketch, 30 feet. Other 
faint lines on the original, not visible in the reproduction, do not 
belong to the sketch, being ink-impressions which have transferred to 
this page from the drawing on another page which has lain, against 
this one for 150 years. The pages of the Itinerary, on which all of 
these drawings by Stiles were made, measure each about 6Va by 7^j 


Both sides of it which bear inscriptions are copied. The 
side previously called A is drawn in ink, and a faint note in 
pencil on it shows that this side faces "East a little S." 
The previously designated side B of rock No. 2 is here called 
"N Side" of rock B. It is drawn hurriedly and in pencil. 1 
The right-hand half of the upper line in the first of the two 
drawings from this rock B was again drawn with greater 
care and on a larger scale on page 313, with dimensions in- 
dicated. It seems hardly important enough to need repro- 
duction here. Rock C of this occasion is his previous No. 

1. Its upper half contains two diamonds and a cross which 
so interested him that he laid three pages of his Itinerary 
311, 314 and 315 against them on the rock and traced them 
exactly in full size. These three figures, also, we have not 
reproduced, since they seem to be sufficiently well presented 
in drawing C. The left-hand diamond measures 3^4 by 
inches ; the other, 4% by 6 l / 2 ; and the cross, 3^ by 
Underneath the drawing of rock C are a few penciled tracings 
whose source I have not identified. 

On the same pages with the drawings are notes descrip- 
tive of his activities and observations. The most important 
of them read as follows : 

"Oct. 6, 1767. I visited the Rocks: but did not reach 
them till after III o'Clock P.M. when it was Flood or about 
Low Water. I spent some time in taking the draught of 
this & the next page [the two charts]. Then I chalked N 
A & being late began to decypher, & set my son Ezra to 
chalking the rest. I took of A with Care, but the rest with 

1 The penciled lines appear very faintly on the photostatic copies 
of the original pages, from which our engravings were made; and 
the engraver assured me that they would not show in his reproduc- 
tions. I have therefore traced over in ink the following features: 
the words "East a little S," and "N Side B;" the entire drawing 
of the latter, and the penciled scribblings under C; and the beginnings 
of the lines marking divisions into feet on the upper drawing of B. I 
have also strengthened a few of the outlines of the rocks numbered 

2, 3 and 4, but none of the inscribed lines within them. Since tracings 
cannot be absolutely exact, these features are slightly and unim- 
portantly modified. The only liberties taken with the lines represent- 
ing inscriptions are in the two cases mentioned: the north side of B, 
and the unidentified tracings underneath C. Since Stiles left these 
roughly drawn and in pencil marks only, he evidently regarded them 
as unfinished and unsatisfactory. 


* *i<UjML*<^& 


23f# P&j 



^^/ fatzzt/t+wM-Pr**- .> 


Drawings of Portsmouth iocriptions by Ezra Stiles, June 17, 1767; reproduced 
from Stiles's manuscript Itineraries, ii-265. 


great haste, except the Diamonds & Cross in C, which I took 
exactly, as I did also the Impressions of them, by laying the 
paper on the stone & pressing it over the Character." 
"Began at IV h . & decyphered to V,^2 or near sunset when 
Tide had reached B & surrounded C. Got to the Rocks at 
lll l / 2 chalked till q r after IV then cyphd i}4 h ." The re- 
maining notes are easily read on the drawings to which they 
apply. One of them, however, on the chart of Coggeshall's 
Point is so near the edge as to be nearly illegible in the repro- 
duction: "Low water mark makes Shore 20 or 30 feet 
broad ;" and another on the same chart is of especial interest : 
"This point was formerly a place of Indian Wigwaums but 
now none." 

Twenty-one years later, on October 6, 1788, Stiles re- 
marked in his Itinerary (iv.255) : "Copied 4 Rocks on M r 
Job Almys Farm." The same fact was mentioned by him 
also in his Diary 1 . The drawings were not made on pages 
of the Itinerary, and are now lost. 

Nearly fifty years after Stiles's last note on this subject, 
another study of these rocks was made. It was in conse- 
quence of an inquiry from Professor Rafn in 1829 as to 
possible relics in America of the visits of the Northmen 
related in the sagas, that the Rhode Island Historical Society 
became interested in the inscribed rocks of the region. After 
first devoting attention to Dighton Rock, its Committee on 
the Antiquities and Aboriginal History of America extended 
its investigations, making search for all the inscribed rocks 
that they could find. This committee was composed of Dr. 
Thomas H. Webb, John R. Bartlett and Albert G. Greene, 
of whom the first two were the more active members. Their 
first visit to the Portsmouth rocks was made before July 20, 
1835, an d resulted in a report to the Trustees 2 and a letter 
to Rafn which has already been quoted. They went there 

literary Diary of Ezra Stiles, 1901, Hi. 330. 

2 In the manuscript "Records" of the Society, under date of July 21, 
1835, there is mention of this report. In its "Correspondence and 
Reports," vol. ii, on page 49 is a copy of the 18-page letter of Oct. 
31, 1835; and on page 72 is a report made by the Committee sto the 
Trustees on Nov. 16, 1835, concerning various visits to inscribed rocks, 
including that of Aug. 10. 


again on August loth, and Webb wrote again to Rafn on 
October 31, 1835, as follows: 

"Although the rocks inscribed are not sufficiently large to 
attract attention particularly, whilst sailing up or down the 
Bay, and consequently may be thought illy calculated to serve 
as monuments for the information of voyagers or others, yet 
the character of the ground in the vicinity is such that it 
would in a special manner draw the attention of persons 
coming from the North of Europe. For near upon the 
shore, between the Rocks and the long line of elevated 
ground, which forms the highest portion of the Island, is a 
hillock, having at a short distance therefrom, when viewed 
from the water, a remarkable resemblance to some of the 
Mounds found in the Scandinavian district and also in the 
western section of our own Country. This spot I revisited, 
with Mr. Bartlett, in company, on the loth, of last August, 
when drawings were taken by Mr. Bartlett, of the few 
remnants of characters, which, (by the aid of a strong light, 
altho' then for the most part but faintly), we were enabled 
to make out. Copies of these are now sent, marked No. I, 
2 & 3. No. i is the most Northern, and the characters are 
inscribed on the perpendicular surface of its Eastern side; 
No. 2 stands between the others, and is inclined to the S. 
having its characters on the surface facing to that point of 
the compass ; such also is the position of No. 3, as well as 
the situation of the figures upon it. These are not stratified 
as some may conjecture from viewing the Drawings ; each 
is a single block, deeply and somewhat regularly fissured. 
Farther to the S. and S.W. are some smaller rocks which 
were marked, but nothing satisfactory can now be dis- 
tinguished on them." 1 

The hillock that Webb regarded as so remarkable was 
mentioned also in his previous report. Its position is clearly 
indicated in Stiles's chart in our Plate IX. It can hardly 
ever have been extraordinary enough to attract attention so 
surely as Webb assumes. Now it is much reduced in size, 
its material having been used in the construction of the 
neighboring Naval Depot. 

a Antiquitates Americanae, p. 401. 


The drawings that Bartlett made were reproduced by Rafn 
in Tabella XIII of Antiquitates Americanae. Originals of 
them are in possession of this Society, on sheets of paper 
each measuring 15^2 by 19^ inches, and it is these originals 
that we reproduce here in Plates V and VI. There are some 
slight and unimportant differences between these and the 
reproductions by Rafn. Angles and proportions are not 
quite the same, though on the whole probably as closely alike 
as free-hand copying could make them. On Rafn's drawings 
the words "indistinct" and "imperfect" are used in some of 
the places where "illegible" occurs here; and once "scaled 
off" appears on Rafn's drawing in a position where here 
there are only shadings. It is not impossible that Rafn 
himself was responsible for these trivial differences, as he is 
known to have taken serious liberties in reproducing the 
drawings of Dighton Rock sent him by this Society; but it 
seems more probable in this case that it was Bartlett who 
introduced these changes in the duplicates which he prepared 
for Rafn's use. The Webb-Bartlett No. I is the same as 
Stiles's i or C ; 2 is Stiles's 2 or B ; and 3 is Stiles's 3 or A. 
Thus we have three separate drawings of each of these in- 
scriptions, and study and comparison of them, in spite of 
their differences, will give a fairly accurate idea of what the 
markings on the rocks must have been like. Besides these 
three rocks, pictured on all three occasions, it will be remem- 
bered that Stiles twice depicted the figures on another side 
of B, and once made a drawing from a fourth rock; and 
Webb mentions several "smaller rocks which were marked/' 
from which Bartlett made no drawings, including two of 
whose faintly discernible characters he could barely make 
out a human head on one and some irregular quadrilateral 
and angular marks on the other. 

We know of only one other occasion on which these rocks 
were seen and described. Dr. Samuel A. Green visited them 
in I868. 1 He found only two of them, "situated on the 
beach near the old landing place of the military hospital at 
Portsmouth Grove." Their material appeared to him to be 

Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, October 21, 1868. 


Drawings of Portsmouth inscriptions by Ezra Stiles; reproduced from Stiles's 
manuscript Itineraries, ii 266. 



Drawing by Ezra Stiles, October 6, 1767; reproduced from Stiles's manuscript 
Itineraries, ii-301. 


of a gneissoid character. "Many of the marks are still dis- 
tinct and well-defined, and perhaps were made by the same 
tribe that made those on Dighton Rock. They are of interest 
as early specimens of rude Indian art." In 1913, William 
H. Babcock 1 reported that the rocks seemed to have dis- 
appeared. He says of them, however: "Several inscrip- 
tions, plainly Indian work, are found at the end of the 
Antiquitates Americanae as formerly existent at this point 
and at Tiverton." 

Babcock's belief that the rocks have now disappeared is 
unfortunately correct. On September 2, 1919, I made a 
visit to the place and searched the shore west and north-west 
of the "hillock," up to the extensive wharves that now cover 
a large part of the former beach. There are only a few 
small boulders there, none of them with inscriptions. On 
May 5, 1920, I inspected at low tide the waters along the 
sea-wall between the wharves, and every boulder northward 
to Coggeshall's Point; but again found no inscriptions. In 
the meantime, I wrote to the contractors who constructed 
the Naval Depot there, asking if they had noticed the rocks 
with inscriptions and knew what had become of them. One 
of them was Augustus Smith, of Bayonne, New Jersey. He 
tells me: "I commenced to build the Narragansett Bay Depot 
in October 1901 and finished the depot proper in October 
1905. I remember a number of large stones on the shore 
and we talked of blasting some of these to obtain the 
material, but my impression is that we gave up the scheme 
and did not blast them. If any came where the wharf is 
now located they were of course covered in by the filling. I 
did not notice any inscriptions on any of the rocks and am 
inclined to believe that there were none that would attract 
the attention of any casual observer, because as a matter of 
fact many of the workmen who came from the adjacent 
neighborhood were acquainted with some Indian legends, 
and I remember in particular it was claimed that the pit 
we got gravel and sand from, which was in fact a hill, was 
said to have been an Indian burying ground, and everyone 

'Early Norse Visits to North America, 1913, p. 45. 


working for me was more or less alert to find arrow heads 
and other Indian relics, so that if there were any inscriptions 
on any of the rocks I feel sure that they would have been 

Some additional and confirmatory facts are communicated 
by Roy H. Beattie of Fall River: "My recollection is that 
there were certain boulders along the shore at Bradford in 
Portsmouth when we were building the shore wall in 1905-6. 
Photographs taken of the work at that time show these 
boulders. They do not, however, give any indications as to 
whether or not there were inscriptions on them. There may 
have been a few of these boulders back of the wall which 
we put along the shore. If so, they would now be covered 
with fill. None of these boulders were used in the con- 
struction of any of the wall. I have no recollection of any 
of these boulders being removed in front of the wall at the 
time this work wa? being done." 

These two reports, for the courtesy and helpfulness of 
which we gladly acknowledge our appreciation, clearly settle 
the question as to the fate of the inscribed rocks that we 
know were once there. They must have been buried under- 
neath the masonry and filling of the wharves and walls ; 
for the detailed measurements given on Stiles's chart, com- 
pared with the present-day chart which we exhibit (whose 
scale is approximately 200 rods to the inch) prove that the 
position of the most southerly member of the group of rocks 
nearly coincides with that of the southerly end of the wharf, 
and that the point midway between the wharves is very close 
to where rocks A, B and C were once located. 

When Dr. Stiles first saw Dighton Rock, he believed that 
its writing was "Phoenician and 3000 years old." His latest 
view, expressed in 1790, applicable to the Portsmouth and 
other rocks as well as to that on Assonet Neck, was prac- 
tically unchanged. "There seems to be a mixture of 
Phoenician or antient Punic letters" and other symbols, he 
wrote; there might have been a "ship's crew from the 
Mediterranean or Europe, shipwreckt in Narraganset Bay;" 
and the rocks may have been "of the period of the Phoenician 


Drawing of Portsmouth rocks by Ezra Stiles, October 6, 1767; reproduced from 
Stiles's manuscript Itineraries, ii-302. 


Drawings of Portsmouth inscriptions by Ezra Stiles, October 6, 1767; reproduced 
from Stiles's manuscript Itineraries, ii-303. 


Ages & of the memorable Atlantic war . . . 1300 years 
before the Christian ^ra." 1 i 

When Rafn received from Webb the drawings of these 
rocks and of others at Tiverton, he naturally regarded them 
as corroborating his opinion that the Norse explorers had 
found their Vinland here and had left evidences of their 
brief attempt at colonization upon its rocks. I present a con- 
densed account, freely translated from his discussion in 
Latin, 2 of what he had to say upon the subject : 

"Our energetic colleagues in Rhode Island have sent to us 
recently reports concerning various monuments of antiquity 
in their region rocks and stones charged with incised 
figures and characters which exhibit a great resemblance on 
the one hand to the Assonet rock, on the other to certain of 
our own northern ones. This is most welcome indeed, for 
these new investigations confirm our opinion as to the origin 
of the remarkable Assonet inscription, since the stones 
recently discovered undoubtedly bear characters cut upon 
them sometime in the past which every well informed student 
of the antiquities of northern Europe will recognize as true 
runes ; and several of the incised letters and figures must be 
attributed to the same people as those to whom the Assonet 
representations are due. 

"Drawings of these monuments are shown in our Tabella 
XIII. Since, however, out of many characters or figures 
but few now remain unimpaired, we believe that it is now 
impossible to give an accurate representation or complete 
explanation of them. Nevertheless it may be permissible to 
point out to the reader a certain conformity of these with 
representations of ancient monuments of northern Europe; 
and there are, moreover, indubitable signs of Scandinavian 
origin in the presence of unquestionable runes or runic 

In confirmation of his own belief, Rafn sought the opinion 
of the learned runologist, Finn Magnusen. Between them, 
they found upon these Portsmouth and Tiverton rocks the 

Publications of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, xix. 50, 95f. 
2 Antiquitates Americanae, pp. 396-405. 


following runic letters and monograms, which I have num- 
bered for convenience in referring to them later: 1 


K , B or P , Th 

23 4 
I" , 1 T, T ji- Hf" . 11 



X , 

7 8 
T^ t B 1 t K or G reversed 


9 10 

1 1 1 , AKI 1 , K, G, or \ , * 


11 12 13 
M or (j , & or V r,I * , 

Figure 3. Alleged Runic Characters on Portsmouth and Tiverton 

Magnusen's report is of the kind to be expected of a 
runologist who is reported to have once found a complete 
runic message on a rock which more reliable authorities 
assure us has on it nothing but natural cracks and markings. 
He claims that these inscriptions contain lines of letters 
which "conform perfectly to the ordinary Scandinavian runes, 
and therefore such an origin for them can hardly be denied." 
He calls particular attention to four characters, and in ex- 
planation of them offers what he regards as "the least im- 
probable conjectures." Concerning the letters which we 
have numbered 2. and 3, he assumes that "Leif and Tyrker, 
two of the earliest dwellers in Vinland, wished to indicate 
thus their names by their initial letters." Number 4 is a 

1 Numbers 1 to 6 are on the Portsmouth rocks. Examination of the 
Webb-Bartlett drawings will discover them. Number 1 was probably 
found on rock number 3, in the upper line at the left; 2, 3 and 4 are 
on rock number 2, in the middle line ; 5 is the uppermost character 
on rock number 1, and 6 probably the one at the extreme right. 


monogram spelling a name once common in Iceland. There 
was an An, son of Thorer, living in Iceland at the time of 
the discovery of Vinland, and it is not improbable that he 
may have been a companion of Thorfinn, and that this 
monogram may have been executed by him. Number 9 (on 
a Tiverton rock) is a monogram for Aki, which was formerly 
a common Scandinavian name. 

Rafn's main work, that of assembling and translating the 
Vinland sagas, was scholarly and admirable. His attempts 
to locate the position of Vinland were uncritical, founded 
upon evidence which is now discredited. Magnusen sur- 
passes him in mistaking empty guesswork for scientific 
probability, merely because it pleases his fancy. The most 
evident impression conveyed to a calm observer of these 
petroglyphs, even by the Webb-Bartlett drawings, and still 
more so as Stiles presents them, is that they contain only 
jumbles of meaningless scrawls and ornamental designs. 
Such things, especially if shallow and old, cannot be copied 
with any sureness. Yet these men assumed that the draw- 
ings sent to them were sufficiently exact and reliable to 
justify their conjectures. Detached simple lines resembling 
pot-hooks and crosses and arrows, that might have been pure 
accidents, or have been parts of larger partly undrawn 
figures, or have meant any one of a thousand particular 
things, they regarded as "unquestionable" runic letters. 
With thousands of possible inscribers to be considered 
Phoenicians, Norsemen, or other equally unprovable pre- 
Columbian voyagers to this place, Indians of countless 
generations, white men of many nationalities and in great 
numbers, who may have passed this way before Stiles first 
saw the rocks Magnusen felt justified in believing that 
Leif made a pot-hook there to indicate his name, and Tyrker 
an arrow-point ! It is an extreme example of solemn silliness 
posing as serious science. 

Rafn's ideas as to the location of Vinland and as to the 
monuments of its occupation still extant within its ancient 
limits naturally made a profound impression. They were 
echoed far and wide by numerous writers, most of whom 


accepted the Dighton rock along with the rest of the sup- 
posed evidence, but very few of whom alluded to the rocks 
at Portsmouth and Tiverton. Among his followers who did 
speak of them, however, were Leonard Bliss in 1838, and 
three German writers: Wilhelmi in 1842, Hermes in 1844, 
and Kunstmann in 1858. None of them contributed any- 
thing new. Bacon, in his "Narragansett Bay," 1904, casually 
mentions these rocks, regards the Norse theory as not proven, 
but concludes : "The description of the saga . . . cer- 
tainly suggests Mount Hope Bay as well as it does any spot 
upon the New England coast perhaps a little better." On 
the other hand, in writings of 1807 and 1809, Edward A. 
Kendall gave a list compiled from the manuscripts of Presi- 
dent Stiles and other sources, of twelve places at which there 
were sculptured rocks. Portsmouth and Tiverton were 
included ; but although he personally inspected some of the 
rocks, he did not visit these. He came to the conclusion that 
they were all the work of Indians. De Costa in 1872 re- 
marked : "We should exercise caution in accepting an ex- 
clusive Icelandic character for the inscription on the cele- 
brated Dighton Rock; while clearly, in this connection, the 
Portsmouth and Tiverton Rocks, much less the Monhegan 
'Inscription,' can hardly be considered at all." John R. 
Bartlett, who described the investigations made by himself 
and Webb in the Proceedings of this Society for 1872-73, 
asserted: "There was nothing remarkable in these sculptures, 
which were, doubtless, nothing but the scratches of some 
idle Indians, without any meaning. I never believed that it 
was the work of the Northmen or of any other foreign 
visitors." Winsor, in his Narrative and Critical History of 
America, 1889, says positively that the markings are Indian. 
We have already quoted Samuel A. Green as speaking of 
them as specimens of rude Indian art, and Babcock as saying 
that they are plainly Indian work. It is these opinions, 
rather than the earlier and less credible views of Stiles and 
of Rafn, to which we must give unhesitating assent. Stiles's 
note that the locality was once "a place of Indian* Wig- 
waums" gives a clear clue as to who were the probable 
artists. We know nothing as to the time when the work 


was done, except that it must have been long enough before 
1767 to render the marks then indistinct and difficult to 
decipher. Some twenty to fifty years would have sufficed 
for that, as our studies of the rocks at Assonet Neck and at 
Mount Hope have shown. The carved lines may, therefore, 
be of relatively late Colonial date ; but they may also, so far 
as we yet know, be considerably older than that. 

It is unfortunate that relics of the past so interesting and 
important as these should have been suffered to disappear. 
It is much to be hoped that a like fate may not overtake any 
of those which remain in other places. In this case, how- 
ever, the loss is less irreparable inasmuch as we have three 
separate and independent drawings of each of the three most 
important inscriptions, and from them can determine with 
a high degree of certainty the general character and the most 
significant details of the incised lines. They include nothing 
that resembles alphabetic characters, nothing that suggests 
even pictographs symbolizing definite objects, conveying a 
message or preserving a record. Some of them may be the 
expression of a mere restless and aimless desire to be doing 
something, as one scratches idle lines in sand or on paper. 
So far as they exhibit definite purpose, their motif appears 
to be exclusively decorative. They must probably be re- 
garded, therefore, merely as ornamental lines mingled with 
meaningless scribblings. 


The following persons have been admitted to membership 
in the Society: Mr. Richard S. Aldrich, Mrs. Nellie A. 
Barnes, Mrs. Theodore P. Bogert, Mr. Malcolm G. Chace, 
Rev. Loring B. Chase, Mr. Harry Parsons Cross, Dr. Murray 
S. Danforth, Mrs. Charles Fletcher, Mr. William Gammell, 
Jr., Mr. Harry Hale Goss, Mr. Charles A. Horton, Mr. Ben- 
jamin A. Jackson, Mrs. Charles D. Kimball, Mr. Charles C. 
Marshall, Mr. Isaac B. Merriman, Mrs. Frank F. Olney, Mr. 
Spencer H. Over, Mr. George E. Peirce, Mrs. George E. 
Peirce, Mr. Byron A. Pierce, and Mrs. Charles J. Steedman. 

The very extensive collection of genealogical material 


relating to the Coggeshall and allied families, which was col- 
lected by the late Thellwell R. Coggeshall has been deposited 
with the Society. 

The early manuscript records of the Beneficent Congre- 
gational Church have also been deposited with the Society. 

The manuscript records of the Hydraulion Company were 
presented to the Society in May. 

A Sampler made by Betsey Harris of Smithfield was 
presented by Mrs. F. A. Waterman. 

Two large oil portraits, one of Dr. George A. Mason, and 
the other of his sister, when they were children, were pre- 
sented by Mrs. George E. Mason. An oil portrait of former 
Chief Justice Job Durfee, 1 which was painted by his brother 
Charles Durfee in 1819, and an oil portrait of their father 
Thomas Durfee, were presented by Mrs. Samuel Slater Dur- 
fee. An oil portrait of Betsey Metcalf Baker, 2 has been 
presented by Mr. Charles R. Stark. 

Mr. Royal K. Southwick of West Cornwall, Conn., has 
given to the Society the gold watch which was presented to 
Isaac H. Southwick, Esq. Superintendent of the Providence 
and Worcester R. R. by his associates in 1855. 

The army chest carried in the Revolutionary War by Cap- 
tain Stephen Olney is the gift of Miss Elizabeth E. Olney. 

During the past quarter, one of our members, Mr. Edward 
M. Dart, died. 

We have received requests for Vol. XII No. 3, and Vol. 
XIII No. 2. As our supply of these numbers is exhausted, 
the only way that these requests can be filled is through the 
generosity of some of our members. 

The N. E. Hist, and Gen. Reg. for January, 1920, contains 
copies of inscriptions from the family burial grounds in 
North Kingstown and Exeter, R. I. 

The ancestry of Jeremy Clarke of Newport is traced for 
several generations in the January, 1920, and April, 1920, 
numbers of the N. E. Hist, and Gen. Reg. 

1 The portrait is mentioned by Arnold in his Art and Artists of 
Rhode Island, page 15. 

2 The maker of straw-bonnets. 


Mr. Harald W. Ostby presented the Society with four 
numbers of the Lobelian, a rare Rhode Island periodical: that 
was published in 1838. It was unknown to Hammett, who 
published a bibliography of Newport. 

Miss Helen Daggett presented to the Society a number of 
relics of the World War. 

List of Rhode Island Books Entered for 
Copyright, 1790-1816 

(Concluded from Page 72) 

25 January, 23rd Year of the Independence of the 
United States. Samuel Hopkins, D. D., of Rhode Island 
as Proprietor entered for copyright. "Memoirs of the life 
of Mrs. Sarah Osborn, who died at Newport Rhode Island, 
on the second day of August, 1796, in the eighty-third 
year of her age, by Samuel Hopkins D. D. pastor of the 
first Congregational Church in Newport." 

17 November, 26th Year of the Independence of the 
United States. Paul Allen of Rhode Island as Author en- 
tered for copyright. "Original Poems, on a variety of 
subjects serious and entertaining by Paul Allen, A:M." 

30 December, 26th Year of the Independence of the 
United States. Charles F: Bartlett of Rhode Island as 
Author entered for copyright. "A Treatise on Rules of 
Health, commencing with Infancy, and continued through 
the after periods of human life. Also, on the preventive 
means to be employed against the diseases incident to the 
human body, To which will be added, curative receipts for 
most diseases, and remarks on the effect of electric in- 
fluence, Also, an account of the method of preparing 
European Patent medicines by Charles F : Bartlett, M :D :" 

19 August, 27th Year of the Independence of the United 
States. Joseph Rodman of Rhode Island as Proprietor en- 
tered for copyright. "The Geographical and Commercial 
Gazeteer or the Merchant, Assurer, Financier and States- 
man's Asistant, and Students, Instructor, exhibiting a 
View of the world, and of the Trade, Coins, Weights and 


Measures, monies of Account, Exchange &c of the prin- 
cipal Cities and Towns therein, together with a number 
of valuable tables, Rules and the whole compiled, cal- 
culated and Alphabetically arranged with care, accuracy 
and a Design to form a perfect standard for Commercial 
Calculations generally, and for those relative to Exchanges 
and the companion of monies, weights and measures par- 
ticularly, by an American Merchant". 

19 August, 2/th Year of the Independence of the 
United States. Joseph Rodman of Rhode Island as Pro- 
prietor entered for copyright. "The perfect Accountant, 
or an improved system of Bookkeeping, according with 
the approved Italien Method, adapted to the capacities of 
Youthful Students, and worthy the attention of the most 
accomplished merchants. By Joseph Rodman." 

2 August, 28th Year of the Independence of the United 
States. Henry Cushing of Rhode Island as Proprietor en- 
tered for copyright. "The Rhode Island Clerks Magazine: 
or Civil Officer's Assistant, containing Forms of Writings, 
useful to every member of Society, and more especially 
necessary in the business of Conveyancers, Justices of the 
Peace, Members of the Courts of Probate and Town 
Councils, Coroners, Sheriffs, Deputy Sheriffs, Town Ser- 
jeants, Constables, Overseers of the Poor, Executors, 
Administrators, Guardians And all persons who may 
have occasion for instruments particularly adapted and 
subject to the laws and Customs of the State of Rhode 
Island and Providence Plantations Carefully collected and 
arranged by Persons who have long been acquainted with 
the nature and use of such writings." 

21 May, 2Qth Year of the Independence of the United 
States. John Cahoone of Rhode Island and Nicoll Fosdick 
of Connecticut as Authors and Proprietors entered for 
copyright. "A new and Correct Chart of Long Island Sound 
from Montauk Point to Frogs Point, including Fishers Island 
Sound and Watch Hill Reef by John Cahoone Newport and 
Nicoll Fosdick" New London. 

29 July, 3Oth Year of the Independence of the United 
States. Elizabeth Hopkins of Rhode Island as Proprietor 


entered for copyright. "Sketches of the life of the late 
Revd. Samuel Hopkins D. D. Pastor of the first Congre- 
gational Church in Newport, Written by himself inter- 
spersed with Marginal notes, extracted from his private 
Diary, to which is added, A Dialogue by the same Hand, 
on the nature and extent of true Christian Submission ; 
also, a serious address to professing Christians: closed by 
Dr. Hart's Sermon at his funeral : with an introduction to 
the whole by the Editor." 

14 November, 3Oth Year of the Independence of the 
United States. Thomas Smith Webb of Rhode Island as 
Proprietor entered for copyright. "The Free Mason's 
Monitor, or Illustrations of Masonry in two parts, by 
Thomas Smith Webb Past master of Temple Lodge, Al- 
bany G :H :P : of the Grand Royal Arch Chapter of Rhode 
Island ; and Grand Master of the Providence Encampment 
of Knights Templar a new and Improved Edition." 

4 J u ly> 3th Year of the Independence of the United 
States. Moses Lopez of Rhode Island as Author entered 
for copyright. "A Lunar Calendar, of the Festivals and 
other days in the year, observed by the Israelites com- 
mencing Anno Mundi 5566 and ending in 5619 being a 
period of 54 years which by the Solar computation of 
time, begins September 24, 1805, an d will end the 28th of 
the same month, in the year 1859, together with other 
Tables useful and Convenient, the whole of which having 
been carefully examined and corrected, its utility has ob- 
tained the voluntary acknowledgement and approbation of 
the Rev. Wm. Simas, the respectable blazon of the K:K: 
Shearith Israel in New York," by Moses Lopez of New- 
port, R. Island." 

,20 August, 32nd Year of the Independence of the 
United States. Elizabeth Hopkins of Rhode Island as 
Proprietor entered for copyright. "Familiar letters writ- 
ten by Mrs. Sarah Osborn and Miss Susanna Anthony, 
late of Newport, Rhode Island." 

30 June, 34th Year of the Independence of the United 
States. Louis Rousamaniere of Rhode Island and Joshua 
Belcher of Massachusetts as Propreitor entered for copy 


right. "Overon A Poem, from the German of Wieland, 
by William Sotheby, Esq. in two volumes First American 
from the third London Edition, with a preface containing 
Biographical Notices of the Author and Translator and a 
Review of the work." 

29 December, 37th Year of the Independence of the 
United States, 1812. Sylvan Enemy to Human Diseases, 
of Rhode Island as Author and proprietor entered for 
copyright. "Formula of Prescriptions & various Instruc- 
tions for the service and guidance of those who have ap- 
plied, are applying or shall apply to the Enemy to Human 
Diseases: To which is prefixed a vindication concerning 
the Dietical Abstinence, detecting the dangerous tendency 
of several articles forbidden as pernicious to the human 
body In which are included Tobacco, Salt, and Salted 
food, Spirituous Liquors, all sorts of Spices and coffee By 
Sylvan, Enemy to Human Diseases." 

2 Feb., 37th Year of the Independence of the United 
States, 1813. Mr. Isaac Lewis of Rhode Island as Author 
entered for copyright. "A Discourse on the Divinity of Jesus 
Christ: Delivered in the Congregational Church at Bristol, 
R. I., on Wednesday Evening, Dec. 16. 1812 by Isaac Lewis, 

1 6 August, 38th Year of the Independence of the United 
States, 1813. Mr. Walton Felch of Rhode Island as Pro- 
prietor entered for copyright. "A Dissertation on Fire, or, 
Inquiries and Reflections concerning the operations of the 
Laws of Nature By Philosophers." 

ii February, 38th Year of the Independence of the United 
States, 1814. Mr. Nathan Adams of Rhode Island as Author 
entered for copyright. "Original Marches Arranged in Num- 
bers Containing Harmony in Eight Parts Designed for the 
use of Military Bands By Nathan Adams" 

21 March, 38th Year of the Independence of the United 
States. 1814, Mr. John Thorp of Rhode Island as Author en- 
tered for copyright. "The Weaver's guide" Shewing the 
number of yards any given number of skeins will warp ;" 

21 March, 38th Year of the Independence of the 'United 
States, 1814, Doct. Hosea Humphrey of Rhode Island as 


Author entered for copyright. "A Dissertation on Fire Or 
Miscellaneous inquiries and reflections concerning the opera- 
tions of the Laws of Nature with an Appendix, containing 
thoughts on Memory, Reflection, Decision, Muscular Motion, 
etc by Hosea Humphrey, Physician." 

20 July, 39th Year of the Independence of the United 
States, 1814, Robinson and Rowland, Booksellers of Provi- 
dence as Proprietors entered for copyright. "A Text Book 
in Geography and Chronology, with Historical Sketches. For 
Schools and Accademies. By J. L. Blake. 

26 October, 39th Year of the Independence of the United 
States, 1814, Mr. David Vinton of Providence as Compiler 
entered for copyright. "Masonic Minstrel" A selection of 
Masonic, Sentimental, Amatory, Anacuontick and Humorous 
Songs, Duets, Catches, Glees, Canons, Round and Canzonets 
From the most celebrated authors and respectfully dedicated 
to the Brethren of the Most Ancient and Honourable Frater- 
nity of Free and Accepted Masons By Br. D. Vinton Provi- 
dence, R. I. 

28 Dec., 39th Year of the Independence of the United 
States, 1814, Joseph France of Burrillville as Author en- 
tered for copyright. "The Weavers Complete guide, or the 
webb analyzed to which is annexed the Weavers Complete 
draught book Containing Seventy three different draughts, 
from two to sixteen treadles, neatly engraved on Copper 
plate, with instructions adapted to any Capacity By Joseph 

ii February, 39th Year of the Independence of the United 
States, 1815, Isaac Bailey of Providence as author and pro- 
prietor entered for copyright. "American Naval Biography 
Compiled by Isaac Bailey 

Thou, Ocean, thou, the seaman's sire ! 
Witness for us, while deeds like those 
Approved our prowess to our foes, 
Did they not 'mid ourselves, inspire 
In all, the emulous desire 
As well to act, as to admire! (Ocean) 
19 April, 39th Year of the Independence of the United 


States, 1815, Samuel Ogden of Providence as Author en- 
tered for copyright. "Thoughts What probable" effect the 
peace with Great Britain will have on the Cotton Manufac- 
tures" of this Country; interspersed with remarks on our 
bad Management" in the business, and the way to improve- 
ment, so as to meet imported "Goods in cheapness at our 
home market, pointed out by Samuel Ogden". 

24 October, 4Oth Year of the Independence of the United 
States, 1815, David Vinton of Providence as author com- 
piler, and proprietor entered for copyright. "The Masonic 
Minstrel, a selection of Masonick, Sentimental, Amatory, 
Anacreontick and Humorous Songs, duets, catches, glees, 
canons, sounds and canzonets. Respectfully dedicated to the 
Brethren of the Most ancient and Honorable Fraternity of 
Free and accepted Masons To which is subjoined an ap- 
pendix containing a short Historical account of Masonry; 
And likewise a list of all the Lodges in the United States." 

"Orpheus' Lute was strung with poets sinews ; 

Whose golden touch could soften steel and stones, 

Make tigers tame, and huge leviathans, 

Forsake unsounded deeps to dance on sands." 
17 January, 4Oth Year of the Independence of the United 
States, 1816, William Hunt of Providence as Proprietor en- 
tered for copyright. "A new History of Algiers, compre- 
hending Moroco, Fez, Tunis and Tripole From its earliest 
period to the present time Giving a Geographical, Historical 
and political account of all the Barbary powers with a brief 
description of their wars with every Christian, power, during 
the last Twenty years: In particular their conflicts with the 
United States of America; and their cruelty to prisoners 
taken in War: containing a map of the City and Harbour of 
Algiers, carefully taken; selected from the latest best and 
most approved authorities adapted to the genius and designed 
for the benefit of the present age." 

ii June, 40th Year of the Independence of the United 
States, 1816. Arthur Matthews of Providence as Author en- 
tered for copyright. 

"Paraphrase on the Book of Genesis 
A poetical essay by Arthur Matthews." 


6 Sept., 4 ist Year of the Independence of the United 
States, 1816, Samuel Patterson of North Providence as Pro- 
prietor entered for copyright. "Narrative of the Adven- 
tures and sufferings of Samuel Patterson, experienced in the 
Pacific Ocean ; with an account of the Feegee and Sandwich 

A. D. 1784. 


On the last Evening I attended the Philosophical Lecture 
of the celebrated Dr. Moyes in which he discoursed on the 
Nature and Properties of Phosphori Natural and Artificial 
and among other matters he endeavored to account for the 
luminous appearance of the Sea at certain Times as noticed 
by Mariners particularly in Times of boisterous Weather. It 
was his opinion that this appearance was occasioned by putrid 
substances in the Sea Water. At about Ten oClock this 
Evening I met Dr. William Bowen at the house of a Sick 
person to whom we both had been calld and among other dis- 
course we mentioned Dr. Moyers opinion upon this Pheno- 
menon, at Eleven we parted and Dr. Bowen in passing the 
Bridge to go home was surprized at the luminous appearance 
of the Water and immediately sent his young Man to call me. 

When I came I observed a White luminous Streek in the 
Water extending from the Bridge for 15 or 20 Roods above, 
the Tide was running out fast and the light appeard greatest 
where the Water was most agitated, particularly at the But- 
ments and near the Braces which supported the Bridge, here 
it was so light as to shine thro the Bridge as much as tho 
several Candles had been under it. in some places where the 
Water ran in little whirls it appeared in Spots as big as the 
blaze of a Candle and some times as large as a half a Dollar, 
but where the Water was in a foam it appeared, in particles 
about the size of a small Shot. 


We went to the Steps by the Market house and on stirring 
the Water with our Canes we found that a very strong light 
was emitted which again subsided on its being left at rest 
but about the vessels, against the Wharfes, or whereever any 
thing obstructed the Water so as to ruffle it the same appear- 
ance of light was produced. 

We now got a Bason and took up some of the Water upon 
Stirring it with our hand it appeared full of small round par- 
ticles of Fire and gave considerable light some of the Firey 
particles adherd to the hand and remained unextinguished 
for several Seconds and then gradually disappeared. A 
Bason of Water pourd on the Ground semed like so much 
liquid Fire, and the small round particles remained Visible 
for some Time, a Quantity of the same Water thrown against 
the Market house seemd to set it on Fire, and the particles 
stuck some time in view and by degrees disappeared Sus- 
pecting that this appearance might be occasioned by some 
Scum or Filth mixed with or Floating upon the Water we got 
a light and found the Water perfectly transparent and colour- 

Seeing the light Streak in the Water appear very different 
from the rest we got a Man to go into a Boat and bring us 
a dish full of that which seemed to be the Scum or Froth on 
bringing it to the light it appeared as clear as the other, By 
this time the Tide slackened considerably and the appearance 
of light diminished. A Person who was present supposed 
that this was occasioned by the Water growing more fresh as 
the Sea Water retired in order to determine this point we took 
a Bason one third full of the Water and found that it sparkled 
as before on its being stired briskly with the hand and the 
particles of fire in little globules seemed swimming about in 
it but they would disappear in about 10 or 12 Seconds we 
took this to a pump of fresh Water and filled the Bason 
this so far from extinguishing the Fire seemed to increase it. 
The particles indeed were smaller but more numerous and 
were Visible for more than a Minute. 

We now procured some clear white Vials holding each 
about Eight ounces and filled two of them at the Market house 


Steps two at Mr. Chaces Wharf and one was sent to the 
lower end of the Town to be filled there, one of those filled at 
Mr. Chaces Wharf I gave to Mr. Hitchcock who with several 
other Gentlemen had been called to see this curious appearance 
The Vial sent down Town was not returned those filled at Mr. 
Chaces Wharf which was about 10 Roods further down the 
River than where the others were filled appeared much more 
luminous on being shaken than the others on bringing them 
home I took them into a Room so dark that nothing could be 
perceived until the Vials were shaken when I could very 
plainly see the Vial the hand which held it and when the three 
Vials were all shaken at once I could see several other objects 
which before were invisible, but the light was not so strong 
as when the Vials were first filled the Firey particles appear- 
ing neither so large nor so numerous. 

One thing I observed which was a little curious there was 
in the dark Room a bunch of Asparagus hung up for the 
Flies to light upon which were very numerous upon the Vials 
being shaken so much light was produced that the Flies took 
Wing and made that huming noise which they usually do upon 
a Candle being brought suddenly into the Room where they 
are at rest. I now mixed some fresh Fountain Water with my 
Salt Water in one Vial one third fresh and two thirds Salt 
in another two thirds fresh and one third Salt but neither 
of these mixtures shewd any light upon being shook tho the 
pure Salt Water yet shewd many Fiery particles on being 
shaken This was at a Quarter past one oClock. 

From original manuscript in the collection of Col. George H. 


The first appearance of the name Point Judith on a map is 
on Seller's map of 1675, when it appears as "P. luda." The 
origin of the name Point Judith is obscure ; one tradition re- 
lates that it was named after a Judith Quincy of Boston 1 , who 
married a man named Clark and lived near by. As a matter 

1 Narragansett Historical Register I, 226. 


of fact Judith Quincy married John Hull 2 , not Mr. Clark. 
John Hull bought land at Narragansett 3 in 1657, hence the 
origin of the tradition, which, however, is impossible, because 
seven years before the Hulls had an interest at Narragansett, 
the name Point Judith was in use. Roger Williams called the 
point by that name 4 as early as 1650. Roger Williams pre- 
sented an inscribed copy of his Indian Grammar in 1644 to 
Lady Judith Harrington 5 , wife of Sir Thomas Harrington and 
daughter of Sir Rowland Lytton. Williams may have named 
Point Judith in her honor. 

2 Updike's History of the Narragansett Church, 1907 edit., I, 371, and 
III, 281. 

3 Updike, I, 73; R. I. H. S. Coll. Ill, 275, R. I. Land Evid. II, 147. 

* Narragansett Club Pub. VI, 195 ; Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. 4, VI, 279 ; 
photostats of Williams' letters p. 92; in R. I. H. S. 
6 Photostats of Williams' letters p. 61. 



\ p 


Vol. XIII 

October, 1920 

No. 4. 

HOWARD W. PRESTON, President EDWARD K. ALDRICH, Jr. .Treasurer 
ERLING C. OSTBY, Secretary HOWARD M. CHAPIN, Librarian 

Please address communications to Howard M. Chapin, Librarian, 
68 Waterman Street, Providence, R. I. 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the 
opinions of contributors. 

Dogs in Early New England 


Dogs have from the earliest times been domesticated even 
by the most primitive races, and have had a marked influence 
upon the thought and literature of mankind; yet when one 
thinks of Colonial New England, with its austere Puritans, 
one is too apt to picture a dogless society, and to forget that 
even in that harsh theocracy, pioneer dogs strove, as did their 
masters, with the rough hardships of a struggling civilization. 

Even before the Pilgrims came to New England, two English 
dogs, 1 "Foole" and "Gallant" by name, "great and fearefull 
mastives," the chronicler tells us, landed in 1603 upon the 
shores of southern Massachusetts, where they nosed and 
smelled about the beach and shrubbery, exploring and investi- 
gating unknown scents and smells. After the false alarm of 
an Indian attack, in which turmoil "Foole" grabbed up a half- 
pike in his mouth, the dogs with their human companions, 
returned to Martin Pring's bark, the "Discoverer," and sailed* 
away. These were, as far as we know, the first European- 

dogs to set foot upon New England. 

J Purchas his pilgrimes, Edit of 1625, vol. IV, p. 1656. 


The "Mayflower," on her famous voyage in 1620, brought 
two dogs, a mastiff and a spaniel, 2 to New England. These 
two dogs were permanent settlers, not transient explorers like 
"Foole" and "Gallant." As dog pedigrees and stud books go 
back, unfortunately, only to the early nineteenth century, none 
of the blooded dogs of today are able to trace their descent 
from the dogs that came over in the Mayflower. 

Mourt recounts some of the hardships of these four-footed 
Pilgrims as follows: 

"These two (John Goodman and Peter Browne) that were 
missed, at dinner time tooke their meate in their hand, and 
would goe walke and refresh themselves, so going a little off 
they finde a lake of water, and having a great Mastiffe bitch 
with them and a Spannell ; by the water side they found a 
great Deare, the Dogs chased him, and they followed so farre 
as they lost themselves and could not finde the way backe, 
they wandred all that after noone being wett, and at night 
it did freeze and snow, . . . and another thing did very much 
terrific them, they heard as they thought two Lyons 3 roar- 
ing ... so they stoode at the trees roote, that when the 
Lyons came they might take their opportunitie of climbing 
up, the bitch they were faine to hold by the necke, for she 
would have been gone at the Lyon," 4 and under the date of 
January 19, 1620-1 : 

"This day in the evening, John Goodman went abroad to 
use his lame feete, that were pittifully ill with the cold he had 
got, having a little Spannell with him, a little way from the 
Plantation, two great Wolves ran after the Dog, the Dog ran 
to him and betwixt his leggs for succour, he had nothing in 
his hand but tooke up a sticke, and threw at one of them and 
hit him, and they presently ran both away, . . ." 5 

It appears that previous to the arrival of the English, the 
Indian has domesticated the dog, for in November, 1620, 
Governor Bradford notes that Captain Myles Standish, on his 
reconnoitring expedition on Cape Cod, met a party of Indians 

2 Mourt's Relation, 1622, pp. 27, 28 and 29. 

3 i. e., wild cats. 

4 Mourt, pp. 27 and 28, under date of January 12, 1620-21. 

5 Mourt, p. 29. 


This is considered Stuart's earliest work extant. It is now owned by Mrs. William E. Glyn of 
Mayfield, Newport, a descendant of Dr. Hunter. Reproduced through the courtesy of Mrs. Glyn. 

Copper hair ornament, found in the Indian graves at Charlestown, 
R. I. Now in the Museum of the Rhode Island Historical Society. 


with a dog. 6 Roger Williams in his "Key" gives the Indian 
name for the dog as Anum, with the accent on the last syllable. 
He adds that this is the pronunciation in the Coweset dialect, 
but that it varies as Ayim, Arum, and Alum in the Narragan- 
sett, Quinnippiuck, and Nipmuc dialects respectively. In 
Woods' "New England Prospect" we are told that the Indians 
believed that "at the portall of their Elysian Hospitall, lies a 
great Dogge, whose churlish snarlings deny a Pax intrantibus 
to unworthy intruders." 

An Indian dog gave the alarm of the English attack on the 
Pequot Fort in 1637 ; Mason's description of the incident being 
as follows: 7 

"There being two Entrances into the Fort, intending to 
enter both at once : Captain Mason leading up to that on the 
North East Side; who approaching within one Rod, heard a 
Dog bark and an Indian crying Owanux! Owanux! which is 
Englishmen ! Englishmen ! We called up our Forces with all 
expedition, give Fire upon them through the Pallizado; . . ." 

Thus it will be seen that dogs were serving with the Indian 
forces in 1637, and although not as highly trained perchance 
as the canine warriors of the great World War, yet these 
early dogs were doubtless as diligent and serviceable as the 
times and circumstances permitted. A somewhat similar 
instance occurred at Cocheco in 1689 when the barking of a 
dog aroused Elder William Wentworth just in time to prevent 
a surprise Indian attack. This dog's warning saved the Went- 
worth garrison, the other four garrisons at Cocheco being 
taken by the savages. 8 

Nothing has been discovered to show that the English used 
dogs in the earlier Indian wars, but by the time of Queen 
Anne's war, they used dogs as regular auxiliary. A report in 
regard to the operations of the English in Hampshire County, 
Massachusetts, in August, 1706, reads : 

6 Bradford's History of Plymouth, p. 48, also see Glover M. Allen's 
"Dogs of the American Aborigines." 

Williams' Key, ch. XXXII; Woods' N. E. Prospect, pt. 2, ch. 1. 
7 Mason's Pequot War. 
8 Wentworth genealogy, vol. 1, pp. 97 and 98. 


"We are just sending out 50 Men with Dogs, who are to 
divide into small parties, and range the Woods on both sides 
the River (near Hartford), if possible to discover and annoy 
the Enemy." 9 

But to return to the subject of Indian dogs, we find specific 
references to the dogs of the Connecticut and Narragansett 
Indians 10 in 1658 and 1661, respectively, and also we find that 
the Narragansett Indians used rough drawings of dogs as per- 
sonal signature marks in 1644 and i66o. 12 They also had 
implements ornamented with figures of dogs. A stone pipe 
ornamented with a dog carved in relief was found in an 
Indian grave at Burr's Hill, Warren, Rhode Island, 13 and a 
copper hair ornament, with two dogs in relief as the chief 
decorative design, was found in an Indian grave at Charles- 
town, Rhode Island. 14 The latter may be of a foreign design 
and received in trade. The killing of noncombatant Indian 
dogs in Queen Anne's war only serves to illustrate the 
brutality of human beings. 15 

Dog laws were enacted at an early date in New England, 
Salem having passed one in i635. 18 The dogs' chief offences 
were killing sheep 17 and swine, 18 biting horses 19 and cattle, 20 

9 Boston News-Letter, August 12-19, 1706. 

10 Prov. Town Papers 0121; Prov. Town Records, vol. 3, p. 7; and 
New Haven Town Records, p, 358. 

"Gorton's Simplicities Defence, p. 160, mark of Tomanick. 

12 R. I. Land Evidence, vol. 1, p. 88, mark of Towasibban. 

13 Now in Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, New 

"Now in Rhode Island Historical Society Museum, Providence. 

15 Boston News-Letter, February 10-17, 1706. 

16 Salem Records, p. 40 ; Jamestown Proprietors' Records, vol. 1, p. 66 ; 
Portsmouth Records, vol. 1, p. 223. 

17 Mass. Col. Records, vol. 2, p. 252; New Haven Town Records, 
p. 233 ; R. I. Col. Records, p. 22, mss. 

18 New Haven Town Records, pp. 170, 171, 246; Prov. Town Records, 
vol. 3, p. 125 ; Essex County Court Records, vol. 7, p. 273. 

19 New Haven Town Records, pp. 470 and 471. 

20 Prov. Town Records, vol. 3, p. 7; Prov. Town Papers 0121; Salem 
Court Records, vol. 1, p. 19; Essex County Court Records, vol. 1, 
p. 174; New Haven Town Records, p. 358; Austin's Geneal. Diet, of 
R. I., p. 85. 

Indian pewter pipe found in excavations at Montague, N. J. Reproduced 
through the courtesy of the Museum of the American Indian, New York. 

Roger Williams in Chapter 6 of his "Key" says of the Indians that "They 
have an excellant Art to cast our Pewter and Brasse into very neate and 
artificiall Pipes." 


spoiling fish 21 and entering Meeting Houses 22 during service. 
The latter offence being explained by the fact that they could 
not understand the sermons and simply wanted to find their 

Their attacks on other animals were often directly insti- 
gated by human beings, as when Mr. Venn's maid set her dog 
on Mr. Brown's goats ; 23 when Samuel set his dogs "to the 
pullinge of the tayles" of John Leech's cows ; 24 when Mrs. 
Rowden hunted cattle with her dog 25 ; when Joseph Billington 
hunted Edward Gray's ox with a dog, 26 and when Thomas 
Langden and his dog killed Mr. Prudden's hog. 27 Even the 
drastic Massachusetts dog law 28 of 1648 recognized the fact 
that the dogs were not always really to blame, but were often 
"set on" to such acts by human beings. 

Dog derivatives served as ship-names and place-names in 
New England, 29 and also the words 30 "dog" and "puppy" were 
used as terms of reproach, as they are today. 

Reference has already been made to the part that dogs 
played in military service. We find that their usefulness in 
other lines was also recognized legally, even by our self- 
centered Calvinistic ancestors. In 1648 the Colony of Massa- 
chusetts Bay 31 authorized each town to purchase hounds for 
use in the destruction of wolves. The town of New Haven 
voted in 1656 to purchase some mastiffs 32 from "Stratford or 

21 Salem Records, p. 130. 

22 Salem Records, vol. 2, p. 210; New Haven Town Records, p. 233, 
vol. 2, pp. 156 and 355. 

23 Salem Court Records, vol. 1, p. 19. 

24 Essex County Court Records, vol. 1, p. 174. 

25 Essex County Court Records, vol. 2, p. 101. 

26 Austin's Geneal. Diet, of R. I., p. 85. 

27 New Haven Town Records, pp. 170 and 171. 

28 Mass. Col. Rec., vol. 2, p. 252. 

29 Salem Records, p. 163; Plymouth Colony Records, July 6, 1640; 
Commerce of Rhode Island, vol. 1, p. 47. 

30 Essex County Court Records, vol. 1. p. 256; Steuart's "Some Ob- 
servations," etc., p. 64 ; New Haven Town Records, p. 46 ; Narragansett 
Hist. Reg. IX. p. 63. 

31 Mass. Col. Records, vol. 2, pp. 252 and 253. 

32 New Haven Town Records, p. 291. 


Long Island, where they here (hear) is some," to be used as 
auxiliary to the militia. During the interim before these dogs 
arrived, twelve local dogs were drafted temporarily into the 
service of the town. The names of the owners of these dogs 
are given. 33 This is the first recorded list of dog-owners in 
New England. Governor John Winthrop 34 and Governor John 
Endicott 35 were both dog owners. Roger Williams wrote in 
1669 in regard to Governor Winthrop's dog, "I have no tidings 
(upon my enquiry) of that poore dog (about which you sent 
to me. I feare he is run wild into the woods, though tis 
possible that English or Indians have him. Oh, Sir, what is 
that word that sparrows and hairs are provided for & num- 
bered by God? then certainly your dog & all dogs & beasts." 

In 1644 a Medford dog rescued Mrs. Dalkin from drown- 
ing. 36 Governor Winthrop wrote in regard to this: 

"One Dalkin and his wife dwelling near Medford coming 
from Cambridge, where they had spent their Sabbath, and 
being to pass over the river at a ford, the tide not being fallen 
enough, the husband adventured over, and finding it too deep, 
persuaded his wife to stay a while, but it was raining very 
sore, she would needs adventure over, and was carried away 
with the stream past her depth. Her husband not daring to 
go help her, cried out, and thereupon his dog, being at his 
house nearby, came forth, and seeing something in the water, 
swam to her, and she caught hold on the dog's tail, so he drew 
her to the shore and saved her life." 

The abuse and maltreatment of dogs by human beings was 
of course common in early New England. Two cases due to 
religious fanaticism are worthy of notice. In 1644 at Salem, 37 
John and Stephen Talbie were admonished for "unbecoming 
speeches" about a dog in the water, but "the baptizing of him" 

33 Mr. Gilbert, Jer Osborne, Edwa Parker, John Cooper, William 
Bradley, Will Tompson, Fran. Newman, Phill Leeke, Mr. Gibbard, 
Edwa Perkins, John Vincom. 

34 Mass. Hist. Soc. Col., series 5, vol. 1, p. 414; Narragansett Club 
Publications, vol. 6, p. 332. 

35 Mass. Col. Rec., vol. 1, p. 197. 

38 Winthrop's Journal under date of 1, 21, 1643-4; vol. 2, p. 162. 

37 Essex County Court Records, vol. 1, p. 65. 


was "not proved," although apparently charged by the authori- 

On Tuesday, April 23, 1706, somebody fastened a cross on 
the head of a dog, and for such a flagrant display of papist 
sympathies, the poor dog was beaten and killed by Captain 
Dudley's boatswain. 38 

On the other hand we have instances of persons being tried 
for abusing and killing dogs. 39 

The first case of rabies 40 in New England was observed in 
1763, according to Ezra Stiles. 

In the realm of art we find that the earliest extant work of 
Gilbert Stuart is the picture 41 of two of Dr. Hunter's dogs. 
In 1729 a seal engraved with the design 42 of a running dog 
and the word "Canis," was in use in Providence. 

Hannah Robinson's spaniel "Marcus"* 3 figures in the sad 
romance of that ill-fated South County beauty. 

In this connection, one is reminded of Shepherd Tom's 44 
remarkable account 45 of the barking of South County dogs 
which could be heard for four miles. He wrote : 

"What seemed stranger to the old man than all was the 
barking of a big watch-dog some two miles away, across the 
river, at the old brick house then owned and occupied by Amos 
Gardiner, and which is yet standing. Nichols said that the 
watch-dog to the east of the hill, apparently, never barked 
but in response to the baying of a foxhound that was roam- 
ing in a big wood lying not less than two miles to the west- 
ward and northward of where he stood, making a distance 
between the two animals some four miles, with the McSparran 
elevated hill intervening. Of this fact he felt tolerably sure, 

38 Samuel Sewell's Diary in M. H. S. C. 5, VI, 159. 

39 Essex County Court Records, vol. 2, p. &; vol. 7, p. 424; Mass. Col. 
Rec., vol. 1, p. 197. 

40 Stiles' Itineries, p. 487. 

41 Mason's "Stuart," pp. 5 and 6. 

42 Manuscript deeds in Library of Col. George L. Shepley at Provi- 

43 Hazard's "Recollections of Olden Times," Chapter VI. 

44 Thomas R. Hazard. 

"Hazard's "Recollections of Olden Times," Chap. XVI. 


as there were occasionally lengthy intervals when both dogs 
were quiet, which were never broken until the hound uttered 
his howl, which was on the instant replied to by the hoarse 
bark of the distant watch-dog." 

The Providence Gazette for November 7, 1772, informs us 
that Nathaniel Wheaton on Williams street, in Providence, 
used a greyhound as his shop sign, and gives us a picture of 
it. Ten years later the same newspaper contains a curious 
advertisement which reads : 


Strayed away, or more likely to have been seduced to fol- 
low some persons, or stolen, a Spaniel DOG, of about a 
middling Size, pyed with a white and brownish Colour, with 
shaggy Hair, hanging Ears, and docked Tail; particularly he 
had a white Strip in his Face, a white Ring around his Neck, 
and about an Inch of the Stump of his Tail white ; he answers 
to the Name of SPRING, is very good-natured, and easy to 
be seduced by those who use him kindly to follow them or 
their Horses. Whoever will bring or send back the Dog to 
me, his Master, in Providence, shall be very handsomely re- 


Providence, February 22, 1782." 

These few references from the fragmentary and meagre 
records of early New England serve to show that dogs played 
no small part in the lives and thoughts of our Colonial ances- 

Roger Williams and John Milton 

By GEORGE R. POTTER, B. A., North Woodstock, N. H. 

A study of the relations between Roger Williams and John 
Milton is interesting in regard to the known facts in the 
matter, important in its bearing on the work of both men, 
and fascinating in its possibilities. There is as a basis for 
investigation the undeniable fact that Roger Williams did 
know Milton. Beyond this there is little definite record; but 
there are almost endless chains of circumstances which lead 


one on in hopes of finding something really definite, chains 
which are broken just where the final link should be. I do 
not pretend to have exhausted the subject, or to have supplied 
these final links. My purpose in this discussion is to state the 
known facts of the matter, criticize some conjectures and 
statements made by biographers of Williams and Milton, and 
other writers about them some of the statements are greatly 
in need of criticism and add some conjectures of my own, 
which bear on the question. 

The evidence that Williams was acquainted with Milton and 
his work is definite enough, though there is not a great deal 
of it. Most important is the statement in one of Williams' 
letters to the younger John Winthrop, dated July 12, 1654, 
after Williams' return to Providence from his second trip to 
England :* "It pleased the Lord to call me for some time, and 
with some persons, to practice the Hebrew, the Greek, Latin, 
French, and Dutch. The Secretary of the Council, (Mr. Mil- 
ton) for my Dutch I read him, read me many more languages. 
Grammar rules begin to be esteemed a tyranny. I taught two 
young gentlemen, a Parliament man's sons, as we teach our 
children English, by words, phrases, and constant talk, &c. 
I have begun with mine own three boys, who labor besides ; 
others are coming to me." 

This passage I quote at length, because it is all important in 
connection with various conjectures based on its different 
parts. The main fact is, of course, that during Williams' stay 
in England, which lasted from the early part of 1652 to the 
spring or early summer of 1654, he knew Milton intimately 
enough for the two to have "read" different languages to each 

There is only one statement in all the writings of Williams, 
so far as I can discover, where he mentions directly a work 
of Milton ; that is in a postscript to the second letter to Mrs. 
Sadleir (undated, but probably written in the winter of 
J 652-3 2 ) : "I also humbly wish that you may please to read 

x Narr. Club Pub., Vol. 6, pp. 258-262. 

2 This general date is derived chiefly from references to various 
books and events in the letters, and is agreed upon by all who have 
referred to the letters. 


over impartially Mr. Milton's answer to the King's Book." 
Williams then had certainly read the Eikonoklastes. It is incon- 
ceivable, of course, that he had not read other works of Milton. 
But at this point I am setting down simply proved facts. 

These two passages in Williams' letters, so far as I can find, 
are the only direct references by Williams to Milton. Nowhere 
in Milton do I find any reference to Williams, nor is there any 
reference to the relations between the two men in any contem- 
porary writer I have been able to find. 

Masson in his biography of Milton, 3 with his usual extreme 
thoroughness, does not neglect Roger Williams, but gives a 
pretty complete biography of him up to the end of his second 
trip to England. Most of Masson's material is aside from my 
immediate purpose. But some statements he makes are impor- 
tant. He says in one nassage : 4 "Milton's acquaintance with 
Roger Williams, at all events, is almost certainly to be dated 
from Williams' visit to England in 1643-4, when he was 
writing his 'Bloody Tenent.' " Masson does not give his rea- 
sons for this belief ; and "almost certainly" is a rather strong 
phrase to use in a doubtful matter like this, without giving 
reasons for its use. Milton was turning in belief from Pres- 
byterianism to Independency and "Voluntaryism," as Masson 
terms belief in liberty of conscience, at the precise time that 
Roger Williams was in London on his first visit to England ; 
the date of Milton's "The Reason of Church-Government," 
1641, and that of his "Areopagitica," 1644 the former tract 
upholding Presbyterianism, the latter religious liberty illus- 
trate this. It is certainly possible, even probable, that Milton 
might have met Williams in 1643-4, and it is a tempting pos- 
sibility that Williams may have had something to do with the 
change in Milton's beliefs. But of all this there is no proof ; 
and so Masson's "almost certainly," without any definite 
proof adduced, seems hardly warranted. 

In regard to Roger Williams' second trip to England, in 
1652-54, Masson suggests other interesting possibilities, though 
here again he makes some unguarded statements. When he 

3 Masson, David: The Life of John Milton, etc. 
4 Masson, vol. 3, p. 189. 


writes: 5 "No sooner had he (Williams) returned on his new 
mission in 1652 than Milton, now a doubly important man to 
Williams because of his public position, must have been one 
of the first of his old London acquaintances that he sought 
out," all his statements hang on his belief that Williams and 
Milton were acquainted in 1643-4. When he writes: "He 
had found him in March or April, 1652, in the first threaten- 
ings and anxieties of his total blindness ; and all through the 
rest of that year, and the whole of 1653, Williams . . . had 
varied his intimacy with Sir Henry Vane, his calls on Law- 
rence, Harrison, and Hugh Peters, and his 'occasional inter- 
views with Cromwell himself, by visits to the blind Latin Sec- 
retary"; well, either Masson had some source material no 
one else ever studying Roger Williams has had, or he is dan- 
gerously near to building air castles. If he had any founda- 
tion for his statements that Williams called on Milton in 
March or April, 1652, and kept on all through 1652 and 1653, 
he certainly has not given them to us. It is all probable 
enough; but where the evidence is to ascertain whether 
Williams "read Dutch" to Milton in 1652, or in 1653, or in 
1654, I do not see; nor do I see what authority Masson has 
for saying: 6 "Certain it is that Roger Williams, not troubling 
Mrs. Sadleir any more, drew closer and closer to Milton during 
the rest of his stay." Williams' letter telling of his acquaint- 
ance with Milton, on which Masson evidently bases this state- 
ment, for he quotes it immediately after, certainly says nothing 
about his "drawing closer to Milton during the rest of his 

Masson makes two more very interesting suggestions. One 
is in connection with the Sadleir letters, where he notes the 
fact that Mrs. Sadleir was the aunt of Cyriack Skinner, one 
of Milton's old pupils, and always thereafter a close friend to 
Milton. Milton knew Cyriack Skinner. Skinner was a grand- 
son of Sir Edward Coke and nephew to Mrs. Sadleir. Roger 
Williams was under the patronage of Coke in early life, and 
corresponded with Mrs. Sadleir on his second visit to England. 

5 Masson, vol. 4, p. 528, etc. 
6 Masson, vol. 4, p. 531. 


The final links in the chain are missing did Williams know 
Cyriack Skinner, and if so how did that affect Williams' rela- 
tions with Milton? The possibilities are interesting. Again, 7 
Masson conjectures that the reason why Milton was glad to 
learn Dutch was because "the war with the Dutch, it is to be 
remembered, was then at its height, and some knowledge of 
Dutch was particularly desirable for official purposes round 
the Council." This is, in my opinion, the only sensible theory 
in regard to Williams' teaching Milton Dutch, although there 
have been other more or less wild conjectures on that point 
by various writers, which I shall bring up a little further on. 
Milton was Secretary for Foreign Languages for the Council 
of State at the time. An extract from the Council Order 
Book, June 26, 1650, is significant: "That the Declaration 
of the Parliament be translated into Latin by Mr. Milton, 
into Dutch by Mr. Haak, and into French by M. Augier." 8 
While this does not prove that Milton was entirely ignorant 
of Dutch at the time, any more than it proves his ignorance 
of French, nevertheless it shows that there was Dutch trans- 
lating to be done for the Council in 1650, and that Milton's 
knowledge of Dutch was not perfect, at least. A similar 
entry, July 13, 1652, g shows that Dutch would have been just 
as useful to a Secretary for Foreign Languages at the time 
when Roger Williams was in England : "That Mr. Thurlowe 
do appoint fit persons to translate the Parliament's Declara- 
tion into Latin, French, and Dutch." What more natural, as 
Masson suggests, than that Milton, discovering in some man- 
ner, say a conversation, that Roger Williams knew Dutch, 

7 Masson, vol. 4, p. 532. 

8 Extracts from the order books are given by Masson and by Ivimey, 
the latter stating he takes them from Todd. By checking Masson 
against Ivimey I have tried to get as accurate transcripts as possible 
without seeing the original order books, no printed copy of which I 
have been able to find. Ivimey transcribes the extract: "That the 
Declaration of the Parliament against the Dutch be transcribed," etc. 
Masson differs, transcribing the entry as I have quoted it above, and 
remarks in connection with it, "This was the Declaration of the Causes 
of the War with the Scotch." Masson probably is> correct, as the dates 
of the Scotch expedition correspond with the entry, and those of the 
War with the Dutqh do not. However, the point is of no particular 
consequence as regards the purpose of my quotation. 

'Ivimey has "July 13, 1672," an obvious misprint. Masson dates it 
correctly, 1652. 


should seize the opportunity to learn something more of the 
language from him, in return helping him in other languages 
which he knew better than Williams? 

Masson's conjectures, where he acknowledges them to be 
conjectures, are very thoughtful and suggestive. But when 
he tries to state his own conjectures as facts, he is clouding 
the question. If they are facts, his readers have a right to 
know whence he received his information. If they are only 
conjectures, they should have been given as conjectures, not 
as certainties. 

Gammell, in his biography of Williams, 10 like Knowles is 
silent in regard to Milton till he reaches Williams' second 
English trip. Then he writes that Williams 11 "formed an inti- 
mate acquaintance with Milton" a slight, but pardonable, 
exaggeration. In commenting on the fact he makes the deduc- 
tion that Williams must have talked liberty of conscience to 
Milton, and have had an important influence on him; a per- 
fectly sound conjecture. He also remarks 12 that it was a proof 
of Williams' "extensive scholarship," "that he thus taught the 
Hebrew, Greek, Latin, French, and Dutch, some of them at 
least, 'not by grammar rules,' but, as he says himself, by words, 
phrases, and constant talk, as we teach our children English" 13 
This is a somewhat doubtful proof of "Williams' extensive 
scholarship," but it is an indication of a far more interesting 
and important fact, which James Russell Lowell has pointed 
out, and which I shall note presently. 

Strauss 14 takes most of his statements about Williams' rela- 
tions with Milton, from Masson, so it is unnecessary to com- 
ment on them, except in one case 15 where he disagrees with a 
statement of Masson that Williams learned his Dutch in 
America, 16 and says Williams probably learned it, "and with 
it some of the principles which characterize his life's work, 

10 Gammell, Wm. : Life of R. W. 
"Gammell, p. 150. 
"Gammell, p. 152. 
"The italics are Gammell's. 

14 Strauss, O. S. : R. W. the Pioneer of Religious Liberty. 
15 Strauss, p. 181. 

16 Masson, vol. 4, p. 531. "Williams' useful stock of Dutch acquired 
in America." 


from the Dutch colonists who were scattered throughout the 
southern and eastern counties of England, and in London." 
On the whole, Strauss' conjecture seems more plausible than 
Masson's, in this instance. 

Carpenter, in his biography, 17 confines his comments to the 
1652-54 trip, not mentioning the possibility of Williams' having 
known Milton in 1643-4. He is of the same opinion as Strauss 
in conjecturing that Williams learned Dutch in England rather 
than America, though he says, "It is impossible to determine 
with certainty." As to Williams' teaching Milton Dutch, he 
makes a conjecture of his own, which is interesting, but unfor- 
tunately entirely impossible. He writes : 18 "At this time 
Salmasius, a Dutch professor, published a defence of Charles 
I, and the Council of State applied to Milton to write a reply. 
It was at this point of time, as seems probable, that Williams 
formed his intimacy with Milton. In a letter to John Win- 
throp, written after Williams' return to New England, in the 
summer of 1654, the latter wrote: 'The Secretary of the 
Council (Mr. Milton) for my Dutch I read him, read me 
many more languages.' From this passage, it may be inferred 
that Williams, having naturally formed the acquaintance of 
the Council's secretary, and being familiar with the Dutch 
language, translated for Milton the treatise of Salmasius." A 
single glance at the title page of the "treatise of Salmasius" to 
which Carpenter refers, disposes of this conjecture ; its title 
is : "Def ensio Regia pro Carolo I," etc. In other words, the 
treatise is not in Dutch, but in Latin. Again, this treatise of 
Salmasius who, by the way, was a Frenchman, although pro- 
fessor at Leyden, his delatinized name being Claude de Sau- 
maise was published in 1649; on January 8, I649-5O, 19 the 
Council of State ordered Milton to "prepare something in 
answer to the Book of Salmasius" ; on December 23, i65O, 20 
Milton was ordered to print "the Treatise he hath written in 
answer to a late Book written by Salmasius"; and Milton's 

17 Carpenter. E. J. : Roger Williams. 

"Carpenter, p. 201. 

19 Order Books of Council of State, as quoted by Masson and Ivimey. 

20 Order books of the Council of State. 


answer, "Pro Populo Anglicano Defensio," etc., was published 
in 1651, probably before March 25, and certainly before April 
6, when a copy was in the hands of the collector Thomason. 21 
Roger Williams did not even come to England before the very 
end of 1651 at least, probably not until early in 1652." It is 
hardly necessary to point out that Milton did not need to have 
Roger Williams translate for him from the Dutch a treatise 
which was written in Latin, and to which Milton had already 
written an elaborate answer in Latin, a whole year before 
Williams had ever arrived in England. 

All the biographers of Williams have a strong tendency to 
make rash statements, without full knowledge of the facts, or 
to pad out meager facts by more or less harmless rhetoric. 
Perhaps the best is that by Strauss, though even Strauss is 
not very admirable in his treatment of the relations between 
Williams and Milton. Roger Williams is not by any means 
fully understood yet; and there seems to me to be room for 
some profitable work in compiling an adequate and really 
reliable life of this man, so important in American history and 
literature, and far more important in English seventeenth 
century history than is generally recognized. 

A few other interesting statements and conjectures are 
found, outside the biographies of Williams and Milton. In 
the Introduction to .Volume III of the Narragansett Club 
Publications, S. L. Caldwell makes a very sane statement in 
connection with the possibility of Williams' having known 
Milton in 1643-4, which is worth quoting: 23 "There is no 
evidence that Williams was then known to Milton, although 
the acquaintance may have then begun of which he writes as 
existing during his second visit to England." 

James Russell Lowell makes a very valuable suggestion, in 
his essay, "New England Two Centuries Ago," 2 * a discussion 

21 The data about Thomason comes from Masson. 

22 Dates are given according to modern calendar except when quoting 
a definite day, as "Feb. 2, 1649-50," when both the year according to old 
system and according to the new system are given. The old calendar 
began the year March 25 instead of Jan. 1. 

23 Narr. Club Pub. Ill, Intro, x. 

2 *In "Among My Books." 


of the Winthrop papers, among which is Williams' letter of 
1654 in which Milton is mentioned. Lowell quotes this pas- 
sage, and with his usual brilliancy and breadth of knowledge, 
writes : "It is plain that Milton had talked over with Williams 
the theory put forth in his tract on Education, (it was Mon- 
taigne's also) and made a convert of him." The part of the 
passage Lowell refers to is of course: "Grammar rules begin 
to be esteemed a tyranny. I taught two young gentlemen, a 
Parliament man's sons, as we teach our children English, by 
words, phrases, and constant talk, &c. I have begun with mine 
own three boys, who labor besides ; others are coming to me." 
While Williams does not say that Milton did teach him the 
theories of education he expresses in this passage, he men- 
tions them almost in the same breath with Milton, as if writing 
of Milton reminded him of the theories of education. Lowell's 
conjecture appears to me sound, although the words Williams 
uses in describing the theory of education make me wonder 
whether he did not become a convert to the theories of Come- 
nius and Hartlib themselves rather than to those of Milton. 
Milton, in the theories which he expressed in his tract, "Of 
Education," followed in a very broad, general way the theories 
of Comenius, about which his friend Hartlib was so enthu- 
siastic ; but Milton differed from those theories in many ways, 
usually differing in being more conservative than Comenius. 
Of course, it is impossible to tell precisely what theory Roger 
Williams was following, from two sentences or so in a single 
letter. But the phrase, "Grammar rules begin to be esteemed 
a tyranny," sounds, to my mind, more like the doctrine of 
Comenius than that of Milton. Milton was more conservative, 
and would hardly, I believe, have "esteemed grammar rules a 
tyranny" ; in the tract, "Of Education" itself he writes, "For 
their Studies, First they should begin with the chief and 
necessary rules of some good Grammar." On the whole, the 
passage in Williams' letter makes me suspect that while he 
very likely, as Lowell says, had talked over theories of educa- 
tion with Milton, he did not become a thorough convert to 
Milton's ideas, but with his characteristic leaning toward the 
radical rather than the conservative, took up the more dis- 


tinctly Comenian ideas. On the other hand, it is also very 
possible that from the time the tract, "Of Education," was 
published, 1644, to the period within which, according to 
Lowell, Milton made a convert of Williams, 1652-54, Milton's 
ideas on education may have changed, and the theories he 
talked about with Williams may have been different from 
those expressed in the 1644 tract. 

Another conjecture I include not because of its importance, 
but because it is at least original. Margaret L. Bailey, in a 
published doctoral dissertation, "Milton and Jakob Boehme," 
writes of 25 "Milton's friend, Roger Williams, with whom he 
may have read Boehme's writings in Dutch, since most of them 
were published very early in that language. Todd suggests, 
as an explanation of the change of view in Milton's later 
writings, that 'he drank largely, perhaps, from the turbid 
streams of the Arian and Socinian pieces published in Holland 
and dispersed in England.' " That this conjecture is theo- 
retically possible I do not suppose could be denied. But the 
possibility seems rather small, when there is taken into account 
the fact, that by the time Roger Williams was in England at 
least half of Boehme's writings had been translated into 
English, to say nothing of the Latin and German editions 
that were floating round the country, and the fact that the 
books were originally written, not in Dutch, but in German. 
And nowhere in the dissertation is it proved that Milton was 
reading Boehme at the time, though of course the supposition 
that he might have been is probable enough. 

In a recent article published in the Rhode Island Historical 
Society Collections, 26 H. M. Chapin has brought to light some 
facts which are fascinating in their possibilities, though 
again, the connecting link is missing. One of Roger Williams' 
good friends was Gregory Dexter, a London printer, who 
moved to New England after the return of Williams in 1644, 
possibly coming to New England with Williams himself. He 
printed the "Key to the Language of America" for Williams, 
and (according to Isaiah Thomas) also an "Almanack for 

25 Bailey, p. 133. 

26 Rhode Island Hist. Soc. Collections, Vol. XII, No. 4, Oct., 1919. 


Rhode Island and Providence Plantations in New England 
for 1644," no copy of which is now known to exist. Now 
Gregory Dexter also printed for Milton his tract, "Of Pre- 
latical Episcopacy," 1641 ; and as the relations between author 
and printer were apt to be close in those times, it is fair to 
assume that Milton knew Dexter personally. Gregory Dexter, 
then, was closely connected with Roger Williams, and pretty 
certainly known personally by Milton. If only there were 
some fact that would complete the chain and connect Williams 
with Milton through Dexter! If this could be found, it 
might be possible to show that Williams did meet Milton on 
his first trip to England in 1643-4. Mr. Chapin makes no 
such deduction, however, recognizing that at present there is 
no warrant for any such conclusion. 

Mr. Chapin has kindly suggested to me another possible 
connection between Williams and Milton, which is obscure at 
present, but upon which investigation may some day bring 
more light. This is Roger Williams' relations to the family of 
Sir Henry Cromwell. A series of letters is extant between 
Williams and Lady Joan Barrington, 27 showing that he had 
asked a niece of Lady Barrington to marry him. Williams 
was at that time chaplain in the household of Sir William 
Masham, son-in-law of Lady Barrington ; among the members 
of this family which occupied such a large place in Williams' 
early life, were Goffe and Whalley, the regicides, and Oliver 
Cromwell. It is known that Williams was personally acquainted 
with Cromwell on his visit to England in 1652-54; and the 
whole family were of the strong Puritan party with which 
Milton was associated. Here we strike a rather wide gap, for 
there still is no evidence that Williams knew Milton through 
this family, nor even any proof that Milton knew the family 
except politically. But the line of inquiry is at least suggestive, 
and might reveal something more definite on further investiga- 

It is plain, therefore, that Williams was connected with two 
families, both of which were connected with Milton ; the Crom- 
well family, whose relation to Milton comes through his 

27 N. E. Hist, and Genealog. Reg., Vol. 43, p. 315. 


political and religious beliefs ; and the Coke family, one mem- 
ber of which, Cyriack Skinner, was one of Milton's pupils, 
and a close friend and helper in his blindness. Skinner was 
one of the friends who enabled Milton to keep in touch with 
the literature he loved, by reading aloud to him when Milton 
himself could no longer see to read; and the affection which 
Milton had for his former pupil is shown in the two famous 
sonnets addressed to him. Whether Roger Williams knew 
Cyriack Skinner is a question as yet unanswered. But he at 
least knew Mrs. Sadleir, Skinner's aunt, and Chief Justice 
Coke, Skinner's grandfather. To be sure, Mrs. Sadleir, an 
ardent Church of England lady and a firm Royalist, must have 
had little more sympathy for her nephew's friendship with 
Milton than she had for Milton himself ; and that Roger 
Williams exchanged some two letters with the aunt does not 
imply necessarily that he knew the nephew. There the matter 
stands now, giving no definite conclusions, but offering many 

Another figure which naturally presents itself as a possible, 
even very probable, connecting link between Williams and 
Milton, is the younger Sir Henry Vane. It is hardly necessary 
to dwell on the close relations between Williams and Vane, 
they are so well known. A good share of Williams' stay in 
1652-54 was spent either at Vane's Whitehall lodgings or at his 
estate in Lincolnshire. It is also obvious that Vane was closely 
associated politically with Milton, possibly as early as i642. 28 
Whether he and Milton were close personal friends is more 
doubtful. Milton's sonnet to Vane has none of the personal 
feeling in it which characterizes those to Cyriack Skinner, for 
example. But that Milton and Vane were closely associated 
in their aims and in their political activities is beyond doubt ; 
during Williams' second trip to England, Vane and Milton were 
both prominent members of the Council of State, for example. 
Vane's biographers comment on the extensive influence which 
Roger Williams exerted on his religious and political opinions, 
an influence which I think is beyond question, particularly so 
in that Vane was young and impressionable when he first knew 

28 Willcock: Sir Henry Vane, p. 113. 


Williams. To me it seems exceedingly probable that it was 
Vane who formed the actual connecting link between Williams 
and Milton, and was responsible for their acquaintance; 
though as there is no direct proof of the matter, this must also 
remain for the present simply a conjecture. 


In connection with an attempt to find any possible references to Mil- 
ton in Williams' writings, I have collected the various books to which 
Williams refers in his writings, or which he is otherwise known to have 
owned or read ; these may be listed in three general groups, as follows : 


Parliament's Declarations; at least, "one of them." (Letters, N. C. 
P., vol. 6, p. 195.) In this letter he speaks of lending the volume to 
"a Long Island Englishman." 

Eliot's Indian Bible; still extant, in John Hay Library, Brown Uni- 
versity, Providence. 

A Book on Gospel Lectures (title page missing) ; still extant, in 
Rhode Island Historical Soc. library, Providence. 

Greek New Testament; (Bloody Tenent of Persecution, N. C. P., 
p. 89, and many other places). He quotes so often from the Greek 
Testament that he must obviously have owned one. 

Dutch Testament; (Letters, R. I. Hist. Tracts, No. 14, p. 44) "Giving 
him my Dutch Testament." 

Hebrew Old Testament; in many places he quotes from the Hebrew 
version of the Old Testament, and must obviously have owned one. 


Eikon Basilike; "The Portraiture" (Letters, N. C. P., p. 199). Also, 
called "The King's Book" (Letters, N. C. P., p. 241). 

Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity; (Letters, N. C. P., pp. 241, 242, 246). 

Bishop Andrew's Sermons, "and his other divine meditations." 
(Letters, N. C. P., pp. 241, 242, 246.) 

Jeremy Taylor's Works; (Letters, N. C. P., pp. 241, 242, 246. On 
p. 249 particularly mentions "The Liberty of Prophesying.") 

Dr. Thomas Jackson upon the Creed; (Letters, N. C. P., pp. 241, 242, 

Milton's Eikonoklastes ; (Letters, N. C P., p. 249). "Mr. Milton's 
answer to the King's book." 

Morton's Memorial; (Letters, N. C. P., p. 333). Pointed out in foot- 

Daniel Caivdrey's "Contradictions of Mr. Cotton (about church dis- 
cipline)." (Letters, N. C. P., p. 354.) Pointed out in footnote. 


Sir Francis Bacon's Essays, at least that on Unity in Religion. 
(Bloody Tenent of Persecution, N. C. P.. p. 8.) Pointed out in foot- 

S. Hilarius, Contra Anarios vel Auxentium. "Hilarie against Auxen- 
tius." (Bloody Tenent of Persecution, N. C. P., p. 34) pointed out in 
footnote. Williams quotes from the work. 

Tertullian ad Scapulam; (Bloody Tenent of Persecution, N. C. P., 
p. 35). Pointed out in footnote. 

Jerome, in Jeremiam; (Bloody Tenent of Persecution, N. C. P., p. 
35). Pointed out in footnote. 

Brentius; (Bloody Tenent of Persecution, N. C. P., p. 35). Pointed 
out in footnote. 

Luther's Book of the Civil Magistrate; (Bloody Tenent of Persecu- 
tion, N. C. P., p. 35). Pointed out in footnote. 

Calvin's Commentaries; (Bloody Tenent of Persecution, N. C. P., 
p. 153). Pointed out in footnote. 

Beza: Nov. Test, in loco; (Bloody Tenent of Persecution, N. C. P., 
p. 155). Pointed out in footnote. 

Sozomen, "lib. 1, Eccles. hist. cap. 19, 20"; (Bloody Tenent of Per- 
secution, N. C. P., p. 179). 

Augustine's Epistles; (Bloody Tenent of Persecution, N. C. P., p. 

John Cotton's Pouring out of the Seven Vials; (Bloody Tenent of 
Persecutions, N. C. P., p. 189). Pointed out in footnote. 

Church Government, and Church Covenant discussed, in an answer 
of the elders of the several Churches in N. E. to two and thirty ques- 
tions, etc. London, 1643; (Bloody Tenent of Persecution, N. C. P., 
p. 215). Pointed out in footnote. 

An Apologetical Narration, 1643, (By "some of the Independents") ; 
(Bloody Tenent of Persecution, N. C. P., p. 282. Also Williams pub- 
lished this tract in his "Queries"). Pointed out in footnote. 

Josse Hondius' Map of the Christian World; (Bloody Tenent of 
Persecution, N. C. P., p. 320, spelled "Hundius" by Williams; in 
"Christenings make not Christians," N. C. P., p. 4, he spells the name 
"Herdious*"). Pointed out in footnote. 

Martial: De Spectaculis Libellus ; (Bloody Tenent of Persecution, N. 
C. P., p. 371). Martial's Epigrams; (Bloody Tenent of Persecution, 
N. C. P., pp. 34-5). Both pointed out in footnote. 

Canne's A Stay against Staying, 1639; (Mr. Cotton's Letter answered, 
N. C. P., p. 102). Pointed out in footnote. 

John Cotton's answer to John Ball's Defence of Set Forms of 
Prayer, 1642; (Bloody Tenent yet more Bloody, N. C. P., p. 66). 
Pointed out in footnote. 

John Goodwin's Fighting against God; (Bloody Tenent yet more 
Bloody, N. C. P., p. 92, a marginal note by R. W.). Pointed* out in 


John Foxe's "Book of Martyrs" or "Book of Acts and Monuments" ; 
(Bloody Tenant yet more Bloody, N. C. P., p. 115, and various other 
passages). Pointed out in footnote. 

Henry Ardier: The Personal Reign of Christ upon Earth, 1642; 
(Bloody Tenent yet more Bloody N. C. P., p. 221). Pointed out in 

John Speed: The History of Great Britain under the Conquests of 
the Romans, Saxons, Danes, Normans, etc., 1632; (Bloody Tenent yet 
more Bloody, N. C. P., pp. 232-3). Williams quotes at length from 
this book the Edict of Antoninus. Pointed out in footnote. 

John Cotton's Abstract of the Laws of N. E., 1641; (Bloody Tenent 
yet more Bloody, N. C. P., p. 287). Conjectures made by editor in 
footnote is so probable as to amount practically to a certainty that 
Williams read this book. 

Thomas Shepherd's "book of their (Indians') Conversion"; (Bloody 
Tenent yet more Bloody, N. C. P., p. 373). 

Bishop Hall's "Contemplation on Michae's Idolatrie," 1621; (Bloody 
Tenent yet more Bloody, N. C. P., p. 488). Pointed out in footnote. 

Conrad Gesner's works, probably (says footnote) his History of 
Animals; (Bloody Tenent yet more Bloody, N. C. P., p. 523). A ref- 
erence made on p. 469 of the same work to "the Naturalist" very likely 
refers also to Gesner. 

Clark's 111 News from New England; (Bloody Tenent yet more 
Bloody, N. C. P., p. 524). Pointed out in footnote. 

George Fox's The Great Mystery of the Great Whore unfolded, 1659; 
(Geo. Fox Digg'd, N. C. P., p. 1). Pointed out in footnote. 

Humphrey Norton's "book printed at London after his return from 
hence"; (Geo. Fox Digg'd, N. C. P., p. 70). 

James Parnel: work undetermined; (Geo. Fox Digg'd, N. C. P., p. 
147). "It is true (in print) J. Parnel spake like a Papist and Atheist 
and a Quaker, of the holy Martyrs or Witnesses of Jesus Christ and 
of the book of Martyrs itself." On p. 241, same work, Williams quotes 
from Parnel's "Watcher." 

Christopher Houldsworth's "Book"; (Geo. Fox Digg'd, N. C. P., 
p. 164). 

George Wellington: work undetermined; (Geo. Fox. Digg'd, N. C. 
P., P. 191). 

Edward Burr owe' s "large Epistle to G. Fox his Booke in Folio"; 
(Geo. Fox Digg'd, N. C. P., p. 268). 

"I have read Nichols, and Nailor, and Howgel, and Burrowes, and 
Parnel, and Farnsworth, and Fox, and Dewsbury, and Pennington, and 
Whitehead, and Bishop, &c." ; (Geo. Fox Digg'd, N. C. P., p. 277). 


Carpenter's Geography, 1625, 2d ed., 1635; (Letters, N. C. P., p. 192). 
Asks for loan of the book. Mentioned in footnote. 


The Jesuits' Maxims; (Letters, N. C. P., p. 289). Says he will "be 
thankful for" the above. 

"Luther and Erasmus to the Emperor, Charles V, and the Duke of 
Saxony"; (Letters, N. C. P., p. 374). 

Magnolia Dei; (Letters, N. C. P., p. 234). "We live, and behold the 
wonders, the Magnalia and Miracula Dei in England." Possible indica- 
tion of Williams' having read the book. 

Hakluyfs translation of Verrazano's letter; conjecture given, by 
H. M. Chapin, from the fact that Williams called Rhode Island by that 
name as early as 1637, and probably gave it the name. 

Sir Thomas Browne's works, or some of them. A possibility, from 
the fact that Browne is the only other writer known who used the 
word "tenent" at that time. (Bloody Tenent of Persecution N. C. P., 
'p. iv, note). 

The Works of the Most High and Mighty Prince James, 1616; 
(Bloody Tenent of Persecution, N. C. P., p. 31). Williams quotes 
from a speech of King James, given in that book. Pointed out in foot- 

Henry Ainsworth, Annotations of the Five Books of Moses, etc.; 
(Bloody Tenent of Persecution, N. C. P., p. 308). Williams praises the 
book, but not in such a way as to prove he read it. Pointed out in foot- 

Chamier, Daniel, de Eccles. ; (Bloody Tenent of Persecution, N. C. 
P., p. 233). Mentioned in marginal note by Williams referring to a 
quotation of Cotton. Pointed out in footnote. 

Robert Parker, De Politica Ecclesiastica, etc.; (Bloody Tenent of 
Persecution, N. C. P., p. 233). Marginal note by Williams. 

John Robinson's On the Lawfulness of Hearing of the Ministers in 
the Church of England, Leyden, 1634: (Mr. Cotton's Letter answered, 
N. C. P., p. 1O2). Williams mentions the book, but only in connection 
with Canne's answer to it. (For Canne, see books surely read.) Also 
in the Bloody Tenent yet more Bloody (N. C. P., pp. 316-17) Williams 
speaks of "Mr. John Robinson his testimony in a manuscript from 
Holland." A footnote by the editor conjectures this is probably a letter 
to some of Williams' Plymouth friends. In all probability, Williams 
would have read the above mentioned book, on these grounds. 

Macchiavelli's Prince; (Letters, R. I. Hist. Tracts, No. 14, p. 44). 
"According to W. Har: his Machivillyan Maxim." 

John Ball's Defence of Set Forms of Prayer, 1640; (Bloody Tenent 
yet more Bloody, N. C. P., p. 66). Probably Williams read this; cer- 
tainly he read John Cotton's answer to it. (See books surely read.) 

Henry VIII: "A blasphemous writing against Christ Jesus in his 
holy truth proclaimed by Luther"; (Bloody Tenent yet more Bloody, 
N. C. P., p. 163). This work I have not been able to determine. 

Antoninus Pius' Letters for the Christians; (Bloody Tenent yet more 


Bloody, N. C. P., p. 233). Possible Williams may have read these in 
Speede's History. (See books surely read.) 

Pareus; (Bloody Tenent yet more Bloody. N. C. P., p. 283). Williams 
speaks of this authority, quoted by Cotton, as if he knew him, at first 
hand, though there is not any definite indication that he did. 

Johannes Marianus' De Rege et Regis Institutione ; (Bloody Tenent 
yet more Bloody, N. C. P., pp. 310-11). Williams speaks indefinitely, 
but somewhat as if he had a first hand knowledge of the book. Pointed 
out by footnote. 

Bellarmine f s Tractatus de potestate summi Pontificis, Rome, 1610; 
(Bloody Tenent yet more Bloody, N. C. P., pp. 310-11). Williams 
speaks indefinitely, but somewhat as if he had a first hand knowledge 
of the book. Pointed out by footnote. 

"Crede of Piers Ploughman, and Chaucer, some of his works, at 
least; (Bloody Tenent yet more Bloody, N. C. P., p. 423). Williams 
gives a story as coming from "old Chaucer," bat the editor in a foot- 
note says it comes not from Chaucer but from the Creed of Piers 
Ploughman. Makes it very probable in this case that Williams had 
read both authors. 

Book of Common Prayer; (Bloody Tenent yet more Bloody, N. C. 
P., p. 510). Williams speaks as if he were acquainted with it. Pointed 
out by footnote. 

"Having read ... as I think, above six score Books and papers 
(written by pious and able pens against them)" (i. e., the Quakers); 
(Geo. Fox Digg'd, N. C. P., p.l). 

"That Turkish History tells us of a Woman appearing in the Heavens 
with a Book open in her hand"; (Geo. Fox Digg'd, N. C. P., p. 145). 

Raviuf; (Geo. Fox Digg'd, N. C. P., p. 201). "Though Ravius 
(that famous Oriental Hebraician, &c.) proclaims above a thousand 
Faults, and some gross, in our last Translation" (i. e., of the Bible). 

"That as blessed John Bradford said to God"; (Geo. Fox Digg'd, 
N. C. P., p. 236). 

Joseph Chandler; (Geo. Fox Digg'd, N. C. P., p. 277). 

Theora John; (Geo. Fox Digg'd, N. C. P., p. 277). 

(N. B. Wherever a book I have noted has been mentioned in any 
footnote by the editor of the work of Williams referred to, I have 
noted the fact.) 


An oil portrait of Gen. William Barton, painted upon wood, 
has been presented to the Society by the late Mrs. Martin 
Wilmarth Kern and Mr. George Coit Barton. It is on exhi- 
bition in the Portrait Gallery. 

Mr. George Allen Chandler of Bethlehem, Pa., Mr. Edward 
Denham of New Bedford, Mass., and Mr. James Elgar of 
Providence have been elected to membership in the Society. 

In 1913 the Society obtained the then only known copy of the 
"Calendrier Francais pour 1'annee 1781," which was printed 
at Newport. Another copy has been discovered this year 
which contains four leaves not in our copy, but which lacks 
the title page which is perfect in our copy. The second Calen- 
drier has been purchased by Col. George L. Shepley. 

The most important of our manuscript accessions are three 
revolutionary muster rolls, which are the gift of Mrs. Franklyn 
Hallett Lovell of Washington, D. C. 

Two of the inscribed rocks have been removed from 
Sachuest and placed on the lawn of the Society, by the special 
committee on inscribed rocks, which consists of Professor 
Delabarre, Judge Rathbun and Livingstone Ham, Esq. 

The Society has published this autumn two volumes of his- 
torical interest. One is a "List of the Rhode Island Soldiers 
and Sailors in King George's War, 1740-1748." It is an octavo 
of 32 pages, bound in cloth, and is the second volume of the 
series entitled "Rhode Island in the Colonial Wars." The 
other is the first volume of the "Rhode Island Court Records." 
It is an octavo of 80 pages, bound in cloth, and covers the 
period from 1647 to 1663. The edition of each of these books 
has been limited to 150 copies. A special discount is given to 
members of the Society. 

The first volume of "Rhode Island Land Evidences" is now 
in the printer's hands. 

Bulletin number 33 of the Newport Historical Society con- 
tains an article on the old Hazard House by Maud Lyman 

Miss Lena Clark's paper on "Old Houses in Jamestown" has 


been issued as number I of the Bulletin of the Jamestown His- 
torical Society. 

We have received requests for the following numbers of 
the "Collections": Vol. XI, No. 4; Vol. XII, Nos. I and 3; 
Vol. XIII, No. 2. As our supply of these numbers is ex- 
hausted, we can only fill these requests through the generosity 
of some of our members. 

Extracts from the Log Book of the Private 

Armed Schooner Blockade, Manly Sweet, 



He who reads the breezy pages of the Log book of the sec- 
ond cruise of the Yankee as given in the "Tales of an Old 
Seaport" is likely to gain an impression that a voyage on a 
private armed ship of war was a very enjoyable as well as 
profitable experience. A perusal of the extracts from the 
Log book of the Blockade which follow will give a very 
different idea of a privateersman's life. The more one reads 
about the American privateers the more is one impressed with 
the fact that the Yankee was in a class by herself. The Block- 
ade belonged to the same owners ; her Commander, Manly 
Sweet, had been a Lieutenant of the Yankee on her first cruise. 
Yet while the Yankee was more profitable than a gold mine 
the other vessel proved to be only a continual bill of expense. 
The first, escaping a thousand perils, made six voyages as a 
ship of war and continued to earn money for her owners in 
the days of peace that followed. The second was lost on her 
second cruise, only three of her crew surviving to return to 
her home port. Perhaps the fault was with her officers. She 
carried a remarkably tough crew and stern discipline rather 
than Sweetness was needed, as the reader will judge from the 
extracts that follow. 

The officers who signed the paper conferring a power of 
attorney upon her owners were Manly Sweet, Benjamin 
Bowen, Paul Florence, John French, Jr., Stephen Simmons, 


Moses Deane, John Carpenter, George Phillips and Obed B. 
Hussey. To these should be added the names of Lieutenant 
Russell and Sailing Master Avery, which appear in the 

The protest made on December 4th while in Dutch Island 
harbor would appear to have been put forward with reason. 
Judging from the size of the Yankee's crew the Blockade 
should have carried at least twice fifty-eight men. Ten sea- 
men could easily sail the privateer, but a hundred were needed 
to make her a successful fighting machine, and to provide 
crews for possible prizes. That the cruise was not started 
properly is evidenced by the fact that in the list of protestants 
appear the names of three officers, namely Paul Florence, 
John Carpenter and George Phillips. No wonder the Captain 
went back to Bristol to consult with the owners. 

Extracts from the Log book of the private armed schooner 
Blockade, Manly Sweet Commander, that sailed from Bristol, 
on a cruise, Thursday, November 19, 1812: 

"Sunday, Nov. 22d. At Newport. At 9 A. M. got under 
way and ran out to Newport Light in company with a Revenue 
Cutter on trial and beat her. At i P. M. came to at Newport. 
At 3 got under way and ran up as far as Prudence.* Half 
past 4 P. M. came to anchor at Newport." 

"Saturday, Nov. 28th. At 6 A. M., with fresh breeze, ran 
out of Newport for the Vineyard after men. At 10 A. M., it 
blowing fresh with a rough sea, we lost our jolly boat from 
the davits. At 3 in the afternoon came to at Holmes' Hole." 

"Monday, Nov. 3Oth. At half past 8 P. M., a boat full of 
men was discovered passing under our stern, which was hailed 
by the commanding officer on deck. She answered the hail by 
inquiring in an authoritative manner who we were. We had 
heard that the "New Liverpool" (an English armed vessel) 
was cruising between this place and Chatham, that she had 
pilots from Cape Cod and had taken a large number of prizes 
bound from the southward and eastward. This information 
and the singular circumstance of an armed vessel being hailed 
by a boat in the manner the Blockade was, excited suspicions 

*i. e., Prudence Island. 


that the boat belonged to the "New Liverpool," and these 
suspicions were strengthened by discovering (when they were 
ordered alongside) ten men armed with cutlasses, pistols, &c. 
Immediately all hands were ordered to quarters, the decks 
were cleared, guns loaded, matches lighted, and every prepara- 
tion made to repel the enemy, should he think proper to com- 
mence the attack. We were in momentary expectation of 
receiving a shot from the vessel to which the boat belonged, 
as a signal for action. She lay at a short distance from us, but 
it being dark we could not discover what she was. During this 
time the officers and boat's crew were detained while the 1st 
Lieutenant was sent on board, who ascertained her to be a 
packet, bound to New York from Boston, with recruits for the 
United States. The officers who, it seems, came alongside for 
a frolic, deserved punishment for their presumption, and may 
thank heaven, and Captain Sweet's humanity for their lives, 
as it was extremely difficult for him to prevent the men on 
board the Blockade from firing into the boat." 

"Friday, Dec. 4th. In Dutch Island Harbor. This day the 
following men (petty officers on board) protested against 
going to sea in the Blockade without more men (our crew 
consisting of 58 including officers), viz.: Henry Verney, 
Charles S. Beverly, Oliver Norton, Paul Florence, Charles 
Cotter, Lewis Cooper, John Kelly, William Mathews, John 
Johnson (boatswain's mate), George Phillips, James Brown, 
John Carpenter, and Johan Fausbery. In consequence of this 
measure Captain Sweet went to Bristol to consult with the 

"Wednesday, Dec. 9. This day a paper was handed to the 
Captain, as a protest against going in the Blockade, of which 
the following is a transcript, which, as a curiosity I enter into 
this journal 'We the subscribers due wish to go hoam as we 
the subscribers has been on bord sometime and expected to 
gone to sea but as we have not ben we wish for a dismission 
for we are not wilin to go in the v ess ell.' Several of the 'sub- 
scribers' having received bounty, Captain Sweet thought 
proper to treat the petition with that contempt which it 
deserved. In the mean time the discontent which had pre- 


vailed several days still continued and in the evening the dis- 
affected part of the crew became clamorous and two of the 
gentlemen 'subscribers' who were discovered to have been the 
most active in exciting the mutiny, refused to do their duty 
when ordered, and treated the officers with impertinent 
language. To 'cool their courage' and 'bring them to repent- 
ance, and a knowledge of the truth,' Captain Sweet had them 
(Dizley and Mumford) put in irons. After this peace was 
restored and those who had threatened to 'eat the devil and 
drink his broth,' became quiet as lambs." (Bristol Phoenix, 
Nov. 25, 1871.) 

"Saturday, Dec. 12. At 6 P. M., got under way and stood 
out for sea. Mumford and Dizley were taken out of irons 
and ordered to their duty." 

"Saturday, Dec. igth. At 2 P. M., John Scott discovered 
a sail from the mast head, bearing from us N. N. E., distant 
about four leagues. Hauled our wind and gave chace. At 4 
P. M., (being within one league of her) gave her a shot from 
the Long Tom, when she rounded to ; but neglecting to show 
her colors we gave her another shot when she displayed the 
Sweedish flag. Boarded her and found her to be the brig 
Betsey, Captain Lane, 12 days from Bath, (Kenebeck,) with 
lumber, bound to Cayenne, with a Sweedish passport. Had 
sprung a leak in the late gales. Lat. by ob. 31, 56." 

"Tuesday, Dec. 29th. Finding the vessel by the head the 
provisions in the hold were this day shifted to get her in trim, 
and for that purpose stowed part of the bread aft in the 
lazaretto. This day Neptune and wife came on board and 
gave a principal part of the crew a terrible shaving. Lat. by 
ob. 21, 35." 

"Saturday, January 2d, 1813. About 10 A. M., William 
Chapman, the armorer, having heated the barrels of a pistol, 
for the purpose of blueing it with horn, which was loaded with 
ball, probably unknown to him, it went off and killed him 
instantly. On examination by the Surgeon, it was found that 
the ball passed through the right eye and went out at the back 
part of his head, which broke all the bones in the right and 
upper part of his scull. He was sewed up in a hammock, with 


weights at his feet, and after prayers had been read, at the 
discharge of a cannon his body was committed to the deep 
with proper respect. He was a native of Massachusetts but 
had resided some time in Providence, where he married a 
short time previous to his sailing the Blockade. Lat. by ob. 
12, 30 N. 

"Monday, January 4th. At 3 P. M., came up with our chase 
(discovered yesterday) and fired a shot from the Long Tom 
which she did not answer, but kept away. At our second shot 
she fired a gun to the leeward, rounded to and hauled up her 
courses, when we fired a third and fourth shot which she 
returned with her stern chacer. During the whole of this time 
she showed American colors and made signals and it was 
thought proper to send our boat on board to ascertain her 
character. Our 1st Lieutenant, on his return reported her to 
be the privateer brig Revenge, of Norfolk, out forty-two days, 
bound on a cruise, and commanded by Captain Langdon. On 
receiving this information we ran down and spoke her. Cap- 
tain Sweet had an invitation on board, which he accepted. It 
was fortunate for both vessels that Captain Sweet sent the 
Lieutenant on board, as it was probably the means of prevent- 
ing a battle, which doubtless would have taken place but for 
the adoption of this measure. Lat. by ob. 10, 43." 

"Saturday, January i6th. During the latter part of these 
24 hours a quarrel took place between John Hill and Nath. 
Barney concerning a tin pot which belonged to Hill but which 
Barney used without Hill's liberty for which Hill threatened 
and indeed attempted to whip him. On the officers interfering, 
Hill abused the whole by saying that he did not 'care a 
for any one on board the vessel. Lieutenant Russell and Mr. 
Avery, the sailing master, took the matter up when Lewis 
Durfee, John Scott, and several of the forecastle men (to 
which Hill belonged) took Hill's part and insulted the officers 
with abusive language. Captain Sweet went forward with a 
determination to punish the mutineers, who among other 
things which they asserted, complained of their living. From 
humanity or policy Captain Sweet determined to pass over 
their present conduct and gave them liberty to leave the vessel 


at the first port which we should make (which Hill threatened 
to do) but gave them to understand that he was determined 
to put up with their insolence no longer. After which peace 
was restored." From Phoenix Dec. 2, 1871. 

"Wednesday, January 2oth, 1813. At six o'clock A. M., 
stood in shore for food and water, and at nine came to anchor 
in three fathoms within one mile of the land. Captain Avery 
with a boat's crew went ashore and obtained permission of an 
officer, who had repaired to the landing with a number of 
soldiers, to procure what we wanted. The inhabitants having 
observed the Blockade and the Revenge standing off and on 
shore for several days past, two pieces of cannon were brought 
down and planted at a short distance from the beach. Signals 
of smoke were observed along the shore from the first moment 
of approaching the land, which still continue to be observed 
as far as the sight extends. The point about four miles to the 
windward of the watering place is called by the natives Point 
Agiberon, and the shore extending to the northeast from it is 
called Terra Firma. It is a high and steep bank variegated 
with red and yellow clay, which at a short distance from shore 
appears like rock and resembles in its color Gay Head at the 
Vineyard. It extends for several miles with now and then an 
interruption of sand hills and forms a sort of bay which is by 
no means safe to lie at anchor in, by reason of sudden squalls 
which, while we were here, struck us adrift and drove us in 
shore. From the sea the land has an agreeable and a fertile 
appearance, but on landing it proves a dreary and sterile coast 
nearly as barren as the 'Wilderness of Sin.' The inhabitants 
appear as meagre as their soil." (The privateer had reached 
the coast of Brazil.) 

"Thursday, January 2ist. Lying at anchor at Point Agi- 
beron in order to wood and water. At 6 P. M., got under way 
and put to sea. Lat. by ob. 3, 57 South." 

"Thursday, February 4th. At half past eight this morning 
a quarrel took place between John Cotell and Nath. Mumford 
which promises serious consequences. The circumstances 
were as follows : Cotell and Mumford were in the hold when 
Cotell quarrelled with Nath. Barney (a good natured and 


peaceable man) and threatened to whip him. Mumford 
espoused Barney's cause and some harsh words passing 
between him and Cotell, Mumford drew his hand across Cotell's 
mouth upon which Cotell struck him several blows with a 
heaver (a heavy billet of wood) one of which laid his head 
open on the left side of the upper part of the skull, three 
fourths of an inch in length. Another blow struck him on 
the inferior part of the osfrontis, directly over the left eye, 
which caused the eye-brow to swell to the size of a half a hen's 
egg, which in the opinion of the Surgeon involves much 
danger. Cotell was put in irons for trial." 

"Monday, February I5th. At 8 P. M., got under way and 
stood out to sea, leaving the Revenge to take in the remainder 
of her provisions and water. At 6 A. M., tacked ship and 
stood in for land. While lying at Seara this day our cable 
chafed so as to render lying at anchor dangerous." (Ceara 
is on the north coast of Brazil.) 

"Tuesday, February i6th. In the afternoon while running 
into Seara the Blockade was fired at five times from the Fort. 
We brought to a fishing smack and Captain Sweet sent a 
letter to the governor, demanding an explanation, but before 
he received an answer we received another shot from the 
garrison, which was returned from our long twelve pounder. 
The shot struck near the Portuguese battery and passing over 
the town struck a butcher's shop, but did no other damage. 
In the evening Captain Langdon (who was ashore when we 
fired) stated that the governor accused us of a breach of neu- 
trality which prohibits any vessel from standing off and on a 
neutral port in the manner we did. In answer to a message 
from the governor, Captain Sweet explained the necessity 
he was under for so doing, to avoid the danger of drifting 
ashore, which the state of our cable could not prevent. Thus 
the affair ended." 

"Friday, March igth. At daylight discovered and gave 
chace to a brig ahead about ten miles distant. At n A. M., 
came up with and boarded her. She proved to be the Cos- 
mopolite, of New York, thirty-five days from Cadiz with salt, 
John Smith master, bound to Charleston, S. C. Captain Smith 


informed that news had arrived at Cadiz a few days previous 
to his sailing that Bonaparte had been defeated by the Rus- 
sians with the loss of 175,000 men and forty generals. Cap- 
tain Smith further informs that a fleet of fifteen sail of the 
line and five large frigates from England (which were 
expected to arrive sometime in March) had sailed from 
America. He was boarded by the brig Revenge, of Warren, 
R. I., near the Canaries had taken nothing. Lat. by ob. 28, 
30." (Phoenix, Dec. 16, 1871.) 

Friday, July 23d, 1813 Commences fine clear weather, and 
moderate breezes. At six o'clock, sail set in chace of the vessel 
seen on the 22 inst. at half past n, a. m., distance 20 miles. 
At 5 p. m., drawing on her fast and within a gun shot and a. 
half ; fired a bow gun with powder and wad only ; at half past 
5, she not heaving to or showing colors gave her a second gun ; 
but she still proceeded. Gave her long torn with round, and 
hoisted American ensign and pennant ; she then luffed, brought 
her stern to bear on us, and gave us one of her stern chasers, 
and hoisted Spanish colors. We then fired long torn the second 
time, with round. She returned the compliment with one of 
her stern chasers, by this time being pretty near. She hove 
shot over us, but her grape fell short ; the action became warm ,- 
we gave her our broadside, and endeavored to close with her 
as fast as possible; our colors at this time were distinctly 
seen by those on board of her, and she kept up her Spanish 
colors, and a regular fire when after six or seven broadsides, 
perceiving her main topsail to be on the cap, and the lee clue 
cut away, the Spanish flag was hauled down, and she hove to. 
We lowered our boat, boarded her, and found her to be the 
Spanish ship, New Constitution, Captain Dr. Damian Garcia 
from Havana, bound to Alicant, out 30 days, loaded with sugar 
and coffee mounting six guns, carrying 42 pound shot and 
two double fortified six pounders ; brought the Captain on 
board with his papers, and after examining him very minutely, 
and his papers, and reprimanding him for his conduct, per- 
mitted him to proceed. She was much injured in hull, rigging 
and sails. At 12, midnight, made sail. 

N. B. The Spanish ship had had a dust between Bermuda 

Indian stone pipe, unearthed at Burr's Hill, Warren, and now preserved at 
the Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, New York. Repro- 
duced through the courtesy of the Museum. 

At the Sign of the Greyhound, near 
the church, in Williams Street, Provi- 
dence, 1772. 

Signature mark of the Indian 
Tomanick, 1644. 

Richard Waterman's Seal. 


and Havana, with a schooner privateer, of three hours action 
and after cutting away the tiller of the schooner, and killing 
the man at the helm, the privateer hauled down the American 
flag she had fought under, hoisted a French flag, and stood 
from her. No one was injured on board the Spanish ship, or 
the Yankee. Lat. by ob. 39, 29 West. 

Thursday, August 5. At quarter to one P. M., saw a sail 
bearing N. W. distance 5 leagues. At 4, spoke the chase ; she 
hoisted Sweedish colors at half mast, the Captain informing 
us that he had been out 26 days, from Savannah and that he 
had lost three men by the fever, and that three more were 
then in the stern boat very sick. Our doctor, with his usual 
humanity, went on board, and rendered them every assistance 
in his power. The Captain, informed us that the frigate 
Chesapeake, same day out of New York was taken by an 
English frigate, which we much doubt. At 5 made sail ; the 
Sweede was bound to Gottenburgh. Lat. by ob. 39, 16 W. 

(Alas! The Shannon did capture the Chesapeake.) 

Friday, August 6. Commences with fresh gales and 
squally; at 3 lost lee lower swinging boom overboard; hove 
to and got it. At 6 P. M., doubled reef mainsail and single 
reefed fore topsail. At 9 P. M., blowing fresh, took in the 
foresail. At 10 P. M., blowing a gale ; took in the f oretopsail, 
and the mainsail, and kept her away under foretopmast stay- 
sail until daylight, then set the lug foresail with the bonnet off ; 
saw two ships to windward, which appeared to be suspicious 
of us, by their keeping as near each other as possible ; as they 
were standing to the S. and E. under close reefed sails, we 
could no way speak them. At 10 A. M., blowing a hard 
gale, and a heavy sea. Balanced reefed the lug foresail, and 
hove her to, at n A. M., a heaving gust kept her leeside of 
the deck under water for some minutes ; put up the helm, 
eased off the fore sheet and kept her away North before it. 
Got down the eight after guns in the ward room. At 1-2 n, 
threw over board the 4 cannondes which were amidships : got 
in the jibboom. Ends thick, rainy weather and the gale 
increasing went in the forehole and fastened down the casks, 
&c. No observation. 

(The Bristol Phenix, February 24, 1872.) 

The Society will hold a 

Free Public Exhibition 


Ship Pictures and Log Books 

During the month of November 

Persons having Ship Pictures or Log Books will please 
bring them to the Library or communicate with the 




Vol. XIV 

January, 1921 

No. 1. 

GEORGE T. SPICER, Secretary HOWARD M. CHAPIN, Librarian 

Please address communications to Howard M. Chapin, Librarian, 
68 Waterman Street, Providence, R. I. 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the 
opinions of contributors. 

Ninigref s Fort 

A Refutation of the Dutch Theory 


With the naive credulity of old style historians, Mr. S. G. 
Arnold, in a note to page 155 of his "History of the State of 
Rhode Island," states that "the Dutch had two fortified trading 
posts on the south shore of Narragansett, in what is now 
Charlestown." No proof presented, no references given. So 
far as I have been able to discover, this is the first occurrence 
in print of the theory that the Dutch owned the fort popularly 
known as Ninigret's. All later historians have trustingly fol- 
lowed Arnold's lead in this particular and the comparative 
insignificance of the subject has preserved it from the cold 
eye of historical research. Where this theory originated, I 
have not been able to discover, unless it sprang full-fledged, 
like Pallas Athene, from the head of Mr. Arnold. The dis- 
covery of Dutch implements in the graves of the Niantic 
sachems in 1863 gave plausible authority to it and it grew and 
flourished mightily until, in 1902, it found its most vigorous 
champion in the redoubtable Sidney S. Rider. 


Mr. Rider bases his argument on the belief that the Indians 
would not have built a fort on the lines of this one and on the 
not sufficiently proved claim that the Indians never used it. He 
heightens the effect of his thesis by passing over the reliable 
history of Elisha R. Potter and pouring his satire on the sen- 
timental and romantic inaccuracies of the Rev. Frederic 
Denison. (Cf. Rider's "Lands," p. 295, where he accuses 
Denison of being responsible for the Indian theory. Potter, 
p. 23, evidently had no idea that the origin of the fort was 
other than Indian.) Denison had no historical sense and, like 
all local historians, was prone to embroider facts according to 
his taste. Consequently, he left ample opportunity for the 
sharp-eyed and sharp-tongued Rider. The latter pricks Deni- 
son's toy balloon in several places and leaves it in a very 
deflated condition. The real essence of the matter remained, 
however, as I shall endeavor to show, unharmed by Rider's 
caustic attacks. 

The propounders of the Dutch theory have omitted one 
very important aspect of the case. They make no reference 
to the Dutch sources, published by the New York Historical 
Society and the State of New York. It is from these sources 
and not from guess-work or tradition that any reliable history 
of the Dutch activities in Rhode Island must be formulated. 
In 1614 Adrian Block sailed along the New England coast 
and was the first Dutchman to 1 explore Rhode Island. By 1622, 
as we learn in DeLaet's "New World," the "Dutch shallops 
trafficked with the Indians as far east as Narragansett and 
Buzzard's Bay." This trade was already so considerable that 
when the Plymouth colonists made a trip to Narragansett Bay 
the next year they had no success in trading with the Indians 
because the Dutch were already supplying them with more 
desirable goods than they could offer. In 1636 the Dutch 
obtained formal possession of Quotenis (Now Dutch Island) 
and maintained a permanent trading post there (Doc. Col. 
Hist. N. Y., I, p. 565). All this these historians are acquainted 
with and use, but next they make a jump which I cannot fol- 
low. Because the Dutch had a large trade in Rhode Island 


and because two forts are found in Charlestown, they state 
the conclusion that these forts were Dutch. Now, such a 
conclusion would be quite justified in the case of anyone 
but a historian. He, however, is supposed to back up his 
statements with facts and not imagination. It so happens 
that in all the available Dutch sources there is no mention 
of any fort located on the south shore of Rhode Island. 
In fact, the statement, made in 1652, that "the subsequent 
circumstances of the country alone prevented the occu- 
pation by forts of Pequatoos focket (Pawcatuck River) and 
Marinkansick (Narragansett), otherwise called Sloops Bay" 
(Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., I, p. 565), makes it seem that even 
Quotenis was unfortified, in spite of Rider's unproved state- 
ment to the contrary. Furthermore, in 1649 the West India 
Company, protesting to the States General in Holland that the 
English were occupying Dutch territory, presented a list of 
all "Forts and Hamlets" by which they laid claim to the pos- 
session of the New England coast (Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., I, 
pp. 543, 544). In this list, which was undoubtedly the most 
inclusive they could prepare, there is no mention of any place 
within the present Rhode Island boundaries except Quotenis. 
After 1649 the Dutch trade waned rapidly under the spread 
of English colonization in New England and it is not likely 
that any new forts were built after that date. 

Besides omitting reference to Dutch records, it seems to me 
that the followers of this theory have failed to note the signifi- 
cance of certain passages in the English sources. Mason, in 
the account of his campaign against the Pequots in 1637, tells 
that in marching westward from Narragansett Bay he spent 
the night "at a place called Nyantic, about eighteen or twenty 
miles distant, where another of those Narragansett sachems 
lived in a fort, it being a frontier to the Pequots." The loca- 
tion of Nyantic is settled by a letter from Roger Williams to 
Governor Winthrop, written in the preceding year, in which 
he advises "that Niantick be thought on for the riding and 
retiring to of vessels, which place is faithful to the N'arra- 
gansetts and at present enmity with the Pequods." This fort, 


therefore, was at a point on the shore, where vessels could 
ride, some twenty miles from Narragansett Bay. This leaves 
no doubt that it was at the head of Charlestown inlet, where 
the remains of "Ninigret's Fort" are now to be found. Neither 
can anyone doubt that Mason's "sachem," whom Williams 
declared "faithful to the Narragansetts," was either Ninigret 
or his father, chief of the Niantics, a tribe subsidiary to 
Canonicus. In 1637, then, we find an Indian sachem occupy- 
ing his fort at the same place where the remains of a fort now 
exist and no mention made of any Dutch fort there or else- 
where on the southern coast. As for the fort on Chemunga- 
nuck Hill, Rider says it was a Dutch outpost against the 
Pequots. This is pure imagination, for the Dutch were never 
at war with the Pequots and traded with them as well as with 
the Niantics. The latter, on the other hand, were perenially 
fighting with their neighbors to the west and had good use 
for such an outpost. It is also to be noticed that there is no 
mention of any Dutch fort, in the location under discussion, 
in any English document or record. This, taken in connection 
with the similar silence of the Dutch sources, should be con- 
vincing proof of the nonentity of this imaginary station. 

In denying that the Dutch owned or occupied these forts, 
I have no intention of omitting the fact that the Dutch were 
in close relations with the Niantics and carried on a busy trade 
with them. The Charlestown inlet (with no name attached) 
appears on two Dutch maps (DeLaet's and Fischer's), which 
would indicate that Dutch traders stopped there often enough 
to know its location but maintained no post. The quantity of 
Dutch articles found in the Indian graves there shows that 
the Niantics were well supplied by the Dutch. That Ninigret 
himself was in close relations with the government of New 
Netherlands is well known. These relations culminated in 
his spending the winter of 1652-1653 in New Amsterdam (cf . 
Potter, p. 50). Cromwell's war with Holland began in 1652 
and Governor Stuyvesant received directions to make use of 
the Indians against the English colonists if necessary (Doc. 
Col. Hist. N. Y.). As a result, we learn that in the spring 


Ninigret returned with arms and ammunition in a Dutch sloop 
(Potter, p. 50). It may be that on this visit Ninigret observed 
Dutch fortifications and remodelled his fort with bastions, 
although the Niantics may quite possibly learned these 
engineering improvements through earlier contact with Euro- 
peans. Rider's objection to the Indians using "rifle pits" may 
be met with Roger Williams' statement that the Indians were 
"filled with artillery by the Dutch." In 1664 New Amsterdam 
was captured and held by the English. The Dutch trade in 
Rhode Island, however, must have ceased before this the 
greater part of it, at least for the Indians re-sold Dutch 
Island to Benedict Arnold and his partners in 1658. 

The facts I have presented are conclusive and their impor- 
tance can only be altered by the discovery of new sources. On 
the present evidence, I consider it impossible that the Dutch 
ever owned or occupied the forts in Charlestown. 

The Ancestry of John Greene 

George Sears Greene, in "The Greenes of Rhode Island," 
page 30, traces the ancestry of John Greene of Warwick back 
to Richard Greene and his wife, Mary Hooker, daughter of 
John Hooker alias Vowell, chamberlain of Exeter and uncle 
of Richard Hooker, Prebendary of Salisbury. 

In Westcote's Devonshire the ancestry of this chamberlain 
John Hooker is given as follows, page 326 : 


John Hooker, alias Vowel, chamberlain of Exeter, was son 
of Robert Hooker and his wife Agnes, daughter of John Doble 
of Woodbridge in Suffolk. This Robert Hooker was son of 
John Vowel and his wife, Alice Drewel, daughter and heiress 
of Richard Drewel of Exeter and his wife, Joan Kelly, daugh- 
ter and heiress of John Kelly and his wife Julyan, daughter 
and co-heiress of Robert Wilford of Oxton. 

John Hooker had three wives, but his daughter Mary is 
not mentioned. It would seem probable that she was his 
daughter by his second wife, Anstice, daughter of Edmund 
Bridgman of Exeter. 

John Keble in his edition of the works of Richard Hooker, 
volume I, appendix to preface I, folding plate opposite page 
cvi, gives the pedigree of John Hooker as follows : 

John Vowel alias Hooker was son of Robert Vowell alias 
Hooker and his wife Agnes daughter of John Doble of Wood- 
bridge in Suffolk. This Robert was son of John Voell alias 
Hooker by Alice daughter and heir of Richard Druitt and his 
wife Joan Kelly daughter and heir of John Kelly and his wife 
Julian daughter and co-heir of Robert Wilforde of Oxenham 
in Devon. 

John Voell alias Hooker was son of Robert Voell alias 
Hooker of Hants. gent and his wife Margery daughter and 
heir of Roger Bolter of Bolterscombe, Devon. 

Robert Voell alias Hooker was son of John Voell alias 
Hooker who was son of Jago Voell and his wife Alice daugh- 
ter and the heir of Richard Hooker, of Hurst Castle, Hants. 

Jago Voell was son of Gevaph Voell of Pembroke in South 
Wales. No mention is made of John Hooker's daughter Mary. 

It will be noted that the two pedigrees differ only in the 
spelling of names and such minor details. A slight amount of 
research work in England would probably settle all of the 
questions raised by the pedigrees and also disclose additional 


Early Sessions of the General Assembly 

The first meeting of the General Assembly of Providence 
Plantations (Rhode Island), under the Charter of 1643 un- 
doubtedly took place soon after the arrival of Roger Williams 
with the Charter in September, 1644. 

Inasmuch as both Richard Scott and Samuel Gorton record 
that the Charter was received with jubilation, it would seem 
probable that a meeting under it was soon held, and according 
to Edward Winslow, John Brown was on November 8, 1644, 
ordered to go to Rhode Island to prevent any meetings under 
the Charter, and that when he got to Rhode Island, pre- 
sumably in November, 1644, he found "a publique meeting- 
was appointed for your new Magistrates and people." It 
would seem natural for them to choose Williams as chief 
officer at this time, and in confirmation of this view, we find 
that Williams was "Chief Officer" in August, 1645. Williams 
was still Chief Officer in December, 1646, for at that time, 
acting as Chief Officer, he issued a warrant. Henry Walton 
was Secretary of the Colony in August, 1645, and Samuel 
Gorton was a Magistrate, probably Assistant, previous to 
going to England in 1645. 

The most reasonable deduction from the fragmentary evi- 
dence is that the first General Assembly was held on Rhode 
Island (probably Portsmouth, for the second or third was held 
at Newport in August, 1645) ; and that Roger Williams was 
elected Chief Officer ; Gorton, Assistant ; and Walton, Sec- 

It is possible that a second General Assembly was held in 
May at which these officers were re-elected, or at which 
Williams was re-elected and Gorton and Walton elected. The 
only reasons for assuming that an Assembly was held in May 
is the subsequent choice of May as the beginning of the 
political year, and the reference under the date of May 14, 
1645, m Winthrop's Journal to John Brown's visit to Aquid- 
neck to oppose Williams' authority there. Brown may have 


made two trips, one in November, 1644, and the other in May, 
1645, or Winthrop's entry may be the delayed account of the 
November, 1644, trip. 

Another General Assembly (the second or third) was held 
at Newport on August 9, 1645. 

It would certainly seem probable that another annual Gen- 
eral Assembly must have been held either in November, 1645, 
or more probably in May, 1646 (the third or fourth). Williams 
must have been re-elected, for he was still serving as chief 
officer in December, 1646. Gorton, having gone to Europe, 
was probably superseded by someone else. 

In May, 1647, the so-called "First General Assembly" was 
held, which must in reality have been the fourth or fifth assem- 
bly. John Coggeshall was chosen President. The records of 
this meeting have been printed by Bartlett in the Rhode Island 
Colonial Records and in pamphlet form by Staples, and so are 
easily accessible. The Providence Commissioners' names are 
given in Providence Town Papers, 09. 

The next General Assembly of which we have record was 
held at Providence on May 16, 1648. John Coggeshall, the 
President, had died since the last session. Nicholas Easton 
was chosen Moderator and Coddington was elected President, 
but failed to qualify. The records of the meeting are printed 
by Bartlett. 

The next meeting of the General Assembly (the sixth or 
seventh) was a special session held at Portsmouth, March 10, 
to I4th, 1648/9. John Warner acted as clerk of the Assembly, 
charters were issued to Providence, Warwick, Portsmouth and 
probably to Newport. The act was passed, by which the 
colony seized a supposed gold mine, an act of oblivion was 
passed, and Roger Williams was chosen Deputy Governor 
(i. e., Acting Governor). The Warwick and Providence Char- 
ters are extant, and have been reprinted in The Documentary 
History of Rhode Island, vol. I, 252 & 269, the gold mine act 
is printed in Providence Town Papers 012, and the oblivion 
act in Providence Town Papers oio. 

The annual General Assembly was held at Warwick, May 


22, 1649. Roger Williams acted as Moderator and John Smith 
was chosen President. The records are printed by Bartlett in 
the Rhode Island Colonial Records. 

A special session of the General Assembly was held at Ports- 
mouth in October, 1649. No records of this meeting are 
extant, but Williams wrote that it was held on account of the 
riotous conduct of some Dutch sailors. 

The 1650 General Assembly was held at Newport on May 

23. Nicholas Easton was chosen Moderator. The records are 
printed by Bartlett in The Rhode Island Colonial Records. 
The names of the Commissioners are not given, but the Ports- 
mouth Commissioners are named in the Portsmouth records 

(p. 49). 

A special session of the General Assembly (the tenth or 
eleventh) was held October 26, 1650. The records are printed 
by Bartlett in The Rhode Island Colonial Records, and the 
Warwick commissioners are named in the Warwick records 
(typewritten copy, p. 91). 

The annual General Assembly was held in May, 1651. No 
records of this meeting are extant. Nicholas Easton was 
re-elected President. The Portsmouth and Warwick Commis- 
sioners are named in the town records. 

The next session of the General Assembly (the twelfth or 
thirteenth) was a special session called on October 8, 1651, at 
Providence (Warwick Records, typewritten copy, page 98). 
No records of this meeting are extant. It may have been 
postponed until November 4th. The records of the meeting 
of November 4, 1651, are printed by Bartlett in The Rhode 
Island Colonial Records. 


Date Place Records 

Nov., 1644 Aquidneck No records 

May, 1645 Aquidneck Inferred from 


Aug., 1645 Newport Walton's letter 

May, 1646 No records 

May, 1647 Portsmouth Bartlett 


Date Place Records 

May, 1648 Providence Bartlett 

Mar., 1648/9 Portsmouth Fragments 

May, 1649 Warwick Bartlett 

Oct., 1649 Portsmouth No records 

May, 1650 Newport Bartlett , 

Oct., 1650 Bartlett 

May, 1651 No records 

Oct., 1651 Providence No records 
perhaps same as 

Nov., 1651 Providence Bartlett 

The Inscribed Rocks of Narragansett Bay 

III. The Arnold's Point Cup Stone and the 
Fogland Ferry Rock in Portsmouth 


Besides the rocks that were described in our last paper, 
there is another stone in Portsmouth with curious and 
puzzling artificial markings, and formerly at least there was 
one in still a third locality in the same town. We know of 
the latter only through notes by Dr. Stiles, no one else having 
mentioned it. In the fourth volume of his manuscript 
"Itineraries," on page 215, under date of September 15, 1788, 
is written the following: "Mem . Take off a new copy of 
the characters on the Dighton Rock, & those at Fogland & on 
Col Almys Farm." He shortly carried out this intention 
with respect to all three localities. Concerning the second he 
remarks, October 6, 1788, on page 255 : "Visited & copied a 
markt Rock about half a m. above Fogland Ferry on Rh. I. 
on shore ag l . or just below M r M c Corys Farm." 

There can be little question as to the approximate position 
of this marked rock. Fogland Ferry ran from Fogland Point 
in Tiverton across to the island of Rhode Island. On the 
Portsmouth side, its landing place was probably about half a 
mile to the south of McCurry Point, shown on the upper chart 


on our Plate XIV. This Point is part of an estate still known 
as the McCorrie Farms. The diversity of spelling does not 
obscure the fact that here was doubtless the "Mr. McCorys 
Farm" referred to by Dr. Stiles; and since the rock was 
"against or just below" this farm, it was probably situated 
just to the south of the first division line shown on the chart 
south of McCurry Point, this being the southerly border of 
the property. 

On May 5, 1920, I made a careful search of the shore not 
only at the place thus indicated but for half a mile both to the 
south and to the north of McCurry Point, examining each 
promising rock and boulder. In the vicinity of the probable 
location of Stiles's "markt Rock," I saw a few small boulders 
with shallow scratches, probably not artificial. On one of 
them, the scratches were somewhat in the form of a letter Z ; 
on another, roughly like an S. It is not very likely that either 
of these was the one that drew Stiles's attention. Mr. George 
Peirce, owner of the McCorrie Farms, writes me that he has 
never heard of an inscribed rock in that vicinity. It is prob- 
able, therefore, that this one, like those at Melville Station, 
has disappeared. Since Stiles's drawing has not been pre- 
served, we cannot know what its markings were like unless 
some later search for it proves successful. 

The other stone lies on the shore near one of the Ports- 
mouth coal mines, a little to the south of Arnold's Point. Its 
position can be found easily on the lower chart of our Plate 
XIV, and its appearance is shown in the two photographs 
of Plate XV. To reach it, follow the road that leads west- 
ward near the lower centre of the chart, crossing the railroad 
tracks to the Portsmouth railroad station; thence walk along 
a lane or path north of the "stack" indicated on the chart, 
westerly to the dilapidated wharf shown just above the 
figure 2. North of this, about opposite or a little south of 
figure 3 on the chart, lies the rock. Its exact position is 
indicated by a child sitting upon it in pur upper photograph, 
which was taken looking northward from the wharf; The 


other photograph shows its nearer appearance and that of the 
markings upon it. 

The rock is of sandstone, merging somewhat into con- 
glomerate at the in-shore end. It is near the edge of the 
beach at low tide, and is covered by high water. It measures 
about 3 feet in width, 4^ in length, and in thickness from 
1 6 to 22 inches. It is nearly flat and smooth on top, with 
rounded edges, and a slight lateral inclination shoreward. Its 
long axis is directed about N. 50 E. Its artificial markings 
are unique among the inscribed rocks of this region. They 
consist of six relatively deep holes or cups, connected together 
by shallow channels. The holes vary in depth from 2^ to 
3% inches. Beginning in-shore and following the channels, 
their distances apart from centre to centre are respectively 
9^2, 8, 9, 10% and 9)4 inches; and of the second from the 
sixth, 15 inches. They appear to have been drilled, and are 
not circular, but more like triangles with rounded angles. 
Their diameter at the top is i^ to i% inches, narrowing 
slightly below. The top edges are not smooth-cut, but broken 
and roughly beveled. The channels are pecked in, and like 
the crudely pecked lines of other rocks of this region, are 
very irregular in width and depth. Their typical width is 
y% to y% inch, narrowing rarely to ^, and widening rarely to 
24 or i inch. Their depth is usually 3/16 to ^ inch, with 
extremes from y 2 down to a mere trace. 

In the more conglomerate portion of the surface, near the 
first and second holes, the stone is roughly and irregularly 
much pocked and scaled, and here it is doubtful whether or 
not there was another shallow curved channel leading off 
from the one between these two holes to a seventh very 
shallow depression, and whether or not there was a shallow 
irregular half-ring about hole number 2. The marks so 
described might be either natural or artificial, but are prob- 
ably natural. 

The history of this stone is unknown earlier than 1910, 
when it was shown by a native of Portsmouth to Mr. David 
Hutcheson of Washington, D. C. He writes me concerning 


it: "At first sight I thought, from the arrangement of the 
holes, that it was an attempt to represent The Dipper, but 
the seventh star was missing. On a sheet of paper I drew a 
rough outline of the face of the stone showing the position 
of the holes. I sent this to Mr. Babcock and he showed it to 
some of the Washington anthropologists, and they thought it 
was an Indian Cup Stone." In 1913 it was mentioned by 
William H. Babcock in his Early Norse Visits to America, 
on page 44. We have quoted his belief that the inscription 
near Mount Hope was "almost certainly Wampanoag work ;" 
and he remarks that "the same may be said with less con- 
fidence" of this Portsmouth stone. 

Before considering the probable origin of these markings, 
it will be profitable to discuss first the peculiar shape of the 
drill-holes, and then the general nature of cup-stones. Since 
observing these, I have seen and examined with interest many 
other isolated drill-holes in rocks along shore. At other places 
in Portsmouth and on Assonet Neck, and probably abundantly 
enough elsewhere, they can be seen here and there. Those 
that I have observed occur singly, in boulders often near low- 
water mark, sometimes near the edge of high water. Some 
of them are circular, but more often they are round-triangular 
like those of the cup-stone, and very often identical with the 
latter in diameter, but usually deeper. Some of them may 
have been made to hold ringbolts or stakes for boat moorings, 
some for attaching the nets of fish-weirs. One or two near 
Dighton Rock probably held ringbolts for the guy-ropes of a 
surveying standard that was placed there when Taunton 
River was surveyed by Capt. A. M. Harrison of the Coast 
Survey in 1875. These are examples of the fact that isolated 
drill-holes of both circular and round-triangular shape are 
apparently not uncommon along shore, and may have had 
commonplace uses. But no such use can be attributed to this 
constellation of six holes connected by channels. 

A drill-hole in Minnesota similar to these in Portsmouth 
has recently attracted attention in an interesting connection. 
Some years ago a stone, on which was engraved an extensive 


record in runic letters, was found at Kensington in that State. 
It speaks of a journey of exploration westward from Vinland 
in the year 1362, and says that the men left their vessel 
guarded by the sea, made camp by a lake with two small bare 
islands or skerries in it a day's journey distant from the stone, 
went fishing there, and one day found ten men of their party 
slaughtered. No one questions the fact that the letters are 
runic and form an intelligible record, but there has been much 
debate as to whether the inscription dates really from the 
year mentioned or is a hoax of modern manufacture. 
Recently, H. R. Holand has defended its historical authenticity, 
and has discovered new evidence that an expedition from 
Norway, under Paul Knutson, was actually in America at the 
time. He has also sought for and found the lake with two 
skerries, Lake Cormorant, 75 miles north of Kensington the 
only lake with skerries in that region, and the required stand- 
ard "day's journey" distant. On its shore was a boulder with 
a hole drilled in it, triangular in shape with rounded angles, 
1 54 inch in diameter and 7 inches deep. He believes that 
the explorers of 1362 made a raft near this point on which to 
go fishing, and fastened it to the shore by means of a flexible 
withy wedged into the triangular hole. 1 The similarity in 
size and shape between this far away drill-hole and those that 
we are discussing is worthy of remark; but they cannot have 
had the same use, and there is no reason to attribute these at 
Portsmouth to Norsemen. 

While this peculiar triangular shape may at first sight sug- 
gest crude implements and unskilled workmanship, and hence 
perhaps great age and primitive workmen, yet after all it 
turns out to be in no way remarkable. On trial, I have found 
that with a drill having one cutting edge only, like a cold 
chisel, it is exceedingly difficult to make a true circular hole. 
As the drill is turned, the cutting edge rarely crosses an 
exact centre, but constantly deviates somewhat to one side 
or another. The result is that one end of the edge tends to 

^ R. Holand, in Wisconsin Magazine of History, December, 1919, 
and March, 1920, vol. iii, pp. 153-183, 333-338. 


remain relatively fixed in position for several strokes while 
the other end swings more widely. The easiest kind of a hole 
to make is one in which this tendency is followed and empha- 
sized. One end of the edge is held fixed in position while 
the other swings gradually through about a third of the 
circumference, thus making three well defined corners; then 
the fixed edge is transferred to one of the other corners 
while the swinging edge cuts a second side; and in this man- 
ner three fixed points or corners are used in succession, and 
the resulting hole is triangular with rounded corners and 
somewhat curving sides. Even when the intention is to make 
a round hole, it is nevertheless likely to turn out triangular 
or otherwise irregular. When a stake or bolt is to be wedged 
into the hole, there is some advantage in making the latter 
deliberately triangular. So the mystery of the shape of these 
holes disappears, and no conclusion can be drawn from it as 
to their age or their makers. 

Since one of the possibilities concerning this boulder at 
Portsmouth is that it is a genuine cup-stone of considerable 
antiquity, it will not be amiss to look briefly into the distribu- 
tion, character and significance of stones so marked. 1 Cup- 
like excavations, usually in irregular groups, are among the 
most primitive of markings on stone, are found widely dis- 
tributed over nearly the entire world, and are nearly every- 
where similar. They are exceedingly numerous in the British 
Isles and in Brittany, where they are closely associated with 

1 For best sources of information, see : 

James Y. Simpson, On Ancient Sculpturings of Cups and Concentric 
Rings. In Proc. Soc. of Antiq. of Scotland, 1867, Appendix to vol. vi, 
pp. 1-147. 

Archaic Rock Inscriptions; an Account of the Cup and Ring Mark- 
ings on the Sculptured Stones of the Old and New Worlds. Published 
by A. Reader, 1891. 

Alexander MacBain, Celtic Mythology and Religion, 1917. 

Garrick Mallery, chapter on Cup Sculptures, in 10th Ann. Rep. Bureau 
of Amer. Ethnol. for 1888-89 (1893), pp. 189-000. 

Handbook of Amer. Indians, Bur. of Amer. Ethnol. Bulletin 30, vol. 
i, p. 372, article Cupstones. 

T. Eric Peet, Rough Stone Monuments and Their Builders, 1912, 
pp. 127f. 

Encyc. Brit., llth ed., vol. xxv, pp. 964f, article Stone Monuments. 


cromlechs, stone circles and other primitive stone monuments. 
They occur less numerously in other parts of Europe, in 
Africa and Australia, and frequently in India. Many 
examples of them have been reported from both North and 
South America. Usually they are shallow depressions, from 
y 2 to i inch deep and i to 3 inches in diameter. Larger ones 
occur rarely, extending up to basins nearly 3 feet in diameter 
and 9 inches in depth. A few of the common narrow type are 
of unusual depth, thus resembling more nearly those at Ports- 
mouth. Thus, on the shore in Scotland they have been found 
2.^/2 inches in depth, always more than one, irregularly placed ; 
and the Handbook of American Indians speaks of many cups 
prolonged below by a secondary pit as though made with a 
flint drill or gouge. The cups occasionally occur singly, more 
often in constellation-like groups, most often irregularly dis- 
tributed over the surface, in number often up to 20, in rare 
instances up to 50, 100 or even 200 on one rock or ledge. 
Very commonly, but not always, they are surrounded by from 
one to seven concentric rings, which sometimes have a straight 
radial groove running out through them. Not infrequently 
the cups, whether with or without rings, are connected 
together by grooved lines. In Scotland, France, Switzerland 
and Germany, cups alone are found as a general rule; in 
England, Ireland and Sweden, rings and grooves are almost 
always associated with them. 

The variety of theories that have been advanced to account 
for the meaning of these simplest, most primitive and most 
wide-spread of sculptured marks recalls the similar confusion 
of tongues and opinions that has attended the attempt to 
explain Dighton Rock. Among views that have little impor- 
tance, but nevertheless are of a deep psychological interest as 
showing the inexhaustible budding-out process of man's 
speculations about things that are mysterious, are these: they 
are natural, not artificial; there is no clue to their purpose; 
they are plans of neighboring camps, or maps of neighboring 
peaks; enumeration of families or tribes; representations of 
sun, moon and constellations; a primitive form of writing; 

































































" .^ 















/ 50 




/ 40 



(Chart of Arnold's Pt. and vicinity) 

(Chart of Fogland Pt. and vicinily) 

Sections of Chart of Narragansett Bay. See text for exact location of 
Portsmouth Cup Stone, Fogland Ferry Rock, and Rocks in Tiverton. 


(Distant view of Rock) 

(Near view of Rock) 
The Portsmouth Cup Stone. 


tables for some gambling game ; moulds for casting rings ; 
representations of shields ; totems ; small wine-presses or grain 
mortars; depressions for cracking nuts, or grinding paint, or 
for steadying drills, spindles or fire-sticks, or for collection 
of water; sun-dials; relics of sun-worship of the Phoeni- 
cians, or of Roman Mithras-worship; basins for holding the 
blood of sacrifice or libations to spirits or to the dead ; objects 
for the practice of magic and necromancy. 

The most widely accepted view of them, so far at least as 
their occurrence in Europe is concerned, is that they are 
symbols connected with the religious rites or beliefs of the 
Druids, the philosophers and priests of the Celtic tribes. This 
is a natural consequence of their close association with the 
numerous stone circles and other crude stone monuments 
which popular opinion still connects with the Druids. This 
belief, however, was invented by Stukely and other antiquaries 
of the 1 8th century, has no confirmation, and is now unani- 
mously opposed by well informed students. MacBain says 
that these monuments are all pre-Celtic. He tells of at least 
two races in Great Britain who preceded the Celts, and 
believes that one of these built the oval barrows or burial 
mounds, the other the round barrows, the circles, dolmens 
and cromlechs, and perhaps also made the rock-carvings. 
The circles were used both for burial and worship, especially 
the latter; and the only worship appropriate at the grave is 
that of deceased ancestors, which is about the earliest shape 
in which religion manifests itself. "Our own memorial stones 
over graves are but descendants of the old menhirs and dol- 
mens." These matters are still too controversial to permit 
confident agreement or disagreement with these views; but 
MacBain seems at least to have decisively disproven the Druid 
hypothesis. Many authorities point out the fact that the cups, 
rings and grooves could not have served as attachments to 
Druid or other altars, since they are often found on the verti- 
cal or under surface of the stones. 

A more fruitful hypothesis than the Druidical, and one that 
certainly applies to these small excavations in some parts of 


the world, is that they are phallic symbols. Mallery's exposi- 
tion of this explanation is lucid. "These cupels are corre- 
lated with the worship of Mahadeo, one of the many names 
given to Siva, the third god of the Hindu triad, whose emblem 
is the serpent. * * * At this very day one may see the 
Hindu women carrying the water of the Ganges all the way 
to the mountains of the Punjab, to pour into the cupules and 
thus obtain from the divinity the boon of motherhood 
earnestly desired. Mahadeo, more accurately Mahadiva, is 
the god of generation. * * * It is suggested that in a 
common form of the sculptures the inner circle represents 
the Mahadeo or lingam, and the outer or containing circle the 
yoni. No idea of obscenity occurs from this representation 
to the Hindus, who adore under this form the generative 
power in nature." The book on "Archaic Rock Inscriptions" 
also regards the phallic explanation the worship of the 
creative and regenerative forces of nature as the most prob- 
able. "It is not to the gross forms of the Priapus used in 
ancient Greek, Roman, or Egyptian festivals that we allude, 
but to the much more refined, or, if we may so call it, modest 
lingam worship of India. This explanation is natural when 
we consider the vast extent to which phallic worship pre- 
vailed, and the disposition of men everywhere to represent 
in the sculptured form the organs, male and female, to which 
they rendered obeisance. The symbolism was very much 
veiled, and often unrecognizable mysterious and unmeaning 
to all not in the secret." 

If this must be accepted as the true explanation of these 
carvings in India, does it follow that the same symbolism 
must be attributed to them in Europe and in America? 
Mallery says that a large number of stones with typical cup 
markings have been found in the United States; and the 
Handbook of American Indians tells us that cupstones are 
the most abundant and widespread of the larger relics. 
According to A. C. Lawson, 1 the Indians of the present day 
have no traditions about these inscriptions beyond the suppo- 

1 American Naturalist, 1885. 


sition that they must have been made by the "old people long 
ago." Mallery makes a similar statement, and continues with 
what we must probably accept as the true solution of the 
problem. "Inquiries have often been made," he says, "whether 
the North A/nerican Indians have any superstitious or 
religious practices connected with the markings under con- 
sideration, e. g., in relation to the desire for offspring, which 
undoubtedly is connected with the sculpturing of cup depres- 
sions and furrows in the eastern hemisphere. No evidence 
is yet produced of any such correspondence of practice or 
tradition relating 1 to it. In the absence of any extrinsic 
explanation the prosaic and disappointing suggestion intrudes 
that circular concentric rings are easy to draw and that the 
act of drawing them suggests the accentuation of depressions 
or hollows within their curves. Much stress is laid upon the 
fact that the characters are found in so many parts of the 
earth, with the implication that all the sculptors used them 
with the same significance, thus affording ground for the 
hypothesis that anciently one race of people penetrated all the 
regions designated. 1 But in such an implication the history 
of the character formed by two intersecting straight lines is 
forgotten. The cross is as common as the cup-stone and has, 
or anciently had, a different signification among the different 
people who used it, beginning as a mark and ending as a 
symbol. Therefore, it may readily be imagined that the rings 
in question, which are drawn nearly as easily as the cross, 
were at one time favorite but probably meaningless designs, 
perhaps, in popular expression, "instinctive" commencements 
of the artistic practice, as was the earliest delineation of the 
cross figure. Afterward the rings, if employed as symbols or 
emblems, would naturally have a different meaning applied 
to them in each region where they now appear." 

We are now in a position to discuss the probable nature of 
the Portsmouth Cup Stone as intelligently as the available 

1 Mallery omits mention of an alternative hypothesis which has often 
been suggested, that the sculptures symbolize some simple religious 
idea common to all primitive races. 


facts concerning it permit. Before considering the really 
probable theories, however, it will be worth while to mention 
one fanciful speculation that would undoubtedly have been 
applied to it if the authors of the suggestion had ever heard 
of these cup-sculptures. It is probably not widely known, 
and at any rate is likely to become wholly forgotten, that the 
Druid theory has been advanced in explanation of American 
mounds and monuments. Impossible as the theory is, never- 
theless it is one of the most picturesque fancies that have 
been devised concerning the class of relics that we are dis- 
cussing, and it should not be allowed to pass wholly into 
oblivion. Its first advocate appears to have been John Finch, 
who claimed in 1824 that the aborigines of America originated 
from the Celts or Scythians, whose Druidical monuments are 
to be found in every part of America. 1 He gave instances 
of various types, including Indian "stones of memorial or 
sacrifice," numerous examples of which had been described 
by Kendall, 2 in which class he placed the "figured rock at 
Dighton" and also other sculptured rocks at Tiverton, Rut- 
land, Newport and other places in the list first compiled by 
Dr. Stiles and later published by Kendall. The theory was 
greatly and interestingly elaborated by James N. Arnold in 
1888, with particular application to this region. 3 His free- 
soaring imagination pictured not only the Dighton and Tiver- 
ton rocks, but also the Hills of South County, the Wolf Rocks 
in Exeter, the soapstone ledge in Johnston, and many rocks 
besides, as monuments of Druid worship mingled with 
influences from Atlantis. Holding such beliefs, there can be 
no doubt that, had he known of the Cup Stone in Portsmouth, 
he would have welcomed it as a striking and convincing 
example of Druid workmanship. 

*0n the Celtic Antiquities of America. In the American Journal of 
Science and Arts, 1824, vii. 149-161. 

8 Ed ward A. Kendall, Travels, 1809. 

3 Four papers in the Narragansett Historical Register, 1888, vi, 1-24, 
97-110, 205-222, 317-330. 


Among serious possibilities, there seem to be three plausible 
alternatives. The first of these is that it is an example of 
Indian cup-stone, which Mallery and the Handbook describe 
as so numerous, and which the latter authority says some- 
times have drilled pits at the bottom of the cups. If so, it 
may be of almost any period down to and into Colonial times. 
As to its meaning, it may or may not have had one. Mallery 
makes it ver.y clear that such cuttings may often have been 
the result of a mere aimless desire for activity, or a crude 
attempt to fabricate something ornamental. On the other 
hand, it may have symbolized something to the individual 
who madg it, and which, of course, no one uninstructed by 
him could possibly decipher. Such private symbolism must 
have been the first step beyond the activity-impulse and the 
ornament-urge already alluded to; and the further step, to a 
commonly accepted symbolism for such figures, had appar- 
ently not been taken by the American Indians. 

There are two arguments against its being an Indian 
product : the fact that no one ever reported its existence 
before 1910, and the fact that its holes are deeply drilled and 
are not typical cups. It may therefore seem more probable 
that the holes were drilled by miners in idle moments, or by 
their children at play. Coal mines were opened at Portsmouth 
apparently as early as 1808, and have been worked frequently 
at intervals since then. 1 The longest continuous period of 
operation was by the Taunton Copper Company, from about 
1860 until 1883. They built a dock, railroad connections, and 
a copper smelter, and mined about ten thousand tons a year. 
There was plenty of opportunity, therefore, for the idle drill- 
ing of these holes at a relatively recent date by white workmen. 

But while the holes may incline one strongly to the belief 
that they were hollowed out by these miners' drills, yet the 
connecting grooves, crudely pecked between them and unques- 
tionably of considerable age, are distinctly characteristic of 
more primitive races who made cup-stones and inscribed 

1 George H. Ashley, Rhode Island Coal. In U. S. Geol. Survey, Bul- 
letin 615, 1915. 


rocks habitually. The pecking exactly resembles the known 
examples of Indian rock-carving in this region. Though 
possible, it does not seem likely that white men equipped with 
drills and hammers would have made them as additions to 
the holes. With the holes arguing against the Indians and 
the grooves against more recent white men, we have neverthe- 
less a third or combination alternative as a possible solution. 
The rock may have been originally a typical Indian cup-stone, 
devoid of any important symbolism ; and the miners or miners' 
children, seated there at play or on an idle day, with drills 
accidentally at hand, may have deepened the original cups. 
This hypothesis is certainly not at all unlikely. But it is not 
probable that we can ever be sure which of the three hypothe- 
ses is the true one. 

Muster Roll of Sloop Providence 

A Muster Roll of all the Officers Seamen & Marines belong- 
ing to the Continental armed Sloop Providence Commanded 
by John Peck Rathbun Esqr. dated June 19 1777. From 
original manuscript now in the collection of Col. George L. 


John Peck Rathbun 
Joseph Vesey 
Daniel Bears 
George Sinkins 
John Trevett 
William P. Thurston 
William Gregory 

James Rogers 
Saml Bailey 
Oliver Whitwell 
Joseph Deveber 

ist Lieutenant 
2d ditto 
Capt Marines 
ist Mastrs Mate 
2d ditto do 
3d do 
ist Midshipmn 
2d ditto 


Thomas Pain 
Lillibridge Worth 
John Webster 
Thomas Brewer 
Amos Potter 

Andrew Brewer 

Andrew Burnet 
Richard Grinnell 
Peleg Swe[et] 
James Bridges 
John Willson 
Joseph Claghorn 
Joseph Stewart 
Francis Simons 
Alexr Ballingall 
Dowty Randall 
James Clarke 
Toby Jacobs 
Thomas Perfect 
William Nichols 
John Nichols 
Isaac Read 
Edward Clanning 
Joseph Weeden 
James Vial 
Barzillai Luce 
Danl Paddock 
Niccols Stoddard 
Thomas Allen 
Thomas Collens 
John Tinckom 
Esek Whipple 
Joseph Shaw 

Gunnr M[ate] 
Boatsn do 

Carpnr do 
Surgs do 

Sail maker 
do mate 
Gunr Yeoman 
Mastr at Arms 
Qur Master 


Serjt Marines 














Promoted to Seaman 

reduced to a Marine 



Saml Browning 
Seth Baker 
Thomas Bailey 
John Shaw 
Andrew Burnet 
Samuel Wood 
Samuel Woggs 
Thomas Hay 
Thomas Connant 
Zaccheus Hinckley 
Benj Harding 
Nathl Arnold 
Joshua Joy 
Elnathan Lake 
Stephen Read 
Michael Wiser 
Tristam Luce 
Henry Stoddard 
William Howell 
Solomon Hallet 
Thomas Hawes 
James Blossom 
James Morton 
Richard Sampson 
Robert Falle 
William Sinnett 
Imml Dusnaps 
Joseph Allen 








Reduced to a marine 


Col. George L. Shepley has presented the Society with a 
new Remington typewriter. 

The volume of photographs illustrating the work done by 
the National Society of Colonial Dames in America, which is 


being sent from state to state, has been on exhibition at the 
Society during the autumn. 

An exhibition of early Rhode Island broadsides from the 
collection of Col. George L. Shepley was held in the Society's 
rooms during October. Accounts of this exhibition were pub- 
lished in the Providence Journal and the Boston Evening 

During November and December a loan exhibition of ship 
pictures and log books was held, over 100 pictures being ex- 
hibited. On Tuesday evening, December 7, 1920, Professor 
Wilfred H. Munro delivered an instructive lecture on "The 
Romance of Old-Time Shipping" in connection with the exhi- 


Mrs. Clarence A. Brouwer 

Miss M. Frances Dunham 

Miss Mary F. Salisbury 

Mr. F. B. Taylor 

Brown & Ives 

Mr. T. H. D'Arcy 

Miss Ida H. Spencer 

Mr. S. F. Babbitt 

Miss Jane W. Bucklin 

Mr. Edward Carrington 

J. A. Whaley & Company 

Dr. H. G. Partridge 

Col. George L. Shepley 

Mr. S. N. Sherman 

Mr. H. Ross Matthews 

Dr. & Mrs. Charles V. Chapin 

Mr. W. R. McDowall 

Mr. A. H. Fiske 

Mr. Thomas F. McCarthy 

Mr. Thomas Amos 

Mr. William A. Chandler 

Miss Mary L. Brown 

Mr. Frederick Nordstrom 

Mr. James De Kay 

Mr. John F. Street 

Mr. T. G. Hazard, Jr. 

Mr. George Stevens 

Mr. E. F. Gray 

Mr. L. M. Robinson 

Miss L. W. Reynolds 

Mr. Albert W. Claflin 

Mr. Richard B. Comstock 

Dr. M. H. Merchant 

Mr. L. Earle Rowe 

Mr. Benjamin M. Jackson 

Mr. Albert Fenner 

Mr. J. K. H. Nightingalejr. 

Mr. Frank Douglas 

Mr. A. R. Madden 

Dr. W. Louis Chapman 

Mr. Richard W. Comstock, Jr. 

Mr. Harald W. Ostby 

Mr. F. W. Arnold 

Mr. H. M. C. Skinner 

Mr. Duncan Hazard 

Mr. Lawrence 

Mr. Paul C. Nicholson 

Mr. Robert V. S. Reed 

Dr. Peter P. Chase 

Mrs. Gardner T. Swarts 


Rev. Henry I. Cushman M'r. W. M. Murdie 

Mr. Edward K. Aldrich, Jr. Mr. Clarence A. Mathewson 

Mr. S. H. Brower Mrs. Hugh Williamson Kelly 

Mr. Willliam McCreery Miss M. F. Babcock 

Mrs. John W. Vernon Mr. Edward Aborn Greene 

Mrs. H. E. Newell Mr. George A. Smith 

Mr. George L. Miner Mr. Joseph M'cCoid 

The following persons have been elected to membership: 
Miss Isabel Eddy Mr. Hugh F. MacColl 

Miss Mary Olcott Mr. Victor H. King 

Miss Mary Elliott Davis Prof. Verner W. Crane 

Mrs. W. E. Heathcote H. G. Partridge, M. D. 

Mr. George C. Dempsey Frank T. Calef, M. D. 

Dr. George T. Spicer was elected Secretary of the Society 
at the October meeting. 

Mr. Walter N. Buffum presented to the Society a manu- 
script genealogy of the Buffum family. Manuscript genealo- 
gies of this type are of great use to persons making out papers 
for patriotic societies. 

Among the more interesting of the museum accessions are 
a snuff box which formerly belonged to Samuel Slater, which 
was presented by Mr. Thomas Durfee and Miss Dorothy 
Durfee; a cane formerly the property of Thomas W. Dorr, 
which was presented by Mr. Edward Carrington; and a cane 
made out of a narwhal's tooth, which was presented by Pro- 
fessor Wilfred H. Munro. 

Mr. J. N. Kimball of New York gave to the Society one of 
the political banners that was carried in the Dorr War. This 
makes the ninth Dorr War banner in our museum. 

Mile. Marie Louise Bonier's "Debuts de la Colonie Franco- 
Americaine de Woonsocket" is a very valuable contribution to 
Rhode Island history. 

The Netopian for September, 1920, published a reproduc- 
tion of the Society's oil painting of the "September Gale," and 
in the October number published a reproduction of Col. Shep- 
ley's rare lithograph of the same subject. 

An illustrated monograph on the "Ships and Shipmasters of 


Old Providence" has been issued by the Providence Institu- 
tion for Savings. 

The October Bulletin of the Newport Historical Society con- 
tains a paper by Dr. Terry on "The Early Relations between 
the Colonies of New Plymouth and Rhode Island." 

Governor Bourn's "Rhode Island Addresses" has been print- 
ed as an attractive volume. 

List of Members of the 
Rhode Island Historical Society 


No list of members of the Society has been printed for sev- 
eral years, and as we have had numerous requests for such a 
list, we have decided to include it in this number of the Col- 

Abbot, Gen. Charles W., Jr. Babcock, Mr. Albert 

Adams, Mr. Benjamin B. Babcock, Mrs. Albert 

Addeman, Hon. Joshua M. Bacon, Mrs. Nathaniel T. 

Aldred, Mr. Frederick W. Baker, Mr. Albert A. 

Aldrich, Mr. Charles T. Baker, 'Miss Esther H. 

Aldrich, Mr. Edward K., Jr. Bakh, Miss Mary H. 

Aldrich, Mr. Richard S. Baldwin, Mr. Luther C. 

Allen, Mrs. Crawford C. Ballou, Mr. Frederick D. 

Allen, Mr. Francis O. Barker, Mr. Henry A. 

Allen, Mr. Frederick W. Barnes, Harry Lee, M. D. 

Allen, Mr. Philip Barnes, Mrs. Nellie A. 

Angell, Mr. Walter F. Barrows, Mr. Arthur C. 

Anthony, Mr. Albert L. Barrows, Hon. Chester W. 

Anthony, Mr. Edwin P. Bates, 'Mr. Francis E. 

Armour, Mr. William Bates, W. Lincoln, M. D. 

Arnold, M'rs. Arthur H. Beckwith, Mrs. Daniel 

Arnold, Mr. Christopher B. Beeckman, Hon. R. Livington 

Arnold, Mr. Edward E. Belcher, Mr. Horace G. 

Arnold, Mr. Fred A. Bennett, Mr. Mark N. 

Arnold, Mr. Frederick W. Binney, Mr. William, Jr. 

Arnold, Mrs. Howard C. Blanding, Mr. William O. 

Austin, Mr. Leonard N. Blumer, G. Alder, M. D. 

Atwood, Mr. James A., Jr. Bogert, Mrs. Theodore P. 



Bosworth, Hon. Orrin L. 
Bourn, Hon. Augustus O. 
Bowen, Mr. Henry 
Bowen, Mr. Richard M. 
Brayton, Miss Elizabeth H. 
Bridgham, Miss Ida F. 
Briggs, Mrs. Annie M. 
Brigham, Mr. Herbert O. 
Brightman, Miss Eva St. C. 
Brouwer, Mrs. Clarence A. 
Brown, Mr. Clarence Irving 
Brown, Col. Cyrus P. 
Brown, Mr. Frank Hail 
Brown, Mrs. Frank Hail 
Brown, Hon. George T. 
Brown, Col. H. Martin 
Brown, Col. Robert P. 
Bubier, Mr. Charles W. 
Bucklin, Mr. Edward C. 
Bucklin, Mr. Harris H. 
Bucklin, Miss Jane W. 
Buff um, Miss Clara 
Buffum, Mr. Frederick H. 
Burchard, Hon. Roswell B. 
Burlingame, Mr. Edwin A. 
Buxton, G. Edward, M. D. 
Cady, Mr. John H. 
Calder, Mr. Albert L., 2nd 
Calef, Frank T., M. D. 
Calef , Mr. Herbert C. 
Callender, Mr. Walter R. 
Callender, Mr. Walter 
Capwell, Miss Caroline E. 
Carpenter, Mr. Francis W. 
Carr, Mr. Frederick D. 
Carr, Mrs. George W. 
Carrington, Mr. Edward 
Carrington, Mrs. Edward 
Carroll, Mr. William 
Case, Mr. Norman S. 
Chace, Miss Anna H. 
Chace, Mrs. Henry R. 
Chace, Mr. James H. 

Chace, Mr. Malcolm G. 
Chandler, Mr. George Allen 
Chapin, Charles V., M. D. 
Chapin, Mrs. Charles V. 
Chapin, Mr. Howard M. 
Chapin, Mrs. Howard M. 
Chapin, Mr. William W. 
Chapman, W. Louis, M. D. 
Chase, Julian A., M. D. 
Chase, Rev. Loring B. 
Cheesman, Mr. Merton A. 
Claflin, Mr. Albert W. 
Claflin, Mr. Arthur W. 
Clark, Mr. Harry C. 
Coggeshall, Mrs. James H. 
Collier, Prof. Theodore 
Collins, Mrs. Clarkson A., Jr. 
Collins, George L., M. D. 
Colt, Hon. LeBaron B. 
Colt, Col. Samuel P. 
Comstock, Mr. Andrew B. 
Comstock, Mr. Louis H. 
Comstock, Mr. Richard B. 
Comstock, Mr. Richard W., Jr. 
Comstock, Mrs. W. A. H. 
Comstock, Mr. Walter J. 
Conant, Mr. Samuel M. 
Cook, Mr. C. D. 
Craig, Mr. Ernest S. 
Crane, Prof. Verner W. 
Cranston, Mr. Frank H. 
Cross, Mr. Harry Parsons 
Curtis, Mr. Harold R. 
Danf orth, Murray S., M. D. 
Dart, Mr. William C. 
Davis, Mr. Jeffrey 
Davis, Miss Mary Elliott 
Davol, Mr. Charles J. 
Day, Frank L., M. D. 
Delabarre, Prof. Edmund B. 
Dempsey, Mr. George C. 
Denham, Mr. Edward 
Dexter, Mr. George W. 


Dexter, Mr. Henry C. 
Diman, Miss Louise 
Dooley, Mr. Michael F. 
Douglas, Hon. William W. 
Downes, Mrs. Louis W. 
Doyle, Miss Sarah E. 
Draper, Mr. William Henry 
Drown, Mr. Charles L. 
Dunlop, Mr. Charles D. 
Dyer, Col. H. Anthony 
Easton, Mr. Charles G. 
Easton, Mr. Frederick W. 
Eddy, Miss Isabel 
Edgren, Mr. J. Urban 
Edwards, Miss Edith 
Edwards, Mr. Walter A. 
Elgar, Mr. James 
Ely, Mr. William 
Emerson, Mr. Frank W. 
Estes^ Mr. William W. 
Fanning, Mr. Martin S. 
Faunce, Pres. William H. P. 
Fifield, Mr. Henry A. 
Fiske, Mr. Augustus H. 
Fiske, Rev. George McC. 
Fletcher, Mrs. Charles 
Flint, Mr. Dutee Wilcox 
Flint, Mr. Elliot 
Ford, Mr. William H. 
Foster, Mr. Charles S. 
Foster, Mr. Theodore W. 
Foster, Mr. William E. 
Freeman, Hon. James F. 
Freeman, Mr. John R. 
Freeman, Hon. Joseph W. 
Fuller, Mr. Frederick H. 
Gainer, Hon. Joseph H. 
Gammell, Mr. William 
Gammell, Mr. William., Jr. 
Gamwell, Mr. William A. 
Gardner, Prof. Henry B. 
Gardner, Hon. Rathbone 
Gibson, Mr. S. Ashley 

Gillespie, Mr. Lawrence L. 
Goddard, Mr. Robert H. I. 
Goddard, Mrs. William 
Goodwin, Rev. Daniel 
Goss, Mr. Harry Hale 
Green, Hon. Theodore Francis 
Greene, Mr. Edward Aborn 
Greene, Mr. William C. 
Greenough, Hon. William B. 
Gross, Col. Harold J. 
Guild, Miss Georgiana 
Hadley, Mrs. Ralph V. 
Hallett, Rev. Frank T. 
Ham, Mr. Livingston 
Harrington, Mr. Ernest S. 
Harrington, Mr. Gilbert A. 
Harris, Mr. Robert 
Harrison, Mr. George A. 
Hatch, Mr. Willard T. 
Hathaway, Mr. William A. 
Hazard, Miss Caroline 
Hazard, Mr. Rowland 
Hazard, Mr. Thomas G., Jr. 
Healy, Mr. Frank 
Healy, Mrs. Frank 
Heathcote, Mrs. W. E. 
Henius, Mr. Arthur 
Henshaw, Mr. John 
Hodgman, Mr. William L. 
Holden, Mr. George J. 
Horton, Mr. Charles A. 
Horton, Mr. Walter E. 
Howard, Mr. Elisha H. 
Howe, Mr. M. A. DeWolfe 
Hoyt, Mr. David W. 
Hunt, Mr. Horatio A. 
Hurley, Mr. Richard A. 
Hyde, Mr. James Hazen 
Isham, Mr. Norman M. 
Jackson, Mr. Benjamin A. 
Jackson, Mr. Benjamin M. 
Jepherson, Mr. George A. 
Johnson, Mrs. Edward L. 


Joyce. Mr. Edward C. 
Kimball, Hon. Charles D. 
Kimball, Mrs. Charles D. 
King, Eugene P., M. D. 
King, Mr. George Gordon 
King, Col. H. Irving 
King, Mr. Victor H. 
Kingsley, Mr. Nathan G. 
Knight, Miss Amelia S. 
Knight, Mr. Robert L. 
Knight, Mrs. Robert L. 
Knight, Mr. Russell W. 
Koopman, Prof. Harry L. 
Lawton, Hon. George R. 
Lee, Hon. Thomas Z. 
Lenz, Mrs. Sarah G. 
Leonard, Charles H., M. D. 
Leonard, Miss Grace F. 
Lewis, Mr. George H. 
Lewis, Mr. Joseph W. 
Lincoln, Mr. Ferdinand A. 
Lippitt, Hon. Charles Warren 
Lippitt, Mrs. Charles Warren 
Lippitt, Mr. Charles Warren, Jr. 
LipRitt, Mr. Gorton T. 
Lippitt, Hon. Henry F. 
Lisle, Mr. Arthur B. 
Littlefield, Mr. Charles W. 
Littlefield, Hon. Nathan W. 
Lord, Rev. Augustus M. 
Loring, Mr. W. C. 
Luther, Mr. Frederick N. 
Lyman, Mr. Richard E. 
MacColl, Mr. Hugh F. 
Mackinney, Mr. Charles B. 
Maine, Mr. Herbert E. 
Marshall, Mr. Charles C. 
Mason, Mr. Fletcher S. 
Mason, Mr. Harold 
Mason, Mr. John H. 
Matteson, Mr. Frank W. 
McAuslan, Mr. William A. 
McDonnell, Mr. T. F. I. 

McDonnell, Mrs. T. F. I. 
Meader, Mr. Lewis H. 
Merriman, Mr. Isaac B. 
Metcalf , Harold, M. D. 
Metcalf, Mr. Jesse H. 
Metcalf, Mrs. Jesse H. 
Metcalf, 'Mrs. Stephen O. 
Miller, Mr. William Davis 
Miner, Mr. George L. 
Moriarty, Mr. G. A., Jr. 
M'owry, Mr. Wendell A. 
Mulchahey, Mr. Edward I. 
Munroe, Hon. Addison P. 
Munro, Walter L., M. D. 
Munro, Prof. Wilfred H. 
Muncy, William M., M. D. 
Murdie, Mr. Walter M. 
Newell, Mr. James S. 
Newhall, M. George H. 
Newman, Mr. Louis C. 
Nicholson, Mr. Paul C. 
Nicholson, Col. Samuel M. 
Nightingale, Mr. George C, Jr. 
Nightingale, Mr. George C. 
Noyes, Mr. Charles P. 
Olcott, Miss Mary 
Olney, Mrs. Frank F. 
Ostbv, Mr. Erling C. 
Ostby, Mr. Harald W. 
Over, Mr. Spencer H. 
Paddock, Mr. Miner H. 
Parsons, Mr. G. Richmond 
Partridge, H. G., M. D. 
Peck, Miss Elizabeth A. 
Peck, Mr. Frederick S. 
Peck, Mrs. Frederick S. 
Peck, Mrs. Leander R. 
Peck, Mr. Stephen I. 
Peckham, Charles F., M. D. 
Peirce, Mr. George E. 
Peirce, Mrs. George E. 
Peirce, Mr. Thomas A. 
Perry, Mr. Charles M. 


Perry, Rt. Rev. James DeWolf , Jr. 
Perry, Mr. Marsden J. 
Peters, John M., M. D. 
Philbrick, Mr. Charles H. 
Phillips, Mrs. Gilbert A. 
Pierce, Mr. Augustus R. 
Pierce, Mr. Byron A. 
Pierce, Mr. Frank L. 
Pitts, Hermon C, M. D. 
Poland, Prof. William C 
Porter, Lewis B., M. D. 
Potter, Mrs. Dexter B. 
Powel, Mrs. Samuel 
Preston, Mr. Howard W. 
Preston, Mrs. Howard W. 
Cjuinn, Mr. Patrick H. 
Radeke, Mrs. Gustav 
Ranger, Mr. Walter E. 
Raps, Mrs. Henry G. 
Rathbun, Hon. Elmer J. 
Rathom, Mr. John R. 
Rawson, Mr. Thomas B. 
Remington, Mr. Charles C. 
Remington, Mr. John A. 
Rhode Island State College 
Rice, Hon. Herbert A. 
Richmond, Mr. Henry Isaac 
Richmond, Mrs. Howard 
Robinson, Mr. Louis E. 
Rockwell, IMr. Charles B. 
Rodman, Mr. Robert 
Roelker, Mr. William G. 
Rogers, Rev. Arthur 
Sabre, Mr. George W. 
Sackett, Mr. Henry W. 
Seabury, Miss Irene T. 
Sharpe, Mr. Henry D. 
Sharpe, Mr. L. 
Shaw, Mrs. Frederick E. 
Shepley, Col. George L. 
Sioussat, Prof. St. George L. 
Sisson, Mrs. Charles 
Slade, Mr. William A. 

Slader, Mr. Henry L. 
Smith, Mr. Charles Morris, Jr. 
Smith, R. Morton, M. D. 
Smith, Mr. Nathaniel W. 
Smith, Mr. Walter B. 
Spicer, George T., M. D. 
Sprague, Mr. Henry S. 
Stark, Mr. Charles R. 
Staton, Mrs. James G. 
Stearns, Hon. Charles F. 
Steedman, Mrs. Charles J. 
Steere, Mr. Thomas E. 
Stevens, Miss Maud Lyman 
Stillman, Mr. Elisha C. 
Stiness, Mr. Edward Clinton 
Stites, 'Mr. Henry Y. 
Stockwell, Mr. George A. 
Stone, Mr. William S. 
Straight, Mr. Charles T. 
Street, Mr. John F. 
Studley, Hon. J. Edward 
Sturgess, Mr. Rush 
Swan, Mr. Frank H. 
Swarts, Gardner T., M 1 . D. 
Sumner, Hon. Arthur P. 
Sweeney, Hon. John W. 
Taft, Mr. Royal C. 
Taf t, Mr. Robert W. 
Thornley,'Mr. William H. 
Tillinghast, Mr. William R. 
Tower z Mr. James H. 
Tripp, Mr. Frederick E. 
Tully, Mr. William J. 
Updike, Mr. D. Berkeley 
Viall, Mr. William A. 
Vincent, Hon. Walter B. 
Wall, Mr. A. Tingley 
Warner, Mr. Clarance M. 
Warren, Mr. Charles H. 
Washburn, Rev. Arthur L. 
Waterman, Mr. Lewis A. 
Watrous, Hon. Ralph C. 
Watson, Col. Byron S. 


Watson, Mr. John J. 
Weeden, Mrs. William B. 
Welling, Mr. Richard 
West, Mr. Thomas H., Jr. 
Westcott, Mr. Charles E. 
Westcott, Mrs. Charles E. 
Wetmore, Hon. George Peabody 
White, Mr. Hunter C. 
White, Mr. Willis H. 

Wilbour, Mr. Victor 
Wilder, Mr. Frank J. 
Wilkinson, Mrs. E. K. 
Williams, W. Fred, M. D. 
Willson, Miss Amey L. 
Wing, Mr. William A. 
Winship, Mrs. George P. 
Woods, Hon. John Carter Brown 

William Coddington's Seals 

William Coddington used two seals while residing in New England.. 
One of these seals bears the Bellingham armorial shield. This seal 
appears on several of Coddington's letters which are preserved in the 
Massachusetts Historical Society and differs slightly from a similar ar- 
morial seal used by Gov. Bellingham. The other seal used by Coddington 
bears the initials "R.C." These seals may serve as genealogical clews.-. 
The latter seal Coddington may have inherited from his father or grand- 
father and the former one may have come from his maternal grand- 
father. Coddington was a close friend of Bellingham and may have 
been a relative. 






Vol. XIV 

April, 1921 

No. 2. 

WILFRED H. MUNROE, President EDWARD K. ALDRICH, Jr., Treasurer 

Please address communications to Howard M. Chapin, Librarian, 
68 Waterman Street, Providence, R. I. 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the 
opinions of contributors. 

An Account of the English Homes of the Three 
Early "Proprietors" of Providence 


On June 24, 1635, there arrived in Massachusetts Bay a 
group of neighbors, nearly all related, either by blood or mar- 
riage. They had sailed from Dartmouth -in Devonshire May 
i of the same year, all but one of the party, William Car- 
penter, coming from Ilchester, in southern Somersetshire or 
within about five miles of that place. The leader of the party 
was William Arnold whose 48th birthday was the day of their 
arrival. His oldest son Benedict one of the party, a lad 19 
years of age at that time, has given us the only account that 
we have of their embarkation, in his own family record, 
written probably soon after his removal to Newport in 1651. 
which begins as follows. 

"Memorandom. We came from Providence with our 
ffamily to Dwell at Newport in Rhode Island the iQth of 


November, Thursday in afternoon, &. arived ye same night 
Ano. Domina 1651. 

Memorandum my father and his family Sett Sayle frrom 
Dartmouth in Old England, the first of May, friday &. 
Arrived In New England. June 24 Ano 1635. 

Memm. We came to Providence to Dwell the 2oth of 
April 1636. per me Bennedict Arnold." 

No other account of the sailing of this vessel, its name, or 
passenger list, has been found either in Old England or New. 
Gov. Winthrop records that within six weeks from June 4 
1635, there had arrived in the Bay 15 ships with store of 
passengers and cattle, but gives the names of only two, the 
James, Captain Graves, and the Rebecka, Capt. Hodges. 
Much complaint was being made at this time in England, and 
stringent laws and orders passed in order to prevent the sail- 
ing of passengers without registration. But while we have 
no official list of those coming with William Arnold's family, 
sufficient evidence has been found to show that the following 
persons may have come on the same vessel or if not on the 
same ship, certainly at about the same time and from the 
same locality; that upon arriving in New England, they sep- 
arated for a while, each family in its own way seeking a good 
location for settlement and that while so engaged in the fall 
and winter of 1635, tnev met with Roger Williams and others, 
his friends then planning a new settlement, abandoned plans 
of there own partially made, joined forces with him, and so 
became among the first settlers and proprietors of Providence 
they were William Arnold, aged 48. son of Nicholas and 
Alice (Gully) Arnold of Ilchester; his wife, Christian Peak, 
aged 51, daughter of Thomas Peak of Muchelney, anciently 
Mochelney; their children Elizabeth Arnold, aged 23. Bene- 
dict Arnold, aged 19. Joane Arnold 17. Stephen Arnold 12. 
Thomas 19, and Frances Hopkins 21, children of William and 
Joane (Arnold) Hopkins. William Man, husband of Frances 
Hopkins, Wil]iam Carpenter, son of Richard Carpenter of 
Amesbury, Wiltshire, husband of Elizabeth Arnold. Stukeley 


Westcott 43. of Yeovil and his Wife name unknown with 
children, Robert Westcott, Samuel Westcott, 13. born at 
Yeovil Mar. 31 1622 Damaris Westcott, later wife of Bene- 
dict Arnold; Amos Westcott, 4. Mercy Westcott, and Jere- 
miah Westcott. 

The evidence upon which this list of names and places is 
based is, first the "family record" brought from England by 
William Arnold, Second a deed from William Carpenter, 
recorded at Providence, third, researches made in the summer 
of 1902 at Northover, Wells, and elsewhere in England, by the 
late Edson Salisbury Jones Esq. of Port Chester, N. Y. and 
fourth the Bishop's Transcripts of Somerset parish records now 
being published by Mr. Dwelly of Hants, Eng. The "family 
record" of William Arnold, preserved and extended for six 
generations in the family of his son Gov. Benedict, and cov- 
ering a period of two hundred and twenty three years, was 
found in 1878, by the Hon. Isaac N. Arnold, president of the 
Chicago Historical Society in the hands of Mr. P. A. 
McEwan Esq. of Windsor, Canada, and is printed in the N. 
E. Gen. Register for 1879. Vol 23, p. 427. I quote the portion 
that seems to have been written by William Arnold himself, 
and gives only records of baptisms and births. No marriages 
or burials. 

"A Register, or true account of my owne agge, with my 
Mother, my Wife, my Brothers and Sisters, and Others of 
my f rinds and acqauntance. 

1. Imprimis Alee Gully the Daughter of John Gully of 
Northover. Who was my Mother, was Baptized ye 29: 
Septem 1553. 

2. Tamzen, my Sister was Baptised the 4 of Jany. 1571. 

3. Joane Arnold, my Sister was Baptized the 30 of 
November in the yeare 1577. 

4. Margery Arnold, my Sister was Baptized the 30 of 
August, 1581. 

5. I William Arnold, their Brother was Borne the 24 of 
June, 1587. 


6. Robert Arnold, my Brother was Baptized the i8th of 
October, 1593. 

7. Elizabeth Arnold, my Sister was borne the 9 of April, 


8. Thomas Arnold my Brother, my Mother in lawes Sonne, 
was Baptized the 18 April, 1599. 

9. Elenor Arnold, my Sister was Baptized the 31 of July, 

The age of my Sister Tamzens Children. 

1. Robert Hacker was Baptized the 22 of Jany. 1597. 

2. Francis Hacker was Baptized the 24 of Jany. 1599. 

3. John Hacker their brother was Baptized the 25 of 
October, 1601. 

4. William Hacker was Baptized the 31 of October, 1604. 

5. Alee Hacker was Baptized the 25 of August, 1607. 

6. Mary Hacker was Baptized the 4th of March, 1609. 

7. Thomas Hacker was Baptized the 7th of April, 1616. 


1. Christian the Daughter of Thomas Peak of Muoheny 
my wife was Baptized the 15 of February, 1583. 

2. Elizabeth Arnold our Daughter was borne the 23 of 
November, 1611. 

3. Benedict Arnold her Brother was borne the 21 of 
December, 1615. 

4. Joane Arnold their Sister was borne the 27 of Feby, 

5. Steven Arnold their Brother was borne the 22 of 
December, 1622. 

The age of my Sister Joane's Children. 

1. Frances Hopkins was Baptized the 28 of May, 1614. 

2. Thomas Hopkins her brother was Baptized the 7 of 
April, 1616. 

3. Elizabeth Hopkins was Baptized the 3 of July, 1619. 
The age of some of my Brother Thomas Children. 

1. Thomas his Sonne was born the 3 of May, 1625. 


2. Nicholas Arnold was Baptized the 15 of January, 1627. 
i. Tamzen Holman was Baptized the 16 Deer, 1619. 


2. Mary the Daughter of Julian Kidgill was Baptized 24 
July, 1627. 

Jeremiah Rhodes the Sonne of Zachary Rhodes was borne 
at Pawtuxet the 29 of ye 4 month commonly called June in 
Anno Dom. 1647." 

It is in evidence that this record was known in other branches 
of the family before this printing, but it does not seem to have 
come to the general attention of others, and has not received 
the recognition its importance deserved, perhaps from the fact 
that no corroborative evidence was then known or could easily 
be procured, short of an expensive trip to England with much 
hard work. It was not until 1902, that any successful attempt 
was made to verify it by a search for the Northover record with 
which it commences. In that year Mr. Edson Salisbury Jones 
a descendant of Thomas and Phebe (Parkhurst) Arnold of 
Watertown, Mass., and Providence, R. I., who had been en- 
gaged for several years in genealogical research in New Eng- 
land, visited Somersetshire, located the only place known to 
English gazetteers as Northover, found its rector at Liming- 
ton, (he being in charge of both branches), and saw the ancient 
register with the original entry of the baptisms of Alice 
Gullye, and Tomsine Arnold, William Arnold's mother and 

The following account of his visit to Somersetshire, is 
quoted from letters of Mr. Jones to the writer in 1914-15: 
"When I was there in 1902, I devoted all the time I could to 
Arnolds'. On this visit, I rushed by express train from Can- 
terbury, Kent, to London, got a bite, then by train to Yeovil, 
5 miles south of Ilchester. Next morning, hired a pony and 
cart and drove to Northover through Ilchester (they are small 
places adjoining; Limington is about I mile east). I was in 
the locality only half a day (working all the time). Rector of 
Northover and Limington was the same man, living in latter 
place. Saw him and earliest register of Limington (Began 
1681). Northover register was in hands of a church warden 
there (began with sparce entries in 1531)- Rector of Ilchester 
was away, but clerk got out first extant register (began 1690), 


at former's house. I also searched the Yeovil register (began 
1563) devoting all the time that the curate could give me. A 
Thomas Arnold was married there 1572 to Agnes Bowden; 
and a Mary in 1578 to Tom Collins. No other Arnolds seen. 
But, STUKLY WESTCOTT had a son, Samuel, baptized there 
March 31, 1622. You give Stukely as a Devonshire man, but 
my notes from Judge Bullock's Westcote Genealogy have 
born 1592 probably in Co. Devon. I never learned why the 
Judge made the guess, and recall nothing really suggesting it. 
Don't say that the Yeovil Stukly was the Providence man, but 
the item shows that one of the name was of Co. Somerset in 

This letter shows that in this vicinity he found only two 
parish registers, at Northover and Yeovil, with dates earlier 
than 1635, but later at Wells he found in the "Bishops Tran- 
scripts" many returns from St. Mary's, the parish church of 
Ilchester from 1595 to 1635 The finding of the original reg- 
ister of Northover is to us the most interesting fact connected 
with his search here, containing as it does the baptismal rec- 
ord of Alice Gully, and Tomsine Arnold, the mother and sister 
of William Arnold, names and dates agreeing to the minutest 
particular, and thus conclusively proving the accuracy of the 
William Arnold "family record," and with the additional in- 
formation, now for the first time found, that the father of 
Tomsine and William, was Nicholas Arnold Jan. 4, 1571. 
(1571/2) 15 Elizabeth, this being the earliest recorded date so 
far found in the direct line in this branch of the Arnold fam- 
ily. These facts cannot be too strongly stated ; such evidence 
would be received as final in any court of law in England. 

The Arnold entries found are as follows: "Baptizat, Alice 
filia John Gullye 29 Septembris A D m 1553. Tamsine filia 
Nicholas Arnolde 4 January A D m 1571." (The mother, 
sister and father of William Arnold.) No other Arnold bap- 
tisms are found, although the entries appear to be complete 
for several years ; the real reason being that between the birth 
of Tomasine in 1571. and Joane in 1577 their father Nicholas 
had removed with his family into the compact part of Ilches- 
ter and established himself there in business, as a Merchant 


tailor. The only Arnold marriages found are those of "1558 
Margaret Arnold and Christopher Tuck. 1603. Margery 
Arnold and Thomas Burnard." (The latter being the sister of 
William, born in 1581.) No Arnold burials are found at 
Northover before 1700. John and Alice Gully the parents of 
Alice Arnold were propably born there before 1508, the last 
year of the reign of Henry VII., before the era of registration 
had commenced in England, but the Northover records show 
the birth to them of 8 children before that of Alice in 1553, 
the burial of 3, Elizabeth, Robert and Christian between 1543 
and 1546, and the burial of a grand daughter lone, the daugh- 
ter of John Gully, Jr., in 1550. From this last date we ap- 
proximate the birth date of John Sen., John Gully Jr. was 
buried 1559, his mother and father, "Alice Gullye ye wife of 
John Gullye 11 Aprilis Anno Dm 1583 aged about 73, John 
Gullye was buried 15 Septembris Anno Dm 1591" age about 
81. At this latter date their grand son William Arnold, 4 years 
eld was living at Ilchester. All of the Gully family except 
Alice (Arnold,) are buried in the church yard of "Old St. 
Andrew." The records furnish us nothing more than these bare 
names and dates, to throw any light upon their history or 
character. We only know that they were of strong, virile 
stock, raised a large family and lived here four score years, 
during one of the most interesting and important periods in 
English history, that of the reformation, which redeemed it 
from popish rule, and placed the Church and nation under the 
supremacy of the King. 

A short sketch of the location, and the times in which they 
lived will be of interest and perhaps serve as a background for 
what little personal knowledge we have gleaned of them from 
the records. 

The little parish or hamlet of Northover is on the Foss 
road, on the north side of the river Ivel, at its crossing by 
the ancient Roman ford, and is really only a suberb of Ilches- 
ter, on the south side of the river, with which it is now con- 
nected by an arched stone bridge. The living is a vicarge in 
the deanery of Ilchester. Its church, "St. Andrew," has a 


square tower with four bells, and is in sight of, and but half 
a mile distant from "St. Mary Major" in Ilchester. 

The rector of St. Andrew, at the date of the baptism of 
Alice Gully, 1553, was Thomas Mayster, who held that office 
48 years, from his appointment in 1508, until his death, Aug. 
18, 1556. Her parents, John and Alice Gully, were born about 
the tirne of his appointment and may have been christened and 
married by him; It is certain that all their children were 
recorded in his time. His incumbancy, commencing in the 
last year of the reign of Henry VII., covered the entire reign 
of Henry VIII., 38 years ; 6 years under his son "the boy 
King" Edward VI. and 3 years of that of his daughter, the 
"Bloody Queen Mary," who came so near restoring the popish 
regime that had been overthrown by her father. 

During this time he saw the destruction of the monasteries 
and Abbeys of the old religion, .the supremacy of the Pope 
overthrown, and the substitution of that of the King pro- 
claimed ; he had been already in office 30 years when the royal 
injunction of Henry VIII. was issued, making it the duty of 
the clergy to keep a parish register. He commenced his regis- 
ter that year and continued it until his death in 1556. Mr. 
Jones says, it commenced with sparce entries in 1531, those 
before 1538 being some privately kept by him before receiving 
the order. Mr. R. E. Chester Waters in his "History of Par- 
ish Registers in England," says that but 812 of these registers, 
commenced in 1538, have survived the negligence of their legal 
guardians, and of these, 8 only have been discovered with 
dates earlier than 1538, those of St. James, Garlickhithe, St. 
Mary Bothaw, of London and 6 others, which begin in 1536. 
As the Northover register antedates all of these, it must be 
the earliest extant register in England. The injunction of 
1538, was sent by Thomas Cromwell, Lord Privy Seal, to all 
Bishops and Curates throughout the realm "charging them 
to God that in every parish church the Bible of the largest 
volume should be placed for all men to read on : and that the 
Curate of every parish should keep one book of record, which 
book he shall every Sunday take forth, and in the presence 

-* * . .. /- 
iVr (V^ :5 ' 4 


. (v' ^ ^ ^^I-J^MHIW*'* J 


^.Sy^al) J^f^^^i- \ 


[The dark mark at top is no doubt due to nut gall or other solu- 
tion applied to document to make it more legible, while helping to 
obliterate it in the photo, it makes writing clear in original. The 8 
items before "Elizabetha filia Thome Bartlet" are given on the fol- 
lowing page (I translated them when copying from original so can- 
not give literatim copy) It is one of the few instances I have come 
across where the human eye can read writing easier than the camera. 
The blur was on the transcript when I copied it but by getting the 
skin at various angles the items were deciphered with a little care.] 

1622. Baptisms 


Elizabetha filia Thome Bartlet baptizat prima die Novembris. 

Stephanus filius williami Arnolde baptizat vicessimo sexto die decem- 


Dorothea filia Thome Avorde baptizat quinto die Januarij. 

Elizabetha filia Richardi Hancocke baptizat decimo nono die Januarij. 

Gratia filia Williami Hopkins baptizat septimo die Februarij. 

Robertus filius Johanis Hacker baptizat vicessimo die Februarij. 

Francisca filia Gervasii Saunders baptizat octavo die Martij. 

Thomas filius Williami Spracklin baptizat nono die Martij. 

Maria filia Johais Sims baptizat eodem die nono Martij. 

1622. Sepulti 


Edwardus filius Edwardi Howman sepultus decimo nono die Aprilis. 

Rose James sepulta fuit vicessimo quinto die Aprilis. 

Alicia Bartlet uxor Stephani sepulta vicessimo quarto die Maij. 

Joana Gullie sepulta fuit tricessimo die Maij. 

Richardus Mannsell sepultus vicessimo primo die Julij. 

Elizaibetha filia Thome Golde sepult vicessimo quinto die Julij. 

Gawin filius Johais Sharlocke sepultus tricessimo primo die Julij. 

Maria serva Walteri Glover sepulta duodessimo die Augusti. 

Alicia Lacie vid: sepulta vicessimo secundo die Septembris. 

Ambrosius Baunton sepult vicessimotertio die Septembris. 

Joanna Philips vid: sepult: fuit quinto die Octobris. 

Nicholaus Arnolde sepultus vicessimo sexte Januarij. 

Maria filia Stephani Geiland sepulta quarto die Martij. 

Thomas Pawley sepultus vicessimo primo die Martij. 

1622. Mariages. 


Henricus Collens et Elizabetha Brangwell nupt. sexto die Maij. 
Williamus Lockier et Deanes Jeanes nupt duodecimo die Maij. 
Jasper Alambert et Maria Hodges nupt decimo octavo die Julij. 
Christopherus Bennet et Thomason niipt septimo die Novembris 
pr me Johnne Ravens 

rectore de llchester 

melchesadeek Jones { church warden es 

William Arnold ) 


1622. Baptisms. 

Cicely daughter of John. 

Joanna daughter of John Ourbury (Overbury). 

Thomas son of William Dawe. May 6. 

Walter son of Walter Glover. 

William son of Robert Morris Aug. 6. 

Edward son of Dawber als Trowe Sept. 21. 

Angell daughter of John Smith Sept. 28. 

Thomason daughter of Edward Bartlett Oct. 26. 

Elizabeth daughter of Thomas Bartlet baptised 1st day of November. 

Stephen son of William Arnold baptised 26th day of December. 

Dorothy daughter of Thomas Avorde baptised 5th day of January. 

Elizabeth daughter of Richard Hancock baptised 19th day of January. 

Grace daughter of William Hopkins baptised 7th day of February. 

Robert son of John Hacker baptised 20th day of February. [1622/3] 

Frances daughter of Gervaise Saunders baptised 8th day of March. 

Thomas son of William Spracklin baptised 9th day of March. 

Mary daughter of John Sims the same day 9th of March. 

1622. Burials. 


Edward son of Edward Howman buried 19th day of April. 

Rose James was buried 25th day of April. 

Alice Bartlet wife of Stephan buried 24th day of May. 

Joan Gullie was buried 3Oth day of May. 

Richard Mannsell buried 21th day of July. 

Elizabeth daughter of Thomas Gold buried 25th day of July. 

Gavin son of John Sharlock buried 31st day of July. 

Mary servant of Walter Glover buried 12th day of August. 

Alice Lacy widow: buried 22nd day of September. 

Ambrose Baunton buried 23rd day of September. 

Joan Philips widow : was buried 5th day of October. 

Nicholas Arnold buried 26th day of January. (1622/3) 

Mary daughter of Stephen Geiland buried 4th day of March. 

Thomas Pawley buried 21st day of March. 

1622. Marriages. 


Henry Collens and Elizabeth Brangwell married 6th day of May. 
William Lockier and Deanes Jeanes married 12th day of May. 
Jasper Alambert and Mary Hodges married 18th day of July. 
Christopher Bennet and Thomason married 7th day of November. 

by me John Ravens 

Rector of Ilchester. 

Melchizedek Jones ) hurch war(kns 
William Arnold ) 


of the church wardens or one of them, write and record in 
the same all the weddings, christ'nings and burials made the 
whole week before; and for every time that the same shall 
be omitted, shall forfiet to the said church 4 shillings, 4 

The Wardens were not appointed by Rectors as assistants 
but elected by the parishioners, to see that he attended to his 
duties, and to attest his returns. The first records commenced 
under this order were written on paper, and it was soon real- 
ized that something more durable was necessary, and so Oct. 
2 5> I 597> a ne w ordinance respecting registers was adopted at 
Canterbury and approved by Queen Elizabeth under the 
Great Seal. Under this "every parish was to provide itself 
with a parchment book in which the entries from the old 
paper books were to be fairly transcribed and signed by the 
minister or church wardens, to be kept in a sure coffer with 
three locks, of which the minister and wardens was to keep a 
key; and for further security against loss, a true copy of the 
names of all persons, christened, married or buried in the year 
before was to be transmitted to the bishop of the diocese 
within a month after Easter to be preserved in the Episcopal 
archives." A note in Vol. i., Somerset Parish Registers, 
Northover marriages, page 14, says, "The earliest register is 
a transcription parchment, made in 1598, by Thomas Lover- 
ige, Vicar, of the paper Register that began in 1534. Three 
entries appear to be of the date 1531." 

It was this transcript, that Mr. Jones found at Northover 
in 1902, and it was from this same book that William Arnold 
before embarking for the new world, copied the baptism of 
"Alee Gully the daughter of John Gully 29, Sept., 1553," 
adding so lovingly, "who was my mother." 

Having finished his search of the two old records of North- 
over and Yeovil, and finding that at Ilchester, Limington, Yeo- 
vilton and Muchelney there were no records earlier than 1635 ; 
Mr. Jones then went to Wells to examine the "Bishop's 
Transcripts" there, and see if they contained any additional 
information from this locality. This was a new field, and his 


search here was amply rewarded. First he found that the 
"Transcript" was not a record book, such as was kept in the 
parishes, but that they were the original yearly reports, 
usually in the full autograph of the Rector or Vicar and 
attested by the church wardens, and filed, not recorded, just 
as received. From Ilchester he found very few remaining, 
and many of these badly mutilated and much decayed. Evi- 
dently the clergy in many years had failed to make returns, 
and the bishops had at times neglected their care, while many 
more had been destroyed during the wars of the Common- 
wealth and James II. 

From the few he did find, he copied the following items, 
in some way connected with his search: 

1594, June 30. Earliest record. "1595/6 Feb. 15, christened 
Mary, daughter of Melchiseck Joanes." He was warden 
with William Arnold in 1622, and had then been living here 
more than 26 years. "1595, Oct. 5. Married, Robert Hacker 
and Thomasine Arnoll." See baptism of their oldest son Rob- 
ert, Jan. 22, 1597/8 and six more children on family record. 
"1595, Oct., Burial, Agnes d. of Nicholas Arnoll." Not on 
family record, probably died young. "1596, April 25. Burial, 
Alee W. of Nicholas Arnoll tailer." (mother of William.) 
These items have since been printed by Mr. Edward Dwelly 
in Vol. II., Wells Transcripts, p. 31, with this note, "The 
above three years are written on paper now very much 
decayed and are not signed." 1616, christened, April 7, 
"Thomas son of William Hopkins" (son of Joane Arnold, 
see family record.) 1622, December 22, Baptizat, "Stephanus 
filius William Arnoldi, 1622/3 Janury 26, Sepultus. Nicha- 
laus Arnold." 

This transcript of 1622, has not as yet been printed by Mr. 
Dwelly but will be soon, with others already copied. It is the 
first time that the name of William Arnold has been found 
on a public record, and strange to say, in it, under his own 
hand, as church warden, he attests the record of the baptism 
of his youngest son Stephen, and the burial of his father 
Nicholas. Through the kindness of Mr. Dwelly, I am enabled 


to give reproductions from photographs of this record, and 
also the churches of "St. Mary" at Ilchester, and "St. 
Andrew" at Northover, where his parents and grand parents 
are buried. In the Probate Registry of Wills, lib. 43, fol. 
5, is found "The Will of Nicholas Arnold." 

In the name of god Amen the i8th Day of January, 1622, 
I Nicholas Arnold of Ilchester in the Countie of Somersett, 
Tayler, Doe make & constitute and ordeyne this my last will 
& testament in manner & forme following: First I revoke 
recall & Disanull all former wills made before the Date of 
this my last will. 

Item. I give & bequeath my soule into the hands of god 
my blessed saviour and redeemer hopinge by him alone to be 
saved and my body to be buried in Christian buriall at the 
Discretion of my executrix. 

Item. I give and bequeath unto Grace Arnold my wief all 
my goods movable and immovable w'thin and wth thout 
Dores to thintent she shall guid & bringe up my two youngest 
Daughters, her children, and when it shall please god to take 
her out of this mortall lief to Dispose the said goods at her 
pleasure unto theis two children. 

Item. I make & ordeyne the said Grace my wief my sole 
and only executrix to this my last will & testament to see my 
Debts and funeral chargs paid and Discharged. Alsoe I Doe 
by theis presents constitute ordeyne and appoynte my sonne 
Warn Arnold & Ambrose Chappell my frend over seers to 
this my last will & testament. Witnesses hereunto John Raven, 
Thomas Arnold." 

Proved at Wells, 28 July, 1623. Inventory 7. i6s. sd. 
Going back to the transcripts, we find, 1623, Oct. 18, Burial, 
"Margaret W. of Thomas Arnold," If this is the first wife 
of Thomas, the half brother of William, he soon married (2) 
jane and had sons, Thomas, 1625, and Nicholas, 1628, as 
shown in the family record. "1635, Oct. 15, Baptised, George 
son of Thomas and Jane Arnold." This son George was born 
more than six months after his unckle William had sailed 
for New England. No proof has been found that his father 


Thomas the half brother of William, ever emigrated, or that 
Thomas' children died young, as stated by Somerby and Aus- 
tin, but without any evidence of record by either. The Thomas 
Arnold who was in Watertown, Mass., before July, 1636, and 
who removed about 1656 to Rhode Island, is not that half 
brother, but is probably the son of Richard, and grand son 
of William and Katherine Arnold of Kelsale Co., Suffolk, 
about 20 miles N. E. of Ipswich where his wife Phebe Park- 
hurst, daughter of George Parkhurst was baptised 29 Nov., 
1612, and where they were probably married. His cousin 
Richard Arnold, Goldsmith, London, in his will 8 Nov., 1644, 
leaves a legacy of 20 shillings to be paid to "Thomas Arnold 
who is now supposed to be in New England or some other 
part beyond the seas" or to his assigns. No other Thomas 
Arnold appears in N. E. before 1644. See N. E. His. & Gen. 
Register Vol. 48, p. 374; Vol. 68, p. 373 and Vol. 69, p. 68. 

1635 Jan. 15, (1635/6), "Burial Jane W. of Ambrose 
Chappell" (Overseer of Will of Nicholas Arnold.) 

This last item concludes all the record evidence found by 
Mr. Jones during his visit of 1902 at the close of which he 
writes, "in the time I devoted to the matter I could not find 
the father of Nicholas Arnold of Ilchester; more investiga- 
tion is necessary. I do not pretend to have covered the whole 
field, let somebody do better." But the mine has been dis- 
covered and the leade is very promising; Mr. Dwelly- who 
commenced publishing the Wells Transcripts in 1913 is work- 
ing the same vein, and cannot fail I believe to uncover much 
more material to be added to that already secured. From 
the Somerset records already collected, in spite of some larg: 
gaps, the following pedigree of the Arnolds of Northover is 

i. Nicholas Arnold, the testator of 1622, was born about 
1550. He appears on the register of Northover, Co. Som- 
erset, as tfie father of Thomasine .Arnold, 4 Jan. 1571/2, 
and was buried at Ilchester 26 Jan. 1622/3. He married 
before 1571, Alice, daughter of John and Alice Gulley who 


was baptised at Northover 29 Sept. 1553, and buried at II- 
chester 25 April 1596. Married (2.) before 1599. Grace 
who survived him. 

Children by first wife: 

I. Thomasine, bap. 4 Jan. 1571/2 at Northover. Mar- 
ried, 5 Oct. 1595, Robert Hacker at Ilchester. Chil- 
dren: i. Robert, bap. 22 Jan. 1597/8. 2. Francis, 
bap. 24 Jan. 1599/1600. 3. John, bap. 25 Oct. 1601. 
4. William, bap. Oct. 1604. 5. Alee, bap. 25 Aug. 
1607. 6. Mary, bap. 4 March, 1609/10. 7. Thomas, 
bap. April 1616. 

II. Joane, bap. 30 Nov. 1577 at Ilchester, and was buried 
10 March, 1621/2 at Yeovilton, in the church yard of 
"St. Bartholomew." Married before 1613, William 
Hopkins of Yeovilton. Children: i. Frances, bap. 28 
May, 1614. Came with her husband, William Man, 
to N. E. in 1635, and died 26 Feb 1700 at Dartmouth 
Mass. Children: Abraham and Mary. 

2. Thomas, bap. 7 April, 1616. Came with his sister 
^ranees Man, and their uncle William Arnold, and died 
^684 at Littleworth, in the township of Oyster Bay, 
Long Island, N. Y. where he had gone during the In- 
dian War. Children: William and Thomas. He was 
the great grand father of Gov. Stephen Hopkins, Signer 
of the Declaration of Independence, and Esek Hopkins, 
who was the first Commander in Chief of the American 

3. Elizabeth, bap. 3 July, 1619. 

III. Margery, bap. 30 Aug. 1581 at Ilchester and mar- 
ried 1603 Thomas Burnard at Northover. 

IV. William, born 24 June, 1587 at Ilchester. 

V. Robert, bap. 18 Oct. 1593. (No more.) 

VI. Elizabeth, born, 9 April 1596. No baptism or burial 
is recorded. As her mother Alice, was buried at Il- 
chester the 25th of the same month, it seems probable 


that both died in child bed, and were buried in one 


Children by second wife Grace . 

VII. Thomas, bap. 18 April, 1599, at Ilchester. Mar- 
ried before 1623, Margaret , who was buried 

18 Oct. 1623, at Ilchester, married (2), Jane , 

Children by second wife: i. Thomas, born, 3 May, 
1625. 2. .Nicholas, born, 15 Jan. 1627/8. 4. George, 
bap. 15 Oct. 1635. 

VIII. Elenor, bap. 31 July, 1603. 

IX. A daughter mentioned in fathers Will but not 

2. William Arnold (Nicholas), born 24 June, 1587, at Il- 
chester, where he was Church Warden in 1622, died prob- 
ably in the early spring of 1676, at Pawtuxet, Rhode Is- 
land, during the Indian War. He married before 1610, 
Christian, daughter of Thomas Peak of Muchelney 
Somerset, who was bap. there, 15 Feb. 1583/4. and died 
after 1659, at Pawtuxet. 
Children : 

I. Elizabeth, born, 23 Nov. 1611. at Ilchester. died after 
7 Sept. 1685. at Pawtuxet. Married, before 1635, Wil- 
liam son of Richard Carpenter of Amesbury, Wiltshire, 
who died 7 Sept. 1685, at Pawtuxet. Children: i. Jo- 
seph. 2. Liddea. 3. Pricilla. 4. Silas. 5. Benjamin. 6. 
Timothy. 7. Ephraim. 

II. Benedict, born 21 Dec. 1615, at Ilchester, died 19 
June, 1678, at Newport, Rhode Island. Married 17 
December, 1640, Damaris daughter of Stukley West- 
cott at Providence. She was born about 1620, prob- 
ably at Yeovil, Somerset and d. at Newport after 1678. 
He removed to Newport 19 Nov. 1651, and 19 May 
1657, succeeded Roger Williams as President of the 
Colony under the Patent. In 1663, he was named in 
the Charter of King Charles II, as the first Governor, 
holding that office by seven re-elections until his death 


in 1678. Children: i. Benedict, b. 10 Feb. 1641/2. 2. 
Caleb, b. 19 Dec. 1644. 3. Josiah, 22 Decem. 1646. 4. 
Damaris, 23 Feb. 1648/9. 5. William b. 21, Oct. 1651. 
d. 23, Oct. 1651. Named for his grand father William 
and the first death in the family after their emigration, 
just as his father was about to move to Newport, he 
was probably buried at Pawtuxet. 6. Penelope, 10 Feb. 
1652/3. 7- Oliver, 25 July, 1755. 8. Godsgift, 27 Aug. 
1658. 9. Freelove 20 July, 1661. 

III. Joane, b. 27 Feb. 1617, at Ilchester, d. after n Feb. 
1692/3. Married (i) Zachary Rhodes of Rehoboth, 
Mass, as early as 7 March 1646. who was drowned 
"off Fawtuxtt Shore" late in 1665. M. (2) 11 Jan. 
1665/6. Samuel Reape of Newport, who d. after n 
Feb. 1692/3. Children by first husband: i. Jeremiah, 
b. 29 June 1647. 2 - Malachi, 3. Zachariah, 4. John, 
b. about 1658. M. 12 Feb. 1684/5. Waite, d. of Re- 
solved and Mercy (Williams) Waterman. 5. Peleg, b. 
about 1664. 

IV. Stephen, baptised 22 Decem. 1622, at Ilchester, died 
15 Nov. 1699, at Pawtuxet. Married 24 Nov. 1646. 
Sarah, daughter of Edward Smith of Rehoboth, Mass. 
She was born j629 and died 15 April 1713. at Paw- 
tuxet. Children: i. Esther, b. 22 Sept. 1647. 2. Israel, 
b. 30 Oct. 1649. 3- Stephen, b. 27 Nov. 1654. 4. Eliza- 
beth, b. 2 Nov. 1659. 5. Elisha, b. 18 Feb. 1661/2. 6. 
Sarah, b. 26 June, 1665. 7. Phebe, b. 9 Nov. 1670. 

(Concluded in the July Number) 


Early Powder Horns* 


Berthold Schwartz, a monk of Freiburg, Germany, began 
to manufacture gun-powder about the year 1320. Long be- 
fore this time the horns of animals had been used for many 
practical things, as, for instance, the ink horn, horn books, 
drinking horns, and hunting horns which are still in use to- 
day ; so that their use as powder horns was a natural sequence 
of these other uses. 

But there were other reasons why horn was adapted as a re- 
ceptacle for powder. It was easy to obtain, cheap, light in 
weight and readily worked. Horn would not create a spark 
and therefore could be used safely. For the reason that they 
were spark proof, copper and zinc were chiefly used in later 
years in the manufacture of powder flasks. Horn also kept 
the powder dry which was of course very necessary. When 
used in its natural shape and suspended from the shoulder of 
the soldier or hunter, it fitted snugly to the waist line. When 
scraped thin the powder could be plainly seen through its sides 
which at times was an advantage. European powder flasks of 
the sixteenth century and earlier were frequently made from 
stag horns. Their mountings were often of gold, silver, or 
steel, beautifully wrought, carved, pierced and engraved. Ex- 
amples of such flasks may be seen in the museums of Europe 
and at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York City. 

The August, 1916, number of the "Connoisseur" illustrates 
many such specimens. One I remember in particular, is an ex- 
quisite sixteenth century flask of highly polished stag horn, 
having on its front a beautiful carving in high relief of the 
Crucifixion, with the Lamb and Banner at the foot of the cross. 
The mountings of this flask are of steel. But you are, I feel 
sure, more interested in the quaint old powder horns of our 
Colonial times, many specimens of which are to be seen here 

to-night. These receptacles for powder were usually made 

Read at the Society's Exhibition of Powder Horns on March S, 1921. 



from the horns of cows, bullocks, or oxen, and, were prepared 
for scraping, cleaning, and shaping, by first soaking or boiling 
in hot water to which may have been added potash if obtain- 

The small end of the horn was then cut off and the end 
bored to the required size. Then a stopper was fitted usually 
of wood, but sometimes of horn. We have here an unusually 
fine collection of horn stoppers exhibited by Mr. Thomas G. 
Hazard, Jr., of Narragansett Pier. Also a number of horns 
that are conspicuous by the fineness and plainness of their 
workmanship. Mr. Hazard's ancestor was a manufacturer of 
these fine specimens. The stoppers are particularly interesting 
as we do not often find them in old horns. Some displayed 
by Mr. Hazard carry out the decorative scheme of the horn, 
while others are carved in the shapes of fowl or birds. 

It is said that Washington, when a young man, made a 
powder horn, and, cut the end well back so as to get a charge 
of powder at a single lift or tilt of his horn. It is claimed 
lhat this horn is still in existence and has his initials cut in it. 

The large end of the horn was closed with a tight fitting 
wooden bottom, as a rule. This was fastened in place by 
wooden pegs or nails. When a presentation horn was made 
by a professional workman, the base was often covered with 
silver or copper, properly inscribed. In later years both the 
United States and England issued to their soldiers horns that 
were fitted with brass or copper devices, having thumb-piece 
and spring to take the place of wooden stoppers. The base, 
which was of wood, was fitted in the center with a wooden 
screw or plug. These improvements made the horn much 
handier to fill and pour from. There are two of these horns 
stamped with the broad-arrow and the inspectors' marks of 
England and one stamped U. S. by the United States Govern- 
ment inspectors. 

In volume one of the Colonial Records of Rhode Island 
under the date of the year 1647, I found the following ; "Every 
inhabitant of the island, above sixteen and under sixty years 


of age, shall always be provided of a musket, one pound of 
powder, twenty bullets and two fadom of match, with sword, 
rest, bandaleers all completely furnished." A bandalleer was a 
shoulder strap hung with many little boxes, usually cylindrical, 
each of which held a charge of powder and a ball. They 
jangled like sleigh bells. They were probably discarded as 
soon as cartridge boxes and horns could be provided as they 
made it impossible to surprise the enemy. Cartridge boxes 
were much alike regardless of nationality, with one exception. 
A few of the American soldiers were provided by Congress 
with the cartridge boxes. The one shown is typical. It may 
have been carried by a British soldier before it fell into Co- 
lonial hands. The interior is made of wood and has seventeen 
holes, each to contain a cartridge and prevent damage by rub- 
bing together. The exterior, as you may see, is covered with 
leather now very hard and brittle from age. 

We know that powder horns were used in the Colonies as 
early as the year 1652, because of the account book of John 
Pynchon, merchant of Hadley, Mass. In it we find where horn 
powder flasks were sold for 55, and powder horns for 8d. An 
act of Congress of the United States of May 8, 1792, providing 
for the militia, reads as follows, in part : "That every citizen 
shall provide himself with a good rifle, knapsack, blanket and 
a powder horn." This regulation was not repealed until 1820. 
Of course, powder horns were in use later than that date. It 
was a military rule that each powder horn should be marked 
with the owner's name, in order to secure its prompt return 
from the powder wagon after being filled, thus avoiding dis- 
putes as to ownership. The probable reason for making this 
rule is that the powder was always in charge of a sergeant, and 
he attended to the filling of all flasks and horns. One can 
readily understand why a man would want his own particular 
horn given back to him, as he would get used to the feel or 
fit of it and could probably load with his own horn much 
quicker than with a strange s'haped one. 

A finer grade of powder was often used to prime the pan of 
a rifle or musket, and this powder was always carried in a 


separate horn or flask usually much smaller than that used for 
carrying the powder to charge the arm. Small horns and 
small flasks of horn were also used as pistol chargers. These 
small horns were often pressed or moulded into flat or oval 
shapes which could be carried in the pocket, saddle bag, or 
holster with greater comfort. There is a particularly fine one 
exhibited here by Mr. Hugh W. Kelly, made of a whale's tooth 
and wonderfully etched. I have seen specimens of this type 
of charger or primer that had sash or belt-hooks of iron or 
steel fastened on one side, as did many of the Spanish pistols 
of the Dagg type, also contract pistols made for the U. S. 
Government by Simeon North of Berlin, Conn., as late as the 
year 1808. 

There is also a specimen shown here with three keys at- 
tached to its side so that the flask or horn could be used both 
as a primer and spanner. The spanner was a type of wrench 
used to wind up the lock mechanism of a wheel-lock gun, 
pistol or arquebuse. This is a very old horn. Another flask 
which appears to have been made of cow's horn steamed and 
straightened, has its base and a portion of its sides covered 
with black leather. It is equipped with a device used as a 
stopper and swivel for carrying strap which is made of brass. 
The horn is said to have been used by a Hessian soldier during 
the Revolution. The Italians made beautiful powder flasks 
in the fifteenth century, which were often covered with em- 
bossed leather, bound with metals cleverly pierced and en- 
graved and etched. 

You have probably noted that attached to some of the horns 
by thongs or cords are small receptacles of horn or ivory. 
These were called chargers and were used to measure the 
powder charge. They are made of parts of whales' teeth and 
the tips of cows' horns. 

It seems to have been the custom for centuries for man to 
decorate implements of war and the chase; and, perhaps we 
have nothing else exhibited in our museums and those of Europe 
that shows the progress of so many of the arts as are shown in 
arms, armor, and other equipment for war and hunting. 


Hence it was natural that our forefathers of Colonial times 
should decorate their powder horns by carving and engraving 
them. It is likely that many a long and weary night in camp, 
fort, or trench was passed in this manner. Some of the work 
seen on horns is very crude and was evidently done with a 
knife, but there are many examples that show the work of the 
skilled craftsman, who must have used the tools of his trade. 
The subjects engraved on horns are many and varied. Scenes 
of battles on land and sea. Sketches of forts and towns, maps, 
ships, coats of arms, records of battles, deaths, and, the cap- 
ture of prisoners. Often rhymes were engraved on them. 

Elizabeth Lounsberry, in a fascinating article on powder 
horns, written for American Homes and Gardens in the 
August number of 1915, says that, "The Colonial powder 
horns, which, with but few exceptions, represent the most 
skilfully executed decoration, were unquestionably the work 
of the professional gun-makers and engravers of those times, 
who made them as articles for sale." She also states that, 
"The horns used during the early French and Indian wars 
from 1739 to 1745 where the righting was principally in New 
England, are plain compared to those of the later French wars, 

"During this later period the finest horns were made, sur- 
passing even those of the Revolution. The British coat of 
arms was a prominent feature in their decoration, and the most 
elaborate detail was carried out." This is without doubt true, 
for the Colonists during the Revolution could not afford either 
time or money to have such work done, and the better powder 
horns of the Revolutionary period were mostly made in camp. 

At the time of the early French wars the British Govern- 
ment caused horns to be made with maps engraved upon them 
of the territory between New York and Canada. As a rule 
starting with a view of New York and the compass pointing 
to the North at the base of the horn, the engraving would run 
towards the tip or small end, showing the different routes, 
towns, forts, villages, supply stations, Rivers and lakes were 
carefully and accurately laid out. The lines were often rubbed 


with a brown or vermilion dye to make them show plainly. 
These powder horn maps must have been a great aid to offi- 
cers in command, for in those days it must be remembered 
that even a general carried a musket or rifle and its furniture. 
Two such horns may be seen here this evening, those of Mr. 
William G. Roelker and Dr. G. L. Church. 

To us Rhode Islanders perhaps the most interesting horn* 
here is that loaned by Col. George L. Shepley, which gives us 
an earlier view of Providence than that engraved by William 
Hamlin in 1798. This horn was made and owned by Stephen 
Avery in 1777, and gives a general view of the town and its 
water-front as it appeared at that time. The engraving is very 
faint as the horn shows that it has seen much service. The 
New Hampshire Historical Society has in its possession a 
powder horn that refers to the Declaration of Independence. 
It is marked John: Abbot: H: H: 1776: Independence Ded: 
July: 1776:. The H: H: stands for his horn. 

W. M. Beauchamp has written for the Journal of American 
Folk-Lore two articles on rhymes from old powder horns. 
They can be found in Volumes two and five. They are very 
interesting, and although the spelling is often quaint, it com- 
pares favorably with that of many prominent men of Colonial 

One reads as follows: 

When Bows and weighty Spears were used in Fight, 
"twere nervous Limbs Declard a man of might. 
But now, Gun Powder Scorns such strength to own 
And heros not by Limbs but Souls are shown. 
\V. A. R. Thomas Williams 

*R. I. H. S. Collections, vol. II, page 84. 


This horn was made at Lake George the Battle 8th Sepr 
A. D. 1755. 

I Powder, with my brother ball 
Im hero Like I Conker all 
John Bush Fecit. 

The last couplet has many variations; I will give another 

I powder with my brother Baul 

a Hero Like I Conquer All 

the Rose is red the Grass Is Green 

the Years are Past Which I Have Sen. 

Another reads : 

The Memorial of a Franzy Cow 

I write on it to tell you how 

That when she was tied she struck the tree 

And by her unlucky stroke 

This horn fell to me. 

Stephen Clark. 

These are some of the interesting features I have learned 
about old powder horns both from my experience as a col- 
lector, for twenty years, and from general reading and in- 
quiries on this subject. 

I have come to regard them as curious records of trying 
Colonial times, which were in intimate touch with the lives 
and sentiments of the hardy pioneer fighters; and, as types of 
the progress made by mankind in providing implements for 
the defence or support of its safety and liberty. 



The following persons have been elected to membership in 
the Society: 

Miss Alice S. Dexter, Mr. Arthur M. McCrillis, 

Mr. R. Clinton Fuller ! Mr. Harold T. Merriman 

George F. Johnson, M. D. . Mr. John H. Wells 

The annual meeting of the Society was held on January n, 
1921. Officers were elected for the year and the regular rou- 
tine business transacted, after which Professor Harry Lyman 
Koopman, Litt. D., read his new poem, "Character Passages 
in the Life of George Washington." 

During March the Society held a loan exhibition which in- 
cluded 185 powder horns, in connection with which on March 
I5th, Mr. Charles D. Cook gave an interesting and instructive 
talk. The Providence Journal for Sunday, March 20, 1921, 
contained an illustrated account of this exhibition. 

The following persons loaned powder horns or flasks : 

Miss Alice S. Carroll, Mr. Hugh W. Kelly, 

Mr. William G. Roelker, Mr. George E. Perry, 

Mr. W. M. Newton, Dr. Frank T. Calef , 

Mr. H. Bradford Clark, G. L. Church, M. D. 

Mr. Alfred L. Lawton, Mr. William F. Allison, 

Mr. A. C. Walker, Mr. Thomas G. Hazard, Jr. 

Mr. Charles D. Cook, Mr. Willard Kent, 

Col. George L. Shepley, Mr. J. A. Haines, 

Mr. Charles D. Bartle, Mr. Wilbur D. Brown, 

Mrs. Dexter B. Potter, Mr. Walter M. Murdie, 

Mrs. George W. Harris, Miss C. Katherine Clarke, 

Mrs. Nellie A. Barnes, Mrs. Robert Hall, 

Mr. Howard M. Chapin, Mrs. Jesse Metcalf, 

Hon. E. J. Rathbun, Mr. Allston E. Thorpe, 
Mrs. A. Warren Kimball, 


Mr. Harald W. Ostby, chairman of the Exhibition Com- 
mittee, contributed the cost of hiring two extra cases for the 
powder horn exhibition. 

Col. Robert P. Brown, former treasurer of the Society for 
many years, died on March 6, 1921. The Society is a ben- 
eficiary under his will to the extent of $2,000.00. 

Mr. William F. Allison presented to the Society the powder 
horn which he brought in for the loan exhibition. The Society 
previously owned one powder horn. It was carried by Eseck 
Burlingame of Gloucester in the Revolution in 1871 and pre- 
sented to the Society by his son, Elisha S. Burlingame of 

An old Rhode Island fire bucket with the inscription, "R. H. 
Ives, No. i, 1827," was given to the Society by Mr. Milton H. 

A set of the publications of the Naval History Society has 
been presented by Mr. Edward Aborn Greene. 

A file of the "J uven ^ e Gazette" of Providence for 1827 and 
1828 is the gift of Mr. Emerson F. Beaman. 

Mrs. Henry R. Chace has recently given to the Society the 
vast collection of manuscript notes that her husband made 
while compiling his volumes 1 of early plats of Providence. 

A blueprint of the original layout of Pocasset (Tiverton) 
has been presented by Dr. Charles V. Chapin. 

A large and very important collection of original papers re- 
lating to the surveys and land divisions of the Proprietors of 
Providence has been given to the Society by Mr. Fred A. 
Arnold. These papers fill to a considerable extent the gaps 
made in early Providence land records by the loss of the Rec- 
ords of the Proprietors of Providence in the Aldrich Block 

The Bulletin of the Newport Historical Society contains an 
article on old Newport Houses by Mrs. Marie J. Gale. 


Report of the Treasurer 


EDWARD K. ALDRICH, JR., Treasurer, in account with the RHODE ISLAND 
HISTORICAL SOCIETY. For current account, viz. : 


CASH ON HAND January 1, 1931: 

In Rhode Island Hospital Trust Company $287 00 

" Providence Institution for Savings . . ; 832 00 

" National Exchange Bank 299 20 

" National Bank of Commerce (Checking Ac- 
count) ' 356 42 

' National Bank of Commerce (Special Account 

No. 1) 1,65000 

- $3,424 62 

Receipts from Annual Dues $1,311 00 

" " Books 8930 

" " Books (Colonial Dames' Fund).. 1000 

" " Expenses 3350 

" Franklin Lyceum Memorial Fund 

(Interest) 29 66 

" " Interest and Dividends 3,403 63 

" " Investments 5000 

" Life Membership 250 00 

" " Newspaper Account 83 33 

" " Publications 378 50 

" Publication Special 120 25 

" Rentals of Rooms .'.. 3000 

" Salaries 8 50 

" State Appropriation 1,500 00 

" State Appropriation for Marking 

Historical Sites 15 00 

" Special Account No. 1 2,42107 

" Special Account No. 2.. 1,36473 

" James H. Bugbee Fund 3,00000 

14,098 46 


$17,523 08 




Ashes . . $49 65 

Binding 179 15 

Books 431 66 

Books (Colonial Dames' Fund) 200 

Dues 3 00 

Electric Lighting 16 30 

Exhibitions 139 17 

Expenses 280 44 

Franklin Lyceum Memorial Fund 64 00 

Fuel 758 33 

Gas 8 74 

Grounds and Building 202 60 

Insurance 225 00 

Investments . 3,348 11 

Janitorial Services 309 05 

Life Membership . 50 00 

Newspaper Account 84 93 

Publications 720 25 

Salaries 3,019 49 

Supplies 156 85 

Telephone 54 92 

Water 8 00 

Special Account No. 1 1,619 49 

Publication Special , 120 25 

$11,851 38. 

Cash on hand December 31, 1920: 

In Providence Institution for Savings $832 00 

" Rhode Island Hospital Trust Company 287 00 

" National Exchange Bank 547 45 

" National Bank of Commerce (Checking Ac- 
count) . . . 30 61 

National Bank of Commerce (Special Ac- 
count No. 1) 435 60 

' National Bank of Commerce (Special Ac- 
count No. 2) 1,364 73 

' United States Treasury Certificates (Special 

Account No. 1) 2,013 23 

" Rhode Island Hospital Trust Company (Bal- 
ance of James H. Bugbee Fund) 149 58 

Checks and P. O. 'Money Order .... 11 50 

5,671 70 

$17,523 08 



EDWARD K. ALDRICH, JR., Treasurer, in account with the RHODE ISLAND 

JANUARY 1, 1921. 

Ground and Building $25,000 00 $25,000 00 

Permanent Endowment Fund : 

Samuel M. Noyes $12,000 00 

Henry J. Steere 10,000 00 

Charles H. Smith 5,000 00 

Charles W. Parsons 4,000 00 

James H. Bugbee 3,000 00 

William H. Potter 3,000 00 

Esek A. Jillson 2,000 00 

John Wilson Smith 1,000 00 

William G. Weld 1,000 00 

Charles C. Hoskins 1,000 00 

Charles H. Atwood 1,000 00 

$43,000 00 

Publication Fund : 

Ira B. Peck $1,000 00 

William Gammell . . 1,00000 

Albert J. Jones 1,000 00 

William Ely 1,000 00 

Julia Bullock 500 00 

Charles H. Smith 100 00 

$4,600 00 

Life Membership Fund $4,700 00 $4,700 00 

Franklin Lyceum Memorial Fund (Principal).... 734 52 734 52 

Calvin Monument Memorial Fund 10 00 10 00 

Special Account, No. 1 (National Bank of Com- 
merce) 435 60 435 60 

Special Account, No. 2 (National Bank of Com- 
merce) 1.364 73 1,364 73 

Special Account, No. 1 (United States Treasury 

Certificates) 2,013 23 2,013 23 

State Appropriation for Marking Historical Sites 15 00 15 00 

Book Fund (Colonial Dames) 8 00 800 

$81,881 08 

Accumulated Surplus 

$91,372 61 



Investments : 

Ground and Building $25,000 00 $25,000 00 

$6,000.00 Bonds, Minneapolis, Lyndale and 

Minnetonka Railway $5,850 00 

$3,000.00 Bonds, Lacombe Electric Company.. 2,835 00 
$3,000.00 Bonds, The Cleveland Electric Il- 
luminating Company 2,565 42 

$500.00 Bond, Western Electric Company, 

Inc 497 69 

125 Shares New York Central Railroad Com- 
pany 13,500 00 

111 " Pennsylvania Railroad 7,188 45 

30 " Lehigh Valley Railroad 2,112 50 

6 " Lehigh Valley Coal Sales Com- 
pany 241 85 

40 " Milwaukee Electric Railway and 

Light Company, preferred 3,900 00 

55 " American Telephone and Tele- 
graph Company 7,123 61 

60 " Providence Gas Company 5,005 68 

Mortgage, P. A. and H. A. Cory 2,975 00 

10 Shares Duquesne Light Company 1,060 00 

$1,000.00 Bond, Denver Gas and Electric 

Company 950 00 

$1,000.00 Bond, Columbus Railway, Power 

and Light Company 970 00 

30 Shares Merchants National Bank 1,800 00 

45 " Blackstone Canal National Bank.. 1,05000 

$1,000.00 Liberty Bond (U. S.), 2nd, 4J4.... 956 19 

$100.00 Liberty Bond (U. S.) , V 100 00 

5 Shares Narragansett Electric Lighting Com- 
pany 285 '00 

= $59,966 39 

Cash on hand: 

In Providence Institution for Savings $832 00 

" Industrial Trust Co. (Franklin Lyceum 

Memorial Fund) 734 52 

" Rhode Island Hospital Trust Company.... 287 00 

" National Exchange Bank 547 45 

" National Bank of Commerce (Checking 

Account) 30 61 


In National Bank of Commerce (Special Ac- 
count, No. 1) 435 60 

" National Bank of Commerce (Special Ac- 
count, No. 2) 1,364 73 

" U. S. Treasury Certificates (Special Ac- 
count, No. 1) 2,013 23 

" Rhode Island Hospital Trust Company 

(Balance James H. Bugbee Fund) 149 58 

Checks and P. O. Money Order 11 50 

6,406 22 

Total Assets $91,372 61 

Respectfully submitted, 




Books and Objects desired by the 
Rhode Island Historical Society 

In 1822 The Rhode Island Historical Society was incorpo- 
rated by the General Assembly "for the purpose of procuring 
and preserving whatever relates to the topography, antiquities, 
and natural, civil and ecclesiastical 'history of this state." 

Therefore what the Society desires to receive is anything 
and everything relating to Rhode Island, as for instance : 

1. Every 'book or pamphlet on any subject relating to 
Rhode Island or any part of it, also every book or pamphlet 
written by a Rhode Island citizen, whether published in Rhode 
Island or elsewhere. 

2. Source material for Rhode Island History, old letters, 
journals, diaries, ship's logs, account books, and manuscripts of 
various sorts. 

3. Biographies of Rhode Island citizens, either living or 
dead ; portraits or photographs of Rhode Islanders. 

4. Documents printed by the State or by any of the Cities 
or Towns in the state, tax books, directories, reports of com- 
mittees, etc. 

5. Pamphlets of all kinds relating to Rhode Island organiz- 
ations, such as annual and special reports of Societies and 
Churches, minutes of conventions, railroad reports, etc. 

6. Catalogues, reports and leaflets of any schools or col- 
leges in Rhode Island, educational pamphlets and papers of 
every kind. 

7. Advertisements, price lists, and reports of Rhode Island 
business houses. 

8. Files of old Rhode Island newspapers and magazines, 
especially complete volumes, or even single numbers of obscure 

9. Maps and plats of all sorts relating to Rhode Island. 

10. Views, engravings, prints, photographs or drawings of 
any places of local historical interest. 

11. Briefs of legal cases tried in Rhode Island Courts. 

12. Books or pamphlets printed in Rhode Island. 

13. Flags or medals of Rhode Island interest. 

14. Any objects of historical interest or association which 
will serve to illustrate graphically the history of the State. 


f '\- . : : 

tror - . * 



Bronze Tablet to the Memory of Roger Williams un- 
veiled in the Hall of Fame, New York on May 21, 1921. 


Reproduction of thumb print made by Roger Williams 
in sealing wax in 1654, from original now in the Massa- 
chusetts Historical Society Library, Winthrop 2, 122. 



Reproductions of the thumb prints of Roger Williams 
made by him in sealing wax, from original seals 
now in The Massachusetts Historical Society Library, 
Winth. 2, 120, 1650; and 2, 124, 1664. 




Vol. XIV 

July, 1921 

No. 3 

HOWARD W. PRESTON, President EDWARD K. ALDRICH, Jr., Treasurer 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the 
opinions of contributors. 

Roger Williams' Tablet in the Hall of Fame 

On May 21, 1921, a bronze tablet in honor of Roger Wil- 
liams was unveiled in the Hall of Fame in New York. 

The tablet bears the following inscription: 


That Roger Williams was the pioneer of Religious Liberty 
in America, and that Providence is the first town in the New 
World founded upon that principle, with a complete separa- 
tion of the church and state, is so universally known, that it 


seems scarcely to need emphasis again. Yet it may be well 
to call attention to a few salient facts. 

Roger Williams was banished from Massachusetts in 1635 
on four counts. The first was for maintaining "that the mag- 
istrate ought not to punish the breach of the first table, other- 
wise than in such cases as did disturb the civil peace;" (Win- 
throp i, 162). By the first table is meant the four command- 
ments, those which deal only with religious matters. Here 
then is a clear cut statement of Williams' views in 1635, the 
principle of religious liberty, qualified carefully so that it 
might not be used as a cloak to cover civil disorders. 

In 1644, Williams, in writing of his trials in 1635, said 
that he was justly accused of holding, "that the Civill Magis- 
trates power extends only to the Bodies and Goods, and out- 
ward state of men, &c." (Cotton's Letter Examined, p. 4.) 

In a letter written 21 July, 1637 to Governor Winthrop, 
Williams said: "I know and am persuaded that your mis- 
guidings are great and lamentable, and the further you pass 
in your way, the further you wander, and have the further 
to come back, and the end of one vexation, will be but the 
beginning of another, till Conscience be permitted (though 
erroneous) to be free Amongst you." (N. C. 6, 51.) 

That religious liberty then known as liberty of conscience 
was established at Providence in 1636 is shown by Winthrop's 
comment made in 1638, viz : 

"... at their first coming thither, Mr. Williams and the 
r.est did make an order, that no man should be molested for 
his conscience...," (Winthrop i, 283) and William Arnold's 
statement in May, 1638, "...and their order was, that no 
man should be censured for his conscience." (Winthrop i, 
283.) Roger Williams' own statements in regard to the 
founding of Providence, made later in 1661 that, "I... called 
the place Providence ; I desired it might be for a shelter for 
persons distressed for conscience," and in 1677, that it was 
"agreed that the place should be for such as were destitute 
(especially for Conscience Sake)" substantiate this fact. 

Richard Scott, who like William Arnold, mentioned 


above, was a bitter enemy of Williams, wrote in regard to 
Williams; "Though he professed Liberty of Conscience and 
was so zealous for it at the first coming home of the Charter 
that nothing in Government must be acted, till that was 
granted,. . ." (Fox 2, 248). 

Williams' writings, Williams' friends and Williams' ene- 
mies all testify to his advocacy of Liberty of Conscience and 
to its establishment at Providence. The Verin case of May, 
1638, proves it to be in effect at that time and previously. 
Verin was disenfranchised for not allowing Liberty of Con- 
science to his wife. The "Combination" of July 27, 1640, 
states, "we agree as formerly hath been the libertyes of the 
towne; so still to hold forth Liberty of Conscience." (P. T. 

P. 02.) 

To sum up: We have the statements of Williams, that 
when Providence was founded, Liberty of Conscience was 
established there; we have the statement of Gov. Winthrop, 
written in 1638, that Liberty of Conscience was established 
at "their first coming" to Providence ; we have the statement 
of Arnold, made in 1638, that that order existed previous to 
this time; the Verin case in 1638 proves that the order in 
regard to Liberty of Conscience was enforced ; and the Com- 
'bination of 1640, which recognizes the fact that Liberty of 
Conscience is one of the regulations of the town. 


An Account of the English Homes of Three 
Early "Proprietors" of Providence 


{Concluded from April Issue') 

No public record had been found of the birth or marriage 
of William Arnold, nor of the birth or baptism of any of his 
children, until the Ilchester transcript of 1622, signed by him 
as church warden, giving the baptism there of his youngest 
son Stephen, as of Dec. 26, 1622 (four days later than his 
birth as given in the family record), and the burial of his 
father Nicholas. This is of course easily explained by the 
entire loss of all the earlier Ilchester registers, but the Well's 
transcript of 1596, giving the record of the burial at Ilchester 
of "Alice wife of Nicholas Arnold taller." is like a flash 
from a light house illuminating the whole situation. It is the 
key that explains why the name of Nicholas Arnold appears 
and disappears from the Northover records, with the one 
entry of the Birth of his daughter Thomasine in 1572, showfr 
where he went, and the reason of his removal. The explana- 
tion is that at the time of his marriage he was working at 
Northover as a journeyman tailor, having already served' 
seven years as an apprentice, and desiring to go into business 
as a merchant, he moved across the river half a mile into a 
larger community, the compact part of Ilchester, established 
himself as a merchant tailor and carried on that business there 
from about 1575 until his death in 1623. It was the common 
usage at this period for men, on legal documents, to add their 
title or occupation, but it was unusual if not unique to do this 
in case of a wife as was done by the Rector Joseph Collier 
A. M., in recording the burial of Alice as the wife of Nicho- 
las Arnold tailer in 1596. John Raven A. M., who wrote and 
witnessed his will in 1622/3 a ^ so called him tailer. It could' 
only mean that he had become and remained an influential 
merchant, and a member of the Gild of Taylors in Ilchester 
nearly 50 years. 


In this period the trade gild was an important feature, 
formed for the association of all the members of a given 
trade, for its regulation and support. No person could work 
at any trade in any capacity unless he belonged to its gild. 
These trade gilds grew to be very influential in local politics 
taking to a great extent the place that political parties do, at 
the present time. From their ranks were taken the mayors, 
burgesses and aldermen, both in small towns and large cities ; 
they became very wealthy, and built magnificent gild houses, 
in all the great cities, those of London, Bristol, Exeter, and 
many other places remain to-day, next to the great cathe- 
drals and churches, the finest 'buildings in England. These 
trade gilds should not be confounded with the older church 
gilds, devoted entirely to religious work, that disappeared 
with the destruction of the monasteries and nunnerys under 
the edict of Edward VI. Nor should they be compared with 
the labor unions of to-day, organized as a class, to fight 
against their employers, another class, like an army of pri- 
vates clashing against their officers for control. In the trade 
gild, master, journeyman, and apprentice were banded to- 
gether for the protection of his trade, not his class. They 
were chartered by the Sovereign, with many privileges, recog- 
nized by the church; each had its patron saint, that of the 
tailors being St. John the Baptist, whose feast day was their 
-election day, and celebrated with great displays. A curious 
account of one of their festival occasions at Wells is found 
"in Phelp's History of Somerset, on the occasion of a visit of 
Queen Anne the wife of James I in 1613. As Nicholas 
Arnold was living, and an active member of his gild at that 
time, he may have been present as a participant or spectator, 
and this description gives us some idea, of the manner of the 
man, and under what conditions and surroundings he lived 
at Northover and Ilchester from about 1575 to 1623. 

"The order and manner of the shews by the masters and 
wardens of every trade and occupac'on within the citie or 
buroughe of Welles, as it was presented before the Queenes 


Matie in Welles, upon Fridaie the XX daie of Auguste r 
Anno D'ni 1613. 

"It is ordered that the Mayor and his brethren shall attend 
in their scarlet gownes neere about Brownes Gate, and the 
residue of the XXiiij or to attend likewise in person in blacke 
gownes, and the residue of the burgesses to attend likewise 
in their gownes and best apparell; and this be done by the 
oversight of Mr. Mayor, Mr. Baron, and Mr. Smyth. 

"The Hammer-men, which were the carpenters, joyners,. 
cowpers, masons, tylers and blackesmthes. And they pre- 
sented a streamer with their armes ; and Noath building the 
arke ; Vulcan workinge at the fforge ; Venus carried in a char- 
riot, and Cupid sittinge in her lapp with his bowe bent; a 
Morrice daunce; the Dragon which devoured the virgins. 

"The Shermen and Tuckers, and they presented a streamer 
with their armes. 

"The Tanners, Chaundlers, and Butchers and they pre- 
sented a carte of old virgins, the carte covered with hides 
and homes, and the Virgins with their attires made of cow- 
tayles, and braceletts for their attires made of cowtayles, and 
braceletts for their neckes of homes sawed and hanged about 
their neckes for rich Jewelles. Their charriot was drawne 
by men and boys in oxe skins, calves skins, and other skins. 

"St. Clement their St, rode allsoe with his booke. And his 
Frier rode allsoe, who dealt his almes out of Mrs's bagge- 
(which he carried very full of graynes) verie plentifullie. 
Acteon with his huntsmen. 

"The Cordyners, who presented St. Crispian and 

both of them sonnes to a kinge, and the youngest a shoemaker, 
who married his master's daughter. They allsoe presented a 
morris daunce, and a streamer with their arms. 

"The Taylors, who presented a streamer, Herod and 
Herodias, and the daughter of Herodias who dannced for 
St. John the Baptists hedd ; St. John Baptiste beheaded. 

"The Mercers, who presented a streamer; a morris 
daunce of young children; The giant and the giantesse; 
Kinge Ptolemeus, with his Queene and daughter which 


to be devoured by the Dragon; St. George with his 
knightes, who slew the Dragon and rescued the Virgin; 
Diana and her nymphes carried in a charriot, who tured 
Acteon to a Harte." 

I have here shown where Nicholas Arnold was, and what 
he was doing from the time he disappeared from North- 
over, soon after the birth of his daughter Thomasine until 
we find the record of her marriage, at Ilchester, and the 
next year 1596, the death there of his wife. He had now 
been established there as a merchant tailor for about 20 
years, and the sudden death of his wife and her infant child 
was not only a sad blow to him, but out of it grew some 
great changes in the future plans of his children. He was now 
left with a family of four children, the oldest of which was 
Joane, just of marriageable age 18, Margery 14, William 8, and 
Robert 2. Joane remained with her father until she was 36 
years of age, and although he married later a young wife 
Grace, Joane was indeed the foster mother of his young sons, 
William and Robert. 

Between William and Joane there grew up a most tender 
relationship. They were both married about the same time, 
as is shown by the birth dates of their children, Joane died 
suddenly, early in the same year 1622, with their father 
Nicholas, leaving three small children between the ages of 
2 and 7. She was buried at Yeovilton the home of the 
family of her husband William Hopkins. William Arnold 
now the head of the Arnold family at Ilchester, seems to 
have taken her children into his own family of little ones 
of about the same age, and when he emigrated in 1635, 
they accompanied him to New England. 

What has been accomplished since 1902, by Mr. Jones 
and Mr. Dwelly is the finding at Northover of the early 
parish register giving the date of baptism of Alice Gulley 
the mother, and Thomasine Arnold the oldest sister of Wil- 
liam, as the daughter of Nicholas Arnold, fully confirming 
the "family record" and giving us for the first time the true 
name of their father. Next the finding at Wells of the II- 


Chester transcript of 1595/6 showing that Nicholas Arnold 
and his family had been living at Ilchester, where he had 
been in business as a Merchant tailor since about 1575, the 
date of their removal from Northover, and that all his chil- 
dren except Thomasine were born there. Next the Ilches- 
ter "transcript" of 1622, with the autograph signature of 
William Arnold as church warden, showing that he was 
there, a child 8 years old, when his mother Alice died in 
1596, and in 1622 when his youngest son Stephen was born. 
The very fact of his election as warden in 1622, is sufficient 
to show that he must have been long there and well known, 
and as all his four children were born in the 1 1 years between 
1611 and 1622, it follows that they were all born there, al- 
though the records of all but one, Stephen, have disap- 

To connect these three generations of the Arnold and 
Gulley families for about 127 years, from John Gulley's 
birth about 1508, to William Arnold's emigration in 1635, 
with the English history of their time, we note, that John 
Gulley's life, beginning in the last year of the reign of 
Henry VII, lasted) through that of Henry VIII, 38 years, 
Edward VI, 6 years, Mary Tudor 5 years, and 33 years of 
tfre reign of Q. Elizabeth, until his death in 1591, about 83 
years of age. His daughter Alice Arnold born in 1553 the 
first year of Mary Tudor's reign, lasted through that, and 
48 years of the reign of her sister Q. Elizabeth. Her hus- 
band Nicholas Arnold born about 1550, lived through 
those reigns, and to the 2Oth of James I., while William 
Arnold born the 29th of Queen Elizabeth, lived through the 
reign of James I., 22 years and emigrated 1635 in the loth of 
Charles I. All of William Arnold's children were born in 
the reign of James I. 

Going back to the William Arnold "family record," let us 
examine some of its peculiarities. He does not mention his 
father, or give any marriages or burials. He gives the bap- 
tisms, or christenings of his mother, and all her children except 


himself and the infant sister Elizabeth, and then in his own 
case gives only the births of himself and his children. Why 
does he make this difference? In 1622, he served one year as 
church warden, under the tutelage of John Ravens, A. M., an 
educated man, and Rector at Ilchester, and it was to him a 
school in which he learned not only the system of parish reg- 
isters and diocesan returns, but also to realize the great value 
to himself of keeping a family record as he was contemplating 
the possibility of emigration. His father had not kept a rec- 
ord himself and so the son went to the two registers of Il- 
chester now lost, and Northover close by, and accessible to him, 
for he could have found them nowhere else, and copied the 
baptisms. Then he took a step in advance of his times, and 
began to keep a family record, beginning with his own birth, 
1 5&7, which was continued in one line of his family for four 
generations. Here we see in the case of his son Stephen, 
listed in the family record as born 22 Dec. 1622, and on the 
transcript, as baptised, four days later, 26 Dec. 1622 (the rule 
being that all children should be baptised three days after birth 
or on the succeeding Sunday). Comparing these two records 
and those given of the baptism of his mother and sister in the 
family record and on the Northover register, agreeing as they 
do so exactly, gives us the greatest confidence in the reliability 
of the entire family record. While some records supporting it 
are still missing, not one has been found which weakens 
or disproves a single statement in it, the one record explaining 
and showing the connections with the other. Taken together 
they completely prove that William Arnold and all his children 
were born in Ilchester, Somersetshire, and lived there until 
their departure for New England in 1635. Just as surely and 
completely, it disproves all the fables and errors of family 
tradition, that have grown up and been spread broadcast be- 
tween that date and 1850, seeming to show that they were 
born and lived elsewhere. Savage thought that they were 
born in Co. Nottingham, but offers no evidence to support his 
opinion. Mr. H. G. Somerby says that William Arnold was 
the son of Thomas Arnold of Cheselbourne, Co. Dorset, by 


his first wife Alice, daughter of John Gulley of North Over, 
in the parish of Tolpuddle, a short distance from Chesel- 
bourne, gives him a brother John, and makes Elizabeth, the 

youngest daughter of Alice Gully, the daughter of Grace , 

the second wife of Nicholas Arnold, and marries her to John 
Sayles, Jr. No record evidence is given to support these state- 
ments. None exist. He did not go to Northover, Somer- 
setshire, where he would have found the Gully records, there 
then, and there now. There is no place called North Over 
in Dorset, or in any other county in England, excepting 
Somerset. There is no record showing that Alice Gully mar- 
ried Thomas Arnold, or had a son John born in 1585. Mr. 
Somerby carried with him from America the W. A. "family 
record" then printed, with instructions to find a father Thomas 
for him. The most regrettable feature in Somerby 's work is, 
that in the absence of any English record, known here to dis- 
prove it, so reliable a genealogist, as Mr. John O. Austin was 
lead to accept and use it in his dictionary, although neither 
give any record evidence. Very rarely has Mr. Austin 
accepted another's statement, unless he has himself seen evi- 
dence to support it. 

The Rev. Charles T. Brooks, in his "Old Stone Mill at New- 
port," suggests still another birthplace for the Arnolds, namely, 
Leamington, Warwickshire. This pamphlet was published at 
Newport, by Charles E. Hammett, Jr., in 1851. It is an ac- 
count of a controversy between certain "Antiquarians" at 
Brown University, Providence, and "one of the oldest inhabi- 
tants of Newport," as to whether the old mill was built by the 
Northmen, or by Gov. Arnold, and has been commonly called 
the Mill Hoax. Both sides of this controversy accuse the 
other of filling their communications "with fabulous stories, 
founded on deceptions, entirely without foundation." These 
accusations were true, and about the only truth in the pam- 
phlet. Mr. Brooks only suggests that Gov. Arnold may have 
seen mills of this kind in his youth, as he was living in Eng- 
land at the precise period with Inig o Jones who designed the 


'"Leamington Mill," and again page 84, he says, "The Chester- 
ton Mill is only 5 miles from Leamington in the west of Eng- 
land from which part we have ascertained the Arnold's came." 
The Arnolds did come from the west of England, but War- 
wick is in the centre. Mr. Hammett, who printed this book 
in 1851, in his Bibliography of Newport of 1887, says, "At 
the time of writing this book much labor was bestowed on an 
attempt to ascertain the exact birthplace of Gov. Arnold, but 
without result. About 20 years later (1871) Dr. David King 
visited England and found satisfactory proof that he was 
torn in Warwickshire." Neither Brooks, Hammett nor King 
have given a single record to substantiate their statements, 
and yet there is not a Newport historian to-day that ever 
mentions the Stone Mill or Gov. Arnold in connection with 
it, but what repeats the old hoax, that he was born in Leaming- 
ton, Warwickshire, because in his will he mentions his Lem- 
mington farm. The record evidence I have given that he 
was born in Ilchester near Limington shows this Warwick- 
shire story to be pure fiction. 

Stukeley Westcott whose initials S. W. stand first on the 
proprietors deed of 1637, at Providence, was in Salem where 
he was received in 1636, and in 1637 had a one acre house lot 
laid out to him, the record showing that his family then con- 
sisted of eight persons. And as the names of only five of 
his children appear later on Rhode Island records, he must 
have lost one by death, perhaps Samuel, after 1636. At 
Providence, he signed the agreement of 1640, for a form of 
civil government, and about 1645, ne removed to Warwick: 
and in 1651 his daughter Damaris went with her husband 
Benedict Arnold to Newport. His oldest son Robert bought 
land soon at Quidnessett, and was killed there, during King 
Philips War, the other children all dying at Warwick. We 
cannot without further research say with certainty where he 
was born, or lived before coming to New England in 1635. 
Hon. Jonathan Russell Bullock, who published in 1886, "The 
life and times of Stuckley Westcott," says "He was born 


in England about 1592, probably in Co. Devon, and died at 
Portsmouth, R. L, 12 Jan. 1676/7, aged about 85." These dates 
are taken from the unsigned will, made the day of Westcott's 
death. Judge Bullock gave much time himself to the work 
of investigation and had the co-operation of more than a score 
of persons, both here and in England, who had done more or 
less work in the same line, before him, among whom was Sir 
George Stuckley, of Stuckley, Baronet, the present owner, by 
succession of Hartland Abbey and Affeton Castle, West 
Worlington, Devon, the seat of the Stuckleys in England. 
He suggested that the name implied that he was a descendant 
of St. Ledger Westcot who about the year 1300 married a 
daughter of the Stuckleys of Affeton. This place is on a 
stream called the Lesser Dart, about 10 miles W. of Tiverton 
and 15 miles N. W. of Exeter in Devonshire. 

Thomas Westcott Gent., in his "View of Devonshire 1630," 
says p. 271, Affton, the seat of the Worshipful family of 
Stuckeley stands between the two Worlingtons East and West. 
It came to Stuckeley grand son of St. Leger who also owned 
Westcot wherein lived a tribe of the name. A grand son Sir 
Hugh Stuckeley lived here in 36th of Henry VIII. (1545), 
owned "Westcot," and had two grand daughters named Da- 
maris. His Arms Argent, a chevron between 3 escalops- 
sable, a crescent. The arms here given, describe the arms 
on the tombstone of Benedict Arnold, Jr. The oldest son< 
of Gov. Benedict at Newport, whose mother was Damaris 
Westcott, except that the crescent has been changed to a 5- 
pointed star, one appearing at the top of the chevron and 
another at the top of a helmet on the crest. The Arms on this 
stone have always been called "Arnold Arms" by those who 
have seen it, but it seems more likely to have been "Westcott." 
The Arnold arms on the tomb of Hon. Oliver Arnold in the 
North burying ground in Providence, as well those found by 
Gov. Samuel G. Arnold in the Herald's College in London, 
are described thus Gules, a chevron ermine, between 3 pheons 

Before 1900, every county in England had been combed to 


find the name of Stukeley Westcott, without success, until in 
1902, Mr. Edson S. Jones found the name at Yeovil, as the 
father of a son Samuel, baptized there March 31, 1622. This, 
without support of record, does not prove that he was the 
Stukeley who came in 1635 to New England, but circumstan- 
tial evidence very strongly favors that conclusion. The name 
of Stukeley, and of Westcott is common in Devon and Somer- 
set, but the combination of these names has so far been found 
nowhere, before 1622 at Yeovil, and so far as we know is 
unique, and the name of his daughter Damaris is also very 
unusual. In Westcott's "Devonshire," containing thousands 
of family names, Damaris appears but twice, and both times 
in Stuckley families near Affton. At the time of the Yeovil 
record, Damaris was about two years of age and of course with 
her father there. About five miles down the river Ivel, at 
Ilchester, was living her future husband Benedict Arnold a 
lad of 7. Both came to New England in 1635 and to Provi- 
dence in 1636 or 37, where they were married in 1640. In 
1651, with five small children born in Providence, they re- 
moved to Newport. Here Benedict was chosen President, the 
highest office in the gift of the Colony, under the first Charter, 
before 1663 ; and that year under the second Charter granted 
by King Charles II. he was chosen the first Governor, which 
office, he contined to hold, with the exception of 6 years, until 
his death 19 June 1678. His wife Damaris survived him, and 
both lie 'buried in the plot appointed in his will, as "lieing be- 
tween my dwelling house and my stone built wind-mill." Dur- 
ing the progress of the Indian war of 1675/6 Stukeley West- 
cott now 84 years old, wifeless and infirm, was carried to the 
house of his grand son Dr. Caleb Arnold in Portsmouth, while 
two of his sons, Amos and Jeremiah, were granted temporary 
lots of land on the nearby island of Prudence for the support 
of their families, as were many of the refugees from the main- 
land. On the 12 of January 1677; seeing his end approaching 
the aged man attempted the making of his will, which was 
drawn up under his direction, but never signed ; night approach- 
ing, he was persuaded by his g. s. Caleb Arnold to wait until 


morning-, expecting- His sons from Prudence, but before their 
arrival he had passed away and his remains were carried 
across the bay, the war now over, and laid beside his wife at 
their old Warwick homestead. 

William Arnold whose name appears second upon the 
"Initial deed" at Providence, upon his arrival in Massachusetts 
Bay, June 24, 1635, found a party from Hingham, Co. Suffolk,, 
lately arrived, and about to establish a new township to be 
called Hingham which was done September 18, William Arnell 
appears as No. 13, on the first list of those who "drew 
house lots from the Cove on the north side of the road to Fort 
Hill." If he really intended to settle here, he soon changed his 
plan for in 1636 we find him in Providence where he was as- 
signed a home lot in the row of lots on North Main St., north 
of Star St., the east end of this lot is now covered by a part 
of Hope reservoir. Here he probably built and lived a short 
time for a contemporary deed of land in this vicinity is 
bounded on William Arnold's "Wolf trap" evidently built by 
him for protection of his cattle. The initial deed of 1637,. 
which made him one of 13 proprietors of Providence was fol- 
lowed by another which divided all the meadow ground on the 
Pawtuxet river between the same 13 persons and about 1638 
William Arnold and. William Carpenter with their families 
settled here at the ford or indian wading place, where the 
Pequot trail crossed the Pawtuxet river. This ford is quite 
a distance up the river from the present centre at the falls and 
the bridge, and lies a few rods only below the present bridge 
on Warwick Ave. From this ford northerly the "Pequot road' 
was made the dividing line between William Carpenter's home- 
stead extending from it, west to Pauchasset river, and that of 
William Arnold extending from it, easterly to the salt water. 
Later Arnold's son Stephen, and son-in-Law Zachery Rhodes 
settled at the falls, where with Joseph Carpenter they built a 
corn mill and laid out to it a road through the woods northerly 
(now Broad St.) which joined the Pequot Path, near the pres- 
ent Junction of Broad St. and Warwick Ave. Upon this 
homestead, situated very much as was his old home at Ilches- 


ter at the Roman Ford on the Ivil, William Arnold passed 37 
years, until July 1675, when the horrors of King Phillip's 
burst in all its fury upon the Colony. The story of what hap- 
pened to him, is "best told by an affidavit made by his young 
nephew Major William Hopkins, the original of which is pre- 
served in Prov. Town papers, 0268. "Oct. 16, 1678 William 
Hopkins aged 31, testified before John Whipple, Asst. that at 
the beginning of the war, and at the desire of some neighbors, 
he went to Pawtuxet to try to persuade William Arnold to go 
to some garrison or down to his son Benedict's, at Newport, 
on account of the danger he was in. That he, William Arnold, 
refused to go to Newport, but would go to Providence, but 
afterwards said that that was too far, but he would go to his 
son Stephen's garrison, so presently his son Stephen went to 
his father and desired his father to goe to his garrison, and 
the sayd William Arnold did goe along with his son Stephen 
and this deponent to his son Stephen's Garrison." 

The "garrison" to which William Arnold was carried in such 
a feeble condition, and now 88 years old, and where he prob- 
ably died, was the Mansion house of his son Stephen, whose 
homestead covered nearly all the land west of Broad St. to the 
Pawtuxet river, and from the falls, north to the swamp where 
the brook from the east runs under Broad St. to the river 
The driveway to his house from Broad St. is now Lockwood 
St., and behind it now stands the Rhodes' Casino, and the 
canoe club houses. On the bluff at the north end of this home- 
stead farm, overlooking the swamp was the burial lot of 
Stephen Arnold's family. This burial lot has now been built 
upon, the only grave stones upon the lot those of Stephen and 
Sarah (Smith) Arnold, were removed about 1860, to Swan 
Point Cemetery. As this Stephen was the last survivor of the 
emigrant party of 1635, I give the inscription : 






During the summer and fall of 1675, nothing of a serious 
nature occurred at Pawtuxet, until in December, detachments 
of the Massachusetts troops under Gen. Winslow, on their way 
to the "Swamp Fight" at Kingston, encamped at the gar- 
rison, and were supplied by Stephen Arnold with provisions, 
the requisitions made by Gen. Winslow were paid by Mass, 
some years later. January 27, 1676, after the Kingston fight, 
300 Indians attacked Pawtuxet, burning William Carpenter's 
outbuildings, corn and hay, and drove away 180 sheep, 50 head 
of neat cattle, and 15 horses. William Harris, whose farm 
adjoined Carpenter on the west at Blackamore Pond, in a 
letter (Vol. 10, 171, R. I. His. Soc. Collection), describes this 
attack as following one on Rehoboth and Providence, "And 
then went to patuxet & ther burnt some houses and an empty 
garrison and fought against another, and shott fire upon ar- 
rows forty or fifty but ye English put them out, and in ye 
night time went ther way." This attack did not drive away 
the Stephen Arnold garrison, but in March a still larger party 
of Indians swept through this part, and Harris writes again 
"the enemy hath burnt all ye houses in Warwick all in patuxet 
and almost all in Providence and the inhabitants are gone 
some to one place and some to another." 

During one or the other of these attacks all the buildings on 
the Harris farm were burnt, his son Tolleration, and a servant 
were killed, and Wm. Carpenter lost his son William Jr. and a 
servant; Carpenter and Thomas Hopkins probably going to 
Oyster Bay, Long Island, where both had children living. No 
hint has been discovered as to where Stephen Arnold went at 
this time, with his wife and seven children. It seems probable 
that his father William, in his great age and feeble condition 
had died and been buried by the side of his wife Christian and 
grand-son William, at Pawtuxet, as his name is not men- 
tioned among the refugees at Newport or Long Island but 
this is conjecture. Callender refers to his death as about 40 
years after the settlement of 1636. 

Nov. 3, 1677, Gov. Arnold at Newport, calling himself 
"Benedict Arnold Senr. Eldest son and heire to William 

1 ! 

a o 

















Nicholas Arnold and wife Alice, parents of William Arnold, are buried 
in this yard. William Arnold and all his children were baptized here. 


Arnold late of pautuxett," made a warrantee deed, on the 
nominal condition of one hundred Pounds to his "Brother 
Stephen Arnold of Pawtuxett afore sayed," of all Land of our 
sayd father lieing within the Bounds of patuxett, between 
patuxett river and Providence bounds" &c. 

This was not an uncommon way at this period of settling an 
intestate estate, and shows that as soon as the war was ended 
and civil government restored, a mutual agreement between 
William Arnold while living, and his two sons, was honorably 
carried into effect by the legal heir under English law, after 
"his death. 

We do not know with certainty the birthplace or age of Wil- 
liam Carpenter the third mem'ber of our party who was as the 
"head of a family named in the initial deed as one of 13 propri- 
etors of Providence. Assuming that he was about the same 
age as his wife, Elizabeth Arnold and born before 1611, he was 
about 60 years of age and had been living at Pawtuxet more 
than 30 years when 14 Dec, 1671 he made a deed of free gift 
to his sister Fridgswith Vincent of "my dwelling house and all 
what land belongith to me adjoining to the said house the 
which said house is standing in the town of Ames'bury in Wilt- 
shire and in a street commonly called Frogg lane, my sister 
"being an inhabitant of the said town, the which said house did 
in the original belong to my father Richard Carpenter now de- 
ceased, but fell to my right as I was the son and heir of my said 
father." It does not necessarily follow that Richard was in 
Amesbury in 1611, or that William was born there, although 
possible. Fridgswith Carpenter married Thomas Vincent be- 
fore 1635, and had children: Thomas, bap Oct 18, 1635, 2. 
William, bap June 17, 1638, and 3. Joan. William and Joan 
Vincent came to Providence about 1660, where Joan, married 
John Sheldon that year, and received a deed of land from her 
uncle William Carpenter Aug. 2, 1660 May 31, 1670. Wil- 
liam Vincent was married to Priscilla Carpenter his cousin by 
her father William Carpenter, assistant. Jan. 20, 16,76, his 
house was attacked by about 300 Indians, his son William, and 
a servant killed, two hundred sheep, 50 neat cattle and 15 


horses carried off, and his buildings left in flames, but saved' 
by the defenders. 

April 25, 1683, he made a confirmatory deed to the heirs of 
the 13 original proprietors of Pawtuxet lands, calling himself 
the last survivor and owning three shares. His will, Feb. 10, 
1670, was proved Oct. i, 1685. He died Sept. 7, 1685, and was 
buried on his homestead by the side of his wife Elizabeth 

In Dwellys' Wells parish transcripts, Vol. II., at Nettle- 
combe, 15 miles west of Taunton, I find some records that seem 
to connect in some way with a John and Richard at Salisbury 
7 miles from Amesbury. I give it, hoping to assist further 

Married, Sept. i, 1606, Mr. Richard Carpenter and Mrs. 
Susanna Trevelian. 

Christened, Oct. 28, 1607, Susanna, dau. of Mr. Richard 
Carpenter. Clarke, (i e. Minister.) 

On the same register occurs the unusual names of Fridiswade 
Clark, 1607, and Frediswade Davis, 1640. 

In Somerset Wills, 11.109. I find the will of Richard Car- 
penter, Pastor of Sheviock Devenport (near Plymouth), Aug- 
ust 9, 1625. Proved Feb. 17, 1627/8, by the relict, Susan 
Carpenter daughter of John Trevelian Esq. of Nettlecombe, 
mentions, son John Carpenter, student at Exeter College, 
Oxon, eldest dau. Susan, dau. Mary, my son Richard, 3d, dau. 
Ann, 4th dau. Elizabeth, 3<i. son Edward, 5th dau. Sarah, 4th 
son, and youngest child Thomas, my brother John Carpenter of 
Salisbury (1628), and 3 sisters Jane, Ann & Agness. 

The Rev. A. W. Phelps, Rector of the church at Amesbury, 
Wilts, writes Oct. 25, 1800, "The register has 18. Oct. 1635 
baptised Thomas son of Thomas and Frittisweed Vincent. 17 
June William son of Thomas and Frittisweed Vincent. The 
first book of Amesbury records begin 1610 and end 1638, has 
Elizabeth d. of John Carpenter bap. Nov. 30, 1628. John, son 
of John Carpenter bap. Aug. 5, 1632. Margaret, dau. of John 
and Joan Carpenter bap. March 2, 1635; and Richard Car- 
penter buried Sept. 21, 1625. 


William Man, who came with his wife Frahces Hopkins in 
1635, was town clerk of Providence in 1646, (see Prov. town 
papers 07), and died before 1650. His son Abraham, was 
wounded in the Indian war, and was allowed by the Colony 
Oct. 29, 1684, 3 for the curing of his wound. His widow 
Frances Man removed to the home of her daughter Mary, who 
had married John Lapham at Dartmouth, Mass., where she 
died 26 Feb. 1700 aged 84. 

The parishes whose records prove them to have been the 
homes of our emigrants, are situated on the little river Ivel or 
Yeo, a branch of the Parret. The valley of the Ivel is de- 
scribed in Camden's Brittania, Edition of 1610 (about the 
date of Wm. Arnold's marriage) as follows: "The river Ivel 
springeth in Dorsetshire and no sooner entereth Somerset but 
he giveth name to Evil (Yeovil) a great market town, which 
rose by the decay of Ilchester, and taket/h into him a rill, near 
which is Camelet a steep hill, hard to get up : on the top whereof 
be tokens of a decayed castle, surrounded by triple rampires of 
earth and ditches, enclosing many acres of ground. The in- 
habitants name it, King Arthur's Palace : Near by is Cadbury 
where K. Arthur defeated Saxons in battle. At the junction of 
these two rills, lie Yeovilton on the north bank, and Liming- 
ton on the south, and runneth on a mile to Northover, and 
Ilchester, called Ischalis by Ptlomee, and Ivelcestre by Nin- 
nius, and by others Pontavel-coit (Ivel bridge in the Wood), 
and Givelcestre, at this day of small account for its antiquity. 
At the time of the Normans coming in, it was well populated, 
at one time having 107 Burgesses. A little beneath by Lang- 
port the rivers Ivel and Pedred (Parret) running together, 
make between them the island called Mulcheney that is to say 
the Great Island. Wherein are to be seen the defaced wall and 
ruins of an old Abbey." The map accompanying this article is 
from Camden 1610. 

Muchelney, the island at the junction of the rivers Ivel and 
Parret, was the home of Christian Peak, William Arnold's 
wife. Retracing our steps up the Ivel five miles is Northover, 
the home and burial place of John and Alice Gully, and just 


across on the south bank, Ilchester, where Nicholas Arnold was 
a Merchant tailor about 47 years, and where he and his wife 
Alice are buried, and where William Arnold and all his children 
were born. A mile further up the river on the north bank is 
Yeovilton the home of William Hopkins, where his wife Joane 
was buried in 1622, the sister and foster-mother of William 
Arnold. Across the river on the south side is Limington with 
its parish church, "St. Mary Virginis," and its ancient Free 
Grammar School, where Thomas Wolsey, afterward Lord 
Cardinal, and Primate of England, was both curate and school- 
master from 1500 to 1509, and where the children of the Gully, 
Arnold, Hopkins and other families of the neighborhood were 
probably educated. 

In his will Gov. Arnold mentions his Lemmington farm, 
named evidently from some place near his English home. 
When he wrote this word Lemmington, in its broad Wessex 
pronunciation, he meant Limington in Somerset, and not Leam- 
ington in Warwickshire, or Lymington in Hants, places that it 
is not at all likely that he or his father William, ever saw. 

From the date 1623, of Nicholas Arnold's will, until his de- 
parture in the spring of 1635 for New England, William Ar- 
nold's name does not appear on any Somerset record. On his 
own "family record " the latest English date he gives is that of 
the baptism of Nicholas, the son of his half brother Thomas, 
Jan 1627/8. 

We can only conjecture when and where he gathered his 
large party together with their baggage and supplies, or the 
route they took from the valley of the Ivel, to their point of de- 
parture. The nearest and most practicable route would be 
from Ilchester through Yeovil, Crewkerne, and Axminster to 
Exeter, and then turning south, down the Devonshire coast, by 
Teignmouth and Torquay to Dartmouth, a seaport about 25 
miles east of Plymouth and the same distance south of Exeter. 
A modern writer Mr. Charles G. Harper in "A summer tramp 
from London to Landsend" thus pleasantly describes it. "A 
waft of more spacious times has come down to us, and lingers 
yet about the steep streets and strange stairways, the broad 


eaves and bowed and bent frontages of Dartmouth. An air in 
essence salty, and ringing with the strange oaths and stranger 
tales of the doughty hearts who adventured hence to unknown 
or unfrequented seas, or went forth to do battle with the 

"The mouth of the river widens into a deep, land-locked har- 
bour with an entrance to the English Channel through a narrow 
opening between tall cliffs. Here to guard it there were built 
in ancient times, the twin-towers of Dartmouth and Kingswear 

Ancient ironwork, south door of St. Saviour's 
Church, Dartmouth, Devon. 

Castles, facing one another across the water, and between them 
was stretched an iron chain drawn taut by windlasses in time 
of peril. 

"The parish church of St. Saviour, is old and decrepit and 
rendered dusky by wooden galleries, a wonderful and almost 


inconceivably picturesque building, without and within and 
what is not often seen nowadays a very much unrestored 
church. It is closely girdled with steep streets, paved with 
painful but romanic looking cobbles, and the churchyard rears 
itself high a'bove the heads of wayfarers in its narrow lanes. 
The doorway of the south porch has a gate or grille of 
wrought iron dated 1631." 

In this quaint old seaport, some of our party must have 
spent several days, in the process of collecting their goods, and 
loading their vessel, and although they were strangers, here 
only for a few days, I cannot help fancying that the steep 
streets of Dartmouth the last spot of English earth upon which 
their feet were to tread, its ancient St. Saviour church with its 
then new gate, the beautiful harbour where had lain only a few 
years before them, the ships of Drake and Raleigh, and the May- 
flower and Speedwell of the Pilgrims, never faded entirely from 
their memory. While their eyes rested upon these last scenes 
in the home land, the minds of the young people, Joane Arnold, 
soon to become the mother of all the Rhodes' of Rhode Island, 
Damaris Westcott later to be the first lady in the Colony, as 
the wife of Gov. Benedict Arnold, and their younger brothers 
and sisters were perhaps thinking more of the village greens of 
Ilchester and Yeovil, remembering that it was the first of May. 
Mayday, "the maddest, merriest day of all the glad new year" 
in England, and that their playmates from whom they were 
now separated were engaged in the happy songs and dances so 
dear to their young hearts ; while the older ones were more 
likely turning their thoughts toward the unknown sea with 
some doubts and misgivings mayhap, but yet with stout hearts 
and strong hopes facing the great adventure that lay before 
them in a new world. 


Addenda to Rhode Island Imprint List 

Imprints not included in the list. 

.A Perpetual Almanack. Shepley 

Auchmuty. The Copy of Some Queries. Rosenbach 

Governor's Proclamation in regard to Counterfeiting. 

1742 or 1743 NEWPORT 

.Short Narrative of Unjust Proceeding of George Gardner. 

Mass HS 

General Assembly. An Act in addition to an Act. . .Fire. .. 



The Strange and Wonderful Predictions of Mr. Christopher 
Love. (Evans) 


Reflections on Governor Hopkins' Vindication, April 17. 


General Assembly. An Act in Addition to... Manner of 
admitting Freemen. RISL 


Wanton, J. Observations and reflections on the present state 
of the Colony. Shepley 


To the Public, Newport, 16 April (signed Samuel Ward) 


Peter Mumford, Post Rider, doth upon oath declare (signed) 
Henry Ward, (dated) August 9. LCP 


To the Inhabitants of the Colony of Rhode Island (signed) 
Stephen Hopkins, (dated) April 12. LCP 


A Table of Value. . .Law full Money. Shepley 

Rhode Island College (Subscription List) Terry 


The Prodigal Daughter Shepley 


A Word of Counsel and Warning Shepley 

Providence Fire Rules RIHS 

The Sum of Religion Terry 

Blakes, James, Jun. A Sermon. 

The first book of American Chronicles 

General Assembly. October. An Act for Assessing 4000. 


General Assembly, December. RIHS 


The Crisis No. VIII RIHS 

The following was received by a Vessel arrived at New York, 

last week, September 12, 1775. RIHS 


General Assembly. July 21 By an Express Shepley 

The Death of General Montgomery (Printed by McDougall) 

General Assembly, October. Whereas, owing to Divers 
Causes . . . Town Councils . . . have not yet collected the 
Monies due. RISL 

General Assembly. March, 2nd Session. List of Persons. 


General Assembly. September Session. An Act in regard to 
drafting militia. RIHS* 


General Assembly, May, 2nd Session, Resolved that all Per- 
sons. . .equip themselves. Shepley 
Greene, William Thanksgiving Proclamation. RISL 


Providence Gazette, February 27, 1779, Supplement, variant 
edition. RISL. 

General Assembly March 20. Attack on Rhode Island. 




Fresh Intelligence, Weeden NHS 

Announcement of N. A. Calendar for 1781 Shepley 

Calendrier Francais pour 1781 (with eight additional pages) 



Return of 2nd Rhode Island Regiment. Shepley 


A Poetical Epistle to George Washington. Wheeler 

(Amer. Journal) 
Three o'clock (Surrender of Cornwallis). Carter MHS 

Letter from Sir Guy Carleton. Barber. Terry 


Varnum, J. M. Oration on Masonry delivered in 1782. 

Proposals for printing the United States Chronicle. 

H. R. Drowne 
Important Intelligence. Carter. Shepley 


Goldsmith, Oliver. The Deserted Village. RIHS 


Scheme of a Lottery. RIHS 

To the Editor of the Providence Gazette, "Fair Play." 


General Assembly. February. Whereas certain classes . . . 
recruits. Terry 


Champlin, Christopher. Cargo of Ship Hydra Shepley 

Verses for the New Year, 1787. Shepley 


Pool, Equestrian Feats of Horsemanship. Shepley 

General Assembly. May Session 100.000 
General Assembly. August Session 100.000 


General Assembly. Four per cent, notes Shepley 



Mr. John Brown. Invitation for a dance. JCB- 


Webster, Noah American Spelling Book. Carter AAS : 
Drawbacks on duties. RIHS 


Thornton's R. I. Almanac for 1793 printed "for Richardson"" 



Wells, Elizabeth. Some Melancholy Heartfelt Reflections.. 



Fenner, Arthur. Proclamation in regard to Small Pox, 21 
September 1793 Carter 

Proceedings of seven gentlemen sitting themselves an Eccle- 
siastical Council. RIHS 

New Year's Address January I, 1793. "Now our Grandame- 
Earth." Shepley 

Whitefield, George. The Knowledge of Jesus Christ. Carter 



Murder. Narrative of the trial of William Corran Shepley 


General Assembly, March. Act to repair highways in Scituate. 


General Assembly. June 16. Condition on which Non Com- 
missioned Officers Shepley 

Rhode Island Register for 1795 Shepley 


Rhode Island Bank, Charter of Terry 


Street Lottery RIHS 

An Essay on the Fall of Angels & Men. Wheeler Shepley 

1795 WARREN 
Patten, William. Reminiscences of Samuel Hopkins 




Whitney, Josiah. Sermon on the death of Rev. Noadiah 
Russell. Carter & Wilkinson RIHS 


Adams, John. "President's Answer." Shepley 

New Year Verses of the Carrier of the Gazette Jan. i, 1798. 



Interesting. By Capt. Earl Shepley 

Adams, John. President's Speech. Farnsworth Terry 


Life of Zilpha Smith. Wheeler (U. S. Chronicle) 

Pawtucket Cannon Factory 5 Dec. 1798 (Broadside) 

Adams, John. President's speech C & W RIHS 


The Gentlemen & Lady's Companion, containing the Newest 
Cotillions and Country Dances. O. Farnsworth. Terry 

The Affecting History of the Children in the Wood. H. & 
O. Farnsworth. A. C. Bates 

Newport Insurance Company. Terry 

The Travels of Robinson Crusoe. H. & O. Farnsworth. 


The Trifle Hunters. O. Farnsworth. Terry 


The Companion : being a Selection of the Beauties of the 
Most Celebrated Authors. RIHS 


Beckley, John James. Address to the People. Second Ed. 

H. B. Tompkins 

A Law to establish a Uniform System of Bankruptcy. Barber. 



Champlin, Christopher. Goods for sale. Providence (about 
1790). Shepley 

Champlin, Christopher. Ship Hydra. See 1786 


An Exposition of the Emblems of the Providence Associa- 
tion of Merchants and Manufacturer's Certificate. 


Engraved Certificate referred to in above Table of Values 
see 1765 Shepley 

Phillis. An Elegiac poem to George Whitefield. Southwick. 


Advertisement of Nathaniel Croade of Pawtucket (Warren 
1797?) RIHS 

The Bride's Burial Penn. HS 

Unlocated Listed Imprints now located, and Imprints located 
outside of Providence in the List of 1915, of which 
copies are now in Providence. 


Webb, John. The Believer's Redemption. Shepley 

Fox;, John. The Door of Heaven. Shepley 


Hale, Sir Matthew. Some Necessary and Important Consid- 
erations. (Only copy located) Shepley 

The Case and Complaint of Samuel Maxwell. JCB 

Williams, Solomon. The Sad Tendency. Shepley 

MacSparren. The Sacred Dignity. Shepley 

The 111 Policy of . . . .Imprisoning Insolvent Debtors. Shepley 


By the Governor. Thanksgiving Proclamation. (Only copy 
located) Shepley 

Tweedy. A Catalogue of Drugs. Shepley 

Prospectus of Providence Gazette Shepley 


Davies. A Sermon. Shepley 

Hymns and Spiritual Songs. Shepley 

Trial of Sir Richard Rum. Shepley 

Mr. Samuel Adams. Portrait. Shepley 


Paine. Common Sense. ioth ed. Shepley 


General Assembly. December 4. An Act. RISL 


General Assembly, July, 2nd Session. An Act for assessing 

10,000 Pounds. Terry 

General Assembly, July, 2nd Session. An Act for assessing 

400,000. RISL 

General Assembly July 7, 1780. Act Shepley 

General Assembly. May, Act. 80,000 Pounds Terry 


General Assembly, May, 2nd Session. An Act for granting 
6000. RISL 


General Assembly. Oct. An Act for granting $20,000 Terry 
Verses Made on the Death. Shepley 


General Assembly. January. An Act for numbering the Fam- 
ilies. RISL 

General Assembly. February. An Act for granting Tax of 
6000. RISL 


The Instructive Fables of Pilpay. Shepley 


Laws of the Marine Society. Shepley 



Backus, Testimony Shepley 

General Assembly. June. An Act... 20,000 pounds Terry 


Gessner. The Death of Abel. Shepley 


Wheeler's North American Calendar for 1788 Shepley 


Cutler, Manasseh. An Explanation. Shepley 

Articles of Agreement, Ohio Company. Shepley 


Griffith. Collection of Dances. Shepley 


Webster. An American Selection. Shepley 


United States Inspector General Regulations for Troops. 



Goldsmith. The Vicar of Wakefield. Shepley 

1792 WARREN 

Lines on the last and dying Words of Rev. Oliver Williams. 



Rhode Island College. Laws. Shepley 

An Address of the Democratic Society RIHS 


Dodsley. The Toy Shop. Shepley 


Dodsley. OEconomy of Human Life. Shepley 


Holman. Funeral Oration. RIHS 

1796 WARREN 

General Assembly. June Session. That Two Representatives 
. .be elected. RISL 



lihode Island College. Commencement. Shepley 

Hhode Island College. Illustrissimo Jabez Bowen. BU 


Beckley, J. J. Address. H. B. Tompkins 

Briggs, J. Oration. Terry 

"Burroughs, Peleg. Oration H. B. Tompkins 

Undated, pages 74 and 75 

The Justly celebrated Mrs. Sophie Hume's advice. Shepley 
A List of Names of Family of John Carter 1785. Shepley 
In Memory of Capt. John Crawford 1774. Shepley 

Located Imprints not listed in Rhode Island Historical Society 
in 1915, but now in Rhode Island Historical Society. 

Frothingham. The Articles of Faith. RIHS 

G. G. The Divinity and Humanity of Our Lord. RIHS 

Pollen. The Duty of Defending our Countrymen. RIHS 

Aplin. Both editions with and without "lyre" at end. RIHS 

Fothergill. A Sermon at Horsley Downs. RIHS 

In Congress. A Declaration June (for July) 13 RIHS 


Orders of the Council of War. RIHS 


Resolves and Orders of the Council of War. RIHS 


Thacher, Peter. Prayer The Breath of Rev. Habijah Weld 


Rhode Island College. Catalogue of Books RIHS 

Holman. Funeral Oration. RIHS 



Thompson. Funeral Oration on Kingman. RIHS 


Rhode Island College Catalogue. RIHS 


Congress of the United States. RIHS 

Dehon, T. Discourse. RIHS 

1736, Page 10 

Beavan's essay should be under date of 1754, Page 14. 
Anthony or Osborne should be Anthony and Osborne. 

1777 PROVIDENCE, Page 35 

Add McDougall's name after John Carter as Providence 
printers for that year. 

1779 NEWPORT, Page 38 

Vol. i, No. 35 of the American Journal was printed at New- 
port. RIHS 

1780 NEWPORT, Page 40 
Add the name of J. Weeden to list of printers. 

1781 PROVIDENCE, Page 43 
American Journal should be No. 157 instead of 1507. 

1782 NEWPORT, Page 45 
Add H. & O. Farnsworth to list of printers. 

1782 PROVIDENCE, Page 45 

Thacher item should be under 1783. RIHS- 

1787 PROVIDENCE, Page 51 
Emmons. "On" Franklin instead of "in" Franklin. 

1791 PROVIDENCE, Page 58 
R. I. College. "Illustrissimo" should be "Honoratissimo." 

1800 NEWPORT, Page 72 
Omit "The R. I. Republican Farnsworth." 



The manuscript plat of the original layout of Block 
Island has been given to the Society by the late Mr. Nathaniel 
Ray Greene of Narragansett Pier. 

The Providence Mutual Fire Insurance Company has 
given to the Society a large number of manuscript books cov- 
ering the activities of that organization up to the year 1850. 

The following persons have been elected to membership 
in the Society: 

Mr. Harvey A. Baker, Miss Anna L. Lestrade, 

Mr. Raymond E. Ostby, Mr. Arthur James, 

Mr. Harry C. Owen, Mrs. Arthur N. Sheldon. 

Mrs. Charles Bradley presented to the Society an inter- 
esting and valuable collection of newspapers and manuscripts 
of local historical interest. 

An oil portrait of Stephen Dexter, who was born in 1764, 
was given to the Society by Miss Abigail Dexter of East 

Mr. Charles B. Whipple presented to the Society an 
autograph letter of Governor Nicholas Cooke written Febru- 
ary 24, 1777. 

Two Honorary members of the Society, Mr. David W. 
Hoyt and Mr. James Phinney Baxter died in May. 

The January Bulletin of the Newport Historical Society 
contains a paper on "Newport Artists," by Mrs. Maud Howe 

The "Honor Roll Rhode Island Masons who served in 
the World War" has been issued in attractive form. 

The Rhode Island State Board of Agriculture has pub- 
lished D. J. Lambert's "History of the R. I. Reds." 

Through the generosity of Col. George L. Shepley, the 
Society now has two new and attractive exhibition cases which 
have been placed in the Portrait Gallery. 

In the October, 1920, number of the Collections is an 


article on Roger Williams and John Milton. The author, Mr. 
Potter, has contributed the following additional note: 

In running over, recently, the files of Modern Language 
Notes, I observe that the criticism of Dr. Carpenter's conjec- 
ture about Roger Williams's "reading" Milton Dutch, which 
I made in my discussion of Williams and Milton (R. I. His- 
torical Society Collections, Vol. XIII, No. 4, pp. 119-20), had 
already been made by Professor G. L. Kittredge in 1910. 
(Modern Language Notes, Vol. XXV, p. 159; May, 1910.) 
May I take this opportunity of acknowledging the priority 
of Professor Kittredge's note on the matter, and stating that 
at the time of writing my discussion of the subject, I had no 
knowledge of the existence of his note, or I should of course 
have mentioned it in that connection. 

One additional comment on the list of books read by Wil- 
liams, which I gave as an appendix to my discussion, may be 
worth mentioning. On page 128, I stated of Henry VIIFs 
"blasphemous writing against Christ Jesus in his holy truth 
proclaimed by Luther" (Bloody Tenent yet more Bloody, N. 
C. P., p. 163) that "this work I have not been able to deter- 
mine." The book referred to by Williams is obviously 
Henry's Defence of the Seven Sacraments, "Assertio Septem 
Sacramentorum," 1521, which caused the Pope to give Henry 
the title of "Defender of the Faith." 


The only known impression of Rhode Island's first 
seal. From the Charter of the Town of Warwick, 1648, 
now in the Shepley Library, Providence. 



Engraved by William Hamlin of Providence for The 
Certificate of the Providence Marine Society. From origi- 
nal in the Rhode Island Historical Society Library. 




Vol. XIV 

October, 1921 

No. 4 

HOWARD W. PRESTON, President EDWARD K. ALDRICH, Jr., Treasurer 
GEORGE T. SPICER, Secretary HOWARD M. CHAPIN, Librarian 

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the 
opinions of contributors. 

The Commerce of Rhode Island with the 
Southern Continental Colomels in the~~ 
Eighteenth Century* 


In few respects does the Rhode Island of to-day resemble 
the Rhode Island of colonial times. Many of the customs and 
institutions which occupied prominent places in the activities 
of an earlier day have now been superseded. Commerce, for 
instance, which was highly important to the colonial merchant 
has been displaced almost entirely by manufacturing; where 
capital was once utilized in building ships and carrying on 
trade, we to-day find it invested largely in mills and machinery. 

*The Society of Colonial Dames' Prize Essay in American History 
for 1920-21. This paper is based largely upon contemporary materials 
drawn from the following: The Commerce of Rhode Island, 1726- 
1800, 2 vols., Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 7th series, vols. IX, X, 1914-1915; 
Newport Commercial Papers, MSS., in the library of Col. George L. 
Shepley, Providence; and Outward Entries and Manifests, MSS., in 
State Archives. 


It is interesting, however, in view of the recent attempts to 
make the Narragansett Bay once more the scene of commer- 
cial activities, to study the early development and growth of 
trade in Rhode Island. 

Commerce, in the eighteenth century, has somewhere been 
designated the "backbone" of Rhode Island in its life as a 
colony. Certainly in the days immediately preceding and 
following the Revolution, trade came to be the one cen- 
tral, dominating interest, and the number of prominent 
colonists who had no direct connection with some phase 
of these maritime ventures was limited. It is now recog- 
nized that, in at least three different ways, the commerce 
of these early colonial days had an important relationship to 
the later development of the colony. In the first place, from 
a purely financial point of view, commerce was largely instru- 
mental in the establishment of many Rhode Island fortunes. 
In the second place, trade with her neighbors and with foreign 
countries fostered that spirit of independence in thought and 
action which was especially characteristic of the colony in 
the Revolutionary period, and has even descended to the 
present generation. Finally, it was out of the commercial 
activities of Rhode Island in colonial times that the manufac- 
turing interests of the modern era were to spring; the founda- 
tion of the present day industrial enterprises is to be found 
in the maritime ventures of the colony. 

There is always a tendency, in studying a particular phase 
of a given subject to over-emphasize its importance. This 
must be especially guarded against in considering the origin, 
nature and results of the commerce of Rhode Island with the 
southern continental colonies. Colonial trade in the eighteenth 
century was a complicated network of routes ; ships doubled, 
redoubled and turned again on their tracks ; they made trian- 
gular voyages on the slightest excuses; seldom indeed 
were two voyages made from and to exactly the 
same ports. For this reason, the trade of Rhode Island with 
the South cannot in any strict sense be isolated from the qther 
phases of colonial commerce which are tangled about it; and, 


consequently, an understanding of the nature of this com- 
merce as a whole is necessary before the true importance of 
this relationship can be appreciated. We must have some 
idea of the whole before we can study subdivisions. 

To comprehend the trade in its entirety, it must first be re- 
membered that the American continental colonies were regarded 
by England as a part and a rather unimportant part, as a 
matter of fact of her Colonial Empire. From an economic 
point of view, which was the one most widely adopted in 
the eighteenth century, when Great Britain was dominated 
by the policy of mercantilism, the continental colonies were 
generally admitted to be far less valuable to the mother-coun- 
try than the West Indian sugar-producing colonies. It is only 
in the light of this policy that the purpose underlying the 
passage of the Navigation Acts can be appreciated. 

Moreover, as a part of this same economic principle, all 
colonies were thought of as secondary to the mother-country. 
The needs and the interests of the citizens at home were 
always the primary considerations of the British government, 
and it was believed that prosperity in England would naturally 
be reflected in the subject countries. Consequently, at least 
in the earlier years of the century, all the English colonies 
were viewed chiefly as sources of raw-materials ; and it was 
probably not until after the American Revolution that these 
colonies were generally looked upon as the markets for Eng- 
lish goods. England could see the wisdom of encouraging 
^hese colonies as sources of supplies ; but, while she was fos- 
tering the development of British commerce, it was always 
the domestic merchants and the British-built ships which were 
especially favored. 

The whole system of American commerce in this century, 
grew up with little direct encouragement from the mother 
country. It was remarkable, for this reason, then, that trade 
should become so widespread before the Revolution, and 
surprising that the volume of intercolonial trade should be 
so large. It was natural that the home country should main- 
tain intimate relations with all of her colonial possessions 


along the coast, but whatever intercourse developed between 
the colonies themselves was the direct result of their own 
initiative and individual activity. Some of the settlements 
along the coast were especially favored by physical conditions 
in the development of trade, as Charleston, Philadelphia, New- 
port and Boston; and these places early assumed the leader- 
ship in commercial enterprises. The West Indies had become 
the favorite markets for New England vessels in the latter 
part of the seventeenth and in the early years of the eighteenth 
centuries, while Charleston and Philadelphia shared the trans- 
atlantic trade with Boston. Triangular, quadrangular, and 
even more complicated routes became popular; vessels were 
sent wherever a cargo might be purchased or sold to advan- 
tage. As capital accumulated greater and more extensive 
voyages were made, until, by the latter half of the eighteenth 
century the period which will receive the preponderance of 
attention in this paper an intricate maze of trade-routes 
had developed. 

From the point of view of Rhode Island, the commerce 
with the southern continental colonies was less in extent 
than with the West Indies and even that with European 
countries, throughout practically the entire century. The route 
from Newport to Africa to the West Indies the famous tri- 
angular voyage was always, after about 1730, the most popu- 
lar and the most lucrative; and in the number of vessels 
engaged, the voyage to the Southern colonies can scarcely be 
compared with it. One finds difficulty, however, in compiling 
statistics in support of this conviction, due in the first place 
to the lack of accurate records, and secondly, to the fact that 
one leg of the voyage from Providence or Newport to a 
southern port was frequently extended to the West Indies or 
even farther. 

Moreover, Rhode Island vessels were not the only ones to 
visit the southern colonies. A few colonial vessels were engaged 
solely in going to and from the West Indies ; many more were 
occupied in carrying rice and tobacco to Europe and the 
mother country ; and still others, owned in Philadelphia, New 


York and Boston, carried on an intermittent commerce with 
these southern ports. Toward the middle of the century com- 
petition was particularly keen between Newport and Boston, 
and, while the vessels from the latter port usually out-num- 
bered those from the former in the principal markets of the 
South, such as Charleston, Newbern and Norfolk, the mer- 
chants and captains of the Rhode Island ships were generally 
more aggressive. It might be well at this time to point out 
the double aspect, or two-fold function, of this trade with 
the south: in the first place, the Rhode Island merchants 
served as collectors and distributors of local or native prod- 
ucts ; and secondly, they acted as middlemen in gathering 
goods to be re-exported, or in distributing goods which had 
already been imported. When functioning in their first ca- 
pacity, the Rhode Islanders seem to have had almost a com- 
plete monopoly in their field; in their second capacity, the 
competition of the Boston merchants appears to have been 
much keener. 

The rivalry of individual merchants of the same town, 
however, was just as effective a means of regulating the 
prices as the competition between traders of different colonies. 
No individual, in any phase of commercial activitiy, was, 
apparently, ever able to corner a market and so dictate prices ; 
the field was too large, commerce was too complex, and the 
most powerful merchants were usually too far in distance 
and in time from the scene of operations. Finally, there 
was practically no one who was interested in only one phase 
of commerce; combinations of voyages and of interests (such 
as manufacturing and retailing as well as trade) seem to have 
been the rule rather than the exception in the commercial 
world of the eighteenth century. 

The earliest beginnings of a coastwise trade from Rhode 
Island are difficult to trace. Certainly, voyages to Virginia 
and the Carolinas were fairly common by the close of the 
seventeenth century, for Governor Cranston in his answers 
to queries of the Board of Trade submitted December 5th, 
1/08, reported the exportation of a cargo of rum, sugar, mo- 


lasses, butter and cheese to the Carolinas in 1703, and another 
voyage of similar type made the following year to Maryland 
and Virginia in which the goods carried were exactly the 
same except for the omission of sugar. Without doubt, this 
commerce developed as a concomitant to the trade with the 
West Indies ; as vessels began more and more frequently to 
make trips to Antigua and the other lesser ports on these 
islands, the advantages of a direct intercourse with the con- 
tinental colonies became more and more apparent. The six- 
fold increase of Rhode Island trade in general between the 
years of 1688-1708 was naturally reflected in this trade. 

Moreover, besides the gradual development which was 
due to the widening of interests of the local merchants through 
the accumulation of capital, there were other factors which 
influenced the growth of this trade and caused it to occupy 
a fairly prominent place in Rhode Island commerce after the 
first quarter of the eighteenth century. For one thing, the 
Southern colonies were steadily becoming more and more cen- 
tralized about a single staple product. In Virginia, tobacco 
came to be cultivated to the exclusion of all other commodi- 
ties; in North Carolina, tar and lumber were most empha- 
sized ; in South Carolina, rice was most important ; and later, 
toward the end of the century, Georgia was becoming the 
recognized center of the cotton-growing interests. It was 
natural that these plantation provinces as they ceased to be 
even relatively self-supporting, should turn to the northern 
continental colonies for supplies and provisions. That the 
Southerners recognized their growing dependence upon Bos- 
ton and Newport is partially shown by such acts of the colo- 
nial legislatures as those of the assembly of South Carolina 
in 1717 and 1721 in which discriminations were made in 
favor of local shipping. 

The development of this commercial intercourse be- 
tween the north and south, however, was slow and 
somewhat spasmodic. Governor Johnson in 1708 reported 
that South Carolina in addition to a trade with England and 
the West Indies also had "a commerce with Boston, Rhode 


Island, Pennsylvania, New York and Virginia," and a year 
earlier there is a record that "saddles and bridles were sent 

from New England [to Virginia] to be exchanged for 

pork, pitch, tar, wheat, Indian corn, or whatever else the 
country produceth." In 1732 this trade indirectly benefited 
by the removal of certain restrictions on the exportation of 
rice from the Carolinas, and it is fairly certain that by 1735, 
when the famous triangular voyages were becoming popular, 
the trade with the southern provinces was firmly established. 
Nevertheless, compared with the commerce with other places, 
it was still rather insignificant, for, in 1747, the amount of 
rice exported to Europe was nearly eighteen times the amount 
carried to the northern colonies, and even the exports to the 
West Indies were approximately four times as great as those 
to all the other colonies in America. The ratio between the 
number of vessels employed, however, was not as high ; 86 
ships were bound out of Charleston for Europe during the 
year to 48 for the northern colonies. Moreover, before ac- 
cepting these figures as a criterion, it should be remembered 
that there were other conditions involved not taken into ac- 
count in these statistics; that only a small percentage of the 
New England trade was centered in Charleston, while, on the 
other hand, the great bulk of the English trade with the 
southern continental colonies was with that port ; and that 
this estimate does not include the illegal trade which even 
by this time was already flourishing. 

The period from the middle of the century to the begin- 
ning of the Revolutionary War saw the greatest development 
in this trade, though it was interfered with, in part, by the 
increase in privateering during the wars with France and 
Spain which not only withdrew many ships from the coast- 
wise trade, but also made commerce of any sort dangerous. 
The restraints upon commercial enterprises, however, result- 
ing from the scarcity of capital before this time, were being 
raised by means of a multitude of successful maritime ven- 
tures with their accompanying profits; and the immigration 
to Newport of some sixty families of wealthy Portuguese 


Jews after the great earthquake in Lisbon in 1755 still further 
lessened the number of voyages which had to be cancelled for 
financial reasons. Among these arrivals from Lisbon seems 
to have been the Lopez family, which was destined to become 
widely known through its activity in the commercial field. 
Trade between Rhode Island and the southern colonies was 
reasonably free from the restrictive regulations of the mother 
country, and as Weeden points out, "rarely did any colony 
break the course of this magnificent interchange by any foolish 
acts of legislation." In 1764 there were some 252 vessels 
engaged in the coastwise trade of Rhode Island from New- 
foundland to Georgia, the great preponderance of which was 
with the South. This is the more remarkable, inasmuch as 
there was a general depression in trade during that year, due 
to the fact that Parliament then for the first time attempted 
to raise an appreciable revenue in America. With the more 
stringent enforcements of the old Molasses Act in 1763, and 
with the passage of measures providing additional duties in 
the following year, and of the Stamp Act in 1765, trade began 
to dwindle. George Champlin wrote his brother Christopher, 
the Newport merchant, from Baltimore, October 29th, 1765, 
that "Markitts are Extream low principally Accation'd by the 
Stamp Acct, as there are a number of Vessels here a driving 
to load by the time the Acct takes place, selling their Cargoes 
at any rates which has nock'd down the markitts to nothing." 
The depression was neither lasting, nor very severe, 
however, for in 1769 Newport was flourishing; at this 
time the town was said to be at the height of its pros- 
perity. Providence, during this same period was second in 
size and in commercial activity to the port at the foot of 
Narragansett Bay, but her merchants and shopkeepers were 
laying the foundation in trade and manufacturing so well that 
it was to be only a few years before she surpassed her rival. 
The Revolutionary War had a most pronounced effect 
upon Rhode Island commerce ; it was necessarily almost wholly 
suspended. The interruptions of trade occasioned by the occu- 
pation of Newport harbor by the British fleet, and by the cap- 


tures by enemy privateersmen, interfered decidedly with the 
hitherto comparatively steady supply of products from the 
southern colonies. One positive effect which the war did have, 
however, was to bring the foreign commerce of Rhode Island 
under French influence. Hitherto transatlantic trade had been 
largely confined to England and the Mediterranean ports, but 
after the Revolution voyages were made to more distant 
markets ; for it was at this time that commerce with China and 
the East Indies began to develop. Offices of American mer- 
chants were opened in France, due chiefly to the appreciaton 
of the services rendered by the soldiers of that country during 
the War, not only in Rhode Island, but in the other colonies as 

After 1783, the coastwise trade was resumed again much 
as before the War, and it was not long before it was 
practically as great in volume as it previously had been. The 
bulk of the commerce, however, was beginning to shift to New 
York, and, though trade with the southern colonies was once 
more sufficient to merit serious attention, it was not proportion- 
ately as large when compared to the trade as a whole. In 1786, 
by which time the coastwise trade was once more normal, there 
were 272 clearances registered from the port of Providence. 
Of these, 33 vessels signified their intention of going to some 
southern market, 32 were bound for Connecticut, and 44 had 
New York for their destination. Probably these figures in- 
cluded a number of duplicate voyages ; two vessels were each 
listed several times as they made periodic trips to New York, 
and at least one other ship of 19 tons was making regular 
visits to Norwich, Connecticut. Moreover, it is not too much 
of an assumption to include approximately one-third of the 
vessels which cleared for New Jersey and Connecticut during 
the year, in the number which ultimately reached the Southern 
markets, making about forty odd vessels in all. This figure 
does not compare unfavorably with the fourteen coasters 
which Moses Brown reported as belonging to the port of 
Providence in 1764, but it must be remembered that the in- 
crease in other commerce was proportionately even greater. 


The outstanding feature of the trade with the South after 
the Revolution, which was already becoming noticeable by the 
close of the century was the shifting of the commercial center 
of Rhode Island from Newport to Providence. The popula- 
tion of the latter town was making rapid gains, while Newport 
lost more than a third of her inhabitants during the War due 
to the occupation of the harbor by the British. Many of the 
wealthy Jewish families removed to other places and failed to 
return after 1783. Not for thirty years, however, was the 
leadership of Providence to become marked; meantime 
Newport made a strong, though futile, effort to regain her 
former position in the commercial world. With the 
beginning of the new century, the European wars seem to have 
had some effect in strengthening and widening the commerce 
of Rhode Island, but it was not until the rise of manufacturing 
and the development of railroads a little later, that any notable 
decline in the old coasting exchange took place. In fact, this 
trade never did actually die out completely; to some extent, 
at least, the commerce with the south but for the slight in- 
terruption during the Civil War has survived to the present 

The general nature of the trade of Rhode Island with the 
southern provinces changed very little during the entire cen- 
tury; the differences between the voyages themselves, the 
goods carried, and the markets visited, in 1700 and eighty 
years later were so slight, comparatively, that the subject may 
be considered on the whole as static, for the chief fluctuation 
in volume of trade 'has already received sufficient atten- 

Perhaps the most outstanding feature of colonial com- 
merce, and the one which most appeals to the modern reader, 
concerns the nature of the ships themselves, and this may well 
be studied first. The kind of vessels employed was primarily 
determined by the nature, or physical conditions, of the country 
which they visited. The southern plantation districts are broken 
by numerous rivers, running almost parallel to each other, up 


which it was almost impossible for large vessels to travel far. 
Moreover, as Joseph Boone and John Bornwell pointed out in 
their memorial to the Board of Trade, November 23, 1720, ex- 
plaining the peculiar physiography of the Carolina coast, there 
also existed a "chain of sand banks with barrs so shifting and 
shallow that sloops of 5 feet water runs great risqs," and "this 
renders the place uncapable of a Trade to great Brittain and 
what is carryed on is by small sloops from New England who 
brings them cloathing and Iron Wear and exports Pork and 
Corn." These "small sloops" of between 20 to 80 tons burden 
were also especially desirable because a small crew reduced 
the overhead expense of a voyage ; small cargoes were pur- 
chased, transported, and sold with much less delay than larger 
ones required ; and the amount of the initial capital needed to 
finance a small vessel and collect a cargo for her was more 
easily available so that the risk of a given amount was scat- 
tered over a number of enterprises, instead of being limited to a 
single one, if the larger types of brigs and schooners had been 
used. This last factor, in particular, influenced the merchants 
in the early development of the trade, when money were scarce 
and had to be expended with great care. Usually, in a sloop 
of about 30 or 40 tons which seems to have been the most 
popular size throughout this whole period there would be, 
besides the captain, four or five or six sailors, depending some- 
what on the nature of the cargo and the rigging of the vessels. 
The average pay in colonial currency about the middle of the 
century was 50 per month for a trained sailor, and 55 a 
month for the captain. 3 sterling for the captain, 2 sterl- 
ing for the first mate, were wages frequently named in agree- 

The voyage from Providence or Newport, required on 
the average, from three to four weeks. Occasionally it was 
made in less time; more often, with shifting winds and rough 
weather, the time consumed was greater than this. Capt. James 
Brown in a letter to his brother Nicholas, dated February, 
1749, wrote that he had "undergon many hardships and Difi- 


culties Which I shall give you a few of the Perticulers But to 
Whrite the Whole It Would take a quire of Paper. I had a 
Passage of 31 days. . . . There is Vessels hear that have 
had 30-35 and 40-45 Days Passage and Vessels are Lucked 
for that have Been out of Boston and York six and seven 
Weeks." Again, in 1784, John Burgwin, a merchant of Wil- 
mington, North Carolina, reported to Christopher Champlin 
of Newport, "the long and disagreeable passage I had from 
your place of 30 days put it out of my power to give you that 
early intelligence you wished to receive respecting the Cargo 
you depended on my house preparing for your Brigantine." 
Usually it required about three months to dispose of the goods 
brought from Rhode Island and to collect a cargo for the re- 
turn voyage. If the captains were extraordinarily keen bar- 
gainers, however, two voyages might be made during a year, 
but the great majority of traders made only one, and that in 
the fall, since just after harvest time the staple products were 
most plentiful and generally cheapest. In 1786, for instance, 
November was the month during which the largest number of 
ships cleared for southern ports. 

Though a large proportion of the Rhode Island vessels 
which visited the southern colonies carried on a direct barter 
with the plantation owners, there were, nevertheless, in each 
province some town which was the chief center of commercial 
activity for the surrounding districts. Baltimore in Mary- 
land, Norfolk in Virginia, Wilmington and Newbern in North 
Carolina, Charleston in South Carolina, and Savannah in 
Georgia, were the principal ports south of Philadelphia. 
There were very few good roads, however, connecting these 
trade-centers with the upcountry regions, especially in the 
first half of the century; consequently, it was found to be 
more profitable for the merchant-carriers to deal directly with 
the ultimate consumers, or "primary producers. " It was 
usually easier for the small sloops to sail up the rivers 
of the plantation country, than for the owners of the 
(Concluded on Page 124) 


Formerly suspended over Waterman's Shoe-Shop on Cheapside 
(now North Main Street) 

The Rhode Island Historical Society will hold a loan exhibition of old signs in 
December. Members are requested to assist the Commit tee in obtaining si.ajns 
for this exhibition. 








The Jamestown and Newport Ferries 


The opposite sides of most Rhode Island ferries were 
owned by different persons and were considered different 
ferries. Thus at Newport, the ferry which ran from the 
present ferry wharf in Newport to Jamestown was long 
owned by the Carr family. The ferry which ran in the oppo- 
site direction, from Jamestown to Carr's wharf in Newport, 
had a succession of owners and was considered another ferry. 
The title of this paper, following the colonial usage of the word 
ferry, refers only to the ferries from Jamestown to Newport 
and not to those in the opposite direction, of which there were 

Ferries were usually called after the names of the owners, 
and, as there was much early legislation, fixing rates of 
ferriage and otherwise regulating traffic, much information can 
be derived from this source as to ownership, location and other 
matters. Unfortunately, most of the acts relating to the ferries 
under consideration were not so specific, but simply mentioned 
the Ferries from Jamestown to Newport. This is one reason 
why the history of these ferries is not so complete as could be 

It is uncertain when ferries were first operated between the 
islands of Conanicut and Rhode Island. At the earliest period 
the towns seemed to have licensed ferries. At least Ports- 
mouth did so as early as 1640. Unfortunately the Newport 
records have been lost, and the earliest Jamestown records are 
not very full so that ferries are not mentioned until the 
eighteenth century. By the close of the seventeenth century 
the General Assembly had assumed control of ferries and 
thereafter information is to be sought in its records. 

The first license for a ferry from Jamestown to Newport, 
of which there is record, was granted by the General Assembly 
in 1700, but it is very probable that ferries had been operated 
between Jamestown and Rhode Island and between James- 
town and the mainland for many years. In 1675, when Capt. 



Church was summoned from Rehoboth to Wickford, just 
before the Great Swamp Fight, he states that he went the 
nearest way over the ferries and, the wind being fair, he 
arrived safe in the evening. 1 This would seem to mean that 
he went over Bristol ferry and the Newport Jamestown 
Narragansett ferries, for if he had gone over the Providence 
ferries the wind would have made no difference. There is a 
tradition that Gov. Carr owned a ferry from Newport to 
Jamestown at about this time. The ferry between Narragan- 
sett and Jamestown was set up by the Smiths in 1695. In 
September, 1699, Joseph Mowry of Jamestown carried over 
Judge Sewall to Newport and entertained him at his house, 
after the manner of ferrymen. 2 The licenses which were 
granted in 1700 for ferries from Jamestown to Newport and 
from Jamestown to Narragansett, refer to them as "the" 
ferries, as if they were already in operation, and not licensed 
for the first time. 

The oldest ferry to Newport was for many years in the 
possession of Samuel Clarke and may be conveniently desig- 
nated in this connection as 


The first license which was granted for this ferry was on 
4 May 1700 to Thomas Winterton of Jamestown. The ferry 
was settled on Winterton for a period of seven years. 3 Win- 
terton had a license to keep a house of entertainment in 1696, 
but the records, which appear to be far from complete have 
no reference to such a license this year. 4 Winterton did not 
long continue to be the proprietor of the ferry, for we find 
that in April 1703 Jonathan Marsh had the franchise. 5 Marsh 
died in 1704 and his will gave to his son William his ferry 

: The History of King Philip's War, Church (Dexter) Boston, 1865, 
49, 143, 156. 

2 Mass. His. Coll. 5th ser. V. Sewall Papers I, 503. 
3 R. I. Col. Rec. Ill, 415. 
'Jamestown, Proprietors Rec. I, 15. 
5 R. I. Col. Rec. Ill, 192. 


boats on the east side of Jamestown and to his son Jonathan 
his ferry boat on the west side of the Island, (i. copy 79). x 
There is no evidence that Marsh ever operated a ferry on the 
west side of Conanicut though he might readily have done so, 
or he might have had his boat there temporarily for some other 

No record has been found to show whether the sons of 
Jonathan Marsh operated the ferry, as there is no record of 
a license granted until August 1709, when Robert Barker had 
the franchise. 2 Robert Barker had married, 7 October 1705, 
Phebe, the widow of Jonathan Marsh who was previously the 
widow of Oliver Arnold and the daughter of Thomas and 
Mary Cook of Portsmouth. 3 It is not improbable that Phebe 
Marsh operated the ferry until her marriage with Robert 

The next official reference to this ferry that has been found, 
was in an action of the General Assembly on the last Tuesday 
in February 1728.* It was then voted that Mr. Samuel Clarke, 
of Conanicut, provide and keep one other good ferry boat and 
ferry man more than he now hath, to ply and tend the ferry 
from Jamestown to Newport to answer the Point boat during 
his lease ; and to be ready in four months time. 

And tha;t the said ferry man and boat be under the same 
regulation as the other ferrymen and boats are; and if said 
boat comes in to the old ferry place of the town she shall be 
obliged to call at the Point to take in passengers if the Point 
boat is out of the way. 

Evidently Samuel Clarke had operated the ferry for some 
years. It is possible that Joseph Mowry may have had the 
ferry for a while. William Brenton was the owner of all that 
laro-e tract in Jamestown lying south of the present Narra- 
gansett Avenue and east of Mackerel Cove and the road to 

figures in brackets refer to volume and page of Jamestown Land 

2R. I. Col. Rec. IV, 144. 

3 Genealogical Dictionary of Rhode Island, Austin, Albany, 1897, 130 
4 R. I. Col. Rec. IV, 400. 


Beaver Tail. Joseph M.owry was a tenant of this property 
and later purchased it. In his inventory, which was filed 31 
May 1716 was mentioned "one boat 50, the boat which was 
Phebe Barker's and ye old boat, all 76. (i. Copy 150). His 
granddaughter Mary, the daughter of Daniel Coggeshall, was 
the wife of Samuel Clarke and to her he left the north part 
of his Rock Hall farm bounded north and west on the high- 
way, and east on the sea or harbor, together with buildings 
and wharf. Perhaps it was the possession of the property 
which induced Samuel Clarke to go into the ferry business, 
in which he remained until 1751. It is in the highest degree 
probable that the first ferry was located on the southerly side 
of the eastern terminus of the present Narragansett Avenue, 
for from very early times this highway was called the road 
from ferry to ferry, and it was located here when on 6 April 
1751 Samuel Clarke and his wife Mary deeded it to their son 
Joseph for love and affection and 500 current money and he 
on the same day, for 3000 old tenor, deeded it to John Rem- 
ington ferryman. (3.91, 92) 

The action of the General Assembly in 1728, referred to 
above, would indicate that previous to that time, Clarke ran 
his ferry boat presumably from Narragansett Avenue to Carr's 
wharf in Newport and that the General Assembly required 
him to run another boat to the Point. Nothing was said about 
his having another landing place in Jamestown, but it is prob- 
able that he was later required to do this, for in May 1736, he 
presented a petition about it to the General Assembly then 
sitting in Newport. 1 In this petition he alleges that he finds the 
charge of keeping two houses and families too great and he 
asks that he be required to keep only one house and family. 
It was ordered that he need not keep more than one house and 
family for the use of the ferry "And that he keep two boats 
and attend as heretofore as has been customary. One of said 
boats to come to the Point and attend there and the other tc 
the other part of the town." In another petition to the Gen- 

*R. I. Acts and Resolves May 1736 Ms. 37 (R. I. H. S.). 


eral Assembly in October 1745 Clarke refers to the fact that, 
when requested, he built another boat and house at a cost of 
over ^oo. 1 Where the second ferry house was located has 
not been determined. On 13 March 1729 Clarke purchased 
85 acres on the southerly side of Taylor's Point but this would 
seem to be too near the old ferry for a second landing place. 


When the Clarkes sold the ferry to John Remington in 1751, 
as stated above, the deeds described the lot with pier and wharf 
as being i l /2 feet east of Clarke's screw house and this refer- 
ence to the screw house appears in all the transfers of the 
property up to the time of its sale to Wm. H. Knowles in 1871. 
For a long time we had no idea what this "screw house" was. 
The manufacture of spermaceti was a flourishing industry of 
the Point in Newport during the period in which Samuel 
Clarke ran his ferry boat to that place. An important part 
of a spermaceti manufactory is a powerful screw press, but 
that this was commonly called "a screw" we did not know until 
we came across an advertisement of the sale of one in the 
Newport Mercury for November 12, 1784. It seems probable 
therefore that Clarke's screw house was a place for the manu- 
facture of spermaceti. The wharf and pier above referred to, 
occupied substantially the site of Caswell's wharf which may 
now be seen on the southerly side of the eastern terminus of 
Narragansett Avenue. Caswell's pier is shown in Fig. 3. 
Samuel Clarke's deed to his son included "a certain lot of land 
and one mesuage thereon standing" the lot containing one acre 
and 47 rods. In a later deed this is called "a certain mesuage 
or dwelling house" and was situated a little west of the screw 
house and at the southwest corner of what is now Narragan- 
sett Avenue and Canonicus Avenue. The deed also included 
the "ferry boat called the wall boat with mast, bowsprit, boom, 
sails and rigging." 

After the death of John Remington the ferry property came 
into the hands of his sons, Stephen and Gershom. and 10 of 

Petitions to General Assembly, Ms. 


March 1775 was sold by them to Samuel Slocum for $1600 
silver (3479). Samuel Slocum was the son of Ebenezer 
Slocum who, in the early part of the century, had been the 
proprietor of the Conanicut side of the North ferry to North 
Kingstown. On 19 of March 1785 Samuel Slocum, ferryman, 
sold the estate, with dwelling, wharf and boat, to Benjamin 
Reynolds for $1900 silver (3.503). On 13 of March 1792 
Benjamin and Sarah Reynolds sold the same property to 
Jonathan Hopkins for $1900 silver (3.622). On 19 May 1794 
Jonathan Hopkins sold it to Christy Potter for $1800 (3.646) 
and the next year Potter sold it to Jonathan J. Hazard (3.650). 
On 28 of May 1802 Hazard sold it to Freeman Mayberry of 
Newport for $1600 (4.267). It then passed through the hands 
of Thomas Dennis and Gold S. Silliman who disposed of it, 
28 July 1806 to Thomas R. Congdon for $1000, but no boat 
is mentioned in the deed (4.226, 349, 352, 355). Congdon 
had, in 1804 purchased from Joseph Allen the Ellery ferry to 
the Point in Newport and he had also come into possession 
of the site of the Hull ferry. On 9 March 1833 the ferry 
property was purchased by Caleb F. Weaver for $7000 (5.248). 
This sale included the Clarke ferry property, the Ellery ferry 
and the Hull ferry site. 


David Greene, during the early part of the eighteenth cen- 
tury, was the owner of land on the east side of Jamestown, 
comprising a part of what is now known as the Greene Farm. 
He was anxious to become a ferry owner and several times 
petitioned the General Assembly for a license, but was refused, 
probably through the influence of Samuel Clarke, proprietor 
of the existing ferry, who frequently represented Jamestown 
in the General Assembly and was for a time speaker of the 
House. 1 

On 10 March 1745-6, when Clarke was no longer in the 
General Assembly, Greene again petitioned the Assembly, say- 
ing that he had a good house on the east side of Jamestown 

1 Samuel Clarke's Petition to General Assembly, October 1745, Ms. 


for the accommodation of travelers and a good wharf for 
landing passengers and for laying a boat, that it. was con- 
veniently situated and that if he should be granted a license 
he would provide a sufficient boat and keep the ferry equal to 
any in the Colony. It was thereupon voted that he be per- 
mitted to set up a ferry from Jamestown to Newport and to 
begin at the expiration of Mr. Samuel Clarke's present lease 
of said other ferry. 1 

On 6 of July 1752 David and Sarah Greene sold their ferry 
to William Martin (3.110) who just previously, had been in 
possession of one of the ferries on the west side of the island 
running to South Kingstown. The purchase price was i looo 
bills of credit. The property consisted of a four acre lot at 
the northwest corner of the road leading from ferry to ferry 
and the four rod road leading to the watering place. This is 
the site now occupied by the Bay View House, and at that 
time contained the ferry house, a blacksmith shop and hen 
house. The sale included a beach lot situated on the opposite 
side of the four rod road along which it extended 42 feet. 
There was also a ferry boat with mast, bowsprit, boom, sail 
and rigging. Greene drove a shrewd bargain, for he required 
Martin to give a bond that he would always transport ferriage 
free, David Greene, his wife and family and what they may 
have occasion to transport over the ferry and also all his chil- 
dren and the respective husbands and wives of all his children, 
that they now have, or may hereafter marry, and the riding 
horses of his said children (3.348). 

On 16 April 1770 William Martin and his wife Eunice con- 
veyed this property to Benjamin Ellery of Newport, merchant. 
Ellery had, for a long time, owned the ferry in Newport which 
ran to this landing and by this purchase became proprietor of 
both terminals (3.377). 

While the British fleet was in Newport in the summer of 
1775, the passage of the ferry boats was a good deal inter- 
fered with, though they continued to run, with more, or less, 

iR. I. Col. Rec. V, 169. 


regularity, but on 10 December a party of British landed on 
Conanicut and burnt fifteen houses, including two belonging 
to Benjamin Ellery and two belonging to the widow Franklin 
who kept the ferry on the west side. They also seriously 
wounded John Martin, 80 years old, who was standing in his 
door way unarmed. 1 He was the father of the William Martin 
referred to above. It is probable that after this date none of 
these ferries were operated during the war except the Ellery 
ferry which seems to have been re-established for a short time 
in 1776. When Benjamin Ellery died, 12 of December 1797, 
the ferry passed to his son Abraham Redwood Ellery and his 
daughter Martha Redwood Champlain, wife of Christopher 
Grant Champlain. On 7 November 1798 Abraham Redwood 
Ellery transferred his share in the property to his sister 
Martha (4.58). On 2 September 1799 the Champlains sold to 
Joseph Allen of Newport the "Ellery Conanicut" ferry as pre- 
viously described (4.65). 

On 16 of April 1804 Joseph and Mary Allen of Jamestown 
sold this ferry property for $4600 to Thomas R. Congdon of 
North Kingstown (4.304). 

A portion of the wharf was sold by Congdon 18 June 1829 
to the Narragansett Bay Company (5.222), the company which 
was preparing to operate a horse boat. At this period there 
were a number of places where ferry boats were operated by 
horse power. There was such a boat at Bristol Ferry and at 
Slades Ferry. The horse boat between Newport and James- 
town was not operated much over a year. Mr. Henry B. 
Tucker of Jamestown, recalls that his mother made several 
trips on this boat, but that his father predicted its failure and 
stood by the sloops. The wharf where the horse boat landed 
was about where the bath houses begin on the northerly side 
of Narragansett Avenue. On the failure of the horse boat 
the wharf was reconveyed to Congdon and with his other 
ferry property sold to Caleb F. Weaver 9 March 1833 (5.248). 

Literary Diary of Ezra Stiles, New York 1901, I, 642. 

Fig. 1. Capt. Job S. Ellis 

Fig. 4. The Ellerv Ferrv House 

Ji'etv Pitr K Ferry Beat, Jamfsteum,, 

Fig. 3. From a map of Conanicut, published by Daniel Watson, 1875. The upper part 
shows the old pier which, in the lower portion, is concealed by the new pier. 


Weaver left it to his wife Phebe R. 1 She married James 
Hamilton Clarke and 26 March 1860 they sold the property to 
Philip Caswell Jr. (6.164) and Philip and Elizabeth Caswell 
sold it to William H. Knowles 25 March 1871 (6.346). 
Knowles raised the price of ferriage to such an exorbitant 
figure that the agitation for a steam ferry was renewed and 
the present company was organized and the steamer James- 
town made her first trip 12 May 1873. 


In 1756 Captain John Hull of Jamestown, in a petition to 
the General Assembly, stated that there was a ferry from 
Long Wharf in Newport for which there was no mate boat 
and he prayed for the liberty of setting up a ferry from his 
wharf in Jamestown to Newport. The petition was granted. 2 
This ferry was located just south of the watering place. Be- 
fore the island was cleared and drained there were springs and 
perhaps a rivulet just north of the end of the present board 
walk. This was reserved as a watering place by the pro- 
prietors, and a four rod road was laid out northward, along 
the shore, from the road leading across the island from ferry 
to ferry. 

John Hull and his wife Damaris sold this property to Wil- 
liam Hazard 13 December 1760 for 1500 (3.206) and 29 
January 1761 William Hazard sold the property to Oliver 
Hazard for 10000 lawful money (3.210). On 18 of Novem- 
ber 1773 Oliver Hazard sold to William Tuck of Newport 
the land, dwelling, wharf and ferry boat (3.415). Undoubt- 
edly this ferry was suspended during the revolution and we 
have found no evidence that it was ever re-established. The 
property had passed through several hands and was finally pur- 
chased by Thomas R. Congdon who was the owner of both 
the Clarke and Ellery ferries and perhaps feared that the 
Hull property was too good a location for a competitor. 

Jamestown Probate, 3.399. 
2 R. I. Col. Rec. V, 543. 


Often the owners of the old ferries sailed the boats them- 
selves and often they hired others to help them, or perhaps to 
do all the navigating. Captain Job S. Ellis, now living in 
Jamestown, for many years s